CAPT. JOHN SMITH WORKS 1608-1631 ARBER MICH : : : ARTES LIBRARY 1837. SCIENTIA VERITAS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN PLURIBUS UNUM 5BRIMINUI "SI QUAERIS PENINSULAM AMOENAMO CIRCUMSPICE ང་ The English Scholar's Library. No. 16 Captain J. SMITH'S Works. 1608-1631. F 221 $65 1884 : The English Scholar's Library. 134,277 Capt. JOHN SMITH, of Willoughby by Alford, Lincolnshire; President of Virginia, and Admiral of New England. orks. Wo 1608-1631. What shall I say? but thus we lost him [4 Oct. 1609] that, in all his proceedings, made Justice his first guide, and Experience his second: ever hating baseness, sloth, pride, and indignity, more than any dangers; that never allowed more for himself than his souldiers with him; that upon no danger, would send them where he would not lead them himself; that would never see us want what he either had, or could by any means get us; that would rather want than borrow, or starve than not pay; that loved actions more than words, and hated falsehood and cozenage worse than death; whose adventures were our lives, and whose loss, our deaths. RICHARD Pors, Clerk of the Council at James Town, Virginia. W. PHETTIPLACE, Gentleman. [p. 167.] [1612.] • TO CHRIST and my Country a true Souldier, and faithfull Servant, [Dec. 1626.] JOHN SMITH, [.788.] Edited by EDWARD ARBER. FELLOW OF KING'S COLLEGE, LONDON; F.S.A., PROFESSOR OF ENGLISH OF ENGLISH LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE SIR JOSIAH MASON'S COLLEGE, BIRMINGHAM. 1, MONTAGUE ROAD, BIRMINGHAM. To June, 1884. No. 16. (Al rights reserved.) T! 229 .565 1884 ? CONTENTS. PREFACE ... ... INTRODUCTION, including the following Illustrative Documents 1606. 22 June 1607. 22 June 1607. 13 Aug. 1607. ? ? 1607. 1608. 7 July 1608. 31 Aug. 1609. 23 Jan. 1609. 4 Oct. 1609. 15 Dec. 1609. ? 1613. ? 1618. The London Virginia Company. Instructions by way of advice &c. R. TINDALL, Gunner. Letter to Prince HENRY A Gentleman of the Colony. A relatyon of the Discovery of our River &c. D. CARLETON. Letter to JOHN CHAMBERLAIN PAGE Ix-xvii xix-cxxviij xxxiii Xxxviii xl Ivi ... The Hon. G. PERCY. Extracts by Rev. S. PURCHAS from The Plantation of the Southerne Colonie &c. ... Ivii lxxiv xcii ... ... ... ... ... ... ... E. M. WINGFIELD. A Discourse of Virginia... J. CHAMBERLAIN. Letter to DUDLEY CARLETON J. CHAMBERLAIN. Letter to DUDLEY CARLETON Captain G. ARCHER. Letter announcing arrival of the Third Supply Captain J. RATCLIFFE. Letter to the Earl of SALISBURY The Earl of SOUTHAMPTON. Letter to the Earl of SALISBURY Captain H. SPELMAN. Relation of Virginea Captain J. SMITH. Letter to Lord BACON ... ... ... XCI xciv ... ... xcviii C Ci ... cxxi cxxix Postscript. 26 Apr. 1607-10 July 1609, The Epic period of the James river Settlement... BIBLIOGRAPHY, including J. LENOX. C. DEANE. J. WINSOR.) ... The Ten States of SMITH's New England Map Mrs. H. JONES. Description of the original painting of PoCAHONTAS J. SMITH. A True Relation &c. [June-Aug.] 1608 I. H. To the Courteous Reader • A true Relation of such occurrences and accidents of note, &c. ... 1 note, &c. .. ... ... • CXXX-cxxxvi cxxxiv cxxxvi I 5 3 10 A Map of Virginia, &c., 1612 T. A[BBAY]. To the Hand {Vocabulary of Indian Words, &c.] J. SMITH (PART I) Captaine SMITH. The Description of Virginia ... Of such things which are naturall in Iirginia and how they vse them Of their Planted fruits in Virginia and how they vse them. The commodities in Virginia or that may be had by industrie Of the naturall Inhabitants of Virginia Of their Religion ... ... Of the manner of the Virginians governement T. ABBAY. ་ ་ ་ ... Rev. W. SIMMONDS, D.D. (PART 11.) To the Reader CHAP. I. [The arrival of the Colony in Virginia] ... 43 44, 381 47, 343 56, 352 61, 357 63, 359 65, 360 74, 370 79, 375 87 ... ... ... 89, 385 94, 391 100, 403 II. What happened till the first supply III. The arrivall of the first supply with their proceedings and [the Ships] returne IV. The ar[r]ival of the Phenix, her returne, and other accidents 105, 408 109, 412 41 VII. The Presidencie surrendred to Captaine Smith. The arrivall and returne of the second supply: and what happened... [President Smith's Letter to the Treasurer and Council of Virginia, p. 442]. V. The accidents that happened in the Discoverie of the bay [of Chesapeack] VI. The Government surrendred to Master Scrivener. What happened the second voyage to discouer the Bay ... 116, 421 121, 433 III. Captaine Smith's iourney to Pamavnke ... ... IX. How we escaped surprising at Pamavnke 13T, 44S 139, 456 X. How the Salvages became subiect to the English XI. What was done in three monthes hauing victuall. The store deuoured by rats. How we liued 3 monthes of such naturall fruits as the countrie afforded ... 149: 465 154, 471 XII. The Arriual of the third supply ... ... 161, 478 [The Conclusion] ... 170, 497 Rev. Dr. SIMMONDS' Postscript 174 vi CONTENTS. J. SMITH. A Description of New England &c. [June] 1616 J. SMITH. The Epistle Dedicatory to Prince Charles J. SMITH. Epistle to the Lords, &c., of H.M. Councell for all Plantations, &c. J. SMITH. Epistle to the Right Worshipfull Adventurers, &c. Complimentary Verses ... Captaine SMITH. A Description of New England My first visit to New England The Description of New England My second voyage to New England • ... ... ... ... ... The examination of Daniel Baker late Steward to Captaine Iohn Smith [My captivity among the French pirates] Complimentary Verses ... ... The additional page (sce p. cxxxiv) only found in some copies J. SMITH. ... ... • New Englands Trials. [Dec.] 1620 Epistle to the Right Honorable and Worthy aduenters, &c. Epistle to the Fishmongers Company of London New Englands Trials J. SMITH. J. SMITH. J. SMITH. J. SMITH. ... New Englands Trials. [Oct.] 1622 J. SMITH. Epistle to Prince Charles ... ... ... ... • ... PAGE 175 177 17& 179 181 ... 187, 695 187, 697 192, 706 217, 731 221, 734 ... 224, 736 230 232 • J. SMITH. Epistle to the Right Hon. and Right Worthy Aduenturers J. SMITH. New Englands Trials and Present Estate A Plantation in New England WILLIAM HILTON. Letter from New Plymouth (about 13 Dec. 1621] J. SMITH. An Abstract of Letters sent from the Collony (ie., New Plymouth] in New England, July 16, 1622 .. J. SMITH. The General Historie of Virginia &c. [July] 1624 The engraved Frontispiece of the General History. To face p. 272. J. SMITH. Dedication to the Duchess of Richmond J. SMITH. A Preface of foure Poynts Complimentary Verses ... The Contents of the Generall History THE FIRST BOO K E. The English voyages to the old Virginia [The voyage of Captaines P. Amadas and A. Barlowe, 1584] Sir Richard Grenuills voyage to Virginia, for Sir Walter Raleigh, 1585 233 235 236 237, 743 249 251 252 253 259 260 262 273 275 278 280 ... 289 301-340 305 310 315 THOMAS HARIOT. Obseruations in this Voyage How Sir Richard Grenvill went to relieue them 319 325 Three Ships more sent to relieue them by Master White JOHN WHITE. The fift Voyage to Virginia JOHN BRIERTON. A briefe Relation of.. Elizabeths Ile, discovered in 1602 by Cap- tain B. Gosnoll 326 329 332 ... 336 The conspiracy of Pemissapan; the Discouery of it; and our returne for England with Sir Francis Drake ... ... ... • ... • ROBERT SALTERNE. A Voyage of Captaine Martin Pring, 1603 JAMES ROSIER. A relation of a Discovery. by Captaine George Waymouth, 1605 337 THE SECOND BOOKE. Of Virginia now planted • • ... 341-382 A reprint, with variations, of the First Part by Captain John Smith, of Map of Virginia, at pp. 44-84 The Map of Old Virginia with the figures of the Savages. To face p. 342. THE THIRD BOOKE. Of the Proceedings and Accidents of the English in Virginia A reprint, with variations, of the Second Part of the Map of Virginia, edited by Rev. William Simmonds, at p. 89-174. ... ... The Map of the country of Virginia, now planted. To face p. 384. Intercalated reprint of Complimentary Verses THE FOURTH BOOKE. The Proceedings of the English after the alteration of the Gouernment of Virginia What happened in the first gouernment after the alteration, 1609-10 The gouernment resigned to Sir Thomas Gates, 1610 The gouernment devolued to the Lord la Ware, 1610 The gouernment left againe to Captaine George Percie, 1611 The gouernment surrendred to Sir Thomas Dale, 1611 ... • 383-488 ... 489-494 ** 495-62a 497 500 500 A ... 505 507 CONTENTS. vii The gouernment returned againe to Sir Thomas Gates, 16:: The gouernment left to Sir Thomas Dale, 1614 The Contents of the declaration of the Lottery, 1616 The gouernment left to Captaine Yearley, 1616 J. SMITH. Relation to Queen Anne of Pocahontas, 1616 The gouernment deuolued to Captaine Samuel Argall, 1617 A relation from Master John Rolfe, Iune 15, 1618 The gouernment surrendred to Sir George Yearley, 1619 ... A desperat Sea-fight betwixt two Spanish men of warre and the Margaret and Iohn, 1620... The names of the Aduenturers for Virginia, 1620... Extracts from Councels letters for Virginia, 1620-1 Master Stockham's Relation, 1621 • The gouernment of Sir Francis Wyat, 1621 Gifts [and Patents] ... J. PORY. Obseruations in his trauels, 1621 ... Capt. Each sent to build a Fort to secure the Countrey, 1622 The Massacre upon the 22 March, 1622... The numbers that were slaine in those seuerall Plantations, 1622 • ... ... J. SMITH. Project and offer to the London Virginia Company, 1622 A particular of such necessaries .. to prouide to goe to Virginia, 1623 J. SMITH. A briefe relation to His Maiesties Commissioners for the reformation of Virginia, 1624 J. SMITH. Answers to the seven questions of the Commissioners, 1624 THE FIFTH BOOK E. The Generall Historie of the Bermudas ВоОКЕ. ... ... ... ... PACE 509 ... 517 522 526 530 A 535 539 540 544 549 551 563 564 566 567 570 572 582 588 í 607 610 615 623-692 625 633 ... 635 $35 5365 642 649 661 667 669 687 687 689 693-784 695 743 749 769 773 777 782 The Map of the Somer Isles and fortresses. To face §. 624. The description of the Summer Iles and their naturall commodities A briefe relation of the shipwracke of Henry May... The first English ship knowne to haue beene cast away vpon the Bermudas The first beginning of a Colonie in the Somer Iles, 1612 The rule of the six Gouernors, 1615 ... The Gouernment of Captaine Daniel Tucker, 1616 R. NORWOOD. The diuision of the Summer Iles into Tribes, 1618 The Gouernment of Captaine Miles Kendall, 1618 The Gouernment of Captaine Nathaniel Butler, 1619 Master John Barnard sent to be Gouernour, 1622 ... What hapned in the gouernment of Master Iohn Harrison, 1623 ... Reprint of Complimentary verses ... THE SIXTH BOOKE. The Generall Historie of New-England The Map of New England. [State iv, see p. cxxxv]. To face p. 694. A reprint with variations of J. SMITH. Description of New England, 1616, at pp. 187-229 A reprint with variations of J. SMITH. New Englands Trials, 1620, at pp. 233-248 E. WINSLOW, &c. A Plantation in New England, 1620... [Obiections, Answers, and Considerations], 1624 J. DEE. Opinion for the building of ships, 1577 R. WHITBOURNE. Obseruations [as to the Newfoundland fisheries], 1622 The present estate of New-Plimoth, 1624 J. SMITH. An Accidence for Young Seamen, &c. [Oct.] 1626 785 J. SMITH. Epistle Dedicatory to all the Rt. Hon. and most generous Lords of England, &c. J. SMITH. Epistle Dedicatory to the reader; all generous and noble Aduenturers by sea, &c.... An Accidence for Young Seamen, &c. ... A Table of Proportions for the use of great Ordinance J. SMITH. The 'True Travels, &c. [August 1629] 1630 [The first Part. The Travels and Adventures of Captaine SITHI.] John Smith's Coat of Arms J. SMITH. Epistle Dedicatory to the Earls of Pembroke, Lindsey, and Dover The Contents of the severall Chapters [which see]... Complimentary Verses. ... • ... ... For the contents of Chapters 1.-XX., see pp. 811-813. The Plate Illustrating The true Travels. To face f. 820. 797 788 789 801 S05 807 803 811 814 Copy of the Patent or Safe Conduct of Sigismundus Bátori, granting him his Coat of Arms, on 9 Dec. 1603; and its registration by Sir William Segar, Garter King at Arms, on 19 Aug. 1625 842 i viii CONTENTS. [The second Part. The Travells and Observations of Captaine SMITH.] CHAP. XXI. The Continuation of the Generall Historie of Virginia, 1624-1629 ... XXII. The proceedings of the Summer Iles, 1624-1629, and their present estate XXIII. The proceedings of New England, 1624-1629, and their present estate XXIV. A briefe discourse of divers voyages made into Guiana XXV. The beginning and proceedings of the plantation of St. Christopher XXVI. The first planting of the Barbadoes XXVII. The first plantation of the Ile of Mevis [Nevis] XXVIII. The bad life, qualities, and conditions of Pyrats, &c. ... ļ PAGE 883 ... 889 891 895 900 ... ... 906 909 913 ... J. SMITH. Advertisements for the unexperienced Planters of New England, or any where, &c. [Oct. 1630] 1631 The Coat of Arms of New England ... J. SMITH. Epistle Dedicatory to the Archbishops of Canterbury and York J. SMITH. To the Reader J. SMITH. [Poem on himself] The Sea Marke ... The Contents [of the several Chapters: which seel Advertisements: or the Path-way to Experience, &c. ... ... The Last Will, and the Epitaph of John Smith The last Will, dated the day of his death, 21 June, 1631 The Epitaph erected to him in St. Sepulchre's Church, London Index ... ... 881 ... 917 919 920 921 922 923 925 967 969 971 973 : 1624. Αγώγυμός 288 ... 1629. RICHARD BRATHWAIT ... 814 1616. Ensign THOMAS CARLTON 231, 692 1629. M. CARTNER 818 The Writers of the Poems in the Text. EDWARD JORDEN S. M. Lincolnshire man S15 1629. 280 1624. • 1624. THOMAS MACARNESSE, a 284 1616. JOHN CODRINTON, of 1629. RICHARD MEADE 817 the [Inner or Middlel Temple, London 1624. ROBERT NORTON... 286 181, 492 1629. 1616. RALEIGH Crashaw (I. C., 1629. P.; } 1616. ford 1624. JOHN DONNE ... 1629. ANTHONY FEREBY ... ... 1624. WILLIAM GRENT 1616. 1629. MATHEW?] HAWKINS 1624. EDWARD INGHAM ... 1629. Ditto 1629. RICHARD JAMES 184, 493 1616. 819 ¡C. P., JOHN DAVIES, of Here- 1624. 181, 491 284 1630. S14 1616. 288 R. GUNNELL 182, 690 1629. 816 1624. BRIAN O'ROURKE MICHAEL PHETTIPLACE, WILLIAM PHETTIPLACE, RICHARD WIFFING Rev. SAMUEL PURCHAS 1616. Sergeant EDWARD ROBINSON N. SMITH, Cousin of the Author SOLOMON TANNER... T. T. 819 185, 493 282 230, 691 [JOHN SMITH ?] 922 ... 182, 492 820 281 286 1624. 818 1616. 816 | 1624. DAVID WIFFIN... GEORGE WITHER... EDWARD WORSELEY ... 287 ... ... 133, 689 285 The Present Edition. The text of the nine books, originally printed in different styles, has herein been normalized as to style of printing; and also broken up into convenient paragraphs, according to the sense. The punctuation has been harmonized with this; and also occasionally altered (though always with reluctance), wherever it plainly conflicted with the sense. For all matter between square brackets, [], except on pp. ci-cxiv, the present Editor is responsible. Some of the dates so inserted on pp. 821, 822 in this first small paper impres- sion are wrong, and should be corrected by the date of GEORGE SMITH'S Will at p. xix; and the entries from Willoughby parish register, at þ. xxi. ix PREFACE. HE present Volume is intended to be a Literary Monument of one of the best and bravest of Englishmen. But though it may be regarded rather as a collection of materials for the Life and Observations of an English Captain in the reign of JAMES I., than any adequate Story of our colonization of Virginia, Bermuda, New England, Newfoundland, and some of the West Indian islands: yet there will be found in it, a large amount of irrefragable information, at first or second hand, respecting the first English Settlements in the New World. Two hundred and fifty years have now passed away since JOHN SMITH of Willoughby in Lincolnshire, accomplished his noble life; and yet in his native land he is unsung in Song, uncom- memorated in stone or metal. Indeed, some, of late, would have him to be the Baron MUNCHAUSEN of his Age; others, its swaggering and boasting PISTOL: but this unmerited cloud of detraction and discredit, with this Volume, passes away for ever; and with a fuller knowledge, we delight to contemplate this hero of many fights, not only as the experienced and clear-headed practical man of business, but in his unstained character as an English Gentleman and Officer. What Sir FRANCIS DRAKE was in the reign of Queen ELIZABETH, that was Captain JOHN SMITH in the reign of her successor. The times were changed. It was easy for DRAKE to equip fleets with : X PREFACE. wealth acquired by captures at sea; a career that SMITH Would have only been too glad to have followed: but Colonial Pioneering brought with it no gains; so that the victory therein lay rather in the endurance of starvation and hardships, in patience and self-forgetfulness, and in the unfaltering pursuit of a noble work through all losses and disparagements. For want of an accessible Collected Edition of his Writings, popular ignorance has fastened itself upon one small fact in SMITH'S career, that mauvais quart d'heure about the 3rd of January 1608, when POCAHONTAS saved his life: so that SMITH of Virginia without POCAHONTAS, would be like WILLIAM TELL without the Apple story. Whereas, that narrow escape formed but a mere incident in a life, which till then, and for some time afterwards, was simply replete with similar desperate hazards of all kinds. If he were now living, he would, we think, say that too much had been made of that POCAHONTAS matter: and that the terror of it was nothing like that of those fifteen days' flight on horseback from Nalbrits to Ecopolis, in the autumn of 1603; or that dreadful night in an open boat off the Ile de Ré in November 1615. As an actual fact, SMITH took no particular notice of this short sudden jeopardy and his fortunate escape (having been daily carrying his life in his hand for years past, with an Englishman's usual delight in perils and adventures), until in the General History of 1624, he felt himself bound to do so, in order to give in its completeness the whole story of the James river Colony, pp. 85, 383. To have dwelt upon it in his earlier books would have been thought, at the time, an exhibition of personal vanity, in making too much of one out of many narrow escapes: his first five Works not being intended so much as records of personal adventures, as wholly consecrated to the advocacy and history of English colonization and fishing on the North American coasts. For our part, we should say that we had no special knowledge of the sayings and doings of this Lincolnshire Captain, before we began this Collection of his Writings; this reprint of which is PREFACE. xi but a part of a general design to make the Eye-witness Accounts of the first English Settlements in the New World, a section of our modern English Literature. In the Second Volume of An English Garner, we have reprinted PRINCE'S New England Chronology (1736-1755); which is a kind of Primer of the whole subject down to 5 August 1633. The present Text deals largely with Virginia, Bermuda, and New England. In the Ninth Volume of An English Garner will be found a number of Eye-witness Accounts of the Settlements in Massa- chusetts Bay, &c. We have already announced in this English Scholar's Library, the Works of WILLIAM BRADFORD, the second Governor of the Pilgrim Fathers: and it is our hope to follow that up with the Works of JOHN WINTHROP, which give us a full account of the Massachusetts Planting of 1629–30. This series of reprints will therefore give such an insight into our early colonial struggles, as is possessed at present by very few Englishmen; and will also restore to us a lost chapter of our general Literature. Therefore, as it is our purpose to do justice to all sides of this fascinating subject, we have approached the present Text perfectly free from any kind of partizanship. Inasmuch however as the accuracy of some of Captain SMITH'S statements has, in this generation, been called in question; it was but our duty to subject every one of the nearly forty thousand lines of this book, to a most searching criticism; scanning every assertion of fact. most keenly, and making the Text, by the insertion of a multitude of cross-references, prove or disprove itself. The result is perfectly satisfactory. Allowing for a popular style of expression, the Text is homogeneous; and the nine books comprising it, though written under very diverse circumstances, and at intervals over the period of twenty-two years (1608–1630), contain no material contradictions. Inasmuch, therefore, as wherever we can check SMITH, we find him both modest and accurate; we are led to think him so, where no much check is xii PREFACE. possible, as at Nalbrits in the autumn of 1603, and on the Chicka- hominy in the winter of 1607-8. One cannot read the following Works, without seeing that JOHN SMITH was something more than a brave and experienced soldier. Not only in his modesty and self-restraint, his moderation and magnanimity, his loyalty to the King, affection for the Church, and love for his Country, did he represent the best type of the English Gentleman of his day; but he was also a man of singular and varied ability. His manysidedness is seen, as he is a Captain of Artillery at Stühlwessenberg and at Kanizsa, in Hungary, in 1601; or while "managing the fights" of the French pirate ship, off the Azores, in 1615: as he is a Captain of Cavalry in the plains of Girke in Hungary in 1601, and the battle of Rothenthurm in Transylvania, in 1602: as he is a Promoter, and the Saviour of the London or Southern Virginia Company in 1605-9: as he is the masterly Surveyor of inland Virginia in 1607-8: as he is the Discoverer of the Chesapeake Bay in 1608, and of the New England coast in 1614: as he is the enthusiastic Advocate and the eloquent Historian of English Colonization in America, 1614-30: as he is the first landsman who ever described in print all the parts, and all the working, of an English ship; and who wrote our first Sea Grammar in 1626: not to speak of the History of the Sea which he did not live to complete, and which is apparently now lost. Put all this beside the one single POCAHONTAS incident by which he is popularly remembered, and one sees that the real JOHN SMITH is a far greater man than the mythical one. It is not too much to say, that had not Captain SMITH of Willoughby, strove, fought, and endured as he did, the present United States of America might never have come into existence. It was contrary to all probability that, where so many had suc- cumbed already, the Southern Virginian Company's expedition of 1606-7 should have succeeded. The Spaniards under De Soto, and the French under LAUDONNIÈRE had failed. The men sent out twenty years before by Sir WALTER RALEIGH, had never been PREFACE. xiii neard of: and the corresponding attempt of the Northern Virginian Company to Sagadahock, in that same year 1606, came to nothing. To what one single cause, under GOD, can be assigned the preservation of the James river Settlement after the early death. of Captain BARTHOLOMEW GOSNOLD, on 22 August 1607, but to the fortunate presence of this English Captain, so self-denying, so ener- getic, so full of resources, and so trained (by his conflicts and captivity in Eastern Europe) in dealing with the savage races? RATCLIFFE, ARCHER, and MARTIN, with all the rest of those who opposed him, lived in a fool's Paradise; and paid for their folly with the loss of their lives, after SMITH came home: when, in spite of all that he had done, the Colony went to rack and ruin, all through that terrible winter of 1609-10, known as The Starving Time. If SMITH had died, or left, earlier than he did; the James river Settlement must have succumbed: for manifestly he was the life and energy of the whole Plantation. If the Third Supply, on their arrival there, in August 1609 [pp. xcvi, xcviii] had found an abandoned, or a destroyed Colony: that they alone could not have succeeded, where SMITH would have failed, is quite evident from the fact that they did all but perish through The Starving Time, in spite of all the following resources, which he left ready to their hands, at his going home, after he had been accidentally blown up by gunpowder, on the 4th of October 1609. Leaving vs thus with three ships, seaven boats, commodities readie to trade, the harvest newly gathered, ten weeks provision in the store, foure hundred nintie and od persons, twentie-foure Peeces of Ordnance, three hundred Muskets Snaphances and Firelockes; Shot Powder and Match sufficient; Curats Pikes Swords and Morrio[n]s, more then men; the Salvages, their language, and habitations well knowne to an hundred well trayned and expert Souldiers; Nets for fishing; Tooles of all sorts to worke; apparell to supply our wants; six Mares and a Horse; fiue or sixe hundred Swine; as many Hennes and Chickens ; some Goats; some sheepe. What was brought or bred there, remained. Besides Iames towne that was strongly Pallizadoed, containing some fiftie or sixtie houses, he let fiue or sixe other severall Forts and Plantations: though they were not so sumptuous as our successors expected, they were better then they provided any for vs. All this time ཇ མ ་ གྷ་ xiv PREFACE. we had but one Carpenter in the Countrcy, and three others that could doe little, but desired to be learners; two Blacksmiths; two saylers; and those we write Labourers were for most part Footmen, and such as they that were Adventurers brought to attend them, or such as they could perswade to goe with them, that neuer did know what a dayes worke was: except the Dutch-men and Poles, and some dozen other. For all the rest were poore Gentlemen, Trad[e]smen, Serving-men, libertines, and such like, ten times more fit to spoyle a Common-wealth, then either begin one, or but helpe to maintaine one. For when neither the feare of God, nor the law, nor shame, nor displeasure of their friends could rule them here [in England], there is small hope ever to bring one in twentie of them ever to be good there [in Virginia]. Notwithstanding, I confesse divers amongst them, had better mindes and grew much more industrious then was expected: yet ten good workemen would haue done more substantiall worke in a day, then ten of them in a weeke. Therefore men may rather wonder how we could doe so much, then vsc vs so badly because we did no more, but leaue those examples to make others beware; and the fruits of all, we know not for whom. pp. 486-7. If, then, this James river Colony had failed before August 1609, when the Third Supply arrived; the Colony at Bermuda would never have been attempted: and the Pilgrim Fathers would not have gone to New England; but, if anywhere, to Guiana, to perish among its forests and swamps. So that, for about a couple of years, all the glorious possibilities that are still wrapped up in the words, United States of America, hung, as on a slight thread, upon the hardened strength and powers of endurance, the self- forgetfulness and public spirit of this enthusiastic young English Captain. He has therein given us a noble example, not to flinch from duty or sacrifice; for we never know the great results that may come through our doing the one, or making the other. It need hardly be said that this Colonizing section of our English Literature has been a life study to such authorities as HENRY STEVENS, CHARLES DEANE, JUSTIN WINDSOR, R. A. BROCK, the Hon. J. HAMMOND TRUMBULL, and many an other American Scholar now living; who have probably forgotten more of this PREFACE. XV subject than we ever knew. Still it is a gain to have the entire Works of Captain SMITH made accessible in one volume for ever. All that can be hoped is, that the entire amount of information here given may be found substantially accurate, so far as it goes. It by no means exhausts the subject. The History of the English Colonies in the New World has yet to be written; in the meanwhile, this Volume may be regarded as a Grammar thereof. At last, then, the reader possesses all the Writings of Captain JOHN SMITH, with all the repetitions, &c.; which were inevitable, because the earlier books went so soon out of print, and our Author felt himself bound to keep the facts constantly before the public. For some portions of the Story, there are three Versions; for other portions, two: a minute study of these successive accounts will shew additions and omissions of facts, but no material contradictions. As an example of this, one would think there could not be much variation in the two Versions, at pp. 221, 734, of the same Deposition by DANIEL BAKER, SMITH'S Steward, as to his Captain's abandonment in 1615, by his ship's officers and crew, among the French pirates; and yet there is variation, but no contradiction. In the same way, SMITH's later account of those three months' imprisonment on board the French pirate ship, at p. 736, contains a number of facts not to be found in the earlier one at p. 224. Once we are assured of the integrity and unboastfulness of the Writer (and of that, there can be no doubt as regards SMITH), these differences are so much gain to posterity, as affording us additional details for the filling up of the picture. Another point to be observed, is that the periods of time given, are to be taken popularly, e.g., broken weeks at the beginning or end of a period are counted as whole weeks. Sometimes, also, it is evident that by mere failure of memory after the lapse of years full of incessant work, periods of time are roughly and inaccurately given: as the "six weeks" of his capture by OPECHANCANOUGH, when it could not, as will be seen at þ. 531, have exceeded three weeks; though it might have seemed a much longer period to one who was looking for his death at every xvi PREFACE. moment. We have endeavoured, wherever possible, to insert precise dates in the Text between square brackets [ ]. The large number of cross-references will help to make the Text self-interpreting: yet it has not been possible to make these cross-references so complete as we should have liked. J. Oct. 1602. For fully one-third of the Text, Captain SMITH is not directly responsible: he is therein but abridging and editing the Relations of others, making running observations on the same, from time to time. In order to assist the reader, therefore, the name of the author and the approximate date of publication or writing of the matter on each page, will be found in its headline, as on þ. 334, Brierton:]. And also, inasmuch as the Text goes backward and forward in time, a catch date like [1608], [1621], has been put at the top of each side column, to shew the date of the history on that particular page. Furthermore, references like [18], [134], [201], have been inserted in the Text itself, to the pagination of the original editions (where there has been any), shewing where such original pages begin. Bibliographical and other information will be found on the reverse of each of the nine original Title pages: and the General History being of itself so bulky, seven sectional Title pages have been inserted, one before each of its Six Books, and the seventh at p. 489. In this way, it is hoped that this bulky Text, with its multi- tudinous detail, will have been made thoroughly accessible. It is too much, however, to expect that, despite the care that has been lavished on it, the reprint is quite free from errors; any intimation of which will be gratefully received. In the following Introduction, our purpose is to give a number of somewhat disjointed observations and hints towards a better understanding and appreciation by the English reader, of the Text that follows. American scholars, like those we have mentioned, with all their fulness of local knowledge, could do this to much. better advantage. The subject matter itself, however, possesses an endless fascination. Inadequately as it is here of necessity treated, it is nevertheless a Story of bravery and cowardice, of PREFACE. xvii 0 prudence and folly, of misery and thankfulness, of pathos and suffering, fit for any Poet. Man is seen struggling, and often. struggling in vain, among the great forces of Nature; which were then, many a time, a terror to the human spirit. In this Age of Science, Nature has been robbed of much of her horror, and is becoming more and more the Slave of the Lamp for the service and help of Man. This difference of outlook should never be forgotten by the reader. There now remains but the pleasant duty of returning grateful thanks. First and chiefest, to HENRY STEVENS, Esq., F.S.A., of Vermont, now of London, and to his son, H. N. STEVENS, Esq.; not only for the loan of original editions, but also for help and guidance in the reproduction of the six Plates or Maps, which but for these gentlemen had not been done. If Mr. HENRY STEVENS would only print all he knows on the subjects of this Volume, the World would be a great gainer. To HENRY BRADSHAW, Esq., M.A., F.S.A., Librarian to the University of Cambridge, for the loan of the very rare original of the Truc Travels Plate facing p. 820; and for other help. To CHARLES DEANE, Esq., of Cambridge, Mass., U.S.A., for a photograph of the extremely rare page reprinted at p. 232, and for much bibliographical help on a subject that he knows so well that he has it all at his fingers' ends. To JUSTIN WINDSOR, Esq., the eminent Librarian of Harvard College, Mass., U.S.A., for the various States of the SMITH'S New England Map. To G. E. COKAYNE, Esq., M.A., F.S.A., Norroy King of Arms, for the inspection of Sir WILLIAM SEGAR'S officia! registra- tion of our Author's Coat of Arms, pp. 807, 842-43. To Mrs. HERBERT JONES, of Sculthorpe, Fakenham, Norfolk, for the history of the Gorleston painting of PoCAHONTAS. To C. H. COOTE, Esq., of the Map Department of the British Museum, for much valuable topographical help. To Major JED. HOTCH- KISS, Topographical Engineer, of Staunton, Va., U.S.A., for a copy of his, the best existing, Map of Virginia, dated 1874. To R. A. BROCK, Esq., of Richmond, Va., U.S.A., Corresponding Secretary of the Virginia Historical Society, for important guidance and information. ENG. SCH. LIB. No. 16. B xviii PREFACСЕ. With these helpers should be associated J. F. HUNNEWell, Esq., of Charleston, Mass., U.S.A., the present possessor of the Spelman Manuscript, reprinted at pp. ci-cxiv. In conclusion, the reader will please ever to remember that this book is rather a Biography than a History; and it will, we think, be found that Captain JOHN SMITH's life was but a realization of that nobleness of character, which he thus so well. described in 1616. Who can desire more content, that hath small meanes; or but only his merit to aduance his fortune, then to tread, and plant that ground hee hath purchased by the hazard of his life? If he haue but the taste of virtue and magnanimitic, what to such a minde can bee more pleasant, then planting and building a foundation for his Posteritie, gotte from the rude earth, by Gods blessing and his owne industrie, without preiudice to any? If hee haue any graine of faith or seale in Religion, what can hee doe lesse hurtfull to any, or more agreeable to God; then to seeke to conuert those poore Saluages to know Christ, and humanitie, whose labors with discretion will triple requite thy charge and paines? What so truely suites with honour and honestie, as the discouering things unknowne? erecting Townes, peopling Countries, informing the ignorant, reforming things vniust, teaching virtue; and gaine to our Natiue mother-countrie a kingdom to attend her: finde imploy- ment for those that are idle, because they know not what to doe: so farre from wronging any, as to cause Posteritie to remember thee; and remem- bring thee, euer honour that remembrance with praise? pp. 208-9. Then seeing we are not borne for our selues, but each to helpe other, and our abilities are much alike at the houre of our birth, and the minute of our death: Seeing our good deedes, or our badde, by faith in Christs merits, is all we haue to carric our soules to heauen, or hell: Seeing honour is our liues ambition; and our ambition after death, to haue an honourable memorie of our life: and seeing by noe meanes wee would bee abated of the dignities and glories of our Predecessors; let vs imitate their vertues to bee worthily their successors. p. 229. May Almighty GOD, of His mercy, make us all, in our day, as worthy in character, as skilful in action, and as eloquent with the pen, as was Captain JOHN SMITH of Willoughby. Edgbaston, Birmingham, 10 June, 1884. EDWARD ARBER. ; xix : INTRODUCTION. A. EARLY LIFE. I 5 9 3-1 604 A. D. Vincere est viverc. Accordamus. OHN SMITH "descended of ye Family of Cuardly in Lancashire" is the record of Sir WILLIAM SEGAR, Garter King of Arms, in 1625, see p. xxiv. As our Author never went to any University, the most reliable information respecting his family will be found in his father's Will, and the entries in the parish registry of Willoughby juxta Alford, in Lincolnshire. Mr. JOHN SWAN, the present District Registrar of the Probate Court, at Lincoln, states there are no Wills in his charge, of any SMITH at Willoughby in 1592 or 1593; and has obligingly furnished the following copy of GEORGE SMITH's Will of 1596. In the Name of God, Amen. In the thyrtyth day of Marche a thowsande five hundreth ninety six. I George Smith of Willougbie juxta Alford on Marisco in the Countie of Lincolne beinge of good and perfect memorie I thanke God for itt thoughe in bodie weake and paynde doe ordeyne and make this my last Will and Testamentt in maner and forme follow- inge Fyrst I bequeathe my Soule into the mercifull hands of th[e]almightie God in the mediation of Jesus Chryst myne alone and all sufficientt saviour, and my bodie to be buried within Willoughbie Churche Item I give to Lincoln Minster vjd. Item to ye poore of ye foresaide Willoughbie iijs. iiijd. Item I give to ye Right Honorable my Lord Willoughbie under whome I have many yeares lived as his poore tennant as a token of my dewtifull good will the best of my two yeares old colts Item I geve and bequeathe unto Alice my Wyfe ye ferme which I now dwell in which I houlde by coppie of Court rowle as ye grant of ye Right Honorable my foresaide good Lorde duringe her widdow hoode accordinge to ye custome of his Lordshippe manner of Willoughbie; and if it shall please God that my saide Wyfe doe marry agayne and take a second husband, then my Will is that my saide ferme shall come to John Smyth my eldest sonne whome I chardge and command to honoure and love my foresaide good Lord Willoughbie duringe his lyfe. Item I geve to Alice Smyth my Wyfe tenne pounds of good and XX INTRODUCTION. lawfull currant mony of England to be paide unto her att ye quarter off a yeares end next after my deathe Item I will and bequeathe unto ye saide Alice my Wyfe a bed- steade in ye first Chamber with a fetherbedd a coveringe a paire of lynne[n] sheets one blanckett a bowlster with pillow and pillowe beare Item I geve to Alice Smyth my doughter tenn pownds of good and lawfull currant monie of England, with a bedstead in the parler and a fetherbedd and coveringe and a blanckett a paire of lynne[n] sheets and a pare of hempen sheets with boulster pillow and pillow beares Item I give to the saide Alice my doughter halfe of all my pewter and brasse And if ye saide Alice my daughter doe dye before ye age of eighteene yeares, I will that all her parte and porcion aswell of money as of other things be equally devided betweene myne executors Item I geve and bequeathe to Robert Smyth my Kynsman fourty shillings of good and lawfull currant monye of England to be given him within one halfe yeare next after my death Item I geve to John Smyth mine eldest sonne and to ye heires of his body lawfully begotten Seaven acres of pasture lyenge within ye territoare of Charleton Magne Item I geve to Frauncis Smyth my younger sonne and to ye heires of his bodie lawfully begotten my two tenements and one Little Close in a certeyn Streete in Lowthe called West- gate And if ye saide Frauncis dye without issue of his bodie lawfully begotten I will that ye saide tenements and close remaine to my said sonne John Smyth and his issue of his bodie lawfully begotten All ye rest of my goods nott yett given nor bequeathed aswell moveable as unmoveable; my debts paied and my bodie honestly brought to ye grounde I will shall equally be devided betwixt my saide two sonnes John Smyth and Frauncis Smyth whome I make the Coexecutors of this my last Will and Testament: and I hartely and earnestly entreate my goode Frende Master George Mettham, to be ye supervisor of this my last Will and Testament to whome I give in consideracon of his paynes xs Wittnesses to this last Will and Testament Thomas Scarboroughe and Bartholomew Lawrence Extracted from the District Registry attached to the Probate Division of the High Court of Justice at Lincoln.] INTRODUCTION. xxi The parish register of Willoughby by Alford in Lincolnshire begins in 1538; but the earlier portion of it is very worn, and in parts, very illegible. In the seventeenth century, however, a transcript was made of this earlier portion, which still exists. By the kindness of the present Rector, the Rev. JOHN S. WARREN, M.A., we are enabled to give the following information of our author's family. Iohn the sonne of George Smyth was baptized the ixth daie of Ianuarye [1579, or according to the modern reckoning 1580]. This occurs in the original register thus. Iōhes smith filius Georgie smith babtizatus fuit ixth die Ianuarie Anno supradicto. Francis the sonne of George Smyth was baptised the vi daie of Nouember [1581). Richard, the sonne of George Smyth was baptised the xvi daie of Iulie [1586]. Richard Smith was bur[ied] ye xxvi daie of Iulie [1586]. Alice the daughter of George Smith was baptised the first daie of ffebruarie [1589]. George Smyth of Willoughbi was bur[ied] ye iij day of April [1596]. The original registry of this entry is not now extant. With these entries we may associate another, which perhaps refers to some connection with our Author's family. Grace the daughter of Iohn Smyth was baptized the x daie of November [1581]. II. And truly there is no pleasure comparable to that of a generous spirit; as good employment in noble actions, especially amongst Turks, Heathens and Infidels; to see daily new countries, people, fashions, governments, stratagems; to relieve the oppressed, comfort his friends, pass miseries, subdue enemies, adventure upon any feasible danger for GOD and Country. It is true, it is a happy thing to be born to strength, wealth, and honour; but that which is got by prowess and magnanimity is the truest lustre : and those can the best distinguish Content, that have escaped most honourable dangers; as if, out of every extremity, he found himself new born to a new life, to learn how to amend and maintain his Áge. J. SMITH, 1630, p. 962. The wars in Europe, Asia, and Africa taught me how to subdue the wild savages in Virginia and New England in America. J. SMITH, 1630, p. 925. IR Robert Cotton, that most learned Treasurer of Anti- quitie, having by perusall of my Generall Historie, and others [i.c., his other earlier publications], found that I had likewise undergone divers other as hard hazards in the other parts of the world, requested me to fix the whole course of my passages in a booke by it selfe. p. 808. xxii INTRODUCTION. These "Travels," SMITH dedicated to the Earls of PEMBROKE, LINDSEY, and DOVER the second of whom, ROBERT BERTIE (who succeeded to the Barony of WILLOUGHBY D'ERESBY in 1601, and who was created on the 26th Novem- ber 1626) Earl of LINDSEY, had, with his brother, twice met our Author during his wanderings abroad: viz., at Orleans, in 1596, p. 822; and at Siena, in 1601, p. 827. We know enough of London society in the year 1629, and of the Episcopal censorship of the English press at that time, to be quite sure that no man would have dared to have offered to Sir ROBERT COTTON and those three Earls as true travels, a deliberately made up story of adventures which never happened. This alone is sufficient to shew that these true travels is an honestly written narrative of personal experiences. 2. That narrative however is fully corroborated by a number of incidental details and minute points, such as the following, occurring in his Works long before he has any thought of writing it. In July 1608, SMITH exploring Chesapeake Bay in an open boat, named a headland, Point Ployer, pp. 110, 414, in memory of the great kindness of Earl PLOYER of Brittany to him, eight years before, p. 825. This name first appears in his Map of Virginia printed at Oxford in 1612. In May-June 1614, he named the present Cape Anne in New England, Cape Tragbigzanda, pp. 204, &c., in memory of the kindness, if not the personal affec- tion shewn him, while a Christian slave at Constantinople in 1603, by CHARATZA TRAGABIGZANDA, pp. 276, 853, 866: whose brother, TIMOR the Pasha of Nalbrits, he afterwards, in pure self-defence, killed; escaping away in his clothes and on his horse, across the steppes to the Russian outposts. At the same time in 1614, he named three islands, off Cape Anne the Three Turks Heads, p. 204, in memory of his famous passage of arms at Regal in Transylvania in 1602, p. 838. Both designations were first published in his Description of New England, in June 1616, long before he designed to print his travels. The allusions to what he had seen in his travels in his earlier Works at pp. 56, 59, 62 come in naturally, are true as to fact, and could hardly have been invented. In this connection may be considered our Author's general reticence about himself in the Travels. Evidently his personal adventures are rather under- stated than overstated therein. He was surely not idle on board the Breton ship, in that fight in 1601, in the Strait of Otranto, when she took the Venetian argosy, pp. 826-7; or in that other sea-fight in 1604, off Cape Bojador, when the English ship (in which, by stress of weather, he made an involuntary cruise), under the command of Captain MERHAM, whom he so delightedly calls "the old fox," fought two Spanish men-of-war at once, pp. 878-880: yet of the personal help, which we are sure he gave on both these occasions, he says not a word. So generally, while he is proud of his strategy and devices, he tells us very little of his personal bravery in the various battles in Eastern Europe in which he took part with the exception of the succession of duels that he fought at Regal in 1602; which he could hardly have left out, seeing he bore the three Turks' heads in his coat of arms. 3. Whatever difficulty there may be about that manuscript History or Biography of FRANCISCO FARNESE, p. 788S, there is no doubt that Rev. S. PURCHAS had it, or a copy of it, in his hands about 1623, or 1624. "... The Earle of Meldritch, with whom [Smith] going to Vienna in Austria, hee made him Captaine of two hundred and fiftie Souldiers, vnder whose INTRODUCTION. xxiii Regiments how he spent his time, this insuing Discourse will declare, as it is written in a Booke intituled, The Warres of Transiluania, Wallachi[a], and Moldauia, written by Francisco Ferneza a Learned Italian, Secretarie to Sigismundus Bathor the Prince," ii. 1363-61, Ed. 1625. PURCHAS then gives what in the present Text forms the greater part of Chapters iv.-xi., at pp. 829-852, as "Extracts of Captaine Smiths Transyluanian Acts, out of Fr. Fer. his Storie:" which account SMITH says, at p. 852, PURCHAS himself translated, apparently from the Italian. Señor Don PASCUAL DE GAYAN- GOS has seen a printed Spanish translation of this Italian history, rendered into Spanish by a MONTALVO: but the manuscript History itself is apparently lost. That it existed, and that a copy of it was in PURCHAS's hands there can be no doubt, as he thus distinctly refers to it at ii. 1366, “as the Historie at large will plainly shew, the times, place, chiefe Commanders, with the manner and order of their battels, and fights; to which I refer you.' >> It is also to be noted that though Vol. ii. of PURCHAS's Pilgrimes is dated 1625, it was in hand two or three years; so that this translation being made by him in 1623 or 1624, is fully five years earlier than SMITH's True Travels. It may also be pointed out that SMITH, with his usual modesty, in giving this portion of his adventures, especially in the account of his fights with the three Turks, at pp. 829-852, mainly reprints PURCHAS'S "Extracts" from FARNESE, i.c., he chiefly uses the words of another person, and that person a foreigner. 4. A third corroboration of the truth of the Travels will be found in the Com- plimentary Verses, first printed in his Description of New England, in June 1616, pp. 230-1. These Verses are written by two old Officers of his company of 250 men, one of the four making up the regiment of 1,000 horse, in which our Author served under the Earl of MELDRI, in Eastern Europe; of which regiment, after the victorious combats at Regal, the Earl made SMITH, Major, or second in command, p. 840. The writers of these Verses, were his Ensign, THOMAS CARLTON; and his Sergeant, EDWARD ROBINSON: who were the only two Englishmen out of the twelve present, p. 852, who escaped alive from the battle of Rothenthurm (Rottenton) in Transylvania, on the 18th of November 1602; when SMITH was left sore wounded on the battle-field, only to become afterwards a Turkish slave. The testimony as to the Writers' personal knowledge and admiration of our Author contained in these Verses is precise and valuable. 5. Mr. J. G. PALFREY, in his famous note on the True Travels, in his History of New England, i. 89, Ed. 1858, is simply laughable for his ignorance of the regu- lated conditions of publishing books in London during the lifetime of our Author. He states that "hack-writers abounded in London at the time. SMITH WAS just such a person [!], as, for the saleableness of his narratives, would naturally fall into their hands, and into the hands of their masters, the booksellers. On the whole, the reader perhaps inclines to the opinion that JOHN SMITH was not the sole author of his books." Mr. PALFREY errs in applying to the lifetime of our Author, the mendacities of the Grub-street era of GEORGE I. and II. Not only were there no "hack- writers," at that time, for books of colonization, &c.; but SMITH manifestly wrote most of his books for nothing, and between 1616 and 1620 “divulged to my great labour, cost, and losse, more than seven thousand Bookes and Maps," p. 941. As a matter of fact, the General History, for which he issued a Prospectus signed by himself, in which he said, "nor shall the Stationers have the copy for nothing,' >> xxiv INTRODUCTION. p. cxxvi, did not sell well; as is proved by the succession of fresh title pages in 1626, 1627, and 1632 to the same text. Mr. PALFREY's view of our Author is a degrading opinion of one of the most highminded of men, eminently possessing that keen sense of honour which was usual in an English Officer at that time; and whose perspicuous honesty, had we space, could be demonstrated through every line of the present Text. Yet, in spite of his prejudice, in this same note, Mr. PALFREY is compelled to admit the substantial agreement of SMITH'S account of his Eastern experiences with the known facts of history. So far from the following Text having been written by anonymous hack- writers in SMITH's name, it will be seen that no one could have been more scrupulously careful than he was, in naming the authorities for everything he prints so that, as the headlines of the present edition will shew, we have hardly any difficulty in assigning the authorship and date of composition of every page in the Text. The only exceptions to this, are those bits of verse scattered throughout the General History which are intended to "point the moral” of the Story, and which we must attribute to SMITH's deep religious feeling, wide reading, and not very great poetical powers. For our own part, beginning with doubtfulness and wariness, we have gradually come to the unhesitating conviction, not only of SMITH's truthfulness, but also that, in regard to all personal matters, he systematically understates. rather than exaggerates anything he did. Why New England writers should attack our Author (after the manner of Mr. E. D. NEILL, who says "his writings are those of a gascon and beggar," p. 211, Hist. of Virginia Co., &c., 1869) is simply amazing: seeing that SMITH preferred New England, as a colony, to Virginia or any other part of the world, p. 193 ; that he tried so hard, for years, to go out and end his days there, pp. 205, 218, 732; and that he actually did effect more, by his advocacy and publications, towards its colonization, than ever he was able to accomplish for Virginia, with all his money, personal services, dangers, and magnanimity. Only Virginia was England's forlorn hope in colonization in JAMES I.'s reign, and was therefore generally the more perilous enterprise; especially as James town was 32 miles inland, and the New England settlements were on the coast. 6. We have, by the kindness of G. E. COKAYNE, Esq., Norroy King of Arms, and H. F. BURKE, Esq,, Rouge Croix, personally inspected, in April, 1884, in the official register of Sir WILLIAM SEGAR's Grants of Arms, at the Heralds College in London, the following record of the Arms granted to our Author, by SIGISMUNDUS BÁTORI. To John Smith, descended of ye Family of Cuardly in Lanc. Captaine of 250 Soldiers vnder Henry Volda, Earl of Meldritch, &c. A Grant of these Arms in Memory of thre Turks heades which with his Sword before ye Town of Regal he did overcome, kill and cut off, in the Province of Transiluania. This granted in a Letter of safe conduct, by Sigismond Balthori, Duke of Transilvania, 9 Dec. 1603. p. 371 of a volume labelled Segar's Grants. E. D. N. 57. There is also in the Heralds College, an unofficial copy (in VINCENT's Collect- anea, 169, p. 131), of the Latin Patent and Certificate printed at pp. 842-3. It has, however, some variations from the text as given by SMITH, which we have noted in the margin. INTRODUCTION. XXV Of the authenticity therefore of this Grant of Arms, and of the all-important corroboration that it affords to the True Travels, there is no doubt at all. Therefore though they may offer not a few points which have yet to be cleared up, the general credibility of the Travels is beyond question; and in its clear, graphic and condensed style, the narrative is among the very best written English books of travel printed in SMITH's lifetime. III. UR Author's intineraries come next for consideration. Except in Eastern Europe, &c., they present but little difficulty. The names, where he wrote down phonetically, we have here placed in round brackets. JOHN SMITH's earlier travels on the Continent. I596-1600 A.D.; at. I6–2I. 1596 London. Orleans. Paris. Rouen. Havre. p. 822. 1596 A soldier in the French army. 1596-9 A soldier in the Dutch army. 1600 Enkhuisen (Ancusan). 1600 Shipwrecked at Holy Island or Lindisfarn. Northumberland. Leith (Lethe). p. 822. p. 823. ? (Broxmoth). Willoughby. ? (Ripweth). JOHN SMITH's later Travels on the Continent, until his arrival at Vienna. 1600-160I A.D.; t. 2I-22. 1600. Tattershall. p. 823. Holland. St. Valery sur Somme. p. 824. Dieppe. Caudebeck (Codebeck). 1600. Guingamp (Gigan). p. 825. Rennes (Raynes). Nantes. Poitiers. Rochelle. Honfleur (Humphla). Pontaudemer (Pountdemer). Caen. Mortagne. Pontorson (Pounterson). p. S25. Dinan. St. Malo. Mont St. Michel. Lamballe. St. Brieuc (Simbreack). Lannion. Tonquedeck (Tuncadeck), the residence of the PLOUHA (Ployer). Earl of Bourdeaux. Bayonne. Lescar. Pau. Toulouse. Beziers (Bezers). Carcassone. Narbonne. Montpellier. Nismes. Avignon. Arles. Marseilles (Marcellos). Toulon. xxvi INTRODUCTION. 1600. The Isle of St. Mary, near Nice. p. 825. 16c1. Leghorn (Lygorne). Tuscany. p. 827. Corsica. p. 826. Siena. Sardinia. Cape Bon (Bona). Lampedusa (Lampadosa). Cape Rosetta (Rosata). Alexandria. Scanderoon. Cyprus. Rhodes. Viterbo. Rome. Civita Vechia. p. 829. Naples. Capua. Rome. Siena. Florence. The Archipelago. Crete (Candia). Greece. Zephalonia. The Strait of Otranto. Calabria. Sicily. Sardinia. Corsica. p. 827. Antibes in Piedmont (Antibo. in Peamon). JOHN SMITH's Itinerary in Eastern Bolognia. Ferrara. Mantua. Padua. Venice. Malamocco. Raguza. Capo d'Istria. Laybach (Lubbiano). Grätz (Grates). Vienna (Vienne) Europe, &c., until the battle of Rothenthurm Pass, in Transylvania, 18 November 1602. I60I-1602 A.D.; t. 22-23 Here the names of places, as written by our Author, present some difficulties; inasmuch as many of the towns had, and still have, two or three names—one German, another Hungarian, and possibly a third Sclavonic: however, many can be identified. We give the usual, which is often the German name, first; and the countries where they will now be found. HUNGARY. 1601. Ober Limbach.; in Hun- garian, Felso Landre. "(Olumpagh) Stühlweissenberg; in Latin Alba Regalis. (Stowllewesenburg) 1601. [Komorn (Komara).] p.835- p. 829. 1602. p. 831. Komorn. (Comora) p. 832. The plains of (Girke). p. 833. [In Hungarian Tzigetvar. (Zigetun)] [Buda-Pesth. (Buda)] [Grosskirchen, in Hun- garian Kanizsa. (Caniza)] [Gran. (Strigonium)] p. 835. TRANSYLVANIA. ? (Land of Zarkam) p. 837. ? (Regall). ? (Veratio). ? (Solmos). ? (Kupronka). Eisenburg, in Hungarian Vasvar. (Esenburg) p. 841. [Temesvar. (Temesware)] p. 847. WALLACHIA &c. The river Aluta (Altus). p. 847. • INTRODUCTION. xxvii 1602. Rimnik (Rebrinke). Retch (Raza). Arjish, on the river of the p. 847. same name (Argish). p. 848. Pitesti (Peteske). 1602. Longenaw (Langanaw). p. 849. Rothenthurm, in Hun- garian Verres Töröny (Rottenton). A Pass in Transylvania. JOHN SMITH'S Itinerary in Turkey, Tartary, Russia, &c., till his return to Hermannstadt in Transylvania. 1602-1603 A.D.; at. 23-24. TURKEY. 1602. Either Tchernavda or 1603. The Combra of MER- CATOR (Cambia). p. 854. Rassowa on the Danube The Nalbrits of MER- (Axopolis). Adrianople. 1603. Constantinople. Serai (Screwc). p. 853. CATOR (Nalbrits). p. 855. (On the Don, Ecopolis.) p. 867. ? (Zumalacke.) ? (Sander). ? (Panassa). ? (Musa). Lascillo (Lastilla). Varna. The Black Sea. Cape (Taur). Cape (Pergilos). Strait of Kertch (Niger). Sea of Azov (Dissabacca). Sirxu (Susax). Tcherkrsh on the river Don p. 854. ? (Caragnaw.) ? (Letch.) ? (Donka in Cologske.) ? (Berniske ? (Newgrod } In Seberia). ? (Rezechia on the Niper.) ? (Coroski (Duberesko ? (Duzihell ? (Drohobus p. 868. In Volonia.) ? ? (Curuske). (Bruapo). ? (Ostroge ? ? (Lasco (Saslaw In Podolia.) ? (Halico (Collonia In Polonia.) Hermannstadt (Hermonstat). JOHN SMITH's return home from Transylvania. I602-1604 A.D.; đt. 23-25. HUNGARY. 1604. Magdeburg. Tokay (Tocka) 1603. Filleck (Fileck Kaschaw (Cassovia) Hungary.) In High Ulm. Arva (Underoroway), p. 869. GERMANY. Olmütz (Ulmicht in Mora- via). Prague. p. 869. 1603. Dec. Leipsic in Lower Saxony (Lipswick in Misenland.) Dresden. p. 869 Brunswick. Cassell. Wittemberg. Munich. Augsburg. ? (Hama). Frankfort. Mayence. The Rhine Valley (Palatinate). Worms. Spires. Strasburgh. xxviii INTRODUCTION. FRANCE. 1604. Gibraltar. p. 869. 1604. Nancy. p. 869. Paris. Orleans. Down the Loire. Angers. Nantes. SPAIN. Bilbao. Burgos. AFRICA. Ceuta (Guta). Tangier (Tanger). Saffi (Saffee). Trip to the town of Marocco (107 miles inland from Saffi), and back. SMITH'S INVOLUNTARY CRUISE. Valladolid. The Escorial. Madrid. Toledo. Cordova. Ciudad Real. Seville (Civill). Saffi. p. 878. The Canaries. Cape Bojador. Santa Cruz. p. 880. Cape Ghir (Goa). Mogadore. Saffi. Xeres (Cherycs). Cadiz (Cales). San Lucar de Barrameda (Saint Lucas). HOME AT LAST. England. It will be seen that these Itineraries are perfectly consistent, that the Author is always moving forward. PURCHAS thus gives us some more particulars as to SMITH's return home. "Then vnderstanding that the Warres of Mully Shah and Mully Sedan, the two Brothers in Barbarie of Fez and Moroco (to which hee was animated by some friends) were concluded in peace, he imbarked himselfe for England with one thousand Duckets in his Purse, which after with a great deale more hee employed, in searching more dangers in the West Indies, and the vnknowne parts of vnciuilized America." ii. 1370. It would also seem that SMITH, after his return home, made a walking tour in Ireland. WINGFIELD, in his recrimination, p. lxxxix, says of him : It was proued to his face, that he begged in Ireland like a rogue, without a lycence. Of course, this is a distortion. To a man who had tramped or ridden over nearly all Europe, a tour on foot in Ireland would be a small matter. Not satisfied with all this adventure, our Author next turned his attention to the river Oyapok in South America. In the yeare 1605. Captaine Ley, brother to that noble Knight Sir Oliver Ley, with divers others, planted himselfe in the River Weapoco, wherein I should have beene a partie; but hee dyed, and there lyes buried: and the supply miscarrying, the rest escaped as they could. p. 896. From this it is clear, that as he had hitherto followed the Wars wherever he INTRODUCTION. xxix found them; so now, the times having changed to peace, he gave himself to Colonization: and that having missed going to South America, and Virginia being the next Attempt that offered, he went to Virginia. The James town Settlement did not convert him to the Colonizing Effort to which he henceforth gave his entire energies; but was his second endeavour in that new life which was now opening to him B. VIRGINIA. ï605–161 2 A. D. IV. It is not a work for every one to plant a Colony; but when a house is built, it is no hard matter to dwell in it. This requireth all the best parts of Art, Judgement, Courage, Honesty, Constancy, Diligence, and Experience, to do but near[ly] well: and there is a great difference between Saying and Doing. J. SMITH, 1620, p. 244. There was a little city, and few men within it; and there came a great king against it, and besieged it, and built great bulwarks against it. Now there was found in it a poor wise man, and he by his wisdom delivered the city; yet no man remembered that same poor man. Ecclesiastes ix. 14, 15. Hen Captain SMITH went to Virginia, the most adventurous part of his life had passed away. He was often, while there, in most im- minent danger; but nothing that he faced or endured in America, came up in peril and dread, to that which he had already undergone in Eastern Europe and Tartary. By this time, he was a hardened soldier; a wary, foreseeing, and energetic Officer so that he already possessed more experience of savage and semi-savage life than any other man in the Virginia expedition of 1606-7. Indeed, in his exceeding wariness, he seems to have over-estimated the military skill of the Virginian Indians, by making those forts of which he thus writes in 1629. The Forts Captaine Smith left a building, [are] so ruined, there is scarce mention where they were. p. 8SS. Yet had he to find out for himself a way to manage the Virginian Indians, respecting which others wrote, in 1612. Though the many miserable yet generous and worthy adven- tures he had long and oft indured as wel in some parts of Africa and America, as in the most partes of Europe and Asia, by land or sea, had taught him much: yet, in this case, he was againe to learne his Lecture by experience; which with thus much a doe having obtained, it was his ill chance to end when hee had but onlie learned how to begin. pp. 159, 160. In October 1622, he wrote himself— For Virginia, I kept that country with 38, and had not to eate but what we had from the sauages. When I had ten men able to go abroad, our common wealth was very strong: with such a number I ranged that vnknown country 14 weekes; I had but IS to subdue them all, with which great army I stayed six weekes. XXX INTRODUCTION. before their greatest Kings habitations, till they had gathered together all the power they could; and yet the Dutch-men sent at a needlesse excessiue charge did helpe Powhatan how to betray me. Of their numbers we were vncertaine; but them two honorable Gentlemen (Captaine George Percic and Captaine Francis West, two of the Phittiplaces, and some other such noble gentlemen and resolute spirits bore their shares with me, and now liuing in England) did see me take this murdering Opechankanough now their great King by the long locke on his head; with my pistole at his breast, I led him among his greatest forces, and before we parted made him fill our Bark of twenty Tuns with corne. When their owne wants was such, I haue given them part againe in pittie, and others haue bought it againe to plant their fields. For wronging a souldier but the value of a peny, I have caused Powhatam send his owne men to Iames Towne to receiue their punishment at my discretion. It is true in our greatest extremitie they shot me, slue three of my men, and by the folly of them that fled tooke me prisoner; yet God made Pocahontas the Kings daughter the meanes to deliuer me: and thereby taught me to know their trecheries to preserue the rest. It was also my chance in single combat to take the King of Paspalegh prisoner: and by keeping him, forced his subiects to worke in chaines till I made all the country pay contribution; hauing little else whereon to liue. Twise in this time I was their President, and none can say in all that time I had a man slaine: but for keeping them in that feare I was much blamed both there and here: yet I left 500 behind me that, through their confidence, in six monthes came most to confusion, as you may reade at large in the description of Virginia [pp. 170, 498]. When I went first to these desperate designes, it cost me many a forgotten pound to hire men to go; and procrastination caused more [to] run away then went. pp. 262-3. And again: I thinke it more strange they should taxe me before they haue tried as much as I haue both by land and sea, as well in Asia and Africa, as Europe and America, where my commanders were actors or spectators, they alwaies so freely rewarded me, I neuer needed to importunate, n[or] could I euer learne to beg: what there I got, I haue thus spent. These sixteen yeares I haue spared neither paines nor money INTRODUCTION. xxxi according to my abilitie, first to procure his Maiesties Letters pattents, and a Company here to be the means to raise a company to go with me to Virginia, as is said: which beginning here and there cost me neare 5 yeares [1604-1609] worke, and more then 500 pounds of my owne estate, besides all the dangers, miseries, and incumbrances I endured gratis; where I stayed till I left 500 better prouided than euer I was: from which blessed virgin (ere I returned) sprung the fortunate habitation of Somer Iles. This Virgins sister, now called New England, an. 1616. at my humble suit by our most gracious Prince Charles, hath bin neare as chargeable to me and my friends: for all which I neuer got shilling, but it cost me many a pound, yet I thinke my selfe happie to see their prosperities. pp. 266–7. Once more, in 1624, he wrote: Hauing spent some fiue yeares [1604-1609], and more than fiue hundred pounds in procuring the Letters Patents and setting forward, and neere as much more about New England, &c. Thus these nineteene yeares [1603-1624] I haue here and there not spared any thing according to my abilitie, nor the best aduice I could, to perswade how those strange miracles of misery might haue beene preuented, which lamentable experience plainly taught me of necessity must insue, but few would beleeue me till now too deerely they haue paid for it. Wherefore hitherto I haue rather left all then vndertake impossibilities, or any more such costly taskes at such chargeable rates: for in neither of those two Countries haue I one foot of Land, nor the very house I builded, nor the ground I digged with my owne hands, nor euer any content or satisfaction at all. And though I see ordinarily those two. Countries shared before me by them that neither haue them nor knowes them, but by my descriptions: Yet that doth not so much. trouble me, as to heare and see those contentions and diuisions. which will hazard if not ruine the prosperitie of Virginia, if present remedy bee not found, as they haue hindred many hundreds, who would haue beene there ere now, and makes them yet that are willing to stand in a demurre. For the Books and Maps I haue made, I will thanke him that will shew me so much for so little recompence; and beare with their errors till I haue done better. pp. 613-4. For our Author's own account of his Virginian experiences, the reader should first carefully read his Report &c. to the Royal Commissioners in 1624, at ・pp. 610-620; and bis final review of the whole matter in his Advertisements of xxxii INTRODUCTION. 1630, at pp. 927-931. He will then see things with SMITH's eyes, and from his standpoint. In the second of these accounts, our Author speaks of "I with my party" in the James river Settlement. The Colony soon broke into two divisions, that headed by RATCLIFFE, MARTIN, and ARCHER ; and that which followed SMITH. As everything relating to that Settlement in the present Text, might (however true in itself) be antecedently prejudiced on the ground that it was an ex parte statement; the manifesto of a Party that did not perish, when the other side did in The Starving Time of 1609–10: we have printed in the following pages of this Intro- duction all the Eye-witness testimonies we could find, of the state of the Colony during the nearly thirty months our Author was there; he having arrived with the Expedition in Chesapeake Bay on the 26th April 1607, and left James town, after having been injured by gunpowder, for England on the 4th October 1609. Here again the result is perfectly satisfactory. These Eye-witness Accounts supply us with a lot of new and most interesting information; and, above all, afford us a number of important dates on which to pivot the history of those thirty months. Seeing therefore that all this illustrative material only brings out the general truthfulness of the Text at large; once more, from this fresh test, we accord to our Author a fresh measure of confidence. Undoubtedly, SMITH was the Saviour of the James river Settlement. Before we give these most valuable contemporary documents, it may be well to touch upon the false charge of an imaginary mutiny, which nearly cost our Author his life while on the voyage out to Virginia. It does not appear that SMITH actually did anything at all. WINGFIELD states, p. lxxxiii, that on 17 September 1607, he was fined by the Colony to pay £200 [= £800 now] to Captain SMITH, p. 389, for that I had said hee did conceale an intended mutany. Also- Master Smyths quarrell, [with me, was] because his name was mencioned in the entended and confessed mutiny by Galthropp. p. xc. STEPHEN GALTHORPE died on 15 Aug. 1607, see p. lxxi. This accusation appears to have been made at Dominica, on the 24th Mar. 1607, p. lvii-lviii; and during the six days [28th Mar.-2 Apr. 1607] the Ex- pedition stayed at Nevis, p. lix, our Author says: Such factions here we had, as commonly attend such voyages, that a paire of gallowes was made; but Captaine Smith, for whom they were intended, could not be perswaded to use them: but not any one of the inventers but their lives by justice fell into his power to determine of at his pleasure; whom with much mercy he favoured, that most basely and unjustly would have betrayed him. p. 910. The exact nature of the wild charge against SMITH will be seen at p. 388. He however remained a prisoner until the Gentlemen in the Colony having on June 6, p. liii, put up a petition to the Council, he was sworn of the Council on the 10th June 1607, p. liv; or as he puts it at pp. 92, 388, he was imprisoned, [for nothing!] 13 weeks. xxxiii [ILLUSTRATIVE DOCUMENTS.] The London Virginia Company. Instructions by way of advice, for the intended Voyage to Virginia. In the Library of the Congress, at Washington, D.C., in two folio volumes, is a copy of the original Minutes of the London or Southern Virginia Company, between 1617 and the date of its dissolution 16 June 1624. In the same volume are copies of documents relating to an earlier period of the Colony; and among these, the following In- structions, which have been printed in a modernized form by Mr. E. D. NEILL at p. 8 of his History of the London Virginia Company, Albany, N.Y., 1869; from whence we have here given them. Instructions given by way of advice by us whom it hath pleased the King's Majesty to appoint of the Counsel for the intended voyage to Virginia, to be observed by those Captains and company which are sent at this present to plant there. S we doubt not but you will have especial [1606] care to observe the ordinances set down by the King's Majesty and delivered unto you under the Privy Seal; so for your better directions upon your first landing we have thought good to recom- mend unto your care these instructions and articles following. When it shall please God to send you on the coast of Virginia, you shall do your best endeavour to find out a safe port in the entrance of some navigable river, making ENG. SCH. LIB. No. 16. C 1 xxxiv Introduction. The Virginia Co. [Instructions by way of Advice &c. 1 [1606] 1606. choice of such a one as runneth farthest into the land, and if you happen to discover divers portable rivers, and amongst them any one that hath two main branches, if the difference be not great, make choice of that which bendeth most toward the North-west for that way you shall soonest find the other sea. When you have made choice of the river on which you mean to settle, be not hasty in landing your victuals and munitions; but first let Captain Newport discover how far that river may be found navigable, that you [may] make election of the strongest, most wholesome and fertile place; for if you make many removes, besides the loss of time, you shall greatly spoil your victuals and your casks, and with great pain transport it in small boats. But if you choose your place so far up as a bark of fifty tuns will float, then you may lay all your provisions ashore with ease, and the better receive the trade of all the countries about you in the land; and such a place your may perchance find a hundred miles from the river's mouth, and the further up the better. For if you sit down near the entrance, except it be in some island that is strong by nature, an enemy that may approach you on even ground, may easily pull you out: and if he be driven to seek you a hundred miles [in] the land in boats, you shall from both sides of the river where it is narrowest, so beat them with your muskets as they shall never be able to prevail against you. And to the end that you be not surprized as the Frenchr were in Florida by Melindus, and the Spaniard in the same place by the French, you shall do well to make this. double provision. First, erect a little stoure at the mouth of the river that may lodge some ten men; with whom you shall leave a light boat, that when any fleet shall be in sight, they may come with speed to give you warn- ing. Secondly, you must in no case suffer any of the native people of the country to inhabit between you and the sea coast; for you cannot carry yourselves so towards them, but they will grow discontented with your habitation, and be ready to guide and assist any nation that shall come to invade you: and if you neglect this, you neglect your safety. 1606XXXV . Instructions by way of Advice &c.] Introduction. The Virginia Co. When you have discovered as far up the river as you mean to plant yourselves, and landed your victuals and munitions; to the end that every man may know know his charge, you shall do well to divide your six score men into three parts: whereof one party of them you may appoint to fortifie and build, of which your first work must be your storehouse for victuals; the other[s] you may imploy in preparing your ground and sowing your corn and roots; the other ten of these forty you must leave as centinel at the haven's mouth. The other forty you may imploy for two months in discovery of the river above you, and on the country about you; which charge Captain Newport and Captain Gosnold may undertake of these forty discoverers. When they do espie any high lands or hills, Captain Gosnold may take twenty of the company to cross over the lands, and carrying a half dozen pickaxes to try if they can find any minerals. The other twenty may go on by river, and pitch up boughs upon the bank's side, by which the other boats shall follow them by the same turnings. You may also take with them a wherry, such as is used here in the Thames; by which you may send back to the President for supply of munition or any other want, that you may not be driven to return for every small defect. You must observe if you can, whether the river on which you plant doth spring out of mountains or out of lakes. If it be out of any lake, the passage to the other sea will be more easy, and [it] is like enough, that out of the same lake you shall find some spring which run[s] the contrary way towards the East India Sea; for the great and famous rivers of Volga, Tan{a}is and Dwina have three heads near joyn[e]d; and yet the one falleth into the Caspian Sea, the other into the Euxine Sea, and the third into the Palonian Sea. In all your passages you must have great care not to offend the naturals, if you can eschew it; and imploy some few of your company to trade with them for corn and all other lasting victuals if you [? they] have any: and this you must do before that they perceive you mean to plant among them; for not being sure how your own seed corn will prosper the first year, to avoid the [1606] xxxvi . [Instructions by way of Advice &c. 1606Introduction. The Virginia Co. [1606] danger of famine, use and endeavour to store yourselves of the country corn. Your discoverers that passes over land with hired guides, must look well to them that they slip not from them: and for more assurance, let them take a compass with them, and write down how far they go upon every point of the compass; for that country having no way nor path, if that your guides run from you in the great woods or desert, you shall hardly ever find a passage back. And how weary soever your soldiers be, let them never trust the country people with the carriage of their weapons; for if they run from you with your shott, which they only fear, they will easily kill them all with their arrows. And whensoever any of yours shoots before them, be sure they may be chosen out of your best marksmen; for if they see your learners miss what they aim at, they will think the weapon not so terrible, and thereby will be bould to assault you. Above all things, do not advertize the killing of any of your men, that the country people may know it; if they perceive that they are but common men, and that with the loss of many of theirs they diminish any part of yours, they will make many adventures upon you. If the country be populous, you shall do well also, not to let them see or know of your sick men, if you have any; which may also encourage them to many enterprizes. You must take especial care that you choose a seat for habitation that shall not be over burthened with woods near your town: for all the men you have, shall not be able to cleanse twenty acres a year; besides that it may serve for a covert for your enemies round about. Neither must you plant in a low or moist place, because it will prove unhealthfull. You shall judge of the good air by the people; for some part of that coast where the lands are low, have their people blear eyed, and with swollen bellies and legs: but if the naturals be strong and clean made, it is a true sign of a wholesome soil. You must take order to draw up the pinnace that is left with you, under the fort: and [to] take her sails and anchors ashore, all but a small kedge to ride by; least some ill-disposed persons slip away with her. Introduction. The Virginia Co. xxxvii Instructions by way of Advice &c.] 1606. go for You must take care that your marriners that wages, do not marr your trade; for those that mind not to inhabite, for a little gain will debase the estimation of exchange, and hinder the trade for ever after: and therefore you shall not admit or suffer any person what- soever, other than such as shall be appointed by the President and Counsel there, to buy any merchandizes or other things whatsoever. It were necessary that all your carpenters and other such like workmen about building do first build your storehouse and those other rooms of publick and neces- sary use before any house be set up for any private person: and though the workman may belong to any private persons yet let them all work together first for the company and then for private men. And seeing order is at the same price with confusion, it shall be adviseably done to set your houses even and by a line, that your streets may have a good breadth, and be carried square about your market place, and every street's end opening into it; that from thence, with a few field. pieces, you may command every street throughout; which market place you may also fortify if you think it needfull. You shall do well to send a perfect relation by Captaine Newport of all that is done, what height you are seated, how far into the land, what commodities you find, what soil, woods and their several kinds, and so of all other things else to advertise particularly; and to suffer no man to return but by pasport from the President and Counsel, nor to write any letter of any thing that may discourage others. Lastly and chiefly the way to prosper and achieve good success is to make yourselves all of one mind for the good of your country and your own, and to serve and fear God the Giver of all Goodness, for every plantation. which our Heavenly Father hath not planted shall be rooted out. [1606] xxxviii [1607] ROBERT TINDALL, Gunner to Prince HENRY. Letter to the Prince, 22 June 1607. [Harl. MS. 7007. fol. 139; in the British Museum.] MIGHTIE PRINCE י ווין thought it no lesse than my duty beinge imployed in this voyage of Verginia, In all humble mannor to make your Princelye selfe acquainted with those accidentes which hathe happenned to vs in this our voyage. May it therefore please your grace to accepte at the handes of your most humble and duti- full seruante a dearnall of our voyage and draughte of our Riuer hearinclosed by vs discouered where neuer christian before hathe beene, and also to let your grace vnderstande wee are safelye arryued and planted in this Contreye by the prouidence and mercye of God, which wee finde to be in it selfe most fruitefull, of the whiche wee haue taken a Reall and publicke possession in the name and to the vse of your Royall father and our gratious kinge and soueraigne: Thus ceasing for being too tedious and trouble- some vnto your grace, I in all humble mannour committ your Princelye selfe to the protection of almightie God whome on my knees I dayelye praye (as I am bounde) Introduction. R. Tindall. xxxix Letter to Prince Henry.] + 22 June 1607. to blesse and prosper your godlye and vertuous proceedings: From Iames Towne in Virginia this: 22 of Iune 1607. By your Graces most humble dutifull and faithfull seruaunte and Gunner: [1607] [Addressed] ROBERTE TIND ALL. lpp. xli, xcvi.] To the highe and Mightie Prince Henry Fredericke prince and heyre apparente of greate Brittaine Fraunce Ireland and Virginia. [Endorsed] Tindall his H. gunner from Virginia. The above-mentioned “dearnall of our voyage," and "draughte" of the James river (see p. xli) are apparently now lost. There is, however, a later draught by this Gunner, which now forms Cott. MS. Augustus I., Vol. II. No. 46, in the British Museum; which is entitled The Draught by Roberte Tindall of virginia. Anno 1608. xl May 21. 1607. A Gentleman of the Colony. [? Captain GABRIEL ARCHER.] A relayton of the Discovery, &c. 21 May-22 June 1607. This is one of the many Relations that were written at this time. It was seen by President WINGFIELD; who, the next year, 1608, refers to it; see p. lxxvi. Out of the five Gentlemen of the Colony named on the opposite page, this narrative would seem to have been written by Captain GABRIEL ARCHER. The abridgement of the Hon. G. PERCY'S Relation covering this period, we have at þþ. lvii-lxxiii. The writer, whoever he was, took an important subordinate part in the expedition, discussing matters with the natives, &c. Speaking of the Chesapeake Indians, at p. xliv, he tells a Chief, on 23 May 1607, That we had warres with them also, shewing hurtes scarce whole received by them, evidently referring to the attack of the Chesapeake Indians on the 26 April previous, when Captain ARCHER was hurt in both his hands, p. lxii: and he was the only one then present, so hurt on that occasion. The way this sentence is written makes us think that ARCHER was speaking of his own wounds. If another person had been writing of him, he would have mentioned Captain ARCHER's name. Another slight presumption as to the authorship, is that, in the list of Discoverers, he puts his own name before SMITH's; and also that the scrivener has written his name in larger letters than he has used in writing those of the three following Gentlemen. [State Papers, Colonial. Vol. I. (1574-1621), No. 15.] A relatyon of the Discovery of our River, from Iames Forte into the Maine: made by Captaine Christofer Newport and sincerely writen and observed by a gent: of ye Colony. Hursday the xxith of May, Captaine Newport (having fitted our shallop with provision and all necessaryes belonging to a discovery) tooke 5. gentlemen. 4. Maryners and. 14. Saylours, with whome he proceeded with a perfect resolutyon not to returne, but either to finde ye head of this Ryver, the Laake mentyoned } # ? CaptIntroductionA relatyon of the Discovery of our River &c.] xli . . . G. Archer22 June 1607. by others heretofore, the Sea againe, the Mountaynes Apalatsi, or some issue. The names of the Dysco-Captaine Christofer Newport. vererers are thes George Percye esq. Captaine Gabriell Archer Captaine Ihon Smyth Master Ihon Brookes Master Thomas Wotton 1. Ionas Poole. 2. Robert Markham. 3. Iohn Crookdeck. 4. Olyver Browne. 5. Beniamyn White. 6. Rychard Genoway. 7. Thomas Turnbrydge. [Gentlemen] ffrancys Nellson John Collson xcvi.] Robert Tyndall Pp. xxxviii, Mathew ffytch 8. Thomas Godword. 9. Robert Iackson. 10. Charles Clarke. II. Stephen. 12. Thomas Skynner. 13. Ieremy Deale. 14. Danyell. Maryners. Thus from Iames Fort we tooke our leave about Noone, and by night we were vp the Ryver. 18. myle at a lowe meadow point, which I call Wynauh. Here came the people, and entertayned vs with Daunces and much reioycing. This kyngdome Wynauh is full of pearle muskles. The kyng of Paspeiouh and this king is at odds, as the Paspeians tould me, and Demonstrated by their hurtes: heere we anckored all night. [1607] ffryday, omitting no tyme, we passed vp some. 16. myle May 22. further, where we founde an Ilet, on which were many Turkeys, and greate store of yonge byrdes like Black birdes, wherof wee tooke Dyvers, which wee brake our fast. withall. Now spying. 8. salvages in a Canoa, we haled them by our worde of kyndnes; Wingapoh, and they came to vs. In conference by signes with them, one seemed to vnderstand our intentyon, and offred with his foote to xlvii, lv.] Describe the river to vs: So I gaue him a pen and paper (shewing first ye vse) and he layd out the whole River from the Chesseian bay to the end of it so farr as passadg[e] was for boats: he tolde vs of two Iletts in the Ryver we should passe by, meaning that one whereon we were, and [pp. xliii, xlii [A relatyon of the Discovery of our River &c. ?CaptIntroduction. Croucher. . [1607] May 23. {p. lxviii.] 22 June 1607. then come to an overfall of water, beyond that of two kyngdomes which the Ryver Runes by, then a great Distance of[f], the Mountaines Quiranh as he named them: beyond which by his relation is that which we expected. This fellow parting from vs promised to procure vs wheate if we would stay a little before, and for that intent went back againe to provide it: but we coming by the place where he was, with many more very Desirous of our Company, stayd not, as being eagre of our good tydinges. He notwithstanding with two wemen and another fellow of his owne consort, followed vs some sixe mile with basketes full of Dryed oysters, and mett vs at a point, where calling to vs, we went ashore and bartred with them for most of their victualls. Here the shoare began to be full of greate Cobble stones, and higher land. The Ryver skantes of his breadth. 2. mile before we come to the Ilet mentyoned which I call Turkey Ile: yet keepes it a quarter of a mile broade most comonly, and Depe water for shipping. This fellow with the rest overtooke vs agayne vpon the Doubling of another point: Now they had gotten mulberyes, little sweete nuttes like Acorns (a verye good fruite), wheate, beanes and mulberyes sodd together and gave vs. Some of them Desired to be sett over the Ryver, which we dyd, and they parted. Now we passed a Reach of. 3. mile . in length, highe stony ground on Popham syde. 5. or. 6. fadome. 8. oares length from the shoare. This Daye we went about. 38. mile and came to an Ankre at a place I call poore Cottage; where we went ashore, and were vsed kyndly by the people, wee sodd our kettle by ye water syde within nighte, and rested aboorde. Satterday we passed a few short reaches; and. 5. mile Heer we found our of poore Cottage we went a shore. kinde Comrades againe, who had gyven notice all along as they came of vs: by which we were entertayned with much Courtesye in every place. We found here a Wiroans (for so they call their kynges) who satt upon a matt of Reedes, with his people about him: He caused one to be layd for Captaine Newport, gave vs a Deare roasted; which 7 ?Capt1607. Introduction 22 . A relatyon of the Discovery of our River &c.] xliii . G. ArcherJune according to their Custome they seethed againe: His people gave vs mullberyes, sodd wheate and beanes, and he caused his weomen to make Cakes for vs. He gave our Captaine his Crowne which was of Deares hayre, Dyed redd. Certifying him of our intentyon vp the Ryver, he was willing to send guydes with us. This we found to be a kynge subiect to Pawatah the Cheife of all the kyng- domes) his name is Arahatec: the Country Arahatecoh. [1607] lxxxvi.] Now as we satt merye banquetting with them, seeing their Daunces, and taking Tobacco, Newes came that the greate kyng Powatah was come: at whose presence they (pp. lxxvi, all rose of[f] their mattes (saue the king Arahatec); sepa- rated themselves aparte in fashion of a Guard, and with a long shout they saluted him. Him wee saluted with silence sitting still on our mattes, our Captaine in the myddest; but presented (as before we Dyd to king Arahatec) gyftes of dyvers sortes, as penny knyves, sheeres, belles, beades, glasse toyes &c. more amply then before. Now this king appointed. 5. men to guyde us up the River, and sent Postes before to provyde us victuall. I caused now our kynde Consort that described the River to vs, to draw it againe before kyng Arahatec, who in euery thing consented to his Draught, and it agreed with his first relatyon. This we found a faythfull fellow, he was one that was appointed guyde for us. Thus parting from Arahatecs ioye, we found the people on either syde the Ryver stand in Clusters all along, still proferring vs victualls, which of some were accepted; as our guydes (that were with vs in the boate) pleased, and gaue them requitall. .xli, xlvii, lv.] So after we had passed some 10. myle, which (by the pleasure and ioye we tooke of our kinde interteynment, and for the Comfort of our happy and hopefull Discovery) we accompted scarce. 5. we came to the second Ilet Described in the Ryver; over against which on Popham syde is the habitatyon of the greate kyng Pawatah: which I call Pawatahs Towre; it is scituat upon a highe Hill by . 163. the water syde, a playne betweene it and the water. 12. score [yards] over, wheron he sowes his wheate, beane, peaze, tobacco, pompions, gourdes, Hempe, flaxe, &c. And were any Art vsed to the naturall state of this place, 481.] xliv [A relatyon of the Discovery of our River &c. ? IntroductionArcher. . Capt. C. G. 22 June 1607 [1607] it would be a goodly habitatyon: Heere we were con- ducted vp the Hill to the kyng, with whome we found our kinde king Arahatec: Thes. 2. satt by themselves. aparte from all the rest (saue one who satt by Powatah, and what he was I could not gesse but they told me he was no Wiroans): Many of his company satt on either side: and the mattes for vs were layde right over against the kynges. He caused his weomen to bring vs vittailes, mulberyes, strawberryes &c. but our best entertaynment. was frendly wellcome. [pp. lxii, 5, 31, 91, 387, 896.] In Discoursing with him, we founde that all the kyng- domes from the were frendes with him, and (to vse his owne worde) Cheisc, which is all one with him or vnder him. Also wee perceived the Chessipian to be an Enemye generally to all thes kyngdomes: vpon which I tooke occasion to signifye our Displeasure with them also making it knowne that we refused to plant in their Country; that we had warres with them also, shewing hurtes scarce whole received by them, for which we vowed revenge, after their maner, pointing to the Sunne: ffurther we certifyed him that we were frendes with all his people and kyngdomes, neither had any of them offred us ill, or vsed vs vnkyndly. Hereupon he (very well understanding by the wordes and signes we made; the significatyon of our meaning) moved of his owne accord a leauge of frynd- ship with vs; which our Captaine kyndly imbraced; and for concluding therof, gaue him his gowne, put it on his back himselfe, and laying his hand on his breast saying Wingapoh Chemuze (the most kynde wordes of salutatyon that may be) he satt Downe. Now the Day Drawing on, we made signe to be gone, wherwith he was contented; and sent. 6. men with vs : we also left a man with him, and Departed. But now rowing some. 3. myle in shold water we came to an overfall, impassable for boates any further. Here the water falles Downe through great mayne Rockes, from ledges of Rockes aboue. 2. fadome highe: in which fall it maketh Divers little Iletts, on which might be Our mayne Ryver placed 100. water milnes for any vses. ebbs and flowes. 4. foote even to ye skert of this Downfall. Shippes of. 200. or. 300. tonne may come to within. 5. Introduction. A relatyon of the Discovery of our River &c.] xlv ? Capt. G. Archer. 22 June 1607. myle hereof, and the rest Deepe inoughe for Barges, or small vessells that Drawe not aboue. 6. foote water. Having viewed this place, betweene Content and greefe we left it for this night, determyning the next Day to fitt our selfe for a March by Land. So we road all night betweene Pawatahs Tower and that Ilet I call wheron is. 6. or. 7. families. One of our Guydes which we had from Arahatecs Ioy whose name was Nauiraus, and now we found to be brother in Lawe to king Arahatec, desired to sleepe in the boate with vs: we permitted him, and vsed him with all the kyndnes we coulde: He proved a very trustye frend, as after is Declared. Now we sent for our Man to Pawatah, who coming told us of his entertaynment, how they had pre- pared mattes for him to lye on, gave him store of victualls, and made asmuch on him as coulde be/ [1607] Sonday, Whitsonday, our Captayne caused two peeces May 24. of porke to be sodd a shore with pease; to which he invyted king Pawatah: for Arahatec perswading himselfe we would come Downe the Ryver that night, went home. before Dynner, for preparatyon against our Coming. But in presence of them both it fell out that we missing two bullet bagges which had shott and Dyvers trucking toyes in them: we Complayned to theis kynges, who instantly caused them all to be restored, not wanting any thing. Howbeit they had Devyded the shott and toyes to (at least) a Dozen severall persons; and those also in the Ilet over the water: One also having stollen a knyfe, brought it againe vpon his Comaunde before we supposed it lost, or had made any signe for it: So Captaine Newport gave thanckes to the kinges and rewarded the theeves with the same toyes they had stollen, but kept the bullets: yet he made knowne unto them the Custome of England to be Death for such offences. Now Arahatec departed, and it being Dynner tyme, king Pawatah with some of his people satt with vs, brought of his dyet, and we fedd familiarly, without sitting in his state as before; he eat very freshly of our meat, Dranck of our beere, Aquavite, and Sack. Dynner Done we entred into Discourse of the Ryver how far it might be xlvi [A relatyon of the Discovery of our River &c. ? CaptIntroduction. G. Archer. . [1607] 22 June 1607. to the head therof, where they gat their Copper, and their Iron, and how many dayes Iornye it was to Monanacah Rahowacah and the Mountaines Quirank: requesting him to have guydes with vs also in our intended March; for our Captaine Determyned to haue travelled two or. 3. dayes Iornye a foote vp the Ryver: but without gyving any answer to our Demaundes, he shewde he would meete vs himselfe at the overfall and so we parted. This Nauiraus accompanyed vs still in the boate. According to his promyse he [Pawatah] mett vs; where the fellow whome I haue called our kinde Consort, he that followed vs from Turkey Ile, at the Coming of Pawatah made signe to vs we must make a shoute, which we Dyd. Now sitting vpon the banck by the overfall beholding the same, he began to tell vs of the tedyous travell we should haue if wee proceeded any further, that it was a Daye and a halfe Iorney to Monanacah, and if we went to Quiranck, we should get no vittailes and be tyred, and sought by all meanes to Disswade our Captayne from going any further: Also he tolde vs that the Monanacah was his Enmye, and that he came Downe at the fall of the leafe and invaded his Countrye. Now what I coniecture of this I haue left to a further experience. But our Captayne out of his Discreyton (though we would faine have seene further, yea and himselfe as desirous also) Checkt his intentyon and re- torned to his boate; as holding it much better to please. the king (with whome and all of his Comaund he had made so faire way) then to prosecute his owne fancye or satisfye our requestes: So vpon one of the little Iletts at the mouth of the falls he sett vp a Crosse with this 17p. lxix, 7.] inscription Iacobus Rex. 1607. and his owne name belowe: At the erecting hereof we prayed for our kyng and our owne prosperous succes in this his Actyon, and pro- claymed him kyng, with a greate showte. The king Pawatah was now gone (and as we noted somewhat Distasted with our importunity of proceeding vp further) and all the Salvages likewise save Nauiraus, who seeing vs set vp a Crosse with such a shoute, began to admire; but our Captayne told him that the two Armes of the Crosse signifyed king Powatah and himselfe, the fastening ? CaptIntroduction. G. Archer. . A relatyon of the Discovery of our River &c.] xlvii 22 June 1607. of it in the myddest was their vnited Leaug, and the [1607] shoute the reverence he Dyd to Pawatah, which cheered Nauiraus not a little. Also (which I have omytted) our Captayne before Pawatah Departed shewed him that if he would, he would gyve the Wiroans of Monanacah into his handes, and make him king of that Country, making signes to bring to his ayde. 500. men, which pleased the king muche, and vpon this (I noted) he told vs the tyme of the yere when his enemyes assaile him. So farr as we could Discerne the River above the over- fall, it was full of huge Rockes: About a myle of[f], it makes a pretty bigg Iland; It runnes up betweene highe Hilles which increase in height one aboue another so farr as wee sawe. lv.] Now our kynde Consortes relatyon sayth (which I dare well beleeve, in that I found not any one report false [¿¿. xli, xliii, of the River so farr as we tryed, or that he tolde vs vntruth in any thing ells whatsoeuer) that after a Dayes iorney or more, this River Devydes it selfe into two branches, which both come from the mountaynes Quirank. Here he whispered with me that theer caquassan was gott in the bites of Rockes and betweene Cliffes in certayne vaynes. Having ended thus of force our Discovery, our Captayne intended to call of kyng Pawatah, and sending Nauiraus vp to him he came Downe to the water syde; where he [6. Ixix,7-] went a shore single vnto him, presented him with a Hatchet, and staying but till Nauiraus had tolde (as we trewly perceived) the meaning of our setting vp the Crosse, which we found Dyd exceedingly reioyce him, he came a boorde, with the kyndest farewell that possible might be. Now at our putting of[f] the boate, Nauiraus willed vs to make a shout, which we Dyd two severall times, at which ye king and his company weaved their skinnes about their heades answering our shout with gladnes in a frendly fashion. This night (though late) we came to Arahatec Ioy, where we found the king ready to entertayne vs, and had pro- vided some victualls for vs, but he tolde vs he was very sick, and not able to sitt vp long with us, so we repaired aborde. Monday he came to the water syde, and we went a May 25. shore to him agayne. He tolde vs that our hott Drynckes xlviii [A relatyon of the Discovery of our River &c. ↑ Introduction. G. Archer. . Capt22 June 1607. [1607] he thought caused his greefe, but that he was well agayne, and we were very wellcome. He sent for another Deere which was roasted and after sodd for us (as before) Our Captayne caused his Dynner to be Dressed a shore also. Thus we satt banquetting all the forenoone. some of his people led vs to their houses, shewed vs the growing of their Corne and the maner of setting it, gave us Tobacco, wallnutes, mulberyes, strawberryes, and Respises. One [p. 74, 369.] shewed us the herbe called in their tongue wisacan, which they say heales poysoned woundes, it is like lyverwort or bloudwort. One gaue me a Roote wherwith they poison their Arrowes. they would shew vs any thing we Demaunded, and laboured very much by signes to make vs vnderstand their Languadge. Nauiraus our guyde and this kings brother made a complaint to Arahatec, that one of his people prest into our boate to[o] vyolently vpon a man of ours; which Captaine Newport (vnderstanding the pronenes of his owne men to such iniuryes) misconstruing the matter, sent for his owne man, bound him to tree before King Arahatec, and with a Cudgell soundly beate him. the king perceive- ing the error, stept vp and stayde our Captaynes hand And sytting still a while, he spyed his owne man that Dyd the iniurye: upon which he silently rose, and made towardes the fellow, he seeing him come, runn away, after ran the king, so swiftly as I assure my selfe he might gyve any of our Company. 6. score [yards] in. 12. with the king ran also Dyvers others, who all returning brought Cudgells and wandes in their hands all to be tewed, as if they had beaten him extreamly. At Dynner our Captayne gaue the kyng a glasse and some Aquavitæ therin, shewing him the benefytt of the water, for which he thanckt him kindly: and taking our Leaue of him, he promised to meete vs at a point not farr of where he hath another house, which he performed withall, sending men into the woodes to kill a Dere for vs if they could. This place I call mulbery shade. He caused heere to be prepared for us pegatewk-Apyan which is bread [¿p.lxix, 62.] of their wheat made in Rolles and Cakes; this the weomen make, and are very clenly about it; we had parched meale, excellent good; sodd beanes, which eate as sweete as ? CaptIntroduction. G. Archer. . A relatyon of the Discovery of our River &c.] xlix 22 June 1607. [1607] filbert kernells in a maner, strawberryes and mulberyes. new shaken of the tree dropping on our heads as we satt : He made ready a land turtle which we eate, and shewed that he was hartely reioyced in our Company. He was Desirous to haue a musket shott of[f], shewing first the maner of their owne skirmishes, which we perceive is .72. 367 } violent Cruell and full of Celerity; they vse a tree to Defend them in fight, and having shott an Enemy that he fall, they maull him with a short wodden sworde. Our Captayne caused a gentleman Discharge his peece Souldyer like before him, at which noyse he started, stopt his eares, and exprest much feare, so likewise all about him; some of his people being in our boate leapt over boorde at the wonder hereof: but our course of kyndnes after, and letting him to witt that wee neuer vse this thunder but against our enemyes, yea and that we would assist him with thes to terrify and kill his Adversaryes, he rejoyced the more, and we found it bred a better affectyon in him towards vs; so that by his signes we vnderstood he would or long be with us at our ffort. Captayne Newport bestowed on him a redd wa[i]stcote, which highly pleased him, and so Departed, gyving him also. 2. shouts as the boate went of[f]. This night we went some mile, and ankored at a place I Call kynd womans care which is mile from Mulbery shade. Here we came within night, yet was there ready for vs of bread new made, sodden wheate and beanes, mullberyes, and some fishe vndressed more then all we could eate. Moreover thes people seemed not to craue any thing in requitall, Howbeit our Captain volun- tarily distributed guifts. Tuesday we parted from kynd womans care, and by May. 26. Directyon of Nauiraus (who still accompanyed in the boate with vs) went a shore at a place I call Queene Apumatecs bowre. He caryed vs along through a plaine lowe grownd prepared for seede, part wherof had ben lately Cropt: and assending a pretty Hill, we sawe the Queene of this 5. Ixv, 7, Country comminge in selfe same fashion of state as Pawatah or Arahatec; yea rather with more maiesty: she had an vsher before her who brought her to the matt prepared vnder a faire mulbery tree, where she satt her ENG. SCH. LIB. No. 16. D 25, 400.) 1 [A ? relatyon of the Discovery of our River &c. . G. Archer. Introduction. [1607] Capt22 June 1607. Downe by her selfe with a stayed Countenance. she would permitt none to stand or sitt neere her: she is a fatt lustie manly woman: she had much Copper about her neck, a Crownet of Copper upon her hed: she had long black. haire, which hanged loose downe her back to her myddle, which only part was Covered with a Deares skyn, and ells all naked. She had her woemen attending on her adorned much like her selfe (save they wanted ye Copper). Here we had our accustomed Cates, Tobacco and wellcome. Our Captayne presented her with guyfts liberally, wher- vpon shee cheered somewhat her Countenance; and requested him to shoote o[f] a peece, wherat (we noted) she shewed not neere the like feare as Arahatec though he be a goodly man. She had much Corne in the grownd: she is subiect to Pawatah as the rest are; yet within herselfe of as greate authority as any of her neighbour Wy[r]oances. Captayne Newport stayd here some. 2. houres and Departed. Now leaving her, Ñauiraus Dyrected us to one of king Pamaunches howses some. 5. myle from the Queenes Bower. Here we were entertayned with greate ioye and gladnes, the people falling to Daunce, the weomen to preparing vitailes, some boyes were sent to Dive for muskles, they gaue vs Tobacco, and very kyndly saluted vs. This kyng [Opechancanough] (sitting in maner of the rest) so set his Countenance stryving to be stately, as to our seeming he became foole. Wee gaue him many presentes, and certifyed him of our Iorney to ye falles our League with the greate kyng Pawatah, a most certayne frendship with Arahatec and kynde entertaynment of the Queene: that we were professed Enemyes to the Chessepians, and would assist kyng Pawatah against the Monanacans; with this he seemed to be much reioyced: and he would haue had our Captayne staye with him all night, which he refused not, but single with the king walked aboue two flight shott, shewing therby his trew meaning without Distrust or feare. Howbeit, we followed a loofe of[f], and coming up to a gallant Mulbery tree, we founde Divers preparing vittaiies for vs: but the kyng seing our intentyon was to accompany our Captaine, he altered his purpose and weaved vs in kyndnes to our boate. This Wyroans Pamaunche I holde to inhabite a Rych land of ?CaptIntroduction. A relatyon of the Discovery of our River &c.] li. . . G. Archer22 June 1607. Copper and pearle. His Country lyes into the land to [1607] another Ryver, which by relatyon and Descriptyon of the Salvages comes also comes also from the Mountaynes. Quirank, but a shorter Iorney. The Copper he had, as also many of his people, was very flexible, I bowed a peece of the thicknes of a shilling rounde about my finger, as if it had ben lead: I found them nice in parting with any; They weare it in their eares, about their neckes in long lynckes, and in broade plates on their heades: So we made no greate enquyry of it, neither seemed Desirous to have it. The kyng had a Chaine of pearle about his neck thrice Double, the third parte of them as bygg as pease, which I could not valew lesse worth then. 3. or. 400. li had the pearle ben taken from the Muskle as it ought to be. His kyngdome is full of Deare (so also is moste of all the kyngdomes :) he hath (as the rest likewise) many ryche furres. This place I call Pamaunches pallace, how- beit by Nauiraus his wordes the kyng of Winauh is possessor hereof. The platt of grownd is bare without wood some. 100. acres, where are set beanes, wheate, peaze, Tobacco, Gourdes, pompions, and other thinges vnknowne to us in our tongue. Now having left this kyng in kyndnes and frendship: we crossed over the water to a sharpe point, which is parte of Winauk on Salisbury syde (this I call careles point). Here some of our men went a shore with Nauiraus, mett. 10. or. 12. Salvages, who offering them neither victualls nor Tobacco, they requitted their Courtesy with the like, and left them. This night we came to point Winauk right against which we rested all night. There was an olde man with King Pamaunche (which I omitted in place to specify) who wee understood to be. [lxx.] 110. yere olde; for Nauiraus with being with vs in our boate had learned me so much of the Languadg[e], and was so excellently ingenious in signing out his meaning, that I could make him vnderstand me, and perceive him also wellny in any thing. But this knowledg[e] our Captaine gatt by taking a bough and singling of the leaues, let one drop after another, saying caische which t. 45, 381.] is. 10. so first Nauiraus tooke. 11. beanes and tolde them to vs, pointing to this olde fellow, then 110. beanes; by 1 Introductionlii [A relatyon of the Discovery of our River &c. ?Capt6. Archer- . [1607] May 27. . G. 22 June 1607. 10. yeares a which he awnswered to our Demaund for. beane, and also euery yere by it selfe. This was a lustye olde man, of a sterne Countenance, tall and streight, had a thinne white beard, his armes overgrowne with white haires, and he went as strongly as any of the rest. Wensday we went a shore at Point IVinauk, where Nauiraus caused them to goe a fisshing for us, and they brought us in a shorte space good store: Thes seemed our good frindes but (the cause I knowe not) heere pp. 7, 92.1 Nauiraus tooke some Conceyt, and though he shewed no discontent, yet would he by no meanes goe any further with vs, saying he would goe vp to kyng Araliatek, and then within some three dayes after he would see vs at our ffort. This greeved our Captayne very Deeply, for the loving kyndnes of this fellow was such as he trusted himselfe with vs out of his owne Country, intended to come to our fforte, and as wee came he would make frendship for vs, before he would lett vs goe a shore at any place, being (as it seemed) very carefull of our safety. So our Captayne made all haste home, Determyning not to stay in any place as fearing some disastrous happ at our forte. Which fell out as we expected, thus. After our Departure they seeldome frequented our ffort, but by one or two single now and then, practising vpon oportunity, now in our absence, perceiving there secure Caryadg[e] in the fort; and the xxvith of May being ye Day before our returne, there came aboue. 200. of them with their kyng and gave a very furious Assault to our fort, endaungering their overthrowe, had not the Shippes ordinance with their small shott daunted them: They came vp allmost into the ffort, shot through the tents, appeared in this Skirmishe (which indured hott about an hower) a very valiant people: they hurt vs. (wherof one Dyed after) and killed a Boy, yet perceived they not this Hurt in vs. We killed Dyvers of them, but one wee sawe them tugg of[f] on ther backes, and how many hurt we knowe not. A little after they made a huge noyse in the woodes, which our men surmised was at ye bury- ing of their slayne men. ffoure of the Counsell that stood II. men ?CaptIntroductionA relatyon of the Discovery of our River &c.] liii . . G. Archer. 22 June 1607. in front were hurt in mayntayning the fforte, and our president Master Wynckfeild (who shewed himselfe a valiant Gentleman) had one shott cleane through his bearde, yet scaped hurte. Thus having ended our Discovery, which we hope may tend to the glory of God, his Maiestes Renowne, our Countryes profytt, our owne advauncing and fame to all posterity: we settled our selues to our owne safety, and began to fortefye; Captayne Newport worthely of his owne accord causing his Sea men to ayde vs in the best parte therof. Thursday we laboured, pallozadoing our fort. Fryday the salvages gave on againe, but with more feare, not daring approche scarce within musket shott: they hurt not any of us, but finding one of our Dogges, they killed him: they shott aboue. 40. arrowes into, and about the forte. Satterday, we were quyet. Sunday they came lurking in the thickets and long grasse; and a Gentleman one Eustace Clovell vnarmed stragling without the ffort, shot. 6. Arrowes into him, wherwith he came runinge into the ffort, crying Arme Arme, thes stycking still: He lyved. S. Dayes, and Dyed. The Salvages stayed not, but run away. [1607] 28. 29. 30. Monday some. 20. appeared, shott Dyvers Arrowes at June 1. randome which fell short of our fforte, and rann away. Tuesday quyet and wrought upon fortification, Clap- Wensday boord, and setting of Corne. Thursday by breake of Day. 3. of them had most adventurously stollen under our Bullwark and hidden themselves in the long grasse; spyed a man of ours going out to doe naturall necessity, shott him in the head, and through the Clothes in two places but missed the skynne. Fryday. quyet. Satterday there being among the Gentlemen and all the Company a murmur and grudg[e] against certayne preposterous proceedinges, and inconvenyent Courses, [they] put up a Petytion to the Counsell for reformatyon. Sonday. no accydent 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. liv [A relatyon of the Discovery of our River &c. ? CaptIntroduction. . C. Archer[1607] 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. .. G. 22 June 1607. Monday, Master Clovell Dyed that was shott with. 6. Arrowes sticking in him. This afternoone. 2. salvages presented themselues vnarmed a farr of[f] Crying Wingapoh; there were also three more having bowe and arrowes: these we Conjectured came from some of those kinges with whom we had perfect league: but one of our Gentlemen garding in the woodes and having no Com- aundement to the contrary shott at them: at which (as their Custome is) they fell downe, and after run away: yet farther of[f] we heard them crye Wingapol notwithstanding. Tuesday in cutting downe a greate oke for Clapboord, there issued out of the hart of the tree the quantity of two barricoes of liquor, in taste as good as any vyneger, save a little smack it tooke of the oke. Wensday the Counsell scanned the Gentlemans. Petityon: Wherin Captayne Newport shewing himselfe no lesse Carefull of our Amitye and Combyned frendship, them became him in the deepe Desire he had of our good; vehemently with ardent affectyon wonne our hartes by his fervent perswasyon, to vniformity of Consent, and Callmed that, out of our Loue to him, with ease, which I doubt without better satisfactyon had not contentedly ben caryed. Wee confirmed a faythfull loue one to another, and in our hartes subscribed an obedyence to our Superyours this Day. Captaine Smyth was this Day sworne one of the Counsell, who was elected in England. Thursday, Articles and orders for Gentlemen and Soldyers were vpon the Court of Garde, and Content was in the Quarter. Fryday, Cutting downe another tree, the like accident of vineger proceeded. Satterday. 8. salvages lay close among the weedes and long grasse: and spying one or two of our Maryners Master Ihon Cotson and Master Mathew ffitch by them- selves, shott Mathew ffytch in the somwhat dangerously, and so rann away this Morning. Our Admiralls [flag- ship's] men gatt a Sturgeon of. 7. foote long which Captayne Newport gaue vs. Sondaye, two salvages presented themselves vnarmed, to whome our President and Captaine Newport went out. one of these was that fellow I call in my Relatyon of ? CaptIntroductionA relatyon of the Discovery of our River &c.] lv . . G. Archer. 22 June 1607. Discovery our kinde Consort, being hee we mett at Turkye Ile. These certifyed vs who were our frendes, and who foes, saying that king Pamaunke kyng Arahatec, the kyng of Youghtamong, and the king of Matapoll would either assist vs or make vs peace with Paspciouk, Tapahanauk, Wynauk, Apamatecoh and Chescaik, our Contracted Enemyes: He counselled vs to Cutt Downe the long weedes rounde about our fforte, and to proceede in our sawing: Thus making signes to be with vs shortly agayne, they parted. Monday, we wrought vpon Clapborde for England. Tuesday, two salvages without from Salisbury syde being Tapahanauks Country, Captayne Newport went to them in the barge ymagining they had ben our Sonday frendes but thes were Tapahanauks and cryed (treacher- ously) Wingapoh, saying their king was on the other syde of a point, where had our Barge gone it was so shold water as they might have effected their villanous plott : but our Admirall tolde them Tapahanauk was matah and chirah, wherat laughing they went away. Wensdaye. Thursdaye. Frydaye. Satterday. no Accydent. Sondaye, we had a Communyon: Captaine Newport Dyned a shore with our Dyet, and invited many of us to Supper as a farewell/ [Endorsed] Capten Newports relation of Virginia Discovery. [From this endorsement, it would seem that whoever wrote this relatyon," it was the official one presented by NEWPORT on his return home.] This Relatyon is followed by The Discription of the now discovered River and Country of Virginia; with the liklyhood of ensuing ritches, by Englands ayd and industry. / A Breif discription of the People. / [1607] .xli, xliii, xlvii.] 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. Ivi DUDLEY CARLETON. Letter to JOHN CHAMBERLAIN. 18 August 1607. [Extract] [1607] [State Papers, Domestic. James I. (1607) Vol. 28, No. 34. Aster Chamberlain, you may whilst you liue. confess your obligation to Sir IV. Cope, &c. And now you have all our domestike newes, for publike you shall vnderstand, that Captaine Newport is come from owr late adventurers to Virginia hauing left them in an Island in the midst of a great river 120 mile into the land. They write much commendations of the aire and the soile and the commodities of it: but siluer and golde haue they none, and they can not yet be at peace with the inhabitants of the cuntrie. They haue fortified themselfs and built a small towne which they call James-towne, and so they date theyr letters: but the towne me thincks hath no gracefull name, and besides the Spaniards who thinck it no small matter of moment how they stile theyr new populations. will tell us I dowbt it comes too neere Villiaco. One Captaine Waiman a speciall favorit of Sir Walter Copes was taken the last weeke in a port in Kent shipping himself for Spaine with intent as is thought to have betraied his frends and shewed the Spaniards a meanes how to defeat this Verginian attempt. The great counsell of that State hath resolved of a dubble supplie to be sent thether with all diligence. The opinion is now generally that the Peace will be made in the low cuntreys. Sir Richard Spencer saw not the king, etc. from London this 18th of August. 1607. Yours most assuredly [Added below.] DUDLEY CARLETON. Master Porie tells me of a name giuen by a Duchman who wrote to him in Latin from the new towne in Verginia, Jacobopolis, and Master Warner hath a letter from Master George Percie who names theyr towne James-fort, which we like best of all the rest because it comes neere to Chemes-ford. lvii [Rev. SAMUEL PURCHAS.] Observations gathered out of A Discourse of the Plantation of the Southerne Colonie in Virginia by the English, 1606: Written by that Honorable Gentleman, Master GEORGE PERCY. [From the Rev. S. PURCHAS's Pilgrimes, iv. 1685-1690. Ed. 1625. It would be very desirable to find the manuscript, of the beginning of which PURCHAS has here given us a Summary.] N Saturday the twentieth of December in the yeere 1606. the fleet fell [i.e., down the Thames] from London, and the fift of Ianuary we anchored in the Downes: but the winds continued contrarie so long, that we were forced to stay there some time; where wee suffered great stormes, but by the skilfulnesse of the Captaine wee suffered no great losse or danger. The twelfth day of February [1607] at night, we saw a blazing Starre; and presently [came] a storme. [1606-7] [These side- chiefly by notes are the Rev. S. Purchas.] The three and twentieth day [of March 1607], we fell The next [in] with the Iland of Mattanenio, in the West Indies. day [24 Mar. 1607 Iviii Introduction. The Hon. G. Percy. A Discourse of the Plantation of the 1607] Captaine Smith was suspected for a sup- posed Mutinie, though neuer no such matter. Trade at Dominica. ? 1607. giuen them a great The foure and twentieth day [of March], we anchored at Dominico, within fourteene degrees of the Line: a very faire Iland, the Trees full of sweet and good smels; [and] inhabited by many Sauage Indians. They were at first very scrupulous to come aboord vs. Wee learned of them afterwards, that the Spaniards had ouerthrow on this Ile; but when they knew what we were, there came many to our ships with their Canoas ; bringing vs many kindes of sundry fruites, as Pines, Pota- toes, Plantons, Tobacco, and other fruits; and Roane Cloth [in] abundance, which they had gotten out of cer- taine Spanish ships that were cast away vpon that Iland. We gaue them Kniues, [and] Hatchets for exchange; which they esteeme much. Wee also gaue them Beades, [and] Copper Iewels which they hang through their nosthrils, ears, and lips, very strange to behold. Their bodies are all painted red, to keepe away the biting of Muscetos [mosquitoes]. They goe all naked with- out couering. The haire of their head is a yard long, all of a length, pleated in three plats hanging downe to their wastes. They suffer no haire to grow on their faces. They cut [tattoo] their skinnes in diuers workes. They are continually in warres; and will eate their enemies when they kill them, or any stranger if they take them. They Brutishnesse will lap vp mans spittle, whilst one spits in their mouthes, Dominicans. in a barbarous fashion like Dogges. These people and of the Fight betwixt a Thresher the rest of the Ilands in the West Indies, and Brasill, are called by the names of Canibals, that will eate mans flesh. These people doe poyson their Arrow heads, which are made of a fishes bone. They worship the Deuill for their God, and haue no other beliefe. Whilest we remayned at this Iland, we saw a Whale Whale, the chased by a Thresher and a Sword-fish. They fought for the space of two houres. We might see the Thresher with his flayle lay on the monstrous blowes which was strange to behold. In the end, these two fishes brought the Whale to her end. and Sword- fish. Mar[ia]. galanta. The sixe and twentieth day [of March, 1607], we had sight of Mari[a]galanta: and the next day [27 March], wee Guadalupa. sailed with a slacke saile, alongst the Ile of Guadalupa; where we went ashore, and found a Bath which was Bath very hot. : :Southerne Colony in Virginia by the English. lix ] Introduction. Hon. G. Percy. ? 1607.. so hot that no man was able to stand long by it. Our [1607) Admirall [here designating the Chief in command, not the flagship], Captaine Newport, caused a piece of Porke to be put in it; which boyled it so, in the space of halfe an hour, as no fire could mend it. Then we went aboord, and sailed by many Ilands, as Mounserot [Montserrat] and an Iland called Saint Christopher; both vninhabited. About two a clocke in the afternoone [28 March], wee Menis- anchored at the Ile of Meuis [i.c., Nevis]. There the Cap- taine landed all his men, being well fitted with Muskets and other conuenient Armes; [and] marched a mile into the Woods being [where they were] commanded to stand vpon their guard, fearing the treacherie of the Indians; which is an ordinary vse amongst them, and all other Sauages on this Ile. We came to a Bath standing in a Valley Bath at betwixt two Hils, where wee bathed our selues; and found it to be of the nature of the Bathes [mineral springs] in England, some places hot and some colder: and men may refresh themselues as they please. : Meuis. 910.] ties there Finding this place to be so conuenient for our men to auoid diseases which will breed in so long a Voyage, wee incamped ourselues on this Ile sixe dayes [28 Mar.-2 April pp. xxxii, 1607], and spent none of our ships victuall, by reason our Commodi- men, some went a hunting, some a fouling, and some a fishing where we got great store of Conies, sundry kinds of fowles, and great plentie of fish. We kept Centinels. and Courts de gard [Pickets] at euery Captaines quarter, fearing wee should be assaulted by the Indians, that were on the other side of the Iland. Wee saw [met with] none, nor were molested by any: but some few we saw as we were a hunting on the Iland. They would not come to vs by any meanes, but ranne swiftly through the Woods to the Mountaine tops, so we lost the sight of them: whereupon we made all the haste wee could to our quarter [camp], thinking there had beene a great ambush of Indians there abouts. We past into the thickest of the Woods, where we had almost lost our selues. We had not gone aboue halfe a mile amongst the thicke, but we came into a most pleasant Garden: being a hundred paces square on euery side, hauing many Cotton-trees growing in it with abundance Ix 1607. A Discourse of the Plantation of the ? [The [1607] Aprill. Tortoises. Introduction. The Hon. G. Percy. of Cotton-wooll, and many Guiacum trees. Wee saw the goodliest tall trees growing so thicke about the Garden, as though they had been set by Art: which made vs maruell very much to see it. The third day [of April, 1607], wee set saile from Meuis. The fourth day [April], we sailed along by Castutia [St. Eustatius and by Saba. This day [4 April 1607], we anchored at the Ile of Vir- gines, in an excellent Bay able to harbour a hundred [1686] Ships. If this Bay stood in England, it would be a great profit and commoditie to the Land. On this Iland wee caught great store of Fresh-fish and abundance of Sea Tortoises, which serued all our Fleet three daies, which were in number eight score persons. We also killed great store of wilde Fowle. Wee cut the Barkes of certaine Trees which tasted much like Cinnamon, and very hot in the mouth. This Iland in some places hath very good ground, [and] straight and tall Timber. But the greatest discommoditie that wee haue scene on this Iland is that it hath no Fresh-water, which makes the place void of any Inhabitants. Vpon the sixt day [of April], we set saile and passed by Becam [Bicque], and by Saint Iohn de porto rico. The seuenth day [of April, we arriued at Mona: where wee watered: which we stood in great need of, seeing Menis water that our water [obtained at Nevis] did smell so vildly that none of our men was able to indure it. vnwhole- some. Whilst some of the Saylers were a filling the Caskes with water, the Captaine and the rest of the Gentlemen, and other Soldiers, marched vp in the Ile sixe myles; thinking to find some other prouision to maintaine our victualling. As we marched, we killed two wild Bores; and saw a huge wild Bull, his hornes was an ell be- tweene the two tops. We also killed Guanas [lizards], in fashion of a Serpent, and speckled like a Toade vnder the belly. These wayes that wee went, being [were] so troublesome. and vilde, going vpon the sharpe Rockes, that many of our men fainted in the march: but, by good fortune, wee lost. Ed. Brookes none but one Edward Brookes Gentleman; whose fat melted within him, by the great heate and drought of faint with thirst. Introduction. Hon. G. Percy. Southerne Colony in Virginia by the English. lxi ? 1607.. the Countrey. We were not able to relieue him nor our selues; so he died in that great extreamitie. [1607] The ninth day [of April], in the afternoone, we went off Moneta. with our Boat, to the Ile of Moneta, some three leagues from Mona: where we had a terrible landing, and a troublesome getting vp to the top of the Mountaine or Ile; [it] being a high firme Rocke, ste[e]p, with many terrible sharpe stones. After wee got to the top of the Ile, we found it to bee a fertill and a plaine ground, full of goodly grasse, and abundance of Fowles of all kindes. They flew ouer our heads as thicke as drops of Ha[i]le. Store of Besides they made such a noise, that wee were not able to heare one another speake. Furthermore, wee were not able to set our feet on the ground, but either on Fowles or Egges which lay so thicke in the grasse. Wee laded two Boats full in the space of three houres, to our great refreshing. The tenth day [of April], we set saile, and disimboged out of the West Indies; and bare oure course Northerly. The fourteenth day, we passed the Tropicke of Cancer. The one and twentieth day, about fiue a clocke at night, there began a vehement tempest, which lasted all the night, with winds, raine, and thunders, in a terrible manner. Wee were forced to lie at Hull that night, because we thought wee had beene neerer land then wee were. The next morning, being the two and twentieth day, wee sounded; and [also] the three and twentieth, and foure and twent[i]eth day: but we could find no ground. The fiue and twentieth day, we sounded, and had no ground at an hundred fathom. The six and twentieth day of Aprill [1607], about foure a clocke in the morning, wee descried the Land of Virginia. The same day, wee entred into the Bay of Chesupioc directly, without any let or hindrance. fowles. We were driuen to try [lie at that and by the night(25th]; storme, were forced neere the shore not knowing where we were. They land There wee landed and discouered a little way: but wee could find nothing worth the speaking of, but faire in Tirginit. meddowes and goodly tall Trees; with such Fresh-waters. running through the woods, as I was almost rauished at the first sight thereof. lxii . A Discourse of the Plantation of the ? [ [1607] Introduction, The Hon. G. Percy. 1607At night, when wee were going aboard, there came the Sauages creeping vpon all foure, from the Hills, like Beares; with their Bowes in their mouthes: [who] charged vs very desperately in the faces, [and] hurt Captaine pp. xliv, 5, Gabri[cll Archer in both his hands, and a sayler in two 3,387, places of the body very dangerous [ly]. After they had spent their Arrowes, and felt the sharpnesse of our shot; they retired into the Woods with a great noise, and so left vs. 895.1 91, The seuen and twentieth day [of April 1607], we began to build vp our Shallop. The Gentlemen and Souldiers marched eight miles vp into that land. We could not see a Sauage in all that march. We came to a place where they had made a great fire, and had beene newly a ro[a]sting Oysters. When they perceiued our comming, they fled away to the Mountaines, and left many of the Oysters in the fire. We eat some of the Oysters, which were very large and delicate in taste. The eighteenth [or rather 28th] day [of April], we la[u]nched our Shallop. The Captaine and some Gentle- men went in her, and discouered vp the Bay. We found a Riuer on the South side, running into the Maine [up into the mainland]: we entered it and found it very shoald water, not for any Boats to swim. Wee went further into the Bay, and saw a plaine plot of ground, where we went on Land; and found the place fiue mile in compasse, without either Bush or Tree. We saw nothing there but a Cannow, which was made out of the whole tree, which was fiue and fortie foot long by the Rule. Vpon this plot of ground, we got good store of Mussels and Oysters, which lay on the ground as thicke as stones. Wee opened some, and found in many of them Pearles. Wee marched some three or foure miles further into the Woods, where we saw great smoakes of fire. Wee marched to those smoakes, and found that the Sauages had beene there, burning downe the grasse; as wee thought either to make their plantation there, or else to giue signes to bring their forces together, and so to giue vs battell. We past through excellent ground full of Flowers of diuers kinds and colours, and as goodly trees as I haue The HonIntroductionSoutherne Colony in Virginia by the English. Ixiii . . G. Percy: ? 1607. seene, as Cedar, Cipresse, and other kindes. Going a [1607] little further, we came into a little plat of ground full of fine and beautifull Strawberries, foure times bigger and Straw- better then ours in England. [1687] All this march, we could neither see Sauage nor Towne. When it grew to be towards night, we stood backe to our Ships, we sounded and found it shallow water for a great way, which put vs out of all hopes for getting any higher with our Ships, which road at the mouth of the Riuer. Wee rowed ouer to a point of Land, where wee found a channell; and sounded six, eight, ten, or twelue fathom which put vs in good comfort. Therefore wee named that point of Land, Cape Comfort. The nine and twentieth day, we set vp a Crosse at Chesupioc Bay, and named that place Cape Henry. Thirtieth day [of April, 1607], we came with our ships to Cape Comfort; where we saw fiue Sauages running on the shoare. Presently the Captaine caused the shallop to be manned ; so rowing to the shoare, the Captaine called to them in. signe of friendship: but they were at first very timersome, vntil they saw the Captain lay his hand on his heart. Vpon that, they laid downe their Bowes and Arrowes, and came very boldly to vs; making signes to come a shoare to their Towne, which is called by the Sauages, Kecoughtan. Wee coasted to their Towne, rowing ouer a Riuer running into the Maine, where these Sauages swam ouer with their Bowes and Arrowes in their mouthes. When we came ouer to the other side, there was a many of other Sauages, which directed vs to their Towne, where we were entertained by them very kindly. When we came first a Land they made a dolefull noise, laying their faces to the ground, scratching the earth with their nailes. We did thinke they had beene at their Idolatry. When they had ended their Ceremonies, they went into their houses and brought out mats and laid [them] vpon the ground: the chiefest of them sate all in a rank; the meanest sort brought vs such dainties as they had, and of their bread which they make of their Maiz[e] or Gennea wheat. They would not suffer vs to eat vnlesse we sate berries. Point Comfort. Kecough tan. lxiv 1607. A Discourse of the Plantation of the [ ? [1 [1607] Introduction. The Hon. G. Percy. down, which we did on a Mat right against them. After Tobacco. we were well satisfied, they gaue vs of their Tabacco, Dancing. which they tooke in a pipe made artifically of earth as ours are, but far bigger, with the bowle fashioned together with a piece of fine copper. After they had feasted vs, they shewed vs, in welcome, their manner of dancing, which was in this fashion. One Singing and of the Sauages standing in the midst singing, beating one hand against another; all the rest dancing about him, shouting, howling, and stamping against the ground, with many Anticke tricks and faces, making noise like so many Wolues or Deuils. One thing of them I obserued; when they were in their dance, they kept stroke with their feet iust, one with another; but with their hands, heads, faces and bodies, euery one of them had a seuerall gesture: so- they continued for the space of halfe an houre. When they had ended their dance, the Captaine gaue them Beades and other trifling Iewells. A long oration. They hang through their eares, Fowles legs. They shaue the right side of their heads with a shell, the left side they weare of an ell long, tied vp with an artificiall knot, with a many of Foules feathers sticking in it. They goe altogether naked, but their priuities are couered with Beasts skinnes beset commonly with little bones, or beasts teeth. Some paint their bodies blacke, some red, with artificiall knots of sundry liuely colours, very beauti- full and pleasing to the eye, in a brauer fashion then they in the West Indies. The fourth day of May [1607], we came to the King or Werowance of Paspihe (i.e., Paspahegh]: where they enter- tained vs with much welcome. An old Sauage made a long Oration, making a foule noise, vttering his speech with a vehement action; but we knew little what they meant. Whilst we were in company with the Paspiles, the Werowance of Rapahanna came from the other side of the Riuer in his Cannoa. He seemed to take displeasure of our being with the Pasiphes. He would faine haue had vs come to his Towne, [but] the Captaine was vnwilling. Seeing that the day was so far spent, he returned backe to his ships for that night. The HonIntroduction. ? . Southerne Colony in Virginia by the English. Ixv ]Southerne : . G. Percy1607The next day, being the fift of May, the Werowance of [1607] Rapahanna sent a Messenger, to haue vs come to him. We entertained the said Messenger, and gaue him trifles which pleased him. Wee manned our shallop with Mus- kets and Targatiers sufficiently: [and] this said Messenger guided vs where our determination was to goe. Reed. When wee landed, the Werowance of Rapahanna came downe to the water side with all his traine, as goodly men as any I haue seene of Sauages or Christians: the Werowance comming before them playing on a Flute A Flute made of a Reed, with a Crown of Deares haire colloured made of a red, in fashion of a Rose fastened about his knot of haire, and a great Plate of Copper on the other side of his head; with two long Feathers in fashion of a paire of Hornes placed in the midst of his Crowne. His body was painted all with Crimson, with a Chaine of Beads about his necke; his face painted blew besprinkled with siluer Ore [418] as wee thought; his eares all behung with Braslets of Pearle; and in either eare a Birds Claw through it, beset with fine Copper or Gold. He entertained vs in so modest a proud fashion, as though he had beene a Prince of ciuill gouernment; hold- ing his countenance without laughter or any such ill behauiour. He caused his Mat to be spred on the ground, where hee sate downe with a great Maiestie, taking a pipe of Tabacco: the rest of his company standing about. him. After he had rested a while, he rose, and made signes to vs to come to his Towne. He went formost, and all the rest of his people and our selues followed him vp a steepe Hill where his Palace was settled. Wee passed through the Woods in fine paths, hauing [that had] most pleasant Springs which issued from the Mountaines. Wee also went through the goodliest Corne fieldes that euer was seene in [1688] any Countrey. When wee came to Rapahannos Towne, hee entertained vs in good humanitie. The eight day of May [1607], we discouered vp the Riuer. We landed in the Countrey of Apamatica. At slis, 7 our landing, there came many stout and able Sauages to resist vs, with their Bowes and Arrowes, in a most warlike manner; with their swords at their backes beset with ENG. SCI. LIB. No. 16. E 25,400.] lxvi A Discourse of the Plantation of the The HonIntroduction. ? 1607. . G. Percy. [1607] sharpe stones, and pieces of yron able to cleaue a man in Archers Hope. [/. xc] Their Plantation at lames Towne. sunder. Amongst the rest, one of the chiefest, standing before them cross-legged, with his Arrow readie in his Bow in one hand, and taking a Pipe of Tobacco in the other, with a bold vttering of his speech, demanded of vs, [of] our being there, willing vs to bee gone. Wee made signes of peace; which they perceiued in the end, and let vs land in quietnesse. The twelfth day of May], we went backe to our ships; and discouered a point of Land, called Archers Hope, which was sufficient with a little labour to defend our selues against any Enemy. The soile was good and fruit- full, with excellent good Timber. There are also great store of Vines, in bignesse of a mans thigh, running vp to the tops of the Trees in great abundance. We also did see many Squirels, Conies, Black Birds with crimson wings, and diuers other Fowles and Birds of diuers and sundrie collours of crimson, Watchet, Yellow, Greene, Murry, and of diuers other hewes naturally without any art vsing. We found store of Turkie nests and many Egges. If it had not beene disliked because the ship could not ride neere the shoare, we had setled there to all the Collonies contentment. The thirteenth day, we came to our seating place in Paspihas Countrey, some eight miles from the point of Land [of] which I made mention before: where . shippes doe lie so neere the shoare that they are moored to the Trees in six fathom water. our The fourteenth day [of May 1607], we landed all our men; which were set to worke about the fortification, and others some to watch and ward as it was conuenient. Pre- The first night of our landing, about midnight, there came some Sauages sayling close to our quarter. sently there was an alarum giuen; vpon that, the Sauages ran away, and we [were] not troubled any more by them that night. Not long after, there came two Sauages that seemed to be Commanders, brauely drest, with Crownes of coloured haire vpon their heads; which came as Messengers from the Werowance of Paspiha, telling vs that their Werowance : . The HonIntroductionSoutherne Colony in Virginia by the English. Ixvii . . G. Percy? 1607. was comming, and would be merry with vs with a fat [1607] Deare. The eighteenth day, the Werowance of Paspila came himselfe to our quarter, with one hundred Sauages armed, which garded him in a very warlike manner with Bowes and Arrowes; thinking at that time to execute their villany. Paspihe made great signes to vs to lay our Armes away: but we would not trust him so far. He seeing he could not haue conuenient time to worke his will, at length made signes that he would giue vs as much Land given. land as we would desire to take. Sauages are natur- theeues. As the Sauages were in a throng in the Fort, one of These them stole a Hatchet from one of our company, which spied him doing the deed: whereupon he tooke it from ally great him by force, and also strooke him ouer the arme. Pre- sently another Sauage seeing that, came fiercely at our man, with a wooden sword, thinking to beat out his braines. The Verowance of Paspiha saw vs take to our Armes, [and] went suddenly away with all his company, in great anger. The nineteenth day, my selfe and three or foure more walking into the Woods, by chance wee espied a path- way like to an Irish pace: wee were desirous to knowe whither it would bring vs. Wee traced along some foure miles, all the way as wee went, hauing the pleasantest Suckles, the ground all flowing ouer with faire flowers of sundry colours and kindes, as though it had beene in any Garden or Orchard in England. There be many Straw- berries, and other fruits vnknowne. Wee saw the Woods full of Cedar and Cypresse trees, with other trees [out of] which issues our sweet Gummes like to Balsam. Wee kept on our way in this Paradise. At length, wee came to a Sauage Towne, where wee found but few people. They told vs the rest were gone a hunting with the Werowance of Paspiha. We stayed there a while, and had of them Strawberries and other things. In the meane time, one of the Sauages came running out of his house. with a Bowe and Arrowes, and ranne mainly through the Woods. Then I beganne to mistrust some villanie, that he went to call some companie, and so betray vs. Wee made all haste away wee could. One of the Sauages lxviii . A Discourse of the Plantation of the ? [The . [1607] Introduction. The Hon. G. Percy1607brought vs on the way to the Wood side, where there was. a Garden of Tobacco and other fruits and herbes. He gathered Tobacco, and distributed to euery one of vs; [and] so wee departed. The twentieth day, the Werowance of Paspiha sent fortie of his men with a Deere, to our quarter: but they came more in villanie than any loue they bare vs. They faine would haue layne in our Fort all night, but wee would not suffer them for feare of their treachery. One of our Gentlemen hauing a Target which hee trusted in, thinking it would beare out a slight shot, hee- set it vp against a tree, willing one of the Sauages to shoot who tooke from his backe an Arrow of an elle long, drew it strongly in his Bowe, shoots the Target a foote thorow, or better: which was strange, being that a Pistoll could not pierce it. Wee seeing the force of his Bowe, afterwards set him vp a steele Target: he shot again, and burst his arrow all to pierces. He presently pulled out another Arrow, and bit it in his teeth, and seemed to bee in a great rage: so hee went away in great anger. Their Bowes are made of tough Hasell, their strings of Leather, their Arrowes of Canes or Hasell, headed with very sharpe stones, and are made artificially like [1689] [/. 63, 364] a broad Arrow: other some of their Arrowes are headed with the ends of Deeres hornes, and are feathered very artificially. Their aurowes. Yellow haired Pasphia was as good as his word; for hee sent Vension, but the Sawse came within a few dayes after. At Port Cotage in our Voyage vp the Riuer, we saw a Virginian. Sauage Boy about the age of ten yeeres, which had a head of haire of a perfect yellow, and a reasonable white: skinne; which is a Miracle amongst all Sauages. [p. xlii.] River of Pohatan. This Riuer which wee haue discouered is one of the famousest Riuers that euer was found by any Christian.. It ebbes and flowes a hundred and threescore miles, where ships of great burthen may harbour in safetie.. Wheresoeuer we landed vpon this Riuer, wee saw the goodliest Woods. as Beech, Oke, Cedar, Cypresse, Wal-nuts, Sassafras, and Vines in great abundance which hang in great clusters on many Trees, and other Trees The HonIntroduction] :. Southerne Colony in Virginia by the English. Ixix . G. Peroy: ? 1607. * [1607] vnknowne; and all the grounds bespred with many sweet. and delicate flowres of diuers colours and kindes. There are also many fruites as Strawberries, Mulberries, Ras- berries, and Fruites vnknowne. There are many branches of this Riuer, which runne flowing through the Woods with great plentie of fish of all kindes; as for Sturgeon, all the World cannot be compared to it. In this Countrey I haue seene many great and large Medowes hauing excel- Low lent good pasture for many Cattle. There is also great store of Deere both Red and Fallow. There are Beares, Foxes, Otters, Beuers, Muskats, and wild beasts vnknowne. The foure and twentieth day, wee set vp a Crosse at the head of this Riuer, naming it Kings Riuer, where we [p. xlvi, 7.1 proclaimed Iames King of England to haue the most right vnto it. When wee had finished and set vp our Crosse, we shipt our men and made for Iames Fort. By the way, wee came to Pohatans Towre, where the Captaine [i.e., Newport] went on shore, suffering none to goe with him. Hee presented the Commander of this place, with a Hatchet; which hee tooke ioyfully, and was well pleased. But yet the Sauages murmured at our planting in the Countrie, whereupon this Werowance made answere againe very wisely of a Sauage, Why should you bee offended with them, as long as they hurt you not, nor take any thing away by force. They take but a little waste ground, which doth you nor any of vs any good. Marshes. Wee came downe the Riuer. [p. xlvii.] made. I saw Bread made by their women, which doe all their drugerie. The men takes their pleasure in hunting and their warres, which they are in continually, one Kingdome against another. The manner of baking of bread is thus. Bread how After they pound their wheat into flowre, with hote water they make it into paste, and worke it into round balls and [½. xlviii.] Cakes; then they put it into a pot of seething water: when it is sod throughly, they lay it on a smooth stone, there they harden it as well as in an Ouen. Distinct habit of There is notice to be taken to know married women from Maids. The Maids you shall alwayes see the fore Maids and part of their head and sides shauen close; the hinder part very long, which they tie in a pleate hanging downe to Wives. 1xx . A Discourse of the Plantation of the [ ? 1607[1607] Savage 160 yeeres old. . li.] Bearded. Captaine Newports Introduction. The Hon. G. Percy. their hips. The married women weares their haire all of a length, and [it] is tied of that fashion that the Maids are. The women kinde in this Countrey doth pounce and race their bodies, legges, thighes, armes and faces with a sharpe Iron, which makes a stampe in curious knots, and drawes the proportion of Fowles, Fish, or Beasts: then with paintings of sundry liuely colours, they rule it into the stampe which will neuer be taken away, because it is dried into the flesh where it is se[a]red. The Sauages beare their yeares well, for when wee were at Pamonkies, wee saw a Sauage [who] by their report was aboue eight score yeeres of age. His eyes were sunke into his head, hauing neuer a tooth in his mouth. His haire [was] all gray with a reasonable bigge beard, which was as white as any snow. It is a Miracle to see a Sauage haue any haire on their faces. I neuer saw, read, nor heard, [of] any haue the like before. This Sauage was as lustie and went as fast as any of vs; which was strange to behold. The fifteenth of Iune [1607], we had built and finished our Fort, which was triangle wise: hauing three Bulwarkes, [one] at euery corner, like a halfe Moone, and foure or fiue pieces of Artillerie mounted in them; [thus] we had made our selues sufficiently strong for these Sauages. We had also sowne most of our Corne on two Mountaines. sprang [had sprung] a mans height from the ground. This Countrey is a fruitfull soile, bearing many goodly and fruitfull Trees, as Mulberries, Cherries, Walnuts, Cedars, Cypresse, Sassafras, and Vines in great abundance. It Munday the two and twentieth of Iune [1607], in the departure. morning, Captaine Newport in the Admirall departed from Iames Port for England. Captaine Newport being gone from England, leauing vs. (one hundred and foure persons) verie bare and scantie of victualls; furthermore, in warres and in danger of the Sauages. We hoped after a supply, which Captaine Newport promised within twentie weekes. But if the beginners of this action doe carefully further vs, the Country being so fruitfull, it would be as great a profit to The HonIntroduction. Southernc Colony in Virginia by the English. Ixxi . . G. Percy? 1607. the Realme of England, as the Indies to the King of [1607] Spaine. If this Riuer which wee haue found had beene discouered in the time of warre with Spaine, it would haue beene a commoditie to our Realme, and a great annoyance to our enemies. The seuen and twentieth of Iuly, the King of Rapahanna demanded a Canoa, which was restored. [He] lifted vp his hand to the Sunne (which they [1690] worship as their God), besides he laid his hand on his heart, that he would be our speciall friend. It is a generall rule of these people; when they swere by their God which is the Sunne, no Christian will keep their Oath better vpon this promise. These people haue a great reuerence to the Sunne aboue all other things: at the rising and the setting of the same, they sit downe lifting vp their hands and eyes to the Sunne, making a round Circle on the ground with dried Tobacco; then they began to pray, making many Deuillish gestures, with a Hellish noise, foming at the mouth, staring with their eyes, wagging their heads and hands in such a fashion and deformitie as it was monstrous to behold. The sixt of August [1607], there died Iohn Asbie, of the bloudie Flixe. The ninth day, died George Flowre, of the swelling. The tenth day, died William Bruster Gentleman, of a wound giuen by the Sauages, and was buried the eleuenth day. The fourteenth day, Ierome Alikock, Ancient [i.c., Ensign], died of a wound. The same day, Francis Midwinter (died], [and] Edward Moris Corporall died suddenly. The fifteenth day, their died Edward Browne and Stephen Galthorpe. The sixteenth day, their died Thomas Gower Gentleman. The seuenteenth day, their died Thomas Mounslic. The eighteenth day, there died Robert Pennington, and Iohn Martine Gentlemen. The nineteenth day, died Drue Piggase Gentleman. The two and twentieth day of August [1607], there died Captaine Bartholomew Gosnold, one of our Councell: he was honourably buried, hauing all the Ordnance in the Fort shot off, with many voilies of small shot. The Sauages VSC to sacrifice to Death of Bartholo w Captaine Gosnold. lxxii . A Discourse of the Plantation of the ? [T . [1607] Miserable famine. Introduction. The Hon. G. Percy1607After Captaine Gosnold's death, the Councell could hardly agree by the dissention of Captaine Kendall; which [who] afterwards was committed about hainous matters which was proued against him. The foure and twentieth day, died Edward Harington and George Walker; and were buried the same day. The sixe and twentieth day, died Kenelme Throgmortine. The seuen and twentieth day, died William Roods. The eight and twentieth day, died Thomas Stoodic, Cape Merchant. The fourth day of September [1607], died Thomas Iacob Sergeant. The fift day, there died Beniamin Beast. Our men were destroyed with cruell diseases, as Swell- ings, Flixes, Burning Feuers, and by warres; and some departed suddenly: but for the most part, they died of meere famine. There were neuer Englishmen left in a forreigne Countrey in such miserie as wee were in this new discouered Virginia. Wee watched euery three nights, lying on the bare cold ground, what weather soeuer came; [and] warded all the next day which brought our men to bee most feeble wretches. Our food was but a small Can of Barlie sod[den] in water, to fiue men a day. Our drinke, cold water taken out of the Riuer; which was, at a floud, verie salt; at a low tide, full of slime and filth: which was the destruction of many of our men. Thus we liued for the space of fiue months [August 1607-8 Jan. 1608] in this miserable distresse, not hauing fiue able men to man our Bulwarkes vpon any occasion. If it had not pleased God to haue put a terrour in the Sauages hearts, we had all perished by those vild and cruell Pagans, being in that weake estate as we were; our men night and day groaning in euery corner of the Fort most pittifull to heare. If there were any conscience in men, it would make their harts to bleed to heare the pitifull murmurings and out-cries of our sick men without reliefe, cuery night and day, for the space of sixe weekes [? 8 Aug.- 19 Sept. 1607]: some departing out of the World, many times three or foure in a night; in the morning, their The HonIntroduction] ? 1607. . Southerne Colony in Virginia by the English. lxxiii . G. Percy: bodies [being] trailed out of their Cabines like Dogges, to be buried. In this sort, did I see the mortalitie of diuers of our people. [1607] goodnesse It pleased God, after a while, to send those people Gods which were our mortal enemies, to releeue vs with victuals, as Bread, Corne, Fish, and Flesh in great plentie ; which was the setting vp of our feeble men: otherwise wee had all perished. Also we were frequented by diuers Kings in the Countrie, bringing vs store of prouision to our great comfort. The eleuenth day [of September, 1607], there was certaine [p. lxxx.] Articles laid against Master Wingfield which was then President thereupon he was not only displaced out of his President ship, but also from being of the Councell. Afterwards Captain Iohn Ratcliffe was chosen President. The eighteenth day [of September], died one Ellis Kinistone, which was starued [frozen] to death with cold. The same day at night, died one Richard Simmons. The nineteenth day [of September], there died one Thomas Mouton. made man. William White (hauing liued with the Natiues) reported He was a to vs of their customes. In the morning, by breake of day, before they eate or drinke, both men, women, and children (that be aboue tenne yeares of age), runnes into the water; there washes themselues a good while till the Sunne riseth : then offer Sacrifice to it, strewing Tobacco on the water or Land, honouring the Sunne as their God. Likewise they doe at the setting of the *Sunne. * The rest is omitted, being more fully set downe in Captaine Smiths Relations. lxxiv 【pp. lxxxii, lxxxvii.] (pp. 91, lxxiii, lxxxi.] [1608] A Discourse of virginia per: Ed: Ma: wingfield. This recrimination, which is simply invaluable as regards the early history of the James river Settlement, occupies pp. 382-396 of Vol. 250 of the Manuscripts at Lambeth Palace Library. It is written by a scrivener; and was intended to be signed by its Author, see next page. WINGFIELD is herein most bitter against Captain ARCHER, who came home with him, in April 1608, in Captain NEWPORT's ship, pp. 105, 408. After ARCHER, he chiefly attacks RATCLIFFE. SMITH and MARTIN come in least for his complaints. Most important for our present purpose, is the passage at pp. lxxxv- lxxxvi, which fixes the extreme dates of SMITH's absence from James town, on his Chickahominy expedition, when he first met POCAHONTAS, to be from the 10th Dec. 1607 to the morning of the 8th Jan. 1608. On the whole, it would seem that while this Apology for his Govern- ment of the Colony between the 13th May and the 10th September 1607, shews that Captain WINGFIELD did not prove himself equal to the occasion of that most trying time; yet it is clear that he was an English gentleman. Right worshipfull and more worthy M y due respect to your selves, my allegiance (if I may so terme it) to the Virginean action, my good heede to my poore repu- tacion, thrust a penne into my handes; so iealous am I to bee missing to any of them; if it wandereth in extravagantes, yet shall they not bee idle to those Phisitions, whose loves have vndertaken the saftie and advancement of Virginia. It is no small comfort that I speake before such gravitie, whose iudgement no forrunner can forestall with any opprobrious vntruth[s], whose wisedomes can easily disroabe malice out of her painted gar- ments from the ever reverenced truth. I did so faithfully betroth my best indeavors to this noble enterprize, as my carriage might endure no suspition: I never turned my face from daunger, or hidd my handes from labour, so watchfull a Sentinel stood my self to my self. I know wel a troope of errors continually beseege Introduction. E. M. Wingfield. lxxv A Discourse of Virginia.] ? 1608. mens actions, some of them ceased on by malice, some by ignorance. I doo not hoodwinck my carriage in my self love, but freely and humblie submit it to your grave censures. I do freely and truely Anatomize the governement, and governours, that your experience may applie medicines accordinglie; and vpon the truth of this iournall do pledge my faith, and life, and so do rest Yours to commaund in all service. [No name, This Dedication was evidently intended to be signed by the Author.] Here followeth what happined in James Towne, in virginia, after Captayne Newports departure for Engliund aptayne Newport haueing allwayes his eyes and eares open to the proceedinges of the Collonye, 3 or 4 dayes before his departure, asked the president how he thought himself settled in the gouern- ment: whose answere was, that no disturbance could indaunger him or the Collonye, but it must be wrought eyther by Captayne Gosnold, or Master Archer; for the one was strong with freindes and followers, and could if he would ; and the other was troubled with an ambitious spirit, and would if he could. The Captayne gave them both knowledg[e] of this, the Presidentes opinion; and mooued them, with many in- treatyes, to be myndefull of their dutyes to his Majestie and the Collonye/ June, 1607.-The 22th, Captayne Newport retorned for England; for whose good passadge, and safe retorne wee made many prayers to our allmighty god/ June the 25th, an Indian came to vs from the great Poughwaton with the worde of peace; that he desired greatly our freindshipp; that the wyrounnces, Paspaleigh and Tapahanagh should be our freindes; that wee should sowe and reape in peace, or els he would make warrs vpon them [1608] [1607] lxxvi Introduction. E. M. Wingfield. [A Discourse of Virginia. [1607] (p. xliii.] Smith says at p. 531, that he was "the first Christian" the real Pow[h]atan ever saw; and that was so late as about 3 Jan. 1608. This is con- firmed by Wingfield at p. lxxxvi.] with vs. ? 160S. This message fell out true; for both those wyroaunces haue ever since remayned in peace and trade with vs. Wee rewarded the messinger, with many tryfles, which were great wonders to him./ This Powatan dwelleth 1o myles from vs, vpon the River Pamaonche, which lyeth North from vs. The Powatan in the former iornall mencioned (a dwellar by Captain Newports faulls) ys a wyroaunce, and vnder this great Powaton, which before wee knew not/ July. The 3 of July, 7 or 8 Indians presented the Presi- dent a dear from Pamaonke, a wyrouance, desiring our friendshipp. They enquired after our shipping; which the President said was gon to Croatoon. They feare much our shipps; and therefore he would not haue them thinck it farr from us. Their wyrounce had a hatchet sent hym. They wear well Contented with trifles. A litle after this came a Dear to the President from the Great Powatan. He and his Messingers wear pleased with the like trifles. The President likewise bought diuers tymes dear of the Indyans; beavers, and other flesh; which he alwayes caused to be equally deuided among the Collonye/ Wee About this tyme, diuers of our men fell sick. myssed aboue fforty before September did see us; amongst whom was the worthy and religious gentleman Captain Bartholomew Gosnold, vpon whose lief stood a great part of the good succes and fortune of our gouernment and Collony. In his sicknes tyme, the President did easily foretell his owne deposing from his Comaund; so much differed the President and the other Councellors in mannaging the government of the Collonye/ July. The 7th of July, Tapahanah, a wyroaunce, dweller on Salisbery side, hayled vs with the word of peace. The President, with a Shallopp well manned, went to him. He found him sytting on the ground crossed legged, as is theire Custome, with one attending on him, which did often saie, "This is the wyroance Tapahanah; which he did likewise confirme with stroaking his brest. He was well enough knowne; for the President had sene him diuerse tymes before. His Countynance was nothing cherefull; for wee had not seen him since he was in the feild against vs: but the President would take no knowledg[e] thereof, E. M. Introductionlxxvii . A Discourse of Virginia.] . Wingfield? 1608. and vsed him kindely; giving him a red wa[i]s[t]coat, which he did desire. Tapahanah did enquire after our shipping. He receyued answer as before. He said his ould store was spent, that his new was not at full groath by a foote; that as soone as any was ripe, he would bring it; which promise he truly performed. The . . . of. . . Master Kendall was put of from beeing of the Counsell, and committed to prison; for that it did manyfestly appeare he did practize to sowe discord. betweene the President and Councell/ Sicknes had not now left us vj able men in our Towne. gods onely mercy did now watch and warde for us: but the President hidd this our weakenes carefully from the salvages; neuer suffring them, in all his tyme, to come. into our Towne. Septem. The vjth of September, Paspaleigh sent vs a boy that was run from vs. This was the first assurance of his peace with vs with vs; besides wee found them no Canyballs. The boye obserued the men and women to spend the most part of the night in singing or howling, and that euery morning the women carryed all the litle children to the rivers sides; but what they did there, he did not knowe / The rest of the wyroaunces doe likewise send our men runnagates, to vs home againe, vsing them well during their being with them; so as now, they being well rewarded at home at their retorne, they take litle ioye to trauell abroad without pasportes/ The Councell demanded some larger allowance for them selues, and for some sick their fauorites; which the President would not yeeld vnto without their warrantes / This matter was before propounded by Captain Martyn, but so nakedly as that he neyther knew the quantity of the stoare to be but for xiij weekes and a half, under the Cap Merchaunts hand. He prayed them further to con- sider the long tyme before wee expected Captain Newportcs retorne; the incertainty of his retorne, if God did not fauour his voyage; the long tyme before our haruest would be ripe; and the doubtfull peace that wee had with the Indyans, which they would keepe no longer then opertunity served to doe vs mischeif/ [1607] lxxviii Wingfield. [A Discourse of Virginia. E. M. . Introduction[1607] ? 1608. It was then therefore ordered, that euery meale of fish or fleshe should excuse the allowance for poridg, both against the sick and hole. The Councell, therefore, sitting againe vpon this propo- sition, instructed in the former reasons and order, did not thinke fit to breake the former order by enlarging their allowance, as will appeare by the most voyces reddy to be shewed vnder their handes. Now was the comon store of oyle, vinigar, sack, and aquavite all spent, saueing twoe Gallons of each: the sack reserued for the Comunion table, the rest for such ex- treamityes as might fall upon us, which the President had onely made know[n]e to Captain Gosnold; of which course he liked well. The vessells wear therefore boonged vpp. When Master Gosnold was dead, the President did acquaint the rest of the Counsell with the said remnant: but, Lord, how they then longed for to supp vp that litle remnant! for they had nowe emptied all their owne bottles, and all other that they could smell out / A litle while after this, the Councell did againe fall vpon the President for some better allowance for them- selues, and some few the sick, their privates. The Presi- dent protested he would not be partial, but if one had any thing of him, euery man should haue his portion according to their places. Nevertheles that vpon their warrantes, he would deliuer what pleased them to demand. Yf the President had at that tyme enlarged the proportion according to their request, without doubt, in very short tyme, he had starued the whole Company. He would not joyne with them therefore in such an ignorant murder without their own warrant/ The President well seeing to what end their ym pacience would growe, desired them earnestly and often tymes to bestowe the Presidentshipp amonge themselues; that he would obey, a private man, as well as they could comand. But they refused to discharge him of the place; sayeing they mought not doe it, for that hee did his Maiestie good service in yt/ In this meane tyme, the Indians did daily relieue vs. with corne and fleshe, that, in three weekes, the President had reared vpp xx men able to worke; for, as his stoare E. M. Introductionlxxix . A Discourse of Virginia.] . Wingfield? 1658. increased, he mended the comon pott: hee had laid vp besides prouision for 3. weekes, wheate before-hand. By this tyme, the Councell had fully plotted to depose. Wingfeild, the then President; and had drawne certeyne Artycles in wrighting amongst themselues, and toke their oathes vpon the Evangelistes to obserue them: th' effect whereof was, first / To depose the then President To make Master Ratcliff the next President Not to depose the one th' other Not to take the deposed President into Councell againe Not to take Master Archer into the Councell, or any other, without the Consent of euery one of them. To theis they had subscribed, as out of their owne mouthes, at seuerall tymes, it was easily gathered/ Thus had they forsaken his Maiesties government sett vs downe in the instruccions, and made it a Triumvirat/ It seemeth Master Archer was nothing acquainted with theis artycles. Though all the rest crept out of his noates and Comentaryes that were preferred against the President, yet it pleased god to Cast him into the same disgrace and pitt that he prepared for another, as will appeere hereafter. Septem. The 10 of September, Master Ratcliff, Master Smyth, and Master Martynn, came to the Presidentes Tennt. with a warrant, subscribed vnder their handes, to depose the President; sayeing they thought him very unworthy to be eyther President or of the Councell, and therefore discharged him of bothe. He answered them, that they had eased him of a great deale of care and trouble; that, long since, hee had diuers tymes profered them the place at an easier rate; and, further, that the President ought to be remoued (as ap- peereth in his Maiesty's instruccions for our government) by the greater number of xiij voyces, Councellors; that they were but three, and therefore wished them to proceede advisedly. But they told him, if they did him wrong, they must answere it. Then said the deposed President, "I ame at your pleasure, dispose of me as you will, without. further garboile.' I will now wright what followeth in my owne name, and giue the new President his title. I shall be the briefer [1607] lxxx . [A Discourse of Virginia. ? 1608. [1607] [pp.107,411.] Introduction. E. M. Wingfieldbeing thus discharged. I was comytted to a Serieant, and sent to the Pynnasse; but I was answered with, "If they did me wronge, they must answere it/" The 11th of September, I was sent for to come before the President, and Councell vpon their Court daie. They had now made Master Archer, Recorder of Virginia. The Presi- dent made a speeche to the Collony, that he thought it fitt to acquaint them whie I was deposed. I ame now forced to stuff my Paper with frivilous trifles, that our graue and worthy Councell may the better strike those vaynes where the corrupt blood lyeth, and that they may see in what man- ner of government the hope of the Collony now travayleth/ Ffirst, Master President said that I had denyed him a penny whitle, a chickyn, a spoonfull of beere, and served him with foule corne; and with that pulled some graine out of a bagg, shewing it to the Company/ Then start vp Master Smyth, and said that I had told him playnly how he lied; and that I said, though wee were equall heere, yet, if he were in England, he would think scorne his man [i.e., serving man] should be my companyon/ Master Martyn followed with, "He reporteth that I doe slack the service in the Collonye, and doe nothing but tend my pott, spitt, and oven; but he hath starued my sonne, and denyed him a spoonefull of beere. I haue freindes in England shal be revenged on him, if euer he come in London.[" I asked master President if I should answere theis Com- plaints, and whether he had ought els to charge me withall. With that he pulled out a paper booke, loaded full with Artycles against me, and gave them Master Archer to reade. I tould Master President and the Councell, that, by the instruccions for our government, our proceedings ought to be verball, and I was there ready to answere; but they said they would proceede in that order. I desired a Coppie of the Articles, and tyme giuen me to answere them like- wise by wrighting; but that would not be graunted. I badd them then please themselues. Master Archer then read some of the artycles; when, on the suddaine, Master President said, "Staie, staie! Wee know not whether he E. M. Introductionlxxxi . A Discourse of Virginia.] . Wingfield? 1608. will abide our Iudgment, or whether he will appeale to the King;" sayeing to me, "How saie you: Will you appeale to the King, or no?" I apprehended presently that gods mercy had opened me a waie, through their ignorance, to escape their malice; for I never knewe how I might demande an appeale: besides, I had secret knowledge how th[e]y had foreiudged me to paie fiue fold for any thing that came to my handes, whereof I could not discharge my self by wrighting; and that I should lie in prison vntil I had paid it / The Cape Marchant had deliuered me our marchandize, without any noat of the perticularyties, vnder my hand; for himself had receyued them in grosse. I likewise, as occation moued me, spent them in Trade or by guift amongst the Indians. So likewise did Captain Newport take of them, when he went vp to discouer the kinges river, what he thought good, without any noate of his hand mentioning the certainty; and disposed of them as was fitt for him. Of these, likewise, I could make no accompt; onely I was well assured I had neuer bestowed the valewe of three penny whitles to my own vse, nor to the private vse of any other; for I never carryed any fauorite over with me, or intertayned any thear. I was all one, and one to all. Vpon theis consideracions, I answered Master President. and the Councell, that his Maiestys handes were full of mercy, and that I did appeale to His Maiesties mercy. They then comytted me prisoner againe to the master of ye pynnasse, with theis words, "Looke to him well he is now the kinges prisoner." Then Master Archer pulled out of his bosome another paper book full of Artycles against me, desiring that he might reade them in the name of the Collony. I said I stood there ready to answere any mans complaintt whome I had wronged; but no one man spoke one word against me. Then was he willed to reade his booke, whereof I complayned; but I was still answered, "If they doe me. wrong, they must answer it." I haue forgotten the most of the Artycles, they were so slight (yet he glorieth much in his pennworke). I know well the last: and a speeche that he then made savoured well of a mutyny; for he desired that by no meanes, I might lye prysoner in the ENG. SCH. LIB. No. 16. F [1607] lxxxii Introduction. E. M. Wingfield. [A Discourse of Virginia. [1607] [/. lxxiv.] [11 Sept. 1607, see #. lxxx.] ? 160S. Towne, least boath he and others of the Collony should not giue such obedience to their comaund as they ought to doe: which goodly speech of his they easilye swallowed. But it was vsuall and naturall to this honest gentleman, Master Archer, to be allwayes hatching of some mutany; in my tyme, hee might haue appeered an author of seuerall mutynies. And hee (as Master Pearsie sent me worde) had bought some witnesses handes against me to diuers artycles, with Indian cakes (which was noe great matter to doe after my deposall, and considering their hungar) perswations and threats. At another tyme, he feared not to saie openly, and in the presence of one of the Councell, that, if they had not deposed me when they did, he hadd gotten twenty others to him self, which should haue deposed me. But this speech of his was likewise easily disiested/ Master Croftes feared not to saie, that, if others would ioyne with him, he would pull me out of my seate, and out of my skynn too. Others would saie (whose names I spare), that, vnless I would amend their allowance, they would be their owne caruers. For these mutinus speeches I rebuked them openly, and proceeded no further against them, considering therein of mens liues in the kinges. service there. One of the Councell was very earnest with me to take a guard aboute me. I answered him, I would. no guard but gods love and my own innocencie. In all theis disorders was Master Archer a ringleader. When Master President and Master Archer had made an end of their Artycles aboue mentioned, I was again sent. prisoner to the Pynnasse; and Master Kendall, takeinge from thence, had his liberty, but might not carry armes/ All this while, the Salvages brought to the Towne such Corne and flesh as they could spare. Paspaheighe, by Tapahanne's mediation, was taken into friendshipp with VS. The Councillors, Master Smyth especially, traded vp and downe the river with the Indyans for corne; which releued the Collony well. As I understand by report, I am much charged with staruing the Collony. I did allwayes giue euery man his allowance faithfully, both of corne, oyle, aquivite, &c., as E. M. Introductionlxxxiii . A Discourse of Virginia.] Wingfield. ? 1608. was by the Counsell proportioned: neyther was it bettered after my tyme, untill, towards th' end of March [1608], a Bisket was allowed to euery workeing man for his breakefast, by meanes of the prouision brought vs by Captain Newport; as will appeare hereafter. It is further said, I did much banquit and ryot. I never had but one Squirell roasted; whereof I gaue part to Master Ratcliff then sick: yet was that Squirell given me. I did never heate a flesh pott but when the comon pot was so used likewise. Yet how often Master Presidentes and the Councellors spittes haue night and day bene endaungered to break their backes,—so laden with swanns, geese, duckes, &c. how many times their flesh pottes haue swelled, many hungry eies did behold to their great longing. And what great Theeues and theeving thear hath been in the Comon stoare since my tyme, I doubt not but is already made knowne to his Maiesties Councell for Virginia. The 17th daie of September, I was sent for to the Court to answere a Complaint exhibited against me by Jehu Robinson; for that, when I was president, I did saie, hee with others had consented to run awaye with the Shallop to Newfoundland. At an other tyme, I must answere Master Smyth for that I had said hee did conceale an intended mutany. I tould Master Recorder, those wordes would beare no actions; that one of the Causes was done without the lymits mencioned in the Patent graunted to vs; and therefore prayed Master President that I mought not be thus lugged with theis disgraces and troubles: but hee did weare no other eis or eares than grew on Master Archeres head. The Iury gaue the one of them [i.e., Robinson] 100li and the other [i.c., Smith, sec p. 389] twoo hundred pound damages for slaunder. Then Master Recorder did very learnedly comfort me, that, if I had wrong, I might bring my writ of error in London; whereat I smiled. me. I, seeing their law so speedie and cheape, desired iustice for a copper kettle which Master Crofte did deteyne from Hee said I had giuen it him. I did bid him bring his proofe for that. Hee confessed hee had no proofe. Then Master President did aske me if I would be sworne I did not giue it him. I said I knew no cause whie to [1607] lxxxiv Introduction. E. M. Wingfield. [A Discourse of Virginia. [1607] [6. 12 ] ? 1608. sweare for myne owne. He asked Master Croftes if hee would make oath, I did give it him; which oathe he tooke, and wann my kettle from me, that was in that place and tyme, worth half his waight in gold. Yet I did understand afterwards that he would haue given John Capper the one half of the kettle to haue taken the oath for him; but hee would [have] no copper on that price. I tould Master President I had not known the like lawe, and prayed they would be more sparing of law vntill wee had more witt or wealthe; that lawes were good spies in a popu- lous, peaceable, and plentifull country, whear they did make the good men better, and stayed the badd from being worse; yet wee weare so poore as they did but rob us of tyme that might be better ymployed in service in the Collonye. The . . . daie of . . . the President did beat James Read, the Smyth. The Smythe stroake him againe. For this he was condempned to be hanged; but, before he was turned of[f] the lather, he desired to speak with the President in private, to whome he accused Master Kendall of a mutiny, and so escaped himself. What indictment Master Recorder framed against the Smyth, I knowe not; but I knowe it is familiar for the President, Counsellors, and other officers, to beate men at their pleasures. One lyeth sick till death, another walketh lame, the third cryeth out of all his boanes; which myseryes they doe take vpon their con- sciences to come to them by this their Almes of beating. Wear this whipping, lawing, beating, and hanging, in Vir- ginia, knowne in England, I fear it would driue many well affected myndes from this honourable action of Virginia. This Smyth comyng aboord the Pynnasse, with some others, aboute some busines, 2 or 3 dayes before his arraignement, brought me Comendacions from Master Pearsye, Master Waller, Master Kendall, and some others, saieing they would be glad to see me on shoare. I answered him, they were honest gentlemen, and had carryed themselues very obediently to their gouernors. I prayed god that they did not thinck of any ill thing vnworthie themselues. I added further, that vpon Sundaie, if the weathiar were faire, I would be at the sermon. Lastly, I said that I was so sickly, starued, lame, and did lye so could and wett in the Pynnasse, as I would be E. M. Introductionlxxxv A Discourse of Virginia.] . Wingfield. ? 1608. dragged thithere before I would goe thither any more. Sundaie proued not faire: I went not to the Sermon / The... daie of ..., Master Kendall was executed; being shott to death for a mutiny. In th' arrest of his iudgment, he alleaged to Master President yat his name was Sickle- more, not Ratcliff; and so had no authority to pronounce Iudgment. Then Master Martyn pronounced Iudgment. Somewhat before this tyme, the President and Councell had sent for the keyes of my Coffers, supposing that I had some wrightings concerning the Collony. I requested that the Clearke of the Councell might see what they tooke out of my Coffers; but they would not suffer him or any other. Vnder cullor heereof, they took my books of Accompt, and all my noates that concerned the expences of the Collony, and instructions vnder the Cape Marchantes hande of the stoare of prouision, diuers other bookes and trifles of my owne proper goods, which I could neuer recouer. Thus was I made good prise on all sides. The . . . daie of . . ., the President comaunded me to come on shore; which I refused, as not rightfully deposed, and desired that I mought speake to him and the Councell in the presence of 10 of the best sorte of the gentlemen. With much intreaty, some of them wear sent for. Then I tould them, I was determined to goe into England to acquaint our Councell there with our weaknes. I said further, their lawes and government was such as I had no ioye to liue under them any longer; that I did much myslike their triumverat, haueing forsaken his Maiesties instruccions for our government, and therefore praied there might be more made of the Councell. I said further, I desired not to goe into England, if eyther Master President or Master Archer would goe, but was willing to take my fortune with the Collony; and did also proffer to furnish them with 100li towards the fetching home [of] the Collonye, if the action was given ouer. They did like of none of my proffers, but made diuers shott att mee in the Pynnasse. I, seeing their resolucions, went ashoare to them; whear, after I had staied a while in conference, they sent me to the Pynnasse againe. Decem. The 10th of December, Master Smyth went vp the Ryuer of the Chechohomynies to trade for corne. He was desirous to see the heade of that riuer; and, when it [1607] lxxxvi Introduction. E. M. Wingfield. [A Discourse of Virginia. ? 1608. [1607-8] was not passible with the Shallop, he hired a Cannow and an Indian to carry him vp further. The river the higher grew worse and worse. Then hee went on shoare with his guide, and left Robinson and Emmery, twoe of our men, in the cannow; which were presently slayne by the Indians, Pamaonkes men, and hee himself taken prysoner, and, by the meanes of his guide, his lief was saved; and Pamaonche, haueing him prisoner, Carryed him to his neybors wyroances to see if any of them knew him for one of those which had bene some twoe or three yeeres before vs, in a River amongst them Northward, and taken awaie some Indians from them by force. At last he brought him to the great Powaton (of whome before wee had no knowledg), ixxvi, 531. who sent him home to our Towne the viijth of January [1608]. 【pp. xliii, During Master Smythes absence, the President did swear Master Archer one of the Councell, contrary to his oath taken in the Artycles agreed vpon betweene themselues (before I. lxxix. spoken of), and contrary to the Kinges instruccions, and with- out Master Martyns consent; whereas there weare no more but the President and Master Martyn then of the Councell/ Master Archer, being settled in his authority, sought how to call Master Smyths lief in question, and had indited him vpon a Chapter in Leuiticus for the death of his twoe men. Hee had had his tryall the same daie of his retorne, and, I believe, his hanging the same, or the next daie, so speedie is our lawe thear: but it pleased god to send Captain Newport vnto us the same eevening, to our vnspeakable comfortes; whose arryuall saued Master Smyths leif and mine, because hee took me out of the pynnasse, an[d] gaue me leave to lye in the Towne. Also by his comyng was prevented a Parliament, which ye newe Counsailour, Master Recorder, intended thear to summon. Thus error begot error/ Captayne Newport haueing landed, lodged and refreshed his men, ymploied some of them about a faire stoare house, others about a stove, and his Maryners aboute a Church; all which workes they finished cherefully and in short tyme/ January. The 7 [? 17] of January [1608], our towne was almost quite burnt, with all our apparell and prouision; but Captain Newport healed our wants, to our great comforts, out of the great plenty sent vs by the prouident and loving care of our worthie, and most worthie Councell. E. M. Introductionlxxxvii A Discourse of Virginia.] . Wingfield. ? 1608. This Vigilant Captayne, slacking no oportunity that might advaunce the prosperity of the Collony, haueing setled the Company vppon the former workes, took Master Smyth and Master Scrivener (an other Councellor of Virginia, vpon whose discretion liveth a great hope of the action), went to discouer the River Pamaonche, on the further side whearof dwelleth the Great Powaton, and to trade with him for Corne. This River lyth North from vs, and runneth East and West. I haue nothing but by relation of that matter, and therefore dare not make any discourse thereof, lest I mought wrong the great desart which Captain Newportes loue to the action hath deserued; especially himself being present, and best able to giue satisfaccion thereof. I will hasten therefore to his retorne. March. The 9th of Marche, he retorned to James Towne with his Pynnasse well loaden with corne, wheat, heanes, and pease, to our great comfort and his worthi com- mendacions/ [1608] By this tyme, the Counsell and Captayne haueing intentiuely looked into the Carryadge both of the Coun- cellors and other officers, remoued some officers out of the stoare; and Captain Archer, a Councellor, whose [¿. lxxiv.] insolency did looke vpon that litle himself with great sighted spectacles, derrogating from others merrites by spueing out his venemous libells, and infamous chronicles vpon them, as doth appeere in his owne hand wrighting; ffor which, and other worse trickes, he had not escaped ye halter, but that Captain Newport interposed his advice tu the Contrarye/ Aprill. Captayne Newport, haueing now dispatched all his busines and set the Clocke in a true course (if so the Councell will keep it), prepared himself for England vpon the xth of Aprill, and arryued at Blackwall on sunday, the xxjth of Maye, 1608. FINIS. humbly craue some patience to answere many scandalus imputacions which malice, more than malice, hath scattered vpon my name, and those frivolous greevances obiected against me by lxxxviii Introduction. E. M. Wingfield. [A Discourse of Virginia. [1608] ? 1608. the President and Councell; and though nil conscire sibi be the onely maske that can well couer my blushes, yett doe I not doubt but this my Appologie shall easily wipe them awaie. It is noysed that I combyned with the Spanniards to the distruccion of the Collony: That I ame an Atheist, because I carryed not a Bible with me, and because I did forbid the preacher to preache: that I affected a King- dome; That I did hide of the comon prouision in the ground./ I confesse I haue alwayes admyred any noble vertue and prowesse, as well in the Spanniards (as in other Nations); but naturally I haue alwayes distrusted and disliked their neighborhoode. I sorted many bookes in my house, to be sent vp to me at my goeing to Virginia; amongst them a Bible. They were sent me vp in a Trunck to London, with diuers fruite, conserues, and preserues, which I did sett in Master Crofte his house in Ratcliff. In my beeing at Virginia, I did vnderstand my trunck was thear broken vp, much lost, my sweetmeates eaten at his Table, some of my bookes which I missid to be seene in his handes; and whether amongst them my Bible was so ymbeasiled or mislayed by my seruantes, and not sent me, I knowe not as yet. Two or three sundayes morninges, the Indians gaue vs allarums at our towne. By that tymes they weare answered, the place about us well discouered, and our devyne service ended, the daie was farr spent. The preacher [R. Hunt] did aske me if it weare my pleasure to haue a sermon: hee said hee was prepared for it. I made answere, that our men were weary and hungry, and that he did see the tyme of the daie farr past (for at other tymes hee neuer made such question, but the service finished, he began his sermon); and that if it pleased him, wee would spare him till some other tyme. I never failed to take such noates by wrighting out of his doctrine as my capacity could comprehend, vnless some raynie day hindred my indeauour. My mynde never swelled with such ympossible mounte- bank humors as could make me affect any other Kingdome then the kingdom of heaven/ As truly as god liueth, I gaue an ould man, then the E. M. Introductionlxxxix . A Discourse of Virginia.] . Wingfield? 1608. keeper of the private stoure, 2 glasses with sallet oyle which I brought with me out of England for my private stoare, and willed him to bury it in the ground, for that I feared the great heate would spoile it. Whatsoeuer was more, I did never consent vnto or knewe of it; and as truly was it protested vnto me, that all the remaynder before mencioned of the oyle, wyne, &c., which the President receyued of me when I was deposed, theye themselues poored into their owne bellyes. To the Presidentes and Councelles obiections I saie, that I doe knowe Curtesey and Civility became a governor. No penny whitle was asked me, but a kniffe, whereof I had none to spare. The Indyans had long before stoallen my knife. Of chickins I never did eat but one, and that in my sicknes. Master Ratcliff had before that time tasted of 4 or 5. I had by my owne huswiferie bred aboue 37, and the most part of them of my owne poultrye; of all which, at my comyng awaie, I did not see three liueing. I never denyed him (or any other) beare, when I had it. The corne was of the same which wee all liued vpon. Master Smyth, in the tyme of our hungar, had spred a rumor in the Collony, that I did feast myself and my seruantes out of the 'comon stoare, with entent (as I gathered) to haue stirred the discontented company against me. I tould him privately, in Master Gosnolds tent, that indeede I had caused half a pinte of pease to be sodden with a peese of pork, of my owne prouision, for a poore old man, which in a sicknes (whereof he died) he much desired; and said, that if out of his malice he had given it out otherwise, that hee did tell a lye. It was proued to his face, that he begged in Ireland like a rogue, without a lycence. To such I would not my name should be a Companyon. [1608] [107. Master Martins payns, during my comaund, never stirred out of our towne tenn scoare; and how slack hee [. 107, was in his watching and other dutyes, it is too well 411. knowne. I never defrauded his sonne of any thing of his own allowance, but gaue him aboue it. I believe their disdainefull vsage and threats, which they many tymes gaue me, would have pulled some distempered speeches out of farr greater Pacyence than myne. Yet shall not XC Wingfield. [A Discourse of Virginia. E. M. Introduction. [1608] [p. lxvi.] Lp. xxxii.] ? 1608. any revenging humor in me befoule my penn with their base names and liues here and there. I did visit Master Pearsie, Master Hunt, Master Brewster, Master Pickasse, Master Allicock, ould Short the bricklayer, and diuerse others, at seuerall tymes. I never miskalled at a gentle- man at any time/ Concerning my deposing from my place, I can well proue that Master Ratcliff said, if I had vsed him well in his sicknes (wherein I find not myself guilty of the contrary), I had never bene deposed. Master Smyth said, if it had not bene for Master Archer, I hadd never bene deposed. Since his being here in the Towne, he hath said that he tould the President and Councell that they were frivolous obiections they had collected against me, and that they had not doone well to depose me. Yet, in my conscience, I doe believe him [Smith] the first and onely practizer in theis practisses. Master Archers quarrell to me was, because hee had not the choise of the place for our plantation; because I misliked his leying out of our towne, in the pinnasse; because I would not sware him of the Councell for Virginia, which neyther I could doe or he deserve. Master Smyths quarrell, because his name was mencioned in the entended and confessed mutiny by Galthropp. Thomas Wootton the Surieon, because I would not subscribe to a Warrant (which he had gotten drawne) to the Treasurer of Virginia, to deliuer him mony to furnish him with drugges and other necessaryes; and because I disallowed his living in the pinnasse, haueing many of our men lyeing sick and wounded in our Towne, to whose dressings by that meanes he slacked his attendance. Of the same men, also, Captain Gosnold gaue me warning, misliking much their dispositions, and assured me they would lay hold of me if they could; and perad- venture many, because I held them to watching, warding, and workeing; and the Collony generally, because I would not giue my consent to starue them. I cannot rack one word or thought from myself, touching my Carryadg in Virginia, other than is herein set down. If I may now, at the last, presume vpon your favours, I am an honourable suitor that your owne loue of truth will E. M. IntroductionXci . A Discourse of Virginia.] . Wingfield? 1608. vouchsafe to releave me from all false aspertions happining [1608] since I embarked me into this affaire of Virginia. For my first worke (which was to make a right choise of a spirituall Pastor), I appeale to the remembraunce of my Lord of [2.953.] Caunterbury his grace, who gaue me very gracious audience in my request. And the world knoweth whome I took with me [R. Hunt]: truly, in my opinion, a man not any waie to be touched with the rebellious humors of a popish spirit, nor blemished with ye least suspition of a factious scismatick, whereof I had a speciall care. For other obiections, if your worthie selues be pleased to set me free, I haue learned to despise ye popular verdict of ye vulgar. I ever chered up myself with a confidence in ye wisdome of graue, iudicious Senatours; and was never dismayed, in all my service, by any syn- ister event: though I bethought me of ye hard begin- ninges, which, in former ages, betided those worthy spirites that planted the greatest monarchies in Asia and Europe; wherein I obserued rather ye troubles of Moses and Aron, with other of like history, then that venom in the mutinous brood of Cadmus, or that harmony in ye swete consent of Amphion. And when, with ye former, I had considered that even the betheren, at their plantacion of the Romaine Empire, were not free from mortall hatred and intestine garboile, likewise that both ye Spanish and English Records are guilty of like factions, it made me more vigilant in the avoyding thereof and I protest, my greatest contencion was to prevent contencion, and my chiefest endeavour to preserue the liues of others, though with ye great hazard of my own; for I neuer desired to enamell my name with bloude. : I reioice that my trauells and daungers haue done somewhat for the behoof of Jerusalem in Virginia. If it be obiected as my ouersight to put my self amongst such men, I can saie for myself, thear wear not any other for our consort; and I could not forsake ye enterprise of opening so glorious a Kingdom vnto ye King, wherein I shall ever be most ready to bestow ye poore remainder of my dayes, as in any other his heighnes' dissignes, according to my bounden duty, with ye vtmost of my poore Tallent. xcii [1608] JOHN CHAMBERLAIN. Letter to DUDLEY CARLETON. 7 July 1608. [State Papers, Domestic. James I. (1608) Vol. 35, No. 13.] [Extract.] but commend your IR,—I cannot memorie that, etc. Here is a ship [the Phoenix under Captain Nelson] newly come from vir- ginia that hath ben long missing, she went out the last yeare in consort with Captain Newport, and after much wandering found the port three or fowre days after his departure for England, I heare not of any nouelties or other commodities she hath brought more then sweet woode. Sir Horace Vere, etc. From London this 7th of July 1608. [Addressed] Yours most assuredly JOHN CHAMBERLAIN. To my assured goode frend Master DUDLEY CARLETON geue these at Eaton. xciii JOHN CHAMBERLAIN. Letter to DUDLEY CARLETON. 23 January 1609. [State Papers, Domestic. James I. (1609) Vol. 43, No. 39.] [Extract.] CIR, You had heard from me on friday, etc. The least of our East Indian ships called the pinnesse is arrived at Dart- mouth with a 100 tunne of cloues, without seeing or hearing any thing of her consorts since they parted from the coast of England. Here is likewise a ship newly come from Virginia [under Captain Newport, see p. 128] with some petty commodities and hope of more, as divers sorts of woode for wainscot and other vses, sope ashes, some pitch and tarre, certain unknowne kindes of herbs for dieng, not without suspicion (as they terme yt) of Cuchenilla. I must recall, etc. From London this 23th of January 1608[-9]. [Addressed] Yours most assuredly JOHN CHAMBERLAIN. To my assured goode frend Master DUDLEY CARLeton. geue these at Eton. [1609] xciv [1609] Captain 1 GABRIEL ARCHER. Letter from James Town. 31 August 1609. [PURCHAS. Pilgrims. iv. 1733. Ed. 1625.] A Letter of Master GABRIEL ARCHAR, touching the Voyage of the Fleet of Ships, which arriued at Virginia, without Sir THOMAS GATES and Sir GEORGE SVMMERS, 1609. Rom Woolwich the fifteenth of May, 1609, seuen saile weyed anchor; and came to Plimmouth the twentieth day, where Sir George Somers, with two small Vessels, consorted with vs. Here we tooke into the Blessing (being the ship wherein I went) sixe Mares and two Horses; and the Fleet layed in some necessaries belonging to the action: in which businesse we spent time till the second of Iune. And then wee set sayle to These side- Sea, but crost by South-west windes, we put in to Faule- probably by mouth, and there staying till the eight of Iune, we then notes are Rev. S. Purchas.] The appointed Course. gate out. Our Course was commanded to leaue the Canaries one hundred leagues to the Eastward at least, and to steere away directly for Virginia, without touching at the West Indies, except the Fleet should chance to be separated, then they were to repaire to the Bermuda, there to stay seuen dayes in expectation of the Admiral [flag ship]; and if they found him not, then to take their course to Virginia. Capt. Introduction31 . . Letter announcing arrival of Third Supply.] xcv . G. ArcherAug. 1609Now thus it happened; about sixe dayes after [about 14 June] we lost the sight of England, one of Sir George Somers Pinnasses left our company, and (as I take it) bare vp for England; the rest of the ships, viz. The Sea Aduenture Admirall, wherein was Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Somer, and Captaine Newport: The Diamond Vice- admirall, wherein was Captaine Ratcliffe, and Captaine King. The Falcon Reare-admirall, in which was Captaine Martin, and Master Nellson: The Blessing, wherein I and Captaine Adams went: The Vnitie, wherein Captaine Vood, and Master Pett were. The Lion, wherein Captaine Webb remained: And the Swallow of Sir George Somers, in which Captaine Moone, and Master Somer went. In the Catch went one Matthew Fitch Master: and in the Boat of Sir George Somers, called the Virginia, which was built in the North Colony, went one Captaine Davies, and one Master Davies. These were the Captaines and Masters. of our Fleet. We ran a Southerly course from the Tropicke of Cancer, where hauing the Sun within sixe or seuen degrees right ouer our head in Iuly, we bore away West; so that by the feruent heat and loomes breezes, many of our men fell sicke of the Calenture, and out of two ships was throwne ouer-board thirtie two persons. The Vice-admiral was said to haue the plague in her; but in the Blessing we had not any sicke, albeit we had twenty women and children. [1609] The Ships, and chiefe men in the Fleet. Sicknesse talitie at and mor- Sea. Vpon Saint Iames day [25 July], being about one Terrible hundred and fiftie leagues distant from the West Indies, tempest. in crossing the Gulf of Bahoma, there hapned a most terrible and vehement storme, which was a taile of the West Indian Horacono; this tempest seperated all our Fleet one from another; and it was so violent that men could scarce stand vpon the Deckes, neither could any man heare another speake. Being thus diuided, euery man steered his owne course; and as it fell out, about fiue or sixe days [2 or 3 August] after the storme ceased (which endure[d] fortie foure houres in extremitie [25-27 July]), the Lion first, and after the Falcon and the Vnitie, got sight of our Shippe, and so we lay away directly for Note. False Virginia, finding neither current nor winde opposite, as some chargeable. rumors xcvi [Letter announcing arrival of Third Supply. CaptIntroduction. G. Archer- [1609] Arriuall in Virginia. State of the Colony. . 31 Aug. 1609. haue reported, to the great charge of our Counsell and Aduenturers. The Vnity was sore distressed when she came vp with vs, for of seuenty landmen, she had not ten sound; and all her Sea men were downe but onely the Master and his Boy with one poore sailer: but we relieued them. And we foure consorting, fell into the Kings Riuer [i.e., James river] haply the eleuenth of August. In the Vnity were borne two children at Sea, but both died: being both Boyes. When wee came to Iames Towne, we found a Ship which had bin there in the Riuer a moneth before we came [i.e., about 10 July]. This was sent out of England by our Counsels leaue and authority, to fish for Sturgeon; and to goe the ready way, without tracing through the Torrid Zoan, and shee performed it: her Commander was Captaine Argoll (a good Marriner, and a very ciuill Gentleman) and her Master one Robert Tindall [pp. xxxviii, xli]. The people of our Colonie were found all in health (for the most part). Howbeit when Captaine Argoll came in, they were in such distresse, for many were dispersed in the Sauages townes, liuing vpon their almes for an ounce of Copper a day; and fourescore liued twenty miles from the Fort and fed vpon nothing but Oysters eight weekes 【pp. 155,472.] space, hauing no other allowance at all: neither were the people of the Country able to relieue them if they would. Whereupon Captaine Newport and others haue beene much to blame to informe the Counsell of such plenty of blame also. victuall in this Country, by which meanes they haue beene slacke in this supply to giue conuenient content. Vpon this, you that be aduenturers, must pardon vs, if you finde not returne of Commodity so ample as you may expect, because the law of nature bids vs seeke sustenance first, and then to labour to content you afterwards. But vpon this point I shall be more large in my next Letter. Idlenesse and other vices to After our foure Ships had bin in harbour a fewe dayes, came in [15 Aug] the Viceadmirall, hauing cut her maine Mast ouer boord, and had many of her men very sicke and weake; but she could tell no newes of our Gouernour and some three or foure dayes after her [18 Aug.], came in the Swallow, with ber maine Mast CaptIntroduction1609. 13 . . Letter announcing arrival of Third Supply.] xcvii . G. ArcherAug. ouerboord also; and had a shrewd leake, neither did she see our Admirall. [1609] Some things, partly false partly rumours, sugges- here left They choose a new Governor. Now did we all lament the absence of our Gouernour, for contentions began to grow, and factions, and par- takings, &c. Insomuch as the President [Captain Smith], to strengthen his authority, accorded with the Mariners, factious and gaue not any due respect to many worthy Gentlemen tions, are that came in our Ships: whereupon they generally out. (hauing also my consent) chose Master West, my Lord de la War[re]s brother, to be their Gouernour, or president de bene esse, in the absence of Sir Thomas Gates, or if he miscarried by Sea, then to continue till we heard newes from our Counsell in England. This choice of him they made not to disturbe the old President during his time [Captain Smith's year of office would have expired in a few days after the writing of this letter, viz., 10 Sept. 1609: but he which had had already during this month of August once given up the in Virginia Presidency to Captain Martin, who resigned it back to himmies to the again; see pp. 162, 481]: but as his authority expired, then President), to take vpon him the sole goue[r]nment, with such assis- tants of the Captaines, as discreetest persons as the Colonie afforded. Hinc ille Hence from lachrymæ. the male- contents beene before (ene- raising now ill reports comming, of at their him, arose these stirs and the miseries in following Author which this Gabriel Perhaps you shall haue it blazoned a mutenie by such as retaine old malice; but Master West, Master Percie, and all the respected Gentlemen of worth in Virginia, can and will testifie otherwise vpon their oathes. For [Captain the Kings Patent we ratified, but refused to be gouerned Archer] by the President that now is, after his time was expired; the whole and onely subjected our selues to Master West, whom Colony we labour to haue next President. I cannot certifie you of much more as yet, vntill we grow to some certaine stay in this our state; but by the other Ships you shall know more. So with my harty commendations I cease. From Iames Towne this last of August 1609. with almost perished. ENG. SCH. LIB. No. 16. G xcviii [1609] Captain JOHN RATCLIFF E alias SICKEL MORE. Letter to the Earl of SALISBURY. 4 October 1609. This letter is written in a scrivener's hand, and is merely signed by the Writer. R [State Papers, Colonial. (1574-1621.) Vol. I. No. 19.] Ight Honorable, accordinge to your gratious fauour being bound I am bold to write the truth of some late accidentes, be falne his Maies- ties Virginia collonye. Sir Thomas Gates, and Sir George Summers Captaine Newport and 180 persons or ther about, are not yet arrived and we much feare they are lost, and alsoe a small pinish. The other shipps came all in but not together; We were thus seperated by a storme; two shipps had great loss of men by the calenture; and most of them all much weatherbeaten. At our arrival we found an English shipp, riding at James towne and Captaine Argoll hir commaunder. We heard that all the Counsell were dead but Captaine Smith the President, who reigned sole governer without assistantes and would at first admitt of no councell but 【pp. 167, 486] himselfe. This man is sent home to answere some mis- deameanors, whereof I perswade me he can scarcely clear him selfe from great imputation of blame. Master George Pearcye my Lord of Northumberlands brother is elected our President, and Master West my Lord la wars brother, of the councell, with me and Captaine Martine; and some few of the best and worthyest that Capt. Introductionxcix Letter to the Earl of Salisbury.] . J. Ratcliffe. 4 Oct. 1609. inhabite at James towne are assistantes in ther advise vnto vs. Thus haue we planted 100 men at the falls, and some others vpon a champion, the President is at James towne, and I am raysing a fortification vpon point Comfort, alsoe we haue been bold to make stay of a small shipp for discouerye and to procure vs victalls, wherof we haue. exceedinge much need for the country people set no more then sufficeth each familye a yeare, and the wood is yet so thice, as the labour to prepare so much ground as would be to any purpose is more then we can afford, our number being soe necessarylie dispersed: soe that if I might be held worthye to advise the directors of this busines: I hold it fitt that ther should be a sufficient supply of victualls for one yeare, and then to be sparinge, it would less hinder the collonye. Thus fearinge to be too offensive in a tedious boldnes, I cease wishinge all hapines to your Honnor, yea wear it in the expense of my life and bloud. ffrom James towne this 4th of October, 1609. Your Honnors in all obedience and most humble dutye. [Signed] JOHN RADCLYEFFE. /S Comenly Called. [Addressed] To the Right Honorable the Earle of Salis- burye Lord high Treasurer of England deliuer these. [lower down] [Endorsed] from Virginia. 1609 4. Oc. Captaine John Radcliff to my Lord from Virginia. [1609] Earl of SOUTHAMPTON. HENRY, Earl Letter to the Earl of SALISBURY. MY LORD: [1609] 15 December 1609. [State Papers, Domestic. James I. (1609) Vol. 50, No. 65.] [Extract.] Ppon Wedensday morninge [13 Dec.] I went to Newmarkett and before the Kinge went to dinner I deliuered vnto him what I receaued from your Lordship concern- inge, etc. And thus wishinge a longe contine- wance of your lordships happy fortune I rest Your lordships most assuredly to doo you service H. SOUTHAMPTON. The 15 of December [which, in 1609, was a Friday]. Talkinge with the King [i.e., on Wednesday, 13 Dec.] by [p. cvi. 59, chance I tould him of the Virginia squirills which they 355.1 say will fly, wherof there are now diuers brought into England [evidently in the ship or ships which brought Captain John Smith to England], and hee presently and very earnestly asked mee if none of them was provided for him and whether your Lordship had none for him, sayinge that hee was sure you would gett him one of them. I would not have trobled you with this but that you know so well. how hee is affected to these toyes, and with a little enquiry of any of your folkes you may furnish your self to present him att his comminge to London which will not bee before wensday next: the monday before to Theobal[d]s and the saterday before that to Royston. ci HENRY SPELMAN. Relation of Virginea. This piece in broken English is a most important contribution to the history of the first colony on the James river, inasmuch as it is the only Eye-witness account, p. civ, of the massacre of Captain RATCLIFFE and his company by POWHATAN; about Nov. 1609, p. ciii, or the beginning of the Starving Time of 1609-10, p. 498. SPELMAN was rescued by Captain ARGALL in Sept. 1610, p. 503 : but this narrative was evidently not written for some time after; for the writer says at þ. cx : Concerninge ther lawes my years and vnderstandinge, made me the less to looke after. We have therefore approximately dated the narrative 1613, as it was apparently written in England, p. civ. HENRY SPELMAN was the third son of Sir HENRY SPELMAN, the antiquary. He afterwards returned to Virginia, and rose to be a Captain in the colony, and is referred to at pp. 172, 498, 503, 528, 606. This manuscript (now in the possession of JAMES F. HUNnewell, Esq., of Charleston, Massachusetts, U.S.A.) has only been recently printed, under the editorship of HENRY STEVENS, Esq., F.S.A., in an edition of 100 copies, London, 1872: to which impression, the reader is referred for an account of the singular adventures of the manuscript, until it was sold at Mr. LILLY's sale on 7 July 1871. [1609] Einge in displeasuer of my frendes, and desirous to see other cuntryes, After [sum weckes] three moneths sayle we cum with prosperus winds in sight of Virginia wher A storme sodenly arisinge seauered our [ship] fleete, (which was of x sayle) euery shipp from other, puttinge us all in great daunger for vij or viij dayes togither. But ye storme then ceasing our shipp called ye vnitye cam ye [16] next morning saffly to A. xcv, an anker at Cape Henry ye daye of October 1609, Wher we found thre other of our fleete, and about a senight after thre more cam thether also. The residew xcvi.] cii . Relation of Virginca. ? 1613[H . [1609] Introduction. H. Spelman[still remayned] Amongst which was Sir Thomas Gates. and Sir George Summers Knights [who] wear not [being] hard of many monthes after our ariuall. From Cape Henry we sayled up ye Riuer Powáhtan & with in 4 or 5 dayes ariued at James toune, wher we weare ioyfully welcomed by our cuntrymen beinge at that time about 80 persons under the gouer[n]ment of Capt Smith, The Præsident. Hauinge heare unladed our goods and bestowed sum senight or fortnight in vieinge of the cuntry, I was caried By Capt Smith our Presidant to ye Fales, to ye litell Powhatan wher vnknowne to me he [ƒ½.163,481.] sould me to him for a towne caled Powhatan and leauinge me with him ye [17] litle Powhatann, He made knowne to Capt weste how he had bought a toune for them to dwell in [Wheruppon Capt weste growinge angrye (Bycause he had bestowed cost to begine a toune in another place) Capt Smith &c.] desireing that captaine West would come & settle himself there, (but captaine Weste hauing) bestowed cost to begine a toune in another place (misliked it: and vnkindnesse thereuppon ariseing betweene them) Capt Smith at that time [saying] repliede litell [yet] but after- ward [wrought] conspired with the Powhatan to kill Capt weste, which Plott tooke but smale effect, for in ye [pp.165,484.] [interim] meane time Capt Smith was Aprehended, and sent abord for England, my self hauenge binn now about vij or viij dayes with the litell Powhatan who though he made uery much of me giuinge me such thinges as he had to winn me to live with him. [When] Yet I desired [18] to see our english and therfore made signes unto him to giue me leaue to goe to our ship to feach such thinges as I leafte behind me, which he agreed unto and settinge himselfe doune, he clapt his hand on the ground in token he would stay ther till I returned. But I staying sumwhat to long, at my cumminge [backe] to ye place wher I leaft him I found him departed whervppon I wente backe to our shipp beinge still in ye Fales and sayled with them to James toune, wher not beinge long ther, Before one Thomas Sauage with 4 or 5 Indians cam from the great [pp. 27, 31, Powhatan with venison to Capt: Percye, who now was president. After the deliuery therof and that he must returne he was loith to goe with out sum of his cuntrymen 37, 102, 517.) Introduction. H. Spelman. ciii Relation of Virginea. ? 1613. [1609] went with him, wher uppon I was apoynted to goe, which I the more willinglie did, by Reason that vitals were scarse with us, cariinge with me [19] sum copper and a hatchet (with me] which I had gotten. [And] Cumminge to the Great Powetan I presented to him such thinges as I had which he tooke, vsinge me uery kindly, [settinge this Sauage and me at his oune Table messe]. And After I had bin with him about 3 weekes [? Nov. 1609] he sent me backe to our English bidding me tell them, that if they would bring ther ship, and sum copper, he would fraught hir backe with corne, which I hauing reported to our English and returning ther answer to ye Kinge, He before ther cumminge layd plotts. to take them, which in sum sort he affected, for xxvj or vij they killed which cam towards land in ther long boate, and shott many arrows into ye shipp, which our men perseyuing and fearinge the worst, wayed anker and returned. Now whil this busines was in [doinge] action ye Powhatan sends me and one Samwell a Duchman To a toune about xvj miles [20] of, caled Yawtanoone willinge us ther to stay [till] for him, At his cumminge. thether we understood how althinges had passed by Thomas Sauage, as before is related, the Kinge in shew made still much of us yet his mind was much declined from us which made vs feare the worst, and hauing now bin with him about 24 or 25 weekes [? Mar. 1610], it happned that the Kinge [of Pasptan] of Patomeck cam to visitt the great Powetan, wher beinge a while with him, he shewed such kindnes to Sauage Samuell and my self as we determined to goe away with him, when the daye of his departure was cum, we did as we agreed and hauenge gone a mile or tow on the way, Sauage fayned sum excuss of stay & unknowne to us went backe to the Powetan and acquaynted him with our [fleinge] departing with ye Patowomeck. The Powetan. presen[t]ly sends after us commandinge our returne: which we [21] [not beleuinge) refuseing went still on our way: and thos[e] that weare sent, went still on with us, till one of them findinge op[p]ortunity on a sudden strooke Samuell t. 487.) with an axe and killed him, which I seinge ran a way from a monge the cumpany, they after me, the Kinge and his men after them, who ouertake them heald them, till I shifted for my self and gott to the Patomeckes cuntry, civ ? 1613. Relation of Virginca. [ [p. 503.] Xataua- hane. Introduction. H. Spelman. [1609-10] With this Kinge Patomecke I lived a year and more [? Mar- Sept. 1610] at a towne of his called Pasptanzie, untill such time as an worthy gentelman named Capt: Argall ariued at a toune cald Nacottawtanke, but by our english cald Camo- cacocke, wher he understood that ther was an english boy named Harry. He desiringe to here further of me cam up the river which the Kinge of Patomeck hearringe sent me to him and I goinge backe agayne brought the kinge to [him] ye shipe, wher [22] capt: Argall gaue the Kinge [sum] copper for me, [and he] which he receyued Thus was I sett [free] at libertye and brought into England. [p. ci.] [Another version of this passage is given in the last leaf of the Manuscript, which may be the original draught.] [fraught hir backe corne which I hauing reported to our English, and returneing their answeare to ye Powhatan. Captaine Ratclyff came with a shipp with xxiiij or xxv men to Orohpikes, and leauing his shipp there came by barge with sixteen men to ye Powhatan to Powmunkey where he very curtuously in shew received them by sending them bread and veinson in reward [23] whereof Captaine Ratclyff sent him copper and beades and such like Then Powhatan appointed Cap: Ratclyff a house for him and his men to lye in during the time that thei should [traff] traffique, not far from his owne but aboue half a mile from the barge, and himself in the euening comeing to the [ther] house slenderly accompanied) welcomed him thither, And [after Cap. Rat] returned leauing the dutch man, Savage, and my self behinde him. The next day the Powhatan with a company of Saluages came to Capt: Ratclyff, and caried our English to their storehouse where their corne was to traffique with them, giueing them pieces of copper and beades and other things. According to ye proportions of ye basketts of corne which they brought but the Indians dealing deceitfully by pulling or beareing vpp the bottom of their baskets with their hands soe that ye [24] lesse corne might [searue to] fill them. The English men taking exceptions against it and a discontentment riseing vppon it ye king [conveied himself and] departed taking me and ye dutchman with him [and] his wiues hence, And presently a great number Indians that lay Introduction.' H. Spelman. CV Relation of Virginea. ? 1613.. lurking in ye woods & corne about began with an oulis and [1609-10] whoopubb and whilest our English men were in hast carieing their corne to their shipps the Indians that were hidden in ye corne shott the men as they passed by them and soe killed them all saueing one William Russell and one other whoe being acquainted with ye cuntry escaped to James towne by land.] [25] Of ther servis to their gods Manato uasack. Quia O giue sum satisfaction to my frends and con- tentment unto others, which wish well to this viage, and are desirus to heare ye fashions of that cuntrye: I haue set doune as well as I can, what I obserued in ye time I was amonge them. And therfore first concerninge ther gods, yow must understand that for ye most part they worship ye diuell, which ye coniurers who are ther preests, can make apeare unto them at ther pleasuer, yet neuer ye less in euery cuntry they haue a seuerall Image whom they call ther god. As with the great Pawetan he hath an [26] Image called Cakeres which most comonly standeth at Yaught- Caukewis awnoone [in one of ye Kinges houses] or at Oropikes in a Taukinge house for that purpose and with him are sett all the Kings Souke. goods and presents that are sent him, as ye Cornne. But ye beades or Crowne or Bedd which ye Kinge of England sent him are in ye gods house at Oropikes, and in their houses are all ye Kinge ancesters and kindred commonly buried [commonly], In ye Patomecks cuntry they haue an other god whom they call Quioquascacke, and unto ther Images they offer Beades and Copper if at any time they want Rayne or haue to much, and though they obserue no day to worshipe ther god: but uppon necessitye, yet onc[e] in the yeare, ther preests which are ther coniurers. with ye [people] men, weomen, and children doe goe into the woods, wher ther preests makes [27] a great cirkell of fier in ye which after many obseruanses in ther coniurations they make offer of 2 or 3 children to be giuen to ther god if he will apeare unto them and shew his mind whome he [will haue] desier. Vppon which offringe they heare a cvi Introduction. H. Spelman. Relation of Virginea. ? 1613. [1609-10] noyse out of ye Cirkell Nominatinge such as he will haue, whome presently they take bindinge them hand and footte and cast them into ye circle of the fier, for be it the Kinges sonne he must be giuen if onc[e] named by ther god, After ye bodies which are offered are consumed in the fier and ther cerimonees performed the men depart merily, the weomen weaping. [28] e caied a assapa. meek. 【pp. c, 59, 355.1 Of the cuntry of Virginia He cuntry is full of wood [and] in sum partes, and water they haue plentifull, they haue marish ground and smale fields, for corne, and other grounds wher on ther Deare, goates, and stages feadeth, ther be in this cuntry Lions, Beares, woulues, foxes, muske catts, Hares afleinge squirells, and other squirels beinge all graye like conyes, great store of foule only Peacockes and common hens wanting: fish in aboundance wher on they liue most part of the Summer time They haue a kind of wheat cald locataunce and Pease and Beanes, [29] Great store of walnuts growing in euery place. They haue no orchard frutes, only tow kind of plumbes the one a sweet and lussius plumbe long and thicke in forme and liknes of A Nutt Palme. the other resemblinge a medler But sumwhat sweeter yet not Etable till they be rotten as ours are. [30] Of ther Tounes & buildinges Laces of Habitation they haue but feaw for ye greatest toune haue not aboue 20 or 30 houses in it, Ther Biuldinge are made like an ouen with a litell hole to cum in at But more spatius with in hauinge a hole in the midest of ye house for smoke to goe out at, The Kinges houses are both broader and longer then ye rest hauinge many darke windinges and turnings before any cum wher the Kinge is, But in that time when they goe a Huntinge ye weomen goes to a place apoynted before, to build houses for ther Introduction. H. Spelman. cvii Relation of Virginea. ? 1613. husbands to lie in att night carienge matts with [31] them [1609-10] to couer ther houses with all, and as the men goes furthur a huntinge the weomen [goes before] follows to make houses, always carrienge ther mattes with them ther maner of ther Huntinge is thiss [wher] they meett sum 2 or 300 togither and hauinge ther bowes and arrows and euery one with a fier [sti] sticke in ther hand they besett a great thikett round about, which dunn euery one sett fier on the rar.ke grass [and] which ye Deare seinge fleeth from ye fier, and the menn cumminge in by a litel and litle incloseth ther game in a narrow roome, so as with ther Bowes and arrowes they kill them at ther pleasuer takinge ther skinns which is the greatest thinge they desier, and sume flesh for ther prouision. [32] Ther maner of mariing He custum of ye cuntry is to haue many wiues. and to buye them, so that he which haue most copper and Beads may haue most wiues, for if he taketh likinge of any woman he makes loue to hir, and seeketh to hir father or kindsfolke to sett what price he must paye for hir, which beinge on[c]e agreed on the kindred meett and make good cheere, and when the sume agreed on be payd she shall be deliuered to him for his wife, The cerimony is thus The parents bringes ther daughter betwene them [33] (if hir parents be deade then. sume of hir kinsfolke, or whom it pleaseth ye king to apoynt (for ye man goes not unto any place to be maried But ye woman is brought to him wher he dwelleth). At hir cumminge to him, hir father or cheefe frends ioynes the hands togither and then ye father or cheef frend of ye man Bringeth a longe stringe of Beades and measuringe his armes leangth therof doth breake it ouer ye hands of thos that are to be married while ther handes be ioyned together, and giues it unto ye womans father or him that brings hir, And so with much mirth and feastinge they goe togither, When ye Kinge of ye cuntry will haue any wiues he acquaintes his cheef men with his purpose, who sends [for] into all partes of yº cuntry for ye fayrest and cumliest cviii . Relation of Virginea. ? 1613[ Introduction. H. Spelman. [1609-10] mayds out of which ye Kinge taketh his choyse giuen to ther parents what he pleaseth. If any of ye [34] Kings [p. cxvi.] wiues haue onc[e] a child by him, he [neuer lieth with hir more] keepes hir no longer but puts hir from him giuinge hir suffitient Copper and beads to mayntayne hir and the child while it is younge and then [it] is taken from hir and mayntayned by ye King[s charge], it now beinge lawfull for hir beinge thus put away to marry with any other, The Kinge Poetan hauinge many wiues when he goeth a Huntinge or to visitt another Kinge vnder him (for he goeth not out of his owne cuntry) He leaueth them with tow ould men who haue the charge on them till his returne. This Pasp- tanse was brother to Patomsk. It was my happ to be leaft at one of ye Kings Pasptanses Howses when he went to uisitt another Kinge and two of his wiues wear ther also, after the Kings departure, one of them would goe visitt hir father, [whos] hir name was Paupauwiske, and seinge me, willed me [35] to goe with hir and to take hir child and carye him thether in [his] my armes, beinge a [long] days iouyrnye from ye place wher we dwelt, [but] which I refusinge she strook me 3 or 4 blows, but I beinge loith to bear to much gott to hir and puld hir doune giuing hir sum blows agayne which ye other of ye Kings wiues perseyuinge, they both fell on me beat- inge me so as I thought they had lamd me, Afterwarde when ye Kinge cam home: in ther presents I acquainted him how they had used me, The King with out further delay tooke vp a couwascohocan, which is a kind of paringe Iron, and strooke at one of them with such uiolenc[e], as he feld her to the ground in manor deade. I seinge that, fled to a Neyghburs house, for feare of ye Kings displeasuer, But his wife cumming againe to hir self: sumwhat apeased his anger so as understandinge wher I was [36] by his brother, he sent me his younge child to still, for none could quiet him so well as my selfe, and about midnight he sent for him againe, The next day morninge the King was erlye vpp, and came to the house wher I was: loith I was to see him, yet being cum to him instead of his anger, I found him kind to me, asking me how I did, and whether I was affrayd of him last night, bycause I rann away from him, and hidd my selfe, I being by his speeches sumwhat boulder, Asked him for his Queene, He answered ? 1613. cix Relation of Virginea. Introduction. H. Spelman. all was well, and that I should goe home with him tellinge [1609-10] me he loued me, and none [should] should hurt me. I though loith went with him, wher at my cumminge ye Queene looked but discontentedly on me, But hoping on the Kinges promise, I cared ye less for others frownes, knowinge well that ye Kinge made ye more of me in [37] hope I should healpe him to sum copper, if at any time our english cam into thos parts, which I often had promised him to doe, and which was by Capt: Argall Bountifully performed. [38] How the[y] name ther children Fter the mother is deliuered of hir child with in sum feaw dayes after the kinsfolke and neyburs beinge intreated ther unto, cums unto ye house : wher beinge assembled the father, takes the child in his armes: and declares that his name shall be, as he then calls him, so his name is, which dunn ye rest of ye day is spent in feastinge and dauncinge. [39] Ther maner of uisitinge the sicke with ye fation of ther buriall if they dye, W Hen any be sicke among them, ther preests cums unto the partye whom he layeth on the ground uppon a matt And hauing a boule of water, sett betwene him and the sicke partye; and a Rattle by it, The preest kneelinge by the sick mans side dipps his hand into the boule, which takinge vp full of watter, he supps into his mouth, spowting it out againe, vppon his oune armes, and brest, then takes he the Rattle, and with one hand takes that, and [40] with the other he beates his brest, makinge a great noyes, which hauinge dunn he easilye Riseth (as loith to wake the sicke bodye, first with one legge, then with the other, And beinge now gott vp, he leaysuerly goeth about ye sicke man shak- CX Introduction. H. Spelman. Relation of Virginca. ? 1613. [1609-10] inge his Rattle uery [easily] softly ouer all his bodye: and with his hand he stroketh ye greaued parts of the sicke, then doth he besprinkell him with water mum[b]linge certayne words ouer him, and so for that time leaue him, But if he be wounded after thes cerimonys dunn unto him he with a litle flint stone gasheth the wound makinge it to runn and bleede which he settinge his mouth unto it suckes out, and then aplies a certayne roote betten to powter unto ye Sore. If he dies his buriall is thus ther is a scaffould built about 3 or 4 yards hye from the ground and the deade bodye wraped in a matt is brought to the place, wher when [41] he is layd ther on, the kinsfolke falles a weop- inge and make great sorrow, and instead of a dole for him, (the poorer people beinge gott togither) sum of his kinsfolke flinges Beades amonge them makinge them to scramble for them, so that many times diuers doe breake ther armes and legges beinge pressed by the cumpany, this finished they goe to ye parties house wher they haue meat giuen them which beinge Eten all ye rest of the day they spend in singinge and dauncinge vsing then as much mirth as before sorrow more ouer if any of ye kindreds bodies which haue bin layd on ye scaffould should be con- sumed as nothing is leaft but bonns they take thos bonns from ye scaffould and puttinge them into a new matt, hangs them in ther howses, wher they continew whille ther house falleth and then they are buried in the ruinges of ye house[.] what goods [42] the partye leaueth is deuided amonge his wiues and children. But his house he giueth to the wife he liketh best for life: after her death, unto what child he most loueth. [43] The Justis and gouerment Oncerninge ther lawes my years and under- standinge, made me the less to looke after bycause I thought that Infidels wear lawless yet when I saw sum put to death I asked the cause of ther offence, for in the time that I was with ye Patomecke I saw 5 executed 4 for murther of a child (id Introduction. H. Spelman. ? 1613. cxi Relation of Virginea. est) ye mother, and tow other that did the fact with hir [1609-10] and a 4 for consealing it as he passed by, beinge bribed to hould his pease. and one for robbinge a traueler [44] of coper and beades for to steale ther neyburs corne or copper is death, or to lye one with anothers wife is death if he be taken in the manner. [45] The manor of execution Hos that be conuicted of capital offences are brought into a playne place before ye Kinges house when then he laye, which was at Pomun- keye the chefest house he hath wher one or tow apoynted by the Kinge did bind them hand and foote, which being dunn a great fier was made, Then cam the officer to thos that should dye, and with a shell cutt offf} ther long locke, which they weare on the leaft side of ther heade, and hangeth that on a bowe before the Kings house Then thos for murther wear Beaten with staues till ther bonns [46] weare broken and beinge aliue weare flounge [ƒƒ.81,377-1 into the fier, the other for robbinge was knockt on ye heade and beinge deade his bodye was burnt. [47] The manor of settinge ther corne with ye gatheringe and Dressing. Hey take most commonly a place about ther howses to sett ther corne, which if ther be much wood, in that place the[y] cutt doune the greate trees sum half a yard aboue the ground, and ye smaller they burne at the roote pullinge a good part of barke from them to make them die, and in this place they digg many holes which before the English brought them scauels and spades they vsed to make with a crooked peece of woode beinge scraped on both sides in fation of a gardiners paring Iron. they [48] put in to thes holes ordenarily 4 or 5 curnels of ther wheat and 2 beanes like cxii ? 1613. Relation of Virginea. [ Introduction. H. Spelman. [1609-10] french beanes, which when the wheat doe growe vp hauinge a straw as bigg as a canne reede the beanes runn vp theron like our hopps on poles, The eare of ye wheat is of great bignes in lenght and cumpace and yet for all the greatnes of it euery stalke hath most commonly sum fower or fiue eares on it, Ther corne is sett and gathered about the time we vse, but ther maner of ther gatheringe is as we doe our [aplse] apells first in a hand basketts [putti] emtiinge them as they are filled into other bigger basketts wherof sum are made of the barkes of trees, sume of heampe which naturally groweth ther, and some of the straw wheron ye wheat groweth, Now after ye gatheringe, they laye it uppon matts a good thicknes in the soun to drye & [49] euery night they make a great pile of it, coueringe it ouer with matts to defend it from the dewe, [which] and when it is suffitien [t]ly weathered they pile it up in ther howses, dayly as occation serueth wringinge the eares in peises betwene ther hands, and so rubbinge out ther corne do put it to a great Baskett which taketh upp the best parte of sum of ther howses, and all this is cheefly the weomens worke for the men doe only hunt to gett skinns in winter and doe tewe or dress them in summer. But though now out of order yet let me not altogither forgett the settinge of ye Kings corne for which a day is apoynted wherin great part of ye cuntry people meete who with such diligence worketh as for the most part all ye Kinges corne is sett on a daye After which setting the Kinge takes the croune which ye Kinge of England sent him beinge [50] brought him by tow men, and setts it on his heade which dunn the people goeth about the corne in maner backwardes for they going before, and the king followinge ther faces are always toward the Kinge exspect- inge when he should flinge sum beades amonge them which his custum is at that time to doe makinge thos which had wrought to scramble for them But to sume he fauors he bids thos that carry his Beades to call such and such unto him unto whome he giueth beads into ther hande and this is the greatest curtesey he doth his people, when his corne is ripe the cuntry people cums to him againe and gathers drys and rubbes out all his corne for him, which is layd in howses apoynted for that purpose. [51] Introduction. H. Spelman. cxiii Relation of Virginea. ? 1613. The settinge at meat Hey sett on matts round about ye howse ye men [1609-10] by them selues and ye weomen by ther selues ye weomen bringe to euery one a dish of meat for the better sort neuer eates togither in one dish, when he hath eaten what he will, or that which was giuen him, for he looks for no [meat] second corse he setts doune his dish by him and mum[b]leth ceartayne words to himself in maner of [a saying grace} giuinge thankes, if any leaft ye weomen gather it up & ether keeps it till ye next meall, or gives it to ye porer sort, if any be ther. [52] The differences amonge them He King is not know by any differenc[e] from other of ye [better] chefe sort in ye cuntry but only when he cums to any of ther howses they present him with copper Beads or Vitall, and shew much reuerence to him The preest[s] are shauen on ye right side of ther head close to the scull only a litle locke leaft at ye eare and sum of thes haue beards But ye common people haue no beards at all for they pull away ther hares as fast as it growes. And they also cutt ye heares on ye right side of ther heade that it might not hinder them by flappinge about ther bow [53] stringe, when they draw it to shoott, But on ye other side they lett it grow & haue a long locke hanginge doune ther shoulder. [54] TIRS The Armor and wepon with discipline in war S for Armoure or dissipline in ware the[y] haue not any. The weopons they vse for offence are Bowes and Arrowes with a weopon like a hammer and ther Tomahaucks for defence* which are shields made of the barke of a tree and hanged on ther leaft shoulder to couer that side as they stand forth to shoote They neuer fight in open fields but always ether ENG. SCH. LIB. No. 16. H cxiv Introduction. H. Spelman. ? 1613. Relation of Virginea. [ [1609-10] amonge reede or behind trees takinge ther oportunitie to shoot at ther enimies and [55] till they can nocke another arrow they make the trees ther defence • 117, 415,421.] In ye time that I was ther I sawe a Battell fought be- 71,, twene the Patomeck and the Masomeck, ther place wher they fought was a marish ground full of Reede. Beinge in the cuntry of the Patomecke the peopel of Masomeck weare brought thether in Canoes which is a kind of Boate they haue made in the forme of an Hoggs trowgh But sumwhat more hollowed in, On Both sids they scatter them selues sum litle distant one from the other, then take they ther bowes and arrows and hauinge made ridie to shoot they softly steale toward ther enimies, Sumtime squattinge doune and priinge if they can spie any to shoot at whom if at any time he so Hurteth that he can not flee they make hast to him to knock him on the heade, And they that kill most of ther enimies are heald [56] the cheafest men amonge them; Drums and Trumpetts they haue none, but when they will gather themselues togither they haue a kind of Howlinge or Howbabub so differinge in sounde one from the other as both part may uery aesely be distin- guished. Ther was no greater slawter of nether side But ye massomecks hauing shott away most of ther arrows and wantinge Vitall [was] weare glad to retier; [57] W The Pastimes Hen they meet at feasts or otherwise they vse sprorts much like to ours heare in England as ther daunsinge, which is like our darbysher Hornepipe a man first and then a woman, and so through them all, hanging all in a round, ther is one which stand in the midest with a pipe and a rattell with which when he beginns to make a noyes all the rest Gigetts about wriinge ther neckes and stampinge on ye ground. They vse beside football play,which wemen and young boyes doe much play at. The men neuer They make ther Gooles as ours [58] only they neuer fight nor pull one another doune. The men play with a litel balle lettinge it fall out of ther hand and striketh it with the tope of his foot, and he that can strike the ball furthest winns that they play for. INTRODUCTION. CXV V. O deny the truth of the POCAHONTAS incident is to create more difficulties than are involved in its acceptance. Ten men (p. 14) left James town, on the 10th of December 1607, p. lxxxv, in the barge, for the discovery of the head waters of the Chickahominy; six only of these returned with the barge, three of the others were slain to the certain knowledge of all the Colony, Why then was JOHN SMITH not slain too? He had left seven in the barge at Apocant, With expresse charge not any [one] to go ashore til my returne. p. 14. But hee was not long absent, but his men went a shore, whose want of government gaue both occasion and opportunity to the Salvages to surprise one George Cassen, whom they slew and much failed not to haue cut of[f] the boat and all the rest. p. 395. The Salvages hauing drawne from George Cassen whether Captaine Smith was gone, prosecuting that opportunity they followed him with. 300. bowmen, conducted by the King of Pamavnkee, who in diuisions searching the turnings of the riuer, found Robinson and Emry by the fire side: those they shot full of arrowes and slew. pp. 395–6. It will be seen at pp. lii, liii, lxxi, lxxii, how many of the colonists had already been slain by the Indians; and the frightful death to which they afterwards subjected George CasseN, described at pp. 82, 377, is but an example of their innate ferocity. Supposing then that the account of the POCAHONTAS incident to be altogether untrue, from first to last; how is the return of SMITH with POWHATAN'S favour to be accounted for, when each of the other three men that came into the power of the Indians at the same time, perished? Up to the very moment he arrived at the Fort, our Author momentarily expected death, p. 401. Evidently some interposition had occurred in his favour, and his own relation of that interposition was strikingly confirmed by the appearance and presents of the hitherto unknown young Indian girl. Iames towne with her wild traine she as freely frequented, as her fathers habitation; and during the time of two or three yeeres [1608-9], she next vnder God, was still the instrument to preserue this Colonie from death, famine and vtter confusion; which if in those times, [it] had once beene dissolued, Virginia might haue line [lain] as it was at our first arriuall to this day. pp. 531–2; see also pp. 401, 403. Every man in the Colony therefore must have believed SMITH's account of her rescue, when he thus saw POCAHONTAS and her supplies of food. The subsequent uniform and unwearied friendship shewn by the Indian girl to the colony at large, and to SMITH in particular, is the strongest possible confirma- tion of his narrative; and is otherwise quite inexplicable. Indeed his story was never questioned in his lifetime. • cxvi INTRODUCTION, The incident itself is not an extraordinary one in the sequence of recorded hairbreadth escapes from Indian tribes. POWHATAN, a polygamist, nearly sixty years of age in 1608, pp. 8o, 376; with no special love for any one woman, and none of whose sons can be heir to his throne, having also by no wife more than one child, p. cviii, has constantly fixed his heart on a pet child (like an old man's grandchild with us); so that when POCAHONTAS was taken in April 1613, he chose another of twelve years old, which he sold for "two bushels of Rawrenoke," p. 518, respecting whom he said in 1614, "he delighted in none so much as shee, whom if he could not often behold, he could not possibly live, which living with us he could not do,"p. 519. There was nothing miraculous in POWHATAN's thus yielding to the solicitations of such a pet child. On the whole, therefore, we see no occasion to doubt the two accounts given by our Author of this peril. 1616. At the minute of my execu- tion, she hazarded the beating out of her owne braines to saue mine; and not onely that, but so preuailed with her father, that I was safely conducted to Iames towne: where I found where I found about eight and thirtie miserable. poore and sicke creatures, to keepe possession of all those large territories of Virginia; such was the weaknesse of this poore Commonwealth, as had the Saluages not fed vs, we directly had starued. And this reliefe, most gracious Queene, was commonly brought vs by this Lady Pocahontas. p. 531. 1624. Having feasted him after their best barbarous manner they could, a long consultation was held, but the conclusion was, two great stones were brought before Powhatan: then as many as could layd hands on him, dragged him to them, and there- on laid his head, and being ready with their clubs, to beate out his braines, Pocahontas the Kings dearest daughter, when no intreaty could prevaile, got his head in her armes, and laid her owne vpon his to saue him from death: whereat the Empe- rourwas contented he should liue to make him hatchets, and her bells, beads, and copper; for they thought him aswell of all occupa- tions as themselues. For the King himselfe will make his owne robes, shooes, bowes, arrowes, pots; plant, hunt, or doe any thing so well as the rest. p. 400. In fact, the only possible way of resisting the story is to regard Captain SMITH as a confirmed liar; which is quite contrary to everything we know of him. Savages have often shewn such sudden revulsion of feeling; and PoWHATAN before that year 1608 was out, returned to his frenzied attempts to kill SMITH ;: who seemed to him and his tribe, to bear a charmed life among them. INTRODUCTION. cxvii At the time of the rescue, SMITH was about 28 years of age, and POCAHONTAS about 13. It is quite clear that there was no love affair between them. He astonished her with his wonderful knowledge, and won her friendship with kind- ness, and gifts of things that to her seemed very precious. He looked upon her goodwill as a political factor for the salvation of the Colony; and with the high notions of kingship prevailing in his day, he considered himself beneath her in social position; for when, at Brentford in Middlesex, in 1616, she would call him father (not sweetheart, or even friend), he writes- Which though I would haue excused, I durst not allow of that title, because she was a Kings daughter. p. 533. W. PHETTIPLACE who certainly, and R. POTS who probably, arrived at James town on the evening of the day (8 January 1608) on which SMITH arrived from Werowocomoco, pp. lxxxvi, 101, 404; and who therefore were personally acquainted with the entire connection of POCAHONTAS with the Colony, thus rebut this out of the many foul slanders that followed their beloved Captain home. Some propheticall spirit calculated [that] hee had the Salvages in such subiection, hee would haue made himselfe a king, by marrying Pocahontas, Powhatans daughter. (It is true she was the very Nomparell of his kingdome, and at most not past 13 or 14 yeares of age. Very oft shee came to our fort, with what shee could get for Captaine Smith; that ever loued and vsed all the Countrie well, but her especially he ever much respected; and she so well requited it, that when her father intended to haue surprized him, shee by stealth in the darke night came through the wild woods and told him of it [p. 455]. But her marriage could no way haue intitled him by any right to the kingdome, nor was it ever suspected hee had ever such a thought; or more regarded her, or any of them, than in honest reason and discreation he might. If he would, he might haue married her, or haue done what him listed; for there. was none that could haue hindred his determination.) pp. 168–9. As to the argument that this Deliverance is not true, because it is not men- tioned in the True Relation of 1608; it need only be said, that that Relation was not intended for publication by SMITH. It is clear from the foregoing pieces at pp. xxxviii-xci that very many written Relations must have gone home with NEW- PORT in June 1607, and again in his second return in April 1608; as this particular one by SMITH, did in Captain NELSON's Phanix, in June 1608. Of them all, SMITH'S was the only one that came to the press; and that not by his own act. I. H., who edited it, confesses that "somewhat more was by him written, which being as I thought fit to be private, I would not adventure to make it public," p. 4. But these probably refer to the details of his 13 weeks' false imprisonment, and to his narrow escape from being hanged at Nevis, p. 910: and not to his personal adventures with the savages. We are quite content to suppose he never men- tioned the POCAHONTAS incident at all in the manuscript from which this abridged Relation was printed; as also that he may not have mentioned OPECHANCANOUGH's previous deliverance of him, when he was tied to the tree to be shot, p. 396. exvii INTRODUCTIO Ν. V Mr. WILLIAM WIRT HENRY, of Richmond, Va., has, in his Address to the Virginia Historical Society, on 24 Feb. 1882, furnished answers to many points of attack on our Author's veracity: but we will not avail ourselves of them. We only say, on general grounds, non sequitur (the circumstances considered) to any argu- ment that would assert that all that occurred must, of necessity, have been recorded in SMITH's manuscript relation; or else it did not occur. In confirma- tion of this, we may point to the variations (but not contradictions) in the two Relations extending over not more than the week, 21-27 May 1607, of the same. boat expedition up the James river: the one by Captain Archer at pp. xl-lii ; the other by the Hon. G. PERCY, at pp. lxviii-lxix. And it is only popular ignorance of his career that has fastened upon SMITH's danger at Werowocomoco as the chief peril of his life; and which has therefore exaggerated its importance far beyond his own opinion of it. The marvel is that he wrote so much and so well, while the Phenix was loading for home, in May, 1608, under the pressure of so many other things on hand, pp. 34-39: and the personal self-forgetfulness with which it is written is only characteristic of the man. To conclude, then, it would seem that the advent of SMITH was a momen- tous event in POCAHONTAS's life, but a very small one in his own; so small indeed that he did not see occasion to dwell upon it. They saw one another occasionally over a period of at most 21 months; between January 1608, to the date of his return home 4 October 1609: after which, she never visited James town till ARGAL brought her thither, as a State prisoner, in April 1613. (( POCAHONTAS will ever be a most interesting character. She was, under GOD, the means of keeping the Colony alive. She admired, perhaps revered, SMITH; but as PHETTIPLACE and POTS wrote in 1612, nor was it ever suspected he . . more regarded her, or any of them, than in honest reason and discreation he might,” p. 169. • Mr. CHARLES DEANE (who has done so much and so well towards the repro- duction of our Author's Works) is responsible for the attack on SMITH's veracity as regards the POCAHONTAS incident, by the notes to his reprint of The True Rela- tion, in 1866. Mr. H. B. ADAMS, in his review of the same, in the North American Review, No. 204, January 1867, is a study of SMITH's life and work, upside down. Our American friends seem sometimes to fall into the error of considering any newly-found manuscript as of greater authority than the old printed books: thus WINGFIELD is opposed to SMITH; and yet that there is no contradiction in his recrimination, to our Author's text, the reader may see for himself, as we have reprinted the Discourse of Virginia at pp. lxxiv-xci. In like manner, STRACHEY, who arrived in the Colony in June 1610, is opposed to SMITH, who left on the 4 October 1609, as to the conduct of POCAHONTAS anterior to October 1609. So, Mr. DEANE's reprinting of the True Relation was like the bringing to light of a lost manuscript. He did quite right in pointing out its variation from the General History and any doubt he may have raised will be set at rest by the present edition. Precision and scientific accuracy is not to be found in any of the nine books forming the present Text; but of the unspotted integrity of the writer, and of the care and moderation with which he wrote, there is therein, we think, abundant testimony. As he says himself, at p. 622, I thanke God I neuer vndertooke any thing yet [wherein] any could tax me of carelesnesse or dishonesty, and what is hee to whom I am indebted or troublesome ? INTRODUCTION. cxix VI. OR the story of those first thirty months of the James river Settle- ment, we must refer the reader to the Text itself. It is brim full of fascinating interest: but this Volume consists rather of materials for a Biography of a Life than the History of a Colony, so we pass on. Two points only we shall add. Major JED. HOTCHKISS, Consulting Mining Engineer, Staunton, Va., U.S.A., who is the greatest living authority on the geography of that State, thus writes, under date of October 5, 1883: "I am sorry to say that about the only information we have con- cerning the location of Indian tribes at the time of the settlement of Virginia is to be found on SMITH'S Map-a marvel of results in representation of outline compared with the time occupied in procuring information. The same region is shewn on the small map I send you, from the actual surveys of a century [1774-1874], yet SMITH had all the important features of our wonderfully developed coast well shewn." There is an interesting connection between our Author and HENRY HUDSON the navigator, of whom he speaks so highly in 1614, at þþ. 191, 704. (6 After he discovered Chesapeake Bay, SMITH evidently sent to HUDSON, with the third return of Captain NEWPORT, about November 1608, a duplicate of the Mappe of the Bay and Rivers" (p. 444), which he then sent to the Council in London, under cover of the letter printed at p. 442. NEWPORT reached London in January 1609, p. xciii; soon after which HUDSON went to Holland, from whence he set sail on his Third voyage on 25 March 1609 (G. M. ASHER, HENRY HUDSON the Navigator, p. ccii, Hakluyt Soc. 1860). EMANUEL VAN METEREN, in his Historie der Neder-Lanscher, states, "This idea had been suggested to HUDSON by some letters and maps which his friend Captain SMITH had sent him from Virginia; and by which he informed him that there was a sea leading to the Western Ocean by the north of the southern English colony" (fol. 629, Ed. 1614; and at fol. 674 of the French edition 1618). VII. Ur Author seems to have returned home from Virginia, by December 1609; thereby escaping the peril of The Starving Time, as that dreadful winter in the Colony was called. So far, therefore, as he was concerned, his laceration by gunpowder was a merciful Provi- dence to him; as he would have probably perished that winter in the Colony; if not from mutinies, from starvation. Then for two years he is quiet. He is waiting and watching. He makes no public vindication of his Governorship and the true service he "and his party" had rendered to the Colony, until the English Settlement there is on an assured footing. Then the Map of Virginia appears in 1612, containing first his own Map and full Description of the country: and next the Vindication of himself and his party, condensed by the Rev. Dr. SIMMONDS from the interrogatories of survivors and the writings of the dead, and written with a strong self-restraint, considering that most, if not all, the other side were known, by this time, to have perished in the colony. Dr. SIMMONDS wrote at the end of this summary : Captaine Smith I returne you the fruit of my labours, as Master Croshaw requested me, which I bestowed in reading the dis- courses, and hearing the relations of such which haue walked and CXX INTRODUCTION. observed the land of Virginia with you. The pains I took was great: yet did the nature of the argument, and hopes I conceaued of the expedition, giue me exceeding content. I cannot finde there is any thing, but what they all affirme, or cannot contradict. p. 174. It is very singular indeed that this book, the Map of Virginia should have come from the Oxford press; which did not usually produce books of travel. As Virginian matters progressed, the Council in London broke up into factions. One of the most important private collections of papers relating to Virginia, Bermuda, &c., is in the possession of the Duke of MANCHESTER. Mr. L. OWEN PIKE's catalogue of them will be found in the Appendix (Part II.) to the Eighth Report of the Royal Commission on Historical Manuscripts, London, 1881. Mr. PIKE states-"The Virginia Company about the year 1619 was becoming divided into two hostile factions, the chief leaders in which were to be, on the one side, the Earl of WARWICK, Sir NATHANIEL RICH, and Alderman JOHNSON; and on the other side, the Earl of SOUTHAMPTON, Lord CAVENDISH, and Sir EDWARD SACKVILLE. One party supported Sir THOMAS SMITH, who had been Governor or Treasurer of the Company for the previous twelve years [1606– 1618], the other Sir EDWIN SANDYS, who was elected his successor. The papers formerly in the State Paper Office represent, in the main, the case of Sir E. SANDYS; the papers in the Duke of MANCHESTER'S collection represent, but far more in detail, the case of Sir J. SMITH." p. 4. Captain SMITH briefly refers to these factions at p. 784. He kept out of them altogether, and speaks of the leaders of both sides with an equal respect. With the publication of this Vindication, SMITH practically turned away from Virginian matters; which had now passed into the hands of Peers of the Realm, like Lord DELAWARE, and other Noblemen and Gentlemen, far above the rank of a mere Army Captain. He and his work were slenderly regarded. While therefore he continued deeply interested in every part of the English colonizing movement; he now turned his personal efforts towards Norumbega, "when nothing was knowne, but that there was a vast Land.” pp. 242–3, 266, 771. (6 On 2 May 1621, our Author petitioned, apparently without success, the Virginia Company for a reward, as he hath not onely aduentured money for the good of the Plantacion, and twise built Iames Towne, and fower other particular Plantacions, as he alledgeth; but for that he discouered the country, and releaued the Colony willingly three yeares with that which he gott from the Sauages with great perill and hazard of his life." NEILL, History &c. p. 215, Ed. 1869. C. NEW ENGLAND, 161 3-1 6 1 9 A.D. VIII. And of all the four parts of the World that I have yet seen, not inhabited; could I have but means to transport a Colony, I would rather live here [between Pennobscot and Cape Cod in New England], than anywhere. J. SMITH, 1616, p. 193. Aptain SMITH, in 1614, spent 80 days on the Coast of New England, from Pennobscot to Cape Cod, viz., from 30 April to 18 July both inclusive, p. 256; so that he was, in all, about 32 months on the American Continent, from first to last. He made an astonishingly good use of his time. For though he INTRODUCTION cxxi failed to found a colony himself; he shewed the way to others, as the Pilgrim Fathers of 1620, pp. 749, 892, 941, 943, and the Massachusetts Planters of 1629- 30. pp. 926, 947, 950. He however established the fishing at Monahigan, pp. 206, 720, or within a square of two or three leagues of it, pp. 244, 268, 773: which brought into the realm, with the furs obtained by traffic with the Indians, £100,000 [= £300,000 now] within ten years, p. 784. Sea-fishing, with him, was but the stepping stone to Colonization. How eloquently he writes of it! how reasonable and practical are his suggestions! And lastly in 1630, he wrote- Thus you may plainly see, although many envying [that] I should bring so much from thence, where many others had beene; and some, the same yeare, returned with nothing, reported the Fish and Bevers I brought home, I had taken from the French. men of Canada, to discourage any from beleeving me, and excuse. their owne misprisons: some onely to have concealed this good. Country (as is said) to their private use; others taxed me as much of indiscretion, to make my discoveries and designes so publike. for nothing, which might have beene so well managed by some concealers, to have beene all rich ere any had knowne of it. Those, and many such like wise rewards, have beene my recom- pences; for which I am contented, so the Country prosper, and Gods Name bee there praised by my Countrymen, I have my desire. p. 944 In 1618, our Author wrote in a little manuscript book by the hand of a scrivener, the germ of New England Trials of 1620, with the following, Letter to Lord BACON. [State Papers, Colonial. (1574-1621) Vol. I., No. 42.] To the Right Honorable Sir ffrances Bacon, Knight, Baron of Verolam and Lord High Chauncellor of England. RIGHT HONORABLE, H aving noe better meanes to acquaint your Lordship with my meaning than this paper, the zeale love and dutie to God, my Countrie and your honor, I humbly craue may be my apologie. This 19 yeares [1599–1618] I haue encountred noe fewe dangers to learne what here I write in these fewe leaves, and though the lines they containe are more rudely phrased then is meete for the viewe of so great a iudgement, their fruites I am certayne may bring both wealth and honor for a Crowne and a Kingdom to his Maiesties cxxii INTRODUCTIO Ν. posterity. The profitts already returned with so small charge and facilitie according to proportion emboldens me to say it./ With a stock of 5000li I durst venture to effect it, though more than 100000li hath bene spent in Virginia and the Barmudas to small purpose, about the procuring whereof many good men knowes I haue spent noe small tyme labor nor mony: but all in vaine. Notwithstanding within these fower years [1614-18] I have occasioned twice 5000li to be imployed that way. But great desyres to ingross it, hath bred so many particular humors, as they have their willes, I the losse, and the generall good the wrong./ Should I present it to the Biskayners, French, or Hollanders, they have made me large offers. But nature doth binde me thus to begg at home, whome strangers have pleased to make a Com- mander abroad. The busines being of such consequence, I hold it but my duty to acquaint it to your Honor, knowing you are not only a cheife Patron of your Countrie and state, but also the greatest favourer of all good designes and their Authors. Noe more, but humbly beseeching your goodnes to pardon my rudenes, and ponder my plaine meaning in the ballance of good- will, I leave the substance to the discretion of your most admired judgement, ever resting Your honors ever most truely devoted, [This signature is autographic.] Jo SMITH. Then follows the substance, up to year 1618, of New Englands Trials 1620, with the following paragraphs omitted in that tract. The worst is of these 16. shippes. 2 or three of them have bene taken. by Pyrates, which hath putt such feare in poore fishermen, whose powers are but weake. And the desyre of gaine in Marchants so violent every one so regarding his private, that it is worse then slaverye to follow any publique good, and impossible to bring them into a bodye, rule, or order, vnles it be by some extra- ordinary power. But if his Maiestie would please to be per- swaded to spare vs but a Pinnace, to lodge my men in and defend us and the Coast from such invasions, the space of eight or tenn monethes only till we were seated [i.e., the colony settled in New England], I would not doubt but ere long to drawe the most part of Newfound Land men to assist us, if I could be so provided. but in due season: for now ere the Savages grow subtle and the Coast be too much frequented with strangers, more may be done with 20li than hereafter with a 100li. . . . How I haue lived, spent my tyme and bene employed, I am INTRODUCTION. cxxiii not ashamed who will examine. Therefore I humbly beseech your Honour, seriously to consider of it; and lett not the povertie of the Author cause the action to be lesse respected, who desyres noe. better fortune than he could find there./ In the interim I humbly desyre your Honour would be pleased to grace me with the title of your Lordships servant. Not that I desyre to shut vpp the rest of my dayes in the chamber of ease and idlenes, but that thereby I may be the better countenanced for the prosecution of this my most desyred voyage: for had I the Patronage of so mature a iudgment as your Honors, it would not only induce those to beleive what I know to be true in this matter, who will now hardly vouchsafe the perusall of my Relations, but also be a meanes to further it to the vttermost of their powers with their purses. And I shal be ever ready to spend both life and goods for the honor of my Country, and your Lordships service. With which resolucion I doe in all humility rest, At your Honors service It is to be regretted that this application was not successful. >> It is quite clear, that our Author offered to lead out the Pilgrim Fathers to America, and that they declined his services "to save charges," p. 941, "saying my books and maps were much better cheape to teach them, than my selfe,' p. 892. We cannot think that this was the whole reason. In 1620, politics and religion in England usually went together, and there were three great Parties in the State, known as the Protestant, the Puritan, and the Papist. SMITH was a Protestant, and his argument at p. 959 for a strong ecclesiastical government, based on his experiences in Eastern Europe, is certainly a very reasonable one: but the Pilgrim Fathers were the "head and front" of the Puritan revolt against the Bishops. No doubt, our Author would have been supremely faithful to them; but he could not long have stood their independence of all religious authority. Now since them called Brownists [the Pilgrim Fathers] went (some few before them also having my bookes and maps, pre- sumed they knew as much as they desired). p. 946. So that our Author exercised a great, though an indirect, influence on the colonizing enterprise of England from 1620-1630. Indeed it would seem that the influence of his pen was greater than the result of his personal actions. He grieved over his mishaps and ill-fortune in 1615 and 1617, but posterity may be glad that he never did get to New England again. That work was carried on by other hands and we rejoice thereby to possess the New Englands Trials, 1620 and 1622; the General History, 1624; the Accidence, 1626; the Travels, 1629; and the Advertisements, 1630: all of which would never have come to the press, had not Man and Providence, the poltroons in 1615 and the three months' westerly wind in 1617, frustrated all his attempts to go and settle in Capawuck, pp. 205, 218, 732. cxxiv D. ADVOCATE AND HISTORIAN OF ENGLISH COLONIZATION IN AMERICA, AND AND OF OF SEA FISHERIES THERE AS A MEANS THERETO. 1619-16 3 I A.D. IX. My greatest error in this, is but a desire to do good: which disease hath ever haunted me since my childhood; and all the miseries and ingratitudes I have endured, cannot yet divert me from that resolution. J. SMITH, 1626, p. 788. History is the memory of Time, the life of the Dead, and the happiness of the Living. J. SMITH, 1630, P. 948. You may easily know them by their absoluteness in opinions; holding Experience but the mother of fools, which indeed is the very ground of Reason; and he that contemns her in those actions, may find occasion enough to use all the wit and wisdom he hath, to correct his own folly. J. SMITH, 1630, p. 956. For my self, let Emulation and Envy cease! I ever intended my actions should be upright: now [in the "General History"] my care hath been that my Relations should give every man they concern, his J. SMITH, 1624, p. 279. due. Ow completely our Author identified himself with this Colonizing movement, from the intended voyage to the river Weapoco, in 1605, p. 896, to the last day of his life, is illustrated by the follow- ing passages. In 1622 he thus wrote- Thus you may see plainely the yearely successe from New England (by Virginia) which has bin so costly to this kingdome and so deare to me, which either to see perish or but bleed, pardon me though it passionate me beyond the bounds of modestie, to haue bin sufficiently able to foresee it, and had neither power nor meanes how to preuent it. By that acquaintance I haue with them, I may call them my children; for they haue bin my wife, my hawks, my hounds, my cards, my dice, and in totall my best content, as indifferent to my heart as my left hand to my right: and notwithstanding all those miracles of disasters [that] haue crossed both them and me, yet were there not one English man remaining (as God be thanked there is some thousands) I would yet begin againe with as small means as I did at the first. Not for that I haue any secret encouragement from any I protest, more then lamentable experiences: for all their discoueries I can yet heare of, are but pigs of my owne sowe; relations of Master Dirmer. p. 265. Again, in 1629, he wrote- except the Those Countries Captaine Smith oft times used to call his children that never had mother; and well he might, for few fathers ever payed dearer for so little content; and for those that INTRODUCTION. CXXV would truly understand, how many strange accidents hath befallen. them and him; how oft up, how oft downe, sometimes neere desperate, and ere long flourishing, cannot but conceive Gods. infinite mercies and favours towards them. p. 893. And thus it was, that to carry on the Colonizing Effort he undertook his General History. The following Minute of the London Virginia Company at p. 210 of Mr. E. D. NEILL'S History, Ed. 1869 (see p. xxxiii) is the earliest information we have of our Author's largest Work. : April 12, 1621. Mr. Smith moued, that for so much as ye lottaries were now suspended, which hitherto had continued the reall and substantiall food, by which Virginia hath been nourished, that insteade thereof shee might be now preserued by divulginge faire and good report as shee and her worthy vndertakers did well deserve declaring that it could not but much advance the Plantacion in the popular opinion of the Common Subjects to haue a faire and perspicuous history, compiled of that Country, from her first discouery to this day and to haue the memory and fame of many of their worthies, though they be dead, to liue and be transmitted to all posteritie; as namely: Sir Thomas Dale, Sir George Somers, Sir Walter Rawleigh, the Lord De-la-warr, Sir Thomas Gates, and diuers others whereunto were it not for suspition of flattery, he would wish also the name of many her other worthies yet liuinge, and some of them now present in Court, might haue also their honorable and good deseruinge commended to eternall thankfullness; for that our inabilities had as yet no trewer coyne, wherewith to recompense their paines and merritt. Affirming also, that the best now planted parts of America under the Spanish government, nor their Annals or histories of those times, in their like age of ours, nowe 12 years [1609-1621] old Virginia afforded better matter of relacion than Virginia hath donn: and doth. With what effect such a generall history, (deduced to the life to this yeare), would worke throughout the Kingdome), with the generall and common subject, may be gathered by the little pamphletts or declaracions lately printed [i.e., by the London Virginia Company]. And besides fewe succeedinge yeares would soon consume the lives of many whose livinge memories yet retayned much, and devour those letters and intelli- gences which yet remaine in loose and neglected papers. For which boldness, in mouinge hereof, he prayed his Lordships pardon, ledd herunto upon the request of come fellows of the Generallity. cxxvi INTRODUCTION. A copy of the four-page Prospectus intended for the Nobility and Gentry of the General History is No. 209 of the Collection of Broadsides of the Society of Antiquaries of London. It was evidently issued in 1623, which according to the old way of reckoning would extend to the 24 March 1624. It begins thus: The generall History of Virginia, the Somer Iles, and New England, with the names of the Aduenturers, and their aduentures. Also a Catalogue of their names who were the first Treasurers heere, and planters and Gouernours there; and how they haue yeerely succeeded, from their first beginning 1584. to this present 1623. with the procee- dings of these seuerall Colonies, and the accidents that befell them in all their iourneys and discoueries, with the Mappes and descriptions of those countries, commodi- ties, people, gouernment, customes, and Religion yet. knowne, for the generall good of all them who belong to those Plantations and all their posterities. Discouered, obserued, or collected by Captaine I o. SMITH sometime Gouernour of Virginia, and Admirall of New England. Then follow in two columns of small type, the intended Contents of the book, pretty nearly as we have in the Text at pp. 289-300. At the top of the fourth page, the Prospectus thus concludes: Hese obseruations are all I haue for the expences of a thousand pound, and the losse of eighteene yeeres of time, besides all the trauels, dangers, miseries and incumbrances for my countries good, I haue endured gratis: and had I not discouered and liued in the most of these parts, I could not possibly haue collected the substantiall trueth from such an infinite nomber of variable Relations, that would make a volume of at least a thousand sheetes : and this is composed in lesse then eighty sheets, besides the three Maps, which will stand me neere in an hundred pounds, which summe I cannot disbursse: nor shall the Stationers have the copy [manuscript] for nothing. Therfore I humbly entreat your Honour, either to aduenture, or giue me what you please towards the impression, and I will be both accountable and thankful; not doubting but that the Story will giue you satisfaction, and stirre vp a double new life in the Aduenturers, when they shall see plainely the causes of all those defailements, and And so I humbly rest. how they may be amended. [No printed name. It was evidently intended to be personally signed by SMITH himself.] INTRODUCTION. cxxvii X. ! : Ery touching is the Poem at p. 922 on his own career, likening himself to a Sea Mark. Still, a devout Christian all his life, as he gets older his language becomes one of thankfulness to Almighty GOD; and his style is often very Biblical. With two Summaries of his career by himself, we conclude. In 1629, he wrote, Now to conclude the travels and adventures of Captaine Smith; how first he planted Virginia, and was set ashore with about an hundred men in the wilde woods; how he was taken prisoner by the Savages, by the King of Pamaunke tied to a tree to be shot to death, led up and downe their Country to be shewed for a wonder; fatted as he thought, for a sacrifice for their Idoll; before whom they conjured him three dayes, with strange dances and invoca- tions; then brought him before their Emperor Powhatan, that commanded him to be slaine; how his daughter Pocahontas saved his life, returned him to James towne, releeved him and his famished company, which was but eight and thirty to possesse those large dominions; how he discovered all the severall nations upon the rivers falling into the Bay of Chisapeacke; stung neere to death with a most poysoned taile of a fish called Stingray: how [he drave] Powhatan out of his Country, tooke the Kings of Pamaunke and Paspahegh prisoners, forced thirty nine of those Kings to pay him contribution, [and] subjected all the Savages: how Smith was blowne up with gunpowder, and returned for England to be cured: Also how hee brought our new England to the subjection of the Kingdome of great Britaine; his fights with the Pirats, left alone amongst a many French men of Warre, and his ship ran from him; his Sea-fights for the French against the Spaniards, their bad usage of him, how in France in a little boat he escaped them; was adrift all such a stormy night at Sea by himselfe, when thirteene French ships were split, or driven on shore by the Ile of Rce, the generall and most of his men drowned, when God to whom be all honour and praise, brought him safe on shore to all their admirations that escaped: you may read at large in his generall history of Virginia, the Summer Iles, and New England. pp. 911–912. And again in 1630, his heart overflows in this, our final quotation : Now if you but truly consider how many strange accidents have befallen those plantations and my selfe; how oft up, how oft downe, sometimes neere despaire, and ere long flourishing; how many scandals and Spanolized English have sought to disgrace cxxviii INTRODUCTION. them, bring them to ruine, or at least hinder them all they could; how many have shaven and couzened both them and me, and their most honourable supporters and well-willers: [you] cannot but conceive God's infinite mercy both to them and me. Having beene a slave to the Turks, prisoner amongst the most barbarous Salvages, after my deliverance commonly discovering and ranging those large rivers and unknowne Nations with such a handfull of ignorant companions that the wiser sort often gave mee [up] for lost, alwayes in mutinies [i.e., of others] wants and miseries, blowne up with gunpowder; A long time [a] prisoner among the French Pyrats, from whom escaping in a little boat by my selfe, and adrift all such a stormy winter night, when their ships were split, more than a hundred thousand pound [=£400,000 now] lost [which] they had taken at sea, and most of them drowned upon the Ile of Ree, not farre from whence I was driven on shore in my little boat &c. And many a score of the worst of winter moneths [have] lived in the fields: yet to have lived near 37. yeares [1593-1630] in the midst of wars, pestilence and famine, by which many an hundred thousand have died about mee, and scarce five living of them [that] went first with me to Virginia: and [yet to] see the fruits of my labours thus well begin to prosper : though I have but my labour for my paines, have I not much reason both privately and publikely to acknowledge it and give God thankes, whose omnipotent power onely delivered me, to doe the utmost of best to make his name knowne in those remote parts of the world, and his loving mercy to such a miserable sinner. pp. 944-945. my At length, while his thoughts are engaged on yet another Work, his History of the Sea, he dies, somewhat suddenly, at the comparatively early age of 51 on the 21 June 1631, and was buried at St. Sepulchre's Church, London. His Will and Epitaph will be found at þþ. 969–72. X I. He reader of the foregoing will now be able rightly to understand what manner of man Captain JOHN SMITH was; will have read most of what was written against him, in his own day; will be able to distinguish the malice from the truth; and will thus come to share our own high regard for his character, and admiration of his work. Whenever generous spirits served under him, they learned to love and admire the man: as witness herein, Ensign CARLTON and Sergeant ROBINSON in Transylvania in 1603, þþ 230-231; the brothers PHETTIPLACE, and RICHARD WIFFING, p. 185; ISAAC CODRINGTON, p. 181; Raleigh Crashaw, p. 184; who, with others of the thirty or forty gentlemen under him, saved Virginia. So, at length, posterity will learn to do the like; and see in him a noble example of what a Christian Gentleman and Officer may be, may do, and may endure. cxxix POST SCRIPT. THE EPIC PERIOD OF THE JAMES RIVER SETTLEMENT. 26 April 1607-10 July 1609. Now this our young Commonwealth in Virginia, as you have read, once consisted but of 38 persons; and in two years increased but to 200... If we truly consider our proceedings with the Spaniards and the rest, we have no reason to despair; for, with so small charge, they never had either greater discoveries, with such certain trials of more several commodities, than, in this short time, hath been returned from Virginia, and by much less means. R. POTS, W. TANKARD, the Hon. G. PERCY, p. 488. However some bad conditions will extol the actions of any nation but their own; yet if we may give credit to the Spaniards', Portugals' and French's writings, they endured as many miseries; and yet not in twenty years effected so much, nay, scarce in forty. J. SMITH, p. 769. Hat were the precise numbers in the Colony before the arrival of ARGAL's ship about 10 July, and of the Third Supply or reinforce- ment in the following month of August 1609? W SMITH, in 1624, wrote to the Royal Commissioners, We had but six ships to transport and supply vs, and but two hundred seuenty seuen men, boies, and women, p. 612: According to the figures below, the number should be 295; but as they are round numbers, and SMITH was here writing deliberately and at leisure, the 277 is probably correct. We have marked the six ships (1), (2), (3), &c. The Instructions of 1606, p. xxxv, contemplated the number of Colonists to be sent out at "six score men." PURCHAS, Pilgrimes iv. 1705, Ed. 1625, thus enumerates the first Expedition. (1) Susan Constant, 100 tons, Admiral [i.e., flag ship], Captain NEWPORT, with 71 (2) God speed, 40 tons, Vice Admiral, Captain B. GOSNOLD, with (3) A Pinnace, 20 tons, Rear Admiral, Captain J. RATCLIFFE, with 52 21 144 All these we take to be the Colonists (exclusive of Sailors) that left England in December 1606. PERCY states, p. lx, that on 4 April 1607, at the Isle of Virgins, they numbered "eight score persons.' This we take to include Sailors, as well as Colonists; some of the latter having died. If the Colonists then originally numbered on 4 April 1607, there had died, or returned, by 22 June 1607 For, on that day, NEWPORT left in the Settlement 144 39 105 There died of these before the arrival of the First Supply p. 93; 104, þ. lxx; 100, p. 389. 67 So that, on the morning of 8 Jan. 1608, the Colony consisted of الالالالا 33 (4) 8 Jan. 1608, the first part of First Supply arrived in Captain NEWPORT'S ship (5) 20 April 1608, the second part arrived in Captain NELSON'S Phanit pp. lxxvi, 9, 391. pp. lxxxvi, 402, 488, 531, 611, 912. ¿p. lxxxvi, 23, 100, 403. pp. 33, 105, 409. pp. 107, 411. Total First Supply 120 158 There died between the First and Second Supply 2S 130 pp. 122, 434. 70 (6) [Oct.] 1608. The Second Supply arrived, in Captain NEWPORT'S ship [Nov.] 1608. Captain NEWPORT left By SMITH'S great care, of these, besides those drowned with Master SCRIVENEK(pp. 143, 460) there died not above 6 or 7. pp. 129, 445• -200 pp. 129, 455. ? pp. 157, 473. ? August, 1609. The Third Supply set out with 500 persons, pp. 161, 478 (of which 150, pp. 161, 479; or rather 180, p. xcviii, were shipwrecked at Bermuda): so that the portion that did arrive (and found 80 persons at James town, p. cii), was over 300. Therefore, when SMITH left, there were in the colony 490 odd persons, pp. 167, 486; who all perished but about 60, p. 498, in the following winter, known as The Starving Time. ENG, SCII. LIB. No. 16. I BIBLIOGRAPHY. THE reader of this Bibliography will but share our admiration of the scholarship, and reprinting efforts over more than the last quarter of a century, in this early Colonial literature (as in so many other periods of American literature), of that most distinguished American scholar, CHARLES DEANE, Esquire, of Cambridge, Massa., U.S.A.; who hitherto has done more than any man living, to perpetuate the name and fame of Captain JOHN SMITH. Mr. DEANE was the proper person to have brought out this Collected Edition of Captain SMITH's Works; and we would have urged him thereto : but that we thought an English edition with an English editor, would ensure a more ready recognition of our Author in his native land, and would therefore better secure the special object we have in view, viz., the restoration of his Writings, for ever, to the general modern literature of Great Britain and her colonies. 1 [August] 1608. 2 1866. 3 1 - ст 3 A true Relation &c. 1608. B.M. pressmark, C. 33. c. 35; G. 7121. London, 4to. See title at p. 1. Boston, Massa., 4to. A true Relation of Virginia by Captain JOHN SMITH. With an Introduction and Notes by CHARLES DEANE. 315 copies printed. B.M. pressmark, 9602. bbb. 10 June 1894. Birmingham, England, 8vo. The English Scholar's Library. The present impression. A Map of Virginia &c. 1612. 1612. Oxford, 4to. See title at p. 41. B.M. pressmark, C. 33. c. 18; G. 7120. London, fol. Rev. S. PURCHAS, Pilgrimes. An abridgement of the Map of Virginia B.M. pressmark, 679. h. 12. occurs in Vol. II. 1625. 10 June 1884. Birmingham, England, Evo. The English Scholar's Library. The present impression. A Description of New England &c. 1616. Voyage. 1 [3-13 June] 1616. London, 4to. See title at p. 175. B.M. pressmarks, C. 13. a. 11 (2); C. 33. c. 12 ; G. 7122. 1617. Frankfort, 4to. LEVINUS HULSIUS. A Description forms the XIV. 1707. Leyden, 8vo. P. VAN DER AA. Naaukeurige Versameling. Vol. 102, contains an B.M. pressmark, 979. f. 2 (5.) abridgement of A Description &c. 2 3 4 5 6 7 1337. Eoston, Massa., U.S.A., 8vo. Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society. 3rd Series. Vol. VI. contains A Description &c. B.M. pressmark, Ac. 8400. 1838. Washington, D.C., U.S.A., Svo. PETER FORCE, Collection of Historical Tracts. A B.M. pressmark, 1324. g. Description &c. is the first tract in Vol. II. 1865. Boston, Massa., U.S.A., 4to. A Description of New England; Observations and Discoveries in the North of America in the year of our Lord 1614. With the Success of six Ships that went the next year, 1615. By Captain JOHN SMITH (Admiral of that Country). With a Facsimile of the Original Map. [See p. cxxxiv.] 250 copies printed. Published by WILLIAM Veazie. The Preface to this reprint was written by CHARLES DEANE, Esq., in the name B.M. pressmark, 10411. dd. of the Publisher. Ic June 18S4. Birmingham, England, 8vo. The English Scholar's Library. The present impression. 1 [Dec.] 1620. 2 [July] 1973. 3 New England's Trials. 1620. B.M. pressmark, C. 33. c. 15. London, 4to. See title at p. 233. Cambridge, Mass., 4to. New England's Trials written by Captain JOHN SMITH. A reprint of the rare first edition of 1620. With a Prefatory Note by CHARLES DEANE. The Preface is dated 1 July 1873. 50 copies printed. B.M. pressmark, 10408 bb. 10 June 1884. Birmingham, England, Sve. The English Scholar's Library. The present impression. BIBLIOGRAPHY. cxxxi New England's Trials. 1622. 1 [October] 1622. London, 4to. See title at p. 249, and passage fixing the month in which it was written at p. 264. B.M. pressmarks, C. 33. c. 5; 1061. a. 121 (3); G. 7197. 1838. Washington, D.C., U.S.A., 8vo. PETER FORCE, Collection of Historical Tracts. New England's Trials. 1622 is the second Tract in Vol. II. B.M. pressmark, 1324.5. 2 3 4 1 [April] 1867. Providence, R.I., U.S.A. New England's Trials 1622. A facsimile reprint issued by the late Mr JOHN CARTER BROWN, with the following prefatory note. The interest connected with all the writings of Captain JOHN SMITH, has induced the owner of the present tract, one of the rarest and least known of his publications, to print a few copies for distribution among the collectors of books relating to America. "The reprint is a facsimile, page for page, including the wood-cut ornaments, of the original, which is the second edition. No copy of the first edition has fallen under the notice of the possessor of the present copy. Providence, R.I., April 1867. 60 copies printed. J. C. B. B.M. pressmark, 10410. f. 10 June 1884. Birmingham, England, 8vo. The English Scholar's Library. The present impression. The General History of Virginia, Summer Isles, and New England 1624. [July] 1624. London, fol. (a) See title on engraved frontispiece, which, in this present impression, forms a folding plate opposite p. 272. B.M. pressmark, G. 7037. . The engravings of the Duchess of RICHMOND and MATOAKA (p. CXXxvi) did not form parts of this original edition. 2 1626. London, fol. (b) Title edition only. The same text issued with a fresh title page. 3 4 1627. London, fol. (c) Title edition only. 1632. London, fol. (d) Title edition only. LO © 5 B.M. pressmark, 601. 1. 8. B.M. pressmark, 601. 1. 9. B.M. pressmark, 984. f.17. B.M. pressmark, 147. d. 2. 6 7 8 1632. London, fol. (e) Title edition only. 1812. London, 4to. J. PINKERTON. A general Collection of. contains the General History. Voyages &c. Vol. 13 B.M. pressmark, 2057. d. 1819. Richmond, Va., U.S.A., 8vo. The General History is inserted in the midst of a reprint of the True Travels. B.M. pressmark. 1447. g. 17. 10 June 1884. Birmingham, England, 8vo. The English Scholar's Library. The present impression. An Accidence for the Sea, 1626, or The Seaman's Grammar, 1627. There are two Versions of this Work. The earlier one as SMITH wrote it, and here printed at p. 785- 804 the later, in which it was recast altogether and much enlarged by B. F. 1 2 3 7 THE FIRST 1626. London, 8vo. See title at p. 785. 1627. VERSION. B.M. pressmarks 533. d. 3 (1); 533. f. 21 (1). There is a copy in the Bodleian. London, 8vo. The Seaman's Grammar. No copy at present in the British Museum. 1636. London, 8vo. An Accidence for the Sea &c. Without any name of author, and with a new Preface by B. F. B.M. pressmark, 534. a. 32. 10 June 1884. Birmingham, England, 8vo. The English Scholar's Library. The present impression. THE SECOND VERSION. [6 Nov. 1652.] 1653. London, 4to. The Seaman's Grammar. A rearranged and much enlarged edition of SMITH's tract, now divided into 15 Chapters. B.M. pressmark, E. 679 (9). 4 5 1691. London, 4to (a) The Seaman's Grammar. 6 1692. London, 4to (b) Title edition only. The true Travels &c. 1630. 1 B.M. pressmark, 51. c. 8. B. M. pressmark, 533. d. 3 (2). 1625. London, fol. Rev. S. PURCHAS'S Pilgrimes. The substance of our Author's wanderings first appeared, abridged, in Vol. 11. of the Pilgrimes. B.M. pressmark, 679. h. 12. cxxxii BIBLIOGRAPII Y. 2 [Aug. 1629] 1630. 3 4 1678. London, fol. See title at p. 805. B.M. pressmarks, 566. g. 1 (1); B. 273 (1); G. 7195. Amsterdam, 4to. J. SANDERSON Seer gedenckwaerdige vorjagien, &c. An abridgement of the Truc Travels &c. 1706. Leyden, 8vo. P. VAN DER AA. Naaukeurige Versameling. Vol. 73. Leyden, fol. London, fol. A. & J. CHURCHILL. occurs in Vol. II. B. M. pressmark, 566. 1. 7. Collection of Voyages, &c. The True Traveis B.M. pressmark, 566. k. 7. LO 5 6 1727. B.M. pressmark, 979. c. 21 (2). 1707. Leyden, 8vo. P. VAN DER AA. Naaukeurige Versameling. Vol. 89. B.M. pressmark, 979. c. 23 (1). P. VAN DER AA. Aanmerkenswaardigste Zcc. Deel 5. 77 1732. 8 1744. 9 10 11 London, fol. A. & J. CHURCHILL. occurs in Vol. II. 1752. London, fol. A. & J. CHURCHILL. occurs in Vol. II. Collection of Voyages, &c. The True Travels B.M. pressmark, 455. f. 1. Collection of Voyages, &c. The True Travels B.M. pressmark, 215. e. 2. 1819. Richmond, Va., U.S.A., 8vo. The True Travels are reprinted with the General History. B.M. pressmark, 1447. g. 17. 10 June 1884. Birmingham, England, 8vo. The English Scholar's Library. The present impression. Advertisements to Unexperienced Planters &c. 1631. 1 [Oct. 1630] 1631. 2 34 1 2 ♡☆ 3 London, 4to. See title at p. 917. 1832. 1865. 10 June 1884. B. M. pressmark, C. 33. c. 14. Boston, Massa., U.S.A., 8vo. Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society. 3rd Series. Vol. III. contains the Advertisements &c. B.M. pressmark. Ac. 8400. Boston, Massa., U.S.A., 4to. Advertisements. B.M. pressmark, 10413. h. Birmingham, England, 8vo. The English Scholar's Library. The present impression. Lives of Captain John Smith. 1782. Berlin, Evo. CARL Friedrich ScHEIBLER. Reisen, Entdeckungen und Unterneh mungen des Schifs [!] Capitain Iohan Schmidt. B.M. pressmark, 1052. d. 1. 1834. Boston, Massa., U.S.A. J. SPARKS. The Library of American biography. The Life of Captain JOHN SMITH, by GEORGE S. HILLARD, is in Vol. II. B.M. pressmark, 2040. a. [1843.] New York, U.S.A. The Life of Captain JOHN SMITH, by W. GILMORE SIMMS. B.M. pressmark, 10880. c. 4 5 1881. New York, U.S.A. Lives of American Worthies. Captain JOHN SMITII, study of his Life and Writings, by CHARLES DUDLEY Warner. 1984. London, 8vo. The Life of Captain JOHN SMITH, by JOHN ASHTON. A • • A short chronological List of English books, co-ordinate, or supplementary to the present Text. (All these Works were published in London, unless otherwise stated, from the time our Author went to Virginia; and will be found helpful to the further study of the History of our First English Colonies.) Up to Captain Smith's death. 1631. 1590-1650. LEVINUS HULSIUS, &c. Collection of Voyages. In German, &c. Frankfort, &c.... [1602-1646. Governor WILLIAM BRADFORD. Of Plimoth Plantation. Mass. Hist. Soc. Boston, 1856] ... 4to. ... 1609. FERDINANDO DE SOTO. Virginia richly valued. "Trans. by Rev. R. HAKLUYT R[OBERT] G[RAY]. A good Spede to Virginia ... ... ... ... 8vo. 4to. ... ... ... • 4to. 4to. ... Rev. WILLIAM SYMONDES. Sermon preached on 25 Apr. 1609 MARC LESCARBOT. Novia Francia &c. Trans. by P. E[RONDELLE] [R. I.] Nova Britannia Offeringe &c. ... 1610. [R. RICH. Newes from Virginia. In Verse. 1865.] ... ... ... ... • ... ... ... ... ... 4to. 4to. 4to. 4to. WILLIAM CRASHAW, B.D. A Sermon preached on 21 Feb. 1609[-10] Council of Virginia. A true and sincere declaration of the purpose and ends of the Plantation &c ... Council for Virginia. A true Declaration of the Estate of the Colonie in Virginia, &c. ... 4to. 4to. BIBLIOGRAPHY. cxxxiii [1610-1615. WILLIAM STRACHEY. History of Travaile into Virginia Britannia. Suc. 1849.] 1611. THOMAS WEST, Lord DE-LA-WARRE. Relation, &c. 1612. R. I The new Life of Virginea. [Part II. of Nova Britannia.] Hakluyt 3vo. 4to. 4to. 4to. [WILLIAM STRACHEY.] For the Colony in Virginia Britannica. Lawes dinine, morall and martiall ... 1613. Rev. SAMUEL PURCHAS his Pilgrimage. (2nd Ed. in 1614; 3rd Ed. in 1617; 4th Ed. in 1624.) fol. W. C. A Plaine Description of the Barmudas 1615. RALPH HAMOR. A true Discourse of the present Estate of Virginia 1618. Newes of Sir Walter Raleigh; with the true Description of Guiana 1319. Council for Virginia. A Note of the Shipping &c. sent to Virginia ... Another Note of the Shipping &c. with the names of the Adven • • 1620. Council for Virginia. A Declaration of the State of the Colony, 22 June 1620 Council for Virginia. A Declaration touching the present estate, 20 Sept. 1620 KICHARD WHITBOURNE. A Discourse and Discovery of Newfoundland Bishop JOHN King. A Sermon preached on 6 March 1620 1622. R{obert] C[USHMAN]. A Sermon preached at New Plimouth, 9 Dec. 1621... Bermuda. Orders and Constitutions &c. 6 Feb. 1621[-2] Rev. PATRICK COPLAND. A Sermon preached on the 18 April 1622 Rev. JOHN BRINSLEY. A Consolation for our Grammar Schools [JOHN BONNIEL.] His Maiesties gracious Letter. About Silk Works and Vines [C. Mourt?] A Relation or Iournall of the beginning of New Plimonth EDWARD WATERHOUSE. A Declaration of the State of the Colony. with A Rela- tion of the barbarous Massacre • • • ... CRASHAW... Rev. ALEXANDER WHITTAKER. Good news from Virginia. With a Preface by W. 4to. ROBERT HARCOURT. A Relation of a Voyage to Guiana 4to. 4to. ... 4to. ... 4to. Council for Virginia. turers s. sh. 4to. 4to. 4to. 4to. ... 4to. 4to. ... 4to. ... 4to. 4to. 410. 4to. A 4to. 4to. 4to. 4to. 4to. 4to. 21 fol. 4to. • • • The Golden Fleece . · from Newfoundland 4to. 4to. 4to. 4to. 4to. 4to. 4to. Rev. JOHN DONNE, D.D. A Sermon preached on 13 November 1622... ? A brief Relation of the Discovery of New England, 1607-1622 RICHARD WHITBOURNE. A loving Invitation for... the Plantation in Newfoundland 1624. Sir WILLIAM ALEXANDER, afterwards Earl of STERLING. An Encouragement to the Colonies, 410. Title Editions in 1625 and 1630. E[pward] W[INSLOW]. Good Newes from New England On the 28th July 1624, the following was entered at Stationers' Hall, London (Transcript, iv. 112: Ed. 1877), but query if ever published: Captain JOHN JEFFERIES. News from Virginia, or Virginia stript naked. 1625. Rev. SAMUEL PURCHAS his Pilgrimes Rev. WILLIAM MORRELL. New England &c. In Latin and English Verse JOHN HAGTHORPE. Englands Exchequer. concerning Plantations 1626. ORPHEUS junior (Sir WILLIAM VAUGHAN]. 1628. CHRISTOPHER LEVETT. A Voyage into New England, 1623-4 Governor R[OBert] H[ayman). Quodlibets from Newfoundland 1630. [Rev. FRANCIS HIGGINSON.] New Englands Plantation. (Three editions in this year). 1632. [Rev. JOHN WHITE.] The Planter's Plea; or, the Grounds of Plantation examined [Rev. JOHN COTTON.] God's promises for the Plantation in New England Later Works. ? A publication of Guiana's Plantation, &c. 1635. WILLIAM WOOD. New England's Prospect 4to. 1635. LUKE Fox. North-west Fox; or, FOX from the North-west passage 1635. JOD. HONDIUS. Historia Mundi, &c. Trans. by WYE SALTONSTALL 1637. THOMAS MORTON. New English Canaan 4to. 4to. fol. 1677. WILLIAM HUBBARD. The present State of New England 1648. THOMAS GAGE. The English American . or a New Survey of the West Indies 1654. [EDWARD JOHNSON.] A History of New England, 1628-1652 1659. FERDINANDO GORGES. America painted to the Life. 4 Parts 1669. NATHANIEL MORTON. New England's Memorial 4to. • • fol. ... 4to. 4to. 4to. 410. Svo. Svo. 1705. R[OBERT] B[everleY]. History and Present State of Virginia. (2nd Ed. in 1722) 1736-55. Rev. T. PRINCE. A Chronological History of New England. Boston, Massa. 1747. WILLIAM STITH. History of the First Discovery &c. of Virginia. Williamsburg, Va. 1804-16. JOHN BURK. History of Virginia from its first settlement. 3 Vols. Petersburg, Va. 1819-23. W. W. HENING. The Statutes at Large. of Virginia from. . . 1619. 13 Vols. Richmond, Va. ... 1860. CHARLES CAMPBELL. History of the Colony and Ancient Dominion of Virginia. Philadelphia, Pa. ... • • • ... Svo. 8vo. Svo. Svo. ... 8vo. 1. 1869. EDWARD DUFFIELD NEILL. History of the Virginia Company of London. Albany, NY. 1871. EDWARD DUFFIELD NEILL. The English Colonization of America... 4to. Svo. 1861. Bishop WILLIAM MEADE. Old Churches, Ministers, and Families in Virginia. 2 Vols. Philadelphia, Pa. cxxxiv BIBLIOGRAPHY. JAMES LENOX, CHARLES DEANE, and JUSTIN WINSOR. The Ten States of SMITH's New England Map. Mr. JUSTIN WINSOR, at p. 52 of the first volume of the noble Memorial History of Boston, Massa. 4 Vols. 1880-1, has given the following, which is the fullest account of the various issues of the New England Map. SMITH'S map, as the real foundation of our New England cartography, deserves particular attention. To the draft which he made he affixed the Indian names, or such as whim had prompted him to give while he surveyed the shores. There is rarely found in copies of the Description of New England a leaf [see p. 232], printed on one side only, which reads as follows: "Because the Booke was printed ere the Prince his Highnesse had altered the names, I intreate the Reader peruse this schedule; which will plainly shew him the correspondence of the old names to the new. Below this are two columns, one giving the old names, the other the new ones; the latter such as Prince CHARLES, then a lad of fifteen, had affixed to the different points, bays, rivers, and other physical features, when SMITH showed him the map. As engraved, the map has the Prince's nomenclature ; the book has SMITH'S or the earlier; and this rare leaf is to make the two mutually intelligible. So far as is known to me, this map exists in ten States of the plate, and I purpose now to note their distinctive features. In this study I make use of some memoranda of Mr. JAMES LENOX and Mr. CHAS. DEANE, printed in Norton's Literary Gazette, new series, i. (1854) 134, 219; but I add one condition (VIII.) to their enumeration. I. The original condition of the map bears in the lower left-hand corner, Simon Pasœus sculpsit; Robert Clerke excudit; and in the lower right-hand corner, London, Printed by Geor: Low. The title NEW ENGLAND is in large letters at the top, to the right of it the English arms, and beneath it, The most remarqueable parts thus named by the high and mighty Prince CHARLES, | Prince of great Britaine. The latitude is marked on the right-hand side only: there are no marks of longitude. Boston Harbor is indicated by a bay with eight islands, and a point of land extending from the southwest within it. The River Charles extends inland from the northwest corner of the bay, a short distance. A whale, a ship, and a fleet are represented upon the sea. There is no date beneath the scale. There are many names on later states not yet introduced, and some of the present names are changed in the later impressions, as will be noted below. Of the names which the Prince assigned, but three became permanently attached to the localities, and these are,-Plimouth to the spot which CHAMPLAIN had called Port St. Louis, which the natives called Accomack, and which the Pilgrims continued to call by this newer name, seven or eight years later; Cape Anna, for which SMITH had sacrificed the remembrance of his Eastern romance [p. 204]; and The River Charles, which had been previously known as Massachusets River; while the name Massachusets Mount, earlier applied to our Blue Hill, became, under CHARLES's pen, Cheuyot hills. Gosnold's Cape Coa proved better rooted than CHARLES's monument to his dynasty, Cape James, and so the Prince's Stuard's Bay has given place to Cape Cod Bay. Our own name,-Boston,-as is the case with many other well-known names of this day, appears in connection with a locality remote from its present application. It supplanted SMITH'S ACcominticus, and stood for the modern York in Maine. Two of the Captain's names were suffered to stand,-New England as the general designation of the country, and Smith's Isles, within ten years afterwards to be known among the English as the Isles of Shoals. London was put upon the shore about where Hingham or perhaps Cohasset is; Oxford stood for the modern Marshfield; Poynt Suttliff is adjacent, and does duty for CHAMPLAIN'S C. de S. Louis and the present Brant Rock; and Poynt George is the designation of the Gurnet. Of the copies of the book known to be in America, but one has the map in this state, and that is the Prince copy, in which the map is unfortunately imperfect, but not in an essential part. From this copy C. A. SWETT, of Boston, engraved the fac-simile which appeared in VEAZIE's reprint [p. cxxx.] of the Description of New England, in 1865. In 1617, HULSIUS, the German collector, translated SMITH'S Description for his lovages, and re- engraved the map; but the names in the lower corners were omitted, and SMITH's title, the verses con- cerning him, and some of the explanations were given in German. HULSIUS'S HULSIUS'S map, beside accompanying his Part XIV., first edition, 1617, and second edition, 1628, is often found in Part XIII. (Hamor's Virginia), and is also given in Part XX. (New England and Virginia), 1629. II. The date, 1614, is for the first time inserted under the scale, and the names F. Travers and Gerrards Ils are put in near Pembrocks Bay (Penobscot). A copy of this second state is in the Harvard College copy of the Description of 1616. We give a heliotype of a portion of it. A lithographic fac-simile of the whole, but without the ships, &c., is given in 3 Mass. Hist. Coll. iii., and in a reduced form by photo- lithography in PALFREY'S New England, i. 95. Mr. LENOX supposed that this state of the plate may have been first used in the 1620 edition of SMITH'S New England's Trials, no copy of which was known to be in this country when Mr. DEANE, in 1873, reprinted it in the Proceedings of the Mass. Hist. Society, Feb. 1873. BIBLIOGRAPH Y. CXXXV III. SMITH'S escutcheon, but without the motto, was introduced in the lower left-hand corner. This state is found in Mr. DEANE'S copy of the Generall Historie, 1624, and in the Lenox copy of the Descrip- tion of 1616. Mr. LENOX supposed this state may have been first used in the 1622 edition of New England's Trials. IV. The motto l'incere est vivere is put in a scroll to the left of SMITH'S escutcheon. The degrees of latitude and longitude are noted on all sides. Copies of this state are found in the Charles Deane and Carter Brown copies of the Description of 1616, and it was also in the Crowninshield copy, taken from Boston to England some years since. Mr. LENOX supposed this state to have originally belonged to the first edition of the Generall Historie, 1624, in which SMITH gathered his previous independent issues. There was no change in the several successive editions of this book (1624, 1626, 1627, 1632, the last in two issues) except in the front matter; and, speaking of this book, FIELD, in his Indian Bibliography, p. 366, says of the original issue, "It is so commonly the case as almost to form the rule, that even the best copies have been made up by the substitution of later editions of some of the maps." Some of the copies were on large paper. V. The name Paynes Ils is put down on the Maine coast. Cross-lines are made on the front of the breastplate in the portrait of SMITH, in the upper left-hand corner, and the whole portrait is retouched. Robert Clerke's name is partly obliterated. This state is supposed to belong to the 1626 edition of the Generall Historie. The edition of this date in Cornell University Library (Sparks Collection) has but a part of the map, which, however, so far conforms. It is in Mr. BARLOW'S 1624 edition. VI. The name of James Recue in the lower right-hand corner is substituted for that of George Low. The name of the engraver is given with an additional s,-Passaus. This state is supposed by Mr. LENOX to belong to the 1627 edition of the Generall Historie, of which there are copies in the Mass. Hist. Soc. Library, and in the Prince Library (with notes by Prince). This state is in the 1632 edition in Harvard College Library. VII. The last line of the inscription at the top is changed to read: nowe King of great Britaine. In the portrait the armor is figured. West's Bay is placed on the outer side of Cape Iames. Pt. Standish corresponds to the modern Manomet Point. The word NEW is inserted above Plimouth. P. Wynthrop is put north of Cape Anna. P. Reenes is put near Ipswich. Salem is laid down just north of Cape Anna. Fullerton Ile is changed to Francis Ile; Cary Ils to Claiborne Ils (off Boston Harbor); and P. Murry to P. Saltonstale (south of Boston Harbor). The bay (Boston Harbor) is enlarged westward, a point of land within it erased, and the islands increased from eight to eighteen. Mr. LENOX held that this state first appeared in Smith's Advertisements to Planters, 1631, and it is found in the Carter Brown copy of this tract. The Harvard College copy, however, has the state X., and the Charles Deane copy has IX. Mr. LENOX has questioned if this state did not sometimes make part of HIGGINSON'S New England's Plantation, of which there were three editions printed in 1630, the first of twenty, and the second enlarged to twenty-six pages. The two copies of the book in Harvard College Library, the three editions in the Lenox Library, and the copy which was in the Brinley sale, all, however, want the map. SPARKE, who printed the second edition of HIGGINSON, probably owned the plate, as he printed the Generall Historie of 1624, 1626, and 1627, and the Historia Mundi of 1635, which all had the Inap. Yet, if it properly belongs to HIGGINSON, it is strange that a map misplacing Salem, where HIGGIN- SON lived, should be used; and the names Wynthrop and Saltonstale could have been given only in anticipation of the arrival of those gentlemen. VIII. Martins Ile is given in Penobscot Bay. Perhaps some of the changes named under IX. were made in this state (except the Plymouth Company's arms); for the only example of it which I have found is a fragment (two thirds) of the map belonging to Harvard College Library, the westerly third being gone. It belonged, perhaps, to the first issue of the 1632 edition of the Generall Historie. IX. The arms of the Council for New England are given in the centre of the plate. The following changes may first have appeared in the preceding number. The name Charlton is inserted just south of the mouth of The River Charles. Salem misplaced is obliterated, and the name is inserted in its proper place. Two unfinished arms of the sea, on the north of Talbotts Bay, are extended inland, covering the position of a church in previous states. This may have belonged to the second 1632 issue of the Generall Historie, and it appears in such copies in Harvard College Library and in Mr. BARLOW's copy. It is in Mr. DEANE's Advertisement to Planters of 1631. X. The River Charles is extended to the left-hand edge of the plate, and symbols of towns with figures of men, animals, and representations of Indian huts are scattered near it. On its north bank the following names are inserted, beginning at the west: Watertowne, Newtowne, Medford, Charlestown, and beyond the Farmouth of the original plate Saugus is put in. The south bank shows Roxberry, Boston (represented as five leagues up the river, by the scale), and Winnisime. Cheuyot hills is erased and the name Dorchester is inserted along the eastern slope of the picture of the hill which still remains. London and Oxford still stand. A school of fish is delineated under the single ship. Under the compass these words appear: He that desyres to know more of the Estate of new England lett him read a new Book of the prospecte of new England & ther he shall have Sattisfaction. Although the old date, 1614, is still kept on the plate, this inscription shows that this state followed the publication of WooD's New England's Prospects, 1634, and it seems to have been made for the following work: Historia Mundi, or Mercator's Atlas Enlarged with new Mapps and Tables by the studious industrie of Jodocus Hondy. Englished_by_W[ye] Englished by Wye] S[altonstall]. London, Printed for Michaell Sparke and Samuel Cart- wright, 1635, folio. This state is found in the Harvard College copy of the Advertisement to Planters, 1631. The modern fac-simile, by SwETT, of the first state was also altered for VEAZIE to suit this condition, but the engraver did not observe that a third s had been inserted in the name of Passaus. This altered engraving is found in J. S. TENNESS's Isles of Shoals, New York, 1873. cxxxvi BIBLIOGRAPHY. Mrs. HERBERT JONES. Description of the original painting of POCAHONTAS. Mrs. HERBERT JONES of Sculthorpe, Fakenham, Norfolk, the author of Sandringham, Past and Present, 1883, has kindly furnished the following account of the Gorlestone picture. While POCAHONTAS was in London, her portrait was painted. It has become known to us by the quarto engraving made from it by SIMON DE PASSE, which may occasionally be met with, and which first appeared with other portraits, in a volume by the brothers DE PASSE, 1616-23. SIMON DE PASSE was an artist whose family came from the Low Countries, and numbered several engravers among its members. He was born at Utrecht in 1591, and practised in England about ten years, commencing in the year 1613, the date of his earliest English work. He was not a painter, but engraved the portraits, chiefly from NICHOLAS HILLIARD, of many distinguished persons; among them JAMES I., HENRY, Prince of WALES, the Earl of SOMERSET, and the Duke of BUCKINGHAM. But the original painting of POCAHONTAS-a picture which has long been sought for, and which is now ascertained to be in Norfolk-claims description and notice, and a mention of the one very slight clue which can be given to its history. The last Mr. PETER ELWIN, who lived at the family seat, Booton Hall, near Aylsham, in Norfolk, and who was born in 1730, and died in 1798, was a descendant of the daughter and heiress of ANTHONY ROLFE, of Tuttington. She had married an ELWIN, and had brought the Tuttington estate into the ELWIN family. It was in consequence of this connexion between the ROLFES and ELWINS that a portrait of POCAHONTAS was presented to the said Mr. PETER ELWIN, of Booton, by a lady, Madame Zuchelli. This is mentioned in his note-book, the entry (undated) being in his own handwriting: POCAHONTAS, given to me by Madame ZUCHELLI As Mr. ELWIN habitually added the name of the painter, in his memoranda of the many pictures in his possession, and omitted to do so in this instance, it is probable that the lady was ignorant of it.* No memorandum was left by Mr. ELWIN of the previous owners of the portrait, but he possessed the knowledge (as is remembered by his grandson, from the testimony of Mrs. PETER ELWIN, who survived her husband thirty-two years +) that the picture was what it professed to be; namely, a painting of the time of JAMES I., and an authentic representation from life of POCAHONTAS. The picture itself, which is finely painted, bears every token of genuineness, both as to the assumed period of execution, and as to its direct delineation of the living features of the sitter. It is the undoubted original of DE PASSE'S engraving, but is without signature. The artist can only be conjectured; he was probably one of that group of painters in oils, employed in the days of ELIZABETH and the two first STUARTS, whose works are of recognized excellence, and who rank next and nearest to the three or four of exalted genius-as ZUCCHERO, JANSEN, and VANDYCK. Such an one was NICOLA LOCKER, who painted an oval portrait of Dr. KING, Bishop of London; the Bishop who was the friend of POCAHONTAS, and in whose palace she was a visitor. The dimensions of the picture are two feet six inches and a half by two feet one inch. A painted oval encloses the portrait. The painting of the face, and of the details of the dress is clear and finished, and shows great delicacy and beauty of execution. The whole effect of the colouring is rich, mellow, and deep- toned, with the indescribable quality shed over it which time alone can give. The portrait is slightly smaller than life, the face stamped unmistakably with the Indian type, and denoting intelligence and thoughtfulness, with much dignity both in its expression, and in the carriage of the head. She looks at once royal in birth and in nature. The features are handsome and well formed, the lips bright red, the skin dark, smooth, and vellum-like, with a suspicion of a copper tint. The eyes are remarkable; prolonged at the corners, more meditative than brilliant, like still pools rather than flashing water. Their colour is a rich, decided, undeniable brown, with very blue tints on the white eyeballs. The eyebrows are straight. and black, the short hair by the ear throws out a glistening pearl earring. The deep lace ruff, rising behind, defines sharply the shape of the face, which shows the high cheekbones, and the outline narrowing abruptly below them, so characteristic of her race. The hat she wears on her head, and which in the print has a grotesque appearance, sinks unnoticed into the scarcely less dark background, while the richly-chased broad golden band round it gives the effect of a coronet, and is in happy combination with the colouring of the face. She wears a mantle of red brocaded velvet, much ornamented with gold; the under dress dark, buttoned with gold buttons. A small, taper hand holds a fan of three white ostrich feathers. Around the portrait are the words, Matoaka Rebecka filia potentiss Princ: Powhatani Imp. Virginia. On a space beneath :-Matoaks als (ie., alias] Rebecka, daughter to the mighty prince Powhatani Emperour of Attanonghkomouck als [i.e., alias] Virginia, converted and baptized in the Christian faith, and wife to the worsh[ipfu}ll Mr. Thos. Rolff. Close under the figure, within the oval, is written, Etatis suæ 21. „4° 1616. * It has been surmised that Mr. ELWIN'S unusual omission of the painter's name meant that ZUCHELLI stood for the artist as well as the giver, but no painter of that name has ever been known to visit England. + She died April, 1830, aged eighty-five years. A TRVE RE- lation of such occur- rences and accidents of noate as hath hapned in Virginia since the first planting of that Collony, which is now resident in the South part thereof, till the last returne from thence. [The ascription on the Title-pages that were probably first printed: Written by a Gentleman of the said Collony, to a worshipfull friend of his in England.] [Ascription on what were probably the second Title-pages (as in the two British Museum copies, C. 33. c. 35 and Grenville 7,121), specifying some Author, though the wrong one. Written by Th. Watson. Gent. one of the said Collony, to a worshipfull friend of his in England.] [Ascription on the corrected final Title-pages, issued with the Preface on pp. 3-4.] Written by Captain Smith, Coronell of the said Collony, to a worshipfull friend of his in England. LONDON Printed for John Tappe, and are to bee solde at the Grey- hound in Paules-Church-yard, by W. W. ENG. SCH. LIB. No. 16. I 1608 2 [This True Relation is the earliest printed account of the James river Settlement. It is quite clear from the text at p. 40, that this Relation was finished after the loading of the Phenix, and her leaving James Town for Eng- land: and we know from pp. 109, 413, that she was off Cape Henry on the 2nd June 1607. Therefore the latest date that can be assigned for its composition is that day. The Phenix made a quick voyage hoine, and reached London before the following 7 July, see p. xcii. This Relation was thus entered for publication at Stationers' Hall. 13 Augusti [1608] William Welby. John Tappe/ Entred for their copie vnder the handes of. master. WILSON and Th[e]warden Master Lownes / A booke called A true relation of suche occurrences and accidentes of note as haue happened in Virginia synce the first plantinge of that Colonye which is nowe resident in the south parte of Virginia till master NELSONS comminge away from them, &c. vjd. A Transcript of the Registers of the Company of Stationers of London, 1554-1640 A.D., Ed. by E. ARBER, iii. 388, London, 1876. For the bibliography of this Tract, see p. cxxx. This Relation is nothing but an ordinary "pamphlet of news," and is carelessly printed. Mr. CHARLES DEANE, at p. xiv of his reprint of 1866, states : "This little black-letter quarto has for a long time been considered 'rare' among book-collectors, although at the present time I know of six copies in this country [U. S. A.]. Five of these I have had the privilege of examining. In the library of Colonel ASPINWALL, late Consul of the United States in London, which was recently purchased by Mr. BARLOW, of New York, is a copy with a Smith title page, and ex- planatory preface. Mr. JAMES LENOX, of New York, also has a copy like that. Mr. JOHN CARTER BROWN, of Providence, R.I., has a copy, with the Watson title page, in a manuscript fac-simile, and without the explanatory preface. A copy with the Watson title, and also with the preface, is in the library of the New York Historical Society. A copy wanting the title page, and also the preface, is in the library of Harvard College. "Mr. LENOX has within a few months [1876] received from London a second copy of this tract, differing in its title page from either of the others described. It has neither the name of Smith nor of Watson on the title page, but simply the words, By a Gentleman. It also contains the explanatory preface. "The text of all these copies is the same, there never having been but one edition. The leaves are not paged."] 3 To the Courteous Reader. Ourteous, Kind, and indifferent Readers, whose willingnesse to reade and heare this following discourse, doth explaine to the world your hearty affection, to the prosecuting and further- ance of so worthy an action: so it is, that like to an vn- skilfull actor, who hauing by misconstruction of his right Cue, ouer-slipt himselfe, in beginning of a contrary part, and fearing the hatefull hisse of the captious multitude, with a modest blush retires himselfe in priuate; as doubt- ing the reprehension of his whole audience in publicke, and yet againe vpon further deliberation, thinking it better to know their censures at the first, and vpon submission to reape pardon, then by seeking to smother it, to incurre the danger of a secret scandall: Imboldening himselfe vpon the curteous kindnesse of the best, and not greatly respecting the worst, comes fourth againe, makes an Apollogie for himselfe, shewes the cause of his error, craues pardon for his rashnes, and in fine, receiues a generall applauditie of the whole assemblie: so I gentle Readers, happening vpon this relation by chance (as I take it, at the second or third hand) induced thereunto by diuers well willers of the] action, and none wishing better towards it then my selfe, so farre foorth as my poore abilitie can or may stretch too, I thought good to publish it: but the Author being absent from the presse, it cannot be doubted but that some faults haue escaped in the printing, especially in the names of Countries, Townes, and People, which are somewhat strange vnto vs; but most of all, and which is the chiefe error, (for want of knowledge of the Writer) some of the bookes were printed vnder the name of Thomas Watson, by whose occasion I know not, vnlesse it were the ouer rash- nesse, or mistaking of the workemen [i.e., the printers], but [1608] 4 [The Preface issued with the Smith Title-page. Aug. I. H. 1608. [1608] since hauing learned that the saide discourse was written by Captaine Smith, who is one of the Counsell there in Virginia: I thought good to make the like Apollogie, by shewing the true Author so farre as my selfe could learne, not doubting, but that the wise noting it as an error of ignorance, will passe it ouer with patience; and if worthy an applauditie, to reserue it to the Author, whose paines in my iudgement deserueth commendations; somewhat more was by him written, which being as I thought (fit to to be priuate) I would not aduenture to make it publicke[.] what more may be expected concerning the scituation of the Country, the nature of the clime, number of our people. there resident, the manner of their gouernment, and liuing, the commodities to be produced, and the end and effect it may come too, I can say nothing more then is here written: only what I haue learned and gathered from the generall consent of all (that I haue conuersed withall) aswell marriners as others, which haue had imployment that way; is that the Country is excellent and pleasant, the clime temperate and health full, the ground fertill and good, the commodities to be expected (if well followed) many, for our people, the worst being already past, these former hauing indured the heate of the day, whereby those that shall succeede, may at ease labour for their profit, in the most sweete, coole, and temperate shade: the action most honorable, and the end to the high glory of God, to the erecting of true religion among Infidells, to the ouer- throw of superstition and idolatrie, to the winning of many thousands of wandring sheepe,vnto Christs fold,who now, and till now, haue strayed in the vnknowne paths of Paganisme, Idolatrie, and superstition: yea, I say the Action being well followed, as by the graue Senators, and worthy aduenturors, it hath beene worthily begunne : will tend to the euerlasting renowne of our Nation, and to the exceed- ing good and benefit of our Weale publicke in generall: whose Counsells, labours, godly and industrious ende- uours, I beseech the mightie Iehouah to blesse, prosper, and further, with his heauenly ayde, and holy assistance. Farewell. I. H. 5 A True relation of such occurrences and accidents of note, as hath hapned at Vir- ginia, since the first planting of that Collony, which is now resident in the South part thereof, till the last returne. Inde Sir, commendations remembred, &c. [1607] You shall vnderstand that after many crosses in the downes by tempests, wee arriued safely vppon the Southwest part of the great Canaries: within foure or fiue daies after we set saile " for Dominica, the 26. of Aprill: the . 91, 387.】 first land we made, wee fell with Cape Henry, the verie mouth of the Bay of Chissiapiacke, which at that present we little expected, hauing by a cruell storme bene put to the Northward: Anchoring in this Bay twentie or thirtie went a shore with the Captain, and in comming aboard [on land], they were assalted with certaine Indians, which charged them within Pistoll shot in which conflict, Captaine Archer and Mathew Morton were shot: wherupon Captaine Newport $. 91, 896.] seconding them, made a shot at them, which the Indians little respected, but hauing spent their arrowes retyred without harme. And in that place was the Box opened, [1.91.] wherin the Counsell for Virginia was nominated: and 6 -13 Newes from Virginia. [2 June[1607] [p. 91.] 【pp. 91, 387.1 J. Smith. June-13 Aug. 1608. arriuing at the place [James Town] where wee are now seated, the Counsell was sworn, and the President elected, which for that yeare was Maister Edm. Maria Wingfield, where was made choice for our scituation, a verie fit place for the erecting of a great cittie, about which some contention passed betwixt Captaine Wingfield and Captaine Gosnold : notwithstanding, all our provision was brought a shore, and with as much speede as might bee wee went about our fortification. : The two and twenty day of Aprill [or rather May 1607], Captain Newport and my selfe with diuers others, to the number of twenty two persons, set forward to discouer the Riuer, some fiftie or sixtie miles, finding it in some places. broader, and in some narrower, the Countrie (for the moste part) on each side plaine high ground, with many fresh Springes, the people in all places kindely intreating vs, daunsing and feasting vs with strawberries, Mulberies, Bread, Fish, and other their Countrie prouisions wherof we had plenty for which Captaine Newport kindely requited their least fauours with Bels, Pinnes, Needles, beades, or Glasses, which so contented them that his liberallitie made them follow vs from place to place, and euer kindely to respect VS. In the midway staying to refresh our selues in a little Ile foure or fiue sauages came vnto vs which described vnto vs the course of the Riuer, and after in our iourney, they often met vs, trading with vs for such prouision as wee had, and ariuing at Arsatecke, hee whom we supposed to bee the chiefe King of all the rest, moste kindely entertained vs, giuing vs in a guide to go with vs vp the Riuer to Powhatan, of which place their great Emperor taketh his name, where he that they honored for King vsed vs kindely. But to finish this discouerie, we passed on further, where within an ile [a mile] we were intercepted with great craggy stones in the midst of the riuer, where the water falleth so rudely, and with such a violence, as not any boat can possibly passe, and so broad disperseth the streame, as there is not past fiue or sixe Foote at a low water, and to the shore scarce passage with a barge, the water floweth foure foote, and the freshes by reason of the Rockes haue left markes of the inundations 8. or 9. foote: The south side is plaine low ground, and the north side high moun- 2 June-13 Aug. J. Smith7 Newes from Virginia. . 1608. taines, the rockes being of a grauelly nature, interlaced with many vains of glistring spangles. That night we returned to Powhatan: the next day (being Whitsunday after dinner) we returned to the fals, leauing a mariner in pawn with the Indians for a guide of theirs, hee that they honoured for King followed vs by the riuer. That afternoone we trifled in looking vpon the Rockes and riuer (further he would not goe) so there we erected a crosse, and that night taking our man at Powhatans, Captaine Newport congratulated his kindenes with a Gown and a Hatchet: returning to Arsetecke, and stayed there the next day to obserue the height [latitude] therof, and so with many signes of loue we departed. The next day the Queene of Agamatack kindely intreated vs, her people being no lesse contented then the rest, and from thence we went to another place (the name whereof I doe not remember) where the people shewed vs the manner of their diuing for Mussels, in which they finde Pearles. [1607] That night passing by Weanock some twentie miles from our Fort, they according to their former churlish condition, seemed little to affect vs, but as wee departed and lodged at the point of Weanocke, the people the next morning seemed kindely to content vs, yet we might perceiue many signes of a more Iealousie in them then before, and also the Hinde that the King of Arseteck had giuen vs, altered his resolution in going to our Fort, and with many kinde circumstances left vs there. This gaue vs some occasion. to doubt some mischiefe at the Fort, yet Captaine Newport intended to haue visited Paspahegh and Tappahanocke, but the instant change of the winde being faire for our return we repaired to the fort with all speed [27 May], where the (A-92, 388.] first we heard was that 400. Indians the day before [26 May] had assalted the fort, and supprised it, had not God (beyond al their expectations) by meanes of the shippes (at whom they shot with their Ordinances and Muskets) caused them to retire, they had entred the fort with our own men, which were then busied in setting Corne, their armes beeing then in driefats and few ready but certain Gentlemen of their own, in which conflict, most of the Counsel was hurt, a boy slaine in the Pinnas, and thirteene or fourteene more hurt. 8 J. Smith. June-13 Aug. 1608. Newes from Virginia. [2 [1607] With all speede we pallisadoed our Fort: (each other [p. 92,388.1 day) for sixe or seauen daies we had alarums by ambus- cadoes, and four or fiue cruelly wounded by being abroad: the Indians losse wee know not, but as they report three were slain and diuers hurt. [A. 93.] [/.95, 391.] Captaine Newport hauing set things in order, set saile. for England the 22 of June [1607], leauing prouision for 13. or 14 weeks. The day before the Ships departure, the King of Pamaunke [i.e., Opechancanough] sent the Indian that had met vs before in our discouerie, to assure vs peace; our fort being then palisadoed round, and all our men in good health and com- fort, albeit, that thro[u]gh some discontented humors, it did not so long continue. For the President and Captaine Gosnold, with the rest of the Counsell, being for the moste part discontented with one another, in so much, that things were neither carried with that discretion nor any busines effected in such good sort as wisdome would, nor our owne good and safetie required, whereby, and through the hard dealing of our President, the rest of the counsell beeing diuerslie affected through his audacious commaund; and for Captaine Martin, albeit verie honest, and wishing the best good, yet so sicke and weake; and my selfe so disgrac'd through others mallice: through which disorder God (being angrie with vs) plagued vs with such famin and sicknes, that the liuing were scarce able to bury the dead: our want of sufficient and good victualls, with continuall watching, foure or fiue each night at three Bulwarkes, being the chiefe cause: onely of Sturgion wee had great store, whereon our men would so greedily surfet, as it cost manye their liues: the Sack, Aquauitie, and other preseruatiues for our health, being kept onely in the Presidents hands, for his owne diet, and his few associates. Shortly after Captaine Gosnold fell sicke, and within three weekes died. Captaine Ratcliffe being then also verie sicke and weake, and my selfe hauing also tasted of the extremitie therof, but by Gods assistance being well recouered. Kendall about this time, for diuers reasons deposed from being of the Councell: and shortly after it pleased God (in our extremity) to moue the Indians to W 2 June-13 Aug. J. Smith9 Newes from Virginia. . 1608. bring vs Corne, ere it was halfe ripe, to refresh vs, when we rather expected when they would destroy vs: About the tenth of September there was about 46. of our men dead, at which time Captaine Wingfield hauing ordred the affaires in such sort that he was generally hated of all, in which respect with one consent he was deposed from his presidencie, and Captaine Ratcliffe according to his course was elected. Our prouision being now within twentie dayes spent, the Indians brought vs great store both of Corne and bread ready made: and also there came such aboundance of Fowles into the Riuers, as greatly refreshed our weake estates, wherevppon many of our weake men were presently able to goe abroad. [1607] As yet we had no houses to couer vs, our Tents were rotten, and our Cabbins worse then nought: our best commoditie was Yron which we made into little chissels. The president['s], and Captaine Martins sicknes, con- /. 95, 392.1 strayned me to be Cape Marchant, and yet to spare no paines in making houses for the company; who notwith- standing our misery, little ceased their mallice, grudging, and muttering. As at this time were most of our chiefest men either sicke or discontented, the rest being in such dispaire, as they would rather starue and rot with idlenes, then be perswaded to do any thing for their owne reliefe without constraint our victualles being now within eighteene dayes spent, and the Indians trade decreasing, I was sent 1.96, 393-1 to the mouth of the riuer, to Kegquouhtan an Indian Towne, to trade for Corne, and try the riuer for Fish, but our fishing we could not effect by reason of the stormy weather. The Indians thinking vs neare famished, with carelesse kindnes, offred vs little pieces of bread and small handfulls of beanes or wheat, for a hatchet or a piece of copper: In like man[n]er I entertained their kindnes, and in like scorne offered them like commodities, but the Children, or any that shewed extraordinary kindnes, I liberally con- tented with free gifte [of] such trifles as wel contented them. Finding this colde comfort, I anchored before the Towne, and the next day returned to trade, but God (the absolute ΙΟ June-13 Aug. 1608. Newes from Virginia. [2 [1607] disposer of all heartes) altered their conceits, for now they were no lesse desirous of our commodities then we of their Corne: vnder colour to fetch fresh water, I sent a man to discouer the Towne, their Corne, and force, to trie their intent, in that they desired me vp to their houses: which well vnderstanding, with foure shot I visited them. With fish, oysters, bread, and deere, they kindly traded with me and my men, beeing no lesse in doubt of my intent, then I of theirs; for well I might with twentie men haue fraighted a Shippe with Corne: The Towne conteineth eighteene houses, pleasantly seated vpon three acres of ground, vppon a plaine, halfe inuironed with a great Bay of the great Riuer, the other parte with a Baye of the other Riuer falling into the great Baye, with a little Ile fit for a Castle in the mouth thereof, the Towne adioyning to the maine by a necke of Land of sixtie yardes. With sixteene bushells of Corne I returned towards our Forte: by the way I encountred with two Canowes of Indians, who came aboord me, being the inhabitants of (pp. 96, 393] waroskoyack, a kingdome on the south side of the riuer, which is in breadth 5. miles and 20 mile or neare from the mouth: With these I traded, who hauing but their hunting prouision, requested me to returne to their Towne, where I should load my boat with corne: and with near thirtie bushells I returned to the fort, the very name wherof gaue great comfort to our despa[i]ring company: Time thus passing away, and hauing not aboue 14. daies victuals left, some motions were made about our [ƒƒ.97, 394] presidents [Captaine Ratcliffe's] and Captaine Archers going for England, to procure a supply: in which meane time we had reasonably fitted vs with houses. And our Pre- sident and Captaine Martin being able to walk abroad, with much adoe it was concluded, that the pinnace and barge should goe towards Powhatan, to trade for corne: Lotts were cast who should go in her, the chance was mine; and while she was a rigging, I made a voiage to Topohanack, where arriuing, there was but certain women and children who fled from their houses, yet at last I drew them to draw neere; truck they durst not, corne they had plenty, and to spoile I had no commission: 2 June-13 Aug. J. SmithII Newes from Virginia. . 1608. In my returne to [at] Paspahegh, I traded with that churlish and trecherous nation: hauing loaded 10 or 12 bushels of corne, they offred to take our pieces and swords, yet by stelth, but [we] seeming to dislike it, they were ready to assault vs: yet standing vpon our guard, in coasting the shore, diuers out of the woods would meet with vs with corn and trade. But least we should be constrained, either to indure ouermuch wrong or directly [to] fal to reuenge, seeing them dog vs from place to place, it being night, and our necessitie not fit for warres, we tooke occasion to returne with 10 bushells of corne: Captaine Martin after made 2 iournies to that nation of Paspahegh, but eache time returned with 8. or 10. bushells. All things being now ready for my iourney to Powhatan, for the performance thereof, I had 8. men and my selfe for the barge, as well for discouerie as trading; [and in] the Pinnace, 5. Marriners, and 2. landmen to take in our ladings at conuenient places. The 9 of Nouember I set forward for the discouery cf the country of Chik[a]hamania, leauing the pinnace the next tide to followe, and stay for my comming at Point weanock, 20 miles from our fort: the mouth of this riuer falleth into the great riuer at Paspahegh, 8 miles aboue our fort : That afternoone I stayed the eb[b] in the bay of Pas- pahegh with the Indians: towards the euening certaine Indians ha[i]led me, one of them being of Chikahamania, offred to conduct me to his country, the Paspahegheans grudged therat: along we went by moonelight; at mid- night he brought vs before his Towne, desiring one of our men to go vp with him, whom he kindely intertained, and returned back to the barge : The next morning I went vp to the towne, and shewed them what copper and hatchets they sho[u]ld haue for corne, each family seeking to giue me most content: so long they caused me to stay that 100 at least was expecting my comming by the riuer, with corne. What I liked, I bought; and least they should perceiue my too great want, I went higher vp the riuer: This place is called Manosquosick, a quarter of a mile [1607] [See p. 107.) 12' . Newes from Virginia. J. Smith[2 June-13 Aug. . [1607] 1608from the riuer, conteining thirtie or fortie houses, vppon an exceeding high land: at the foote of the hill towards the river, is a plaine wood, watered with many springes, which fall twentie yardes right downe into the riuer. Right against the same is a great marsh, of 4. or 5. miles circuit, deuided in 2 Ilands, by the parting of the riuer, abounding with fish and foule of all sorts: A mile from thence is a Towne called Oraniocke. further discouered the Townes of Mansa, Apanaock, Werawahone, and Mamanahunt, [was] at eche place kindely vsed: especially at the last, being the hart of the Country; where were assembled 200. people with such aboundance of corne, as hauing laded our barge, as also I might haue laded a ship. I returned to Paspahhegh, and considering the want of Corne at our Fort, it being night, with the ebb, by midnight I ariued at our fort, where I found our Pinn[a]is run aground: The next morning I vnladed seauen hogsheds into our store. The next morning I returned againe: the second day I ariued at Mamanahunt, wher[e] the people hauing heard of my comming, were ready with 3 or 400. baskets litle and great, of which hauing laded my barge, with many signes of great kindnes I returned: At my departure they requested me to hear our pieces, being in the midst of the riuer; which in regard of the eccho seemed a peale of ordnance. Many birds and fowles they see vs dayly kil that much feared them. So desirous of trade wer[e] they, that they would follow me with their canowes; and for any thing, giue it me, rather then returne it back. So I vnladed again 7 or 8. hogsheads at our fort. Hauing thus by Gods assistance gotten good store of corne, notwithstanding some bad spirits not content with Gods prouidence, still grew mutinous; in so much, that our president hauing occasion to chide the smith [JAMES READ, the Blacksmith] for his misdeamenour, he not only gaue him bad language, but also offred to strike him with some of his tooles. For which rebellious act, the smith was by a Iury condemned to be hanged, but being vppon 2 June-13 Aug. J. Smith13 Newes from Virginia. . 1608.. the ladder, continuing very obstinate as hoping vpon a rescue, [1607] when he saw no other way but death with him, he became penitent, and declared a dangerous conspiracy: for which, Captaine Kendall, as principal, was by a Iury condemned, (2.97.) and shot to death. This conspiracy appeased, I set forward for the dis- couery of the Riuer [of] Checka Hamania. This third time I discouered the Townes of Matapamient, Morinogh, Ascacap, moysenock, Righkahauck, Nechanichock, Mattalunt, Attamus- pincke, and diuers others: their plenty of corne I found. decreased, yet lading the barge, I returned to our fort. Our store being now indifferently wel prouided with corne, there was much adoe for to haue the pinace goe for England, against which Captain Martin and my selfe stood chiefly against it: and in fine after many debatings pro et contra, it was resolued to stay a further resolution: This matter also quieted, I set forward to finish this dis- couery, which as yet I had neglected in regard of the necessitie we had to take in prouision whilst it was to be had. 40. miles I passed vp the riuer, which for the most part is a quarter of a mile broad, and 3. fatham and a half deep, exceedy o[o]sey, many great low marshes, and many high lands, especially about the midst at a place called Moysonicke, a Peninsule of 4. miles ci[r]cuit, betwixt two riuers ioyned to the main by a neck of 40. or 50. yards, and 40. or 50 yards from the high water marke: On both sides in the very necke of the maine, are high hills and dales, yet much inhabited, the Ile declining in a plaine fertile corne field, the lower end a low marsh. More plentie of swannes, cranes, geese, duckes, and mallards, and diuers sorts of fowles, none would desire: more plaine fertile planted ground, in such great propor- tions as there, I had not seene; of a light blacke sandy mould, the cliffes commonly red, white, and yellowe coloured sand, and vnder, red and white clay; fish [in] great plenty, and people [in] aboundance: the most of their inhabitants, in view of the neck of Land, where a better seat for a towne cannot be desired: 14 J. Smith. June-13 Aug. 1608. Newes from Virginia. [2 [1607] [4.98.] At the end of forty miles, this riuer inuironeth many low Ilands at each high water drowned, for a mile, where it vniteth it selfe at a place called Apokant, the highest Towne inhabited. 10. miles higher, I discouered with the barge: in the mid way, a greate tree hindered my passage, which I cut in two. Heere the riuer became narrower, 8. 9 or 10. foote at a high water, and 6. or 7. at a lowe: the streame exceeding swift, and the bottom hard channel: the ground, most part a low plaine, sandy soyle. This occasioned me to suppose it might issue from some lake or some broad ford, for it could not be far to the head, but rather then I would endanger the barge [i.e., by going up with it further]. Yet to haue beene able to resolue this doubt, and to discharge the imputation[s] of malicious tung[e]s, that halfe suspected I durst not, for so long delaying: some of the company as desirous as my self, we resolued to hier a Canow, and returne with the barge to Apocant, there to leaue the barge secure, and put our selues upon the aduenture: the country onely a vast and wilde wildernes, and but onely that Towne : Within three or foure mile, we hired a Canow, and 2. Indians to row vs the next day a fowling. Hauing made such prouision for the barge as was needfull, I left her there [at Apocant] to ride, with expresse charge not any [one] to go ashore til my returne. Though some wise men may condemn this too bould attempt of too much indiscretion, yet if they well consider the friendship of the Indians in conducting me, the deso- lateness of the country, the probabilitie of some lacke [i.e., lake], and the malicious iudges of my actions at home [i.e., James Town], as also to haue some matters of worth to incourage our aduenturers in england, [these] might well haue caused any honest minde to haue done the like, as well for his own discharge as for the publike good: Hauing 2 Indians for my guide and 2 of our Own company, I set forward, leauing 7 in the barge: Hauing discouered 20 miles further in this desart, the riuer stil kept his depth and bredth, but [was] much more combred with trees: Here we went ashore (being some 12 miles higher then 2 June-13 Aug. J. Smith15 . Newes from Virginia. . 1608[1607] the barge had bene) to refresh our selues, during the boyling of our vi[c]tuals: One of the Indians I tooke with me, to see the nature of the soile, and to crosse the boughts [windings] of the riuer: the other Indian I left with Maister Robbinson and Thomas Emry, with their 16, 395 matches light[ed], and order to discharge a peece, for my retreat, at the first sight of any Indian. But within a quarter of an houre I heard a loud cry, and a hollowing of Indians, but no warning peece. Supposing them surprised, and that the Indians had betrai[e]d vs, pre- sently I seazed him and bound his arme fast to my hand in a garter, with my pistoll ready bent to be reuenged on him: he aduised me to fly, and seemed ignorant of what was done. But as we went discoursing, I was struck with an arrow on the right thigh, but without harme : vpon this occasion I espied 2. Indians drawing their bowes, which I preuented in discharging a french pistoll: By that I had charged againe, 3 or 4 more did the like: for the first fell downe and fled: At my discharge, they did the like. My hinde [Indian] I made my barricado, who offered not to striue. 20. or 30. arrowes were shot at me but short. 3 or 4 times I had discharged my pistoll ere the king of Pamaunck called Opeckankenough with 200 men, inuironed me, eache drawing their bowe: which done they laid them [themselves] vpon the ground, yet without shot [shooting]: My hinde treated betwixt them and me of conditions of peace; he discouered me to be the Captaine: my request was to retire to the boate: they demaunded my armes, the rest they saide were slaine, onely me they would reserue: The Indian importuned me not to shoot. In retiring being in the midst of a low quagmire, and minding them more then my steps, I stept fast into the quagmire, and also the Indian in drawing me forth: 396, 401.) Thus surprised, I resolued to trie their mercies: my armes I caste from me, till which none durst approch me. Being ceazed on me, they drew me out and led me to the King. I presented him with a compasse diall, describ- . 396.] ing by my best meanes the vse therof: whereat he so amazedly admired, as he suffered me to proceed in a discourse of the roundnes of the earth, the course of the sunne, moone, starres and plannets. 16 [2 June-13 Augsmo. Newes from Virginia. [1607] With kinde speeches and bread he requited me, con- ducting me where the Canow lay and Iohn Robbinson slaine, 396, 401.] with 20 or 30. arrowes in him. Emry I saw not. [AA. 15, 395, [/. 396.] I perceiued by the aboundance of fires all ouer the woods [the sense requires here, that they were a party hunting deer, sce pp. 37 and 70.] At each place I expected when they would execute me, yet they vsed me with what kindnes they could: Approaching their Towne [Rasawrack], which was within 6 miles where I was taken, onely made as arbors and couered with mats, which they remoue as occasion requires: all the women and children, being aduertised of this accident, came foorth to meet them, the King [Opechancanough] well guarded with 20 bowmen 5 flanck and rear, and each flanck before him a sword and a peece, and after him the like, then a bowman, then I on each hand a boweman, the rest in file in the reare, which reare led foorth amongst the trees in a bishion, eache his bowe and a handfull of arrowes, a quiuer at his back grimly painted on eache flanck a sargeant, the one running alwaies towards the front, the other towards the reare, each a true pace and in exceeding good order. This being a good time continued, they caste themselues in a ring with a daunce, and so eache man departed to his lodging. The Captain conducting me to his lodging, a quarter of Venison and some ten pound of bread I had for supper: what I left was reserued for me, and sent with me to my lodging: Each morning 3. women presented me three great platters of fine bread, more venison then ten men could deuour I had: my gowne, points and garters, my compas and my tablet they gaue me again. Though 8 ordinarily guarded me, I wanted not what they could deuise to content me and still our longer acquaintance increased our better affection: Much they threatned to assault our forte, as they were solicited by the King of Paspahegh [then present, see p. 152]: who shewed at our fort great signes of sorrow for this mis- chance [i.e., Smith's capture]. The King [Opechancanough] tooke great delight in vnderstanding the manner of our ships, and sayling the seas, the earth and skies, and of our God: what he knew of the dominions he spared not to 2 June-13 Aug. J. Smith17 . Newes from Virginia. . 1608acquaint me with, as of certaine men cloathed at a place called Ocanahonan, cloathed like me: the course of our riuer, and that within 4 or 5 daies iourney of the falles, was a great turning of salt water: [1607] I desired he would send a messenger to Paspahegh [the district in which James Town was situated], with a letter I . 297-1 would write, by which they shold vnderstand how kindly they vsed me, and that I was well, least they should reuenge my death. This he granted and sent three men, in such weather as in reason were vnpossible by any naked to be indured. Their cruell mindes towards the fort I had deuerted, in describing the ordinance and the mines in the fields, as also the reuenge Captain Newport would take of them at his returne. Their intent, I incerted the fort, [as also of] the people of Ocanahonum and the back sea: this report they after found diuers Indians that confirmed: The next day after my letter, came a saluage to my lodging 397-1 [still at Rasawrack], with his sword, to haue slaine me: but being by my guard intercepted, with a bowe and arrow he offred to haue effected his purpose: the cause I knew not, till the King vnderstanding thereof came and told me of a man a dying, wounded with my pistoll: he tould me also of another I had slayne, yet the most concealed they had any hurte: This was the father of him I had slayne, whose fury to preuent, the King presently conducted me to another Kingdome, vpon the top of the next northerly riuer, called Youghtanan. Hauing feasted me, he further led me to another branch ( 398.] of the riuer, called Mattapament; to two other hunting townes they led me: and to each of these Countries, a house of the great Emperour of Pewhakan, whom as yet I supposed to bee at the Falls; to him I tolde him I must goe, and so returne to Paspahcgh. After this foure or fiue dayes marsh [march], we returned to Rasawrack, the first towne they brought me too [see p. 142]: where binding the Mats in bundels, they marched two dayes iourney, and crossed the Riuer of Youghtanan, where it was as broad as Thames: so conducting me to a place called Menapacute in Pamaunke, where the King inhabited. The next day another King of that nation called Kekataugh, hauing receiued some kindnes of me at the Fort, ENG. SCH. LIB. No 16. 2 18 [2 June-13 Newes from Virginia. . Aug. [16)8] [A. 399.] 1608J. Smith. kindly inuited me to feast at his house, the people from all places flocked to see me, each shewing to content me. By this, the great King hath foure or fiue houses, each containing fourescore or an hundred foote in length, plea- santly seated vpon an high sandy hill, from whence you may see westerly a goodly low Country, the riuer before the which his crooked course causeth many great Marshes of exceeding good ground. An hundred houses, and many large plaines are here togither inhabited. More abundance of fish and fowle, and a pleasanter seat cannot be imagined. The King with fortie Bowmen to guard me, intreated me to discharge my Pistoll, which they there presented me, with a mark at six score [yards] to strike therwith: but to spoil the practise, I broke the cocke, whereat they were much discontented, though a chaunce supposed. From hence, this kind King conducted mee to a place called Topahanocke, a kingdome vpon another Riuer northward: The cause of this was, that the yeare before, a shippe had beene in the Riuer of Pamaunke, who hauing beene kindly entertained by Powhatan their Emperour, they returned thence, and discouered the Riuer of Topahanocke: where being receiued with like kindnesse, yet he slue the King, and tooke of his people, and they supposed I were hee. But the people reported him [to be] a great [tall] man that was [the] Captaine, and vsing mee kindly, the next day we departed. This Riuer of Topahanock seemeth in breadth not much lesse then that we dwell vpon. At the mouth of the Riuer is a Countrey called Cuttata women: vpwards is Marraugh tacum, Tapohanock, Appamatuck, and Ñantaugs tacum: at Topmanahocks, the head issuing from many Mountaines. The next night I lodged at a hunting town of Powhatams, and the next day arriued at Waranacomoco vpon the riuer of Pamauncke, where the great king is resident. By the way we passed by the top of another little riuer, which is betwixt the two, called Payankatank. The most of this Country [is] th[r]ough Desert, yet exceeding fertil; good timber, most[ly] hils and dales, in each valley a cristall spring. Arriuing at Weramocomoco [? on or about 5 January 1608], their Emperour proudly lying vppon a Bedstead a foote 2 June-13 Aug. J. Smith19 Newes from Virginia. . :] . 1608[1608] high, vpon tenne or twelue Mattes, richly hung with manie. Chaynes of great Pearles about his necke, and couered with a great Couering of Rahaughcums. At [his] heade sat [2.400.] a woman, at his feete another; on each side sitting vppon a Matte vppon the ground, were raunged his chiefe men on each side the fire, tenne in a ranke, and behinde them as many yong women, each [with] a great Chaine of white Beades ouer their shoulders, their heades painted in redde: and [Powha- tan] with such a graue and Maiesticall countenance, as draue me into admiration to see such state in a naked Saluage. Hee kindly welcomed me with good wordes, and great Platters of sundrie Victuals, assuring mee his friendship, and my libertie within foure days. Hee much delighted in Opechan Comoughs relation of what I had described to him, and oft examined me vpon the same. Hee asked mee the cause of our comming. I tolde him being in fight with the Spaniards our enemie, beeing ouerpow[e]red, neare put to retreat, and by extreame weather put to this shore: where landing at Chesipiack, the people shot [at] vs, but at Kequoughtan they kindly vsed vs: we by signes demaunded fresh water, they described vs vp the Riuer was all fresh water at Paspahegh also they kindly vsed vs: our Pinn[a]sse being leak[i]e, we were inforced to stay to mend her, till Captaine Newport my father came to conduct vs away. He demaunded why we went further with our Boate. I tolde him, in that I would haue occasion to talke of the backe Sea, that on the other side the maine, where was salt water. My father [i.e., Newport] had a childe slaine, whiche wee supposed Monocan his enemie [had done]: whose death we intended to reuenge. After good deliberation, hee began to describe [to] mee the Countreys beyonde the Falles, with many of the rest; confirming what not onely Opechancanoyes, and an Indian which had beene prisoner to Pewhatan had before tolde mee: but some called it fiue dayes, some sixe, some eight, where the sayde water dashed amongest many stones and rockes, each storm; which caused oft tymes the heade of the Riuer to bee brackish : Anchanachuck he described to bee the people that had 20 1608. Newes from Virginia. [2 June-13 Aug. . J. Smith[1608] [p. 401.] Hee slaine my brother: whose death hee would reuenge. described also vpon the same Sea, a mighty Nation called Pocoughtronack, a fierce Nation that did eate men, and warred with the people of Moyaoncer and Pataromerke, Nations vpon the toppe of the heade of the Bay, vnder his territories: where the yeare before they had slain an hundred. He signified their crownes were shauen, long haire in the necke, tied on a knot, Swords like Pollaxes. Beyond them, he described people with short Coates, and Sleeues to the Elbowes, that passed that way in Shippes like ours. Many Kingdomes hee described [to] mee, to the heade of the Bay, which seemed to bee a mightie Riuer issuing from mightie Mountaines betwixt the two Seas: The people cloathed at Ocamahowan, he also confirmed; and the Southerly Countries also, as the rest that reported vs to be within a day and a halfe of Mangoge, two dayes of Chawwonock, 6. from Roonock, to the south part of the backe sea: He described a countrie called Anone, where they haue abundance of Brasse, and houses walled as ours. I requited his discourse (seeing what pride hee had in his great and spacious Dominions, seeing that all hee knewe were vnder his Territories) in describing to him, the territories of Europe, which was subiect to our great King whose subject I was, the innumerable multitude of his ships, I gaue him to vnderstand the noyse of Trumpets, and terrible manner of fighting [that] were vnder captain Newport my father: whom I intituled the Meworames, which they call the King of all the waters. At his greatnesse, he admired and not a little feared. He desired mee [i.c., the English] to forsake Paspahegh [i.c., James Town, and to liue with him vpon his Riuer, a Countrie called Capa Howasicke. Hee promised to giue me Corne, Venison, or what I wanted to feede vs: Hatchets and Copper wee should make him, and none should disturbe vs. This request I promised to performe: and thus, hauing with all the kindnes hee could deuise, sought to content me, hee sent me home, with 4. men: one that vsually carried my Gowne and Knapsacke after me, two other loded with bread, and one to accompanie me. This Riuer of Pamaunke is not past twelue mile from 2 June-13 Aug. J. Smith21 . Newes from Virginia. . 1608that we dwell on, his course northwest and westerly as the other. Weraocomoco is vpon salt water in bredth two myles, and so [the river] keepeth his course without any tarrying some twenty miles; where at the parting of the fresh water and the salt, it diuideth it selfe into two partes, the one part to Goughland, as broad as Thames, and nauigable with a Boate threescore or fourescore miles, and with a Shippe fiftie: exceedingly] crooked, and manie low grounds and marishes, but inhabited with aboundance of warlike and tall people. The Countrey of Youghtomam, of no lesse worth, onely it is lower; but all the soyle, a fatte, fertill, sandie ground. Aboue Manapacumter, many high sandie mountaines. By the Riuer is many Rockes, seeming, if not, of seuerall Mines. The other branch a little lesse in breadth, yet extendeth not neare so farre, nor so well inhabited, somewhat lower, and a white sandie, and a white clay soyle: here is their best Terra Sigillata. The mouth of the Riuer, as I see [? saw, see p. 6] in the discouerie therof with captain Newport, is halfe a mile broad, and within foure miles not aboue a Musket shot: the channell exceeding good and deepe, the Riuer straight to the deuisions. Kiskirk [is] the nearest Nation to the entrances. Their religion and Ceremonie I obserued was thus: Three or foure dayes [which would be at Rasawrack; but stated at p. 398 to have been at Pamaunkey] after my taking, seuen of them in the house where I lay, each with a rattle, began at ten a clocke in the morning to sing about the fire, which they inuironed with a Circle of meale, and after a foote or two from that, at the end of each song, layde downe two or three graines of wheate: continuing this order till they haue included sixe or seuen hundred in a halfe Circle; and after that, two or three more Circles in like maner, a hand bredth from other. That done, at each song, they put betwixt euerie three, two, or fiue graines, a little sticke; so counting as an old woman her Pater noster. One disguised with a great Skinne, his head hung round with little Skinnes of Weasels and other vermine, with a Crownet of feathers on his head, painted as vgly as the diuell, at the end of each song will make many signes and [1608] 22 June-13 Aug. 1608. Newes from Virginia. [2 [1608] [p. 401.] demonstrations, with strange and vehement actions. great cakes of Deere suet, Deare, and Tobacco he casteth in the fire till sixe a clocke in the Euening, their howling would continue ere they would depart. Each morning in the coldest frost, the principall, to the number of twentie or thirtie, assembled themselues in a round circle, a good distance from the towne: where they told me they there consulted where to hunt the next day: So fat they fed mee, that I much doubted they intended to haue sacrificed mee to the Quiyoughquosicke, which is a superiour power they worship: a more uglier thing cannot be described. One they haue for chief sacrifices, which also they call Quiyoughquosick. To cure the sick, a man, with a Rattle, and extreame howling, showting, singing, and such violent gestures and Anticke actions ouer the patient, will sucke out blood and flegme from the patient, out of their vnable stomacke, or any diseased place, as no labour will more tire them. Tobacco, they offer the water in passing in fowle weather. The death of any they lament with great sorrow and weeping. Their Kings they burie betwixt two mattes within their houses, with all his beads, iewels, hatchets, and copper: the other in graues like ours. They acknow- ledge no resurrection. Powhatan hath three brethren, and two sisters, each of his brethren succeeded [succeedeth or will succeed] other. For the Crowne, their heyres inherite not, but the first heyres of the Sisters, and so successiuely the weomens heires. For the Kings haue as many weomen as they will, his Subiects two, and most but one. From Weramocomoco is but 12. miles, yet the Indians trifled away that day [7 Jan. 1608], and would not goe to our Forte by any perswasions: but in certaine olde hunt- ing houses of Paspahegh we lodged all night. The next morning [8 Jan. 1608] ere Sunne rise, we set [¿½. 93, 401.] forward for our Fort, where we arriued within an houre: where each man with the truest signes of ioy they could. expresse welcommed me, except Maister Archer, and some 2. or 3. of his, who was then in my absence, sworne Coun- sellour, though not with the consent of Captaine Martin: 1 ན 2 June-13 Aug. J. Smith23 . Newes from Virginia. . 1608But in [1608] Great blame and imputation was laide vpon mee by them. [Archer, &c.], for the losse of our two men which the Indians slew: insomuch that they purposed to depose me. the midst of my miseries, it pleased God to send Captaine [pp.100, 403.] Nuport: who arriuing there the same night [8 Jan. 1608], so tripled our joy as for a while these plots against me were deferred; though with much malice against me, which captain Newport in short time did plainly see. Now was maister Scriuener, captaine Martin, and my selfe, called Counsellers [i.e., to the exclusion of Archer]. Within fiue or sixe dayes after the arriuall of the Ship [13 or 14 January 1608], by a mischaunce our Fort was burned, and the most of our apparell, lodging and priuate prouision. Many of our old men [became] diseased, and [many] of our new for want of lodging perished. The Empereur Powhatan, each weeke once or twice, sent me many presents of Deare, bread, Raugroughcuns; halfe alwayes for my father [Captaine Newport] whom he much desired to see, and halfe for me: and so continually impor- [pp.101, 404-J tuned by messengers and presents, that I would come to fetch the corne, and take the Countrie their King had giuen me, as at last Captaine Newport resolued to go [to] see him. Such acquaintance I had amongst the Indians, and such confidence they had in me, as neare the Fort they would not come till I came to them; euery of them calling me by my name, would not sell any thing till I had first receiued their presents, and what they had that I liked, they deferred to my discretion: but after acquaintance, they vsually came into the Fort at their pleasure: The President and the rest of the Councell, they knewe not; but Captaine Newports greatnesse I had so described, as they conceyued him the chiefe, the rest his children, Officers, and seruants. We had agreed with the king of Paspahegh, to conduct two of our men to a place called Panawicke beyond Roonok, where he reported many men to be apparelled. Wee landed him at Warraskoyack, where [he] playing the villaine, and deluding vs for rewards, returned within three or foure dayes after, without going further. Captaine Newport, maister Scriuener, and my selfe, found the mouth of Pamauncks riuer, some 25. or 30. miles 24 J. Smith. June-13 Aug. 1608. Newes from Virginia. Ju [2 2 [1608] [p.101, 404.] north ward from Cape Henrick [Henry], the chanell good as before expressed. Arriuing at Weramocomoca, being iealous of the intent of this politick saluage; to discouer his intent the better, I with 20. shot armed in Jacks, went a shore. The Bay where he dwelleth hath in it 3. cricks, and a mile and a halfe from the chanel all os [in Grenville copy ost: what is meant is oose]. Being conducted to the towne, I found my selfe mistaken in the creeke, for they al there were within lesse then a mile : the Emperors sonne called Naukaquawis, the captaine that tooke me pp. 15,152], and diuerse others of his chiefe men, conducted me to their kings habitation. But in the mid way I was intercepted by a great creek ouer which they had made a bridge of grained stakes and railes. The king of Kiskieck, and Namontack, who all the iourney, the king had sent to guide vs, had conducted vs [to] this pas- sage, which caused me to suspect some mischiefe: the barge I had sent to meet me at the right landing, when I found my selfe first deceyued. And knowing by experience the most of their courages to proceede from others feare, though fewe lyked the passage, I intermingled the Kings sonne, our con- ductors, and his chiefe men amongst ours, and led forward, leauing halfe at the one ende to make a guard for the passage of the Front. The Indians seeing the weakenesse of the Bridge, came with a Canow, and tooke me in [out] of the middest, with foure or fiue more: being landed, wee made a guard for the rest till all were passed. Two in a ranke we marched to the Emperors house. Before his house stood fortie or fiftie great Platters of fine bread. Being entred the house, with loude tunes they all made signes of great ioy. This proude saluage, hauing his finest women, and the principall of his chiefe men assembled, sate in rankes as before is expressed himself as vpon a Throne at the vpper ende of the house, with such a Maiestie as I cannot expresse, nor yet haue often seene, either in Pagan or Christian. With a kinde coun- tenance hee bad mee welcome, and caused a place to bee made by himselfe [for me] to sit. : I presented him a sute of red cloath, a white Grey- hound, and a Hatte: as Iewels he esteemed them, and with a great Oration made by three of his Nobles, if there 2 June-13 Aug. J. Smith25 . Newes from Virginia. . 1608be any amongst Saluages, kindly accepted them, with a [1608] publike confirmation of a perpetuall league and friendship. After that, he commanded the Queene of Apamatuc, a [p. 400.) comely yong Saluage, to giue me water, a Turkie cocke, and breade to eate: Being thus feasted, hee began his discourse to this pp.102, 405 ) purpose. Your kinde visitation doth much content mee, but where is your father whom I much desire to see, is he not with you. I told him, he remained aboord, but the next day he would come vnto him. With a merrie countenance he asked me for certaine peeces which I promised him, when I went to Paspahegh. I told [him] according to my promise, that I proferred the man that went with me foure Demy Culuerings, in that he so desired a great Gunne: but they refused to take them. Whereat with a lowde laughter, he desired to giue him. some of lesse burden: as for the other I gaue him them, being sure that none could carrie them. But where are these men you promised to come with you. I told him, without. Who therevpon gaue order to haue them brought in, two after two, euer maintaining the guard without. And as they presented themselues, euer with thankes he would salute me: and caused each of them to haue foure or fiue pound of bread giuen them. This done, I asked him for the corne and ground [district] he promised me. He told me I should haue it: but he expected to haue all these men lay their armes at his feet, as did his subjects. I tolde him that was a ceremonie our enemies desired, but neuer our Friends, as we presented ourselues vnto him; yet that he should not doubt of our friendship. The next day my Father would giue him a child of his, in full assurance of our loues, and not only that, but when he should thinke it conuenient, wee would deliuer vnder his subiection the Country of Manacam and Pocoughtaonack his enemies. This so contented him, as immediatly with attentiue siicuce, with a lowd oration he proclaimed me Awerowanes .e., a Werowance, or subordinate Chief] of Powhaton, and 26 . Newes from Virginia. J. Smith[2 June-13 Aug. 1658. [1608] that all his subjects should so esteeme vs, and no man account vs strangers nor Paspaheghans, but Powhatans, and that the Corne, weomen and Country, should be to vs as to his owne people. This proffered kindnes for many reasons we contemned not, but with the best Languages and signes of thankes I could expresse, I tooke my leaue. The King rising from his seat, conducted me foorth, and caused each of my men to haue as much more bread as hee could beare: giuing me some in a basket, and as much he sent a board for a present to my Father. Victuals you must know is all the[i]re wealth, and the greatest kindnes they could shew vs. Arriuing at the Riuer, the Barge was fallen so low [i.e., down the river] with the ebbe, though I had giuen order and oft sent to preuent the same, yet the messengers deceiued mee. The Skies being very thicke and rainie, the King vnderstanding this mischance, sent his Sonne and Mamontacke, to conduct mee to a great house sufficient to lodge mee: where entring I saw it hung round with bowes and arrowes. The Indians vsed all diligence to make vs fires, and giue vs content the kings Orators presently entertained vs with a kinde oration, with expresse charge that not any should steale, or take our bowes or arrowes, or offer any injury. Presently after he sent me a quarter of Venizon to stay my stomacke: In the euening hee sent for mee to come onely with two shot with me. The company I gaue order to stand vpon their guard, and to maintaine two sentries at the ports all night. To my supper he set before me meate for twenty men, and seeing I could not eate, hee caused it to be giuen to my men for this is a generall custome, that what they giue, not to take againe, but you must either eate it, giue it away, or carry it with you. Two or three houres we spent in our aun[ci]ent discourses; which done, I was with a fire stick lighted to my lodging. The next day the King conducting mee to the Riuer, shewed me his Canowes, and described vnto me how hee sent them ouer the Baye, for tribute Beades: and also what Countries paid him Beads, Copper, or Skins. 2 June-13 Aug. J. Smith27 . Newes from Virginia. , 1608.But seeing Captaine Nuport, and Maister Scriuener, com- [1608] ming a shore, the King returned to his house, and I went to meete him [Newport]. With a trumpet before him, wee [102, 405.] marched to the King: who after his old manner kindly receiued him, especially a Boy of thirteen yeares old, called Thomas Saluage, whom he gaue him as his Sonne. He requited this kindnes with each of vs a great basket of Beanes. And entertaining him with the former discourse, we passed away that day, and agreed to bargaine the next day, and so returned to our Pinnis. The next day comming a shore in like order, the King hauing kindly entertained vs with a breakfast, questioned vs in this manner: Why we came armed in that sort, seeing hee was our friend, and had neither bowes nor arrowes; what did wee doubt ? I told him it was the custome of our Country, not doubting of his kindnes any waies: wherewith though hee seemed satisfied, yet Captaine Nuport caused all our men to retire to the water side, which was some thirtie score [yards] from thence. But to preuent the worst, Maister Scriuener or I were either the one or other by the Barge: experience had well taught me to beleeue his friendship till conuenient opportunity suffred him to betray vs. But quickly this polititian had perceiued my absence, and cunningly sent for me; I sent for Maister Scriuener to supply my place : the King would demand for him, I would againe releeue him. And they sought to satisfie our suspition with kind Language: and not being agreed to trade for corne, hee desired to see all our Hatchets and Copper together, for which he would giue vs corne. With that auncient tricke the Chickahamaniens had oft acquainted me: his offer I refused, offering first to see what hee would giue for one [ƒ½.102, 406.] piece. Hee seeming to despise the nature of a Merchant, did scorne to sell: but we freely should giue him, and he liberally would requite vs. Captain Nuport would not with lesse then twelue great Coppers try his kindnes, which he liberally requited with as much corne as at Chickahamania, I had for one of lesse proportion. Our Hatchets hee would also haue at his owne rate: for which kindnes hee much seemed to 28 1608. Newes from Virginia. June-13 Aug. [2 . J. Smith[1608] affect Captaine Nuport. Some few bunches of blew [p.103, 406.] Beades I had, which he much desired, and seeing so few, he offred me a basket of two pecks, and that I drew to be three pecks at the least, and yet [he] seemed contented and desired more. I agreed with him, the next day, for two bushells: for the ebbe now constrained vs to returne to our Boate, although he earnestly desired vs to stay dinner which was a prouiding; and [which] being ready he sent aboard after vs, which was bread and venizon sufficient for fiftie or sixtie persons. The next day hee sent his Sonne in the morning, not to bring a shore with vs any pieces, least his weomen and children should feare. Captaine Nuports good beliefe would haue satisfied that request. Yet twentie or twentie fiue short we got a shore: the King importuning mee to leaue my armes a board, much misliking my sword pistol and target. I told him the men that slew my Brother [see p. 19] with the like tearmes had per- swaded me, and being vnarmed shot at vs, and so betraide VS. He oft entreated Captaine Nuport that his men might leaue their armes: which [men] still hee [Newport] commanded to the water side. This day we spent in trading for blew Beads and hauing neare fraighted our Barge, Captaine Nuport returned with them that came abord, leauing me and Maister Scriuener a shore, to follow in Canowes. Into one I got with sixe of our men, which beeing la[u]nched, a stones cast from the shore stuck fast in the O[o]se. Master Scriuener seeing this example, with seuen or eight more passed the dreadfull bridge, thinking to haue found deeper water on the other creeke: but they were inforced to stay, with such entertainment as a saluage [could afford; who] being forced ashore with wind and raine, hauing in his Canow, as commonly they haue, his house and houshold, instantly set vp a house of mats, which succoured them from the storme. The Indians seeing me pestred in the O[o]se, called to me: six or seuen of the Kings chiefe men threw off their skins, and to the middle in O[o]se, came to bear me out on their heads. Their importunacie caused me better to 2 June-13 Aug. J. Smith29 Newes from Virginia. . 1608. like the Canow than their curtesie, excusing my deniall for feare to fall into the O[ojse: desiring them to bring me some wood, fire, and mats to couer me, and I would content them. Each presently gaue his helpe to satisfie my request, which paines a horse would scarce haue indured yet a couple of bells richly contented them. The Emperor sent his Seaman Mantiuas in the euening with bread and victuall for me and my mcn: he no more scrupulous then the rest seemed to take a pride in shew- ing how litle he regarded that miserable cold and durty passage, though a dogge would scarce haue indured it. This kindnes I found, when I litle expected lesse then a mischiefe but the blacke night parting our companies, ere midnight the flood serued to carry vs aboard [i.e., the Barge]. The next day we came ashore, the King [spoke] with a solemne discourse, causing all to depart but his principall men and this was the effect. When as hee perceiued that we had a desire to inuade Monacum, against whom he was no professed enemy: yet thus farre he would assist vs in his enterprise. First hee would send his spies, perfectly to vnder- stand their strength and ability to fight, with which he would acquaint vs himselfe. Captaine Nuport would not be seene in it himselfe, being great Werowances. They [Powhatan and Newport] would stay at home: but I, Maister Scriuener, and two of his [Powhatan's] Sonnes, and Opechankanough the King of Pamaunke should haue 100. of his men to goe before as though they were hunting; they giuing vs notise where was the aduantage, we should kill them: the weomen and young children he wished we should spare, and bring them to him. Only 100. or 150. of our men he held suffi- cient for this exploit. Our boats should stay at the falls, where we might hew timber, which we might conuey, each man a piece, till we were past the stones; and there joyne them to passe our men by [over the] water. If any were shot, his men should bring them backe to our boats. This faire tale had almost made Captaine Nuport vnder- take by this meanes to discouer the South sea which will not be without trecherie, if wee ground our intent vpon his constancie. [1608] 30 13 Newes from Virginia. [2 [1608] J. Smith, 2 June-13 Aug. 1608. June-This day we spent in trading, dancing, and much mirth. The King of Pamaunke sent his messenger [to me] (as yet not knowing Captaine Nuport) to come vnto him: who had long expected mee, desiring also my Father to visite him. The messenger stayed to conduct vs: but Powhatan vnderstanding that we had Hatchets lately come from Paspahegh, desired the next day to trade with vs, and not to go further. This new tricke he cunningly put vpon him, but onely to haue what he listed, and to try whether we would go or stay. Opcchankenoughs messenger returned [answer], that wee would not come. The next day his [Opechancanough's] Daughter came to entreat me, shewing her Father had hurt his legge, and much sorrowed he could not see me. Captaine Nuport being not to bee perswaded to goe, in that Powhatan had desired vs to stay: sent her away with the like answer. Yet the next day, vpon better consideration, intreatie preuailed; and wee anchored at Cinquoateck, the first twaine [town] aboue the parting of the riuer, where dwelled two Kings of Pamaunke, Brothers to Powhatan; the one called Opitchapam, the other Katatough. To these I went a shore, who kindly intreated mee and Maister Scriuener, sending some presents aboard to Captaine Nuport, whilst we were trucking with these Kings. Opechankanough his wife, weomen, and children came to meete me with a naturall kind affection hee seemed to reioyce to see me. Captaine Nuport came a shore, with many kind dis- courses wee passed that forencone: and after dinner, Captaine Nuport went about with the Pinnis to Menapa- cant, which is twenty miles by water, and not one by land. Opechankanough conducted me and Maister Scriuener by land: where hauing built a feasting house a purpose to entertaine vs, with a kind Oration, after their manner, and his best prouision, [he] kindly welcomed vs. That day he would not trucke, but did his best to delight vs with content: Captaine Nuport arriued towards euening; whom the King presented with sixe great platters of fine bread, and Pansarowmana. 2 June-13 Aug. J. Smith31 . Newes from Virginia. . 1609The next day till noone wee traded: the King feasted all the company; and the afternoone was spent in playing, dauncing, and delight. By no meanes hee would haue vs depart till, the next day, he had feasted vs with venizon; for which he had sent, hauing spent his first and second prouision in expecting our comming: The next day, he performed his promise, giuing more to vs three, then would haue sufficied 30. and in that we carried not away what we left, hee sent it after vs to the Pinnis. With what words or signes of loue he could. expresse, we departed. Captaine Nuport in the Pinnis, leauing mee in the Barge to digge a rocke, where wee supposed a Mine, at Cinquaoteck: which done, ere midnight, I arriued at Weracomoco, where our Pinnis [had] anchored, being 20. miles from Cinquaotecke. The next day, we tooke leaue of Powhatan: who, in regard of his kindness, gaue him an Indian. He [was] well affected to goe with him for England in steed of his Sonne [i.e., T. Salvage, see p. 27]: the cause, I assure me, was to know our strength and Countries condition : The next day we arriued at Kiskiack. The people [there] so scornefully entertained vs, as with what signes of scorne and discontent we could, we departed: and returned to our Fort with 250. bushells of Corne [on 9 March 1608]. Our president, being not wholy recouered of his sicknes, in discharging his Piece, brake and split his hand off, [of] which he is not yet [2 June 1608] well recovered. [1608] [ƒ.103, 405.] At Captaine Nuports arriuall [9 March 1608], wee were victualled for twelue weeks: and hauing furnished him of what hee thought good, hee set saile for England the [6.403.] tenth of April [1608]. Master Scriuener and my selfe, with our shallop, accompanied him to Cape Hendrick [i.e., Henry]: Powhatan hauing for a farrewell, sent him fiue or sixe mens loadings, with Turkeys for [the] swords which hee sent [106, 406.} him in [on] our return to the fort : We discouered the riuer of Nausam[on]d, a proud warlike Nation, as well we may testifie, [from] at our first arriuall at Chesiapiack: but that iniury Captaine Nuport well reuenged at his returne. Where some of them intising him to their 32 [2 June-13 Ali Smith. Newes from Virginia. [1608] Ambuscadoes by a daunce, hee perceiuing their intent, with a volly of musket shot, slew one, and shot one or two more, as themselues confesse. The King at our ariuall sent for me to come vnto him. I sent him word what commodities I had to exchange for wheat, and if he would, as had the rest of his Neighbours, conclude a Peace, we were contented. At last he came downe before the Boate which rid at anchor some fortie yards from the shore. He signified to me to come a shore, and sent a Canow with foure or fiue of his men: two whereof I desired to come aboard and to stay, and I would send two to talke with their King a shore. To this hee agreed. The King wee presented with a piece of Copper, which he kindly excepted [accepted], and sent for victualls to entertaine the messengers. Maister Scriuener and my selfe also, after that, went a shore. The King kindly feasted vs, requesting vs to stay to trade till the next day. Which hauing done, we returned to the Fort. This riuer is a musket shot broad, each side being should bayes; a narrow channell, but three fadom [deep]: his course for eighteene miles, almost directly South, and by West where beginneth the first inhabitants: for a mile it turneth directly East, towards the West, a great bay, and a white chaukie Iland conuenient for a Fort: his next course South, where within a quarter of a mile, the riuer diuideth in two, the neck a plaine high Corne field, the wester bought a highe plaine likewise, the Northeast answerable in all respects. In these plaines are planted aboundance of houses and people; they may containe 1000. Acres of most excellent fertill ground: so sweete, so pleasant, so beautifull, and so strong a prospect, for an inuincible strong City, with so many commodities, that I know as yet I haue not seene. This is within one daies iourney of Chawwonocke, the riuer falleth into the Kings [i.e., Powhatan's] riuer, within twelue miles of Cape-hendicke [i.e., Cape Henry]. At our Fert, the tooles we had, were so ordinarily stolen by the Indians, as necessity inforced vs to correct 2 June-13 33 Aug. . Newes from Virginia. . J. Smith1608their brauing theeuerie: for he that stole to day, durst come againe the next day. One amongst the rest, hauing stolen two swords, I got the Counsels consent to set in the bilboes. The next day, with three more, he came, with their woodden swordes, in the midst of our men to steale. Their custome is to take any thing they can ceaze off: onely the people of Pamaunke wee haue not found stealing, but what others can steale, their King receiueth. I bad them depart, but flourishing their swords, they seemed to defend what they could catch but out of our hands his pride vrged me to turne him from amongst vs, whereat he offred to strike me with his sword; which I preuented, striking him first. The rest off [e]ring to reuenge the blow, receiued such an incounter, and fled. The better to affright them, I pursued them with fiue or sixe shot, and so chased them out of the Iland[, or rather, the Peninsula on which James Town stood]. The beginner of this broyle, litle expecting by his carriage, [that] we durst haue resisted, hauing, euen till that present, not beene contradicted, especially them of Paspahegh: these Indians within one houre, hauing by other Saluages then in the Fort, vnderstood that I threatened to be reuenged, came presently of themselues, and fell to working vpon our wears which were then in hand by other Saluages: who seeing their pride so incountred, were so submissiue, and willing to doe any thing as might be. And with trembling feare desired to be friends, within three daies after. From Nawsamond, which is 30. miles from vs, the King sent vs a Hatchet which they had stollen from vs at our being there the messenger, as is the custome, also wee well rewarded and contented. : [1608] The twenty of Aprill [1608], being at worke, in hewing downe Trees, and setting Corne, an alarum caused vs [p. 409.] with all speede to take our armes, each expecting a new assault of the Saluages: but vnderstanding it [to be] a Boate vnder saile, our doubts were presently satisfied with the happy sight of Maister Nelson, his many perrills $ 105, 409.] of extreame stormes and tempests [passed], his ship well as his company could testifie, his care in sparing our 3 ENG. SCH. LIB. No. 16. 34 . Newes from Virginia. [2 June-13 Aug.1608J. Smith. [1608] [AP.105, 409.] Ipp.105, 409.] prouision was well: but the prouidence [provider] thereof, as also of our stones, Hatchets and other tooles (onely ours excepted) which of all the rest was most necessary: which might inforce vs to thinke [him] either a seditious traitor to our action, or a most vnconscionable deceiuer of our treasures. This happy arriuall of Maister Nelson in the Phenix, hauing beene then about three monethes missing after Captaine Nuports arriuall, being to all our expectations. lost albeit that now at the last, hauing beene long crossed with tempestuous weather and contrary winds, his so vnexpected comming did so rauish vs with ex- ceeding joy, that now we thought our selues as well fitted as our harts could wish, both with a competent number of men, as also for all other needfull prouisions, till a further supply should come vnto vs. Whereupon the first thing that was concluded was that my selfe and Maister Scriuener, should with 70. men goe with the best meanes we could prouide, to discouer beyond the Falls, as in our iudgements conueniently we might. Six or seauen daies we spent only in trayning our men to march, fight, and scirmish in the woods. Their willing minds to this action so quickned their vnder- standing in this exercise as, in all iudgements, wee were better able to fight with Powhatans whole force, in our order of battle amongst the Trees (for Thicks there is few) then the Fort was to repulse 400. at the first assault, with some tenne or twenty shot not knowing what to doe, nor how to vse a Piece. Our warrant being sealed, Maister Nelson refused to assiste vs with the voluntary Marriners and himself, as he promised, vnlesse we would stand bound to pay the hire for shippe and Marriners, for the time they stayed. And further there was some controuersie, through the diuersitie of Contrary opinions: some alleadging that how profitable, and to what good purpose soeuer our iourney should portend, yet our commission commanding no certaine designe, we should be taxed for the most indiscreete men in the world, besides the wrong we should doe to Captaine Nuport, to whom only all discoueries did belong, and to no other: 2 June-13 35 J. SmithAug.mith. Newes from Virginia. ] . Aug. 1608.The meanes for guides, besides the vncertaine courses of the riuer from which we could not erre much, each night would fortifie vs in two houres better then that they first called the Fort, their Townes vpon the riuer each within one dayes iourney of other, besides our ordinary prouision, might well be supposed to adde reliefe: for truck and dealing only, but in loue and peace, as with the rest. If they assalted vs, their Townes they cannot defend, nor their luggage so conuey that we should not. share: but admit the worst, 16. daies prouision we had of Cheese Oatmeale and bisket; besides our randevous we could, and might, haue hid in the ground. With sixe men, Captaine Martin would haue vndertaken it himselfe, leauing the rest to defend the Fort and plant our Corne. Yet no reason could be reason to proceede forward, though we were going aboard to set saile. These dis- contents caused so many doubts to some, and discourage- ment to others, as our iourney ended. Yet some of vs procured petitions to set vs forward, only with hope of our owne confusions [disasters in the expedition]. Our next course was to turne husbandmen, to fell Trees and set Corne. Fiftie of our men we imployed in this seruice; the rest kept the Fort, to doe the command of the president and Captaine Martin. 30. dayes [? from 4 May to 2 June 1608] the ship [the Phanix] lay expecting the triall of certain matters which for some cause I keepe priuate. The next exploit was an Indian hauing stolen an Axe, was so pursued by Maister Scriuener and them next him, as he threw it downe: and flying, drew his bow at any that durst incounter him. [1608] Within foure or fiue dayes after, Maister Scriuener and I, being a litle from the Fort, among the Corne, two [pp.106, 410.j Indians, each with a cudgell, and all newly painted with Terrasigillata, came circling about me as though they would have clubed me like a hare. I knew their faining loue is towards me not without a deadly hatred: but to preuent the worst, I calling maister Scriuener retired to the Fort. The Indians seeing me suspect them, with good tearmes, asked me for some of their men whom they would beate ; 36 J. Smith. ne-13 Aug. 1608. Newes from Virginia. [2 [1608] [p.106, 410.] and went with me into our Fort. Finding one that lay ordinarily with vs, only for a spie; they offered to beat him. I in perswading them to forbeare, they offered to beginne with me; being now foure: for two other arrayed in like manner, came in on the other side the Fort. Wherevpon I caused to shut the Ports, and appre- hend[ed] them. The president and Counsell, being presently acquainted, remembring at the first assault [p. 7], they came in like manner, and neuer else but against [for] some villanie, concluded to commit them to prison, and expect the euent. Eight more we ceazed at that present. An houre after came three or foure other strangers extraordinarily fitted with arrowes, skinnes, and shooting gloues their iealousie and feare bewrayed their bad intent, as also their suspitious departure. The next day, came first an Indian, then another, as Embassadors for their men. They desired to speake with me. Our discourse was, that what Spades, Shouells, swords, or tooles they had stolne to bring home: if not, the next day, they should hang The next newes was, they had taken two of our men ranging in the woods (which mischiefe no punishment will preuent but hanging): and these they would, should redeeme their owne 16. or 18.; thus brauing vs to our doores. We desired the president, and Captaine Martin, that afternoone to sally vpon them, that they might but know what we durst do: and at night, mand our Barge, and burnt their Townes, and spoiled and destroyed what we could. But they brought our men, and freely deliuered them. The president released one. The rest we brought well guarded, to Morning and Euening prayers. Our men all in armes, their trembling feare then caused them to[o] much sorrow, which till then scoffed and scorned at what we .durst doe. The Counsell concluded, that I should terrifie them with some torture, to know if I could know their intent. The next day, I bound one in hold [confinement] to the maine Mast [i.e., of the Phoenix]: and presenting sixe Muskets with match in the cockes, forced him to desire life. To answere my demaunds he could not: but one 2 June-13 Aug. J. Smith37 . Newes from Virginia. . 1608of his Comouodos was of the counsell of Paspahegh, that could satisfie me: I releasing him out of sight, I affrighted the other, first with the rack, then with Muskets; which seeing, he desired me to stay, and hee would confesse to this execution. Maister Scriuener came, his discourse was to this effect. That Puspehegh, the Chickahamaniar, Youghtanum, Pamaunka, Mattapanient, and Kiskiack: these Nations were al[1] together a hunting that tooke me [pp. 15, 70, 152]. Paspahegh and Chicahamanya had entended to surprise vs at worke, to haue had our tools. Powhatan and al his would seeme friends, till Captaine Nuports returne, that he had againe his man, which he called Namontack: where, with a great feast, hee would so en- amor Captain Nuport and his men, as they should ceaze on him. And the like traps would be laied for the rest. This trap for our tooles, we suspected [to be] the chiefe occasion that foure daies before, Powhatan had sent the boy [Thomas Salvage, pp. 27 and 31], he had to vs, with many Turkies to Maister Scriuener and me: vnderstanding I would go vp vnto his Countries to destroy them; and he doubted [feared] it the more, in that I so oft practised my men, whose shooting he heard to his owne lodging, that much feared his wiues and children. We sent him word, we entended no such thing, but only to goe to Powhatan, to seeke stones to make Hatchets; except his men shot at vs, as Paspahegh had told vs they would: which if they did shoote but one arrowe, we would destroy them. And, least this mischiefe might happen, sent the boy [Thomas Salvage] to acquaint him thus much; and request[ed] him to send vs Weanock, one of his subiects for a guide. The boy he returned backe with his Chest and apparell, which then we had giuen him: desiring another for him. The cause was, he was practising with the Chikahamanias, as the boy suspected some villanie, by their extraordinary resort and secret conference, from whence they would send him. The boy we keepe. Now we would send him many messengers and presents, the guide we desired he sent vs : and withall requested vs to returne him, either the boy or some other. But none he could haue. And that day these [1608] 38 J. Smith. June-13 Aug. 1608. Newes from Virginia. [2 Jun [1608] 410.] Indians were apprehended, his sonne with others that had loaded at our Fort, returned, and being out of the Fort, rayled on me, to diuers of our men, to be enemies to him, and to the Chika[ha]manias. Not long after, Weanock that had bin with us for our guide, whom wee kept to haue conducted vs in another iourny, with a false excuse returned: and secretly after him, Amocis the Paspaheyan, who alwaies they kept amongst vs for a spie, whom, the better to auoide suspi- tion, presently after they came to beate away: These presumptions induced me to take any occasion, not onely to try the honesty of Amocis the spie, but also the meaning of these cunning trickes of their Emperour of Powhatan; whose true meaning Captaine Martin most confidently pleaded. The confession of Macanoe, which was the counseller of Paspahegh: first I, then Maister Scriuener, vpon their seuerall examinations, found by them all confirmed, that Paspahegh and Chickahammania did hate vs, and intended. some mischiefe: and who they were that tooke me [p. 15]; the names of them that stole our tooles and swords, and that Powhatan receiued them they all agreed. Certaine vollies of shot we caused to be discharged, which caused each other to think that their fellowes had beene slaine. : Powhatan vnderstanding we detained certaine Saluages, [106-107, sent [i.e., in May 1608] his Daughter, a child of tenne yeares. old which, not only for feature, countenance, and propor- tion, much exceedeth any of the rest of his people but for wit and spirit, [is] the only Nonpariel of his Country. This hee sent by his most trustie messenger, called Rawhunt, as much exceeding in deformitie of person; but of a subtill wit and crafty vnderstanding. [/. 415.] He, with a long circumstance, told mee, how well Powhatan loued and respected mee; and in that I should not doubt any way of his kindnesse, he had sent his child, which he most esteemed, to see me; a Deare and bread besides, for a present: desiring me that the Boy [Thomas Salvage] might come againe, which he loued exceedingly. His litle Daughter hee had taught this lesson also, not taking notice at all of the Indeans that had beene prisoners three daies, till that morning that she saw their fathers :39 ] Newes from Virginia. J. Smith. 2 June-13 Aug. 1603. and friends come quietly, and in good tearmes to entreate their libertie. Opechankanough sent also vnto vs, that for his sake, we would release two that were his friends: and for a token, sent me his shooting Gloue and Bracer, which the day our men was taken vpon; separating himselfe from the rest a long time, intreated to speake with me, where in token of peace, he had preferred me the same. Now all [1608] of them hauing found their peremptorie conditions but to increase our malice; which they seeing vs begin to threaten to destroy them, as familiarly as before, without suspition or feare, came amongst vs, to begge libertie for their men. In the afternoone, they being gone, we guarded them as before to the Church; and after prayer, gaue them to Pocahuntas, the Kings Daughter, in regard of her fathers (pp.107, 410.] kindnesse in sending her. After hauing well fed them, as all the time of their imprisonment, we gaue them their bowes, arrowes, or what else they had; and with [their] much content, sent them packing. Pocahuntas also we requited with such trifles as contented her, to tel that we had vsed the Paspaheyans very kindly in so releasing them. The next day, we had suspition of some other practise for an Ambuscado; but perfectly wee could not discouer it. Two daies after, a Paspaheyan came to shew vs a glister- ing Mineral stone, and with signes demonstrating it to be in great aboundance like vnto Rockes: with some dozen more, I was sent to seeke to digge some quantitie, and the Indean to conduct me. But suspecting this some trick to delude vs, for to get some Copper of vs; or with some ambuscado to betray vs, seeing him falter in his tale, being two miles on our way, [we] led him ashore: where abusing vs from place to place, and so seeking either to haue drawne vs with him into the woods, or to haue giuen vs the slippe; I shewed him [the] Copper, which I promised to haue giuen him, if he had performed his promise. But for his scoffing and abusing vs, I gaue him twentie lashes with a Rope; and his bowes and arrowes, bidding him shoote if he durst: and so let him goe. In all this time, our men being all or the most part well 40 . Newes from Virginia. June-13 Aug. [2 June- . J. Smith[1608] recouered, and we not willing to trifle 1608away more time. then necessitie enforced vs vnto: we thought good, for the better content of the aduenturers, in some reasonable sort to fraight home Maister Nelson, with Cedar wood. About which, our men going with willing minds, [it] was in very good time effected, and the ship sent for England [on 2nd June 1608, see p. 109]. Wee now remaining being in good health, all our men wel contented, free from mutinies, in loue one with another, and as we hope in a continuall peace with the Indians: where we doubt not but by Gods gracious assistance, and the aduenturers willing minds and speedie futherance to so honorable an action, in after times to see our Nation to enioy a Country, not onely exceeding pleasant for habitation, but also very profitable for comerce in generall; no doubt pleasing to almightie God, honour- able to our gracious Soueraigne, and commodious generally to the whole Kingdome. FINIS. A MAP OF VIRGINIA. VVITHA DESCRIPTI- ON OF THE COVNTREY, THE Commodities, People, Govern- ment and Religion. VVritten by Captaine SMITH, sometimes Go- vernour of the Countrey. WHEREVNTO IS ANNEXED THE proceedings of those Colonies, since their first departure from England, with the discourses, Orations, and relations of the Salvages, and the accidents that befell them in all their Iournies and discoveries TAKEN FAITHFVLLY AS THEY were written out of the writings of DOCTOR RVSSELL. RICHARD WIEFIN THO. STV DLEY. ANAS TODKILL. IEF FRA ABOT. • WILL. PHETTIPLACE. NATHANIEL POVV E L L. RICHARD POTS. And the relations of divers other diligent observers there present then, and now many of them in England. By VV. S. AT OXFORD, Printed by Joseph Barnes. 1612. 42 [The first part of this Work is evidently an expanded and revised text of that" Mappe of the Bay and Rivers, with an annexed Relation of the Countries and Nations that inhabit them (p. 444), which President JOHN SMITH sent home, about November 1608, to the Council in London, as the result of his explorations in Chesapeake Bay in the previous summer. That this book of travels &c. should have been printed at the Oxford University Press is a most singular fact. The Earl of LEICESTER, then Chancellor of the University, gave, in 1585, that University a new printing press: and JOSEPH BARNES was, at the same time, appointed University Printer, which office he held till his death, about 1617. The hand printing presses in England were jealously registered, and locked up every night, to prevent surreptious printing; all through the lifetime of our Author: and the Company of Stationers of London especially watched with a keen jealousy the printing operations of the two Universities of Cambridge and Oxford, who each possessed a single hand press. See W. HERBERT's edition of J. AMES's Typo- graphical Antiquities, iii, 1398, Ed. 1790, 4to. This solitary hand printing press at Oxford, usually produced sermons, theological and learned Works, &c.; in the midst of which, this book of travels crops up in a startling manner. Why could not, or would not SMITH get it printed in London? Had the revision of its second Part by the Rev. Dr. SIMMONDS anything to do with the printing at Oxford? Who was T. ABBAY, who risked the expense of publication? These nuts we must leave for others to crack. Of course, being printed at Oxford, this book was not registered at Stationers' Hall, London. For its bibliography, see p. cxxx: from which it would appear, that, while the eight other Works of Captain SMITH have been reprinted once or oftener during the last century, this is the first reprint of the Map of Virginia as it originally appeared. It is sometimes misnamed the Oxford tract; but it is rather a book than a tract.] 43 חייו TO THE HAND. East I should wrong any in dedicating this [1612] Booke to one: I have concluded it shal be particular to none. I found it only dedi- cated to a Hand, and to that hand I addresse it. Now for that this businesse is common to the world, this booke may best satisfie the world, because it was penned in the Land it treateth of. If it bee disliked of men, then I would recommend it to women, for being dearely bought, and farre sought, it should be good for Ladies. When all men reiected Chris- topher Collumbus: that ever renowned Queene Izabell of Spaine, could pawne her Iewels to supply his wants; whom all the wise men (as they thought themselues) of that age contemned. I need not say what was his worthinesse, her noblenesse, and their ignorance, that so scornefully did spit at his wants, seeing the whole world is enriched with his golden fortunes. Cannot this successfull example moue the incredulous of this time, to consider, to conceaue, and apprehend Virginia, which might be, or breed vs a second India? hath not England an Izabell, as well as Spaine, nor yet a Collumbus as well as Geneua? yes surely it hath, whose desires are no lesse then was worthy Collumbus, their certainties more, their ex- periences no way wanting, only there wants but an Izabell, so it were not from Spaine. T. A. 44 [1607-9] Because many doe desire to knowe the maner of their language, I haue inserted these few words. K A ka torawincs yowo. What call you this. Nemarough. a man. Crenepo. a woman. Marowanchesso. a boy. Yehawkans. Houses. Matchcores. Skins, or garments. Mockasins. Shooes. Tussan. Beds. Pokatawer. Fire. Attawp. A bowe. Attonce. Arrowes. Monacookes. Swords. Aumoughhowgh. A Target. Pawcussacks. Gunnes. Tomahacks. Axes. Tockahacks. Pickaxes. Pamesacks. Kniues. Accowprets. Sheares. Pawpecones. Pipes. Mattassin. Copper. Vssawassin. Iron, Brasse, Silver, or any white metal. Musses. Woods. Attasskuss. Leaues, weeds, or grasse. Chepsin. Land. Shacquohocan. A stone. Wepenter, a cookold. Suckahanna. Water. J. Smith. 1612. 45 Vocabulary of Indian words, &c.] 1 [1607-9] Noughmass. Fish. Copotone. Sturgion. Weghshaughes. Flesh. Sawwehone. Bloud. Netoppew. Friends. Marrapough. Enimies. Maskapow. The worst of the enimies. Mawchick chammay. The best of friends. Casacunnakack, peya quagh acquintan vttasantasough. In how many daies will there come hether any more English ships? Necut. I. Ningh. 2. Nuss. 3. Yowgh. 4. Their numbers. Paranske. 5. Comotinch. 6. Toppawoss. 7. Nusswash. 8. Kekatawgh. 9. Keskeke. [10.1 They count no more but by tennes as followeth. Case, how many. Ninghsapooeksku. 20. Nussapooeksku. 30. Yowghapooeksku. 40. Parankestassapooeksku. 50. Comatinchtassapooeksku. 60. Nussswashtassapooeksku. 80. Toppawousstassapoocksku. 70. Kekataughtassapooeksku. 90. Necuttoughtysinough. 100. Necuttwcvnquaough. 1000. Rawcosowghs. Daies. Keskowghes. Sunnes. Toppquough. Nights. Nepawweshowghs. Moones, 46 J. Smith. 1612. [Vocabulary of Indian words, &c. [1607-9] Pawpaxsoughes. Yeares. Pummahump Starres. Osies. Heavens. Okes. Gods. Quiyoughcosucks. Pettie Gods, and their affinities. Righcomoughes. Deaths. Kekughes. Liues. Mowchick woyawgh tawgh noeragh kaquere mecher. I am verie hungrie ? what shall I eate? Tawnor nehiegh Powhatan. where dwels Powwhatan. Mache, nehiegh yowrowgh, orapaks. Now he dwels a great way hence at orapaks. Vttapitchewayne anpechitchs nehawper werowacomoco. You lie, he staide ever at werowocomoco. Kator nehiegh mattagh neer vttapitchewayne. Truely he is there I doe not lie. Spaughtynere keragh werowance mawmarinough kekatenwawgh peyaquaugh. Run you then to the king mawmarynough and bid him come hither. Vtteke, e peya weyack wighwhip. Get you gone, and come againe quickly. Kekaten pokahontas patiaquagh niugh tanks manotyens neer mowchick rawrenock audowgh. Bid Pokahontas bring hither two little Baskets, and I wil giue her white beads to make her a chaine. FINIS, 47 THE DESCRIPTION OF VIRGINIA BY CAPTAINE Smith. latitude. [p. 343.] IRGINIA is a Country in America, that [1607-9] lyeth betweene the degrees of 34 and 44 The of the north latitude. The bounds thereof on the East side are the great Ocean. On the South lyeth Florida : on the North nova Francia. As for the West thereof, the limits are vnknowne. Of all this country wee purpose not to speake, but only of that part which was planted by the English men in the yeare of our Lord, 1606 [i.e., according to the old style of reckoning the year from the 25th of March; Smith, therefore, here means the winter of 1606-7]. And this is under the degrees 37. 38. and 39. The temperature of this countrie doth agree well with English constitutions being once seasoned to the country. Which appeared by this, that though by many occasions our people fell sicke; yet did they recover by very small meanes and continued in health, though there were other great causes, not only to haue made them sicke, but even to end their daies, &c. The tem- perature. The sommer is hot as in Spaine; the winter colde as in (344) Fraunce or England. The heat of sommer is in Iune, Iulie, and August, but commonly the coole Breeses asswage the vehemencie of the heat. The chiefe of winter is halfe December, Ianuary, February, and halfe March. The colde is extreame sharpe, but here the proverbe is true that no extreame long continueth. 48 J. Smith 1612. The voyages and discoveries of [1607-9] In the yeare 1607[-8]. was an extraordinary frost in most of Europe, and this frost was founde as extreame in Virginia. But the next yeare for 8. or 10. daies of ill weather, other 14 daies would be as Sommer. The windes. The entrances. The windes here are variable, but the like thunder and lightning to purifie the aire, I haue seldome either seene or [2] heard in Europe. From the Southwest came the greatest gustes with thunder and heat. The Northwest winde is commonly coole, and bringeth faire weather with it. From the North is the greatest cold, and from the East and South-East as from the Barmadas, fogs and raines. Some times there are great droughts, other times much raine, yet great necessity of neither, by reason we see not but that all the variety of needfull fruits in Europe may be there in great plenty by the industry of men, as appeareth by those we there planted. There is but one entraunce by sea into this country, and that is at the mouth of a very goodly Bay, the widenesse whereof is neare 18. or 20. miles. The cape on the South Cape Henry. side is called Cape Henry in honour of our most noble Prince. The shew of the land there, is a white hilly sand like vnto the Downes, and along the shores great plentie of Pines and Firres. Cape Charles. The country. [ė. 345.] The north Cape is called Cape Charles in honour of the worthy Duke of Yorke. Within is a country that may haue the prerogatiue over the most pleasant places of Europe, Asia, Africa, or America, for large and pleasant navigable rivers: heaven and earth never agreed better to frame a place for mans habitation being of our constitutions, were it fully manured and inhabited by industrious people. Here are mountaines, hils, plaines, valleyes, rivers and brookes all running most pleasantly into a faire Bay compassed but for the mouth with fruitfull and delightsome land. In the Bay and rivers are many Isles both great and small, some woody, some plaine, most of them low and not inhabited. This Bay lieth North and South in which the water floweth neare 200 miles and hath a channell for 140 miles, of depth betwixt 7 and 15 fadome, holding in breadth for the most part 10 or 14 miles. From the head of the Bay at the north, the land is mounta[i]nous, and so in a J. Smith49 1612. Captaine Iohn Smith in Virginia. . manner from thence by a Southwest line; So that the [1607-9] more Southward, the farther of[f] from the Bay are those. mountaines. From which, fall [3] certaine brookes, which after come to fiue principal navigable rivers. These run from the Northwest into the South east, and so into the west side of the Bay, where the fall of every River is within 20 or 15 miles one of an other. taines. The mountaines are of diverse natures, for at the head The morn of the Bay the rockes are of a composition like miln- stones. Some of marble, &c. And many peeces of christall we found as throwne downe by water from the mountaines. For in winter these mountaines are covered with much snow, and when it dissolveth the waters fall with such violence, that it causeth great inundations in the narrow valleyes which yet is scarce perceived being once in the rivers. These waters wash from the rocks such glistering tinctures that the ground in some places seemeth as guilded, where both the rocks and the earth are so splendent to behold, that better iudgements then ours might haue beene perswaded, they contained more then probabilities. The vesture of the earth in most places doeth mani- The soile. festly proue the nature of the soile to be lusty and very rich. The coulor of the earth we found in diverse places, resembleth bole Armoniac, terra sigillata ad lemnia, Fullers earth, marle, and divers other such appearances. But generally for the most part the earth is a black sandy mould, in some places a fat slimy clay, in other places a very barren gravell. But the best ground is knowne by the vesture it beareth, as by the greatnesse of trees or abundance of weedes, &c. The country is not mounta[i]nous nor yet low but such The vallyes. pleasant plaine hils and fert[i]le valleyes, one prettily crossing an other, and watered sc conveniently with their sweete brookes and christall springs, as if art it selfe had devised them. By the rivers are many plaine marishes containing Plaines. some 20, some 100, some 200 Acres, some more, some [. 346.] lesse. Other plaines there are fewe, but only where the Savages inhabit: but all overgrowne with trees and weedes. being a plaine wildernes as God first made it. On the west side of the Bay, wee said were 5. faire and ENG. SCH. LIB. No. 16. 4 • 1 50 1612. The voyages and discoveries of . [J. Smith. [1607-9] [4] delightfull navigable rivers, of which wee will nowe proceed to report. The river Powhatan. The branches. James Towne. [P. 347.] The first of those rivers and the next to the mouth of the Bay, hath his course from the West and by North. The name of this river they call Powhatan accor[ding] to the name of a principall country that lieth vpon it. The mouth of this river is neere three miles in breadth, yet doe the shoules force the Channell so neere the land that a Sacre will overshoot it at point blanck. This river is navigable 100 miles, the shouldes and soundings are here needlesse to bee expressed. It falleth from Rockes farre west in a country inhabited by a nation that they call Monacan. But where it commeth into our discoverie it is Powhatan. In the farthest place that was diligently observed, are falles, rockes, showles, &c., which makes it past navigation any higher. Thence in the running downeward, the river is enriched with many goodly brookes, which are main- tained by an infinit number of small rundles and pleasant springs that disperse themselues for best service, as doe the vaines of a mans body. From the South there fals into this river. First the pleasant river of Apamatuck: next more to the East are the two rivers of Quiyoughcohanocke. A little farther is a Bay wherein falleth 3 or 4 prettie brookes and creekes that halfe intrench the Inhabitants of Warraskoyac; then the river of Nandsamund, and lastly the brooke of Chisapeack. From the North side is the river of Chickahamania, the backe river of Iames Towne; another by the Cedar Isle where we lived 10 weekes vpon oisters, then a convenient. harbour for fisher boats or smal boats at Kecoughtan, that so conveniently turneth it selfe into Bayes and Creeks. that make that place very pleasant to inhabit, their corne- fields being girded therein in a manner as Peninsulaes. The most of these rivers are inhabited by severall nations, or rather families. [which are] Of the name of the rivers. They haue also in every of those places some. Gouernour, as their king, which they call Werowances. In a Peninsula on the North side of this river are the English planted in a place by them called Iames [5] Towne, in honour of the Kings most excellent Maiestie : vpon which side are also many places vnder the Werowances. J. Smith51 1612Captaine Iohn Smith in Virginia. " . .severall in- The first and next the rivers mouth, are the Kecoughtans, [1607-9] who besides their women and children, haue not past The 20. fighting men. The Paspaheghes, on whose land is habitants. seated the English Colony, some 40. miles from the Bay, haue not passed 40. The river called Chickahamania [has] neere 200. The Weanocks 100. The Arrowhatocks 30. The place called Powhatan, some 40. On the South side [of] this river, the Appamatucks haue 60 fighting men. The Quiyougcohanocks, 25. The Warraskoyacks 40. The Nandsamunds 200. The Chesapeacks are able to make 100. Of this last place the Bay beareth the name. In all these places is a severall commander, which they call Werowance, except the Chickhamanians, who are governed by the Priestes and their Assistants of their Elders called Caw-cawwassoughes. In somer no place affordeth more plentie of Sturgeon, nor in winter more abundance of fowle, especially in the time of frost. There was once taken 52 Sturgeons at a draught, at another draught 68. From the later end of May till the end of June are taken few, but yong Sturgeons of 2 foot or a yard long. From thence till the midst of September, them of 2 or three yards long and fewe others. And in 4 or 5 houres with one nette were ordinarily taken 7 or 8: often more, seldome lesse. In the small rivers all the yeare there is good plentie of small fish, so that with hookes those that would take paines had sufficient. mavnke. Foureteene miles Northward from the river Powhatan, R. Pa is the river Pamavnke, which is navigable 60 or 70 myles, but with Catches and small Barkes 30 or 40 myles farther. At the ordinary flowing of the salt water, it divideth it selfe into two gallant branches. habitants On the South side inhabit the people of Youghtanund, The in- who haue about 60 men for warres. On the North branch Mattapament, who haue 30 men. Where this river is divided, the Country is called Pamavnke [6], and nourisheth neere 300 able men. About 25 miles lower on the North side of this river is Werawocomoco, where their great King inhabited when Captain Smith was deliuered him prisoner; yet there are not past 40 able men. But now he hath abandoned that, and liueth at Orapakes by Youghtanund in the wildernesse. 10 or 12 myles lower, } 52 . The voyages and discoveries of 1612[J. Smith. [P. 348.] [1607-0] on the South side of this river is Chiskiack, which hath some 40 or 50 men. These, as also Apamatuck, Irrohatock, and Powhatan, are their great kings chiefe alliance and inhabitance. The rest (as they report) his Conquests. Fayanka- tank, R Toppa- hanock, R. The inhabitants Patawemek R. The inhabitants Before we come to the third river that falleth from the mountaines, there is another river (some 30 myles navigable) that commeth from the Inland: the river is called Payankatanke, the Inhabitants are about some 40 service- able men. The third navigable riuer is called Toppahanock. (This is navigable some 130 myles.) At the top of it inhabit the people called Mannahoackes amongst the mountaines, but they are aboue the place we describe. Vpon this river on the North side are seated a people called Cuttatawomen, with 30 fighting men. Higher on the riuer are the Moraughtacunds, with 80 able men. Beyond them Toppahanock with 100 men. Far aboue is another Cuttatawomen with 20 men. On the South, far within the river is Nautaughtacund hauing 150 men. This river also, as the two former, is replenished with fish and foule. The fourth river is called Patawomeke and is 6 or 7 miles in breadth. It is navigable 140 miles, and fed as the rest with many sweet rivers and springs, which fall from the bordering hils. These hils many of them are planted, and yeelde no lesse plenty and variety of fruit then the river exceedeth with abundance of fish. First on the This river is inhabited on both sides. South side at the very entrance is Wighcocomoco and hath some 130 men: beyond them Sekacawone with 30. The Onawmanient with 100. Then Patawomeke with 160 able men. Here doth the river divide it selfe into [7] 3 or 4 con- venient rivers; The greatest of the least is called Quiyongh [and] treadeth [? trendeth] north west, but the river it selfe turneth North east and is stil a navigable streame. On the westerne side of this bought is Tauxenent with 40 men. On the north of this river is Secowocomoco with 40 men. Some what further Potapaco with 20. In the East part of the bought of the river is Pamacacack with 60 men. After, Moyowances with 100. And lastly, Nacotchtanke with 80 able men. The river 10 miles aboue this place maketh J. Smith53 Smith.. Captaine Iohn Smith in Virginia. ] his passage downe a low pleasant vally overshaddowed [1607–9] in manie places with high rocky mountaines; from whence distill innumerable sweet and pleasant springs. R. The fifth river is called Pawtuxunt, and is of a lesse Pawtuxunt proportion then the rest; but the channel is 16 or 18 fadome deepe in some places. Here are infinit[e] skuls of [p. 349.] divers kinds of fish more then elsewhere. Vpon this river dwell the people called Acquintanacksuak, Pawtuxunt and Mattapanient. 200 men was the greatest strength that could bee there perceived. But they inhabit togither, and not so dispersed as the rest. These of al other were found the most civill to giue intertainement. Thirty leagues Northward is a river not inhabited, yet Bolus, R. navigable; for the red earth or clay resembling bole Armoniack, the English called it Bolus. the Bay. At the end of the Bay where it is 6 or 7 miles in breadth, The head of there fall into it 4 small rivers, 3 of them issuing from diverse bogges invironed with high mountaines. There is one that commeth du[e] north, 3 or 4. daies. iourn[e]y from the head of the Bay, and fals from rocks and mountaines. Vpon this riuer inhabit a people called Sasquesa. Sasquesahanock. hanock. They are seated 2 daies higher then was passage for the discoverers Barge, which was hardly 2 toons, and had in it but 12 men to perform this discouery, wherein they lay aboue the space of 12 weekes vpon those great waters in those vnknowne Countries, hauing nothing but a little meale or oatmeale and water to feed them; and scarse halfe sufficient of that for halfe that time, but that by the [8] Savages and by the plentie of fish they found in all places, they made themselues provision as opportunitie served; yet had they not a marriner or any that had skill to trim their sayles, vse their oares, or any businesse belonging to the Barge, but 2 or 3. The rest being Gentlemen or as ignorant in such toyle and labour: yet necessitie in a short time, by their Captaines diligence and example, taught them to become so perfect, that what they did by such small meanes, I leaue to the censure of [6.350.) the Reader to iudge by this discourse and the annexed Map. But to proceed, 60 of those Sasquesahanocks came to the discouerers with skins, Bowes, Arrowes, Targets, 54 . The voyages and discoveries of [J. . J. tion of a Sasquesa- hanough. SmithS1612[1607-9] Beads, Swords, and Tobacco pipes for presents. Such great and well proportioned men, are seldome seene, for they seemed like Giants to the English, yea and to the neighbours yet seemed of an honest and simple disposi- tion, [and they were] with much adoe restrained from adoring the discoverers as Gods. Those are the most strange people of all those Countries, both in language and attire; for their language it may well beseeme their The descrip- proportions, sounding from them, as it were a great voice in a vault, or caue, as an Eccho. Their attire is the skinnes of Beares and Woolues, some haue Cassacks made of Beares heades and skinnes that a mans necke goes through the skinnes neck, and the eares of the beare fastned to his shoulders behind, the nose and teeth hang- ing downe his breast, and at the end of the nose hung a Beares Pawe: the halfe sleeues comming to the elbowes were the neckes of Beares and the armes through the mouth, with pawes hanging at their noses. One had the head of a Woolfe hanging in a chaine for a lewell; his Tobacco pipe 3 quarters of a yard long, prettily carued with a Bird, a Beare, a Deare, or some such devise at the great end, sufficient to beat out the braines of a man: with bowes, and arrowes, and clubs, su[i]table to their greatnesse and conditions. [p. 384.] [A. 351.] These are scarse knowne to Powhatan. They can make neere 600 able and mighty men, and are pallisadoed in their Townes to defend them from [9] the Massawomekes their mortall enimies. 5 of their chiefe Werowances came aboard the discoverers, and crossed the Bay in their Barge. The picture of the greatest of them is signified in the Mappe. The calfe of whose leg was 3 quarters of a yard about : and all the rest of his limbes so answerable to that pro- portion, that he seemed the goodliest man that euer we beheld. His haire, the one side was long, the other shore close with a ridge over his crown like a cocks combe. His arrowes were fiue quarters [of a yard] long, headed with flints or splinters of stones, in forme like a heart, an inch broad, and an inch and a halfe or more long. These hee wore in a woolues skinne at his backe for his quiver, his bow in the one hand and his clubbe in the other, as is described. J. Smith55 1612. Captaine Iohn Smith in Virginia. . R. Rapa- On the East side the Bay is the river of Tockwhogh, and [1607-9] vpon it a people that can make 100 men, seated some 7 Tockwhogh. miles within the river : where they haue a Fort very wel pallisadoed and mantelled with the barke of trees. Next to them is Ozinies with 60 men. More to the South of that East side of the Bay, the river of Rapahanock; neere hanock R. vnto which is the river of Kuskarawaock, vpon which is Kuskara- seated a people with 200 men. After that is the river of waock. R. Tants Wighcocomoco, and on it a people with 100 men. The people of those rivers are of little stature, of another language from the rest, and very rude. But they on the river of Acohanock with 40 men, and they of Accomack Accomack. [with] 80 men, doth equalize any of the Territories of Powhatan and speake his language; who over all those doth rule as king. Wighococo- moco. R. R. Southward they went to some parts of Chawonock and Chawonoeck. the Mangoags, to search [for] them there left by Sir Walter Raleigh; for those parts to the Towne of Chisapeack, hath (p. 312.] formerly been discovered by Maister Heriots and Sir Ralph Layne. languages. Amongst those people are thus many severall nations The several of sundry languages, that environ Powhatans Terri- tories. The Chawonokes, the Mangoags, the Monacans, the Mannahokes, the Masawomekes, the Powhatans, the Sasquesahanocks [10], the Atquanachukes, the Tockwoghes, and the Kuscarawaokes. Al those not any one vnder- standeth another but by Interpreters. Their severall habitations are more plainly described by this annexed Mappe, which will present to the eie, the way of the P. 384.] mountaines and current of the riuers, with their seuerall turnings, bays, shoules, Isles, Inlets, and creekes, the breadth of the waters, the distances of places and such like. In which Mappe obserue this, that as far as you see the little Crosses on riuers, mountaines, or other places, haue beene discovered; the rest was had by information of the Savages, and are set downe according to their instructions. 56 Smith. 1612. The voyages and discoveries of [1607-9] [P. 352.] Why there is little grasse. Of such things which are naturall in Virginia and how they use them. irginia doth afford many excellent vegitables and liuing Creatures, yet grasse there is little or none but what groweth in lowe Marishes : for all the Countrey is overgrowne with trees, whose droppings continually turneth their grasse to weedes, by reason of the rancknesse of the ground; which would soone be amended by good husbandry. The wood that is most common is Oke and Walnut many of their Okes are beare two foot and a halfe square of good timber for 20 yards long. Of this wood there is 2 or 3 seuerall kinds. The Acornes of one kind, whose barke is more white then the other, is some- what sweetish; which being boyled halfe a day in severall waters, at last afford a sweete oyle, which they keep in goards to annoint their heads and ioints. The fruit they eate, made in bread or otherwise. Woods with so tall and straight, that they will their fruits. Elme. Walnuts. Supposed Cypres Mulberies. Chestnuts. There is also some Elme, some black walnut tree, and some Ash of Ash and Elme they make sope Ashes. If the trees be very great, the ashes will be good, and melt to hard lumps: but if they be small, it will be but powder, and not so good as the other. Of walnuts there is 2 or 3 kindes: there is a kinde of wood we called Cypres, because both the wood, the fruit, and leafe did most resemble it; and of those trees there are [11] some neere 3 fadome about at the root, very straight, and 50, 60, or 80 foot without a braunch. By the dwelling of the Savages are some great Mulbery trees; and in some parts of the Countrey, they are found growing naturally in prettie groues. There was an assay made to make silke, and surely the wormes prospered excellent well, till the master workeman fell sicke: during which time, they were eaten with rats. In some parts, were found some Chestnuts whose wild fruit equalize the best in France, Spaine, Germany, or Italy, to their tast[e]s that had tasted them all. Plumbs there are of 3 sorts. The red and white are J. SmithCaptaine Iohn Smith in Virginia. J612. . 57 E like our hedge plumbs: but the other, which they call [1607-9] Putchamins, grow as high as a Palmeta. The fruit is like [. 353.1 a medler; it is first greene, then yellow, and red when it is ripe : if it be not ripe it will drawe a mans mouth awrie with much torment; but when it is ripe, it is as delicious as an Apricock. They haue Cherries, and those are much like a Damsen; Cherries. but for their tastes and colour, we called them Cherries. We see some few Crabs, but very small and bitter. Of vines, [there is] great abundance in many parts, that Vines climbe the toppes of the highest trees in some places, but these beare but fewe grapes. But by the riuers and Savage[s] habitations where they are not overshadowed from the sunne, they are covered with fruit, though never pruined nor manured. Of those hedge grapes, wee made neere 20 gallons of wine, which was neare as good as your French Brittish wine, but certainely they would proue good were they well manured. There is another sort of grape neere as great as a Cherry, this they call Messaminnes; they bee fatte, and the iuyce. thicke neither doth the tast so well please when they are made in wine. quamens They haue a small fruit growing on little trees, husked Chechin- like a Chesnut, but the fruit most like a very small acorne. This they call Chechinquamins, which they esteeme a great daintie. They haue a berry much like our gooseberry, in greatnesse, colour, and tast; those they call [12] Rawco- Rawcomenes, and doe eat them raw or boyled. mens How they use their Of these naturall fruits they liue a great part of the yeare, which they vse in this manner. The walnuts, fruits Chesnuts, Acornes, and Chechinquamens are dryed to keepe. When they need them, they breake them betweene two stones, yet some part of the walnut shels will cleaue to the fruit. Then doe they dry them againe vpon a mat ouer a hurdle. After, they put it into a morter of wood, and beat it very small that done, they mix it with water, that the shels may sinke to the bottome. This water will be Walnut coloured as milke; which they cal Pawcohiscora, and keepe it for their vse. The fruit like medlers, they call Putchamins, they cast vppon hurdles on a mat, and preserue them as Pruines. miike. 58 . The voyages and discoveries of 1612[J. Smith. [A. 354-] [1607-9] Of their Chesnuts and Chechinquamens boyled 4 houres, they make both broath and bread for their chiefe men, or at their greatest feasts. Gummes. Cedars. Saxafras trees. Berries. Maioume. Straw- berries Hearts. Rootes. Besides those fruit trees, there is a white populer, and another tree like vnto it, that yeeldeth a very cleere and an odoriferous Gumme like Turpentine, which some called Balsom. There are also Cedars and Saxafras trees. They also yeeld gummes in a small proportion of themselues. Wee tryed conclusions to extract it out of the wood, but nature afforded more then our arts. In the wat[e]ry valleyes groweth a berry, which they call Ocoughtanamnis, very much like vnto Capers. These they dry in sommer. When they will eat them, they boile them neare halfe a day; for otherwise they differ not much from poyson. Mattoume groweth as our bents do in meddows. The seede is not much vnlike to rie, though much smaller. This they vse for a dainty bread buttered with deare suet. During Somer there are either strawberries which ripen in April; or mulberries which ripen in May and Iune. Raspises hurres; or a fruit that the Inhabitants call Maracocks, which is a pleasant wholsome fruit much like a lemond. Many hearbes in the spring time there are commonly dispersed throughout the woods, good for brothes and sallets, as Violets, Purslin, Sorrell, &c. Besides many we vsed whose [13] names we know not. The chiefe roote they haue for foode is called Tocka- whoughe. It groweth like a flagge in low muddy freshes. In one day a Savage will gather sufficient for a weeke. These rootes are much of the greatnes and taste of Potatoes. They vse to couer a great many of them with oke leaues and ferne, and then couer all with earth in the manner of a colepit; over it, on each side, they continue a great fire 24 houres before they dare eat it. Raw it is no better then poison, and being roasted, except it be tender and the heat abated, or sliced and dried in the sun, mixed with sorrell and meale or such like, it will prickle and torment the throat extreamely, and yet in sommer they vse this ordinarily for bread. J. Smith59 1612. Captaine Iohn Smith in Virginia. . a Root. small They haue an other roote which they call wighsacan: as [1607-9 th[e]other feedeth the body, so this cureth their hurts Wighsacan and diseases. It is a small root which they bruise and 355.1 apply to the wound. Pocones is a small roote that groweth Pocones a in the mountaines, which being dryed and beate in powder Roote. turneth red and this they vse for swellings, aches, annointing their ioints, painting their heads and garments. They account it very pretious and of much worth. Musquaspenne is a roote of the bignesse of a finger, and as Musquas red as bloud. In drying, it will wither almost to nothing. tenne, a This they vse to paint their Mattes, Targets, and such like. Root. There is also Pellitory of Spaine, Sasafrage, and diuers Pellitory. other simples, which the Apothecaries gathered, and com- Sasafrage mended to be good and medicinable. In the low Marishes, growe plots of Onyons containing onyons. an acre of ground or more in many places; but they are small, not past the bignesse of the Toppe of ones Thumbe. beasts are Of beastes the chiefe are Deare, nothing differing from ours. Theirchiefe In the deserts towards the heads of the riuers, ther[e] are many, but amongst the riuers few. Deare There is a beast they call Aroughcun, much like a badger, Aroughcun. but vseth to liue on trees as Squirrels doe. Their Squirrels Squirrels. some as neare as greate as [14] our smallest sort of wilde rabbits; some blackish or blacke and white, but the most are gray. a Squirrel A small beast they haue, they call Assapanick, but we Assapanick call them flying squirrels, because spreading their legs, flying and so stretching the largenesse of their skins that they haue bin seene to fly 30 or 40 yards. An Opassom Opassom. hath an head like a Swine, and a taile like a Rat, and is of the bignes of a Cat. Vnder her belly shee hath a bagge, wherein shee lodgeth, carrieth, and sucketh her young. Mussascus is a beast of the forme and nature of our water Mussascus. Rats, but many of them smell exceeding strong of muske. Their Hares [are] no bigger then our Conies, and few of them to be found. an Beaver Their Beares are very little in comparison of those of Beares. Muscovia and Tartaria. The Beaver is as bigge as The ordinary water dogge, but his legges exceeding short. His fore feete like a dogs, his hinder feet like a Swans. 60 1612. The voyages and discoveries of [J. . J. Smith[/. 356.] Otters. [1607-9] His taile somewhat like the forme of a Racket bare with- out haire; which to eate, the Savages esteeme a great delicate. They haue many Otters, which, as the Beavers, they take with snares, and esteeme the skinnes great ornaments; and of all those beasts they vse to feede, when they catch them. l'etchun- quoyes. Foxes. Dogges. There is also a beast they call Vetchunquoyes in the forme of a wilde Cat. Their Foxes are like our siluer haired Conies, of a small proportion, and not smelling like those in England. Their Dogges of that country are like their Wolues, and cannot barke but howle; and their wolues [are] not much bigger then our English Foxes. Martins, Powlecats, weessels and Minkes we know they haue, because Weesels, and we haue seen many of their skinnes, though very seldome any of them aliue. Martins. Polcats. Minkes. Birds. Fish But one thing is strange, that we could never perceiue their vermine destroy our hennes, egges, nor chickens, nor do any hurt nor their flyes nor serpents [to be] anie waie pernitious; where [as] in the South parts of America, they are alwaies dangerous and often deadly. Of birds, the Eagle is the greatest devourer. Hawkes there be of diuerse sorts as our Falconers called them, Sparowhawkes [15], Lanarets, Goshawkes, Falcons and Osper- ayes; but they all pray most vpon fish. Patrridges there are little bigger then our Quailes, wilde Turkies are as bigge as our tame. There are woosels or blackbirds with red shoulders, thrushes, and diuerse sorts of small birds, some red, some blew, scarce so bigge as a wrenne, but few in Sommer. In winter there are great plenty of Swans, Craynes gray and white with blacke wings, Herons, Geese, Brants, Ducke, Wigeon, Dotterell, Oxeies, Parrats, and Pigeons. Of all those sorts great abundance, and some other strange kinds, to vs unknowne by name. But in sommer not any, or a very few to be seene. Of fish we were best acquainted with Sturgeon, Grampus, Porpus, Seales, Stingraies whose tailes are very dangerous. Brettes, mullets, white Salmonds, Trowts, Soles, Plaice, Herrings, Conyfish, Rockfish, Eeles, Lampreyes, Catfish, Shades, Pearch of 3 sorts, Crabs, Shrimps, Creuises, J. Smith61 1612. Captaine Iohn Smith in Virginia. . Oysters, Cocles, and Muscles. But the most strange fish [1607-9] is a smal one so like the picture of S. George his Dragon, as possible can be, except his legs and wings: and the t. 357.] To[a]defish which will swell till it be like to brust, when it commeth into the aire. Concerning the entrailes of the earth little can be saide The Rocks. for certainty. There wanted good Refiners: for these that tooke vpon them to haue skill this way, tooke vp the washings from the mounetaines and some moskered shin- ing stones and spangles which the waters brought down; flattering themselues in their own vaine conceits to haue bin supposed that they were not, by the meanes of that ore, if it proued as their arts and iudgements expected. Only this is certaine, that many regions lying in the same latitude, afford mines very rich of diuerse natures. The crust also of these rockes would easily perswade a man to beleeue there are other mines then yron and steele, if there were but meanes and men of experience that knew the mine from spare. [16] We Of their Planted fruits in Virginia and how they use them. Hey diuide the yeare into 5. seasons. Their winter some call Popanow, the spring Cattapeuk, the sommer Cohattayough, the earing of their Corne Nepinough, the haruest and fall of leafe Taquitock. From September vntill the midst of Nouember are the chiefe Feasts and sacrifice. Then haue they plenty of fruits as well planted as naturall, as corne greene and ripe, fish, fowle, and wilde beastes exceeding fat. How they yeare. divide the prepare the The greatest labour they take, is in planting their corne, How they for the country naturally is ouergrowne with wood. To ground prepare the ground they bruise the barke of the trees neare the root, then do they scortch the roots with fire that they grow no more. 62 . The voyages and discoveries of 1612• . Smith[1607-9] A. 358.] How they plant How they use their corne. The next yeare with a crooked peece of wood, they beat vp the woodes by the rootes; and in that [those] moulds, they plant their corne. Their manner is this. They make a hole in the earth with a sticke, and into it they put 4 graines of wheat and 2 of beanes. These holes they make 4 foote one from another. Their women and children do continually keepe it with weeding, and when it is growne midle high, they hill it about like a hop-yard. In Aprill they begin to plant, but their chiefe plantation is in May, and so they continue till the midst of Iune. What they plant in Aprill they reape in August, for May in September, for Iune in October. Every stalke of their corne commonly beareth two eares, some 3, seldome any 4, many but one, and some none. Every eare ordinarily hath betwixt 200 and 500 graines. The stalke being green hath a sweet iuice in it, somewhat like a suger Cane, which is the cause that when they gather their corne greene, they sucke the stalkes: for as wee gather greene pease, so doe they their corne being greene, which excelleth their old. They plant also pease they cal Assentamens, which are the same they cal in Italye, Fagioli. Their Beanes are the same the Turkes call Garnanses, but these they much esteeme for dainties. [17] Their corne they rost in the eare greene, and bruis- ing it in a morter with a Polt, lappe it in rowles in the leaues of their corne, and so boyle it for a daintie. They also reserue that corne late planted that will not ripe[n], by roasting it in hot ashes, the heat thereof drying it. In winter they esteeme it being boyled with beans for a rare dish, they call Pausarowmena. Their old wheat they first steep a night in hot water, in the morning pounding it in a morter. They vse a small basket for their Temmes, then pound againe the great, and so separating by dashing their hand in the basket, receaue the flower in a platter made of wood scraped to that forme with burning and shels. Tempering this flower with water, they make it either in cakes, couering them with ashes till they bee baked, and then washing them in faire water, they drie presently with their owne heat: or else J. Smith. 1612. 63 Captaine Iohn Smith in Virginia. boyle them in water eating the broth with the bread which [1607–9] they call Ponap. The grouts and peeces of the cornes remaining, by fan- ning in a Platter or in the wind away the branne, they boile 3 or 4 houres with water; which is an ordinary food they call Vstatahamen. But some more thrifty then cleanly, doe burne the core of the eare to powder which tẻ. 359.) they call Pungnough, mingling that in their meale; but it never tasted well in bread, nor broth. use their Their fish and flesh they boyle either very tenderly, or How they broyle it so long on hurdles over the fire; or else, after fish and the Spanish fashion, putting it on a spit, they turne first flesh. the one side, then the other, til it be as drie as their ierkin beefe in the west Indies, that they may keepe it a month or more without putrifying. The broth of fish or flesh they eate as commonly as the meat. fruits. In May also amongst their corne, they plant Pumpeons, Planted and a fruit like vnto a muske millen, but lesse and worse; which they call Macocks. These increase exceedingly, and ripen in the beginning of Iuly, and continue vntil September. They plant also Maracocks a wild fruit like a lemmon, which also increase infinitely: they begin to ripe[n] in September [18] and continue till the end of October. When all their fruits be gathered, little els they plant, and this is done by their women and children; neither doth this long suffice them: for neere 3 parts of the yeare, they only obserue times and seasons, and liue of what the Country naturally affordeth from hand to mouth, &c. The commodities in Virginia or that had by industrie. may be he mildnesse of the aire, the fertilitie of the soile, and the situation of the rivers are so propitious to the nature and vse of man as no place is more convenient for pleasure, profit, and mans sustenance. Vnder that latitude or climat, here will liue 64 . The voyages and discoveries of 1612[J. Smith. A proofe cattell will iine well. [1607-9] any beasts, as horses, goats, sheep, asses, hens, &c. as appeared by them that were carried thither. The waters, Isles, and shoales, are full of safe harbours for ships of warre or marchandize, for boats of all sortes, for transpor- tation or fishing, &c. [p. 360.] The com- modities. The Bay and riuers haue much marchandable fish and places fit for Salt coats, building of ships, making of iron, &c. Muscovia and Polonia doe yearely receaue many thou- sands, for pitch, tarre, sope ashes, Rosen, Flax, Cordage, Sturgeon, masts, yards, wainscot, Firres, glasse, and such like; also Swethland for iron and copper. France in like manner, for Wine, Canvas, and Salt; Spaine asmuch for Iron, Steele, Figges, Reasons, and Sackes. Italy with Silkes and Velvets, consumes our chiefe commodities. Hol[land maintaines it selfe by fishing and trading at our owne doores. All these temporize with other for necessi- ties, but all as vncertaine as peace or warres: besides the charge, travell, and danger in transporting them, by seas, lands, stormes, and Pyrats. Then how much hath Virginia the prerogatiue of all those florishing kingdomes for the benefit of our land, whenas within one hundred miles. all those are to bee had, either ready provided by nature, or else to bee prepared, were there but industrious men to labour. Only of Copper wee may doubt is wanting, but there is good probabilitie that [19] both copper and better munerals are there to be had for their labor. Other Coun- tries haue it. So then here is a place a nurse for souldiers, a practise for marriners, a trade for marchants, a reward for the good, and that which is most of all, a businesse (most acceptable to God) to bring such poore infidels to the true knowledge of God and his holy Gospell. شوهو J. Smith65 1612Captaine Iohn Smith in Virginia. :. . ] Of the naturall Inhabitants of Virginia. umbers. he land is not populous, for the men be fewe; [1607-9] their far greater number is of women and children. Within 60 miles of Iames Towne The there are about some 5000 people, but of able men fit for their warres scarse 1500. To nourish so many together they haue yet no means, because they make so smal a benefit of their land, be it never so fertill. seen when they 6 or 700 haue beene the most [that] hath beene seene were the together, when they gathered themselues to haue surprised most were Captaine Smyth at Pamavnke, hauing but 15 to withstand together, the worst of their furie [p. 457]. As small as the pro- thoght to portion of ground that hath yet beene discouered, is in have comparison of that yet vnknowne. The people differ Captaine very much in stature, especially in language, as before is a descrip- expressed. surprised Smith. A tion of the people. Some being very great as the Sesquesahamocks, others. 361.1 very little as the Wighcocomocoes: but generally tall and straight, of a comely proportion, and of a colour browne when they are of any age, but they are borne white. Their haire is generally black; but few haue any beards. The men weare halfe their heads shaven, the other halfe long. Theirl For Barbers they vse their women, who with 2 shels will grate away the haire, of any fashion they please. The women are cut in many fashions agreeable to their yeares, but ever some part remaineth long. They are very strong, of an able body and full of agilitie, able to endure to lie in the woods vnder a tree by the fire, in the worst of winter, or in the weedes and grasse, in Ambuscado in the Sommer. barbers Their] tion. constitu dispositio: They are inconstant in everie thing, but what feare con- The[ir] straineth them to keepe. Craftie, [20] timerous, quicke of apprehension and very ingenuous. Some are of disposition. fearefull, some bold, most cautelous, all Savage. Generally covetous of copper, beads, and such like trash. They are soone moved to anger, and so malitious, that they seldome forget an iniury: they seldome steale one from another, least their coniurers should reueale it, and so they be pursued and punished. That they are thus feared is ENG. SCH. LIB. No. 16 5 66 I. Smith 1612. The voyages and discoveries of [1607-9] certaine, but that any can reueale their offences by con- iuration I am doubtfull. Their women are careful not to bee suspected of dishonesty without the leaue of their husbands. The[ir] possessions Their attire. Each houshold knoweth their owne lands and gardens, and most liue of their owne labours. For their apparell, they are some time couered with the skinnes of wilde beasts, which in winter are dressed with the haire, but in sommer without. The better sort vse large mantels of deare skins not much differing in fashion. from the Irish mantels. Some imbrodered with white beads, some with copper, other painted after their manner. But the common sort haue scarce to cover their naked- nesse but with grasse, the leaues of trees, or such like. We haue seen some vse mantels made of Turky feathers, so prettily wrought and wouen with threeds that nothing 1. 362.] could bee discerned but the feathers, that was exceeding warme and very handsome. But the women are alwaies couered about their midles with a skin and [are] very shamefast to be seene bare. Their ornaments They adorne themselues most with copper beads and paintings. Their women some haue their legs, hands, brests and face cunningly imbrodered with diuerse workes, as beasts, serpentes, artificially wrought into their flesh with blacke spots. In each eare commonly they haue 3 great holes, whereat they hange chaines, bracelets, or copper. Some of their men weare in those holes, a smal greene and yellow coloured snake, neare halfe a yard in length, which crawling and lapping her selfe about his necke often times familiarly would kiss his lips. Others wear a dead Rat tied by the tail. Some on their heads weare the wing of a bird or some large feather, with a Rattell [21]. Those Rattels are somewhat like the chape of a Rapier but lesse, which they take from the taile of a snake. Many haue the whole skinne of a hawke or some strange fowle, stuffed with the wings abroad. Others a broad peece of copper, and some the hand of their enemy dryed. Their heads and shoulders are painted red with the roote Pocone braied to powder mixed with oyle; this they hold in somer to preserue them from the heate, and in winter from the cold. Many other formes of paintings they vse, J. Smith. 1612. 67 Captaine Iohn Smith in Virginia. but he is the most gallant that is the most monstrous to [1607–9] behould. Their buildings and habitations are for the most part by Their the riuers or not farre distant from some fresh spring. buildings Their houses are built like our Arbors of small young springs [? sprigs] bowed and tyed, and so close covered with mats or the barkes of trees very handsomely, that not- withstanding either winde raine or weather, they are as warme as stooues, but very smoaky; yet at the toppe of the house there is a hole made for the smoake to goe into right over the fire. Against the fire they lie on little hurdles of Reedes Their covered with a mat, borne from the ground a foote and lodgings. more by a hurdle of wood. On these round about the house, they lie heads and points one by th[e] other against the fire: some covered with mats, some with skins, and some starke naked lie on the ground; from 6 to 20 in a house. Their houses are in the midst of their fields or gardens; [ƒ. 363.] which are smal plots of ground, some 20 [acres p. 363], Their some 40, some 100. some 200. some more, some lesse. Some gardens times from 2 to 100 of these houses [are] togither, or but a little separated by groues of trees. Neare their habitations is [but] little small wood, or old trees on the ground, by reason of their burning of them for fire. So that a man may gallop a horse amongst these woods any waie, but where the creekes or Rivers shall hinder. use their Men women and children haue their severall names How they according to the seuerall humor of their Parents. Their children. women (they say) are easilie deliuered of childe, yet doe they [22] loue children verie dearly. To make them hardy, in the coldest mornings they wash them in the riuers, and by painting and ointments so tanne their skins, that after year or two, no weather will hurt them. The men bestowe their times in fishing, hunting, wars, and such manlike exercises, scorning to be seene in any woman like exercise; which is the cause that the women be verie painefull and the men often idle. The women and children do the rest of the worke. They make mats, baskets, pots, morters; pound their corne, make their bread, prepare their victuals, plant their corne, gather their corne, beare al kind of burdens, and such like. The of their industry women. t 68 . The voyages and discoveries of 1612J. Smith. [1607-9] How they strike fire. Their order of diet. [p. 364.] How they make their bowes and arrowes. Their kniues. Their Targets and Swords. Their fire they kindle presently by chafing a dry pointed sticke in a hole of a little square peece of wood, that firing it selfe, will so fire mosse, leaues, or anie such like drie thing that will quickly burne. In March and Aprill they liue much vpon their fishing, weares; and feed on fish, Turkies and squirrels. In May and Iune they plant their fieldes; and liue most of Acornes, walnuts, and fish. But to mend their diet, some disperse themselues in small companies, and liue vpon fish, beasts, crabs, oysters, land Torteyses, strawberries, mulberries, and such like. In Iune, Iulie, and August, they feed vpon the rootes of Tocknough, berries, fish, and greene wheat. It is strange to see how their bodies alter with their diet; euen as the deare and wilde beastes, they seeme fat and leane, strong and weak. Powhatan their great king and some others that are provident, rost their fish and flesh vpon hurdles as before is expressed, and keepe it till scarce times. For fishing and hunting and warres they vse much their bow and arrowes. They bring their bowes to the forme of ours by the scraping of a shell. Their arrowes are made, some of straight young sprigs, which they head with bone some 2 or 3 inches long. These they vse to shoot at squirrels on trees. An other sort of arrowes they vse, made of reeds. These are peeced with wood, headed with splinters [23] of christall or some sharpe stone, the For his spurres of a Turkey, or the bill of some bird. knife, he hath the splinter of a reed to cut his feathers in forme. With this knife also, he will ioint a Deare or any beast; shape his shooes, buskins, mantels, &c. To make the noch of his arrow hee hath the tooth of a Beuer set in a sticke, wherewith he grateth it by degrees. His arrow head he quickly maketh with a little bone, which he ever weareth at his bracer, of any splint of a stone, or glasse in the forme of a hart; and these they glew to the end of their arrowes. With the sinewes of Deare, and the tops of Deares hornes boiled to a ielly, they make a glew that will not dissolue in cold water. For their wars also they vse Targets that are round and made of the barkes of trees, and a sworde of wood at their J. Smith69 1612. Captaine Iohn Smith in Virginia. . backs, but oftentimes they vse for swords the horne of a [1607–9] Deare put through a peece of wood in forme of a Pickaxe. Some, a long stone sharpened at both ends vsed in the same manner. This they were wont to vse also for hatchets, but now by trucking they haue plenty of the same forme, of yron. And those are their chiefe instruments and armes. Their fishing is much in Boats. These they make of Their boats. one tree by bowing [? burning] and scratching away the coles with ston[e]s and shels till they haue made it in forme of a Trough. Some of them are an elne deepe, and 40 or 50 foot in length, and some will beare 40 men; but the most ordinary are smaller, and will beare 10, 20, or 30. according to their bignes. Insteed of oares, they vse paddles and sticks, with which they will row faster then our Barges. Betwixt their hands and thighes, their women vse to How they spin the barks of trees, deare sinews, or a kind of grasse they call Pemmenaw; of these they make a thred very (p. 365.). even and readily. This thred serveth for many vses, as about their housing, apparell; as also they make nets for fishing, for the quantity as formally braded as ours. They make also with it lines for angles. spin. Their hookes are either a bone grated, as they nock their Their arrows, in the forme of a crooked pinne or fishhook; or of fiskhookes. the splinter [24] of a bone tied to the clift of a litle stick, and with the ende of the line, they tie on the bate. They vse also long arrowes tyed in a line wherewith they shoote at fish in the rivers. But they of Accawmack vse staues like vnto Iavelins headed with bone. With these they dart fish swimming in the water. They haue also many artificiall weares in which they get abundance of fish. In their hunting and fishing they take extreame paines; yet it being their ordinary exercise from their infancy, they esteeme it a pleasure and are very proud to be expert therein. And by their continuall ranging, and travel, they know all the advantages and places most frequented with Deare, Beasts, Fish, Foule, Rootes, and Berries. their huntings they leaue their habitations, and reduce How they themselues into companies, as the Tartars doe, and goe to the most desert places with their families, where they spend their time in hunting and fowling vp towards the At hunt : 70 . The voyages and discoveries of Smith[J. . ། 1612[1607–9] mountaines, by the heads of their riuers, where there is plentie of game. For betwixt the rivers, the grounds are so narrowe, that little commeth there which they devoure not. It is a marvel they can so directly passe these deserts, some 3 or 4 daies iourney without habitation. Their hunting houses are like vnto Arbours couered with mats. These their women beare after them, with Corne, Acornes, Morters, and all bag and baggage they vse. When they come to the place of exercise, euery man doth his best to shew his dexteritie, for by their excelling in those qualities, they get their wiues. Forty yards will they shoot leuell, or very neare the mark, and 120 is their best at Random. At their huntings in the deserts they are commonly 2 or 300 together. Hauing found the Deare, they enuiron them with many fires, and betwixt the fires they place themselues. And some take their stands in the midst. The Deare being thus feared by the fires and their voices, they chace them so long within that circle, that many times they kill 6, 8, 10, or 15 at a hunting. They vse also to driue them into some narrowe point of land, [25] when they find that aduantage; and so force them into the riuer, where with their boats they haue Ambuscadoes to kill them. When they haue shot a Deare by land, they follow him like blood hounds by the blood and straine, and oftentimes so take them. Hares, Pattridges, Turkies, or Egges, fat or leane, young or old, they devoure all they can catch in their power. [p. 366.] One Savage hunting alone. In one of these huntings, they found Captaine Smith in the discoverie of the head of the river of Chickahamania, where they slew his men, and tooke him prisoner in a Bogmire; where he saw those exercises, and gathered these observations. One Savage hunting alone, vseth the skinne of a Deare slit on the one side, and so put on his arme, through the neck, so that his hand comes to the head which is stuffed ; and the hornes, head, eies, eares, and every part as arte- ficially counterfeited as they can devise. Thus shrowding his body in the skinne, by stalking he approacheth the Deare, creeping on the ground from one tree to another. If the Deare chance to find fault, or stande at gaze, hee turneth the head with his hand to his best advantage to J. Smith71 1612. Captaine Iohn Smith in Virginia. . sultations. seeme like a Deare, also gazing and licking himselfe. So [1607-9] watching his best aduantage to approach, hauing shot him, hee chaseth him by his blood and straine till he get him. When they intend any warres, the Werowances vsually Their con haue the advice of their Priests and Coniurers, and their Allies and ancient friends; but chiefely the Priestes determine their resolution. Every Werowance, or some lustie fellow, they appoint Captaine over every nation. They seldome make warre for lands or goods, but for women and children, and principally for revenge. They haue many enimies, namely all their westernely Countries Their beyond the mountaines, and the heads of the rivers. enimies Vpon the head of the Powhatans are the Monacans, whose chiefe habitation is at Russawmeake; vnto whome the Mouhemenchughes, the Massinnacacks, the Monahassanuggs, and other nations, pay tribut[e]s. Vpon the head of the river of Toppahanock is a [26] people called Mannahoacks. To these are contributers the Tauxsnitanias, the Shackaconias, the Outponcas, the Tego- [ 367.] neaes, the Whonkentyaes, the Stegarakes, the Hassinnungas, and diuerse others; all confederats with the Monacans, though many different in language, and be very barbarous, living for most part of wild beasts and fruits. inckes. Beyond the mountaines from whence is the head of the Massawo. river Patawomeke, the Savages report, inhabit their most mortall enimies, the Massawomekes vpon a great salt water, which by all likelyhood is either some part of Commada [i.e., Canada], some great lake, or some inlet of some sea that falleth into the South sea. These Massawomekes are a great nation and very populous. For the heads of all those riuers, espe cially the Pattawomckes, the Pautuxuntes, the Sasquesahanocks, the Tockwoughes, are continually tormented by them: of whose crueltie, they generally complained, and very impor- tunate they were with Captaine Smith and his company, to free them from these tormentors. To this purpose, they subiection. offered food, conduct, assistance, and continuall subiection. To which he concluded to effect. But the counsell [Council] then present, emulating his successe, would not thinke it fit to spare him 40 men to be hazarded in those vnknowne regions; hauing passed (as before was spoken of) but with 12, and so was lost that opportunitie. Their offer of 72 1612. The voyages and discoveries of . J. Smith[1607-9] Seaven boats full of these Massawomcks the discouerers. encountred at the head of the Bay; whose Targets, Baskets, Swords, Tobaccopipes, Platters, Bowes and Arrowes, and euery thing shewed, they much exceeded them of our parts: and their dexteritie in their small boats made of the barkes of trees sowed with barke, and well luted with gumme, argueth that they are seated vpon some great water. Their manner of battell. [p. 368.] Against all these enimies the Powhatans are constained sometimes to fight. Their chiefe attempts are by Strata- gems, trecheries, or surprisals. Yet the Werowances, women and children, they put not to death; but keepe them Captiues. They haue a method in warre, and for our pleasures [27], they shewed it vs; and it was in this manner performed at Mattapanient. Having painted and disguised themselues in the fiercest. manner they could devise, they divided themselues into two Companies, neare a 100 in a company. The one com- pany called Monacans, the other Powhatans. Either army had their Captaine. These as enimies tooke their stands a musket shot one from another; ranked themselves 15 a breast, and each ranke from another 4 or 5 yards; not in fyle, but in the opening betwixt their fyles, so as the Reare could shoot as conueniently as the Front. Hauing thus pitched the fields; from either part went a Messenger with these conditions: that whosoever were vanquished, such as escape, vpon their submission in 2 daies after, should liue; but their wiues and children. should be prize for the Conquerers. The messengers were no sooner returned, but they approached in their orders. On each flanke a Sarieant, and in the Reare an officer for levitenant, all duly keeping their orders, yet leaping and singing after their accustomed tune, which they vse only in warres. Vpon the first flight of arrowes, they gaue such horrible shouts and screeches, as though so many infernall helhounds could not haue made them more terrible. When they had spent their arrowes, they ioined together prettily, charging and retiring, every ranke seconding other. As they got advantage, they catched their enimies by the haire of the head; and downe he came that was J. Smith. 1612. 73 Captaine Iohn Smith in Virginia. taken. His enimie with his wooden sword seemed to [1607-9] beat out his braines, and still they crept to the Reare, to maintaine the skirmish. The Monacans decreasing, the Powhatans charged them. in the forme of a halfe moone: they vnwilling to be inclosed, fled all in a troope to their Ambuscadoes, on whome they led them very cunningly. The Monacans disperse themselues among the fresh men, wherevpon the Powhatans retired with al speed to their seconds; which the Monacans seeing, took that advantage to retire againe to their owne battell, and so each [28] returned to their owne quarter. All their actions, voices and gestures, both in charging and retiring, were so strained to the hight of their quallitie and nature, that the strangenes thereof made it seem very delightfull. Musicke For their musicke they vse a thicke cane, on which they Their pipe as on a Recorder. For their warres, they haue a great deepe platter of wood. They cover the mouth thereof with a skin, at each corner they tie a walnut, which meet- [p. 369.] ing on the backside neere the bottome, with a small rope they twitch them togither till it be so tought and stiffe, that they may beat vpon it as vpon a drumme. But their chiefe instruments are Rattels made of small gourds or Pumpion shels. Of these they haue Base, Tenor, Counter- tenor, Meane and Trible. These mingled with their voices sometimes 20 or 30 togither, make such a terrible noise as would rather affright then delight any man. entertain- ment. If any great commander arriue at the habitation of a Their Werowance, they spread a mat as the Turkes do a carpet, for him to sit vpon. Vpon an other right opposite they sit themselues. Then doe all with a tunable voice of showting bid him welcome. After this, doe 2. or more of their chiefest men make an oration, testifying their loue. Which they do with such vehemency and so great passions, that they sweate till they drop; and are so out of breath they can scarce speake. So that a man would take them to be exceeding angry or starke mad. Such victuall as they haue, they spend freely; and at night where his lodging is appointed, they set a woman fresh painted red with Pocones and oile, to be his bedfellow. 74 J. Smith. 1612. The voyages and discoveries of [1607-9] Their manner of trading is for copper, beades, and such Their trade. like; for which they giue such commodities as they haue, as skins, fowle, fish, flesh, and their country corne. But their victuall is their chiefest riches. Their phisicke. Their Every spring they make themselues sicke with drinking the iuice of a root they call wighsacan, and water; whereof they powre so great a quantity, that it purgeth them in a very violent maner; so that in 3 or 4 daies after, they scarce [29] recover their former health. Sometimes they are troubled with dropsies, swellings, chirurgery aches, and such like diseases; for cure wherof they build a stoue in the form of a douehouse with mats, so close that a fewe coales therein covered with a pot, will make the pacient sweate extreamely. For swellings also they vse smal peeces of touchwood, in the forme of cloues, which pricking on the griefe, they burne close to the flesh, and from thence draw the corruption with their mouth. With this root wighsacan they ordinarily heal greene wounds: but to scarrifie a swelling or make incision, their best instruments are some splinted stone. Old vlcers or putri- fied hurtes are seldome seene cured amongst them. [/. 370.] Their charmes to cure. They haue many professed Phisitions, who with their charmes and Rattels, with an infernall rowt of words and actions, will seeme to sucke their inwarde griefe from their navels or their grieved places; but of our Chirurgians they were so conceipted, that they beleeued any Plaister would heale any hurt. Of their Religion. here is yet in Virginia no place discouered to bee so Savage in which the Savages haue not a religion, Deare, and Bow and Arrowes. All thinges that were able to do them hurt beyond their prevention, they adore with their kinde of divine worship; as the fire, water, lightning, thunder, our ordinance, peeces, horses, &c. J. Smith75 1612. . Captaine Iohn Smith in Virginia. But their chiefe God they worship is the Diuell. Him [1607–9] they call Oke and serue him more of feare than loue. Their God. They say they haue conference with him, and fashion themselues as neare to his shape as they can imagine. In their Temples, they haue his image euill favouredly carued, and then painted and adorned with chaines, copper, and beades; and couered with a skin, in such manner as the deformity may well suit with such a God. bury their By him is commonly the sepulcher of their kings. How they Their bodies are first bowelled, then dryed vpon hurdles kings. till they bee verie dry, and so about the most of their iointes and necke they hang bracelets or chaines of copper, pearle, and such like, [30] as they vse to weare: their inwards they stuffe with copper beads and couer with a skin, hatchets, and such trash. Then lappe they them [p. 371.) very carefully in white skins, and so rowle them in mats for their winding sheetes. And in the Tombe, which is an arch made of mats, they lay them orderly. What remaineth of this kinde of wealth their kings haue, they set at their feet in baskets. These Temples and bodies are kept by their Priests. For their ordinary burials, they digge a deep hole in the earth with sharpe stakes; and the corp[s]es being lapped in skins and mats with their iewels, they lay them vpon sticks in the ground, and so couer them with earth. The buriall ended, the women being painted all their faces with black cole and oile, doe sit 24 howers in the houses mourning and lamenting by turnes, with such yelling and howling as may expresse their great passions. Their burials. ordinary In every Territory of a werowance is a Temple and a Their Priest [or] 2 or 3 or more. Their principall Temple or place Temples. of superstition is at Vttamussack at Pamavnke, neare vnto which is a house Temple or place of Powhatans. Vpon the top of certaine redde sandy hils in the woods, there are 3 great houses filled with images of their kings and Divels and Tombes of their Predecessors. Those houses are neare 60 foot in length, built arbor wise, after their building. This place they count so holy as that [none] but the Priestes and kings dare come into them: nor the Savages dare not go vp the river in boats by it, but that they solemnly cast some peece of copper, white beads, or 76 . The voyages and discoveries of 1612[J. Smith. [1607-9] Poconcs, into the river, for feare their Okc should be offended and revenged of them. Their ornaments for their Priests [A. 372.] Their times of solemnities. In this place commonly is resident 7 Priests. The chiefe differed from the rest in his ornaments: but inferior Priests could hardly be knowne from the common people, but that they had not so many holes in their eares to hang their iewels at. The ornaments of the chiefe Priest was certain attires for his head made thus. They tooke a dosen or 16 or [31] more snake skins, and stuffed them with mosse; and of weesels and other vermine skins, a good many. All these they tie by their tailes, so as all their tailes meete in the toppe of their head, like a great Tassell. Round about this Tassell is as it were a crown of feathers; the skins hang round about his head necke and shoulders, and in a manner cover his face. The faces of all their Priests are painted as vgly as they can devise. In their hands, they had every one his Rattell, some base, some smaller [i.e.,lighter in sound]. Their devotion was most in songs which the chiefe Priest be- ginneth and the rest followed him: sometimes he maketh invocations with broken sentences, by starts and strange passions, and at every pause, the rest giue a short groane. It could not bee perceiued that they keepe any day as more holy then other: but only in some great distresse, of want, feare of enimies, times of triumph and gathering togither their fruits, the whole country of men women and The manner of children come togither to solemnities. their devotion is sometimes to make a great fire in the house or fields, and all to sing and dance about it, with rattles and shouts togither, 4 or 5 houres. Sometimes they set a man in the midst, and about him they dance and sing; he all the while clapping his hands as if he would keepe time. And after their songs and dauncings ended, they goe to their Feasts. They haue also diuers coniurations. One they made when Captaine Smith was their prisoner; (as they reported) to know if any more of his countrymen would ariue there, and what he there intended. The manner of it was thus. First they made a faire fire in a house. About this fire set 7 Priests setting him by them; and about the fire, J. Smith77 1612. . Captaine Iohn Smith in Virginia. they made a circle of meale. That done, the chiefe Priest [1607-9] attired as is expressed [above], began to shake his rattle; and the rest followed him in his song. At the end of the song, he laid downe 5 or 3 graines of wheat, and so con- tinued counting his songs by the graines, till 3 times they incirculed the fire. Then they divide [32] the graines. by certaine numbers with little stickes, laying downe at the ende of euery song a little sticke. In this manner, they sat 8, 10, or 12 houres without cease, with such strange stretching of their armes, and violent passions and gestures as might well seeme strange to him they so coniured; who but euery houre expected his end. Not any meat they did eat till, late in the evening, they had finished this worke: and then they feasted him. and themselues with much mirth. But 3 or 4 daies they continued this ceremony. They haue also certaine Altar stones they call Pawcorances: Their but these stand from their Temples, some by their altars. houses, other in the woodes and wildernesses. Vpon 373-1 these, they offer blood, deare suet, and Tobacco. These they doe when they returne from the warres, from hunting, and vpon many other occasions. They haue also another superstition that they vse in stormes, when the waters are rough in the riuers and sea coasts. Their Coniurers runne to the water sides, or passing in their boats, after many hellish outcries and invocations, they cast Tobacco, Copper, Pocones, and such trash into the water, to pacifie that God whome they thinke to be very angry in those stormes. Before their dinners and suppers, the better sort will take the first bit, and cast it in the fire; which is all the grace they are known to vse. Sacrifices water. to the solemne In some part of the Country, they haue yearely a Their sacrifice of children. Such a one was at Quiyoughcohanock, sacrifices of some 10 miles from Iames Towne, and thus performed. Fifteene of the properest young boyes, betweene 10 and 15 yeares of age, they painted white. Hauing brought them forth, the people spent the forenoone in dancing and singing about them with rattles. In the afternoone, they put those children to the roote of a tree. By them, all the men stood in a guard, every one children. 78 . The voyages and discoveries of 1612[J. Smith. [1607-9] hauing a Bastinado in his hand, made of reeds bound together. This [these] made a lane betweene them all along, through which there were appointed 5 young men [33] to fetch these children. So every one of the fiue went through the guard, to fetch a child, each after other by turnes: the guard fearelessly beating them with their Bastinadoes, and they patiently enduring and receauing all; defending the children with their naked bodies from the vnmercifull blowes they pay them soundly, though the children escape. All this while, the women weepe and crie out very passionately; prouiding mats, skinnes, mosse, and drie wood, as things fitting their childrens funerals. {P. 374.] Their resur• rection. After the children were thus passed the guard, the guard tore down the tree, branches and boughs, with such violence, that they rent the body, and made wreathes for their heads, or bedecked their haire with the leaues. What else was done with the children was not seene; but they were all cast on a heape in a valley, as dead: where they made a great feast for al the company. The Werowance being demanded the meaning of this sacrifice, answered that the children were not al dead, but [only] that the Oke or Divell did sucke the blood from their left breast [of those], who chanced to be his by lot, till they were dead. But the rest were kept in the wilder- nesse by the yong men till nine moneths were expired, during which time they must not conuerse with any and of these, were made their Priests and Coniurers. This sacrifice they held to bee so necessarie, that if they should omit it, their Oke or Divel and all their other Quiyoughcosughes (which are their other Gods) would let them haue no Deare, Turkies, Corne, nor fish: and yet besides, hee would make great slaughter amongst them. They thinke that their Werowances and Priestes, which they also esteeme Quiyoughcosughes, when they are dead, doe goe beyound the mountaines towardes the setting of the sun, and euer remaine there in forme of their Oke, with their heads painted with oile and Pocones, finely trimmed with feathers; and shal haue beades, hatchets, copper, and tobacco, doing nothing but dance and sing with all their Predecessors. J. Smith.] 79 Captaine Iohn Smith in Virginia. But the common people, they suppose [34] shall not [1607-9] liue after death. To diuert them from this blind idolatrie, many vsed their best indeauours, chiefly with the Werowances of Quiyoughcohanock; whose devotion, apprehension, and good disposition much exceeded any in those Countries: who though we could not as yet preuaile withall to for- sake his false Gods, yet this he did beleeue, that our God as much exceeded theirs, as our Gunnes did their Bowes and Arrows; and many times did send to the President, at Iames towne, men with presents, intreating them to pray to his God for raine, for his Gods would not send him any. And in this lamentable ignorance doe these poore soules sacrifice themselues to the Diuell, not knowing their Creator. Of the manner of the Virginians governement. A Ithough the countrie people be very barbarous; yet haue they amongst them such governement, as that their Magistrat[e]s for good command- ing, and their people for du[e] subiection and obeying, excell many places that would be counted very civill. The forme of their Common wealth is a monarchicall gouernement. One as Emperour ruleth ouer many kings or governours. Their chiefe ruler is called Powhatan, and taketh his name of the principall place of dwelling called Powhatan. But his proper name is Wahunsonacock. Some countries he hath, which haue been his ancestors, and came vnto him by inheritance, as the countrie called Powhatan, Arrohateck, Appamatuke, Pamavnke, Youghtanu[n]d, and Mattapanient. All the rest of his Territories expressed in the Map, they report haue beene his seuerall conquests. In all his ancient inheritances, hee hath houses built after their manner like arbours; some 30, some 40 yardes long; and at euery house, provision for his entertainement, according to the time. At Werowcomoco, he was seated vpon the North side of the riuer Pamavnke, some 14 miles 1. 375.] 80 . The voyages and discoveries of 1612[J. Smith. [1607-9] from Iames Towne ; where for the most part, hee was resi- dent, but he tooke so little pleasure in our neare neighbour- hood [35], that were able to visit him against his will in 6 or 7 houres, that he retired himself [in Jan. 1609, see þ. 146] to a place in the deserts at the top of the riuer Chickahamania betweene Youghtanund and Powhatan. His habitation there is called Orapacks, where he ordinarily now resideth. A descrip- tion of Powhatan. [p. 376.] ance and watch. He is of parsonage a tall well proportioned man, with a sower looke; his head somwhat gray, his beard so thinne that it seemeth none at al. His age neare 60; of a very His attend able and hardy body to endure any labour. About his person ordinarily attendeth a guard of 40 or 50 of the tallest men his Country doth afford. Every night vpon the 4 quarters of his house are 4 Sentinels, each standing from other a flight shoot: and at euery halfe houre, one from the Corps du guard doth hollowe; vnto whom every Sentinell doth answer round from his stand. If any faile, they presently send forth an officer that beateth him extreamely. His treasurie. His wines. A mile from Orapakes in a thicket of wood, hee hath a house, in which he keepeth his kind of Treasure, as skinnes, copper, pearle, and beades; which he storeth vp against the time of his death and buriall. Here also is his store of red paint for ointment, and bowes and arrowes. This house is 50 or 60 yards in length, frequented only by Priestes. At the 4 corners of this house stand 4 Images as Sentinels; one of a Dragon, another a Beare, the 3 like a Leopard, and the fourth like a giantlike man: all made euill favordly, according to their best workmanship. He hath as many women as he will: whereof when hee lieth on his bed, one sitteth at his head, and another at his feet; but when he sitteth, one sitteth on his right hand, and another on his left. As he is wearie of his women, hee bestoweth them on those that best deserue them at his hands. When he dineth or suppeth, one of his women, before and after meat, bringeth him water in a wo[o]den platter to wash his hands. Another waiteth with a bunch of feathers to wipe them insteed of a Towell, and the feathers when he hath wiped are dryed againe. J. Smith81 1612. . Captaine Iohn Smith in Virginia. successors His kingdome descendeth [36] not to his sonnes nor chil- [1607-9] dren but first to his brethren, whereof he hath 3. namely His Opitchapan, Opechancanough, and Catataugh; and after their decease to his sisters. First to the eldest sister, then to the rest and after them to the heires male and female of the eldest sister; but never to the heires of the males. His [Neither] He nor any of his people vnderstand any letters wherby to write or read; the only lawes whereby authority he ruleth is custome. Yet when he listeth, his will is a t. 377.1 law and must bee obeyed: not only as a king, but as halfe a God they esteeme him. His inferiour kings whom they cal werowances are tyed to rule by customes, and haue power of life and death as their command in that nature. But this word Werowance which we call and conster for a king, is a common worde whereby they call all commanders: for they haue but fewe words in their language, and but few occasions to vse anie officers more then one commander, which commonly they call werowances. They all knowe their severall landes, and habitations, and limits to fish, fowle, or hunt in: but they hold all of their great Werowances Powhatan, vnto whome they pay tribute of skinnes, beades, copper, pearle, deare, turkies, wild beasts, and corne. What he commandeth they dare not disobey in the least thing. It is strange to see with what great feare and adoration all these people doe obay this Powhatan. For at his feet, they present whatsoever he commandeth, and at the least frowne of his browe, their greatest spirits will tremble with feare: and no maruell, for he is very terrible and tyrannous in punishing such as offend him. The tenor [tenure] of their land For example, hee caused certaine malefactors to be His bound hand and foot, then hauing of many fires gathered of purish great store of burning coles, they rake these coles round mens in the forme of a cockpit, and in the midst they cast the offenders to broyle to death. Sometimes he causeth the heads of them that offend him, to be laid vpon the altar or sacrificing stone, and one with clubbes beates out their braines. When he would punish any notorious enimie or malefactor [37], he causeth him to be tied to a tree, and, with muscle shels or reeds, the executioner cutteth of[f} ENG. SCH. LIB. No. 16. 6 82 Smith. 1612. The voyages and discoveries of [J. S [1607-9] his ioints one after another, euer casting what they cut of[f] into the fire; then doth he proceed with shels and reeds to case the skinne from his head and face; then doe they rip his belly, and so burne him with the tree and all. 1.98, 395) Thus themselues reported they executed George Cassen. Their ordinary correction is to beate them with cudgels. Wee haue seene a man kneeling on his knees; and at Powhatans command, two men haue beat him on the bare skin, till he hath fallen senselesse in a s[w]ound, and yet [p. 378.] neuer cry nor complained. In the yeare 1608, hee surprised the people of Payankatank, his neare neighbours and subiects. The occasion was to vs vnknowne, but the manner was thus. First he sent diverse of his men as to lodge amongst them that night, then the Ambuscadoes inuironed al their houses, and at the houre appointed, they all fell to the spoile: 24 men they slewe, the long haire of the one side of their heades with the skinne cased off with shels or reeds, they brought away. They surprised also the women and the children and the Werowance. All these they present[ed] to Powha- tan. The Werowance, women and children became his prisoners, and doe him service. The lockes of haire with their skinnes he hanged on a line vnto two trees. And thus he made ostentation as of a great triumph at Werowocomoco; shewing them to the English men that then came vnto him, at his appoint- ment they expecting provision; he, to betray them [? Captain Smith's visit, 12 Jan. 1609, see p. 133] [and] supposed to halfe conquer them, by this spectacle of his terrible crueltie. And this is as much as my memory can call to mind worthie of note; which I haue purposely collected, to satisfie my friends of the true worth and qualitie of Virginia. Yet some bad natures will not sticke to slander the Countrey, that will slovenly spit at all things, especially in company where they can find none to contradict them. Who though they were scarse euer 10 miles from Iames Town, or at the most but at the falles; yet holding it a great disgrace that [38] amongst so much J. Smith.] 83 Captaine Iohn Smith in Virginia. action, their actions were nothing, exclaime of all things, [1607-9] though they never adventured to knowe any thing; nor euer did any thing but devoure the fruits of other mens labours. Being for most part of such tender educations and small experience in martiall accidents: because they found not English cities, nor such faire houses, nor at their cwne wishes any of their accustomed dainties, with feather beds and downe pillowes, Tavernes and alehouses in every breathing place, neither such plenty of gold and 【^. 379.) siluer and dissolute liberty as they expected, [they] had little or no care of any thing, but to pamper their bellies, to fly away with our Pinnaces, or procure their means to returne for England. For the Country was to them a miserie, a ruine, a death, a hell; and their reports here, and their owne actions there according. Some other there were that had yearely stipends to pass to and againe for transportation: who to keepe the mystery of the businesse in themselues, though they had neither time nor meanes to knowe much of themselues; yet al mens actions or relations they so formally tuned to the temporizing times simplicitie, as they could make their ignorances seeme much more then al the true actors could by their experience. And those with their great words deluded the world with such strange promises as abused the businesse much worse then the rest. For the busi- nesse being builded vpon the foundation of their fained experience, the planters, the mony, tinne [time], and meanes haue still miscaried: yet they ever returning, and the Planters so farre absent, who could contradict their excuses? which, stil to maintain their vaineglory and estimation, from time to time they haue vsed such diligence as made them passe for truthes, though nothing more false. And that the adventurers might be thus abused, let no man wonder; for the wisest liuing is soonest abused by him that hath a faire tongue and a dissembling heart. There were many in Virginia meerely proiecting verbal [39] and idle contemplatours, and those so deuoted to pure idlenesse that though they had lived two or three yeares in Virginia lordly, necessitie it selfe could not compell them to passe the Peninsula, or Pallisadocs of Iames Towne; and those wittie spirits, what would they not affirme in 84 The voyages and discoveries of Capt. Iohn Smith. [J. Smith. 1612. [1607-9] the behalfe of our transporters, to get victuall from their ships, or obtaine their good words in England to get their passes? Thus from the clamors and the ignorance of false informers are sprung those disasters that spring in Virginia; and our ingenious verbalists were no lesse plague to vs in Virginia, then the Locusts to the Egyptians. For the labour of 30 of the best only, preserued in Chris- I. 380.] tianitie, by their industrie, the idle livers of neare 200 of the rest: who liued neer 10 months of such naturall meanes, as the Country naturally of it selfe afforded. Notwithstanding all this, and the worst furie of the Savages, the extremitie of sicknesse, mutinies, faction, ignorances, and want of victuall; in all that time I lost but 7 or 8 men: yet subiected the Savages to our desired obedience, and receaued contribution from 35 of their kings, to protect and assist them against any that should assalt them; in which order they continued true and faith- ful, and as subjects to his Maiestie, so long after as I did gouern there, vntill I left the Country : Since, how they haue revolted, the Countrie lost, and againe replanted; and [how] the businesses hath succeeded from time to time, I referre you to the relations of them returned from Virginia, that haue bin more diligent in such observations. FINIS. [The Second Part of A Map of VIRGINIA. 1612.] THE PROCEEDINGS OF THE ENGLISH COLONIE IN Virginia since their first beginning from England in the yeare of our Lord 1606, till this present 1612, with all their accidents that befell them in their Iournies and Discoveries. Also the Salvages discourses, orations and relations. of the Bordering neighbours, and how they be- came subiect to the English. Vnfolding even the fundamentall causes from whence haue sprang so many miseries to the undertakers, and scandals to the businesse: taken faith- fully as they were written out of the writings of Thomas Studley the first provant maister, Anas Todkill, Walter Russell Doctor of Phisicke, Nathaniell Powell, William Phettyplace, Richard Wyffin, Thomas Abbay, Tho: Hope, Rich: Pots and the labours of divers other dili - gent observers, that were residents in Virginia. And pervsed and confirmed by diverse now resident in England that were actors in this busines. By W. S. AT OXFORD, Printed by Joseph Barnes. 1 6 12. ། 86 [T. ABBAY states, on the opposite page, respecting this second Part, Neither am I the author, for they are many, whose particular dis- courses are signed by their names. This solid treatise, first was compiled by Richard Pots, since passing the hands of many to pervse, chancing into my hands, (for that I know them honest men, and can partly well witnesse their relations true) I could do no lesse in charity to the world then revcale; nor in conscience, but approve. This Part is therefore the Vindication or Manifesto of the thirty or forty Gentlemen and Soldiers, who, under SMITH, saved the Colony pp. 155, 472, 930. So far therefore, it is an ex parte statement: but we have taken the edge off that objection, by printing at pp. xxxiii-cxiv of the Introduction all the documents, written by the other side that perished, which we could readily find. It will be seen that these introductory pieces illuminate and illustrate, rather than contradict, what follows. This second Part of the Map of Virginia, compiled, and perhaps added to, by RICHARD POTS, p. 169; tested and revised by the Rev. WILLIAM SIMMONDS, D.D., p. 174; and published by T. ABBAY; is a condensed summary of the sayings and writings of the following six Virginian Colonists: GENTLEMEN. Original Planters, 1607. NATHANIEL POWELL (killed in the Massacre, 22 March 1622, pp. 575, 583), pp. 93, 120. THOMAS STUDLEY, Cape Merchant or Colonial Storekeeper (who died 28 August 1607, p. lxxii), pp. 93, 99, 107. First Supply, 1608. WILLIAM PHETTIPLACE, pp. 107, 148, 169, 185. Dr. WALTER RUSSELL, þþ. 108, 115. RICHARD WIFFIN, pp. 108, 148, 185. SOLDIER. Original Planter, 1607. ANAS TODKILL, pp. 94, 107, 115, 120, 148. In the revision of this text in the Gencral History, Lib. 3, in 1624; the testimonies of eight other Gentlemen were incorporated (not invented as some would think), for which see p. 384. It is to be especially noted that, while he would endorse it all, Captain SMITH is not named as an author of any portion of this Second Part, either in the title in the previous page or in the text itself: therefore no allusion to the POCAHONTAS deliverance should be expected in it; and there is none.] 87 TO THE READER. Ong hath the world longed, but to be truely [1612] satisfied what Virginia is, with the truth of those proceedings, from whence hath flowne so manie reports of worth, and yet few good effects of the charge, which hath caused suspition in many well willers that desire yet but to be truely satisfied therein. If any can resolue this doubt it is those that haue lived residents in the land: not sa[i]lers, or passengers, nor such mercinary contem- plators, that only bedeck themselues with others plumes. This discourse is not from such, neither am I the author, for they are many, whose particular discourses are signed by their names. This solid treatise, first was compiled by Richard Pots, since passing the hands of many to pervse, chancing into my hands, for that I know them honest men, and can partly well witnesse their relations true) I could do no lesse in charity to the world then reveale; nor in conscience, but approue. By the advise of many graue and understanding gentlemen, that haue pressed it to the presse, it was thought fit to publish it, rather in it[s] owne rude phrase then other waies. For that nothing can so purge that famous action from the infamous scandal some ignorantly haue conceited, as the plaine simple and naked truth. For defect whereof the businesse is still suspected, the 88 T. Abbay. [To the Reader. [1612] 1612. truth vnknowne, and the best deservers discouraged, and neglected, some by false reports, others by con- iecture, and such power hath flattry to ingender of those, hatred and affection, that one is sufficient to beguile more then 500 can keepe from being deceiued. But this discourse is no Iudge of mens manners, nor catalogue of their former courses; only a reporter of their actions in Virginia, not to disgrace any, accuse any, excuse any, nor flatter any; for which cause there is no wrong done but this, shortnesse in complaining, and so sparing in commending as only the reader may perceive the truth for his paines, aud the action purged of foule slander; it can detract from none that intendeth there to adventure their fortunes; and to speake truly of the first planters, that brake the yce and beate the path, howsoeuer many difficulties obscured their inde[a]vours, he were worse then the worst of Ingrates, that would not spare them [their] memory that haue buried themselues in those forrain regions. From whose first adventures may spring more good blessings then are yet conceived. So I rest thine, that will read, pervse, and understand me. If you finde false orthography or broken English, they are small faultes in souldiers, that not being able to write learnedly, onlie striue to speake truely, and be understood without an Interpreter. T. ABBAY. 89 THE PROCEEDINGS OF OF THE IN ENGLISH COLONY Virginia, taken faithfully out of the writings of Thomas Studly, Cape-mar- chant, Anas Todkill, Doctor Russell, Nathaniell Powell, William Phetiplace, and Richard Pot[s], with the laboures of other discreet observers, during their residences. CHAPTER I. T might wel be thought, a countrie so [1606–7] faire (as Virginia is) and a people so tractable, would long ere this haue [p. 385.1 beene quietly possessed, to the satis- faction of the adventurers, and the eternizing of the memorie of those that affected it. But because all the world doe see a defailement; this following Treatise shall giue satisfaction to all indifferent readers, how the businesse hath beene carried, where no doubt they will easily vnderstand and answer to their question, howe it came to passe there was no better speed and successe in those proceedings. Captaine Bartholomew Gosnold, the first mover of this plantation, hauing many yeares solicited many of his friends, but found small assistants; at last prevailed with some Gentlemen, as Maister Edward maria Wingfield, Captaine Iohn Smith, and diverse others, who depended a The first the action. mouer of 90 [ Tj The proceedings and accidents of T. Studley. ?June 1603. [p. 386.] [1606-7] yeare vpon his proiects, but nothing could be effected, till by their great charge and industrie it came to be appre- hended by certaine of the Nobilitie, [2] Gentrie, and Mar- chants, so that his Maiestie by his letters patent, gaue commission for establishing Councels, to direct here, and to governe and to execute there. To effect this, was spent another yeare; and by that time, three ships were pro- vided, one of 100 Tonns, another of 40. and a Pinnace of The transportation of the company was committed to Captaine Christopher Newport, a Marriner well practised Orders for for the westerne parts of America. But their orders for gouernement were put in a box, not to be opened, nor the governours knowne vntill they arived in Virginia. govern- ment. 【pp. 93, 103, 386, 389, 402, 407.] 20. On the 19 of December, 1606. we set saile, but by vn- prosperous winds, were kept six weekes in the sight of 899 England; all which time, Maister Hunt our Preacher, was so weake and sicke, that few expected his recoverie. Yet although he were but 10 or 12 miles from his habita- tion (the time we were in the Downes), and notwithstand- ing the stormie weather, nor the scandalous imputations. (of some few, little better then Atheists, of the greatest ranke amongst vs) suggested against him; all this could never force from him so much as a seeming desire to leaue the busines; but preferred the service of God, in so good a voyage, before any affection to contest with his godlesse foes, whose disasterous designes (could they haue prevailed) had even then overthrowne the businesse: so many discontents did then arise; had he not, with the water of patience, and his godly exhortations (but chiefly by his true devoted examples) quenched those flames of envie, and dissention. [3] Wee watred at the Canaries; wee traded with the Sal- vages at Dominica; three weekes we spent in refreshing our selu[e]s amongst these west-India Iles; in Gwardalupa we found a bath so hot, as in it we boiled porck as well as over the fire. And at the little Ile called Monica, we quented Ile tooke from the bushes with our hands, neare 2 hogsheads full of birds. full of birds in 3 or 4 houres. In Mevis, Mona, and the Virgin Iles, we spent some time, where with a lothsome beast like a Crocadil, called a Gwayn [Iguana], Tortoses, Fellicans, Parrots, and fishes, we daily feasted. Monica an vnfre- T. Studley. ?June 1608. 91 the first planters in Virginia. 2 Gone from thence in search of Virginia, the company [1607] was not a little discomforted, seeing the Marriners had (p. 387-3 three daies passed their reckoning, and found no land; so that Captaine Ratcliffe (Captaine of the Pinnace) rather desired to beare vp the helme to returne for England, then make further search. But God, the guider of all good actions, forcing them by an extream[e] storme to hul[l] all night, did driue them by his providence to their desired port, beyond all their expectations: for never any of them had seene that coast. landing. [PP. 5, 387. The first land they made, they called Cape Henry; where Their first anchoring, Maister Wingfield, Gosnoll, and Newport, with 30 others, recreating themselues on shore, were assalted by 5 Salvages; who hurt 2 of the English very dangerously. That night [26 April 1607], was the box opened, and the orders read: in which Bartholomew Gosnoll, Edward Wingfield, Christopher Newport, Iohn Smith, Iohn Ratcliffe, Iohn Martin, and George Kendall, were named to bee the Councell, and to choose a President amongst them for a yeare, who with the Councell should governe. Matters Matters of of moment were to be examined by a Jurie, [4] but deter- ment mined by the major part of the Councell in which the Precedent had 2 voices. govern Vntill the 13 of May, they sought a place to plant in: [4.6.1 then the Councell was sworne, Maister Wingfield was chosen Precident, and an oration made, whie Captaine Smith was not admitted of the Councell as the rest Now falleth every man to worke, the Councell contriue the Fort, the rest cut downe trees to make place to pitch their Tents; some provide clapbord to relade the ships; some make gardens, some nets, &c. The Salvages often visited vs kindly. The Precidents overweening iealousie would admit no exercise at armes, or fortification but the boughs of trees cast together in the forme of a halfe moone by the extraordinary paines and diligence of Captaine Kendall. Newport, with Smith, and 20 others, were sent to dis- cover the head of the river. By divers smal habitations they passed. In 6 daies they arrived [the writer of this passage was evidently not in this expedition; and is therefore probably T. Studley] at a towne called Powhatan, consisting 3.6.] The of the discouery Powhatan. Falles and 92 T. Studley. ? June 1608. The proceedings and accidents of [1607] (p. 388.] The Fort ssalted by the Salvages. of some 12 houses pleasantly seated on a hill: before it, 3 fertil[e] Iles, about it many of their cornefields. The place is very pleasant, and strong by nature. Of this place, the Prince is called Powhatan, and his people Powhatans. To this place, the riuer is navigable; but higher within a mile, by reason of the Rockes and Iles, there is not passage for a smal boate: this they call the Falles. The people in al parts kindly intreated them, til being returned within 20 miles of Iames towne, they gave iust cause of iealousie. But had God not blessed the discoverers otherwise then those at the fort, there had then beene an end of that plantation. For at the fort, where they arived the next day, [5] they found 17 men hurt, and a boy slaine by the Salvages. And had it not chanced a crosse barre shot from 7 the ships strooke down a bough from a tree amongst them, that caused them to retire, our men had all been slaine; being securely all at worke, and their armes in drie fats. (p. 8.] Herevpon the President was contented the Fort should be pallisadoed, the ordinance mounted, his men armed and exercised: for many were the assaults and Ambus- cadoes of the Salvages; and our men by their disorderly stragling were often hurt, when the Salvages by the nimblenesse of their heeles well escaped. What toile wee had, with so smal a power to guard our workmen adaies, watch al night, resist our enimies and effect our businesse, to relade the ships, cut downe trees, and prepare the ground to plant our corne, &c., I referre to the readers consideration. Six weekes being spent in this manner, Captaine Newport (who was hired only for our transportation) was to return with the ships. Now Captaine Smith, who all this time from their departure from the Canaries, was restrained [24 Mar.p. lvii] as a prisoner, vpon the scandalous suggestions of some of the chiefe (envying his repute); who fained he intended to vsurpe the governement, murder the Councell, and make himselfe king; that his confederat[e]s were dispearsed in all the three ships, and that divers of his confederat [e]s that revealed it, would affirme it: for this he was committed. 13 weekes he remained thus suspected; and by that time the ships should returne, they pretended, out of their ? T. 93 the first planters in Virginia. Studley.] June commisserations, to referre him to the Councell in Eng- [1607] land, to receaue a [6] check; rather then by particu- lating his designes, make him so odious to the world, as to touch his life, or vtterly overthrowe his reputation. But he much scorned their charitie, and publikely defied the vttermost of their crueltie. Hee wisely pre- vented their pollicies, though he could not suppresse their envies yet so wel he demeaned himselfe in this busines, as all the company did see his innocencie, and his adver- saries malice; and those suborned to accuse him, accused his accusers of subornation. Many vntruthes were alleaged against him; but being so apparently disproved begat a generall hatred in the h[e]arts of the company against such vniust commanders. [p. 389.1 (pp. 103, 386, 407.} Many were the mischiefes that daily sprong from their ignorant (yet ambitious) spirits; but the good doctrine and exhortation of our preacher Maister Hunt reconciled . 80,993 them, and caused Captaine Smith to be admitted of the Councell [20 June]. The next day all receaved the Communion: the day following the Salvages voluntarily desired peace, and Captaine Newport returned for England with newes; leaving in Virginia, 100. the 15 [or rather 22] of Iune 1607. The names of them that were the first planters, were these following. Maister Edward Maria Wingfield. Captaine Bartholomew Gosnoll. Captaine Iohn Smyth. Captaine Iohn Ratcliffe. Captaine Iohn Martin. CaptaineGeorge Kendall. Maister Robert Hunt Preacher. Maister George Percie. Anthony Gosnoll. Captaine Gabriell Archer. Councell. Gent. Robert Ford. William Bruster. Dru[e] Pickhouse. Iohn Brookes. Thomas Sands. Iohn Robinson. Vstis Clovill. Kellam Throgmorton. Nathaniell Powell. Robert Behethland. Ieremy Alicock. Thomas Studley. Richard Crofts. Gent. Captaine returne for Newports England. 8.1 (A. 390.) 94 The proceedings and accidents of T. Studley. L? June 1608. [1607] Nicholas Houlgrauc. Thomas Webbe : Iohn Waler. William Tankard. Francis Snarsbrough. Edward Brookes. Richard Dixon. Iohn Martin. George Martin. Anthony Gosnola. Thomas Wotton, Sierg. Thomas Gore. Francis Midwinter. William Laxon. Edward Pising. Thomas Emry. Robert Small. Anas Todkill. Iohn Capper. Gent. [8] Carpenters. Iohn Herd, Bricklayer. William Garret, Bricklayer. Edward Brinto, Mason. William Loue, Taylor. Nicholas Skot, Drum[mer]. Iohn Laydon. William Cassen. George Cassen. Thomas Cassen. William Rods. William White. Ould Edward. Henry Tauin. George Golding. Iohn Dods. William Iohnson. William Vnger. j Labourers. William Wilkinson, Surgeon. Samuell Collier. Iames Read, Blacksmith. Ionas Profit, Sailer. Thomas Couper, Barber. Nathaniel Pecock. Iames Brumfield. Boyes. Richard Mutton. with diverse others, to the number of 105. [9] {p. 391.] B CHAPTER II. What happened till the first supply. Eing thus left to our fortunes, it fortuned that, within tenne daies, scarse ten amongst vs coulde either goe, or well stand; such extreame weak- nes and sicknes oppressed vs. And thereat none need mervaile, if they consider the cause and reason; which was this. Whilest the ships staied, our allowance was somewhat T. Studley. ? June 1608. 95 the first planters in Virginia. bettered by a daily proportion of bisket which the sailers would pilfer to sell, giue, or exchange with vs, for mon[e]y, saxefras, furres, or loue. But when they departed, there remained neither taverne, beere - house, nor place of rellelife but the common kettell. Had we beene as free from all sinnes as gluttony and drunkeness, we might haue bin canonized for Saints. But our President would never haue bin admitted, for ingrossing to his privat [i.e., his own use], Otemeale, sacke, oile, aquavitae, beefe, eg [g]s, or what not, but the kettel; that indeede he allowed equally to be distributed and that was halfe a pinte of wheat, and as much barly, boyled with water, for a man a day; and this having fryed some 26. weeks in the ships hold, contained as many wormes as graines, so that we might truely call it rather so much bran than corne. Our drinke was water; our lodgings, castles in the air [i.e., in the trees]. With this lodging and diet, our extreame toile in bear- ing and planting pallisadoes, so strained and bruised [10] vs, and our continuall labour in the extremity of the heate had so weakned vs, as were cause sufficient to haue made vs as miserable in our natiue country, or any other place in the world. From May to September, those that escaped lived vpon Sturgion and sea-Crabs. 50. in this time we buried. [1607] The sailers abuses. Precident. The rest seeing the Presidents proiects to escape these Abad miseries in our Pinnas by flight (who all this time, had neither felt want nor sicknes), [this] so moved our dead spirits, as we deposed him [10 Sept. 1607]; and established Ratcliffe in his place: Gosnoll being dead [22 Aug. 1607], p.8.] [and] Kendall deposed[? Sept. 1607]. Smith newly recovered; [p. 392.1 Martin and Rat[c]liffe was,by his care, preserved and relieued. But now was all our provision spent, the Sturgeon gone, all helps abandoned, each houre expecting the fury of the Salvages; when God, the patron of all good indea- vours, in that desperate extreamity, so changed the harts of the Salvages, that they brought such plenty of their Plentie fruits and provision, as no man wanted. And now where some affirmed it was ill done of the Councel to send forth men so badly prouided, this incon- tradictable reason will shew them plainely they are too ill unexpected. 96 1608. The proceedings and accidents of June ? , T. [1607] [p. 9.] Studleyadvised to nourish such il conceipts. First, the fault of our going was our owne. What could bee thought fitting or necessary wee had: but what wee should finde, what we should want, where we shoulde be, we were all ignorant [of]. And supposing to make our passage in two monthes, with victuall to liue, and the advantage of the spring to worke: we weare at sea 5. monthes, where we both spent our victuall and lost the opportunity of the time and season to plant. [11] Such actions haue ever since the worlds beginning beene subiect to such accidents, and every thing of worth is found full of difficulties: but nothing [is] so difficult as to establish a common wealth so farre remote from men and meanes; and where mens mindes are so vntoward as neither do well themselues, nor suffer others. But to proceed. The new President, and Martin, being little beloved, of weake judgement in dangers and lesse industry in peace, committed the managing of all things abroad [i.e., out of doors] to captaine Smith: who, by his owne example, good The building words, and faire promises, set some to mow, others to binde thatch; some to build houses, others to thatch them; himselfe alwaies bearing the greatest taske for his own share: so that, in short time, he provided most of them lodgings, neglecting any for himselfe. of Iames Towne. [P. 393.] The This done, seeing the Salvages superfluity beginne to decrease, [he] (with some of his workemen) shipped himselfe in the shallop, to search the country for trade. The want of the language, knowledge to mannage his boat without sailers, the want of a sufficient power [forces] (knowing the multitude of the Saluages), [of] apparell for his men, and [of] other necessaries; [these] were infinite impedi- ments, yet no discouragement. Being but 6 or 7 in company, he went down the riuer to beginning Kecoughtan; where at first they scorned him, as a starved man: yet he so dealt with them, that the next day they loaded his boat with corne. And in his returne, he discouered and kindly traded with the Weraskoyks. abroad. [p. 9.] [p. 10.] In the meane time, those at the fort so glutted the Saluages with their commodities, as they became not regarded. [12] ?T. 97 the first planters in Virginia. . 1603 StudlevJune Smith perceiving (notwithstanding their late miserie) not any regarded but from hand to mouth, the company being well recovered, caused the Pinas to bee provided with things fitting to get provision for the yeare following. But in the interim, he made 3. or 4. iournies, and discovered the people of Chickahamine. Yet what he carefully provided, the rest careles[s]ly spent. Wingfield and Kendall liuing in disgrace, (seeing al things at randome in the absence of Smith, the companies dislike of their Presidents weaknes, and their small loue to Martins never-mending sicknes) strengthened themselues. with the sailers and other confederates, to regaine their former credit and authority, or at least such meanes abord the Pinas (being fitted to saile as Smith had appointed for trade), to alter her course, and to go for England. Smith vnexpectedly returning [? Nov. 1607], had the plot discovered to him. Much trouble he had to prevent it, till with store of fauken [falcon balls] and musket shot, he forced them [i.e., by threats] [to] stay or sinke in the riuer. Which action cost the life of captaine Kendall [who was shot after trial, see p. 13]. These brawles are so disgustfull, as some will say they were better forgotten: yet all men of good iudgement will conclude, it were better their basenes should be manifest to the world, then the busines beare the scorne and shame of their excused disorders. [1607] [/. 394-] The discoverie of Chicka- hamine. The President and captaine Archer not long after A. 10.] intended also to haue abandoned the country; which proiect also was curbed and suppressed by Smith. The Spanyard never more greedily desired gold then he victual: which he found so plentiful in the riuer of Chickahamine, where hundreds of Salvages, in diuers places, stood with baskets expecting his coming. [13] And now the winter approaching, the rivers became so covered with swans, geese, duckes, and cranes, that we daily feasted with good bread, Virginia pease, pumpions, and putchamins; fish, fowle, and diverse sorts of wild beasts as fat as we could eat them: so that none of our Tuftaffaty humorists desired to goe for England. Another proiect to abandon the Country. But our comæ dies never endured long without a 395.) 7 ENG. SCH. LIB. No. 16 98 [T. Studley. L? June 1608. The proceedings and actions of [1607-8] Tragedie. Some idle exceptions being muttered against Cap- taine Smith, for not discovering the head of Chickahamine river; and taxed by the Councell, to bee too slow in so worthie an attempt: the next voyage, hee proceeded so farre that with much labour, by cutting of trees in sunder, he made his passage. ·(p. 14.] [p. 15.] The 3. proiect to But when his Barge could passe no farther, he left her in a broad bay, out of danger of shot; commanding none. should goe ashore till his returne. [He] himselfe, with 2 English and two Salvages, went vp higher in a Canowe. But hee was not long absent, but his men went ashore; whose want of government gaue both occasion and oppor- tunity to the Salvages, to surprise one George Casson; and much failed not to haue cut of[f] the boat and all the rest. Smith little dreaming of that accident, being got to the marshes at the rivers head, 20 myles in the desert, had his 2 men slaine, (as is supposed) sleeping by the Canowe, whilst himselfe by fowling sought them victuall. Who finding he was beset with 200 Salvages, 2 of them hee slew; stil defending himselfe with the aid of a Salvage his guid[e], whome hee bounde to his arme and vsed as his buckler: till at last slipping into a bogmire, they tooke him prisoner. When this newes came to the fort, much was their sorrow for his losse, fewe expecting [14] what ensued. A month those Barbarians kept him prisoner. Many strange triumphes and coniurations they made of him: yet hee so demeaned himselfe amongst them, as he not only diverted them from surprising the Fort; but procure his owne liberty, and got himselfe and his company such estimation amongst them, that those Salvages admired [wondered at] him as a demi-God. So returning safe to the Fort [on 8 Jan. 1608], [he] once abandon the more staied the Pinnas her flight for England; which, til his returne, could not set saile, so extreame was the weather, and so great the frost. fort [p. 22.] [p. 403.] His relation of the plentie he had seene, especially at Werowocomoco, where inhabited Powhatan (that till that time was vnknowne [i.e., personally]), so revived againe their dead spirits as all mens feare was abandoned. Powhatan having sent with this Captaine, divers of his ? T. 99 . the first planters in Virginia. ] StudleyJune 1603.men loaded with provision; he had conditioned, and so appointed his trustie messengers to bring but 2 or 3 of our great ordenances: but the messengers being satisfied with the sight of one of them discharged, ran away amazed with feare, till meanes was vsed with guifts to assure them [of] our loues. Thus you may see what difficulties stil crossed any good indeavour, and the good successe of the businesse; and being thus oft brought to the very period of destruction, yet you see by what strange meanes God hath still delivered it. As for the insufficiencie of them admitted in commis- sion, that errour could not be prevented by their electors; there being no other choice, and all were strangers each to others education, quallities, or disposition. And if any deeme it a shame to our nation, to haue any mention made of these enormities [15], let them pervse the histories of the Spanish discoveries and plantations: where they may see how many mutinies, discords, and dissen- tions haue accompanied them and crossed their attempts; which being knowne to be particular mens offences, doth take away the generall scorne and contempt, [that] mallice and ignorance might else produce to the scandall and reproach of those whose actions and valiant resolution deserve a worthie respect. [1608] A true Gods love proofe of to the action. 402, 407.] Now whether it had beene better for Captaine Smith to haue concluded with any of their severall proiects to haue abandoned the Countrie with some 10 or 12 of them [that] [p. 90, 93, we cal the better sort; to haue left Maister Hunt our 103, 386, 389, preacher, Maister Anthony Gosnoll (a most honest worthy and industrious gentleman) with some 30 or 40 others, his countrie men, to the furie of the Salvages, famin, and all manner of mischiefes and inconveniences; or starved himselfe with them for company, for want of lodging; or but adventuring abroad to make them provision: or by his opposition, to preserue the action, and saue all their liues; I leaue to the censure of others to consider. Thomas Studley. two evils choses the lesser was 100 [A. 403.] [1608] The Phenix from Cape henry, forced to the west Indies. [P. 23.] How Clapt Smith got his liberty. CHAPTER III. The arrivall of the first supply with their proceedings and returne. [16] Ll this time, our cares were not so much to abandon the Countrie, but the Treasurer and Councell in England were as diligent and carefull to supplie vs. Two tall ships they sent vs, with neere 100 men, well furnished with all things [that] could be imagined necessarie, both for them and vs. The one commanded by Captaine Newport. The other, by Captaine Nelson, an honest man and an expert marriner: but such was the leeward- nesse of his ship, that (though he were within sight of Capc Henry) [he], by stormy contrarie windes, was forced so farre to sea as the West Indies was the next land [he made}, for for the repaire of his Masts, and reliefe of wood and water. But Captaine Newport got in, and ar[r]ived at Iames towne [8 Jan. 1608], not long after the redemption of Captaine Smith; to whome the Salvages, every other day, brought such plentie of bread, fish, turkies, squirrels, deare, and other wild beasts: part they gaue him as presents from the king; the rest, hee as their market clarke, set the price how they should sell. So he had inchanted those pore soules (being their prisoner) in demonstrating vnto them the roundnesse of the world, the course of the moone and starres, the cause of the day and night, the largenes of the seas, the qualities of our ships shot and powder, the devision of the World, with the diversity of the people, their complexions. customes and conditions. All which hee fained to be vnder the command of Captaine Newport, whom he tearmed to them his father; of whose arrival [17] it chanced he so directly prophecied, as they esteemed him an oracle. ! T. Studley. A. Todkill. ΙΟΙ With the first supply in Virginia. ? June 1608. opinion of By these fictions he not only saved his owne life, and [1608] obtained his liberty; but had them at that command, [that] he might command them what his listed. That Their God that created al these things, they knew he adored our God for his God; whom they would also tearme in their dis- courses, the God of captaine Smith. The President and Councel so much envied his estima. [2. 404.] tion amongst the Salvages (though wee all in generall equally participated with him of the good therof) that they wrought it into their vnderstandings, by their great bounty in giuing 4. times more for their commodities then he appointed, that their greatnesse and authority as much exceed [ed] his, as their bounty and liberality. Now the arrival of [t]his first supply so overioyed vs, that we could not devise too much to please the mariners. We gaue them liberty to track [truck] or trade at their pleasures. But in a short time, it followed [that] that could not be had for a pound of copper, which before was sold for an ounce. Thus ambition and sufferance cut the throat of our trade, but confirmed their opinion of Newports greatnes; wherewith Smith had possessed Powhatan: especially by the great presents Newport often sent him, before he could . 23.1 prepare the Pinas to go and visit him. So that this Salvage also desired to see him. A great bruit there was to set him forwarde [Feb. 1608]. When he went, he was accompanied with captaine Smith and Maister Scrivener (a very wise vnderstanding gentleman. newly arrived, and admitted of the Councell), and 30. or 40. chosen men for that guarde. revisiting Arriving at Werowocomo[co], Newports conceipt of this Smiths great Salvage bred [18] many doubts and suspitions of trea- Powhatan. cheries. Which Smith, to make appeare was needlesse, with [P. 24.) 20. men well appointed, vndertooke to encounter (with that number) the worst that could happen. The[i]re names were Nathaniell Powell. Robert Beheathland. William Phettiplace. Richard Wyffin. Anthony Gosnoll. Iohn Taverner. William Dier. Thomas Coe. Thomas Hope. Anas Todkell. with 10. others whose names I [evidently Todkill] haue [₤. 405.] forgotten. 102 . The proceedings and accidents ?[ . A. T. . [1608] Powhatans first enter- tainement StudleyTodkillJune 1608These being kindly receiued a shore; with 2. or 300. Sal- vages were conducted to their towne. Powhatan strained himselfe to the vttermost of his greatnes, to entertain vs, of our men. with great shouts of Ioy, orations of protestations, and the most plenty of victuall hee could prouide to feast vs. LA 251. [p. 27.] The a Christian for a Salvage. Sitting vpon his bed of mats, his pillow of leather imbroydred (after their rude manner) with pearle and white beades, his attire a faire Robe of skins as large as an Irish mantle, at his head and [at his] feet a handsome young woman on each side [of] his house sate 20. of his concu- bines, their heads and shoulders painted red, with a great chaine of white beads about their necks; before those, sate his chiefest men, in like order, in his arbor-like house. With many pretty discourses to renue their olde acquaintaunce; the great kinge and our captaine spent the time till the ebbe left our Barge a [19] ground: then renuing their feasts and mirth, we quartred that night with Powhatan: The next day Newport came a shore, and receiued as much content as those people could giue him. A boy exchange of named Thomas Savage was then giuen vnto Powhatan, who[m] Newport called his son: for whom Powhatan gaue him Namontacke his trusty servant, and one of a shrewd subtill capacity. [p. 406.] [P. 27.] Powhatans speech. 3. or 4. daies were spent in feasting, dancing, and trading; wherin Powhatan carried himselfe so prowdly, yet discreetly (in his Salvage manner), as made vs all admire his natural gifts, considering his education. As scorning to trade as his subiects did, he bespake Newport in this manner. Captain Newport it is not agreable with my greatnes in this pedling manner to trade for trifles; and I esteeme you a great werowans. Therefore lay me down all your commodities togither, what I like I will take; and in recompence giue you that I thinke fitting their value. Captaine Smith being our interpreter, regarding Newport as his father, knowing best the disposition of Powhatan, told vs his intent was but to cheat vs; yet captaine Newport thought to out-braue this Salvage in ostentation of greatnes, and so to bewitch him with his bounty, as to haue T. Studley. A. Todkill. 103 with the first supply in Virginia. ? June 1608. what he listed: but so it chanced, Powhatan having his desire, valued his corne at such a rate, as I [? A. Todkill] thinke it [were] better cheape in Spaine; for we had not. 4. bushels for that we expected 20. hogsheads [for]. [1608] of opinions. This bred some vnkindnes betweene our two captaines, Difference Newport seeking to please the humor of the vnsatiable. Salvage, Smith to cause the Salvage to please him: but smothering his distast[e] to avoide the [20] Salvages suspition, [he] glaunced in the eies of Powhatan many [28] Trifles; who fixed his humour vpon a few blew beads. A long time he importunat[e]ly desired them, but Smith seemed so much the more to affect them: so that ere we departed, for a pound or two of blew beads, he brought over my king for 2 or 300 bushels of corne; yet parted good friends. The like entertainement we found of Opechanchynough, king of Pamaunke; whom also he in like manner fitted (at the like rates) with blew beads: and so we returned to the fort [on 9 March 1608]. [p. 31.] towne Where this New Supply being lodged with the rest, Tames [had] accidently fired the quarters, and so the Towne [about burnt. 14 Jan. 1608]; which being but thatched with reeds, the fire [p. 407.] was so fierce as it burnt their pallizadoes (though 10. to 12 yardes distant), with their armes, bedding, apparell, and t. 90, 93, much private provision. Good Maister Hunt our preacher, 103, 386, 389, lost all his library, and al that he had but the cloathes on his hacke, yet [did] none ever see him repine at his losse. This hapned in the winter, in that extreame frost 1607[-8]. Now though we had victuall sufficient, I meane only of Oatmeale, meale, and corne: yet the ship staying there 14. weeks (when shee might as well haue been gone in 14. daies), spent the beefe, porke, oile, aquavitæ, fish, butter and cheese, beere, and such like, as was provided to be landed [for] vs. When they departed, what their discretion could spare. vs, to make a feast or two with bisket, pork, beefe, fish, and oile, to relish our mouths; of each somewhat they left vs: yet I [? A. Todkill] must confess those that had either mony, spare clothes, credit to giue bils of payment, gold rings, furres, or any such commodities, were ever welcome to this. 402, 407.] A ship idly weeks. loitring 14 104 T. Studley. A. Todkill. The proceedings and accidents [1608] The effect of meere verbalists. [ A. 408.] A needles charge ? June 1608. removing taverne. Such was [21] our patience to obay such vile commanders [i.e., the President Ratcliffe and the majority of the Council], and buy our owne provision at 15 times the valew; suffering them [to] feast, we bearing the charge; yet must [we] not repine, but fast; and then leakage, ship-rats and other casualties occasioned the losse. But the vessell and remnants (for totals), we were glad to receiue with all our hearts to make vp the account, highly commending their providence for preserving that. For all this plentie, our ordinarie was but meale and water; so that this great charge little relieved our wants: whereby, with the extreamity of the bitter cold aire, more then halfe of vs died, and [or] tooke our deathes, in that piercing winter. I cannot deny but both Skrivener and Smith did their best to amend what was amisse: but with the President went the major part [the majority of the Council], that their hornes were too short. But the worst mischiefe was our gilded refiners, with their golden promises, made all men their slaues in hope. of recompence. There was no talke, no hope, nor worke, but dig gold, wash gold, refine gold, load gold. Such a bru[i]te of gold, as one mad fellow [a wag] desired to bee buried in the sandes, least they should by their art make gold of his bones. Little need there was and lesse reason, the ship should stay, their wages run on, our victuall consume 14 weekes, that the Marriners might say, they built such a golden Church, that we can say, the raine washed neare to nothing in 14 daies. Were it that Captaine Smith would not applaud all those golden inventions, because they admitted him not to the sight of their trials, nor golden consultations I knowe not but I [? Anas Todkill, see p. 107] heard him question. with Captaine Martin and tell him, except he would shew [22] him a more substantiall triall, hee was not inamored with their durtie skill. Breathing out these and many other passions, never any thing did more torment him, than to see all necessarie businesse neglected, to fraught such a drunken ship with so much gilded durt. Till then wee never accounted Captaine Newport a refiner. Who being fit to set saile for England, and wee not having any vse of Parliaments, plaies, petitions, T. Studley. A. Todkill. ?June 1608. 105 with the first supply in Virginia. : admirals, recorders, interpreters, chronologers, courts of plea, nor Iustices of peace, sent Maister Wingfield, and Captaine Archer with him, for England, to seeke some place of better imploiment. [1608] A returne to England. CHAPTER IV. The arrival of the Phoenix, her returre, and other accidents. HE authoritie nowe consisting in refining Captaine Martin and the still sickly President : the sale of stores [and] commodities maintained. their estates as inheritable revenews. of lames [p. 409.] The spring approching, and the ship departed, Maister The Skriuener and Captaine Smith divided betwixt them, the repairing rebuilding our towne, the repairing our pallisadoes, the towne. cutting downe trees, preparing our fields, planting our corne, and to rebuild our Church, and re-cover our store-house. Al men thus busie at their severall labours, Maister Nelson 1. 33, 34.1 arived 20 April 1608] with his lost Phoenix, (lost I say, for that al men deemed him lost), landing safely his men. So well hee had mannaged his ill hap, causing the Indian Iles to feed his company, [23] that his victuall ([added] to that was left vs before) was sufficient for halfe a yeare. He had nothing but he freely imparted it; which honest dealing (being a marriner) caused vs [to] admire him. Wee would not haue wished so much as he did for vs. Nowe to relade this ship with some good tidings, the 34-) President (yet not withstanding [it not standing] with his dignitie to leaue the fort), gaue order to Captaine Smith and Maister Skriuener, to discover and search the com- modities of Monacans countrie beyound the Falles. 60 able men was allotted their number, the which, within 6 daies exercise, Smith had so well trained to their armes and 60 ap- to discover pointed Monacan. 1 106 . The proceedings and accidents A. T. . [1608] An ill example to sell swords to Salvages. [p. 31.] [p. 410.] tricherie. StudleyTodkill.? June 1608. orders, that they little feared with whome they should encounter. Yet so vnseasonable was the time, and so opposite was Captain Martin to every thing but only to fraught to [t]his ship also with his phantasticall gold, as Captaine Smith rather desired to relade her with Cedar, which was a present dispatch, than either with durt, or the reports of an vncertaine discoverie. Whilst their conclusion was resolving, this hapned. Powhatan to expresse his loue to Newport, when he departed, presented him with 20 Turkies, conditionally to returne him 20 Swords: which immediately were sent him. Now after his departure, hee presented Captaine Smith with the like luggage; but not finding his humour obaied, in sending him weapons, he caused his people with 20. Powhatans devises to obtain them. At last, by ambuscadoes at our very ports, they would take them per force, surprise vs at work or any way: which was so long permitted that they became so insolent, there was no rule. The command from England was so straight not [24] to offend them, as our authority bearers (keeping their houses) would rather be any thing then peace breakers. The gouernors weaknesse. Smiths attempt to suppresse insolencies. This charitable humor prevailed, till well it chaunced PP. 35-39. they medled with captaine Smith: who, without farther deliberation, gaue them such an incounter, as some he so hunted vp and downe the Ile, some he so terrified with whipping beating and imprisonment; as for revenge, they insoles surprised two of his forraging disorderly souldiers, and having assembled their forces, boldly threatned at our ports to force Smith to redeliver 7 Salvages which for their villanies he detained prisoners. But to try their furies, in lesse then halfe an houre, he so hampered their insolencies, that they brought the 2. prisoners, desiring peace without any farther composition for their prisoners: who being threatned and examined their intents, and [the] plotters of their villanies, confessed they were directed only by Powhatan, to obtaine [for] him, our owne weapons, to cut our own throats; with the manner how, where, and when, which wee plainely found most rue. and apparant. Powhatans excuses. Yet he sent [May 1608] his messengers and his dearest T. Studley. A. Todkill. 107 with the first supply in Virginia. ? June 1608. Daughter Pocahuntas to excuse him of the iniuries done by his subiects; desiring their liberties, with the assuraunce of his loue. [1608] 38.] After Smith had giuen the prisoners what correction hee thought fit; [he] vsed them well a day or two after, and [391 then deliuered them [to] Pocahuntas: for whose sake only, he fained to saue their liues and graunt them liberty. The patient Councel, that nothing would moue to warre with the Salvages, would gladly haue wrangled with captaine Smith for his cruelty; yet none was slaine to [p.411] any mans knowledge: but it brought them in such feare and [25] obedience, as his very name would sufficiently affright them. fraught The fraught of this ship being concluded to be Cedar; A ship by the diligence of the Master, and captaine Smith, with Cedar. shee was quickly reladed: Maister Scrivener was neither Idle nor slow, to follow all things at the fort. The ship falling to the Cedar Ile, captaine Martin having made shift to be sicke neare a yeare; and [there being] now neither pepper, suger, cloues, mace, nor nugmets [nutmegs], ginger, nor sweet meates in the country: (to enioy the credit of his supposed art) at his earnest request, [he] was most willingly admitted to returne for England. Yet having beene there but a yeare, and not past halfe a year since the ague left him; that he might say some- what he had seene, hee went twice by water to Paspahegh [p. 11], a place neere 7. miles from Iames towne: but lest the dew should distemper him, was ever forced to returne before night. Thus much I [evidently Anas Todkill thought fit to expresse; he expresly commanding me to record his iournies: I being his man, and he sometimes my master Thomas Studly, Anas Todkill. Their names that were landed in this supply: Matthew Scriviner, appointed to be of the Councell. Ralfe Morton. Michaell Phetyplace. Gent. William Cantrill. William Phetyplace. } Gent. The aduentures of Captaine Martin. 108 . The proceedings and accidents. ? [ . A. T. . [1608] Richard Wyffin. Robert Barnes. George Hill. [26] Iohn Bouth. William Burket. Nicholas Ven. George Pretty. William Perce. Francis Perkins. StudleyTodkillJune 1608Iohn Taverner. Robert Cutler. Michaell Sickelmore. Thomas Coo. Peter Pory. Richard Killingbeck. Francis Perkins. William Bentley. Richard Gradon. Rowland Nelstrop. Richard Salvage. William Causey. Thomas Salvage. [p. 412.] Doctor Russell. Gent. Richard Miler. Richard Worley. William May. Richard Prodger. Vere. William Bayley. Richard Molynex. Richard Pots. Iefry Abots. Iohn Harper. Timothy Leds. Edward Gurganay. George Forest. Iohn Nickoles. William Gryvill. Daniel Stalling, Iueller. William Dawson, Refiner. Abraham Ransacke, Refiner. William Iohnson, Goldsmith. Peter Keffer, a Gunner. Robert Alberton, a Perfumer. Richard Belfield, Goldsmith. [27] Ramon Goodyson. Iohn Speareman. William Spence. Richard Brislow. William Simons. Labourers. Michaell. Bishop Wyles. Iohn Powell. | Thomas Hope. William Beckwith. William Yonge. Lawrence Towtales. William Ward. Christopher Rodes. Iames Watkings. Richard Fetherstone. Iames Burne. [28] Thomas Feld.) Tailers. Labourers. Iohn Harford. Apothecaries. Post Gittnat, a C[hir]urgion. Iohn Lewes, a Couper. Robert Cotten, a Tobaco-pipe- maker. Richard Dole, a blacke Smith and divers others, to the number of 120. 109 CHAPTER V. The accidents that happened in the Discoverie of the bay. 9 He prodigality of the Presidents state went so deepe in the store, that Smith and Scrivener had a while tyed both Martin and him to the rules of pro- portion: but now Smith being to depart, the Presidents authorite so overswayed Maister Scriveners discretion, as our store, our time, our strength and labours, was idlely consumed to fulfill his phantasies. The second of Iune 1608. Smith left the fort, to performe his discoverie; with this company. Walter Russell Doctour of Physicke. [1608] [p. 413.] Ralph Morton. Anas Todkill. Thomas Momford. Robert Small. Iames VVatkins. William Cantrill. Gent. Iohn Powell. Richard Fetherstone. [29] Iames Bourne. Michael Sicklemore. Sould. Iames Read, blacke smith. Richard Keale, fishmonger. Ionas Profit, fisher. These being in an open barge of two tunnes burden. Leaving the Phenix at Cape-Henry, we crossed the bay to the Easterne shore, and fell with the Iles called Smiths Iles. The first people we saw were 2. grimme and stout cafe Salvages vpon Cape-Charles, with long poles like Iavelings, Charles. headed with bone. They boldly demanded what we were, and what we would; but after many circumstances, they in macke. time seemed very kinde, and directed vs to Acawmacke, the habitation of the Werowans, where we were kindly intreated. Acaw- 110 . The proceedings and accidents A. Todkill[Dr. Dr. W. . [1608] RussellThis king was the com[e]liest proper civill Salvage wee incountred. His country is a pleasant fertill clay-soile. Hee tolde vs of a straunge accident lately happened [to] him, and it was. Two deade children, by the extreame passions of their parents, or some dreaming visions, phantasie, or affection [which] moued them againe to revisit their dead carkases whose benummed bodies reflected to the eies of the beholders such pleasant delightfull countenances, as though A strange they had regained their vital spirits. This, as a miracle, Saluages. drew many to behold them: all which, (being a great part of his people) not long after died, and not any one escaped. They spake the language of Powhatan wherein they made such descriptions of the bay, Iles, and rivers that often did vs exceeding pleasure. mortalitie of An extreame gust. Passing [30] along the coast, searching every inlet and bay fit for harbours and habitations: [and] seeing many Iles in the midst of the bay, we bore vp for them; but ere wee could attaine them, such an extreame gust of wind, raine, thunder, and lightning happened, that with great daunger, we escaped the vnmercifull raging of that ocean-like water. The next day, searching those inhabitable Iles (which Russels Iles. We called Russels Isles) to provide fresh water: the defect whereof forced vs to follow the next Easterne channell, which brought vs to the river Wighcocomoco. [P. 414.] Wighcoco- noco. want of The people at first with great furie seemed to assault. vs; yet at last with songs, daunces, and much mirth. A extreame But searching their habitations for water, wee could fill Fresh water. but 3 [? barricoes], and that such puddle that never til then. wee ever knew the want of good water. We digged and search many places but ere the end of two daies, wee would haue refused two barricoes of gold for one of that puddle water of Wighcocomoco. The barge neere sunk in a gust. Being past these Isles, falling with a high land vpon the maine, wee found a great pond of fresh water; but so exceeding hot, that we supposed it some bath. place we called Point ployer. That Being thus refreshed, in crossing over from the maine. to other Iles, the wind and waters so much increased with thunder lightning and raine, that our fore-mast blew over- bord; and such mightie waues overwrought vs in that Dr. W. Russell. A. Todkill. III with the first supply in Virginia. smal barge, that with great labour wee kept her from sinking, by freeing out the water. 2 daies we were inforced to inhabit these vninhabited Iles; which (for the extremitie of gusts, thunder, raine, stormes, and il weather) we called Limbo. [1608] Repairing our fore saile with [31] our shirts, we set saile for the maine; and fel with a faire river on the East called Kuskaranaocke. By it inhabit the people of Soraphanigh, Nause, Arsek, and Nautaquake, that much extolled a great The first nation called Massawomêkes: in search of whome, wee notice of the returned by Limbo. But finding this easterne shore shallow broken Iles, and the maine for [the] most part without fresh water; we passed by the straights of Limbo, for the weasterne shore. So broad is the bay here, that we could scarse perceiue the great high Cliffes on the other side. Massawo- mekes. By them, wee anc[h]ored that night, and called them. Richards Cliffes. 30 leagues we sailed more Northwards, not finding any inhabitants; yet the coast well watred, [½. 416.] the mountaines very barren, the vallies very fertil, but the woods extreame thicke, full of Woolues, Beares, Deare, and other wild beasts. The first inlet we found, wee called Bolus, for that the Bolus river. clay (in many places) was like (if not) Bole-Armoniacke. When we first set saile, some of our gallants doubted nothing, but that our Captaine would make too much hast home. But hauing lien not aboue 12 daies in this smal Barge, oft tired at their oares, their bread spoiled with wet, so much that it was rotten (yet so good were their stomacks that they could digest it), did with continuall complaints so importune him now to returne, as caused him bespeake them in this manner [on 13 June 1608]. speech to his Gentlemen, if you would remember the memorable Smiths historie of Sir Ralfe Lane, how his company importuned soldiers. him to proceed in the discoverie of Morattico, alleaging, they had yet a dog, that being boyled with Saxafras [314, 416.] leaues, would richly feed them in their returnes; what shame would it be for you [32] (that haue beene so suspitious of my tendernesse) to force me [to] returne with a months prouision, scarce able to say where we II2 [ D The proceedings and accidents Dr. W Russell. A. Todkill. [1608] [P. 417.) The dis- covery of Patawo- meck. Ambus- cadoes of Salvages. haue bin, nor yet heard of that wee were sent to seeke. You cannot say but I haue shared with you of the worst [that] is past; and for what is to come, of lodging, diet, or whatsoever, I am contented you allot the worst part to my selfe. As for your feares, that I will lose my selfe in these vnknowne large. waters, or be swallowed vp in some stormie gust: abandon those childish feares, for worse then is past cannot happen, and there is as much danger to returne, as to proceed forward. Regaine therefore your old spirits: for returne I wil not, (if God assist me) til I haue seene the Massawomekes, found Patawomeck, or the head of this great water you conceit. to be endlesse. 3 or 4 daies we expected [? experienced] wind and weather, whose adverse extreamities added such discouragements. to our discontents as 3 or 4 fel extreame sicke; whose pitiful complaints caused vs to returne, leauing the bay some 10 miles broad at 9 or 10 fadome water. The 16 of Iune, we fel with the riuer of Patawomeck. Feare being gon[e], and our men recovered, wee were all contented to take some paines to knowe the name of this 9 mile broad river. We could see no inhabitants for 30 myles saile. Then we were conducted by 2 Salvages vp a little bayed creeke toward Onawmament: where all the woods were laid with Ambuscadoes to the number of 3 or 400 Salvages; but so strangely painted, grimed, and dis- guised, showting, yelling, and crying, as we rather sup- posed them so many divels. They made many bravadoes, but to appease [33] their furie, our Captaine prepared (with a seeming willingnesse, as they) to encounter them. The grazing of the bullets vpon the river, with the ecc[h]o of the woods so amazed them, as down went their bowes and arrowes; and exchanging hostage[s] Iames Watkins was sent 6. myles vp the woods, to their kings habitation. Wee were kindly vsed by these Salvages: of whom we vnderstood, they were commaunded to betray vs, by Powhatans direction; A treache- and hee so directed, from the discontents [discontented] of rous proiect. Iames towne. Dr. W. Russell. A. Todkill. 113 with the first supply in Virginia. The like incounters we found at Patawomeck, Cecocawone, and divers other places; but at Moyaones, Nacothtant, and Taux, the people did their best to content vs. The cause of this discovery was to search a glistering mettal, the Salvages told vs they had froin Patawomeck (the which Newport assured that he had tryed to hold halfe siluer), also to search what furres, metals, riuers, Rockes, nations, woods, fishings, fruits, victuals, and other commodities the land afforded; and whether the bay were endlesse, or how farre it extended. [1608] The mine we found 9 or 10 myles vp in the country from Antimony the river; but it proved of no value. Some Otters, Beavers, Martins, Luswarts, and sables we found: and, in diverse places, that abundance of fish lying so thicke with their heads aboue the water, as for want of nets (our barge driving amongst them) we attempted to catch them with a frying pan; but we found it a bad instrument to catch fish with. Neither better fish, more plenty or variety, had any of vs ever seene in any place, swimming in the water, then in the bay of Chesapeack: but there not to be caught with frying-pans. An abun- offish. dant plentis How to To expresse al our [34] quarrels, treacheries and in- p. 419.] counters amongst those Salvages, I should be too tedious: but in briefe, at al times we so incountred them and curbed their insolencies, as they concluded with presents. to purchase peace; yet wee lost not a man. At our first meeting, our captaine ever observed this order, to de- maunde their bowes and arrowes, swords, mantles, or furres; with some childe for hostage: whereby he could quickly perceiue when they intended any villany. Having finished this discovery, (though our victuall was neare spent) he intended to haue seene his imprisonments acqaintance vpon the river of Toppahannock [pp. 18, 19, 119]. But our boate (by reason of the ebbe) chansing to ground vpon a many shoules lying in the entrance, we spied many fishes lurking amongst the weedes on the sands. Our captaine sporting himselfe to catch them by nailing them to the ground with his sword, set vs all a fishing in that manner. By this devise, we tooke more in an houre then we all could eat. ENG. SCH. LIB. No. 16 8 deale with the Salvages. 114 . The proceedings and accidents A. Todkill[Dr. Dr. W. Russell. [1608] But it chanced, the captaine taking a fish from his A Stingray sword (not knowing her condition), being much of the very hurtfull. [P. 420.] The Salvages with their owne suspition. fashion of a Thornebacke with a longer taile whereon is a most poysoned sting of 2. or 3. inches long, which shee strooke an inch and [a] halfe into the wrist of his arme. The which, in 4. houres, had so extreamly swolne his hand, arme, shoulder, and part of his body, as we al with much sorrow concluded [anticipated] his funerall, and prepared his graue in an Ile hard by (as himselfe appointed); which then wee called Stingeray Ile, after the name of the fish. Yet by the helpe of a precious oile, Doctour Russel applyed, ere night his tormenting paine was so wel asswaged that he eate the fish to his supper: which [35] gaue no lesse ioy and content to vs, then ease to himselfe. Having neither Surgeon nor surgerie but that preservatiue. oile, we presently set saile for Iames Towne. Passing the mouth of Pyankatanck and Pamavnke riuers, the next day we safely arrived at Kecoughtan. The simple Salvages seeing our captaine hurt, and another bloudy (which came by breaking his shin), [and] our afrighted number of bowes, arrowes, swords, targets, mantles and furs, would needs imagine we had bin at warres. The truth of these accidents would not satisfie them; but im- paciently they importuned vs to know with whom wee fought. Finding their aptnes to beleeue, we failed not (as a great secret) to tel them any thing that might affright them, what spoile wee had got and made of the Masawo- meekes. This rumor went faster vp the river then our barge That arrived at Weraskoyack, the 20 of Iulie ; where trimming her, with painted streamers and such devises, we made the Fort iealious of a Spanish frigot; where we all safely arrived the 21. of Iuly. miserie. There wee found the Last Supply al sicke; the rest, some lame, some bruised: al vnable to do any thing but A needlesse complain of the pride and vnreasonable needlesse cruelty of their sillie President [Ratcliffe] that had riotously consumed the store; and to fulfill his follies, about building him an vnnecessarie pallas in the woodes, [which] had brought them all to that miserie, that had not we arrived, they had as strangely tormented him with revenge. Dr. W. 115 A. TodkillRussell. with the first supply in Virginia. . But the good newes of our discovery, and the good hope [1608] we had (by the Salvages relation) our Bay had stretched to the South sea, appeased their fury; but conditionally that Ratcliffe should be deposed, and that captaine Smith would take [36] vpon him the governement. Their request being effected [? 23 July], hee substituted Maister Scrivener, his deare friend, in the Presidencie; equally distributing those private provisions the other[s] had ingrossed; appointing more honest officers to assist Scrivener (who they lay extreamelie tormented with a callenture) and in regard of the weaknes of the company, and heat of the yeare, they being vnable to worke, he left them to liue at ease; but imbarked himselfe to finish his discovery. : Written by Walter Russell and Anas Todkill. The company left to line at ease. 曦 ​116 [1608] [ƒ. 421.] CHAPTER VI. What happened the second discouer the Bay. voyage to HE 20. [or rather 24, see p. 421] of Iuly, Captaine Smith set forward to finish the discovery, with 12. men. Their names were Nathaniell Powell. Thomas Momford. Richard Fetherstone. Michaell Sicklemore. Iames Bourne. Gent. Anas Todkill. Edward Pysing. -Sould. Richard Keale. Anthony Bagnall. Iames Watkins, Sould. William Ward. Ionas Profit. The winde beeing contrary, caused our stay 2 or 3 [37] daies at Kecoughtan; the werowans feasting vs with much mirth. His people were perswaded we went purposely to be reuenged of the Massawomeckes. In the evening, we firing 2. or 3. rackets, so terrified the poore Salvages, they sup- posed nothing impossible wee attempted, and desired to fireworkes. assist vs. The Salvages admire The first night, we anchored at Stingeray Ile; the next day, crossed Patawomecks riuer, and hasted for the riuer Bolus. Wee went not much farther, before wee might perceiue The head of the Bay to devide in 2. heads; and arriving there, we founde it devided in 4; all which we searched so far as we could saile them. the Bay. 2. of them wee found vninhabited, but in crossing the A. N. 117 Powell. With the first supply in Virginia. . Todkillbay to the other, wee incountered 7. or 8. Canowes-full of [1608] Massawomecks. We seeing them prepare to assault vs, left our oares, and made way with our saile to incounter them; yet were we but fiue (with our captaine) [that] could stand: [f]or within 2. daies after wee left Kecoughtan, the rest (being all of the Last Supply) were sicke almost to death (vntill they were seasoned to the country). Hauing shut them vnder our tarpawling, we put their hats vpon stickes by the barge side, to make vs seeme many. And so we thinke the Indians supposed those hats to be men: for they fled with all possible speed to the shoare, and there stayed, staring at the sailing of our barge, till we anchored right against them. : Long it was ere we could drawe them to come vnto vs. At last, they sent 2 of their company vnarmed in a Canowe the rest all followed to second them, if need required. These 2 being but each presented with a bell, brought aborde all their fellowes; presenting the captain with venison, beares flesh, fish, bowes, arrows, [38] clubs, targets, and beare-skins. Wee vnderstood them nothing at all but by signes, whereby they signified vnto vs they had been at warres with the Tockwoghs, the which they confirmed by shewing their green wounds. An incounter with the mecks. [Four of First Massawo- these five Planters were N. Powell, A. Pysing, and Todkill, E. See pp. 93, J. Profit. 94] (.422.) An Tockwoghs. But the night parting vs, we imagined they appointed the next morning to meete; but after that we never saw them. Entring the River of Tockwogh, the Saluages all armed incounter in a fleete of Boates round invironed vs. It chanced one with the of them could speake the language of Powhatan, who per- swaded the rest to a friendly parly. But when they see vs furnished with the Massawomeckes weapons, and we faining the inuention of Kecoughtan to haue taken them perforce; they conducted vs to their pallizadoed towne, mantelled with the barkes of trees, with Scaffolds like mounts, brested about with Barks very formally. Their men, women, and children, with dances, songs, fruits, fish, furres, and what they had, kindly entertained vs, spread- ing mats for vs to sit on, [and] stretching their best abilities to expresse their loues. Many hatchets, kniues, and peeces of yron and brasse, 118 . The proceedings and accidents A. [[N Powell. [1608] Hatchets from Sasquesa hanock[s]. [A. 423.] The Sasque- sahanocks offer to the English. N. Todkillwe saw; which they reported to haue from the Sasquesa- hanockes, a mighty people, and mortall enimies with the Massawomeckes. The Sasquesahanocks inhabit vpon the chiefe spring of these 4.; two daies journey higher then our Barge could passe for rocks. Yet we prevailed with the interpreter to take with him an other interpreter to perswade the Sasquesahanocks to come to visit vs: for their language[s] are different. 3. or 4. daies we expected their returne. Then 60. of these giantlike-people came downe, with presents of venison, Tobacco [39] pipes, Baskets, Targets, Bowes and Arrows. 5 of their Werowances came boldly abord vs, to crosse the bay for Tockwogh; leaving their men and Canowes; the winde being so violent that they durst not passe. Our order was, dayly, to haue prayer, with a psalm: at which solemnitie the poore Salvages much wondered. Our prayers being done, they were long busied with consultation till they had contrived their businesse. Then they began in most passionate manner, to hold vp their hands to the sunne, with a most feareful song. Then imbracing the Captaine, they began to adore him in like manner though he rebuked them, yet they proceeded til their song was finished. Which don[e], with a most strange furious action, and a hellish voice, [one] began an oration of their loues. : That ended, with a great painted beares skin, they couered our Captaine. Then one ready with a chaine of white beads (waighing at least 6 or 7 pound) hung it about his necke the others had 18 mantles made of divers sorts of skinnes sowed together. All these, with many other toyes, they laid at his feet; stroking their ceremonious handes about his necke, for his creation to be their governour; promising their aids, victuals, or what they had, to be his, if he would stay with them, to defend and revenge them of the Massawomecks. But wee left them at Tockwogh, they much sorrowing for our departure: yet wee promised the next yeare againe to visit them. Many descriptions and discourses they made vs of N. Powell. A. Todkill. 119 with the first supply in Virginia. Atquanahucke, Massawomecke, and other people; signifying [1608] they inhabit the river of Cannida, and from the French to Cannida. haue their hatchets and such like tooles by trade. [40] These knowe no more of the territories of Powhatan then his name, and he as little of them. Thus hauing sought noting, we returned to R. all the inlets and rivers worth Pawtuxunt discover the river of, Pawtuxunt. These people we found very tractable, and more civill (p. 424.] then any. Wee promised them, as also the Patawomecks, the next yeare to revenge them of the Massawomecks. nock R. [þþ.119, 419, 426.] Our purposes were crossed in the discoverie of the river Toppaha- of Toppahannock, for wee had much wrangling with that peevish nation; but at last, they became as tractable as the rest. It is an excellent, pleasant, well inhabited, fertill, and a goodly navigable river. Fetherstone Toward the head thereof, it pleased God to take one of ( 426.] our sicke (called Maister Fetherstone), where in Fetherstons bay, we buried him, in the night, with a volly of shot. buried. The rest (notwithstanding their ill diet, and bad lodging, crowded in so small a barge, in so many dangers, neuer resting but alwaies tossed to[o] and againe) al well recovered their healthes. tanke Then we discovered the riuer of Payankatank, and set Payanka- saile for Iames Towne. But in crossing the bay in a faire discovered. calme, such a suddaine gust surprised vs in the night, with [2.430.] thunder and raine, as wee were halfe imployed in freeing out water, never thinking to escape drowning; yet running before the winde, at last we made land by the flashes of fire from heaven: by which light only, we kept from the splitting shore, vntil it pleased God in that black darknes, to preserue vs by that light to find Point comfort. Towne. And [we] arived safe at Iames Towne, the 7 of September, 1608: where wee found Maister Skriuener and diverse Their others well recouered, many dead, some sicke; [and] the at lames proceedings late President [a] prisoner for [41] muteny. By the honest diligence of Maister Skriuener, the harvest [had been] gathered; but the stores [and] provision [were] much spoiled with raine. Thus was that yeare (when nothing wanted) consumed and spent, and nothing done (such was the government of Captain Rat[c]liffe) but only this discoverie: wherein to 120 . The proceedings and accidents in Virginia. [N[1608] [P. 433.] N. Powell. A. Todkill. : Pillexpresse all the dangers, accidents, and incounters, this small number passed in that small barge, with such watrie diet in these great waters and barbarous Countries (til then to any Christian vtterly vnknowne) I rather referre their merit to the censure of the courteous and experienced reader, than I would be tedious, or partiall being a partie. By Nathaniell Po[w]ell, and Anas Todkill. 121 ་ CHAPTER VII. The Presidencie surrendred to Captaine Smith. The arrivall and returne of the second supply: and what happened. He 10. of September 1608. by the election. of the Councel, and request of the com- pany, Captaine Smith received the letters patents, and tooke vpon him the place of President; which till then, by no meanes he would accept, though hee were often importuned therevnto. the [p. 433.] [1608] Now the building of Ratcliffes pallas staide, as a thing needlesse: the church was repaired, storehouse, re-couered; [and] building prepared for the supply we expected. The fort [was] reduced to the forme QVERE. of this figure, the order of watch renued, the squadrons (each setting of the watch) trained. The [42] whole company every Satturday exercised in a fielde prepared [2.434.] for that purpose; the boates trimmed for trade, which in their Iourney encountred the second supply, that brought them back to discover the country of Monacan. How, or why Captaine Newport obtained such a private commission as not to returne without a lumpe of gold, a certainty of the south sea, or one of the lost company of Sir Walter Rawley, I know not: nor why he brought such a 5. pieced barge, not to beare vs to that south sea, till we had borne her over the mountaines (which how farre they extend is yet vnknowne). As for the coronation of Powhatan, and his presents of Bason, Ewer, Bed, Clothes, and such costly nouelties; they had bin much better well 122 . The proceedings and accidents [wW R. Wiffin. . Phettiplace[1608] spared, then so ill spent: for we had his favour much Powhatans better onlie for a poore peece of Copper, till this stately his curtesie kinde of soliciting made him so much overvalue himselfe, deserved that he respected vs as much as nothing at all. scorne when was most No way but one to ouer- busines. As for the hiring of the Poles and Dutch, to make pitch and tarre, glasse, milles, and sope-ashes; [that] was most necessarie and well. But to send them and seauenty more without victuall, to worke, was not so well considered; yet this could not haue hurt vs, had they bin 200.; though then we were 130 that wanted for our selves. For we had the Salvages in that Decorum, (their haruest beeing newly gathered) that we feared not to get victual sufficient, had we bin 500. Now vvas there no way to make vs miserable but to throwe the neglect that time to make our provision, whilst it was to be had; the which vvas done to perfourme this strange discovery, but more strange coronation. To loose that time, spend that [43] victuall we had, tire and starue our men, having no means to carry victuall, munition, the hurt or sicke, but their owne backs: how or by whom they vvere invented I knovv not. 1. 435.] But Captaine Newport we only accounted the author; who to effect these proiects, had so gilded all our hopes with great promises, that both company and Councel con- cluded his resolution. I confesse we little vnderstood then our estates, to conclude his conclusion against a the inconveniences the foreseeing President alleadged. There was added to the councell, one Captaine Waldo, and Captaine Winne; two ancient souldiers and valiant gen- tlemen, but ignorant of the busines, being newly arriued. Ratcliffe vvas also permitted to haue his voice; and Maister Scrivener [was] desirous to see strange countries. So that although Smith was President, yet the Councell had the authoritie, and ruled it as they listed. As for cleering Smiths obiections, how pitch, and tarre, wa [i]nscot, clapbord, glasse, and sope ashes could be pro- vided to relade the ship; or provision got to liue withal when none was in the Country, and that which we had, spent before the ships departed: the answer was, Captaine Newport vndertook to fraught the Pinnace with corne, in going and returning in his discoverie, and to refraught her A Todkill.] 123 with the second supply in Virginia. againe from Werawocomoco; also promising a great pro- portion of victuall from his ship, inferring that Smiths propositions were only devises to hinder his iourney, to effect it himselfe; and that the crueltie Smith had vsed to the Salvages in his absence, might occasion them to hinder his designes. For which, al workes were left, and 120 chosen men were appointed for his guard. [44] [1608] Captaine goeth to Smith with 4 Powhatan. And Smith, to make cleere these seeming suspicions, that the Salvages were not so desperat[e] as was pretended by Captaine Newport, and how willing he was to further them to effect their projects; because the coronation would consume much time, vndertooke their message to Powhatan (to intreat him to come to Iames Towne to receiue his 1. 436.] presents) accompanied only with Captaine Waldo, Maister Andrew Buckler, Edward Brinton, and Samuel Collier. With these 4, hee went overland [to] against Werawoco- moco, there passed the river of Pamavnke in the Salvages Canowes. Powhatan being 30 myles of[f]; who, presently, was sent for. In the meane time, his women entertained Smith in this manner. In a faire plaine field, they made a fire; before which, he sitting vppon a mat, suddainly amongst the woods was heard such a hideous noise and shriking, that they betooke them to their armes, supposing Powhatan with all his power came to surprise them: but the beholders, which were many, men women and children, satisfied the Cap- taine there was no such matter; being presently presented with this anticke. 30 young women came naked out of the woods (only covered behind and before with a few greene leaues), their bodies al painted, some white, some red, some black, some partie colour; but every one different. Their leader had a faire paire of stagges hornes on her head, and an otter skinne at her girdle, another at her arme, a quiver of arrowes at her backe, and bow and arrowes in her hand. The next, in her hand a sword; another, a club; another, a pot-stick all horn[e]d alike. The rest, every one with their severall devises. : These feindes, with most hellish [45] cries and shouts, rushing from amongst the trees, cast themselues in a ring The womens entertaine ment at moco. Werawoco- 124 . The proceedings and accidents [wW. . R. Wiffiu[1608] [P. 437.] Captain Smiths message. Powhatans answer. Powhatans . Phettiplaceabout the fire, singing and dauncing with excellent ill varietie, oft falling into their infernall passions, and then solemnely againe to sing and daunce. Hauing spent neere an houre, in this maskarado; as they entered, [they] in like manner departed. Hauing reaccomodated themselues, they solemnely invited Smith to their lodging: but no sooner was hee within the house, but all these Nimphes [the] more tor- mented him than ever, with crowding, and pressing, and hanging vpon him, most tediously crying, loue you not mee. This salutation ended, the feast was set, consisting of fruit in baskets, fish and flesh in wooden platters; beans and pease there wanted not (for 20 hogges), nor any Salvage daintie their invention could devise: some attend- ing, others singing and dancing about them. This mirth and banquet being ended, with firebrands (instead of torches) they conducted him to his lodging. The next day, came Powhatan. Smith delivered his message of the presents sent him, and redelivered him Namontack; desiring him [to] come to his Father Newport to accept those presents, and conclude their revenge against the Monacans. Wherevnto the subtile Salvage thus replied If your king haue sent me presents, I also am a king, and this [is] my land. 8 daies I will stay to receaue them. Your father is to come to me, not I to him; nor yet to your fort: neither will I bite at such a baite. As for the Monacans, I can revenge my owne iniuries; and as for Atquanuchuck, where you say your brother was slain [pp. 20, 28]; it is a contrary way from those parts you suppose it [46]. But for any salt water beyond the mountaines, the relations you haue had from my people are false. Wherevpon he began to draw plots vpon the ground, according to his discourse, of all those regions. Many other discourses they had (yet both desirous to giue each other content in Complementall courtesies), and so Captaine Smith returned with this answer. Vpon this Captaine Newport sent his presents by water, Coronation. which is neare[ly] 100 miles; with 50 of the best shot A. Todkill.] 125 with the second supply in Virginia. himselfe went by land, which is but 12 miles; where he met with our 3 barges to transport him over. [1608] All things being fit for the day of his coronation, the presents were brought, his bason, ewer, bed and furniture set vp: [and] his scarlet cloake and apparel (with much adoe) put on him, (being perswaded by Namontacke they would doe him no hurt). But a fowle trouble there was to make him kneele to receaue his crowne. He, neither knowing the maiestie nor meaning of a Crowne, nor bend- ing of the knee, indured so many perswasions, examples, and instructions, as tired them all. At last, by leaning hard on his shoulders, he a little stooped, and Newport put the Crowne on his head; when, by the warning of a pistoll, the boates were prepared with such a volly of shot, that the king start[ed] vp in a horrible feare, till he saw all was well. Then remembring himselfe, to congratulate their kindnesse, lp. 438.1 he gaue his old shoes and his mantle to Captain Newport. But perceiuing his purpose was to discover the Mona- cans, hee laboured to divert his resolution; refusing to lend him either men or guides more then Namontack. And so, after some complementall kindnesse [47] on both sides, in requitall of his presents, he presented Newport with a heape of wheat eares, that might contain 7 or 8 bushels; and as much more we bought, ready dressed, in the town wherewith we returned to the fort. The ship having disburdened her selfe of 70 persons, with the first gentlewoman and woman servant that arrived in our Colony; Captaine Newport with al the Councell, and 120 chosen men, set forward for the dis- covery of Monacan: leauing the President at the fort with 80. (such as they were) to relade the shippe. Arriving at the falles, we marched by land some forty myles in 2 daies and a halfe; and so returned downe to the same path we went. Two townes wee discovered of the Monacans, the people neither vsing vs well nor ill: yet for our securitie wee tooke one of their pettie Werowances, and lead him bound, to conduct vs the way. And in our returne [we] searched many places wee sup- posed mynes, about which we spent some time in refining; having one William Callicut a refiner, fitted for that pur- The dis- covery of Monacan. 126 R. Wiffin. W. Phettiplace. The proceedings and accidents [1608] pose. From that crust of earth wee digged, hee perswaded vs to beleeue he extracted some smal quantitie of siluer (and not vnlikely better stuffe might bee had for the digging). With this poore trial, we were contented to leaue this faire, fertill, well watred countrie. [P. 439.] A punish- ment for swearing. Comming to the Falles, the Saluages fained there were diverse ships come into the Bay to kill them at Iames Towne. Trade they would not; and find their corn we could not, for they had hid it in the woods: and being thus deluded, we arriued at Iames Towne, halfe sicke, all com- plaining and tired with toile famine and discontent [48] to haue only but discovered our gilded hopes, and such fruitlesse certaineties, as the President foretold vs. No sooner were we landed, but the President dispersed [as] many as were able, some for glasse, others for pitch, tarre, and sope ashes; leaving them [the rest], with the fort, to the Councels oversight. But 30 of vs he conducted 5. myles from the fort to learn to make clapboard, cut downe trees, and ly[e] in woods. Amongst the rest, he had chosen Gabriell Beadell, and Iohn Russell the only two gallants of this last supply, and both proper gentlemen. Strange were these pleasures to their conditions: yet lodging, eating, drinking, work- ing, or playing, they doing but as the President, all these things were carried so pleasantly, as within a weeke, they became Masters; making it their delight to heare the trees thunder as they fell. But the axes so oft blistered their tender fingers, that commonly every third blow had a lowd oath to drowne the eccho: for remedy of which sin, the President devised howe to haue everie mans oathes numbered; and at night, for every oath to haue a can of water povvred downe his sleeue. VVith which, every offender vvas so vvashed (himselfe and all) that a man should scarse heare an oath in a weeke. By this, let no man think that the President, or these gentlemen spent their times as common wood-hackers at felling of trees, or such like other labours; or that they were pressed to anything as hirelings or common slaues: for what they did (being but once a little inured), it seemed, and they conceited it, only as a pleasure and a recreation. A. Todkill.] 127 with the second supply in Virginia. Yet 30 or 40 of such voluntary [49] Gentlemen would doe more in a day then 100 of the rest that must bee prest to it by compulsion. Master Scrivener, Captaine Waldo, and Captaine Winne at the fort; every one in like manner, carefully regarded their charge. One [1608] gentleman better ther 20 lubbers. p. 440.1 Chicka- contribu- The President, returning from amongst the woodes, seeing the time consumed, and no provision gotten, (and the ship lay Idle, and would do nothing), presently im- barked himselfe in the discovery barge; giuing order to the Councell, to send Master Persey after him, with the next barge that arrived at the fort. 2 barges he had him- selfe, and 20 men. But arriving at Chickahamina, that dogged nation was too wel acquainted with our wants, refusing to trade with as much scorne and insolencie as they could expresse. The President perceiving it was The Powhatans pollicy to starue vs, told them he came not so hamines much for their corne, as to revenge his imprisonment, and the forced to death of his men murdered by them [p. 16]. And so landing tion. his men, and ready to charge them, they immediately fled. But then they sent their imbassadours, with corne, fish, fowl, or what they had, to make their peace: (their corne being that year bad) they complained extreamly of their owne wants; yet fraughted our boats with 100 bushels of corne, and in like manner Master Persies, that not long after vs arriued. They having done the best they could to contents; within 4. or 5. daies, we returned to Iames Towne. Though this much contented the company (that then feared nothing but starving) yet some so envied his good successe, that they rather desired to starue, then his paines should proue so much more effectuall then [50] theirs. Some proiects there was, not only to haue deposed him but to haue kept him out of the fort; for that being President, he would leaue his place and the fort without their consents: but their hornes were so much too short to effect it, as they themselues more narrowly escaped a greater mischiefe. All this time our old taverne made as much of all them that had either mony or ware as could bee desired; and by this time they were become so perfect on all sides (I meane Souldiers, Sailers, and Salvages,) as there was ten times more care to maintaine their damnable and private trade, then to provide for the Colony things that were (441) A bad well doing reward for A good tauerne ik Virginia. 128 . The proceedings and accidents [W. Phettiplace. R. Wiffin[1608] A bad trade of masters and sailers. necessary. Neither was it a small pollicy in the mariners, to report in England wee had such plenty, and [to] bring vs so many men without victuall; when they had so many private factors in the fort, that within 6. or 7. weekes after the ships returne[i.e., to Virginia], of 2. or 300. hatchets, chissels, mattocks, and pickaxes, scarce 20 could be found: for pike-heads, kniues, shot, powder, or any thing (they could steale from their fellowes) was vendible. They knew as well (and as secretly) how to convay them to trade with the Salvages, for furres, baskets, mussaneekes, young beastes, for such like commodities; as exchange them with the sailers, for butter, cheese, biefe, porke, aquavitæ, beere, bisket, and oatmeale: and then faine, all was sent them from their friends. And though Virginia [hath] afford[ed] no furs for the store; yet one mariner in one voyage hath got so many, as hee hath confessed to haue solde in England for 30l. Those are the Saint-seeming worthies of Virginia; [51] that haue notwithstanding all this, meate, drinke, and pay: but now they begin to grow weary, their trade being both perceived and prevented. None hath bin in Virginia (that hath not observed any thing) which knowes not this to be true; and yet the scorne and shame was the poore souldiers, gentlemen, and care- lesse governours, who were all thus bought and solde; the aduenturers cousened, and the action overthrowne by their false excuses, informations, and directions. By this let all the world Iudge how this businesse coulde prosper; being thus abused by such pilfering occasions. The proceedings and accidents, with the second supply. Master Scrivener was sent with the barges and Pinas to Skriueners Werawocomoco, where he found the Salvages more ready Werawoco to fight then trade: but his vigilancy was such, as pre- voiage to moco. vented their proiectes, and by the meanes of Namontack, got 3. or 4. hogsheads of corne, and as much Red paint, which (then) was esteemed an excellent die. Captaine Newport being dispatched with the tryals of pitch, tarre, glasse, frankincense, and sope ashes, with A. Todkiilkiil.129 with the second supply in Virginia. ] . [1608] that clapbord and wainscot [which] could bee provided, met with Master Scrivener at point Comfort, and so returned [. 442.] for England; leaving vs in all 200, with those hee brought VS. The names of those in this supply are these. Captaine Peter Winne. Captaine Richard Waldo. Master Francis West. Thomas Graues. Rawley Chroshaw. Gabriell Bedle. Iohn Russell. Iohn Bedle. William Russell. Iohn Gudderington. William Sambage. Henry Collings. Henry Ley. Harmon Haryson. Daniell Tucker. Hugh Wollystone. Iohn Hoult. Thomas Norton. George Yarington. George Burton. Gent. were appointed to bee of the Councell. [52] Thomas Phelps. Iohn Part. Iohn Clarke. Iefry Shortridge. [53] Dius Oconor. Hugh Wynne. Davi[d] Vphu. Thomas Bradley. Iohn Burras. Thomas Lavander. Henry Bell. Master Powell. Davi[d] Ellys. Thomas Gipson. Thomas Dowse. Thomas Mallard. William Taler. Thomas Fox. Nicholas Hancock. Walker. Williams. Henry Philpot. Thomas Maxes. Michaell Lowicke. Morrell. Master Hunt. Rose. Thomas Forest. Scot. William Dowman. Hardwin. Iohn Dauxe. Thomas Abbay. Milman. Hellyard. Laborers. Tradesmen [i.c., Artizans]. [P. 445.) [5.446.] Boys. Mistresse Forest and Anne Buras [see p. 130] her maide, 8. Dutchmen and Poles, with divers to the number of 70. persons. Nansa- mund forced to contri- Those poore conclusions so affrighted vs all with famine, that the President provided for Nansamund. [He] tooke bution. 9 ENG. SCII. LIB. No. 16. 130 . The proceedings and accidents [w[1608] R. Wiffin. W. Phettiplace. with him Captaine Winne, and Master Scrivener (then returning from Captaine Newport). These people also [54] long denied him trade (excusing themselues to bee so commanded by Powhatan) til we were constrained to begin with them perforce, and then they would rather sell vs some, then wee should take all. So loading our boats with 100 bushels, we parted friends, [p. 447.] and came to Iames Towne: at which time, there was a marriage betweene Iohn Laydon and Anna Burrowes [see p. 129]; being the first marriage we had in Virginia. Appama- tucke discovered. Long he staied not, but fitting himselfe and captaine Waldo with 2. barges [the President sought] from Chawopo, weanocke and all parts there, [where] was found neither corne nor Salvage, but all fled (being Iealous of our intents) till we discovered the river and people of Appametuck, where we found [but] little. That they had we equally devided betwixt the Salvages and vs, but gaue them copper in consideration. Master Persie and Master Scrivener went also abroad, but could finde nothing. The President seeing this proc[r]astinating of time, was no course to liue, resolued with Captaine Waldo (who he knew to be sure in time of need), to surprise Powhatan and al his provision: but the vnwillingnes of Captaine Winne, and Master Scrivener (for some private respects), did their best to hinder their proiect. But the President, whom no perswasions could perswade to starue, being invited by Powhatan to come vnto him: and if he would send him but men to build him a house, bring him a grin [d]stone, 50. swords, some peeces, a cock and a hen, with copper and beads; he would loade his shippe with corne. The President not ignoraunt of his devises, yet vnwilling to neglect any opportunity, presently sent 3. Dutch-men and 2. English (having no victuals [55] to imploy them, all for want thereof being idle). Knowing there needed no better castel then that house, to surprize Powhatan [in]; to effect this project, he took order with Captaine Waldo, to second him, if need required. Scrivener, he left [as] his subsitute; and set forth with the Pinnas, 2. barges, and six and forty men, which only were such as voluntarily A. Todkill.] 131 with the second supply in Virginia. offered themselues for his iourny: the which (by reason of Master Scriveners ill successe) was censured very desper- ate. They all knowing Smith would not returne empty howsoever, caused many of those that he had appointed to find excuses to stay behinde. [1608] CHAPTER VIII. Captaine Smiths iourney to Pamavnke. HE 29 of December [1608], hee set forward for Werawocomoco. : his company were these. In the Discovery barge, himselfe. Robert Behethland. Nathaniell Powell. Iohn Russell. Rawly Crashaw. Gent. Michaell Sicklemore. Richard Worlie. Anas Todkill. VVilliam Loue. VVilliam Bentley. Geoffrey Shortridge. Edward Pising. VVilliam VVarde. In the Pinnace. Sould. [56] Master George Persie, brother to the Earle of Northumber- land; Master Frauncis VVest, brother to the Lord De-la- Ware. VVilliam Phetiplace, Captaine of the Pinnas. Ionas Profit, Master. Robert Ford, clarcke of the councell. Michaell Phetiplace. Geoffrey Abbot, Serg. Iohn Dods. [p. 448.] VVilliam Tankard. George Yarington. Iames Bourne. George Burton. Thomas Coe. Gent. Edward Brinton. Nathaniel Peacocke. Henry Powell. David Ellis. Thomas Gipson. Iohn Prat. Sould. 132 The proceedings and accidents . W. [wR. Wiffin. . [1608-9] George Acrigge. Iames Reade. Nicholas Hancocke. [b. 449.] The good counsell of Weras- koyack. Plentie of victuall. [Christmas ends on 6 Jan.] 148 Fowles killed at 3 shoots. Iames VVatkins. Sould. PhettiplaceAnthony Baggly, Serg. Thomas Lambert. Edward Pising, Serg. Sould. [Pising was in the barge, see previous page.] 4. Dutchmen and Richard Salvage were sent by land, to build the house for Powhatan against our arrivall. This company being victualled but for 3. or 4. daies, [57] lodged the first night at Weraskoyack; where the President tooke sufficient provision. This kind Salvage did his best to divert him from seeing Powhatan: but perceiuing he could not prevaile, he advised in this manner Captaine Smith, you shall finde Powhatan to vse you kindly, but trust him not; and bee sure hee haue no opportunitie to seaze on your armes, for hee hath sent for you only to cut your throats. The Captaine thanked him for his good counsell; yet the better to try his loue, desired guides to Chowanoke, for he would sent a present to that king to bind him his friend. To performe this iourney, was sent Michael Sicklemore, a very honest, valiant, and painefull soldier: with him, two guid[e]s, and directions howe to search for the lost company of Sir Walter Rawley, and silke grasse. Then wee departed thence, the President assuring the king [of] his perpetuall loue; and left with him Samuell Collier his page, to learne the language. The next night being lodged at Kecoughtan, [for] 6 or 7 daies, the extreame wind, raine, frost, and snowe caused vs to keepe Christmas amongst the Salvages: where wee were never more merrie, nor fedde on more plentie of good oysters, fish, flesh, wild foule, and good bread; nor never had better fires in England then in the drie warme smokie houses of Kecoughtan. But departing thence, when we found no houses, we were not curious [fastidious] (in any weather) to lie, 3 or 4 nights together, vpon any shore, vnder the trees, by a good fire. 148 fowles, the President, Anthony Bagly, and Edward Pising [the two Serjeants] did kill at 3 shoots. At Kiskiack, the frost forced vs 3 or 4 daies, also to A. Todkill. 133 ] with the second supply in Virginia. suppresse the insolencie of those [58] proud Salvages, to quarter in their houses and guard our barge, and [to] cause them to giue vs what wee wanted: yet were we but 12 with the President, and yet we neuer wanted harbour [shelter] where we found any houses. [1609] The 12 of Ianuarie [1609], we arrived at Werawocomoco, where the river was frozen neare halfe a mile from the shore. But to neglect no time, the President with his barge, so farre had approached, by breaking the Ice, as the eb[b] left him amongst those oozie shoules: yet, p. 450.] rather then to lie there frozen to death, by his owne example, hee taught them to march middle deepe, more An ill then a flight shot, through this muddie froye ooze. When march. the barge flo[a]ted, he appointed 2 or 3 to returne her abo[a]rd the Pinnace; where, for want of water, in melting the salt ice they made fresh water. But in this march, Master [Iohn] Russell (whome none could perswade to stay behind) being somewhat ill and exceeding[ly] heavie, so overtoiled him selfe, as the rest had much adoe (ere he got a shore) to regain life into his dead benummed spirits. Quartering in the next houses we found, we sent to Powhatan for provision; who sent vs plentie of bread, Turkies, and Venison. The next day, hauing feasted vs after his ordinarie manner; he began to aske, when we would bee gon[e], faining [feigning] hee sent not for vs neither had hee any corne, and his people much lesse; yet for 40 swords he would procure vs 40 bushels. Powhatans The President, shewing him the men there present, that brought him the message and conditions, asked him, how it chaunced he became so forgetful: thereat, the king concluded the matter with a merry laughter, asking for subteltie. our commodities; but none he liked without gunnes and swords, [59] valuing a basket of corne more pretious then a basket of copper, saying he could eate his corne, but not his copper. Captaine Smith seeing the intent of this subtil Saluage, Captaine began to deale with him after this manner. Smithes discourse to Powhatan, though I had many courses to haue Powhatan. made my provision; yet beleeving your promises to supply my wants, I neglected all, to satisfie your 134 . The proceedings and accidents [w.: [W. PhettiplaceR. Wiffin [1609] reply and [6.455.1 desire and to testifie my loue, I sent you my men for your building, neglecting my owne. What your people had, you haue engrossed, forbidding them our trade; and nowe you thinke by consuming the time, wee shall consume for want, not hauing [wherewith] to fulfill your strange demandes. As for swords and gunnes, I told you long agoe, I had none to spare. And you shall knowe, those I haue, can keepe me from want yet steale, or wrong you, I will not; nor dissolue that friendship wee haue mutually promised, except you constraine mee by your bad vsage. The king hauing attentiuely listned to this discourse, Powhatans promised that both hee and his Country would spare him flattery. what they could; the which within 2 daies, they should receaue. Yet, Captaine Smith, (saith the king) some doubt I haue of your comming hither, that makes me. not so kindly seeke to relieue you as I would: for many do informe me, your comming is not for trade, but to invade my people and possesse my Country: who dare not come to bring you corne, seeing you [are] thus armed with your men. To cleere vs of this feare, leaue abord your weapons; for here they are needlesse, we being all friends and for ever Powhatans. [60] With many such discourses, they spent the day, quart[e]ring that night in the kings houses. The next day, he reviewed his building, which hee little intended should proceed. For the Dutchmen finding his plenty, and knowing our want; and perceiuing his pre- paration to surprise vs, little thinking wee could escape both him, and famine: to obtaine his favour, reuealed to him as much as they knew of our estates and proiects, and how to prevent them. One of them being of so good a iudgement, spirit, and resolution (and a hireling that was certaine of wages for his labour; and ever well vsed, both he and his countrimen) that the President knewe not whome better to trust; and, not knowing any fitter for that imploiment, had sent him as a spie, to discover Powhatans intent, then little doubting his honestie; nor could ever be certaine of his villany till neare halfe a yeare after [p. 150). A. Todkill. 135 with the second supply in Virginia. Whilst we expected the comming in of the countrie, we wrangled out of the king 10 quarters of corne for a copper kettle; the which the President perceiving him much to effect, valued it at a much greater rate, but (in regard of his scarcety) hee would accept of as much more the next yeare, or else the country of Monacan. The King exceed- ing liberal of that hee had not, yeelded him Monacan. Wherewith each seeming well contented, Powhatan began to expostulate the difference betwixt peace and war, after this manner. [1609] discourse of Captaine Smith, you may vnderstand that I, hauing Powhatans seene the death of all my people thrice, and not one peace and living of those 3 generations but my selfe, I knowe warre. the difference of peace and warre better then any in my [61] Countrie. But now I am old, and ere long must die. My brethren, namely Opichapam; Opechankanough, and Kekataugh, my two sisters, and t. 452.] their two daughters, are distinctly each others succes- sours. I wish their experiences no lesse then mine, and your loue to them, no lesse then mine to you: but this bru[i]te from Nanṣamund, that you are come to destroy my Countrie, so much affrighteth all rny people, as they dare not visit you. What will it availe you to take that perforce, you may quietly haue with loue, or to destroy them that provide you food? What can you get by war, when we can hide our provision and flie to the woodes, whereby you must famish, by wronging vs your friends? And whie are you thus iealous of our loues, seeing vs vnarmed, and both doe, and are willing still to feed you with that you cannot get but by our labours? Think you I am so simple not to knowe it is better to eate good meate, lie well, and sleepe quietly with my women and children, laugh and be merrie with you, haue copper, hatchets, or what I want, being your friend; then bee forced to flie from al, to lie cold in the woods, feed vpon acorns roots and such trash, and be sɔ hunted by you that I can neither rest eat nor sleepe, but my tired men must watch, and if a twig but breake, everie one crie, there comes Captaine Smith: then must I flie I knowe not whether, and thus with miserable feare end my 136 . The proceedings and accidents [w[1609] C. Smiths reply [P. 453.] R. Wiffin. W. Phettiplace. miserable life, leauing my pleasures to such youths as you, which, through your rash vnadvisednesse, may quickly as miserably ende, for want of that you never knowe how to find? Let this therefore assure you of our loues, and everie yeare our friendly trade shall furnish you [62] with corne; and now also if you would come in friendly manner to see vs, and not thus with your gunnes and swords, as to invade your foes. To this subtil discourse, the President thus replied. I Seeing you will not rightly conceaue of our words, wee striue to make you knowe our thoughts by our deeds. The vow I made you of my loue, both my selfe and my men haue kept. As for your promise Ì finde it everie daie violated by some of your subiects; yet wee finding your loue and kindnesse, our custome is so far from being vngratefull, that for your sake only, wee haue curbed our thirsting desire of revenge, else had they knowne as wel the crueltie we vse to our enimies as our true loue and curtesie to our friendes. And I thinke your iudgement sufficient to conceiue, as well by the adventures we haue vndertaken, as by the advantage we haue by our armes, of yours: that had wee intended you anie hurt, long ere this we coulde haue effected it. Your people comming to me at Iames towne, are entertained with their bowes and arrowes without exception; we esteeming it with you, as it is with vs, to weare our armes as our apparell. As for the dangers of our enimies, in such warres consist[s] our chiefest pleasure. For your riches we haue no vse. As for the hiding [of] your provision, or by your flying to the woods; we shall [not] so vnadvisedly starue as you conclude: your friendly care in that behalfe is needlesse, for we haue a rule to finde beyond your knowledge. Manie other discourses they had, til at last they began to trade. But the king seing his will would not bee ad- mitted as a lawe, our guard [not] dispersed, nor our men [63] disarmed; he, sighing, breathed his mind once more, in this manner. Captaine Smith, I neuer vsed anie of Werowances so A. Todkill. 137 with the second supply in Virginia. [1609] impor- them to betray kindlie as your selfe; yet from you, I receaue the least kindnesse of anie. Captaine Newport gaue Powhatans me swords, copper, cloths, a bed, tooles, or what I tunitie desired; ever taking what I offered him and would for to have send awaie his gunnes when I intreated him. None armed, doth denie to laie at my feet, or do, what I desire, them. but onelie you; of whom I can haue nothing but what you regard not: and yet you wil haue what- soeuer you demand. Captain Newport you call father, and so you call me: but I see, for all vs both, you will doe what you list, and wee must both seeke to content you. But if you intend so friendlie as you saie, sende hence your armes that I may beleeue you: for you see the loue I beare you, doth cause mee thus nakedlie [to] forget my selfe. Smith (seeing this Salvage but trifled the time, to cut his throat) procured the Salvages to breake the ice, that his boat might come to fetch both him and his corne; and gaue order for his men to come ashore, to haue surprised the king with whom also, he but trifled the time till his men landed; and to keepe him from suspition, entertained the time with this reply. : C. Smiths delay time, might surprise discourse to that hee Powhatan. Powhatan, you must knowe as I haue but one God, I honour but one king: and I liue not here as your subiect, but as your friend to pleasure you with what I can. By the gifts you bestowe on me, you gaine more then by trade yet would you visite mee as I doe you, you should knowe it is not our customes to sell our curtesie. as a vendible commoditie. Bring all your Country [64] with you for your g[u]ard, I will not dislike of it as being over iealous. But to content you, to-morrow I will leaue my armes, and trust to your promise. I [The last call you father indeed, and as a father you shall see I will loue you: but the smal care you had of such a child, caused my men perswade me to shift for my selfe. By this time, Powhatan having knowledge [that] his men Powhatans were readie; whilst the ice was breaking, his luggage, murdered women and children fledde. And to avoid suspition [he] left Smith. 2 or 3 of his women talking with the Captaine; whilst he [454] secretly fled, and his men as secretlie beset the house. Which being at the instant discovered to Captaine Smith; time Smith sees Pow- hatan.] plot to haue 138 . The proceedings and accidents [w[1609] R. Wiffin. W. Phettiplace. with his Pistol, Sword and Target, he made such a passage amongst those naked divels that they fled before him, some one waie, some another: so that without hurt, he obtained [reached] the Corps du guard. When they perceiued him so well escaped, and with his 8 men (for he had no more with him), to the vttermost of their skill, they sought by excuses to dissemble the matter. And Powhatan, to excuse his flight and the suddaine com- A chaine of ming of this multitude, sent our Captaine a greate bracelet perle for a present. to kill our and a chaine of pearle, by an ancient Orator that bespoke vs to this purpose (perceiving then from our Pinnace, a barge and men departing and comming vnto vs.) Captaine Smith, our Werowans is fled, fearing your guns; and knowing [that] when the ice was broken, there would come more men, sent those of his, to guard his corne from the pilfrie that might happen without your knowledge. Now though some bee hurt by your misprison; yet he is your friend, and so wil continue. And since the ice is open, hee would haue you send awaie [65] your corne; and if you would haue his companie, send also your armes, which so affrighteth this people that they dare not come to you, as he hath promised they should. Nowe having prouided baskets for our men to carrie the corne, they kindlie offered their service to g[u]ard our armes, Pretending that none should steale them. A great manie they were, of men lolalded goodlie well appointed fellowes, as grim as divels: yet the we forced the verie sight of cocking our matches against them, and a few Salvages [to] words, caused them to leaue their bowes and arrowes to our with baskets, carrie them. gu[a]rd, and beare downe our corne on their own backes. [p. 455.] Wee needed not importune them to make quick despatch. But our own barge being left by the ebb, caused vs to staie till the midnight tide carried vs safe abo[a]rd [i.e., by the side of the Pinnace]. Hauing spent that halfe night with such mirth as though we never had suspected or intended anything; we left the Dutchman to build, Brinton to kil fowle for Powhatan as by his messengers he importunately desired; and left directions with our men to giue Powhatan all the content they could, that we might inioy his company at our returne from Pamaunke. A. Todkill. 139 with the second supply in Virginia. CHAPTER IX. How we escaped surprising at Pamavnke. W EE had no sooner set saile, but Powhatan re- turned, and sent Adam and Francis (2. stout Dutch men) to the fort: who fained to Cap- [/. 456.] [1609] men de- ceaue C. Smith. taine VVinne that al things were well, and that The dutch Captaine Smith had vse for their armes: wherefore they requested newe [66] (the which were giuen them). They told him their comming was for some extraordinary tooles and shift of apparell. By this colourable excuse, they obtained 6. or 7. more to their confederacie, such expert theefes that presently furnished them with a great many swords, pike-heads, peeces, shot, powder, and such like. They had Salvages at hand ready to carry it away. The next day, they returned vnsuspected, leaving their con- federates to follow; and, in the interim, to convay them a competencie of all things they could: for which service, they should liue with Powhatan as his chiefe affected, free from those miseries that would happen [to] the Colony. Samuell their other consort, Powhatan kept for their pledge; whose diligence had prouided him [Powhatan] 300. of their kinde of hatchets; the rest, 50. swords, 8. peeces, and 8. pikes. Brinton and Richard Salvage seeing the Dutch-men so strang[e]ly diligent to accommodate the Salvages [with] these weapons, attempted to haue got to Iames Towne ; but they were apprehended. Within 2. or 3. daies, we arrived at Pamavnke: the king [i.e., Opechancanough] as many daies entertained vs with feasting and much mirth. And the day he appointed to begin our trade, the President, with Master Persie, Master West, Master Russell, Master Beheathland, Master Powell, Master Crashaw, Master Ford, and some others, to the number of 15., went vp to Opechancanoug[h]s house (near a quarter of a mile from the river); where we [the writers of this portion of the Work, pp. 148, 131, were evidently of this party] founde nothing but Opechanca. a lame fellow and a boy, and all the houses about, of all abandoned. things abandoned. noughs 140 . The proceedings and accidents [w. PhettiplaceR. Wiffin. [1609] [P. 457-] Smiths speech to Opechanca- nough. 700 Salvages beset the English being but 16. Smiths speech to his company. Not long we staide ere the king arrived, and after him, came divers of his people loaded with bowes and arrowes; but such pinching commodities, and those esteemed at such a value [67], as our Captaine beganne with him, in this manner. Opechancanough, the great loue you professe with your tongue, seemes meere deceipt by your actions. Last yeare, you kindly fraughted our ship; but now you haue invited me to starue with hunger. You know my want; and I, your plenty of which, by some meanes, I must haue part. Remember it is fit for kings to keepe their promise. Here are my com- modities, whereof take your choice: the rest I will proportion fit bargaines for your people. The king seemed kindly to accept this offer; and the better to colour his proiect, sold vs what they had to our own content: promising the next day, more company, better provided. The barges and Pinnas being committed to the charge of Master Phetiplace: the President, with his old 15, marched vp to the kings house; where we found 4 or 5 men newly come with great baskets. Not long after came the king, who, with a strained cheerefulnes, held vs with discourse, what paines he had taken to keepe his promise, till Master Russell brought vs in news that we were all betraied, for at least 6. or 700. of well appointed Indians had invironed the house and beset the fields. The king coniecturing what Russell related, we could wel perceiue how the extremity of his feare bewrayed his intent. Whereat, sorne of our companie seeming dis- maide with the thought of such a multitude, the Captaine incouraged vs after this manner. Worthy countrymen, were the mischiefes of my seeming friends no more then the danger of these enemies, I little cared, were they as many more, if you [68] dare do but as I. But this is my torment, that if I escape them, our malicious councell, with their open-mouthed minions, will make mee such a peace-breaker (in their opinions) in England, as A. Todkill.] 141 with the second supply in Virginia. [1609] wil break my neck. I could wish those here, that make these seeme Saints, and me an oppressor. But this is the worst of all, wherin I pray, aide me with your opinions. Should wee begin with them and surprize this king, we cannot keep him and defend well our selues. If we should each kill our man, and so proceede with all] in this house, the rest will all fly: then shall we get no more then the bodies that are slaine, and then starue for victuall. As for their fury, it is the least danger. For well you know, being alone assaulted with 2 or 300 of them, I made †. 458.] them compound to saue my life; and we are now 16 and they but 700. at the most; and assure your selues God wil so assist vs, that if you dare but to stande to discharge your peeces, the very smoake will bee sufficient to affright them. Yet howsoever, if there be occasion, let vs fight like men, and not die like sheep: but first I will deale with them to bring it to passe, we may fight for something, and draw them to it by conditions. If you like this motion, promise me youle [you will] be valiant. The time not permitting any argument, all vowed to execute whatsoever he attempted, or die. Wherevpon the captaine approaching the king, bespoke him in this manner. I see Opechancanough, your plot to murder me; but Smiths offer I feare it not. As yet your men and mine haue done canough. no harme but by our directions. Take therefore your arms, you see mine. My body shalbe as naked as yours, [69] the Ile in your river is a fit place, if you be contented; and the conqueror, of vs two, shalbe Lord and Master over all our men. Otherwaies drawe all your men into the field, if you haue not enough, take time to fetch more; and bring what number you will, so everie one bring a basket of corne: against all which, I will stake the value in copper. You see I haue but 15 men, and our game shalbe, the conqueror take all. to Opechan- noughs The king, being guarded with 50 or 60 of his chiefe pechanca men, seemed kindly to appease Smiths suspition of vnkind- devis to nesse, by a great present at the dore, they intreated him to betray receiue. This was to draw him without the dore, where Smith. 142 . The proceedings and accidents R. Wiffin[wW. . [1609] [P. 459.] Smiths discourse to the Pa- maunkies. . Phettiplacethe present was g[u]arded with at the least 200 men, and 30 lying under a greate tree that lay thwart as a Barricado, each [with] his arrow nocked ready to shoot. Some, the President commanded to go and see what kinde of deceit this was, and to receiue the present; but they refused to do it: yet divers offered, whom he would not permit but commanding Master Persic and Master VVest to make good the house, tooke Master Po[w]ell and Master Beheathland to guard the dore; and in such a rage, snatched the king by his vambrace in the midst of his men, with his pistoll ready bent against his brest. Thus he led the trembling king, neare dead with feare, amongst all his people; who delivering the Captaine his bow and arrowes, all his men were easily intreated to cast downe their armes, little dreaming anie durst in that manner haue vsed their king: who then, to escape himselfe, bestowed his presents in good sadnesse. And hauing caused all his multitude to approach dis- armed, the President argued with them to this effect. [70] I see, you Pamavnkies, the great desire you haue to cut my throat, and my long suffering [of] your iniuries haue imboldened you to this presumption. The cause I haue forborne your insolencies is the promise I made you, before the God I serue, to be your friend, till you giue me iust cause to bee your enimie. If I keepe this vow, my God will keepe mee; you cannot hurt me if I breake it, he will destroie me. But if you shoot but one arrow to shed one drop of blood of any of my men, or steale the least of these beades or copper I spurne before me with my foot; you shall see, I wil not cease revenge, if once I begin, so long as I can heare where to find one of your nation that will not deny the name of Pamavnke. I am not now at Rasseneac [pp. 17, 21], halfe drownd with mire, where you tooke me prisoner: yet then, for keeping your promise, and your good vsage, and saving my life, I so affect you, that your denials of your treacherie doth half perswade me to mistake my selfe. But if I be the marke you aime at, here I stand, shoote hee that dare. You promised to fraught my ship ere I departed; and so you shall, or I meane to load her 1 1 A. Todkill.] 143 with the second supply in Virginia. with your dead carkases. Yet if as friends you wil come and trade, I once more promise not to trouble you, except you giue me the first occasion. Vpon this, awaie went their bowes and arrowes; and men, women, and children brought in their commodities. But 2 or three houres they so thronged about the Presi- dent, and so overwearied him, as he retired himself to rest, leaving Master Behcathland and Master Powel to accept their presents. [1609] The Sal semble vages dis- their intent. But some Salvage perceiving him fast asleepe, and the guard carelessly dispersed, 40 or 50 of their choice men [71], each with an English sword in his hand, began to enter the house; with 2 or 300 others that pressed to second them. The noise and hast[e] they made in, did so shake the house as they awoke him from his sleep; and being halfe amazed with this suddaine sight, [he] betooke him straight to his sword and target, Master Crashaw and t§. 460.] some other[s] charging in like manner, they thronged faster back, then before forward. The house thus clensed, Their the king and his ancients, with a long oration came to reconcile- excuse this intrusion. The rest of the day was spent with much kindnesse: the company againe renuing their presents of their best provision. And whatsoever we gaue them, they seemed well contented with it. Now in the meane while, since our departure, this hapned at the fort. excuse and ment. The losse of Skrivener Master Master Scriuener willing to crosse the surprizing of Powhatan, 9 daies after the Presidents departure [i.e. on 7 January 1609], would needs visit the Ile of hogges; and took with him Captaine Waldo (though the President had appointed him to bee readie to second his occasions) with Master Antony Gosnoll and eight others: but so violent was the wind (that extreame frozen time) that the boat sunke; but where, or how, none doth knowe, for they were all drowned. Onlie this was knowne, that the Skiffe. Skiffe was much overloaded, and would scarse haue lived in that extreme tempest had she beene emptie: but by no perswasion could hee bee diverted, though both Waldo and 100 others doubted [feared] as it hapned. and others and 144 [W. Phettiplace The proceedings and accidents R. Wiffin . [1609] Master Wiffin his journey to the President. [p. 461.] Powhatan constraineth The Salvages were the first that found their bodies, which so much the more encouraged them to effect their proiects. To advertise the President of this heavie [72] newes, none could bee found [that] would vndertake it: but the iourney was often refused of all in the fort, vntill Master Wiffin vndertooke alone the performance thereof. Wherein he was encountred with many dangers and difficulties; and in all parts as hee passed, as also that night he lodged with Powhatan, [he] perceived such preparation for warre that assure him some mischiefe was intended: but with extraordinarie bribes and much trouble, in three daies travell, at length, he found vs [apparently about 22 January 1609] in the midst of these turmoiles. This vnhappie newes, the President swore him to con- ceale from the rest; and so, dissembling his sorrow with the best countenance he could, when the night approached, [he] went safely abord with all his companie. Now so extreamely Powhatan had threatned the death of his men to be his men, if they did not, by some meanes, kill Captaine Smith, trecherous. that the next day they appointed the Countrie should come to trade vnarmed: yet vnwilling to be treacherous but that they were constrained, hating fighting almost as ill as hanging; such feare they had of bad successe. The next morning, the sunne had not long appeared, but the fieldes appeared covered with people, and baskets Their third to tempt vs ashore. The President determined to keepe attempt to abo[a]rd; but nothing was to bee had without his presence, nor would they not indure the sight of a gun. betray vs. Then the President, seeing many depart, and being vnwilling to lose such a booty, so well contrived the Pinnace and his barges with Ambuscadoes; as only with Master Persie, Master West, and Master Russell armed, he went ashore. Others vnarmed, he appointed to receiue what was brought. The Salvages flocked [73] before him in heapes, and (the bancke serving as a trench for retreat) hee drewe them faire open to his ambuscadoes. For he not being to be perswaded to go to visit their king, the King [Opechancanough] came to visit him, with 2 or 300 men, in the forme of two halfe-moons, with some 20 men and many women loaded with great painted baskets. But A. Tedkill.] 145 with the second supply in Virginia. [1609] when they approached somewhat neare vs, their women and children fled. For when they had environed and beset the fieldes in this manner, they thought their pur- pose sure; yet so trembled with fear as they were scarse able to nock their arrowes. Smith standing with his 3 men readie bent, beholding them till they were within danger of our ambuscado; who, vpon the word, discovered themselues, he retiring to the banke: which the Salvages no sooner perceived, but away they fled, esteeming their (p. 462.] heeles for their best advantage. That night, we sent to the fort Master Crashaw and Master Foard [evidently in one of the barges]; who, in the mid- way betweene Werawocomoco and the fort, met 4 or 5. of the Dutch mens confederates going to Powhatan : the which (to excuse those gentlemens Suspition, of their running to the Salvages) returned to the fort, and there continued [p. 150]. The Salvages hearing our barge depart in the night, were so terriblie afraide that we [had] sent for more men (we having so much threatned their ruine, and the rasing of their houses, boats, and canowes), that the next day the King [Opechancanough] sent our Captaine a chaine of pearle A chaine of to alter his purpose and stay his men; promising, though to obtaine they wanted themselues, to fraught our ship, and to bring it abo[a]rd to avoid suspition: so that, 5 or 6 daies after, [74] from al parts of the countrie within 10 or 12 miles, in the extreame cold frost and snow, they brought vs provision on their naked backes. pearle sent peace. Yet notwithstanding this kindnesse and trade, had their art and poison bin sufficient, the President with Master The West and some others had been poysoned. It made them Poysoned. sicke but expelled it selfe. President The Wecuttanow, a stout yong fellow, knowing hee was. suspected for bringing this present of poison, with 40 or 50. of his choice companions, seeing the President with but a few men at Pontavncat, so prowdlie braved it, as though he expected to incounter a revenge. Which the offender President perceiving, in the midst of his companie, did not onlie beat, but spurned him like a dogge, as scorning to doe him any worse mischiefe: wherevpon all of them fled into the woods, thinking they had done a great matter to haue so well escaped; and the townsmen remaining ENG. SCH. LIB. No. 16. ΙΟ punished } 146 . The proceedings and accidents [W. Phettiplace. R. Wiffin[1609] [P. 463.] want and presentlie fraughted our barge, to bee rid of our companies, framing manie excuses to excuse Wecuttanow, being son to their chiefe king but Powhatan, and told vs if we would shew them him that brought the poyson, they would deliver him to vs to punish as wee pleased. Men maie thinke it strange there should be this stir for a little corne: but had it been gold with more ease wee might haue got it; and had it wanted, the whole colonie had starved. We maie be thought verie patient to indure all those iniuries. Yet onlie with fearing them, we got what they had: whereas if we had taken revenge, then by their losse, we should haue lost our selu[e]s. We searched also the countries of Youghtanund and [75} The Salvage Mattapamient, where the people imparted what little they had with such complaints and tears from women and children, as he had bin too cruell to be a Christian that would not haue bin satisfied and moved with compassion. poverty. The Dutchmen did much hurt. But had this happened in October, November, and December, when that vnhappie discoverie of Monacan was made; wee might haue fraughted a ship of 40 tuns, and twice as much might haue bin had from the rivers of Toppahannock, Patawomeck, and Pawtuxunt. The maine occasion of our temporizing with the Sal- vages was to part friends, as we did, to giue the lesse cause of suspition to Powhatan to fly: by whom we now returned, with a purpose to haue surprised him and his provision. For effecting whereof, when we came against the towne, the President sent Master Wiffin and Master Coe a shore, to discover and make waie for his intended project. But they found that those damned Dutchman had caused Powhatan to abandon his new house and werawo- comoco, and to carrie awaie all his corne and provision: and the people, they found, by their means, so ill affected, that had they not stood well vpon their guard, they had hardlie escaped with their liues. So the President finding his intention thus frustrated, and that there was nothing now to be had, and therefore an vnfit time to revenge their abuses, helde on his course for Iames Towne: we having in this Iornie (for 251[bs.] of copper [and] 501[bs.] of Iron and beads) kept 40 men 6. weekes [i.e., from 29 Dec. 1608 to about 8 Feb. 1609]; A. Todkill.] 147 with the second supply in Virginia. and dailie feasted with bread, corne, flesh, fish, and fowle. Everie man having for his reward (and in considera- tion of his commodities) a months provision, no trade being allowed but for the store; and we [76] delivered at Iames Towne to the Cape Marchant, 279 bushels of corne. [1609] Those temporall proceedings, to some maie seeme too charitable, to such a dailie daring trecherous people; to lẻ. 464.] others vnpleasant that we washed not the ground with their blouds, nor shewed such strange inventions in mangling, murdering, ransaking, and destroying (as did the Spaniards) the simple bodies of those ignorant soules; nor delightful, because not stuffed with relations of heaps and mines of gold and siluer, nor such rare commodities as the Portugals and Spaniards found in the East and West Indies. The want wherof hath begot vs, that were the first vndertakers, no lesse scorne and contempt, than their noble conquests and valiant aduentures (beautified with it), praise and honor. Too much, I confesse, the world. cannot attribute to their ever memorable merit. And to cleare vs from the worlds blind ignorant censure, these fewe words may suffise to any reasonably vnderstanding. It was the Spaniards good hap to happen in those parts where were infinite numbers of people, whoe had manured the ground with that providence that it afforded victuall at all times; and time had brought them to that perfec- tion [that] they had the vse of gold and silver, and [of] the most of such commodities as their countries affoorded: so that what the Spaniard got was only the spoile and pillage of those countrie people, and not the labours of their owne hands. But had those fruitfull Countries beene as Salvage, as barbarous, as ill-peopled, as little planted laboured and manured, as Virginia; their proper labours, it is likely would haue [77] produced as small profit as ours. But had Virginia bin peopled, planted, manured, and adorned with such store of pretious Iewels and rich commodities as was the Indies: then, had we not gotten and done as much as by their examples might bee expected from vs, the world might then haue traduced vs and our merits, 148 . The proceedings and accidents A. [w R. Willin. W. Phettiplace. Todkill[1609] and haue made shame and infamy our recompence and reward. [P. 465.] But we chanced in a lande, even as God made it. Where we found only an idle, improvident, scattered people, ignorant of the knowledge of gold, or silver, or any commodities; and carelesse of anything but from hand to mouth, but for ba[u]bles of no worth; nothing to encourage vs but what accidentally wee found nature afforded. Which ere wee.could bring to recompence our paines, defray our charges, and satisfie our adventurers; we were to discover the country, subdue the people, bring them to be tractable civil and industrious, and teach them trades that the fruits of their labours might make vs recompence, or plant such colonies of our owne that must first make provision how to liue of themselues ere they can bring to perfection the commodities of the countrie: which doubtless will be as commodious for England as the west Indies for Spaine, if it be rightly managed; not- withstanding all our home-bred opinions that will argue the contrarie, as formerly such like haue done against the Spaniards and Portugals. But to conclude, against all rumor of opinion I only say this for those that the three first yeares began this plan- tation: notwithstanding al their factions, mutenies, and mise- ries, so gently corrected [78] and well prevented, pervse the Spanish Decades, the relations of Master Hacklu[y]t; and tell mee how many ever, with such smal meanes as a barge of 2 Tunnes, sometimes with 7. 8. 9, or but at most 15 men, did ever discover so many faire and navigable rivers, subiect so many severall kings people and nations. to obedience and contribution, with so little bloud shed. And if in the search of those Countries, wee had hapned where wealth had beene, we had as surely had it, as obedience and contribution; but if wee haue overskipped it, we will not envy them that shall chance to finde it. Yet can wee not but lament it was our ill fortunes to end, when wee had but only learned how to begin, and found the right course how to proceed. By Richard Wiffin, William Phettiplace, and Anas Todkill. ? N. Powell. ? A. Todkill. 149 with the second supply in Virginia. CHAPTER X. How the Salvages became subiect to the English W Hen the shippes departed [November, 1608], al the provision of the store but that the Presi dent had gotten, was so rotten with the last somers rain, and eaten with rats and wormes [1609] as the hogs would scarsely eat it; yet it was the souldiers (p. 466.] diet till our returnes: so that wee found [79] nothing done, but victuall spent, and the most part of our tooles, and a good part of our armes convayed to the Salvages. But now, casting vp the store [the discovery of the rotten- ness &c., of the corn in the casks was later on, see p. 155], and finding sufficient till the next harvest, the feare of starving was abandoned: and the company [being] divided into tennes, fifteenes, or as the businesse required, 4 houres each day was spent in worke, the rest in pastimes and merry exercise. But the vntowardnesse of the greatest number caused the President to make a generall assembly; and then he advised them as followeth. dents advise company. [This evidently speech was made after the last sur- viving mem- Council, Captain winne, see p. 157. the death of ber of the Countrimen, the long experience of our late miseries, The Presi I hope is sufficient to perswade every one to a present to the correction of himselfe; and thinke not that either my pains, or the adventurers purses, will ever maintaine you in idlenesse and sloth. I speake not this to you all; for diverse of you, I know, deserve both honor and reward better then is yet here to bee had; but the greater part must be more industrious, or starue. Howsoever you haue bin heretofore tolerated by the authoritie of the Councell from that I haue often commanded you: yet seeing nowe the authoritie resteth wholly in my selfe, you must obay this for a law, that he that will not worke, shall not eate, except by sicknesse he be disabled. For the labours of 30 or 40 honest and industrious men shall not bee consumed to maintaine 150 idle varlets. Now though you presume the authoritie here is but a shaddow, and that I dare not touch the liues of any but my own E. A.] 150 ? N. Powell. ? A. Todkill. The proceedings and accidents [1609] [P. 467.] The Dutch- mens plot to murder must answer it; the letters patents each week shall be read [to] you, whose contents will tell you the contrary. I would wish you therefore, without con- tempt, seeke to obserue these orders [80] set downe; for there are now no more Councells to protect you, nor curbe my indeauors. Therefore hee that offendeth, let him assuredly expect his due punishment. Hee made also a table [notice board] as a publike memoriall of every mans deserts, to encourage the good, and with shame to spurne on the rest to amendment. this, many became very industrious: yet more by severe punishment performed their businesse; for all were so tasked, that there was no excuse could prevail to deceiue him. By Yet the Dutchmens consorts so closely still convai[e]d powder, shot, swords, and tooles; that though we could find the defect, we could not find by whom it was occa- sioned, till it was too late. All this time, the Dutchmen remaining with Powhatan, received them, instructing the Salvages [in] their vse. But Capt. Smith. their consorts not following them as they expected [p. 145], to know the cause, they sent Francis their companion, a stout young fellow, disguised Salvage like, to the glasse- house, a place in the woods neere a myle from Iames Towne, where was the randavus for all their vnsuspected villany. 40 men, they procured of Powhatan to lie in Ambuscadoe for Captaine Smith; who no sooner heard of this Dutch- man, but hee sent to apprehend him. Who found he was gon[e]; yet to crosse his returne to Powhatan, Captaine Smith presently dispatched 20 shot after him. And then returning but from the glasse-house alone, hee incountred the King of Paspaleigh, a most strong stout Salvage; whose perswasions not being able to perswade him to his ambush, seeing him only armed but with a fauchion, attempted to haue shot him. But the President prevented his shot [81] by grapling with him; and the Salvage as well prevented him from drawing his fauchion, and perforce bore him into the river to haue drowned him. Long they struggled in the water, from whence the king perceiving two of the Poles vpon the frisoner sandes, would haue fled: but the President held him by Smith taketh the king of Paspaheigh ? 151 ? A. Powell. with the second supply in Virginia. . N. Todkillthe haire and throat til the Poles came in. Then seeing [1609] howe pittifully the poore Salvage begged his life, they con- ducted him prisoner to the fort. The Dutchman ere long was also brought in, whose villany (though all this time it was suspected), yet he fained such a formall excuse that for want of language [i.e., Dutch], Win [ne] had not rightly vnderstood them: and for their dealings with Powhatan, that to saue their liues, they were constrained to accommodate [him with] his armes; of whome he extreamely complained to haue detained them perforce, and that hee made his escape with the hazard of his life, and meant not to haue returned but only walked in the woods to gather walenuts. Yet for all this faire tale, there was so smal appearance of truth, hee went by the heeles [was put in irons]. The king also he put in fetters, purposing to regaine the [p. 468.] Dutch-men, by the saving [of] his life. The poore Salvage did his best, by his daily messengers. to Powhatan, but all returned that the Dutchmen would not return: neither did Powhatan stay them; and [to] bring them fiftie myles on their backes [i.e., overland from Orapaks], they were not able. Daily this kings wiues. children and people came to visit him with presents, which hee liberally bestowed to make his peace. Much trust they had in the Presidents promise: but the king finding his g[u]ard negligent, though fettered yet escaped. Captain Win thinking to pursue [82] him, found such troopes of Salvages to hinder his passages, as they ex- changed many volies of shot for flights of arrowes. Captaine Smith hearing of this, in returning to the fort, tooke two Salvages prisoners: the one called Kemps, the other Kinsock; the two most exact villaines in the countrie. With those, Captaine Win and 50 chosen men attempted that night to haue regained the king, and revenged his iniurie. And so had done, if he had followed his directions, or bin advised by those two villaines (that would haue betraied both their king and kindred for a peece of copper); but hee trifling away the night, the Salvages, the next morning by the rising of the sunne, braved him [to] come a shore to fight. A good time both sides let flie 152 [? N. Powell. ? A. Todkill. The proceedings and accidents [1609] The Saluages [p. 469.] at other; but wee heard of no hurt. Only they tooke two Canows, burnt the kings house; and so returned. The President fearing those bravadoes would but in- courage the Salvages, begun himself to trie his conclu- sions; whereby 6 or 7 Salvages were slaine, [and] as many made prisoners. [He] burnt their houses; tooke their boats with all their fishing weares, and planted them. at Iames Towne for his owne vse: and now resolved not to cease till he had revenged himselfe vpon al that had iniured him. But in his iourney, passing by Paspaleigh towards desire peace. Chickahamina, the Salvages did their best to draw him to their ambuscadoes: but seeing him regardlesly passe their Countrey, all shewed themselues in their bravest manner, to trie their valours. He could not but let flie, and ere he could land, the Salvages no sooner knewe him, but they threw downe their armes and desired peace. Their Orator was a stout young man [83] called Ocanindge; whose worthie discourse deserveth to be remembered. And this it was. Ocanindge his Oration. Captaine Smith, my master is here present in this company, thinking it Captaine Win, and not you; and of him, hee intended to haue beene revenged, having never offended him. If hee haue offended you in escaping your imprisonment, the fishes swim, the fowles flie, and the very beastes striue to escape the snare and liue: then blame not him being a man. Hee would entreat you remember your being a prisoner [p. 16], what paines he tooke to saue your life. If since he hath iniured you, he was compelled to it; but, howsoever, you haue revenged it with our too great losse. We perceiue and well knowe you intend to destroy vs, that are here to intreat and desire your friendship, and to enjoy our houses and plant our fields, of whose fruit you shall participate: otherwise you will haue the worst by our absence. For we can plant any where, though with more labour; and we know you cannot liue if you want our haruest and that reliefe wee bring you. If you promise vs peace, we will beleeue you; if you proceed in reveng[e], we will abandon the Countrie. ? 153 ? A. with the second supply in Virginia. .' . N. PowellTodkillVpon these tearmes the President promised them peace till they did vs iniury, vpon condition they should bring in provision. So all departed good friends, and so continued till Smith left the Countrie. [1609] smothered and was Ariving at Iames Towne, complaint was made to the A Saluage President that the Chickahaminos, who al this while con- at lames tinued trade and seemed our friendes, by colour thereof Towne, were the only theeues; and amongst other things, a pistol recovered. being stolne and the theefe fled, there [84] were apprehended 2 proper young fellows that were brothers, knowne to be his confederat [e]s. Now to regain this pistoll, the one we imprisoned; the other was sent, to returne againe within 12 houres, or his brother to be hanged. Yet the President pittying the poore naked Salvage in the dungeon, sent him victuall and some charcole for fire. Ere midnight his brother returned with the pistoll: but the poore Salvage in the dungeon was so smothered with the smoke he had made, and so pittiously burnt that wee [§. 470.] found him dead. The other most lamentably bewailed his death, and broke forth in such bitter agonies, that the President, to quiet him, told him that if hereafter they would not steal, he wo[u]ld make him aliue againe: but [he] little thought hee could be recovered. Yet we doing our best with aquavitæ and vineger, it pleased God to restore him againe to life: but so drunke and affrighted that he seemed lunaticke, not vnderstanding any thing hee spoke or heard; the which as much grieved and tormented the other, as before to see him dead. Of which maladie, vpon promise of their good behaviour afterward, the President promised to recover him; and so caused him to be laid by a fire to sleepe: who in the morning, hauing well slept, had recovered his perfect senses. And then being dressed of his burning, and each a peece of copper given them; they went away so well contented, that this was spread amongst all the Salvages for a miracle, that Captaine Smith could make a man aliue that is dead. These and many other such pretty accidents so amazed and affrighted both Powhatan and all his people, that from all parts with presents they desired peace; [85] 154 [? N. Powell. ? A. Todkill. The proceedings and accidents [1609] returning many stolne things which wee neither demaunded nor thought of. And after that, those that were taken stealing, both Powhatan and his people haue sent them backe to Iames Towne to receiue their punishment; and all the countrie became absolutely as free for vs, as for themselues. [P. 471.] More done in 3 monthes than 3 yeares. WE CHAPTER XI. What was done in three monthes hauing victuall. The store devoured by rats. N How we lived 3 monthes of such naturall fruits as the countrie afforded. OW wee so quietly followed our businesse that in 3 monthes, we made 3 or 4 Last of pitch, and tarre, and sope ashes; produced a triall of glasse; made a well in the forte of ex- cellent sweete water, which till then was wanting; built some 20 houses; re-couered our Church; provided nets and weares for fishing; and to stop the disorders of our disorderly theeues and the Salvages, built a blocke house. in the necke of our Ile, kept by a garrison, to entertaine the Salvages trade, and none to passe or repasse, Salvage nor Christian, without the Presidents order; 30 or 40 acres of ground, we digged and planted; of 3 sowes, in one yeare increased 60 and od[d] pigges; and neere 500 chickens brought vp themselues, without hauing any meate giuen them: but the hogges were transported to Hog Ile, where also [86] we built a blocke house, with a garrison, to giue vs notice of any shipping; and for their exercise, they made clapbord, wainscot, and cut downe trees against the ships comming. We built also a fort for a retreat, neare a convenient river, vpon a high commanding hill, very hard to be assaulted, and easie to be defended: but ere it was halfe finished, this defect caused a stay. In searching our casked corne, wee found it halfe rotten: ? 155 ? A. Powell. with the second supply in Virginia. . N. Tcdkilland the rest so consumed with the many thousand rats, increased first from the ships, that we knewe not how to keepe that little wee had. This did driue vs all to our wits ende; for there was nothing in the countrie but what nature afforded. Vntill this time Kemps and Tassore were fettered prisoners, and daily wrought; and taught vs how to order and plant our fields: whom now, for want of victuall, we set at libertie; but so wel were they vsed, that they little desired it. [1609] And to express their loues, for 16 daies continuance, [. 472.] the Countrie brought vs (when least) 100 a daie of squirrils, Turkies, Deare, and other wilde beastes. But this want of corne occasioned the end of all our workes, it being worke sufficient to provide victuall. 60 or 80 with Ensigne Laxon were sent downe the river to liue vpon oysters: and 20 with leiftenant Percic to trie for fishing at point Comfort, but in 6 weekes, they would not agree once to cast out their net. Master West, with as many, went vp to the falles; but nothing could bee found but a fewe berries and acornes. Of that in the store, every one had their equall proportion. 54. Till this present, by the hazard and endeavour of some 30 or 40, this whole number had ever been fed. The pains of 40 fed Wee had more Sturgeon then [87] could be devoured by dogge and man; of which, the industrious by drying and pownding, mingled with caviare, sorrel and other wholsome hearbs, would make bread and good meate. Others would gather as much Tockwough roots in a day as would make them bread a weeke. So that of those wilde fruites, fish, and berries these lived very well, in regard of such a diet. But such was the most strange condition of some 150, that had they not beene forced nolens volens perforce to gather and prepare their victuall, they would all haue starved, and haue eaten one another. Of those wild fruites, the Salvages often brought vs: and for that the President would not fulfill the vnreasonable desire of those distracted lubberly gluttons, to sell not only our kettles, howes, tooles, and Iron, nay swords, peeces, and the very ordenance and houses (might they haue pre- vailed but to haue beene but idle) for those salvage fruits, they would haue imparted all to the Salvages. 156 . The proceedings and accidents ? [? Powell. [1609] to destroy N A. TodkillEspecially for one basket of corne they heard of to bee at Powhatans, 50 myles from our fort: though he bought neere halfe of it to satisfie their humours; yet to haue Their desire had the other halfe, they would haue sold their soules, themselves. though not sufficient to haue kept them a weeke. Thou- sands were their exclamations, suggestions, and devises to force him to those base inventions, to haue made it an occasion to abandon the Countrie. [/. 473.] The Presidents speech to the drones. Want perforce constrained him to indure their ex- claiming follies, till he found out the author, one Dyer [p. 168], a most craftie knaue, and his ancient maligner; whom he worthely punished: and with the rest, he argued the case, in this manner, [88] Fellow souldiers, I did little thinke any so false to report, or so many so simple to be perswaded, that I either intend to starue you; or that Powhatan at this present hath corne for himselfe, much lesse for you; or that I would not haue it, if I knewe where it were to be had. Neither did I thinke any so malitious as nowe I see a great many: yet it shall not so much passionate me, but I will doe my best for my worst maligner. But dreame no longer of this vaine hope from Powhatan; nor that I wil longer forbeare to force you from your Idlenesse, and punish you if you raile. You cannot deny but that by the hazard of my life, many a time I haue saued yours; when (might your owne wils haue prevailed) you would haue starved, and will doe still whether I will or no. But I protest by that God that made me, since necessitie hath not power to force you to gather for your selu [e]s those fruits the earth doth yeeld; you shall not only gather for your selues, but for those that are sicke. As yet I never had more from the store then the worst of you, and all my English extraordinarie provision that I haue [i.e., his private stock], you shall see mee devide among the sick. And this Salvage trash you so scornfully repine at, being put in your mouthes, your stomacks can digest it; and therefore I will take a course you shall provide it. The sicke shal not starue, but equally share of all our labours; and every one that ? 157 ? with the second supply in Virginia. Powell.' A. Todkill.j N. gathereth not every day as much as I doe, the next daie, shall be set beyond the river, and for ever bee banished from the fort: and liue there or starue. [1609] died in This order, many murmured, was very cruell. But it caused the most part so well [to] bestir themselues that But 7 of 200 [89] of 200 men (except they were drowned), there died not months. past 7 or 8. As for Captaine Win and Master Ley, they died ere this [Þ. 474.] want happened: and the rest died not for want of such as preserued the rest. Many were billitted among the Salvages, whereby we knewe all their passages, fieldes, and habitations; how to gather and vse their fruits as well as themselues. Salvages So well those poore Salvages vsed vs, that were thus The Billited, as divers of the souldiers ran away, to search returne our Kemps our old prisoner. Glad was this Salvage to haue fugitiues. such an occasion to testifie his loue, for insteed of enter- taining them and such things as they had stolne, with all the great offers and promises they made them (to revenge their iniuries vpon Captaine Smith): First, he made him- selfe sport, in shewing his countrymen, by them, how he was vsed; feeding them with this law, who would not worke must not eat, till they were neere starved; continu- allie threatning to beate them to death. Neither could they get from him, til perforce he brought them to our Captaine, that so we contented him, and punished them; as manie others that intended also to haue followed them, were rather contented to labour at home then adventure to liue Idle among the Salvages: of whom there was more hope to make better christians and good subiects, then the one halfe of those that counterfeited themselues both. For so afeard were all those kings and the better sorte of their people to displease vs, that some of the baser sort that we haue extreamelie hurt and punished for their vil- lanies, would hire vs, that we should not tell it to their kings or countrymen, who would also repunish [90] them, and yet returne them to Iames Towne to content the President, by that testimonie of their loues. 158 ? N. Powell. ? A. Todkill. The proceedings and accidents [1609] [P. 475.] Master Sicklemore well returned from Chawonock, but found little hope and lesse certainetie of them [that] were left by Sir Walter Rawley [in 1587]. So that Nathaniell Powell and Anas Todkill were also, by the Quiyough- Search for quohanocks, conducted to the Mangoages to search them them sent by there. But nothing could we [evidently Powell and Todkill are the writers of this part of this Work] learne but they were all dead. Sir Walter Rawley. The Dutchmens proiects. !/. 476.] This honest, proper, good promis[e]-keeping king, of all the rest, did euer best affect vs, and though to his false Gods he was yet very zealous; yet he would confesse, our God as much exceeded his, as our guns did his bowe and arrowes often sending our President manie presents to praie to his God for raine, or his corne would perish; for his Gods were angrie all this time. To reclaime the Dutchmen, and one Bentley an other fugitiue, we imploied one William Volda (a Switzer by birth), with pardons and promises to regaine them. Li[t]tle we then suspected this double villanie of anie villain, who plainly taught vs, in the most trust was the greatest treason. For this wicked hypocrit [e], by the seeming hate he bore to the lewd condition of his cursed countri- men, hauing this opportunitie, by his imploiment to re- gaine them, conveighed them everie thing they desired to effect their proiect to destroie the colonie. With much devotion they expected the Spanyard, to whom they intended to haue done good service. But to begin with the first op[p]ortunitie, they seeing necessitie thus inforced vs to disperse our selues, importuned Powhatan to lend them but his forces, and they would not onlie destroie our hogs, fire our towne, and betraie [91] our Pinnas: but bring to his service and subiection the most part of our companies. With this plot they had acquainted manie discontents [discontented]; and manie were agreed to their divelish practise. But Thomas Douese and Thomas Mallard, whose christian harts much relenting at such an vnchristian act, voluntarily reuealed it to Captaine Smith who did his best it might be concealed, perswading Douese and Malard to proceed in the confederacie, onlie to bring the irrecla[i]mable Dutch men and inconstant Sal- : ? 159 ? Powell. with the second supply in Virginia. . N. A. Todkillvages in such a maner amongst his ambuscadoes as he had prepared, as not manie of them shoulde ever haue returned. from out [of our peni[n]sula. But this bru[i]te comming to the ears of the impatient multitude, they so importuned the President to cut of[f] those Dutchmen, as amongst manie that offered to cut their throates before the face of Powhatan, Master Wiffin and Iefra Ab[b]ot were sent to stab or shoot them. But these Dutch men made such excuses, accusing Volday (whom they supposed had revealed their project), as Abbot would not; yet Wiffin would, perceiving it but deceipt. The king vnderstanding of this their imploiment, sent presentlie his messengers to Captaine Smith to signifie it. was not his fault to detaine them, nor hinder his men from executing his command; nor did he, nor would he maintaine them or anie, to occasion his displeasure. But ere this busines was brought to a point, God having seene our misery sufficient, sent in Captaine Argall to fish for Sturgion, with a ship well furnished with wine. and bisket; which, though it was not sent vs, such were our occasions we tooke it at a price: but left him sufficient to [92] returne for England. Still dissembling Valdo his villany; but certainlie hee had not escaped, had the President continued. [1609] Two gentle- men sent ie kill them (p. 508.] By this you may see, for all those crosses, treacheries, and dissentions; howe he wrastled and overcame (without bloud shed) all that hapned: also what good was done, how few died, what food the country naturally affordeth; what small cause there is men should starue, or be murdered by the Salvages, that haue discretion to manage this [their] courage and industry. The 2. first years though by his adventures he had oft brought the Salvages to a tractable trade, yet you see how the envious authority ever crossed him, and frustrated his best endeavours. Yet this wrought in him that experience. and estimation among the Salvages, as otherwaies it had bin impossible he had ever effected that he did. Though the many miserable yet generous and worthy adventures he had long and oft indured as wel in some 【P. 477.] Note these incon- veniences. 178 [1616] To the the Right Honourable and worthy Lords, Knights, and Gentle- men, of his Maiesties Councell, for all Plantations and discoueries; especially, of New England. Eeing the deedes of the most iust, and the writings of the most wise, not onely of men, but of God himselfe, haue beene diuersly traduced by variable iudgements of the Times opinionists; what shall such an ignorant as I expect? Yet reposing my selfe on your fauours, I present this rude discourse to the worldes construc- tion; though I am perswaded, that few do think there may be had from New England, Staple commodities well worth 3 or 40000 pound a yeare, with so small charge, and such facilitie, as this discourse will acquaint you. I But, lest your Honours, that know mee not, should thinke goe by hearesay or affection; I intreat your pardons to say thus much of my selfe: Neere twice nine yeares [i.e., 1599– 1616], I haue beene taught by lamentable experience, aswell in Europe and Asia, as Affrick and America, such honest aduentures as the chance of warre doth cast vpon poore Soul- diers. So that, if I bee not able to iudge of what I haue seene, contriued, and done; it is not the fault either of my eyes, or foure quarters. And these nine yeares [1607-1616], I haue bent my endeauours to finde a sure foundation to begin these ensuing proiects: which though I neuer so plainely and seriously propound; yet it resteth in God, and you, still to dispose of. Not doubting but your goodnesse will pardon my rudenesse, and ponder crrours in the balance of good will. No more; but sacring all my best abilities to the good of my Prince and Countrey, and submitting my selfe to the exquisit[e] iudgements of your renowned vertue, I cuer rest Your Honours, in all honest service I. S. 179 To the right Worshipfull Aduen turers for the Countrey of New England, in the Cities of London, Bristow, Exceter, Plimouth, Dartmouth, Bastaple, Totneys, &c. and in all other Cities and Ports, in the Kingdome of England F the little Ant, and the sillie Bee seek by [1616] their diligence the good of their Commoz. wealth; much more ought Man. If they punish the drones and sting them [that] steales their labour; then blame not Man. Little hony hath that hiue, where there are more Drones then Bees and miserable is that Land, where more are idle then well imployed. If the indeauours of those vermin be acceptable, I hope mine may be excuseable; Though I confesse it were more proper for mee, To be doing what I say, then writing what I knowe. Had I returned rich, I could not haue erred: Now hauing onely such fish as came to my net, I must be taxed. But, I would my taxers were as ready to aduenture their purses, as I, purse, life, and all I haue: or as diligent to furnish the charge, as I know they are vigilant to crop the fruits of my labours. Then would I not doubt (did God please I might safely arriue in New England, and safely returne) but to performe somewhat more then I haue promised, and approue my words by deeds, according to proportion. I am not the first [that] hath beene betrayed by Pirat[e]s: And foure men of warre, prouided as they were, had beene sufficient to haue taken Sampson, :80 J. Smith. 3-18 June 1616. [Epistle to New England Adventurers. [1616] Hercules, and Alexander the great, no other way furnisht then I was. I knowe not what assurance any haue [who] do passe the Seas, Not to bee subiect to casualty as well as my selfe: but least this disaster may hinder my proceedings, or ill will (by rumour) the behoofefull work I pretend; I haue writ this little which I did thinke to haue concealed from any publike vse, till I had made my returnes speake as much, as my pen now doth. But because I speake so much of fishing, if any take mee for such a deuote [devoted] fisher, as I I know dreame of nought else, they mistake mee. a ring of golde from a graine of barley, aswell as a goldesmith: and nothing is there to bee had which Now fishing doth hinder, but furder vs to obtaine. for that I haue made knowne vnto you a fit place for plantation, limited within the bounds of your Patent and Commission; hauing also receiued meanes, power, and authority by your directions, to plant there a Colony, and make further search, and dis- couery in those parts there yet vnknowne: Con- sidering, withall, first those of his Maiesties Councell, then those Cities aboue named, and diuerse others that haue beene moued to lend their assistance to so great a worke, doe expect (especially the aduen- turers) the true relation or euent of my proceedings which I heare are so abused; I am inforced for all these respects, rather to expose my imbecillitie to contempt, by the testimonie of these rude lines, then all should condemne me for so bad a Factor, as could neither give reason nor account of my actions and designes. Yours to command Iohn Smith. 1616. 181 Complimentary Verses.] :. J. Davies. I. Codrinton. In the deserued Honour of the Au- D thor, Capaine Iohn Smith, and his Worke. Amn'd Enuie is a sp'rite, that euer haunts Beasts, mis-nam'd Men; Cowards, or Ingnorants. But, onely such shee followes, whose deere WORTH (Maugre her malice) sets their glorie forth. If this faire Ouerture, then, take not; It Is Enuie's spight (dear friend) in men-of-wit; Or Feare, lest morsels, which our mouthes possesse, Might fall from thence; or else, tis Sottishnesse. If either; (I hope neither) thee they raise; Thy *Letters are as Letters in thy praise; Who, by their vice, improue (when they reprooue) Thy vertue; so, in hate, procure thee Loue. Then, On firme Worth: this Monument I frame; Scorning for any Smith to forge such fame. Io: Dauies, Heref: [p. 491.] [1616] * Hinderers. To his worthy Captaine the Author. Hat which wee call the subiect of all Storie, Is Truth: which in this Worke of thine giues glorie To all that thou hast done. Then, scorne the spight Of Enuie; which doth no mans merits right. My sword may helpe the rest: my Pen no more Can doe, but this; I'aue said enough before. Your sometime souldier, I. Codrinton, now Templer. [P. 492.] 182 1616. [Complimentary Verses. [A. 492.] [1616] [p. 690.] N. Smith. R. Gunnell. To my Worthy friend and Cosen, Captaine Iohn Smith. It ouer-ioyes my heart, when as thy Words Of these designes, with deeds I doe compare. Heere is a Booke, such worth truth affords, N one should the due desert thereof impare ; Sith thou, the man, deseruing of these Ages, Much paine hast ta'en for this our Kingdoms good, In Climes vnknowne, Mongst Turks and Saluages, T'inlarge our bounds; though with thy losse of blood. Hence damn'd Detraction: stand not in our way. Enuie, it selfe, will not the Truth gainesay. N. Smith. To that worthy and generous Gen- tleman, my verie good friend, Captaine Smith. Ay Fate thy Proiect prosper, that thy name May be eternised with liuing fame : M Though foule Detraction Honour would peruert, And Enuie euer waits upon desert: In spight of Pelias, when his hate lies colde, Returne as Iason with a fleece of Golde. Then after-ages shall record thy praise, That a New England to this Ile didst raise : And when thou dy'st (as all that liue must die) Thy fame liue heere; thou, with Eternitie. R: Gunnell. G. Wither. 1616. 183 Complimentary Verses.] To his friend Cap: Smith, vpon his description of New England. Ir; your Relations I haue read: which shewe, Ther's reason I should honour them and you: And if their meaning I haue vnderstood, I dare to censure, thus: Your Proiect's good; And may (if follow'd) doubtlesse quit the paine, With honour, pleasure and a trebble gaine; Beside the benefit that shall arise To make more happie our Posterities. For would we daigne to spare, though 'twere no more Then what o're-filles, and surfets vs in store, To order Nature's fruitfulnesse a while In that rude Garden, you New England stile; With present good, ther's hope in after-daies Thence to repaire what Time and Pride decaies In this rich kingdome. And the spatious West Beeing still more with English blood possest, The Proud Iberians shall not rule those Seas, To checke our ships from sayling where they please ; Nor future times make any forraine power Become so great to force a bound to Our. Much good my minde fore-tels would follow hence With little labour, and with lesse expence. Thrine therefore thy Designe, who ere enuie: England may ioy in England's Colony, Virginia seeke her Virgine sisters good, Be blessed in such happie neighbourhood : Or, what-soere Fate pleaseth to permit, Be thou still honor'd for first moouing it. George Wither, è societate Lincol. [p. 689.] [1616] 184 . [Complimentary Verses. 1616R. Crashaw. .493.] [1616] In the deserued honour of my honest and worthie Captaine, Iohn Smith, and his Worke. Aptaine and friend; when I peruse thy booke (With Iudgements eyes) into thy heart I looke : And there I finde (what sometimes Albyon knew) A Souldier, to his Countries-honour, true. Some fight for wealth; and some for emptie praise; But thou alone thy Countries Fame to raise. With due discretion, and vnda[u]nted heart, I (oft) so well haue seene thee act thy Part In deepest plunge of hard extreamitie, As forc't the troups of proudest foes to flie. Though men of greater Ranke and lesse desert Would Pish-away thy Praise, it can not start From the true Owner: for, all good-mens tongues Shall keepe the same. To them that Part belongs. If, then, Wit, Courage, and Successe should get Thee Fame; the Muse for that is in thy debt: A part whereof (least able though I bee) Thus heere I doe disburse, to honor Thee. Rawly Croshaw M. Phettiplace. W. Phettiplace. R. Wiffin. 1616. Complimentary Verses.] Michael Phettiplace, William Phettiplace, and Richard Wiffing, Gentlemen, and Souldiers under Captaine Smiths Command: In his deserued honor for his Worke, W and worth. Hy may not we in this Worke haue our Mite, That had our share in each black day and night, When thou Virginia foild'st, yet kept'st vnstaind; And held'st the King of Paspeheh enchaind. Thou all alone this Saluage sterne didst take. Pamunkes king wee saw thee captiue make Among seauen hundred of his stoutest men, To murther thee and vs resolued; when Fast by the hand thou ledst this Saluage grim, Thy Pistoll at his breast to gouerne him : Which did infuse such awe in all the rest (Sith their drad Soueraigne thou had'st so distrest) That thou and wee (poore sixteen´` safe retir'd Vnto our helplesse ships. Thou (thus admir'd) Didst make proud Powhatan, his subiects send To Iames his Towne, thy censure to attend : And all Virginia's Lords, and pettie Kings, Aw'd by thy vertue, crouch, and Presents brings To gaine thy grace; so dreaded thou hast beenc : And yet a heart more milde is seldome seene; So, making Valour Vertue, really; Who hast nought in thee counterfet, or slie; If in the sleight bee not the truest art, That makes men famoused for faire desert. 185 [P. 493.] [1616] M. Phettiplace. 186 [1616] [Complimentary Verses. W Phettiplace. R. Wiffin. Who saith of thee, this sauors of vaine-glorie, Mistakes both thee and vs, and this true storie. If it bee ill in Thee, so well to doe; Then, is it ill in Vs, to praise thee too. But, if the first bee well don; it is well, To say it doth (if so it doth) excell! Praise is the guerdon of each deere desert, Making the praised act the praised part With more alacritie: Honours Spurre is Praise ; Without which, it (regardlesse) soone decaies. And for this paines of thine wee praise thee rather, That future Times may know who was the father Of this rare Worke (New England) which may bring Praise to thy God, and profit to thy King. 1616. 187 Mikin A DESCRIPTION OF New-England, by Captaine Iohn Smith. [1614] p. 697.] My first voyage to New England. N the moneth of Aprill, 1614. with two Ships from London, of a few Mar- chants, I chanced to arriue in New- England, a parte of Ameryca; at the Ile of Monahigan, in 433 of Northerly latitude: our plot was there to take Whales and make tryalls of a Myne of Gold and Copper. If those failed, Fish and Furres was then our refuge, to make our selues sauers howsoeuer. We found this Whale-fishing a costly [p. 698.] conclusion: we saw many, and spent much time in chasing them; but could not kill any: they beeing a kinder of Iubartes, and not the Whale that yeeldes Finnes and 1.936.] Oyle as wee expected. For our Golde, it was rather the Masters deuice to get a voyage that proiected it, then any knowledge hee had at all of any such matter. Fish and Furres was now our guard: and by our late arriual, and long lingring about the Whale[s], the prime of both those seasons were past ere wee perceiued it; we thinking that their seasons, serued at all times: [2] but wee found it otherwise; for, by the midst of Iune, the fishing failed. Yet in Iuly and August some was taken, but not sufficient to defray so great a charge as our stay required. Of dry fish we made about 40000., of Cor fish about 7000. 188 1616. The description of New England, [3-18 June . J. Smith[1614] (p. 702.] of New England. Whilest the sailers fished, my selfe with eight or nine others of them [that] might best bee spared; Ranging the coast in a small boat, wee got for trifles neer 1100 Beuer skinnes, 100 Martins [skins], and neer as many Otters; and the most of them within the distance of twenty leagues. We ranged the Coast both East and West much furder; but Eastwards our commodities were not esteemed, they were so neare the French who affords them better and right against vs in the Main [the mainland] was a Ship of Sir Frances Popphames, that had there such acquaint- ance, hauing many yeares vsed onely that porte, that the most parte there, was had by him. And 40 leagues west- wards were two French Ships, that had made there a great voyage by trade; during the time we tryed those conclu- sions, not knowing the Coast, nor Saluages habitation. With these Furres, the Traine [train oil], and Cor-fish, I returned for England in the Bark: where within six. monthes after our departure from the Downes, we safe arriued back. The best of this fish was solde for fiue pound the hundreth, the rest by ill vsage betwixt three pound and fifty shillings. The other Ship staied to fit herselfe for Spaine with the dry fish; which was sould, by the Sailers reporte that returned, at forty ryalls [20s.] the quintall, each hundred [weight] weighing two quintalls and a halfe. [3] New England is that part of America in the Ocean Sea The situation opposite to Noua Albyon [California] in the South Sea, discouered by the most memorable Sir Francis Drake in his voyage about the worlde. In regarde whereto this is stiled New England, beeing in the same latitude. New France, off it, is Northward: Southwardes is Virginia, and all the adioyning Continent, with New Granado, New Spain, New Andolosia, and the West Indies. N ow because I haue beene so oft asked such strange questions, of the goodnesse and great- nesse of those spatious Tracts of land, how they can bee thus long vnknown, or not possessed by the Spaniard, and many such like demands; I intreat J. Smith. 3-18 June 1616._ 189 ] by Captaine Iohn Smith. [1614] Florida. your pardons, if I chance to bee too plaine, or tedious in relating my knowledge for plaine mens satisfaction. Florida is the next adioyning to the Ind[i]es, which Notes of vnprosperously was attempted to bee planted by the French. A Country farre bigger then England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, yet little knowne to any Christian but by the wonderful ende[a]uours of Ferdinando de Soto, a valiant Spaniard: whose writings in this age is the best guide knowne to search those parts. Notes of Virginia is no Ile (as many doe imagine) but part of [p.703.] the Continent adioyning to Florida; whose bounds may Virginia. be stretched to the magnitude thereof without offence to any Christian inhabitant. For from the degrees of 30. to 45. his Maiestie hath granted his Letters patents, the Coast extending South-west and North-east aboute 1500 [4] miles; but to follow it aboard, the shore may well be 2000. at the least: of which, 20 miles is the most [that] giues entrance into the Bay of Chisapeak, where is the London plantation: within which [entrance] is a Country (as you may perceiue by the description in a Booke and Map printed in my name of that little I there discouered) [that] may well suffice 300000 people to inhabit. And Southward adioyneth that part discouered at the charge of Sir Walter Rawley, by Sir Ralph Lane, and that learned Mathematician Master Thomas Heryot. Northward six or seauen degrees is the Riuer Sadaga- hock, where was planted the Westerne Colony, by that Honourable Patrone of vertue, Sir Iohn Poppham, Lord chief Iustice of England. Ther[e] is also a relation printed by Captaine Bartholo- mew Gosnould, of Elizabeths Isles: and an other by Captaine Waymouth, of Pemmaquid. From all these diligent obseruers, posterity may be bettered by the fruits of their labours. But for diuers others that, long before and since, haue ranged those parts, within a kenning sometimes of the shore, some touching in one place, some in another, I must entreat them [to] pardon me for omitting them; or if I offend in saying that their true descriptions are concealed, or [were] neuer well obserued, or died with the Authors: so that the Coast is yet [1616] still but euen as a Coast vnknowne and vndiscouered. 190 1616. The description of New England, [3-18 June . J. Smith[1614] [p. 704.] I I haue had six or seauen seuerall plots of those Northern parts, so vnlike each to other, and most so differing from any true proportion or resemblance of the Countrey, as they did [5] mee no more good then so much waste paper, though they cost me more. It may be it was not my chance to see the best; but least others may be deceiued as I was, or thro[u]gh dangerous ignorance hazard themselues as I did, I haue drawen a Map from Point to Point, Ile to Ile, and Harbour to Harbour, with the Soundings, Sands, Rocks, and Land-marks as passed close aboard the Shore in a little Boat; although there be many things to be obserued which the haste of other affaires did cause me [to] omit. For being sent more to get present commodities then knowledge by discoueries. for any future good, I had not power to search as I would: yet it will serue to direct any [that] should goe that waies, What to safe Harbours and the Saluages habitations. marchandize and commodities for their labour they may finde, this following discourse shall plainely demonstrate. Thus you may see, of this 2000. miles more then halfe is yet vnknowne to any purpose: no, not so much as the borders of the Sea are yet certainly discouered. As for the goodness and true substances of the Land, wee are for [the] most part yet altogether ignorant of them, vnlesse it bee those parts about the Bay of Chisapeack, and Sagadahock: but onely here and there wee touched or haue seene a little the edges of those large dominions, which doe stretch themselues into the Maine, God doth know how many thousand miles; whereof we can yet no more iudge, then a stranger that saileth betwixt England and France can describe the Harbors [6] and dangers, by landing here or there in some Riuer or Bay, tell thereby the goodnesse and substances of Spaine, Italy, Germany, Bohemia, Hungaria and the rest. By this you may perceiue how much they erre, that think euery one which hath bin at Virginia, vnderstandeth or knowes what Virginia is: Or that the Spaniards know one halfe quarter of those Territories they possesse; no, not so much as the true circumference of Terra Incognita, whose large dominions may equalize the greatnesse and goodnes of America, for any thing yet known. It is strange with what small 3-18 June J. Smith191 . by Captaine Iohn Smith. ] 1616.[1614] power hee hath raigned in the East Ind[i]es; and few will vnderstand the truth of his strength in America: where he hauing so much to keepe with such a pampered force, they neede not greatly feare his furie in the Bermudas, Virginia, New France, or New England. Beyond whose bounds, America doth stretch many thousand miles: into the frozen partes whereof, one Master Hutson [Hudson], an English Mariner, did make the greatest discouerie of any Christian I know of, where he vnfortunately died. For [p. 705.) Affrica, had not the industrious Portugales ranged her vnknowne parts, who would haue sought for wealth among those fryed Regions of blacke brutish Negers; where notwithstanding all the wealth and admirable aduen- tures and endeauours more then 140 years [1476–1616], they knowe not one third of those blacke habitations. But it is not a worke for euery one, to manage such an affaire as makes a discouerie, and plants a Colony. It t. 964-5-] requires all the best parts of [7] Art, Iudgement, Courage, Honesty, Constancy, Diligence, and Industrie, to doe but neere well. Some are more proper for one thing then another; and therein are to be imployed: and nothing breedes more confusion then misplacing and misimploying men in their vndertakings. Columbus, Cortez, Pitzara, Soto, Magellanes, and the rest serued more than a pren- tiship to learne how to begin their most memorable attempts in the West Ind[i]es: which to the wonder of all ages succesfully they effected, when many hundreds of others, farre aboue them in the worlds opinion, beeing instructed but by relation, came to shame and confusion in actions of small moment, who doubtlesse in other matters, were both wise, discreet, generous, and couragious. I say not this to detract any thing from their incomparable merits, but to answer those questionlesse questions that keep vs back from imitating the worthinesse of their braue spirits. that aduanced themselues from poore Souldiers to great Captaines, their posterity to great Lords, their King to be one of the greatest Potentates on earth, and the fruites of their labours, his greatest glory, power, and renowne. 192 Ju The description of New England, [3-18 [1614] [A. 706.] The descrip- tion of New England. The particular Countries or Gouerne- ments. J. Smith. 3-18 June 1616. hat part wee call New England is betwixt the degrees of 41. and 45; but that parte this discourse speaketh of, stretcheth but from Pennobscot to Cape Cod, some 75 leagues by a right line distant each from other: within which bounds I haue seene at least 40. seuerall habitations vpon the Sea Coast, and sounded about 25 excellent good Harbours; [8] in many whereof there is anc[h]orage for 500. sayle of ships. of any burden; in some of them for 5000. And more than 200 Iles ouergrowne with good timber, of diuers sorts of wood, which doe make so many harbours as requireth a longer time then I had, to be well discouered. The principall habitation Northward we were at, was Pennobscot. Southward along the Coast and vp the Riuers we found Mecadacut, Segocket, Pemmaquid, Nusconcus, Kenebeck, Sagadahock, and Aumoughcawgen; And to those Countries belong the people of Segotago, Paghhuntanuck, Pocopassum, Taughtanakagnet, Warbigganus, Nassaque, Masherosqueck, Wawrigweck, Moshoquen, Wakcogo, Passha- ranack, &c. To these are allied the Countries of Aucocisco, Accominticus, Passataquack, Aggawom, and Naemkeck: All these, I could perceiue, differ little in language, fashion, or gouernment: though most be Lords of themselues, yet they hold the Bashabes of Pennobscot, the chiefe and greatest amongst them. The next I can remember by name are Mattahunts; p.707. two pleasant Iles of groues, gardens, and corne fields, a league in the Sea from the Mayne. Then Totant, Massachuset, Pocapawmet, Quonahassit, Sagoquas, Nahapas- sumkeck, Topeent, Seccasaw, Totheet, Nasnocomacack, Accomack, Chawum; Then Cape Cod by which is Pawmet and the Isle Nawset, of the language and alliance of them of Chawum : The others are called Massachusets; of another language, humor, and condition. For their trade and marchandize; to each of their habita- tions they haue [9] diuerse Townes and people belonging; and by their relations and descriptions, more then 20 seuerall Habitations and Riuers that stretch themselues farre vp into the Countrey, euen to the borders of diuerse great Lakes, where they kill and take most of their Beuers and Otters. 3-18 June J. Smith193 by Captaine Iohn Smith. . 1615. [1614] The mix- soyle. From Pennobscot to Sagadahock this Coast is all Moun- tainous and Iles of huge Rocks, but ouergrowen with all sorts of excellent good woodes for building houses, boats, barks, or shippes; with an incredible abundance of most sorts of fish, much fowle, and sundry sorts of good fruites for mans vse. Betwixt Sagadahock and Sawocatuck there is but two or three sandy Bayes, but betwixt that and Cape Cod very many: especial[1]y the Coast of the Massachusets is so indifferently mixed with high clayie or sandy cliffes in one place, and then tracts of large long ledges of diuers excellent sorts, and quarries of stones in other places so strangely diuided with tinctured veines of diuers colours: as, Free stone for building, Slate for tiling, smooth stone to make (⁄. 951.} Fornaces and Forges for glasse or iron, and iron ore sufficient, conueniently to melt in them. But the most part so resembleth the Coast of Deuonshire, I think most of the cliffes would make such lime stone. If they be not of these qualities, they are so like, they may deceiue a better iudgement then mine. All which are so neere adioyning to those other aduantages I obserued in these parts, that if the Ore proue as good iron and steele in those parts, as I know it is within the bounds of [10] the Countrey, I dare engage my head (hauing but men skilfull to worke the simples there growing) to haue all things belonging to the building [and] the rigging of shippes of any proportion, and good marchandize for the fraught, within a square of 10 [ƒƒ.708,950 ] or 14 leagues: and were it for a good rewarde, I would not feare to prooue it in a lesse limitation. an excellent temper. health. And surely by reason of those sandy cliffes and cliffes A proofe of of rocks, both which we saw so planted with Gardens and Corne fields, and so well inhabited with a goodly, strong and well proportioned people, besides the great- nesse of the Timber growing on them, the greatnesse of the fish, and the moderate temper of the ayre (for of A profe of twentie fiue, not any was sicke but two that were many yeares diseased before they went, notwithstanding our bad lodging and accidentall [chance] diet): who can but approoue this a most excellent place, both for health and fertility? And of all the foure parts of the world that I haue yet seene not inhabited, could I haue but meanes to transport a Colonie, I would rather liue here then any 13 ENG. SCHI. LIB. No. 16. 194 . The description of New England, [3-18 June . J. Smith[1614] Staple commodities present. The Hollanders fishing. 1616where: and if it did not maintaine it selfe, were wee but once indifferently well fitted, let vs starue. The maine Staple, from hence to bee extracted for the present to produce the rest, is fish; which howeuer it may seeme a mean and a base commoditie: yet who will but truely take the pains and consider the sequell, I thinke will allow it well worth the labour. It is strange to see what great [11] aduentures the hopes of setting forth [þþ.893,945.] men of war [privateers] to rob the industrious innocent, would procure; or such massie promises in grosse: though more are choked then well fedde with such hastie hopes. But who doth not know that the poore Hollanders, chiefly by fishing, at a great charge and labour in all weathers in the open Sea, are made a people so hardy and in- dustrious? and by the venting this poore commodity to the Easterlings for as meane, which is Wood, Flax, Pitch, Tarre, Rosin, Cordage, and such like (which they ex- change againe, to the French, Spaniards, Portugales, and English, &c., for what they want) are made so mighty, strong and rich, as no State but Venice, of twice their magnitude, is so well furnished with so many faire Cities, goodly Townes, strong Fortresses, and that aboundance of shipping and all sorts of marchandize, as well of Golde, Siluer, Pearles, Diamonds, Pretious stones, Silkes, Veluets, and Cloth of golde; as Fish, Pitch, Wood, or such grosse commodities? What Voyages and Discoueries, East and West, North and South, yea about the world, make they? What an Army by Sea and Land, haue they long main- tained in despite of one of the greatest Princes of the world? And neuer could the Spaniard will all his Mynes of golde and Siluer pay his debts, his friends, and army, halfe so truly, as the Hollanders stil haue done by this contemptible trade of fish.、 Diuers (I know) may alledge, many other assistances. But this is their Myne; and the Sea the [12] source of those siluered streames of all their vertue; which hath made them now the very miracle of industrie, the pattern of perfection for these affaires : and the benefit of fishing is that Primum mobile that turnes all their Spheres to this height of plentie, strength, honour and admiration. [6.709.] 3-18 June J. Smith195 by Captaine Iohn Smith. . 1616. [1614] fifteen hundred Herring, Cod, and Ling, is that triplicitie that makes their wealth and shippings multiplicities, such as it is, and from which (few would thinke it) they yearly draw at Which is least one million and a halfe of pounds starling; yet it is most certaine (if records be true): and in this faculty thousand they are so naturalized, and of their vents [sales] so certainely acquainted, as there is no likelihood they will euer be paralleld, hauing 2 or 3000 Busses, Flat bottomes, Sword pinks, To[a]des, and such like, that breedes them Saylers, Mariners, Souldiers and Marchants, neuer to be wrought out of that trade, and fit for any other. I will not deny but others may gaine as well as they, that will vse it though not so certainely, nor so much in quantity; for want of experience. And this Herring they take vpon the Coast of Scotland and England; their Cod and Ling, vpon the Coast of Izeland and in the North Seas. Hamborough and the East Countries, for Sturgion and Cauiare, gets many thousands of pounds from England, and the Straites: Portugale, the Biskaines, and the Spaniards, make 40 or 50 Saile yearely to Cape-blank, to hooke for Porgos, Mullet, and [to] make Puttardo: and New found Land, doth yearely fraught neere 800 sayle of Ships with a sillie leane [13] skinny Poore-Iohn, and Corfish; which at least yearely amounts to 3 or 400000 pound. If from all those parts such paines is taken for this poore gaines of fish, and by them [that] hath neither meate, drinke, nor clothes; wood, iron nor steele; pitch, tarre, nets, leades, salt, hookes, nor lines; for shipping, fishing, nor prouision, but at the second, third, fourth, or fift hand, drawne from so many seuerall parts of the world ere they come together to be vsed in this voyage. If [4.710.] these I say can gaine, and the Saylers liue going for shares, [on] lesse then the third part of their labours, and yet spend as much time in going and comming as in staying there, so short is the season of fishing: why should wee more doubt then Holland, Portugale, Spaniard, French, or other, but to doe much better then they, where there is victuall to feede vs, wood of all sorts to build Boats, Ships, or Barks; the fish at our doores; pitch, tarre, masts, yards, and most of other necessaries onely for making? And here are no hard Landlords to racke vs 196 1616. The description of New England, [3-18 June . J. Smith[1614] Examples of altitude com with high rents, or extorted fines to consume vs; no tedious pleas in law to consume vs with their many years disputations for Iustice; no multitudes to occasion such impediments to good orders, as in popular States. So freely hath God and his Maiesty bestowed those blessings. on them that will attempt to obtaine them, as here euery man may be master and owner of his owne labour and land; or the greatest part in a small time. If hee haue nothing but his hands, he may set vp this trade; and by in- dustrie [14] quickly grow rich; spending but halfe that time wel, which in England we abuse in idlenes, worse or as ill. Here is ground also as good as any lyeth in the height of paratiuely. forty one, forty two, forty three, &c., which is as temperate and as fruitfull as any other paralell in the world. [p. 711.] As for example, on this side the line West of it in the South Sea, is Noua Albion, discouered as is said [p. 1883 by Sir Francis Drake. East from it, is the most temperate part of Portugale, the ancient kingdomes of Galazia [Galicia], Biskey, Nauarre, Arragon, Catalonia, Castilia the olde, and the most moderatest of Castilia the new, and Valentia, which is the greatest part of Spain: which if the Spanish Histories bee true, in the Romanes time abounded no lesse with gold and siluer Mines, then now the West Indies; the Romanes then vsing the Spaniards to work in those Mines, as now the Spaniard doth the Indians. In France, the Prouinces of Gasconie, Langadock, Auignon, Prouince, Dolphine [Dauphigny], Pyamont [Piedmont], and Turyne, are in the same paralel: which are the best and richest parts of France. In Italy, the prouinces of Genua, Lumbardy, and Verona, with a great part of the most famous State of Venice, the Dukedoms of Bononia, Mantua, Ferrara, Rauenna, Bolognia, Florence, Pisa, Sienna, Vrbine, Ancona, and the ancient Citie and Countrey of Rome, with a great part of the great Kingdome of Naples. In Slauonia, Istrya, and Dalmatia, with the Kingdomes of Albania. In Grecia, that famous Kingdome of Macedonia, Bulgaria, Thessalia, Thracia, or Romania, where is seated [15] the most pleasant and plentifull citie in Europe, Constantinople. In Asia also, in the same latitude, are the temperatest t J. Smith. 3-18 June 1616. by Captaine Iohn Smith. parts of Natolia, Armenia, Persia, and China; besides diuers other large Countries and Kingdomes in these most milde and temperate Regions of Asia. Southward, in the same height, is the richest of gold Mynes, Chily and Baldinia, and the mouth of the great Riuer of Plate, &c: for all the rest of the world in that height is yet vnknown. Besides these reasons, mine owne eyes that haue seene a great part of those Cities and their Kingdomes, as well as it [New England] can finde no aduantage they haue in nature, but this, They are beautified by the long labour and diligence of industrious people and Art. This is onely as God made it, when he created the worlde. Therefore I conclude, if the heart and intralls of those Regions were sought: if their Land were cultured, planted and manured by men of industrie, iudgement, and experience; what hope is there, or what neede they doubt, hauing those aduantages of the Sea, but it might equalize any of those famous Kingdomes, in all commodities, pleasures, and conditions? seeing euen the very edges doe naturally afford vs such plenty, as no ship need returne away empty and onely vse but the season of the Sea, fish will returne an honest gaine, besides all other aduantages; her treasures hauing yet neuer beene opened, nor her originalls wasted, consumed, nor abused. 197 [1614] particular ties that And whereas it is said, the Hollanders serue the Easter- (pp. 238,254.] lings themselues, and other parts that want, [16] with The Herring, Ling, and wet Cod; The Easterlings [serve] a staple great part of Europe, with Sturgion and Cauiare; Cape- commot blanke, Spaine, Portugale, and the Leuant, [serve] with Mullet may be had. and Puttargo; New found Land, [serve] all Europe with a 240,255 thin Poore Iohn: yet all is so ouerlaide with fishers as the fishing decayeth, and many are constrained to returne with a small fraught. Norway and Polonia, [producing] Pitch, [.712.] Tar, Masts, and Yardes; Sweathland and Russia, Iron and Ropes; France and Spaine, Canuas, Wine, Steele, Iron, and Oyle; Italy and Greece, Silks and Fruites: I dare boldly say (because I haue seen naturally growing, or breeding in those parts, the same materialls that all those are made of), they may as well be had there, or the most 198 . The description of New England, June [3-18 JJ. [1614] The nature of ground . Smith1616part of them, within the distance of 70 leagues, for some few ages, as from all those parts; vsing but the same meanes to haue them that they doe, and with all those aduantages. First, the ground is so fertill, that questionless it is approoued. capable of producing any Grain, Fruits, or Seeds you will sow or plant, growing in the Regions afore named: but it may be, not euery kinde to that perfection of delicacy; or some tender plants may miscarie, because the Summer is not so hot, and the winter is more colde in those parts wee haue yet tryed neere the Sea side, then we finde in the same height, in Europe or Asia. Yet I made a Garden vpon the top of a Rockie Ile in 43, 4 leagues from the Main, in May, that grew so well, as it serued vs for sallets in Iune and Iuly. for fishing 16.713.] All sorts [17] of cattell may here be bred and fed in the Iles, or Peninsulaes, securely for nothing. In the Interim, till they encrease, if need be (obseruing the seasons) I durst vndertake to haue corne enough from the Saluages for 300 men, for a few trifles. And if they [the Savages] should bee vntoward (as it is most certaine they are) thirty or forty good men will be sufficient to bring them all in subiection, and make this prouision; if they vnder- stand what they doe: 200 whereof may, nine monethes in the yeare, be imployed in making marchandable fish, till the rest prouide other necessaries fit to furnish vs with other commodities. The seasons In March, Aprill, May, and halfe Iune, here is Cod in approoued. abundance; in May, Iune, Iuly, and August, Mullet and Sturgion, whose roes doe make Cauiare and Puttargo. Herring, if any desire them, I haue taken many out of the bellies of Cods, some in nets; but the Saluages compare their store in the Sea, to the haires of their heads: and surely there are an incredible abundance vpon this Coast. In the end of August, September, October, and Nouember, you haue Cod againe, to make Cor fish, or Poore Iohn: and each hundred [fish] is as good as two or three hundred in the Newfound Land: so that halfe the labour in hooking, splitting, and turning is saued. And you may haue your fish at what Market you will, before they can haue any in New-found Land; where their fishing is chiefly but in Iune and Iuly: whereas it is heere in March, Aprill, May, 3-18 June J. Smith199 . by Captaine Iohn Smith. ] 1616.September, October, and [18] Nouember, as is said. So that by reason of this plantation, the Marchants may haue fraught both out and home: which yeelds an aduantage worth consideration. Your Cor-fish, you may in like manner transport as you see cause, to serue the Ports in Portugale (as Lisbon, Auera, Porta port, and diuers others) or what market you please, before your Ilanders [i.e., Icelanders] returne. They being tyed to the season in the open Sea; you hauing a double season and fishing before your doors, may euery night sleep quietly a shore with good cheare and what fires you will or when you please [fish], with your wiues and familie; they onely [in] their ships in the maine Ocean. The Mullets heere are in that abundance, you may take them with nets, sometimes by hundreds; where at Cape blank, they hooke them: yet those but one foot and a halfe in length; these two, three, or foure, as oft I haue measured. Much Salmon some haue found vp the Riuers as they haue passed: and heer the ayre is so temperate as all these at any time may well be preserued. Now, young boyes and girles, Saluages or any other, be they neuer such idlers, may turne, carry, and return fish, without either shame, or any great paine: hee is very idle that is past twelue yeares of age and cannot doe so much; and she is very olde, that cannot spin a thre[a]d to make engines to catch them. For their transportation, the ships that go there to fish may transport the first; who for their passage [19] will spare the charge of double manning their ships which they must doe in the New-found Land, to get their fraught but one third part of that companie are onely but proper to serue a stage, carry a barrow, and turne Poor Iohn; notwithstanding, they must haue meate, drinke, clothes, and passage as well as the rest. Now all I desire is but this. That those that volun- tarily will send shipping, should make here the best choise they can, or accept such as are presented to them, to serue them at that rate; and their ships returning, leaue such with me, with the value of that they should receiue comming home, in such prouisions and necessarie tooles, armes, bedding and apparell, salt, hookes, nets, lines, and ment [1614] Imploy- for poore people and fatherlesse children. . 714.] The facility plantation. of the 200 . The description of New England, June [3-18 . JJ[1614] Present com- modities. [p. 715.] . Smith1616such like, as they spare of the remainings; who till the next returne, may keepe their boates, and doe them many other profitable offices. Prouided I haue men of ability to teach them their functions: and a company fit for Souldiers to be ready vpon an occasion, because of the abuses which haue beene offered the poore Saluages, and the liberty both French or any that will, hath to deale with them as they please; whose disorders will be hard to reforme, and the longer the worse. Now such order, with facilitie might be taken, with euery port Towne or Citie, to obserue but this order; with free power to conuert the benefits of their fraughts to what aduantage they please, and increase their numbers as they see occasion: who euer as they are able to subsist of themselues, may beginne the new Townes in [20] New England in memory of their olde; which freedome being confined but to the neces- sity of the generall good, the euent (with Gods help) might produce an honest, a noble, and profitable emulation. Salt vpon salt may assuredly be made; if not at the first in ponds, yet till they bee prouided this may be vsed. Then the Ships may transport Kine, Horses, Goates, course Cloath, and such commodities as we want; by [against] whose arriuall may be made that prouision of fish to fraught the Ships that they stay not; and then if the It is hard if sailors goe [serve] for wages, it matters not. this returne defray not the charge; but care must be had, they arriue in the Spring, or else prouision be made for them against the Winter. Of certaine red berries called Alkermes which is worth ten shillings a pound, but of these hath been sould for thirty or forty shillings the pound, may yearely be gathered a good quantitie. Of the Musk Rat may be well raised gaines well worth their labour, that will endeuor to make tryall of their goodnesse. Of Beuers, Otters, Martins, Blacke Foxes, and Furres of price, may yearely be had 6 or 7000: and if the trade of the French were preuented, many more. 25000 this ycare [1614] were brought from those Northren parts into France; of which trade, we may haue as good part as the French, if we take good courses. J. Smith. 3-18 June 1616. 201 by Captaine Iohn Smith. : Of Mynes of Golde and Siluer, Copper, and [21] probabili- ties of Lead, Christall and Allum, I could say much if relations were good assurances. It is true indeed, I made many trials, according to those instructions I had, which doe perswade mee I need not despaire, but there are metalls in the Countrey: but I am no Alchymist, nor will promise more then I know which is, Who will vnder- take the rectifying of an Iron forge, if those that buy meate, drinke, coals, ore, and all necessaries at a dear rate gaine; where all these things are to be had for the taking vp, in my opinion cannot lose. Of woods seeing there is such plenty of all sorts; if those that build ships and boates, buy wood at so great a price. as it is in England, Spaine, France, Italy, and Holland, and all other prouisions for the nourishing of mans life, liue. well by their trade: when labour is all [that is] required to take those necessaries, without any other tax; what hazard will be here, but doe much better? And what com- moditie in Europe doth more decay then wood? For the goodnesse of the ground, let vs take it fertill, or barren, or as it is: seeing it is certaine it beares fruites, to nourish and feed man and beast, as well as England; and the Sea those seuerall sorts of fish I haue related. Thus seeing all good prouisions for mans sustenance, may with this facility be had by a little extraordinarie [1614] labour, till that transported be increased; and all neces- [p. 716.) saries for shipping, onely for labour: to which may bee added the assistance of the Saluages, which may easily be had, if they be discreetly handled in their [22] kindes; towards fishing, planting, and destroying woods. What gaines might be raised if this were followed (when there is but once men to fill your store houses, dwelling there; you may serue all Europe better and farre cheaper, then can the Izcland fishers, or the Hollanders, Cape-blank, or Newfound Land: who must be at as much more charge then you) may easily be coniectured. by this example. 2000. pound will fit out a ship of 200. and I [ship] of a 100 tuns. If the dry fish they both make, [they] fraught that of 200. and goe for Spaine, sell it but at ten shillings a quintal [40 lbs] (but commonly it giueth fifteen or twentie, espe- An example of the gains yeare or six returne. vpon euery monethes 202 1616. The description of New England, [3-18 June . J. Smitha[1614] [A. 781.] (p. 717.] A descrip- tion of the particular, and their situations. cially when it commeth first, which [at 50 Quintals to the Ton,=£37 10s. or £50 a Ton; therefore 80 Tons of fish] amounts to 3 or 4000 pound; but say but tenne, which is the lowest), allowing the rest for waste, it amounts at that rate, to 2000 pound; which is the whole charge of your two ships, and their equipage. Then the returne [by exchange] of the money, and the fraught of the ship for the vintage [homeward from Spain] or any other voyage, is cleere gaine, [together] with your shippe of a 100 tuns of Train and oyle, besides the beuers and other commodities; and that you haue at home within six monethes, if God please but to send an ordinarie passage. Then sauing halfe this charge by the not staying of your ships, your victual, ouerplus of men and wages; with her fraught thither of things necessarie for the planters, the salt being there made, as also may the nets and lines within a short time: if nothing were to bee expected but this, it might in time equalize your Hollanders gaines, if not exceed them. They returning but [23] wood, pitch, tarre, and such grosse commodities; you, wines, oyles, fruits, silkes, and such Straits com- modities as you please to prouide by your Factors, against such times as your shippes arriue with them. 、This would so increase our shipping and sailers, and so employ and encourage a great part of our idlers and others that want imployments fitting their qualities at home (where they shame [are ashamed] to doe that they would doe abroad), that could they but once taste the sweet fruites of their owne labours, doubtlesse many thousands would be aduised by good discipline, to take more pleasure in honest industrie, then in their humours of dissolute idlenesse.› But to returne a little more to the particulars of this Countrey, which I intermingle thus with my proiects and Countries in reasons, not being so sufficiently yet acquainted in those parts, to write fully the estate of the Sea, the Ayre, the Land, the Fruites, the Rocks, the People, the Gouern- ment, Religion, Territories and Limitations, Friends and Foes: but [simply] as I gathered from the niggardly relations in a broken language, to my vnderstanding, during the time I ranged those Countries, &c. 3-18 June J. Smith203 by Captaine Iohn Smith. . 1616. : : ... The most Northern part I was at, was the Bay of Pennobscot, which is East and West, North and South, more then ten leagues: but such were my occasions [that] I was constrained to be satisfied of them I found in the Bay, that the Riuer ranne farre vp into the Land, and was well inhabited with many people; but they were from their habitations, either fishing [24] among the Iles, or hunting the Lakes and Woods, for Deer and Beuers. The Bay is full of great Ilands, of one, two, six, eight, or ten miles in length; which diuides it into many faire and excellent good harbours. On the East of it, are the Tarrantines, their mortall enemies [i.e., of Pennobscot]; where inhabit the French, as they report, that liue with those people as one nation or family. And Northwest of Pennobscot is Mecaddacut, at the foot of a high mountaine (a kind of fortresse against the Tarrantines) adioyning to the high mountaines of Pennob- scot, against whose feet doth beat the Sea: but ouer all the Land, Iles, or other impediments, you may well see them, sixteene or eighteene leagues from their situation. Segocket is the next; then Nusconcus, Pemmaquid, and Sagadahock. Vp this Riuer [at Sagadahock], where was the Westerne plantation, are Aumuckcawgen, Kinnebeck, and diuers. others; where there is planted some corne fields. Along this Riuer 40 or 50 miles, I saw nothing but great high cliffes of barren Rocks, ouergrowne with wood: but where the Saluages dwelt, there the ground is exceeding fat and fertill. Westward of this Riuer is the Countrey Aucocisco, in the bottome of a large deepe Bay, full of many great Iles, which diuides it into many good harbours. [1614] Sowocotuck is the next, in the edge of a large sandy Bay; [4.718.} which hath many Rocks and Iles: but few good harbours but for Barks, I yet know. But all this Coast to Pennobscot, and as farre I could see Eastward of it, is nothing but such high craggy Cliffy Rocks and stony [25] Iles that I wondered such great trees could growe vpon so hard foundations. It is a Countrie rather to affright, then delight one. And how to describe a more plaine spectacle of desolation, or more 204 . The description of New England, [3-18 June . J. Smith[1614] {ƒƒ. 206, 232, 276, 718, 855, 866.] 1616barren, I knowe not. Yet the Sea there is the strangest fishpond I euer saw; and those barren Iles so furnished with good woods, springs, fruits, fish, and foule, that it makes mee thinke, though the Coast be rockie, and thus affrightable; the Vallies, Plaines, and interior parts may well (notwithstanding) be very fertile. But there is no kingdome so fertile [that] hath not some part barren: and New England is great enough to make many Kingdomes and Countries, were it all inhabited. As you passe the Coast still Westward, Accominticus and Passataquack are two conuenient harbors for small barks; and a good Countrie, within their craggie cliffs. Angoam is the next. This place might content a right curious iudgement: but there are many sands at the entrance of the harbour; and the worst is, it is inbayed too farre from the deepe Sea. Heere are many rising hilles; and on their tops and descents, many corne fields and delightful groues. On the East, is an Ile of two or three leagues in length; the one halfe, plaine morish grasse fit for pasture, with many faire high groues of mulberie trees gardens: and there is also Okes, Pines, and other woods to make this place an excellent habi- tation, beeing a good and safe harbor. Naimkeck though it be more rockie ground (for Angoam is sandie) [is] not much inferior; neither for the [26] harbor, nor any thing [that] I could perceiue, but the multitude of people. From thence doth stretch into the Sea, the faire head- 720, 853, land Tragabigzanda, fronted with three Iles called the Ipp.720,838.1 three Turks heads to the North of this, doth enter a great Bay, where wee founde some habitations and corne fields. They report a great Riuer, and at least thirtie habitations, doe possesse this Countrie. But because the French had got their Trade, I had no leasure to discouer it. [p.719.] The Iles of Mattahunts are on the West side of this Bay, where are many Iles, and questionlesse good harbors: and then the Countrie of the Massachusets, which is the Paradise of all those parts. For, heere are many Iles all planted with corne; groues, mulberries, saluage gardens, and good harbours: the Coast is for the most 3-18 June J. Smith205 . by Captaine Iohn Smith. . 2 : 1616part, high clayie sandie cliffs. The Sea Coast as you passe, shewes you all along large corne fields, and great troupes of well proportioned people: but the French, hauing remained heere neere six weekes, left nothing for vs to take occasion to examine the inhabitants relations, viz. if there be neer three thousand people. vpon these Iles, and that the River doth pearce many daies iourneies the intralles of that Countrey. We found the people in those parts verie kinde; but in their furie no lesse valiant. For, vpon a quarrell we had with one of them, hee onely with three others, crossed the harbor of Quonahassit to certaine rocks whereby wee must passe; and there let flie their arrowes for our shot, till we were out of danger. Then come you to Accomack, an excellent good [27] harbor, good land; and no want want of any thing but industrious people. After much kindnesse; vpon a small occasion, wee fought also with fortie or fiftie of those: though some were hurt, and some slaine; yet within an hour after, they became friendes. [1614] Cape Cod is the next [that] presents it selfe, which is onely a headland of high hils of sand ouergrowne with shrubbie pines, hurts, and such trash; but an excellent harbor for all weathers. This Cape is made by the maine [ƒ½.715, 749-} Sea on the one side, and a great Bay on the other in forme of a sickle; on it doth inhabit the people of Pawmet and in the bottome of the Bay, the people of Chawum. Towards the South and Southwest of this Cape, is found a long and dangerous shoale of sands and rocks. But so farre as I incircled it, I found thirtie fadom [of] [p. 720.I water aboard the shore, and a strong current; which makes mee thinke there is a Channell about this shoale: where is the best and greatest fish to be had, Winter and Summer, in all that Countrie. But the Saluages say there is no Channell; but that the shoales beginne from the maine at Pawmet, to the Ile of Nausit; and so extends beyond their knowledge into the Sea. The next to this, is Capawack, and those abounding Countries of copper, corne, people, mineralls: which I went [ƒƒ.218,732.). to discouer this last yeare [1615]; but because I miscarried. 1 206 . The description of New England, [3-18 June J. Smith. [1614] A good Countrie. Land markes. 1616by the way, I will leaue them, till God please I haue better acquaintance with them. The Massachusets, they report, sometimes haue warres with the Bashabes of Pennobskot; and are not [28] alwaies friends with them of Chawun and their alliants: but now they are all friends, and haue each trade with other, so farre as they haue societie on each others frontiers. For they [the Bashabes] make no such voiages as from Pennobskot to Cape Cod, seldom to Massachew'set. In the North (as I haue said) they begunne to plant corne, whereof the South part hath such plentie as they haue what they will from them of the North; and in the Winter much more plenty of fish and foule: but both Winter and Summer hath it in the one part or other all the yeare; being the meane and most indifferent temper betwixt heat and colde, of all the regions betwixt the Lyne and the Pole: but the furs Northward are much better, and in much more plentie, then Southward. The remarkeabiest Iles and mountains for Landmarkes are these. The highest Ile is Sorico, in the Bay of Pennobskot: but the three Iles and a rock of Matinnack are much furder in the Sea. Metinicus is also three plaine Iles and a rock, betwixt it and Monahigan. Mona- higan is a rounde high Ile, and close by it [is] Monanis; betwixt which is a small harbor where we ride [rode.] In Damerils Iles is such another. Sagadahock is knowne by Satquin and foure or fiue Iles in the mouth. Smyths Iles are a heape together, [with] none neere them, against The Three Turks Heads are three Iles [ƒƒ.718,838.] Accominticus. (þ. 204, 232, seen far to Sea-ward in regard of the headland. 276, 718, 720, E53, $55, 366.1 [4.721.] Hearbs. The cheefe headlands are onely Cape Tragabigzanda and Cape Cod. [29] The cheefe mountaines, [are] them of Pennobscot; the twinkling mountaine of Aucociso; the greate mountaine of Sasanou; and the high mountaine of Massachusit: each of which you shall finde in the Mappe; their places, formes, and altitude. The waters are most pure, proceeding from the intrals of rockie mountaines. The hearbes and fruits are of many sorts and kindes: as alkermes, curran[t]s, or a fruit like curran [t]s, mulberries, J. Smith 3-18 June 16IG 207 by Captaine Iohn Smith. vines,, respices, goosberries, plummes, walnuts, chesnuts, small nuts, &c., pumpions, gourds, strawberries, beans, pease, and mayze; a kinde or two of flax, wherewith they make nets, lines, and ropes both small and great, verie strong for their quantities [substance]. [1614] Oke is the chiefe wood; of which there is great dif- Woods. ference in regard of the soyle where it groweth: firre, pyne, walnut, ches[t]nut, birch, ash, elme, cypresse, ceder, mulberrie, plum tree, hazell, saxefrage, and many other sorts. Eagles, Gripes, diuers sorts of Haukes, Cranes, Geese, Brants, Cormorants, Ducks, Sheldrakes, Teale, Meawes, Guls, Turkies, Diue-doppers, and many other sorts, whose names I knowe not. Birds. Whales, Grampus, Porkpisces, Turbut, Sturgion, Cod, Fishes. Hake, Haddock, Cole, Cusk or small Ling, Shark, Mackerell, Herring, Mullet, Bas[s]e, Pinacks, Cunners, Pearch, Eels, Crabs, Lobsters, Muskles, Wilkes, Oysters, and diuerse others, &c. Moose, a beast bigger then a Stagge; deere, red and Beasts. Fallow; Beuers, Wolues, Foxes both blacke and other; Aroughconds, Wild-cats, Beares, Otters, [30] Martins, Fitches, Musquassus, and diuerse sorts of vermine, whose names I know not. All these and diuerse other good things do heere, for want of vse, still increase, and decrease with little dimi- nution; whereby they growe to that abundance [that] you shall scarce finde any Baye, shallow shore, or Coue of sand, where you may not take many Clampes, or Lobsters, or both at your pleasure; and in many places lode your boat if you please: nor Iles where you finde not fruits, birds, crabs, and muskles, or all of them for [the] taking, at a lowe water. And in the harbors we frequented, a little boye might take of Cunners and Pinacks and such deli- cate fish, at the ships sterne, more then sixe or tenne can eate in a daie; but with a casting net, thousands when wee pleased and scarce any place, but Cod, Cuske, Holybut, Mackerell, Scate, or such like, a man may take with a hooke or line what he will. And in diuers sandy Baies, a man may draw with a net great store of Mullets, [§. 722.] Ba[s]ses, and diuers other sorts of such excellent fish, as many as his Net can drawe on shore. [There is] no 208 Ju The description of New England, [3-18 J. Smith. 18 June 1616. [1614] Riuer where there is not plentie of Sturgion, or Salmon, or both all which are to be had in abundance obseruing but their seasons. But if a man will goe at Christmasse to gather Cherries in Kent, he may be deceiued, though there be plentie in Summer: so heere, these plenties haue each their seasons, as I haue expressed. A note for men that haue great spirits, and We for the most part had little but bread and vinegar : and though the most part of Iuly when the fishing decaied, they wrought all day, laie abroade in the Iles [31] all night, and liued on what they found, yet were [they] not sicke. But I would wish none [to] put himself long to such plunges, except necessitie constraine it. Yet worthy is that person to starue that heere cannot liue; if he haue sense, strength, and health: for, there is no such penury of these blessings in any place, but that a hundred men may, in one houre or two, make their prouisions for a day; and hee that hath experience to mannage well these affaires, with fortie or thirtie honest industrious men, might well vndertake (if they dwell in these parts) to subiect the Saluages, and feed daily two or three hundred men, with as good corne, fish, and flesh, as the earth hath of those kindes, and yet make that labor but their pleasure: prouided that they haue engin[e]s that be proper for their purposes. Who can desire more content, that hath small meanes; or but only his merit to aduance his fortune, then to tread, smal meanes. and plant that ground hee hath purchased by the hazard of his life? If he haue but the taste of virtue and mag- nanimitie, what to such a minde can bee more pleasant, then planting and building a foundation for his Posteritie, gotte from the rude earth, by Gods blessing and his owne industrie, without preiudice to any? If hee haue any graine of faith or zeale in Religion, what can hee doe lesse hurtfull to any: or more agreeable to God, then to seeke to conuert those poore Saluages to know Christ, and human- itie, whose labors with discretion will triple requite thy charge and paines? What so truely su[i]tes with honour and honestie, [32] as the discouering things vnknowne? erecting Townes, peopling Countries, informing the ignorant, reforming things vniust, teaching virtue; and [/. 723.] J. Smith. 3-18 June 1615. 209 by Captaine Iohn Smith. gaine to our Natiue mother-countrie a kingdom to attend her: finde imployment for those that are idle, because they know not what to doe: so farre from wronging any, as to cause Posteritie to remember thee; and remembring thee, euer honour that remembrance with praise? Consider What were the beginnings and endings of the Monarkies of the Chaldeans, the Syrians, the Grecians, and Romanes, but this one rule; What was it they would not doe, for the good of the commonwealth, or their Mother- citie? For example: Rome, What made her such a Mon- archesse, but onely the aduentures of her youth, not in riots at home; but in dangers abroade? and the iustice and iudge- ment out of their experience, when they grewe aged. What was their ruine and hurt, but this; The excesse of idlenesse, the fondnesse of Parents, the want of experience. in Magistrates, the admiration of their vndeserued honours, the contempt of true merit, their vniust iealo[u]sies, their politicke incredulities, their hypocriticall seeming goodnesse, and their deeds of secret lewdnesse? finally, in fine, grow- ing onely formall temporists, all that their predecessors got in many years, they lost in few daies. Those by their pain and vertues became Lords of the world; they by their ease and vices became slaues to their seruants. This is the difference betwixt the vse of Armes in the field, and on the monuments of stones; [33] the golden age and the leaden age, prosperity and miserie, iustice and corruption, substance and shadowes, words and deeds, experience and imagination, making Commonwealths and marring Com- monwealths, the fruits of vertue and the conclusions of vice. [1616] Then, who would liue at home idly (or thinke in him- selfe any worth to liue) onely to eate, drink, and sleepe, and so die? Or by consuming that carelesly, his friends got worthily? Or by vsing that miserably, that maintained vertue honestly? Or for being descended nobly, pine with the vaine vaunt of great kindred, in penurie? Or (to maintaine a silly shewe of brauery) toyle out thy heart, soule, and time, basely; by shifts, tricks, cards, and dice? Or by relating newes of others actions, sharke here or there for a dinner, or supper; deceiue thy friends, by faire promises and dissimulation, in borrowing where thou neuer intendest to pay; offend the lawes, surfeit with t§. 724.) ENG. SCH. LIB. No. 16. 14 210 1616. The description of New England, [3-18 June . J. Smith[1616] An example of secure coueteous- ness. [P. 725.] excesse, burden thy Country, abuse thy selfe, despaire in want, and then couzen thy kindred, yea euen thine owne brother, and wish thy parents death (I will not say dam- nation) to haue their estates? though thou seest what honours, and rewards, the world yet hath for them [who] will seeke them and worthily deserue them. I would be sor[r]y to offend, or that any should mistake my honest meaning: for I wish good to all, hurt to none. But rich men for the most part are growne to that dotage, through their pride in [34] their wealth, as though there were no accident could end it, or their life. And what hellish care do such take to make it their owne miserie, and their Countries spoile, especially when there. is most neede of their imployment? drawing by all manner of inuentions, from the Prince and his honest subiects, euen the vitall spirits of their powers and estates: as if their Bagges, or Bragges, were so powerfull a defence, the malicious could not assault them; when they are the onely baite, to cause vs not to be onely assaulted; but betrayed and murdered in our owne security, ere we well perceiue it. May not the miserable ruine of Constantinople, their impregnable walles, riches, and pleasures [at] last taken by the Turke (which are but a bit, in comparison of their now mightines) remember vs of the effects of priuate couet- ousness? at which time the good Emperour held himselfe rich enough, to haue such rich subiects, so formall in all excesse of vanity, all kinde of delicacie and prodigalitie. His pouertie when the Turke besieged, the citizens (whose marchandizing thoughts were onely to get wealth, little conceiuing the desperate resolution of a valiant expert enemy) left the Emp[erour] so long to his conclusions, hauing spent all he had to pay his young, raw, discon- tented Souldiers; that sodainly he, they, and their citie were all a prey to the deuouring Turke. And what they would not spare for the maintenance of them who aduen- tured their liues to defend them, did serue onely their [35] enemies to torment them, their friends, and countrey, and all Christendome to this present day. Let this lamentable example remember you that are rich (seeing there are such great theeues in the world to robbe you) not [to] grudge to lend some proportion, to breed them that 3-18 June J. Smith2 II . by Captaine Iohn Smith. ] : : 1616.haue little, yet [are] willing to learne how to defend you: for, it is too late when the deede is a-doing. The Romancs estate hath beene worse then this: for, the meere couetousnesse and extortion of a few of them, so mooued the rest, that not hauing any imployment but contemplation; their great iudgements grew to so great malice, as themselues were sufficient to destroy themselues. by faction: Let this mooue you to embrace imployment for those whose educations, spirits, and iudgements want but your purses; not onely to preuent such accustomed dangers, but also to gaine more thereby then you haue. And you fathers, that are either so foolishly fond, or so miserably couteous, or so willfully ignorant, or so negligently carelesse, as that you will rather maintaine your children in idle wantonness, till they grow your masters; or become so basely vnkinde, as they wish nothing but your deaths; so that both sorts grow dissolute: and although you would wish them any where to escape the gallowes, and ease your cares; though they spend you here one, two, or three hundred pound[s] a yeer; you would grudge to giue halfe so much in aduenture with them, to obtaine an estate, which in a small time, but with a little assistance of your [36] prouidence, might be better then your owne. But if an Angell should tell you, [that] any place yet vnknowne can afford such fortunes; you would not beleeue him, no more then Columbus was beleeued there was any such Land as is now the well knowne abounding America; much lesse such large Regions as are yet vnknowne, as well in America, as in Affrica, and Asia, and Terra incognita; where were courses for gentlemen (and them that would be so reputed) more suiting their qualities, then begging from their Princes generous disposition, the labours of his subiects, and the very marrow of his maintenance. [1616] Authors I haue not beene so ill bred, but I haue tasted of Plenty The and Pleasure, as well as Want and Miserie: nor doth neces- conditions. sitie yet, or occasion of discontent, force me to these endeauors: nor am I ignorant what small thanke I shall haue for my paines; or that many would haue the Worlde imagine them to be of great iudgement, that can but blemish these my designes, by their witty obiections and 212 1616. The description of New England, [3-18 June . J. Smith[1616] [P. 726.] [A. 929.] The planters pleasures, and profits. detractions: yet (I hope) my reasons with my deeds, will so preuaile with some, that I shall not want imployment in these affaires, to make the most blinde see his owne senselessnesse, and incredulity; Hoping that gaine will make them affect that, which Religion, Charity, and the Common good cannot. It were but a poore deuice in me, To deceiue my selfe; much more the King, State, my Friends and Countrey, with these inducements: which, seeing his Maiestie hath giuen [37] permission, I wish all sorts of worthie, honest, industrious spirits, would vnder- stand: and if they desire any further satisfaction, I will doe my best to giue it: Not to perswade them to goe onely; but goe with them: Not leaue them there; but liue with them there. I will not say, but by ill prouiding and vndue mana- ging, such courses may be taken, [that] may make us miserable enough: But if I may haue the execution of what I haue proiected; if they want to eate, let them eate or neuer digest Me. If I performe what I say, I desire but that reward out of the gaines [which] may su[ijte my paines, quality, and condition. And if I abuse you with my tongue, take my head for satisfaction. If any dislike at the yeares end, defraying their charge, by my consent they should freely returne. I feare not want of companie suffi- cient, were it but knowne what I know of those Countries; and by the proofe of that wealth I hope yearely to returne, if God please to blesse me from such accidents, as are beyond my power in reason to preuent: For, I am not so simple to thinke, that euer any other motiue then wealth, will euer erect there a Commonweale; or draw companie from their ease and humours at home, to stay in New England to effect my purposes. And lest any should think the toile might be insupport- able, though these things may be had by labour, and dili- gence: I assure my selfe there are who delight extreamly in vaine pleasure, that take much more paines in England, to enioy it, then I should doe heere [New England] to gaine wealth sufficient: [38] and yet I thinke they should not haue halfe such sweet content: for, our pleasure here is still gaines; in England charges and losse. Heer nature and liberty affords vs that freely, which in England we want, 3-18 June J. Smith213 by Captainc Iohn Smith. . 1616 [1616] or it costeth vs dearely. What pleasure can be more, then (being tired with any occasion a-shore, in planting Vines, Fruits, or Hearbs, in contriuing their owne Grounds, to the pleasure of their owne mindes, their Fields, Gardens, Orchards, Buildings, Ships, and other works, &c.) to recreate themselues before their owne doores, in their owne [3.727.] boates vpon the Sea; where man, woman and childe, with a small hooke and line, by angling, may take diuerse sorts of excellent fish, at their pleasures? And is it not pretty sport, to pull vp two pence, six pence, and twelue pence, as fast as you can ha[u]le and veare a line? He is a very bad fisher [that] cannot kill in one day with his hooke and line, one, two, or three hundred Cods: which dressed and dried, if they be sould there for ten shillings the hundred, though in England they will giue more than twentie, may not both the seruant, the master, and marchant, be well content with this gaine? If a man worke but three dayes in seauen, he may get more then hee can spend, vnlesse he will be excessiue. Now that Carpenter, Mason, Gardiner, Taylor, Smith, Sailer, Forgers, or what other, may they not make this a pretty recreation though they fish but an houre in a day, to take more then they eate in a weeke? or if they will not eate it, because there is so much better [39] choice; yet sell it, or change it, with the fisher men, or marchants, for any thing they want. And what sport doth yeeld a more pleasing content, and lesse hurt or charge then angling with a hooke; and crossing the sweete ayre from Ile to Ile, ouer the silent streames of a calme Sea? Wherein the most curious may finde pleasure, profit, and content. Thus, though all men be not fishers: yet all men, whatso- euer, may in other matters doe as well. For necessity doth in these cases so rule a Commonwealth, and each in their seuerall functions, as their labours in their qualities may be as profitable, because there is a necessary mutuall vse of all. For Gentlemen, what exercise should more delight them, Imploy then ranging dayly those vnknowne parts, vsing fowling gentlemen. and fishing, for hunting and hawking? and yet you shall see the wilde-haukes giue you some pleasure, in seeing them stoope (six or seauen after one another) an houre or two together, at the skuls of fish in the faire harbours, as ments for i ご ​214 . The description of New England, [3-13 June . J. Smith[1616] [A. 728.] Employ- ments for labourers. Example of the Span- yards. 1616those a-shore at a foule; and neuer trouble nor torment yourselues, with watching, mewing, feeding, and attending them: nor kill horse and man with running and crying, See you not a hawk? For hunting also: the woods, lakes, and riuers affoord not onely chase sufficient, for any that delights in that kinde of toyle, or pleasure; but such beasts to hunt, that besides the delicacy of their bodies for food, their skins are so rich, as may well recompence thy dayly labour, with a Captains pay. [40] For labourers, if those that sowe hemp, rape, tur- nups, parsnips, carrats, cabidge, and such like; giue 20, 30, 40, 50 shillings yearely for an acre of ground, and meat drinke and wages to vse it, and yet grow rich; when better, or at least as good ground, may be had, and cost nothing but labour; it seems strange to me, any such should there grow poore. My purpose is not to perswade children from their parents; men from their wiues; nor seruants from their masters: onely, such as with free consent may be spared: But that each parish, or village, in Citie or Countrey, that will but apparell their fatherlesse children, of thirteene or fourteen years of age, or young mar[r]ied people, that haue small wealth to liue on; heere by their labour may liue exceeding well: prouided alwaies that first there bee a sufficient power to command them, houses to receiue them, meanes to defend them, and meet prouisions for them ; for, any place may bee ouerlain : and it is most necessarie to haue a fortresse (ere this grow to practice) and sufficient masters (as, Carpenters, Masons, Fishers, Fowlers, Gardiners, Husbandmen, Sawyers, Smiths, Spinsters, Taylors, Weauers, and such like) to take ten, twelue, or twentie, or as ther is occasion, for Apprentises. The Masters by this may quicklie growe rich; these may learne their trades themselues, to doe the like; to a generall and an incredible benefit, for King, and Countrey, Master, and Seruant. [41] It would bee an historie of a large volume, to recite the aduentures of the Spanyards, and Portugals, their affronts and defeats, their dangers and miseries; which with such incomparable honour and constant resolution, 3-18 June J. Smith215 . by Captaine Iohn Smith. . : : 1615[1616] so farre beyond beleefe, they haue attempted and indured in their discoueries and plantations, as may well condemne vs, of too much imbecillitie, sloth, and negligence: yet the Authors of those new inuentions, were held as ridicu- lous, for a long time, as now are others, that doe but seek to imitate their vnparalleled vertues. And though we see daily their mountaines of wealth (sprong from the plants of their generous indeuours) yet is our sensualitie and vntowardnesse such, and so great, that wee either ignorantly beleeue nothing, or so curiously contest to [A 729-3 preuent wee knowe not what future euents; that wee either so neglect, or oppresse and discourage the present, as wee spoile all in the making, crop all in the blooming; and building vpon faire sand, rather then rough rockes, iudge that wee knowe not, gouerne that wee haue not, feare that which is not; and for feare some should doe too well, force such against their willes to be idle or as ill. And who is he [that] hath iudgement, courage, and any industrie or qualitie with vnderstanding, will leaue his Countrie, his hopes at home, his certaine estate, his friends, pleasures, libertie, and the preferment sweete England doth afford to all degrees, were it not to aduance his fortunes by inioying his deserts? whose prosperitie once appearing will incourage others but it must be cherished [42] as a childe, till it be able to goe, and vnderstand it selfe, and not corrected nor oppressed aboue it[s] strength, ere it knowe wherefore. A child can neither performe the office, nor deedes of a man of strength, nor indure that affliction He is able; nor can an Apprentice at the first performe the part of a Maister. And if twentie yeeres bee required to make a child a man, seuen yeares limited [to] an apprentice for his trade, if scarce an age be sufficient to make a wise man a States man, and commonly a man dies ere he hath learned to be discreet: If perfection be so hard to be obtained, as of necessitie there must bee practice, as well as theorick: Let no man much condemne this paradox opinion, to say, that halfe seauen yeeres is scarce sufficient, for a good capacitie, to learne in these affaires, how to carrie him- selfe: and who euer shall trie in these remote places the erecting of a Colony, shall finde at the ende of seauen yeares occasion enough to vse all his discretion: and, in 216 1616. The description of New England, [3-18 June . J. Smith[1616] [A. 730.] The blisse of Spaine. the Interim all the content, rewardes, gaines, and hopes will be necessarily required, to be giuen to the beginning, till it bee able to creepe, to stand, and goe, yet time enough to keepe it from running: for there is no feare it wil grow too fast, or euer to any thing; excepte libertie, profit, honor, and prosperitie there found, more binde the planters of those affaires, in deuotion to effect it; then bondage, violence, tyranny, ingratitude and such double. dealing, as bindes freemen to become slaues, and honest men [to] turne knaues: which hath euer bin the ruine of the most popular [43] common-weales; and is verie vnlikelie euer well to begin in a new. Who seeth not what is the greatest good of the Spanyard, but these new conclusions, in searching those vnknowne parts of the vnknowne world? By which meanes hee diues euen into the verie secrets of all his Neighbours, and the most part of the world: and when the Portugale and Spanyard had found the East and West Indies; how many did condemn themselues, that did not accept of that honest offer of Noble Columbus? who, vpon our neglect, brought them to it, perswading our selues the world had no such places as they had found: and yet euer since wee finde, they still (from time to time) haue found new Lands, new Nations, and trades, and still daily dooe finde both in Asia, Africa, Terra Incognita, and America; so that there is neither Soldier nor Mechanick, from the Lord to the beggar, but those parts afforde them all imploiment; and discharge their Natiue soile, of so many thousands of all sorts, that else, by their sloth, pride, and imperfections, would long ere this haue troubled their neighbours, or haue eaten the pride of Spaine it selfe. Now he knowes little, that knowes not England may well spare many more people then Spaine, and is as well able to furnish them with all manner of necessaries. And seeing, for all they haue, they cease not still to search for that they haue not, and know not; It is strange we should be so dull, as not [to] maintaine that which wee haue, and pursue that wee [44] know. Surely I am sure many would taste it ill, to bee abridged of the titles and honours of their predecessors: when if but truly they would iudge themselues; looke how inferior they 3-18 June J. Smith217 . by Captaine Iohn Smith. . 1616[1616] are to their noble vertues, so much they are vnworthy of their honours and liuings: which neuer were ordained for showes and shadowes, to maintaine idlenesse and vice; but to make them more able to abound in honor, by heroycall deeds of action, iudgement, pietie, and vertue. What was it, they would not doe both in purse and person, for the good of the Commonwealth? which might moue them presently to set out their spare kindred in these generous designes. Religion, aboue all things, should moue vs (especially the [p. 731.] Clergie) if wee were religious, to shewe our faith by our workes; in conuerting those poore saluages, to the know- ledge of God, seeing what paines the Spanyards take to bring them to their adulterated faith. Honor might moue. the Gentrie, the valiant, and industrious; and the hope and assurance of wealth, all; if wee were that we would seeme, and be accounted. Or be we so far inferior to other nations, or our spirits so far deiected, from our auncient predecessors, or our mindes so [set] vpon spoile, piracie, and such villany, as to serue the Portugall, Spanyard, Dutch, French, or Turke, (as to the cost of Europe, too many dooe) rather then our God, our King, our Country, and our selues? excusing our idlenesse, and our base complaints, by want of imploiement; when heere is such choise of all sorts, and for all degrees, in the planting [45] and dis- couering these North parts of America. N Amnim ow to make my words more apparent by my deeds; I was, the last yeare, 1615. to haue staied in the Countrie, to make a more ample triall of those conclusions with sixteene men; whose names were Thomas Dirmir. Edward Stalings. Daniel Cage. Francis Abbot. Iohn Gosling. William Ingram. Robert Miter. Dauid Cooper. Gent. Iohn Partridge. and two boies. Thomas Digbie. Daniel Baker. Adam Smith. Thomas Watson. Souldiers. Walter Chissick. Iohn Hall. My second age to England. New [p. 732.] Souldiers. [pp.223,258. (pp. 221, 734.] Sailers. 732,730,74€, 747-1 218 1616. The description of New England, [3-18 June J. Smith [1615] [A. 205.] I confesse, I could haue wished them as many thousands, had all other prouisions bin in like proportion: nor would I haue had so fewe, could I haue had meanes for more: yet (would God haue pleased wee had safely arriued) I neuer had the like authoritie, freedom, and prouision, to doe so well. The maine assistance next God, I had to this small number, was my acquaintance among the Saluages; especially, with Dohannida, one of their greatest Lords; who had liued long in England. By the meanes of this proud Saluage, I did not doubt but quickly to haue gotte that credit with the rest of his friends and alliants, to haue had as many of them, as I desired, in any designe I in- tended; and that trade also they had, by such a kind of exchange [46] of their Countrie commodities; which both with ease and securitie in their seasons may be vsed. With him and diuerse others, I had concluded to inhabit, and defend them against the Terentynes; with a better power then the French did them; whose tyranny did inforce them to imbrace my offer, with no small deuotion. And though many may thinke me more bolde then wise, in regard to their power, dexteritie, treacherie, and incon- I ½.697,701.] stancie; hauing so desperately assaulted and betraied many others: I say but this (because with so many, I haue many times done much more in Virginia, then I intended heere, when I wanted that experience Virginia taught me) that to mee it seemes no daunger more then ordinarie. And though I know my selfe [to be] the meanest of many thou- sands, whose apprehensiue inspection can pearce beyond the boundes of my habilities, into the hidden things of Nature, [p. 733- Art, and Reason; yet I intreate such [to] giue me leaue to excuse my selfe of so muchimbecilitie, as to say, that in these eight yeares [1606-1614] which I haue been conuersant with these affaires, I haue not learned there is a great difference, betwixt the directions and iudgement of experimentall knowledge, and the superficiall coniecture of variable relation wherein rumor, humor, or misprision haue such power that oft times one is enough to beguile twenty; but twentie not sufficient to keep one from being deceiued. Therefore I know no reason but to beleeue my own eies before any mans imagination, that is but wrested from the 3-18 June J. Smith219 by Captain Iohn Smith. . 1616. conceits of my owne proiects, and indeauours. [47] But I honor, with all affection, the counsell and instructions of iudiciall directions, or any other honest aduertisement; so farre to obserue, as they tie mee not to the crueltie of vnknowne euents. [1614] 698, 754-) These are the inducements that thus drew me to neglect all other imployments, and spend my time and best abilities in these aduentures. Wherein, though I haue had many discouragements by the ingratitude of some, the malicious slanders of others, the falsenesse of friendes, the 220, trechery of cowards, and slownesse of aduenturers: but chiefly by one Hunt, who was Master of the ship, with whom oft arguing these proiects for a plantation, howeuer hee seemed well in words to like it, yet he practiced to haue robbed mee of my plots [maps], and obseruations, and so to leaue me alone in a desolate Ile, to the fury of famine, and all other extreamities (lest I should haue acquainted Sir Thomas Smith, my Honourable good friend, and the Councell of Virginia); to the end, he and his associates. might secretly ingrosse it, ere it were knowne to the State. Yet that God that alway hath kept me from the worst of such practices, deliuered me from the worst of his dis- simulations. Notwithstanding after my departure, hee abused the Saluages where hee came, and betrayed twenty seauen of these poore innocent soules, which he sould in Spaine for slaues; to mooue their hate against our Nation, as well as to cause my proceedings to be so much the more difficult. Now, returning in the Bark, in the fift of August [1614], 1.700,733-3 [48] I arriued at Plimouth: where imparting there my pur- poses to my honourable friend Sir Ferdinando Gorge, and some others; I was so incouraged, and assured to haue the managing their authoritie in those parts, during my life, that I ingaged myselfe to vndertake it for them. Arriuing at London, I found also many promise me such assistance, that I entertained Michaell Cooper the Master, who returned with mee, and others of the company. How hee dealt with others, or others with him, I know not: But my publike proceeding gaue such incouragement, that it became so well apprehended by some fewe of the Southren. 220 . The description of New England, [3-18 June . J. Smith[1615] [2.701.] The occa- sion of my returne. 1616Company, as these proiects were liked, and he furnished from London with foure ships at Sea, before they at Plimouth had made any prouision at all, but onely a ship cheefely set out by Sir Ferdinando Gorge; which, vpon Hunts late trecherie among the Saluages, returned as she went, and did little or nothing, but lost her time. I must confesse I was beholden to the setters forth of the foure ships that went with Cooper; in that they offered mee that imploiment if I would accept it: and I finde, my refusall hath incurred some of their displeasures, whose fauor and loue I exceedingly desire, if I may honestly inioy it. And though they doe censure me as opposite to their proceedings; they shall yet still in all my words and deedes finde, it is their error, not my fault, that occasions their dislike. For hauing ingaged my selfe in this businesse to the West Countrie; I had beene verie dishonest to haue [49] broke my promise; nor will I spend more time in discouerie or fishing, till I may goe with a companie for plantation: for, I know my grounds. Yet euery one that reades this booke can not put it in practice; though it may helpe any that haue seene those parts. And though they endeauour to worke me euen out of my owne designes, I will not much enuy their fortunes: but, I would bee sory, their intruding ignorance should, by their defailements, bring those certainties to doubtfulnesse. So that the businesse prosper, I haue my desire; be it by Londoner, Scot, Welch, or English, that are true subiects to our King and Countrey: the good of my Countrey is that I seeke; and there is more then enough for all, if they could bee content but to proceed. At last it pleased Sir Ferdinando Gorge, and Master Doctor Sutcliffe, Deane of Exccter, to conceiue so well of these proiects, and my former imployments, as induced them to make a new aduenture with me in those parts, whither they haue so often sent to their continuall losse. By whose example, many inhabitants of the West Country, made promises of much more then was looked for, but their priuate emulations quickly qualified that heat in the greater number; so that the burden lay principally on them, and some few Gentlemen, my friends, in London. 3-18 June J. Smith221 by Captaine Iohn Smith. . 1616.J .. [1615] In the end I was furnished with a Ship of 200. and another of 50 [tons]. But ere I had sayled 120 leagues, shee broke all her masts; pumping each watch 5 or 6000 strokes: onely her spret saile [50] remayned to spoon before the wind, till we had reaccommodated her a Iury 1 734) mast, and the rest, to returne for Plimouth. My Vice-admirall beeing lost [i.c., lost sight of], not knowing of this, proceeded [on] her voyage. Now with the remainder of those prouisions, I got out again in a small Barke of 60 tuns with 30 men (for this of 200, and prouision for 70); which were the 16 before named [p. 217], and 14 other saylors for the ship. With those I set saile againe the 24 of Iune [1615]: where what befell me (because my actions and writings are so publicke to the world, enuy still seeking to scandalize my indeauours, and seeing no power but death can stop the chat of ill tongues, nor imagination of mens mindes) lest my owne relations of those hard euents, might by some constructors, be made doubtfull, I haue thought it best to insert the examinations of those proceedings, taken by Sir Lewis Stukley a worthie Knight, and Vice-admirall of Deuonshire; which were as followeth. The examination of Daniel Baker, late Steward to Captaine Iohn Smith in the returne of Plimouth; taken before Sir Lewis. Stukley Knight, the eight of December 1615. W Ho saith, being chased two dayes by one Fry, an English Pirate, that could not board vs, by reason of foule weather, Edmund Chambers the Master, Iohn Minter his mate, Thomas Digby the Pilot, and others importuned his saide Captaine to yeeld; houlding it vnpossible hee should defend [51] him- selfe and that the saide Captaine should send them his boat, in that they had none: which at last he concluded vpon these conditions, That Fry the Pyrate should vow : not to take any thing from Captaine Smith, that might My reim- incounters with pyrats barkment, and impri- sonment by the French. Captaine 10 tuns, 36 cast pecces Fry his ship and mur- derers, 8 which 40, or master gunners. 50. were 222 1616. The description of New England, [3-18 June . J. Smith[1615] [/. 735.] The one of 200, the other 20 [tuns]. The Ad- mirall 140 tuns, 12 pceces, 12 murderers, 90 men, with long pistols, tols, mus- overthrowe his voyage, nor send more Pirats into his ship then hee liked off; otherwaies, he would make sure of them he had, and defend himselfe against the rest as hee could. More he confesseth that the quarter - masters and Chambers receiued golde of those Pirats; but how much, he knoweth not: Nor would his Captain come out of his Caben to entertaine them; although a great many of them had beene his saylers, and for his loue would haue wafted vs to the Iles of Flowers. At Fyall, wee were chased by two French Pyrats, who commanded vs Amaine. Chambers, Minter, Digby and others, importuned againe the Captaine to yeeld; alledging they were Turks, and would make them all slaues: or Frenchmen, and would throw them all ouer board if they shot but a peece; and that they were entertained to fish, and not to fight; vntill the Captaine vowed to fire the powder and split the ship, if they would not stand to their defence; whereby at last wee went cleere of them, for all their shot. At Flowers, wee were chased by foure French men of warre; all with their close fights afore and after. And this examinants Captaine hauing provided for our defence, Chambers, Minter, Digby, [52] and some others, againe im- portuned him to yeeld to the fauour of those, against pocket pis- whom there was nothing but ruine by fighting: But if he would goe aboard them, in that hee could speak French, poniard[s]; by curtesie hee might goe cleere; seeing they offered him the Vice-ad- such faire quarter, and vowed they were Protestants, and all of Rochell, and had the Kings commission onely to miral 60; the take Spaniards, Portugales, and Pyrats; which at last hee did; but they kept this examinates Captaine and some other of his company with him. ket[s], sword[s] and mirall, 100 tuns; the Rere-ad- other 80 [tuns]: all had 250 men most[ly] armed as is said. The next day the French men of warre went aboard vs, and tooke what they listed, and diuided the company into their seuerall ships, and manned this examinates ship with the Frenchmen, and chased with her all the shippes they saw: vntill about fiue or sixe dayes after, vpon better consideration, they surrendered the ship and victualls, with the most part of our prouision, but not our weapons. More: he confesseth that his Captaine exhorted them 3-18 June J. Smith223 . by Captaine Iohn Smith. | 1616. [1615] men and were euer fight. to performe their voyage, or goe for New found Land to returne fraughted with fish, where hee would finde meanes to proceed in his plantation: but Chambers and Minter grew vpon tearms they would not; vntill those that were Souldiers concluded with their Captaines resolution, they The gentle- would; seeing they had clothes, victualls, salt, nets, and lines souldiers sufficient, and expected their armes, and such other things willing to as they wanted, [which] the French men promised to restore. Which the Captaine the next day went to seeke, and sent them about loading of [53] commodities, as powder, match, hookes, instruments, his sword and dagger, bedding, aqua vitæ, his commission, apparell, and many other things; the particulars he remembreth not: But, as for the cloath, canuas, and the Captaines cloathes, Chambers, and his associats diuided it amongst themselues, and to whom they best liked; his Captaine not hauing any thing, to his knowledge, but his wastecoat and breeches. And in this manner going from ship to ship, to regaine our armes and the rest, they seeing a sayle, gaue chase vntill night. The next day, being very foule weather, this examinate. came so neere with the ship vnto the French men of warre, that they split the maine sayle on the others spret sayle yard. Chambers willed the Captaine come aboard, or he would leaue him: whereupon the Captaine commanded Chambers to send his boate for him. Chambers replyed she was split (which was false), telling him hee might come if he would in the Admiralls boat. The Captaines answer was, he could not command her, nor come when hee would; so this examinate fell on sterne; and that night left his said Captaine alone amongst the French men, in this maner, by the command of Chambers, Minter, and others. 736, 746). Daniel Cage, Edward Stalings, Gentlemen; Walter (pp. 258,732, Chissell, Dauid Cooper, Robert Miller, and Iohn Partridge, beeing examined, doe acknowledge and confesse, that Daniel Baker his examination aboue written is true. [54] 224 1616. The description of New England, [3-18 June J. Smith- [1615] [P. 736.] A double treachery. A fleet of nine French men of war and fights with the N Ow the cause why the French detayned me againe, was the suspicion, this Chambers and Minter gaue them that I would reuenge my selfe, vpon the Bank, or in New found Land, of all the French I could there incounter; and how I would haue fired the ship, had they not ouerperswaded mee: and many other such like tricks to catch but opportunie in this maner to leaue me. And thus they returned to Plimouth, and perforce with the French I proceeded. Being a Fleet of eight or nine sayle, we watched for the West Indies fleet, till ill weather separated vs from the other 8. Still we spent our time about the Iles neere Spaniards. Fyall where to keepe my perplexed thoughts from too much meditation of my miserable estate, I writ this dis- course; thinking to haue sent it [to] you of his Maiesties. Councell, by some ship or other: for I saw their purpose was to take all they could. [ 737-] At last we were chased by one Captain Barra an English Pyrat, in a small ship with some twelue peeces of ordin- ance, about thirty men, and neer all starued. They sought by curtesie releefe of vs; who gaue them such faire pro- mises, as at last wee betrayed Captaine IVolliston (his Lieftenant) and foure or fiue of their men aboard vs, and then prouided to take the rest perforce. Now my part was to be prisoner in the gun roum, and not to speake to any of them vpon my life. Yet had Barra know- ledge what I was. Then Barra perceiuing wel these French intents, made ready to fight; and Wolliston as resolutely regarded not their threats: [55] which caused vs [to] demurre vpon the matter longer, som [e] sixteene houres; and then returned their prisoners, and some victualls also, vpon a small composition. The next wee tooke was a small English man of Poole from New found Land. The great caben, at this present, was my prison; from whence I could see them pillage those poore men of all that they had, and halfe their fish: when hee was gone, they sould his poore cloathes at the maine mast, by an outcry, which scarce gaue each man seauen pence a peece. Not long after, we tooke a Scot fraught from Saint 3-18 June J. Smith225 . by Captaine Iohn Smith. . 1616Michaels to Bristol: he had better fortune then the other. For, hauing but taken a boats loading of sugar, marmelade, suckets, and such like: we discried foure sayle, after whom we stood; who forling [furling] their maine sayles attended vs to fight. But our French spirits were content onely to perceiue they were English red crosses. Within a very small time after, wee chased foure Spanish shippes [that] came from the Indies: we fought with them foure or fiue houres, tore their sayles and sides: yet not daring to board them, lost them. [1615] worth 1600n crownes. A poore Caruell of Brasile, was the next we chased: and A prize after a small fight, thirteene or fourteen of her men being wounded, which was the better halfe; we took her, with 370 chests of sugar. The next was a West Indies man, of 160 tuns, with 1200 hides, 50 chests of cutchanell, 14 coffers of wedges of siluer, Sooo ryalls of 8, and six coffers of the King of Spaines treasure; besides the pillage and rich coffers of many rich passengers. Two [56] monethes [Aug.-Oct. 1615] they kept me in this manner, to manage their fights against the Spaniards, and be a prisoner when they tooke any English. Now though the Captaine had oft broke his promise, which was to put me a-shore on the Iles [Axorcs], or the next ship he tooke: yet at last, he was intreated [ persuaded] I should goe for France in the Caruell of sugar; himself [being] resolued still to keepe the Seas. Within two dayes after, we were ha[i]led by two West Indy men: but when they saw vs waue them for the King of France, they gaue vs their broad sides, shot through our mayne mast, and so left vs. Hauing lived thus, neer three moneths [Aug.-Nov. 1615] among those French men of warre; with much adoe, we arriued at the Gulion, not far from Rochel; where in stead of the great promises they alwaies fed me with, of double satisfaction, and full content, they kept me fiue or sixe. daies prisoner in the Caruell: accusing me to bee him that burnt their Colony in New France; to force mee giue them a discharge before the Iudge of the Admiralty, and so stand to their curtesie for satisfaction, or lie in prison, or a worse mischiefe. ENG, SCH. LIB. No. 16. 15 A prize 200003 worth crownes. [2.733 226 [3-18 J The description of New England, J. Smith. June 1616. [1615] My escape from the French men. [P. 739.] To preuent this choise, in the end of such a storme that beat them all vnder Hatches, I watched my opportunity to get a-shore in their boat; where-into, in the darke night, I secretly got and with a halfe pike that lay by me, put a drift for Rat Ile: but the Current was so strong, and the Sea so great, I went a drift to Sea, till it pleased God the winde so turned with the tide, that although I was, all this fearefull night of gusts and raine, in the Sea, the space of 12 [57] houres, when many ships were driuen a shore, and diuerse split (and being with sculling and bayling the water tired, I expected each minute would sinke mee) at last I arriued in an oazie Ile by Charowne; where certaine fowlers found mee neere drowned, and halfe dead, with water, colde, and hunger. By those, I found meanes to gette to Rochell; where I vnderstoode the man of warre which we left at Sea, and the rich prize was split; the Captaine drowned, and halfe his companie the same night, within seauen leagues of that place, from whence I escaped alone, in the little boate, by the mercy of God; far beyond all mens reason, or my expectation. Arriuing at Rochell, vpon my complaint to the Iudge of the Admiraltie, I founde many good words and faire promises; and ere long many of them that escaped drowning, tolde mee the newes they heard of my owne death these I arresting, their seuerall examinations did so confirme my complaint, it was held proofe sufficient. All which being performed according to the order of iustice, from vnder the iudges hand; I presented it to the Sir Thomas English Ambassador then at Burdeaux: where it was my chance to see the arriuall [21 Nov. 1615] of the Kings great mariage brought from Spaine. Edmunds. They be- traied mee hauing the broad scale twentie sayle of English Of the wrack of the rich prize some 36000, crownes worth of goods came a shore and was saued with the Caruell, of England: Which I did my best to arrest: the Iudge did promise me and neere I shold haue iustice; what will bee the conclusion as yet June 1616], I know not. But vnder the colour to take Pirats and West-Indie men (because the Spanyards will not [58] suffer the French trade in the West-Indies) any goods. from thence, tho[u]gh they take them vpon the Coast of Spaine, are lawfull prize; or from any of his territories out of the limits of Europe. more;besides them con- cealed, in like maner were betrayed that year. (p. 740.] 3-13 June J. Smith227 . by Captaine Iohn Smith. ] : 1616.Leauing thus my businesse in France, I returned [Dec. 1615] [1615-6] to Plimouth, to find them that had thus buried me amongst : the French and not onely buried mee, but with so much infamy as such treacherous cowards could suggest to My returne excuse their villanies. But my clothes, bookes, instru- 1615. ments, Armes, and what I had, they shared amongst them, : and what they liked; fayning, the French had all [that] was wanting and had throwne them into the Sea, taken their ship, and all; had they not runne away and left me as they did. The cheeftaines of this mutinie that I could finde, I laied by the heeles; the rest, like themselues, confessed the truth as you haue heard [þ. 221]. Now how I haue or could preuent these accidents, I rest at your censures. But to the matter. for England N Ewfound-land at the first, I haue heard, was held as desperate a fishing, as this I proiect in New England; Placentia, and the Banke, were also as doubtful to the French: But, for all disasters [that have] happened [to] mee, the businesse is the same as it was: and the fiue ships (whereof one was reported more then three hundred tunnes) went forward; and found fish so much, that neither Izeland-men, nor Newfoundland-men, [that] I could heare of hath beene there, will goe any more to either place, if they may goe thither. So, that vpon the returne of my Viceadmirall that pro- ceeded on her voyage when I spent my [59] masts [p. 221]; from Plimouth this yeare [1616] are gone foure or fiue saile: and from London as many; onely to make voyages of profit: where[as] the Englishmen haue yet beene, all their returnes together (except Sir Fr. Popphames) would scarce make one a sauer of neere a douzen I could nominate; though there 741.] vice-Ad- The suc- cesse of my mirall and ships of London, the foure from New England. 228 . The description of New England, J. Smith[3-18 June 1616. [1616] [+£6 1 {A. 742.] be fish sufficient, as I perswade my selfe, to fraught yearely foure or fiue hundred sayle, or as many as will goe. For this fishing stretcheth along the Coast from Cape Cod to Newfound-land, which is seauen or eight hundered miles at the least; and hath his course in the deepes, and by the shore, all the yeare long; keeping their ha[u]nts and feedings. as the beasts of the field, and the birds of the aire. But, all men are not such as they should bee, that haue vnder- taken those voiages: and a man that hath but heard of an instrument, can hardly vse it so well as hee that by vse hath contriued to make it. All the Romanes were not Scipioes: nor all the Geneweses, Columbuses: nor all Spanyards, Corteses: had they diued no deeper in the secrets. of their discoueries then wee, or stopped at such doubts and poore accidentall chances; they had neuer beene remembered as they are; yet had they no such certainties to begin as wee. But, to conclude, Adam and Eue did first beginne this innocent worke, To plant the earth to remaine to posteritie, but not without labour, trouble, and industrie. Noe, and his family, beganne againe the second plantation; and their seede as it still increased, hath still planted new Countries, and one countrie another: and so the world. to that estate it is. But [60] not without much hazard, trauell, discontents, and many disasters. Had those worthie Fathers, and their memorable off-spring not beene more diligent for vs now in these Ages, then wee are to plant that yet vnplanted, for the after liuers: Had the seede of Abraham, our Sauiour Christ, and his Apostles, exposed themselues to no more daungers to teach the Gospell, and the will of God then wee; Euen wee our selues, had at this present beene as Saluage, and as miserable as the most barbarous Saluage yet vnciuilized. The Hebrewes, and Lacedaemonians, the Goths, the Grecians, the Romanes, and the rest, what was it they would not vndertake to inlarge their Territories, enrich their subiects, resist their enemies? Those that were the founders of those great Monarchies and their vertues, were no siluered idle golden Pharises, but industrious iron-steeled Publicans: They regarded more prouisions, and necessaries for their J. Smith. 3-18 June 1618.. 229 by Captaine Iohn Smith. : people, then iewels, riches, ease, or delight for themselues. Riches were their seruants, not their Maisters. They ruled (as Fathers, not as Tyrantes) their people as children, not as slaues; there was no disaster could discourage them; and let none thinke they incountered not with all manner of incumbrances. And what haue euer beene the workes of the greatest Princes of the earth, but planting of countries, and ciuilizing barbarous and inhumane Nations, to ciuilitie and humanitie? whose eternall actions, fill our histories. Lastly, the Portugales and Spanyards whose euerliuing actions, before our eyes will [61] testifie with them our idlenesse, and ingratitude to all posterities, and the neglect of our duties in our pietie and religion we owe our God, our King, and Countrie; and want of charity to these poore saluages, whose Countrie wee challenge, vse and possesse; excepte wee bee but made to vse, and marre what our Fore-fathers made, or but onely tell what they did, or esteeme ourselues too good to take the like paines. Was it vertue in them, to prouide that doth maintaine vs? and basenesse for vs to doe the like for others? Surely no. : [1616] Then seeing we are not borne for our selues, but each to helpe other, and our abilities are much alike at the houre of our birth, and the minute of our death: Seeing our (.935.] good deedes, or our badde, by faith in Christs merits, is all we haue to carrie our soules to heauen, or hell: Seeing honour is our liues ambition; and our ambition after death, to haue an honourable memorie of our life: and seeing by noe meanes wee would bee abated of the dignities and glories of our Predecessors; let vs imitate their vertues to bee worthily their successors. FINIS. At London printed the 18. of Iune, in the yeere of our Lord 1616. 230 . [Complimentary Verses. 1616E. Robinson. [A. 691.] [1616] To his worthy Captaine, the Author. Ft thou hast led, when I brought up the Rere In bloodie wars, where thousands haue bin slainc. Then gine mee leaue, in this some part to beare; And as thy seruant, heere to read my name. Tis true, long time thou hast my Captaine becne In the fierce wars of Transiluania: Long ere that thou America hadst seene, Or led wast captiued in Virginia; Thou that to passe the worlds foure parts dost deeme No more, then t'were to goe to bed, or drinke, And all thou yet hast done, thou dost esteeme As nothing. This doth cause mee thinke That thou I'aue seene so oft approu'd in dangers (And thrice captiu'd, thy valor still hath freed) Art yet preserued, to conuert those strangers: By God thy guide; I trust it is decreed. For mee: I not commend, but much admire Thy England yet unknowne to passers by-her. For it will praise it selfe in spight of me; Thou it, it thou, to all posteritie Your true friend, and souldier, Ed. Robinson. [Ensign Carlton and Sergeant Robinson, both of Captain Smith's own escaped alive from the battle of Rottenton [the Pass of Rothenthurm, Nov. 1602; see pp. 851–2.] T. Carlton. 1616. 231 Complimentary Verses.] To my honest Captaine, the Author. Alignant Times! What can be said or don, But shall be censur'd and traduc't by some! This worthy Work, which thou hast bought so dear, Ne thou, nor it, Detractors neede to fear. Thy words by deedes so long thou hast approu'd, Of thousands knowe thee not thou art below'd. And this great Plot will make thee ten times more Knowne and beleu'd, than ere thou wert before. I neuer knew a Warryer yet, but thee, From wine, Tobacco, debts, dice, oaths, so free. I call thee Warrier: and I make the bolder; For, many a Captaine now, was neuer Souldier. Some such may swell at this: but (to their praise) When they haue don like thee, my Muse shall raise Their due deserts to Worthies yet to come, To liue like thine (admir'd) till day of Doome. Your true friend, somtimes your soldier, THO. CARLTON. [p. 692.] [1616] Company of Cavalry, were the only two Englishmen, out of twelve, who in Transylvania; about 15 miles south of Hermannstadt] on the 18th 232 Lun J. Smith. une 1616. [The additional page only found in some copies.] [p. 699.] [Compare with List at té. 699-700.] Becauſe the Booke was printedere the Prince his Highneffe had altered the names, I intreate the Reader, peruſe this ſche- dule; which will plainely fhew him the correfpondence of The old names. Cape Cod [Cape Cod Harbour] Chawum the old names to the new. The new. 'The old names. Cape Iames Sowocatuck Milford hauen Babana The new. Ipfwitch Dartmouth Sandwich { Ap. 204, 206, 232, 276, 718, 720, 853, 855, 866.] Barwick Accomack Plimouth Ancocifco's Mount Shooters bill Sagoquas Oxford Ancocifco The Baſe Maſſachuſets Mount Cheuit hill Anmoughcawgen Mafachufets Riuer Charles Riuer Kinebeck Totant Farmouth Sagadahock Pemmaquid A Country not diſcouera Bristow Naemkeck Cape Trabigzanda Baftable Monahigan Segocket Cape Anne Southhampton Matinnack Smith's Iles Metinnicus Aggarwom Smith's Iles Paataquack Hull Accominticus Befton Safanowes Mount Mecadacut Pennobscot Sno[w]don hill Nusket Cambridge Edenborough Leeth S. Iohns torne [*] Barties Iles Norwich [*] Willowby's Iles [*] Hoghton's Iles Dunbarton Aborden Loremonds [* These three named by Captain J. Smith, and not by Prince Charles: see /. 700.] NEW .. ENGLANDS TRIALS. Declaring the successe of 26. Ships employed thither within these sixe yeares: with the benefit of that Countrey by sea and land: and how to build threescore sayle of good Ships, to make a little Navie Royall. Written by Captaine Iohn Smith. LONDON, Printed by VVilliam Iones. 1620. 234 [It is evident from SMITH's letter &c. printed at p. cxxi, that the substance of this tract was written so early as 1618. It was thus entered for publication at Stationers' Hall: 11 Decembris [1620] William Jones Entred for his Copie vnder the handes of Master Doctor GOADE and Master Lownes warden, A booke Called Newe Englands tryall, by IOHN SMITH. vjd A Transcript of the Registers of the Company of Stationers of London, 1554-1640 A.D., Ed. by E. ARBER, iv. 43., 1877. For the bibliography of this tract, see p. cxxx. It was, in the first instance, written to the Peers of the realm. "I present this vnto your Lordship, and to all the Lords in England, hoping (by your gracious good liking and approbation) to moue all the worthy Companies of this noble City, and all the cities and Countries in the whole Land to consider it." p. 247. Other copies were afterwards struck off with the dedication to the Fishmongers Company at p. 236. Our Author says, in 1624 : Now all these proofes and this relation I now call New-Englands triall. I caused two or three thousand of them to be printed: one thou- sand with a great many Maps both of Virginia and New-England, I pre- sented to thirty of the chiefe Companies in London at their Halls desir- ing either generally or particularly (them that would) to imbrace it .. "Neere a yeere [1621] I spent to vnderstand their resolutions, which was to me a greater toile and torment than to haue been in New- England about my businesse but with bread and water, and what I could get there by my labour; but in conclusion, seeing nothing would be effected, I was contented as well with this losse of time and charge as all the rest," p. 748. And again, in 1630. "Yet for all this, in all this time [1616-1621], though I had divulged to my great labour, cost, and losse, more than seven thousand Bookes and Maps, and moved the particular Companies in London, as also Noblemen, Gentlemen, and Merchants for a Plantation, all availed no more than to hew Rocks with Oister-shels; so fresh were the living abuses of Virginia and the Summer Iles in their memories,” p. 941. Within four months of the publication of this tract, our indefatigable Author had already planned out the General History, see p. cxxv. Mr. CHARLES DEANE, in the Preface to his fifty-copy reprint of this tract, in 1873, states— On my first visit to the Bodleian Library at Oxford, in 1866, the first book I asked to look at was HARIOT's Virginia, 1588; and the second was the first edition of Captain JOHN SMITH's New England Trials, 1620; both of which I had understood to be in that library. These books are of exceeding rarity; and though the British Museum also has a copy of each, I am not aware that either can be found in this country [the United States].”] 235 [Dedicatory Epistle in the Bodleian copy.] TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE AND Worthy aduenters to all discoueries and Plantations, espetially to New England. O the consideration of your fauourable [1620] constructions I present these sixe yeares continued trials from New England: if you please to peruse them, and make vse of them, I am richly rewarded. The subiect deserueth a farre better habit, but it is as good as the father can giue it. Let not therefore a souldiers plainnesse cause you refuse to accept it, how euer you please to dispose of him, that humbly sacreth himselfe and best abilities to his Countries good, and the exquisite iudgement of your renowned perfections. Yours to command, Iohn Smith. 236 (1620] [Dedicatory Epistle in British Museum copy, C. 33 c. 15.] TO THE RIGHT WORSHIPFVL THE Maister, the Wardens, and the Companie of the Fish-mongers. O the consideration of your fauourable constructions I present these sixe yeares continued trials from New England: if you please to peruse them, and make vse of them, I am richly rewarded. The subiect deserueth a farre better habit, but it is as good as the father can giue it. Let not therefore a souldiers plainnesse cause you refuse to accept it, how euer you please to dispose of him, that humbly sacreth himselfe and best abilities to his Countries good, and the exquisite iudgement of your renowned perfections. Yours to command, Iohn Smith. 237 NEVV ENGLANDS Trials. Ew England is a part of America betwixt the degrees of 41. and 45. the very meane betwixt the North Pole and the Line. From 43. to 45. the coast is moun- tainous, rockie, barren and broken Iles that make many good harbours. The water is deepe close to the shoare; there are many riuers and fresh springs: few Saluages, but an incredible aboundance of fish, fowle, wilde fruits, and good timber. From 43. to 41. and halfe, an excellent mixed coast of stone, sand, and clay: much corne, many people, some Iles, many good harbours, a temperate ayre, and therein all things necessarie for the building [of] ships of any proportion, and good merchandize for their fraughts; within a square of twelue leagues 25. harbours I sounded, thirtie seuerall Lordships I sawe, and so neare as I could imagine, three thousand men. I was vp one riuer fortie miles, crossed the mouths of many, whose heads are reported to be great Lakes; where they kill their Beuers; inhabited with many people, who trade with those of New England, and them of Cannada. [1614] p. 192, 253x 706, 938.] 238 J. Smith. Dec. 1620. New-Englands trial:. [Be 11577- 1614] {ƒƒ. 254, 743-1 (p. 197.] (p. 744.] The benefite of Fishing, as that famous Philosopher Master Dee reporteth in his Brittish Monarchie [1577 A.D.] He saith, that more then forty foure yeares agoe [i.e., by 1577], the Herring Busses out of the Low-countries, vnder the King of Spaine, were fiue hundred, besides one hundred. Frenchmen, and three or foure hundred saile of Flemings. The coasts of Wales and Lankashire was vsed by three hundred sayle of strangers. Ireland at Baltemore fraughted yerely three hundred sayle of Spaniards, where King Edward the sixt intended to haue made a strong Castell, because of the straite, to haue tribute for fishing. Black Rocke was yearely fished by three or foure hundred sayle of Spaniards, Portugalls, and Biskiners. Master [Tobias] Gentleman [of Yarmouth] and many Fisher-men and Fishmongers, with whom I haue conferred, report : The Hollanders raise yearely [i.e., in 1620] by Herrings, Cod, and Ling, 3000000 pounds [i.e., sterling]. English and French, by Salt-fish, poore John, Salmons, and Pilchards, 300000. pounds. Hambrough and the Sound, for Sturgion, Lobsters and Eeles, 100000 pounds. Cape Blanke, Tunny and Mullit by the Biskiners and Spaniards, 30000. pounds. But diuers other learned experienced Obseruers say, though it may seeme incredible: That the Duke of Medina receiueth yearely tribute, of the Fishers of Tunny, Mullit, and Purgos, more than 10000. pounds. Lubeck hath seuen hundred shippes: Hambrough sixe hundred: Embden [but] lately a fisher towne, 1400: whose customes by the profit of fishing hath made them so powerfull as they be. Holland and Ze[a]land, not much greater then Yorkeshire, hath thirty walled townes, 400. villages, and 20000. sayle of ships and hoyes; 3600 [i.e., vessels] are fishermen, تم 1. Smith. Dec. 1620. New-Englands trials. whereof 100 are Dog[g]ers, 700. Pinckes and Welbotes, 700. frand botes, 400. Enaces, 400. Galbotes, Britters and To aldebotes, with 1300. Busses; besides three hundred that yearely fish about Yarmouth,, where they sell their fish for gold; and 15. years agoe [in 1605] they had more then 116000 Sea-faring men. 239 [1620] These fishing ships do take yearely 200000. Last of [§. 255·1 fish, 12. barrells to a Last; which amounteth to 3000000. pounds [i.e., sterling] by the Fishermens price, that 14. yeres agoe [1606] did pay for their tenths 300000. pound; which venting in Pomerland, Sprusland, Denmarke, Lefland, Russia, Suethland, Germany, Netherlands, England, or else- where, &c. make their returnes in a yeare about 7000000. pounds; and yet in Holland they haue neither matter to build shippes, nor merchandize to set them foorth, yet they as much encrease as other Nations decay But leauing these vncertainties as they are, of this I am certaine : That the coast of England, Scotland, and (Herring. Ireland, the north Sea, with Island, and the Sound, New-found land, and Cape Blancke, doe serue all Europe, as well the land Townes as Portes; and all the Christian shipping, with these sorts of Staple fish which is trans- ported, from whence it is taken, many a thousand mile, viz. Salt-fish. poore Iohn. Sturgion. Mullit. [p. 745.1 Tunny. Porgos. Caviare. Buttargo. Now seeing all these sorts of fish, or the most part of them, may be had in a land more fertile, temperate, and plentifull of all necessaries for the building of ships, boates and houses; and the nourishment of man: the seasons are so proper, and the fishings so neare the habitations wee may there make, that New England hath much aduantage of the most of those parts, to serue all Europe farre cheaper then they can, who at home haue neither wood, salt, nor food, but at great rates; at Sea, nothing but what they carry in their shippes, an hundred or two hundred leagues from their habitation. But New Englands fishings [are] neare land, where is helpe of wood, water, fruites, fowles, corne, or other refresh- 240 [De New-Englands trials. J. Smith. Dec. 1620. [p. 197.] [1614-5] ings needefull; and the Terceras, Mederas, Canaries, Spaine, Portugall, Prouance, Sauoy, Sicilia, and all Italy, as con- uenient markets for our dry Fish, greene Fish, Sturgion, Mullit, Caviare, and Buttargo, as Norway, Swethland, Littuania, or Germany, for their Herring (which is here also in aboundance, for taking): They returning but wood, pitch, tarre, soape-ashes, cordage, flaxe, waxe, and such like commodities. We, wines, oyles, sugars, silkes, and such merchandizes as the Straites [i.e., of Gibraltar] affoord, whereby our profites may equalize theirs; besides the increase of shipping and Mariners. [P. 256.] Proofe 1. 【pp. 187, 256, And for proofe hereof. With two shippes I went from the Downes, the third of 1614. March [1614], and arriued in New England, the last of 697,891,936.1 Aprill. I had but fortie fiue men and boyes; we built seuen boates, 37. did fish; my selfe with eight others ranging the coast. I tooke a plot of what I could see, got acquaintance of the inhabitants, eleuen hundred beuer skinnes, one hundred Martins, and as many Otters [i.e., skins]; fortie thousand of dry fish we sent for Spaine; with the salt-fish, treine oyle and furres, I returned for England the 18. of Iuly, and arriued safe with my company the latter end of August. Thus in sixe moneths I made my voyage, out and home [i.e., made a suc- cessful voyage], and by the labour of 45. got neare the valew of fifteene hundred pounds in those grosse commodities. Proofe 2. 1615. ſpp. 733-1 This yeare also one went from Plimmouth, spent his victuall, and returned with nothing. The Londoners, vpon this, sent foure good shippes, and because I would not undertake it for them, hauing ingaged my selfe to Imp. 219,731, them of the West, the Londoners entertained [engaged] the men that came home with me. They set sayle in Ianuary [1615), and arrived there in March: they found fish enough untill halfe Iune, fraughted a shippe of three hundred Tunnes; [which] went for Spaine with drie fish, which was taken by the Turkes: one went to Virginia, to relieue that Collony; and two came for England, with the greene fish, treine oyle, and furres, within sixe moneths. Proofe 3. 1615. With a labyrinth of trouble I went from Plimmouth, with [pp. 220, 257, a shippe of two hundred Tunnes, and one of fiftie; but ill- 731.] Dec. J. Smith241 . New-Englands trials. . 1620: 937.] weather breaking all my mastes, I was forced to returne to [1615-8] Plimmouth where re-imbarking my selfe in a ship of three pl:733, 745: score tunnes, how I escaped the English Pirats, and the French, and was betrayed by foure Frenchmen of warre, I referre you to the Description of New England (pp. 217-227]; but my Vice-Admirall [the second ship], notwithstanding the latenesse [p. 227.] of the ycare, setting forth with me in March [1615] (the Londoners in Ianuary) she arrived in May (they in March,) yet came home well fraught in August, and all her men well, within fiue moneths [and] odde dayes. 1616. [p. 937.] The Londoners, ere I returned from France [Dec. 1615], Proofe 4. for all their losse by the Turkes (which was valewed about foure thousand pounds), sent two more in Iuly [1615]; but such courses they tooke by the Canaries to the west Indies, it was ten months ere they arrived in New England [May 1616], wasting in that time, their seasons, victuall, and healths: yet there they found meanes to refresh themselues; and the one returned neere fraught with fish and traine [oil, within two moneths after [July 1616]. 1616. From Plimmouth went foure ships, onely to fish and trade, Proofe 5 some in February, some in March: one, of two hundred tunnes, got thither in a moneth, and went full fraught for Spaine; the rest returned to Plimouth well fraught, and their men well, within 5 months [and] odde daies. 1616. From London went two more, one of 220. tunnes, got Proofe 6. thither in sixe weekes; and within sixe weekes after, with fortie foure men and boyes, was full fraught, and returned againe into England within fine months and a few dayes: the other went to the Canaries with dry fish, which they solde at a great rate, for royalls of eight, and (as I heard) turned Pirates. Proofe 7. 1617. p. 940.] I being at Plimouth, prouided with three good ships, was wind-bound three months, as was many a hundred sayle more ; so that the season being past, the shippes went for New-found- land: whereby my desseigne was frustrate; which was to me and my friends, no small losse. There was foure good shippes prepared at Plimouth; but by Troofe S. reason of their disagreement, the season so wasted, as onely two went forward: the one, being two hundred tunnes, returned well fraught to Plimouth, and her men in health, within fiue moneths; the other, of foure score [tuns], went for Bilbow with dry fish, and made a good returne. 16 ENG. SCH. LIB. No. 16. 1618. [/8.258,746.] [A. 941.] 242 [Ve New-Englands trials. J. Smith Dec. 1620. Proofe 9. 1619. [ƒ. 747.] [1619-20] This year againe, diuers shippes intending to go from Plim- mouth, so disagreed, as there went but one of 200. tuns: who stayed in the Countrey about six weekes, with thirty-eight men and boyes; had her fra[u]ght, which she sold at the first penny for 2100. pounds, besides the furres; so that euery poore Sayler, that had but a single share, had his charges, and sixteene pound ten shillings for his seuen moneths worke: but some of the company say, for sixe months in the Hercules, they receeued seuenteene pound two shillings a share. Proofe 10. 1620. [/.259.] For to make triall this yeare, there is gone six or seucn sayle from the west Countrey, onely to fish, three of which are returned; and (as I am certainly informed) haue made so good a voyage, that euery Sayler for a single share had twenty [pp.748,941.] pounds for his seuen moneths worke, which is more then in twenty moneths he should haue gotten, had he gone for wages any where. For this next yeare 1621. it is re- ported 12. or 20. saile is a pre- paring. [P. 266.] Now though all the former ships haue not made such good v[olyages as they expected, by sending opiniated vnskilfull men, that had not experienced diligence, to saue that they tooke, nor take that there was; which now patience and practise both brought to a reasonable kinde of perfection, in despite of all Detractors and Calumniations, the Countrey yet hath satisfied all, the defect hath beene in their vsing or abusing it, not in it selfe, nor me. Heere I entreate your Honourable leaues to answer [¿¿.771, 41.] some obiections. Many do thinke it strange, if this be true, I haue made no more vse of it, and rest so long without employment. And I thinke it more strange they should tax me before they haue tried what I haue done, both by Sea and Land, as well in Asia, and Affrica, as Europe and America. These fourteene yeres [1606--1620] I haue spared neither pains nor money, according to my abilitie, in the dis- couery of Norumbega; where with some thirty seauen men and boyes, the remainder of an hundred and fiue, against the fury of the Saluages, I began that plantation now in Virginia; which beginning (here and there) cost me neare fiue yeares worke, and more then fiue hundred pound of my owne estate; beside all the dangers, miseries. Dec. J. Smith243 . New-Englands trials. . 1620[1620] and incomberances and losse of other imployments I endured gratis. From which blessed Virgin, where I p. 771.] stayed till I left fiue hundred English, better prouided then euer I was (ere I returned), sprung the fortunate habitation of Somer Iles. Burmudos. This Virgins sister (called New England, An. 1616, at p. 267.] my humble suite, by our most gracious Prince Charles) (pp.177,232.] hath bene neare as chargeable to mee and my friends; from all which, although I neuer got [a] shilling, but it cost mee a pound, yet I thinke my selfe happy to see their prosperities. If it yet trouble a multitude to proceede vppon these certainties, what thinke you I vndertooke, when nothing was knowne, but that there was a vast Land? I neuer had power and meanes to do any thing (though more hath bene spent in formall delayes then would haue done the businesse) but in such a penurious and miserable maner, as if I had gone a begging to builde an Vniversity; where, had men bin as forward to aduenture their purses, as to crop the fruites of my Labours, thousands ere this, had bene bettered by these designes. Thus betwixt the spurre of Desire, and the bridle of Reason, I am neare ridden to death in a ring of Despaire; the reines are in your hands, therefore I entreate you to ease mee: and those blame mee (beleeue) this little may haue taught me, not to be . 772.1 so forward againe at euery motion, vnlesse I intended nothing but to carry newes. For now they dare aduenture a shippe, that, when I went first, would not aduenture a groat, so they may be at home againe by Michaelmasse. But to the purpose. By this all men may perceiue the ordinary performance. of this voyage in fiue or sixe moneths, the plenty of fish is most certainely approoued; and it is certaine from Cannada and New England hath come neare twenty thousand Beuer Skinnes, within these fiue yeares [1615-1620]. Now, had each of those shippes transported but sixe, or three pigs; as many goates and hens; fruits, plants, and seeds as I proiected by this time there might haue beene victuall for a thousand men. But the desire of present gaine (in many) is so violent, and the indeuours of many vnder- takers so negligent, euery one so regarding his priuate, 244 . New-Englands trials. Dec. [Dec. . J. Smith[1620] [p. 268.] 1620that it is hard to effect any publique good, and impossible to bring them into a body, rule, or order, vnlesse both Authoritie and Mony assist experiences: it is not a worke for euery one to plant a Colonie (but when a house is built, it is no hard matter to dwell in it.) This requireth I. 191,268, all the best par[t]s of art, iudgement, courage, honestie, constancy, diligence and experience to doe but neare well: and there is a great difference betwixt Saying and Doing. 705, 964.] [.773.] 【 pp. 268, 781, 801.] [/. 269.] But to conclude, the fishing will go forward if you plant it or no; whereby you may transport a colony for no great charge, that in a short time, might prouide such fraughts, to buy of vs their dwelling, as I would hope no ship could goe or come emptie from New England. The charge of this is onely salt, nettes, hookes, lines, kniues, Irish rugges, course cloth, beads, hatchets, glasse, and such trash, onely for fishing and trade with the Saluages, besides our own necessarie prouisions, whose indeuours will quickely defray all this charge; and the Saluages haue intreated me to inhabit where I will. Now all those ships haue bin fished [fishing] within a square of two leagues; and not one ship of all these, would yet aduenture further, where questionlesse 500. saile may haue their fraught, better then in Island, Newfound land, or elsewhere, and be in their markets before the other can haue their fish in their ships. Because New England fishing beginneth in mid-February, the other not till mid-Maie, the progression heereof tends much to the aduancement of Virginia, and the Bermudas: and will be a good friend in time of need to the Inhabitants in New-found-land. The returnes made by the Westerne shippes are com- monly divided into 3. parts; one for the owners of the shippe, another for the maister and his company, the third for his victulers; which course being still permitted, will be no hinderance to the plantation, goe there neuer so many, but a meanes of transporting that yearely for little or nothing, which otherwise will cost many a hundred of pounds. If a Ship can gaine, twenty, thirty, fifty in the hundred, nay neare three hundred for 100. in seuen moneths, as you see they haue doone, spending twice so much time in going and coming as in staying there; were I there J. Smith. Dec. 1620. 245 New-Englands trials. [1620] planted, seeing the varietie of the fishings in their seasons, serueth the most part of the yeare; and with a little labour we might make all the salt we neede vse, I can conceiue no reason to distrust, but the doubling and trebling their gaines that are at all the former charge, and can fish but two months in a yeare: and if those [who] do giue twenty, thirty, or forty shillings for an acre of land; or ship Carpenters, Forgers of yron &c. that buy all things at a deare rate, grow rich, when they may haue as good [ƒƒ.201, 715.] of all needfull necessaries for taking (in my opinion) should not grow poore; and no commoditie in Europe doth more decay then wood. Maister Dee recordeth in his British Monarchie, that King Edgar had a nauie of foure thousand saile, with which hee yearely made his progresse about this famous Monarchy of Great Brittany, largely declaring the benefit thereof; whereupon it seems he proiected to our most memorable Queene Elizabeth, the erecting of a Fleete of three score saile, he called a little Nauy Royall; immi- Þ. 774-】 tating the admired Pericles, prince of Athens, that could neuer secure that tormented estate, vntil he was Lord and Captaine of the Sea. At this none neede wonder, for who knowes not, her Royal Maiestie during her life, by the incredible aduentures of her Royal Nauy and valiant Souldiers and Sea-men; notwithstanding all treacheries at home, the protecting and defending [of] France and Holland, and re-conquering Ireland; yet all the world, by Sea or Land, both feared, loued and admired good Queene Elizabeth. Both to maintaine and increase that incomparable honour (God be thanked) to her incomparable Successour, our most Royall Lord and Soueraigne King Iames, &c. this great Philosopher hath left this to his Maiesty and his kingdomes considerations. That if the Tenths of the Earth be proper to God, it is also due by Sea: the Kings highwayes are common to passe, but not to digge for mines or anie thing; so Englands coasts are free to passe, but not to fish, but by his Maiesties prerogatiue. His Maiestie of Spaine, permits none to passe the Popes. 246 [Dec New-Englands trials. J. Smith. Dec. 1620. [1620] [p. 270.] [P. 775.] order for the East and West Indics, but by his permission, or at their perills. If all that world be so iustly theirs, it is no iniustice for England to make as much vse of her owne, as strangers doe; that pay to their owne Lords the tenth, and not to the owners of those Liberties any thing, whose subiects may neither take nor sell any in their territories: which small tribute would maintaine his little Nauy Royall, and not cost his Maiestie a penny; and yet maintaine peace with all forrainers, and allow them more curtesie, than any Nation in the world affords to England. It were a shame to alledge, that Holland is more worthy to enioy our fishings as Lords thereof, because they haue more skill to handle it then we; as they can our wooll, and vndressed cloth, notwithstanding all their wars and troublesome disorders. To get mony to build this Nauy he saith, Who would not spare the hundred penny of his Rents, and the 500 penny of his goods; each seruant that taketh 33.s. 4.d. wages, 4 pence, and euery forrainer seuen yeares of age, 4. pence yearely for 7. yeares; not any of these but yearely they will spend 3 times so much in pride, wantonnesse or some superfluity. And doe any men loue the securitie of their estates, that are true subjects, [who] would not of themselves be humble su[i]ters to his Maiestie to do this of free will as a voluntary beneuolence, so it may be as honestly and truly imployed as it is proiected, the poorest mechanicke in this kingdome will gaine by it. If this be too much, would the honorable Aduenturers be pleased to moue his Maiestie, that but the 200. penny of Rents, and the thousandth pen [n]y of Goodes might bee thus collected, to plant New England, and but the tenth fish there taken, leauing strangers as they are. You might build ships of any burden and numbers you please, fiue time cheaper then you can doe heere, and haue good merchandize for their fraught in this vnknowne land, to the aduancement of Gods glorie, his Church and Gospel, and the strengthen- ing and reliefe of a great part of Christendome, without hurt to any: To the terror of Pirates, the amazement of enemies, the assistance of friends, the securing [of] mer- J. Smith. Dec. 1620. 247 New-Englands trials. [1620] chants, and so much increase of Nauigation, to make Englands Trade and Shipping as much as any Nation in the world, besides a hundred other benefits, to the generall good of all true subiects, and would cause thousands yet [273. vnborne [to] blesse the time, and all them that first put it in practise. Now, lest it should be obscured, as it hath bene, to priuate ends, or so weakely vndertaken by our ouerweening incre- dulitie, that strangers may possesse it, whilst we contend for New Englands goods, but not Englands good; I present this vnto your Lordship, and to all the Lords in England, hoping (by your gracious good liking and approbation) to moue all the worthy Companies of this noble City, and all the cities and Countries in the whole Land to con- sider it, since I can find them wood and halfe victuall, with the aforesaid aduantages, with what facility they may build and maintaine this little Nauie Royall, both with honour, profite, and content, and inhabite as good a country as any in the world, within that parallel: which with my life and what I haue I will endeuour to effect, if God please, and you permit. As for them whom pride or couetousnes lulleth asleepe p. 776.] in a Cradle of slouthfull carelesnesse; would they but con- sider how all the great Monarchies of the Earth haue bene brought to confusion: or but remember the late lament- able experience of Constantinople; and how many Cities, Townes, and Provinces in the faire rich kingdomes of Hungaria, Transilvania, and Wallachi[a]; and how many thousands of Princes, Earles, Barons, Knights, and Mer- chants, haue, in one day, lost goods, liues, and honours; or [been] solde for slaues like beasts in a market place; their wiues, children, and seruants slain, or wandering they knew not whither, dying, or liuing in all extremities of extreame [272] miseries and calamities. Surely, they would not onely doe this, but giue all they haue to enioy peace and libertie at home; or but adventure their persons abroade, to preuent the conclusions of a conquering foe, who commonly assaulteth and best preuaileth where he findeth wealth and plentie (most armed) with ignorance and securitie. Much more could I say, but lest I should be too tedious to your more serious affaires, I humbly craue your honor- 248 [Ve New-Englands trials. J. Smith. Dec. 1620. [1620] [Pp.272,784.] able and fauourable constructions and pardons if anything be amisse. If any desire to bee further satisfied, they may reade my Description of Virginia and New England, and peruse them with their seuerall Mappes: what defect you finde in them, they shall finde supplied in mee or in my Authors, that thus freely haue throwne my selfe with my Mite into the Treasury of my Countries good, not doubting but God wil stirre vp some noble spirits, to consider and examine if worthy Collumbus could giue the Spaniards such certainties for his dessigne, when Queene Isabell of Spayne set him forth with fifteene saile. And though I can promise no mines of gold, yet the warrelike Hollanders let vs immitate, but not hate; whose wealth and strength are good testimonies of their treasure gotten by fishing. Therefore (honorable and worthy Countrymen) let not the meannesse of the word Fish distaste you, for it will afford as good gold as the mines of Guiana or Tu[m] batu, with lesse hazard and charge, and more certaintie and facilitie and so I humbly rest. FINIS. NEW ENGLANDS TRIALS. Declaring the successe of 80 Ships employed thither within these eight yeares; and the benefit of that Countrey by Sea and Land. With the present estate of that happie Plan- tation, begun but by 60 weake men in the yeare 1620. And how to build a Fleete of good Shippes to make a little Nauie Royall.. Written by Captain Iohn Smith, sometimes Go- uernour of Virginia, and Admirall of New England. The second Edition. LONDON, Printed by WILLIAM IONES. I622. 250 [It was not usual to register second and later editions of a Work at Stationers' Hall: therefore this impression does not appear in the Registers of the Company. It was however written in October 1622, before the 16th of that month; as the allusion, at p. 264, to the intended departure of the Paragon with reinforcements for the Pilgrim Fathers, clearly shows. WILLIAM HILTON's letter from New Plymouth, at p. 260, is the third earliest account in print, from that Colony; the two former ones, of this same year 1622, being [R. CUSHMAN] A Sermon preached at Plymouth &c. [G. MOURT?] Relation or Iournal &i. See p. cxxxiii. Though a very rare tract, this is not so very scarce as the earlier 1620 edition. If a guess might be hazarded as to the reason, it might have arisen that SMITH gave away so many copies of the first tract, in the year 1621, see p. 234; and that what had thus cost little, was little thought of, and therefore not preserved. For the bibliography of this Tract, see p. cxxxi.] 251 TO THE MOST HIGH AND excellent Prince Charles, Prince of VVales; Duke of Cornewall, Yorke, and Albanie; Marquis of Ormond, and Rothsey; and Earle Palatine of Chester; Heire of Great Britaine, France, SIR, W and Ireland, &c. Hen scarce any would beleeue mee there was any such matter, your Highnesse did not dis- daine to accept my description, and called that New England [pp. 177, 232], whose barbarous names you changed for such English, that none can denie but Prince Charles is the Godfather. Whereby I am bound in all reason and dutie to giue you the best account I can how your child doth prosper: and although as yet it is not much vnlike the Father in fortune, onely vsed as an instru- ment for other mens ends; yet the grace you bestowed on it by your Princely fauour, hath drawn so many iudgments now to behold it, that I hope shall find, it will giue content to your Highnesse, satisfaction to them, and so increase the number of well-willers, [that] New England will be able to reiect her maligners, and attend Prince Charles with her dutifull obedience, with a trophie of honour, and a kingdome for a Prince. Therefore the great worke con- tained in this little booke, humbly desires your Princely patronage. No more, but sacring all my best abilities to the exquisite iudgement of your renowmed vertues, I humbly kisse your gracious hands. Your Highnesse true and faithfull seruant, [1622] Io. Smith. 252 TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE RIGHT WORTHY ADVENTURERS, AND to all Plantations and Discoueries, their friends and well-willers, especially of Virginia and New England. * * [1622] Right Ho. Confesse it were more proper for me to be doing what I say, then writing what I know: but that it is not my fault, there is many a hundreth can testifie, if they please to remember what paines I haue taken both particularly and generally to make this worke knowne, and procure meanes to put it in practise. What calumniations, doubts, or other mispritions hath opposed my endeuors, I had rather forget then remember; but still to expresse my forwardnesse, to the consideration of your fauourable con- structions I present this short discourse of the proceedings and present estate of New England: if you please to peruse it, and make vse of it, I am richly rewarded, though they be but the collections and obseruations of a plaine souldier, yet if you please to grace them with your countenance and good accept- ance, I shall therein thinke my selfe happie, and hope that those labours may in time returne you such fruites as hereafter may perswade you to pardon this boldnesse, and accept them to be your honest seruants. Yours to command, Io. Smith. 1 253 NEW ENGLANDS Trials, and Present Estate. [1577- 1614] Oncerning the description of this Country, six yeares ago [1616], I writ so largely, as in briefe I hope this may suffice you to remember, that New England is a pp.192, 237 part of America, betwixt the Degrees 41. and 45.the very meane betwixt the North Pole and the Line. From 43. to 45. the coast is moun- tainous, rockie, barren, and broken Iles that make many good harbours. The water is deepe, close to the shore; there are many riuers and fresh springs: few Saluages, but an incredible abundance of fish, fowle, wilde fruits, and good timber. From 43. to 41. and a half, an excellent mixed coast of stone, sand and clay, much corne, many people, some Iles, many good harbours, a temperate aire, and therein all things. necessary for the building [of] ships of any proportion, and good merchandize for their fraught: within a square of 12 leagues, 25 harbours I sounded; 30 seuerall Lord- ships I saw, and so neare as I could imagine, 3000 men. I was vp one riuer fortie miles, crossed the mouths of many, whose heads are reported to be great lakes; where they kill their Beuers; inhabited with many people who trade with those of New England, and them of Cannada. The benefit of fishing as Master Dee reporteth in his Brittish Monarchie [1577]. 706, 938.] [P. 238.] He saith that it is more then 44 yeares ago [by 1577], [2.743.] 254 . New-Englands trials. J. [Oct. 1622, see . 264. [1577- 1620] [p. 197.] [P. 744.] [p. 239.] pSmithand it is more then 40 yeares since he writ it [i.e., in 1577], that the Herring Busses out of the Low-Countries, vnder the King of Spaine, were 500. besides 100 Frenchmen, and three or foure hundred saile of Flemmings. The coasts of Wales and Lancashire was vsed by 300 saile of strangers. Ireland at Baltemore fraughted yearely 300 saile of Spaniards; where King Edward the sixt intended to haue made a strong Castle, because of the strait, to haue tribute for fishing. Blacke Rocke was yearely fished by three or foure hundred saile of Spaniards, Portugals, and Biskiners. Master [Tobias] Gentleman and many Fisher-men and Fish- mongers with whom I haue conferred, report, The Hollanders raise yearely [in 1620 see p. 238] by Herring, Cod, and Ling, 3000000 pounds. English and French by Salt-fish, poore Iohn, Salmons, and Pilchards, 300000 pounds. Hambrough and the Sound, for Sturgion, Lobsters, and Eeles, 100000 pounds. Cape Blanke for Tunny and Mullit, by the Biskiners and Spaniards 30000 pounds. But diuers other learned experienced Obseruers say, though it may seeme incredible. That the Duke of Medina receiueth yearely tribute of the fishers for Tunny, Mullit, and Purgos, more then 10000 pounds. Lubeck hath 700 ships: Hambrough 600: Embden [but] lately a fisher towne, 1400.: whose customes by the profit of fishing hath made them so powerfull as they be. Holland and Ze[a]land, not much greater then Yorkshire, hath thirtie walled townes, 400 villages, and 20000 saile of shippes and hoyes; 3600 [vessels] are fishermen, whereof 100 are Doggers, 700 Pinckes and Welbotes, 700 Frand botes, Britters and To[a]debotes, with 1300 Busses: besides three hundred that yearely fish about Yarmouth, where they sell their fish for gold; and fifteene yeares ago, [1605, see p. 239] they had more then 116000 sea-faring men. Oct. J.Smith255 . New-Englands trials. . 1622These fishing ships do take yearely 200000 Last of fish, twelue barrels to a Last, which amounted to 3000000 pounds by the Fishermens price, that 14 yeares ago [1606, see p. 239] did pay for their tenths 300000 pound; which venting in Pumerland, Sprussia, Denmarke, Lefland, Russia, Swethland, Germany, Netherlands, England, or elsewhere, &c. make their returnes in a yeare about 7000000 pounds; and yet in Holland they haue neither matter to build ships, nor merchandize to set them foorth; yet by their industrie they as much increase, as other nations decay. But leauing these vncertainties as they I am certaine, That the coast of England, Scotland, and Ireland, the North Sea, with Ireland and the Sound, New-found land and Cape Blanke, do serue all Europe, as well the land Townes as Ports, and all the Christian shipping, with these sorts of Staple fish which is transported, from whence it is taken, many a thousand mile, viz. are, of this Herring. Salt-fish. poore Iohn. Sturgion. Mullit. Tunny. Porgos. Caviare. Buttargo. Now seeing all these sorts of fish, or the most part of them, may be had in a land more fertile, temperate, and plentifull of all necessaries for the building of ships, boats, and houses, and the nourishment of man; the seasons are so proper, and the fishings so neare the habitations we may there make, that New England hath much aduantage of the most of those parts, to serue all Europe farre cheaper then they can who at home haue neither wood, salt, nor food, but at great rates; at Sea nothing but what they carry in their ships, an hundred or two hundred leagues from their habitation. [1620] [/. 745.] But New Englands fishings is neare land, where is helpe of wood, water, fruites, fowles, corne, or other refreshings [6.197, 240-1 needfull; and the Terceras, Mederas, Canaries, Spaine, Por- tugale, Prouance, Sauoy, Sicilia, and all Italy, as conuenient markets for our dry Fish, greene Fish, Sturgion, Mullit, Cauiare, and Buttargo, as Norway, Swethland, Littuania or Germany, for their Herring, which is here also in abundance for taking; they returning but wood, pitch, 256 I. Smith. Oct. 1622 New-Englands trials. [1614-5] tarre, soape-ashes, cordage, flaxe, waxe, and such like commodities: we, wines, oyles, sugars, silks, and such merchandize as the Straits [i.e., of Gibraltar] affoord, whereby our profit may equalize theirs; besides the in- crease of shipping and Mariners. Proofe 1. 1614. 【pp. 187, 240, And for proofe hereof: With two ships sent out at the charge of Captain Marma- duke Roydon, Captain George Langam, Master Iohn 607, 891,936.] Buley and W. Skelton, I went from the Downes the third of March [1614], and ar[r]iued in New England the last of April, where I was to haue stayed but with ten men to keepe possession of those large territories, had the Whales proued, as curious information had assured me and my aduenture[r]s, (but those things failed.) So hauing but fortie fiue men and boyes, we built seuen boates: 37 did fish; my selfe with eight others ranging the coast. I tooke a plot of what I could see, got acquaintance of the inhabitants; 1100 Beuer skins, 100 Martins, and as many Otters. 40000 of drie fish we sent for Spaine: with the salt fish, traine oile, and Furres, I returned for England, the 18 of Iuly, and ar[r]iued safe with my company the latter end of August. Thus in six moneths I made my voyage out and home; and by the labour of 45, got neare the value of 1500 pounds in those grosse commodities. Proofe 2. 1615. 731, 733-] This yeare also one went from Plimmoth, set out by diuers of the Isle of Wight and the West country, by the directions and instructions of Sir Ferdinando Gorge, [they] spent their victuals, and returned with nothing. The Virginia Company, vpon this, sent 4 good ships; and because I would not vndertake it for them, hauing ingaged 【pp.219, 240 my selfe to them of the West, the Londoners entertained [engaged] the men that came home with me. They set saile in Ianuary [1615], and arriued there in March; they found fish enough vntill halfe Iune, fraughted a ship of 300 Tuns, [which] went for Spaine, which was taken by the Turks; one went to Virginia to relieue that Colonie, and two came for England with greene fish, traine oile and Furres within six moneths. Proofe 3. 1615. In Ianuary [1615] with 200 pounds in cash for aduenture, and six Gentlemen wel furnished, I went from London to the [pp. 220, 240, foure shippes [that] was promised, prepared for me in the West country; but I found no such matter: notwithstanding at the 731.] Oct. T. Smith257 . New-Englands trials. . 1622last with a labyrinth of trouble I went from Plimmoth with a [1615-7] ship of 200 Tuns, and one of fiftie: when the fishing was done, onely with 15 I was to stay in the country. [p. 937.] But ill weather breaking all my masts, I was forced to returne [p. 241.] to Plimmoth; where rather then lose all, reimbarking myselfe in a Bark of 60 Tuns: how I escaped the English pyrates and the French, and was betrayed by foure French men of warre, I referre you to the Description of New England [pp. 217-227]: but my Vice-Admirall, notwithstanding the latenesse of the yeare, p. 227.] setting forth with me in March [1615], the Londoners in Ianuary, she ariued in May, they in March; yet come home well fraught in August, and all her men well, within 5 months, odde days. The Londoners ere I returned from France [Dec. 1615], Proofe 4. for all their losse by the Turks, which was valued about 4000 1616. pounds, sent two more in Iuly [1615]; but such courses they [p. 937.] took by the Canaries to the West Indies, it was ten moneths ere they ariued in New England [May 1616], wasting in that time their seasons, victuall and healths, yet there they found meanes to refresh themselues: and the one returned, neare fraught with fish and traine, within 2 moneths after [July 1616]. 1616. From Plimmoth went 4 ships, onely to fish and trade, some Proofe 5. in Februarie, some in March; one of 200 Tuns got thither in a month, and went full fraught for Spain; but the rest returned to Plimmoth well fraught, and their men well, within fiue moneths, odde dayes. From London went two more: one of 200 Tuns, got thither Proofe 6. in six weeks, and within six weeks after with 44 men and 1616. boyes was full fraught, and returned again into England within fiue moneths and a few daies; the other went to the Canaries with drie fish, which they sold at a great rate, for Rials of 8, and as I heard turned pirats. I being at Plimmoth prouided with 3 good ships, yet but Proofe 7. fifteene men to stay with me in the country, was Vindbound 1617. three moneths, as was many a hundred saile more, so that the [p.940.] season being past, the ships went for Newfound land, whereby my designe was frustrate: which was to me and my friends no [p. 746.1 small losse, in regard whereof here the Westerne Commissioners, in the behalfe of themselues and the rest of the Companie, contracted with me by articles indented under our hands, to be Admirall of that Country during my life, and in the renewing of their Letters pattents so to be nominated, halfe the fruits of our ENG. SCH. LIB. No. 16. 17 258 [J. Smith. LOct.1622. New-Englands trials. [1617-9] endeuours theirs, the rest our owne; being thus ingaged, now the businesse doth prosper, some of them would vvillingly forget me; but I am not the first they haue decciued. Proofe 8. 1618. (p. 941.] There vvas foure good ships prepared at Plimmoth, but by reason of their disagreement, the season so wasted, as onely 2 went forward, the one being of 200 Tuns, returned vvell fraught for Plimmoth, and her men in health, within fiue moneths; the other of 80 Tuns, went for Bilbow with drie fish, and made a good returne. In this voyage Edward Rowcraft, alias Stallings, a valiant (pp. 217, 223, souldier, that had bin vvith me in Virginia, and seuen yeares 732, 736.] Proofe 9. 1619. after vvent vvith me from Plimoth towards New England, with Thomas Dirmer an understanding and an industrious Gentleman to inhabite it; all vvhose names vvith our proceedings you may reade at large in my description of New England [p. 217], vpon triall before the Iudge of the Admiraltie, how vvhen vve had past the vvorst, for pure cowardize the Maister and sailers ran away vvith the ship and all I had, and left me alone among 8 or 9 French men of Warre in the yeare 1615. This Stallings vvent now againe in those ships, and hauing some vvrong offered him in New England by a French man, he tooke him [i.e., his ship]; and as he vurit to me, he vvent vvith her to Virginia vvith fish, to trade vvith them for such commodities as they might spare; he knew both the countries vvell, yet he promised me the next Spring to meet me in New England; but the ship and he perished in Virginia. This yeare againe, diuers ships intending to go from Plim- moth, so disagreed, as there vvent but one of 200 Tuns, vvho [pp. 242,747 stayed in the country about 6 vveeks, vvith 38 men and boyes, had her fraught, vvhich she sold at the first penie, for 2100 pounds, besides the Furres; so that euery poore sailer that had but a single share, had his charges, and 16l. 10s. for his seuen moneths vvorke. Master Thomas Dirmer hauing lined about a yeare in New-found-land returning to Plimmoth, vvent for New England in this ship, and not only confirmes vvhat I haue vvrit, but so much more approued of it, that he stayed there vvith fiue or six men in a little boate; finding 2 or 3 Frenchmen among the sauages, vvho had lost their ship, [they] augmented his com- (pp. 542, 747, panie, vvith vvhom he ranged the coast to Virginia, vvhere he vvas kindly vvelcomed, and vvell refreshed [Nov. 1619]; thence 770.] J. 259 Oct. . New-Englands trials. . Smith1622returned to New England again, vvhere hauing bin a yeare, in[1619-20] his back-returne to Virginia, he vvas so vvounded by the sauages, he died upon it, them [who] escaped vvere relieued at Virginia. Let not men attribute their great aduentures and untimely deaths to unfortunatenesse, but rather vvonder how God did so long preserue them, vvith so small meancs to do so much, leauing the fruits of their labours to be an encouragement to those our poore vndertakings; and this for aduantage as they vvrit vnto me, that God had laid this Country open for vs, and slaine the most part of the inhabitants by cruell vvarres, and a mortall disease; for vvhere I had seene 100 or 200 people [in 1614], there is scarce ten to be found. From Pembrocks bay to Harrintons bay there is not 20; from thence to Cape An, some 30; from Taulbuts bay to the Riuer Charles, about 40, and not any of them touched vvith any sicknes but one poore Frenchman that died. 1620. For to make triall this yeare, there is gone 6 or 7 saile from Proofe 10. the West country, onely to fish: three of vvhom are returned, 18.242.1 and as I vvas certainly informed, made so good a voyage, that euery sailer for a single share had 20 pounds for his 7 moneths (pp.748, 9:1.] vvork, vvhich is more then in 20 moneths he should haue gotten had he gone for vvages any vvhere. Now though all the former ships haue not made such good voyages as they expected, by sending opinionated vnskilfull men, that had not experienced diligence to saue that they tooke, nor take that there vvas; which now patience and practise hath brought to a reasonable kind of perfection: in despite of all detractors and calumniations, the Country yet hath satisfied all, the defect hath bin in their vsing or abusing it, not in it selfe nor me. A plantation in New England. 1620. [P. 749] pon these inducements some few well dis- Proofe 11. posed Gentlemen and Merchants of London and other places prouided two ships, the one of 160 Tunnes, the other of 70; they left the coast of England the 23 of August, with about 120 persons: but the next day the lesser ship sprung a leake, that forced their returne to Plimmoth: where discharging 260 Smith. Oct. 1622. New-Englands trials. J. [1620-22] her and 20 passengers, with the great ship and a hundred persons besides sailers, they set saile againe the sixt of September, and the ninth of Nouember [1620] fell with Cape Iames; but being pestred nine weeks in this leaking vnwhol- some ship, lying wet in their cabbins, most of them grew [ŔŔ.749,943.] very weake, and weary of the sea; then for want of expe- rience ranging to and again, six weeks before they found a place they liked to dwell on, forced to lie on the bare ground without couerture in the extremitie of Winter; fortie of them died: and 60 were left in very weake estate at the ships coming away, about the fift of April [1621] following, and ariued in England the sixt of May [1621]. Immediately after her ariuall, from London they sent another of 55 Tunnes to supply them, with 37 persons. They set saile in the beginning of Iuly [1621], but being crossed by Westerly winds, it was the end of August ere they could passe Plimmoth, and ariued at New Plimmoth, in New England the eleuenth of Nouember [1621], where they found all the people they left in April, as is said, lustie and in good health, except six that died. Proofe 12. 1620. [P. 757.] A Letter from New Plimmoth. Within a moneth they returned here for England, laded with clapboord, wainscot and walnut; with about three hogsheads of Beuer skins and some Saxefras, the 13 of December [1621]; and drawing neare our coast, was taken by a Frenchman, set out by the Marquis of Cera Gouernour of Ile D[i]cu on the coast of Poytou: where they kept the ship, imprisoned the Master and companie, took from them to the value of about 500 pounds; and after 14 days sent them home with a poore supply of victuall, their owne being deuoured by the Marquis and his hungry seruants. They ariued at London the 14 of Februarie [1622], leauing all them they found and caried to New England well and in health, with victuall and corne sufficient till the next haruest. The copie of [a] Letter sent by this ship. ouing cousin, at our ar[rjiuall at New Plimmoth in New England, we found all our friends and planters in good health, though they were left sicke and weake with very small meanes, the Indians round about vs peaceable and friendly, a J. Smith. Oct. 1622. New-Englands trials. 261 the country very pleasant and temperate, yielding naturally of [1621-22] it self great store of fruites, as vines of diuers sorts in great abundance. There is likewise walnuts, chesnuts, small nuts and plums, with much varietie of flowers, rootes, and herbs, no lesse pleasant then wholsome and profitable: no place hath more goose-berries and straw-berries, nor better. Timber of all [the] sorts you haue in England, doth couer the Land, that affoords beasts of diuers sorts, and great flocks of Turkies, Quailes, Pigeons, and Partriges: many great lakes abounding with fish, fowle, Beuers, and Otters. The sea affoords vs as great plenty of all excellent sorts of sea-fish, as the riuers and Iles doth varietie of wilde fowle of most usefull sorts. Mines we find to our thinking, but neither the goodnesse nor qualitie we know. Better grain cannot be then the Indian corne, if we will plant it vpon as good ground as a man need desire. We are all free-holders, the rent day doth not trouble vs; and all those good blessings we haue, of which and what we list in their seasons for taking. Our companie are for most part very religious honest people; the word of God sincerely taught vs euery Sabbath so that I know not any thing a contented mind can here want. I desire your friendly care to send my wife and children to me, where I wish all the friends I haue in England, and so I rest [The probable date of this letter is about 13 Dec. 1621.] Your louing kinsman William Hilton. From the West country, went ten or twelue ships to fish, Proofe 13. which were all well fraughted; those that came first at Bilbow 1621. made 17 pounds a single share, besides Beuer, Otters and [p.760.] Martins skins: but some of the rest that came to the same ports that were already furnished, so glutted the market, their price was abated; yet all returned so well contented, they are a preparing to go againe. yeare There is gone from the West of England onely to fish 35 For this ships, and about the last of April [1622] two more from London, 1622. the one of 100 Tuns, the other of 30, with some 60 passengers to [pp.760,941 ] supply the plantation [of T.Weston] with all necessary prouisions. Now though the Turke and French hath bin somewhat too busie, would all the Christian princes but be truly at vnitic, as his royal Maiestie our Soueraigne Lord and King desireth, 70 saile of good ships were sufficient to fire the most of his coasts 262 J. Smith. LOct. 1622. New-Englands trials. [1622] [ p. 242.] in the Leuant, and make such a guard in the straits of Hellespont, as would make the great Turke himselfe more afraid in Constantinople, then the smallest red crosse, [that] crosses the seas, would be, either of any French Piccaroun, or the pirats of Argere. An abstract of Letters sent from the Collony in New England, July 16, 1622. Since the newes of the massacre in Virginia [22 Mar. 1622], though the Indians continue their wonted friendship, yet are we more wary of them then before; for their hands hath bin embrued in much English blood, onely by too much confidence, but not by force. Here I must intreate a little your fauours to digresse. They did not kill the English because they were Chris- tians, but for their weapons and commodities, that were rare nouelties; but now they feare we may beate them out of their dens, which Lions and Tygers would not admit but by force. But must this be an argument for an English man, or discourage any either in Virginia or New England? No: for I haue tried them both. For Virginia, I kept that country with 38, and had not to eate but what we had from the sauages. When I had ten men able to go abroad, our common wealth was very strong: with such a number I ranged that vnknown country 14 weeks; I had but 18 to subdue them all, with which great army I stayed six weekes before their greatest Kings habitations, till they had gathered together all the power they could; and yet the Dutch-men sent at a needlesse excessiue charge did helpe Powhatan how to betray me. Of their numbers we were vncertaine; but them two honorable Gentlemen (Captaine George Percie and Cap- taine Francis West, two of the Phittiplaces, and some other such noble gentlemen and resolute spirits bore their shares with me, and now liuing in England) did see me take this murdering Opechankanough now their great King by the long locke on his head; with my pistole at his breast, I led him among his greatest forces, and before we parted ! 263 J. Smith. Oct. 1622. New-Englands trials. ] made him fill our Bark of twenty Tuns with corne. When their owne wants was such, I haue giuen them part againe in pittie, and others haue bought it againe to plant their fields. For wronging a souldier but the value of a peny, I haue caused Powhatam send his owne men to Iames Towne to receiue their punishment at my discretion. It is true in our greatest extremitie they shot me, slue three of my men, and by the folly of them that fled tooke me prisoner; yet God made Pocahontas the Kings daughter the meanes to deliuer me: and thereby taught me to know their trecheries to preserue the rest. It was also my chance in single combat to take the King of Paspahegh prisoner: and by keeping him, forced his subiects to worke in chaines till I made all the country pay contribution; hauing little else whereon to liue. [1622] Twise in this time I was their President, and none can say in all that time I had a man slaine: but for keeping them in that feare I was much blamed both there and here yet I left 500 behind me that, through their con- fidence, in six months came most to confusion, as you may reade at large in the description of Virginia [pp. 170, 498]. When I went first to these desperate designes, it cost me many a forgotten pound to hire men to go; and procrastina- tion caused more [to] run away then went. But after the ice was broken, came many braue voluntaries: notwithstanding [. 761.] since I came from thence, the honorabie Company haue bin humble suiters to his Maiestie to get vagabonds and condemned men to go thither; nay so much scorned was the name of Virginia, some did chuse to be hanged ere they would go thither, and were: yet for all the worst of spite, detraction, and discouragement, and this lamentable massacre, there is more honest men now su[i]ters to go, then euer hath bin constrained knaues; and it is not vnknown to most men of vnderstanding, how happie many of those Collumners doe thinke themselues, that they might be admitted, and yet pay for their passage to go now to Virginia and had I but meanes to transport as many as would go, I might haue choise of 10000 that would gladly be in any of those new places, which were so basely contemned by vngrateful base minds. L 264 1622. New-Englands trials. Oct. [o . J. Smith[1622] [p. 761.] 720, 732.] To range this countrey of New England in like maner I had but eight, as is said, and amongst their bruite con- ditions I met many of their silly incounters, and without any hurt, God be thanked; when your West country men were many of them wounded and much tormented with the sauages that assaulted their ship, as they did say themselues, in the first yeare I was there 1614; and though Master Hunt, then Master with me, did most basely [pp. 698,701, in stealing some sauages from that coast to sel, when he was directed to haue gone for Spaine: yet that place [Patuxet, afterwards called New Plymouth, p. 754] was so re- mote from Capawuck, where Epenew should haue fraughted them with gold ore, his fault could be no cause of their bad successe, howeuer it is alledged for an excuse. I speake not this out of vainglory, as it may be some gleaners, or some [that] was neuer there may censure me : but to let all men be assured by those examples, what those sauages are, that thus strangely doe murder and betray our countrey men. But to the purpose. 941.] What is already writ of the healthfulnesse of the aire, the richnesse of the soile, the goodnes of the woods, the abundance of fruits, fish, and fowle in their season, they stil affirm that haue bin there [at New Plymouth] now neare 2 yeares, and at one draught they haue taken 1000 basses, and in one night twelue hogsheads of herring. They are building a strong fort, [which] they hope shortly to finish, in the interim they are wel prouided: their number is about a hundred persons, all in health, and well neare 60 acres of ground well planted with corne, besides their gardens well replenished with useful fruits; and if their Aduenture[r]s would but furnish them with necessaries for fishing, their wants would quickly be supplied. To supply them this 16 of October [This fixes the month in Ipp. 766,767, which this Second Edition was written] is going the Paragon with 67 persons, and all this is done by priuat mens purses. And to conclude in their owne words, should they write of all plenties they haue found, they thinke they should not be beleeued. For the 26 saile of ships, the most I can yet vnderstand is, Master Ambrose Iennens of London, and Master Abraham J. Smith. Oct. 1622. 265 New-Englands trials. : [1622] Iennens of Plimmoth sent (their Abraham) a ship of 220 Tuns, and the Nightingale of Porchmouth of 100.; whose fish at the first penie came to 3150 pounds in all they were 35 saile: 1622. and where in Newfound land they shared six or seuenpounds for a common man, in New England they shared 14 pounds; besides, six Dutch and French ships made wonderfull returnes in furres. Thus you may see plainely the yearely successe from [ 769.] New England (by Virginia) which has bin so costly to this kingdome and so deare to me, which either to see perish or but bleed, pardon me though it passionate me .770.] beyond the bounds of modestie, to haue bin sufficiently able to foresee it, and had neither power nor meanes how to preuent it. By that acquaintance I haue with them, I may call them my children; for they haue bin my wife, my hawks, my hounds, my cards, my dice, and in totall my best content, as indifferent to my heart as my left hand to my right: and notwithstanding all those miracles. of disasters [that] haue crossed both them and me, yet were there not one English man remaining (as God be thanked there is some thousands) I would yet begin againe with as small meanes as I did at the first. Not for that I haue any secret encouragement from any I protest, more then lamentable experiences: for all their discoueries I can yet heare of, are but pigs of my owne sowe; nor more strange to me then to heare one tell me he hath gone from Billings gate and discouered Greenwich, Grauesend, Tilbery, Quinborow, Lee, and Margit; which to those [who] did neuer heare of them, though they dwell in England, might be made seem some rare secrets and great countries vnknowne: except the relations of Master Dirmer. 【pp. 217, 258, 542,732,747, In England some are held great trauelers that haue 770.] seene Venice and Rome, Madrill and Algere, Prague or Ragousa, Constantinople or Ierusalem, and the Piramides of Egypt; that thinke it nothing to go to the Summer Iles or Virginia: which is as farre as any of them, and I hope in time will proue a more profitable and a more laudable iourney. As for the danger, you see our Ladies and Gentlewomen account it nothing now to go thither; and therefore I hope all good men will better apprehend it, and 266 J. Smith. Oct. 1622. New-Englands trials. [1622] not suffer them to languish in despaire, whom God so wonderfully and so oft hath preserued. What here I haue writ by relation, if it be not right, I humbly intreate your pardons; but I haue not spared any diligence to learne the truth of them that haue bin actors or sharers in those voyages: in some particulars they might deceiue me, but in the substances they could not, for few could tell me any thing, except where they fished. But seeing all those [that] haue liued there, do confirme more then I haue writ, I doubt not but all those testimonies with these new begun examples of plantation, will moue 242, 746, both Citie and Country freely to aduenture with me and my partners more then promises, seeing I haue from his Maiestie Letters Pattents, such honest, free, and large conditions assured me from his Commissioners, as I hope will satisfie any honest vnderstanding. (p. 771.] 941.] [p. 242.] [.243.] But because some fortune tellers saith, I am vnfortunate, had they spent their time as I haue done, they would rather beleeue in God then their calculations, and peraduenture haue giuen as bad account of their actions; and therefore I intreat leaue to answer those objectors, that think it strange if this be true, I haue made no more vse of it, rests so long without emploiment, and hath no more reward nor preferment: to which I say: I thinke it more strange they should taxe me before they haue tried as much as I haue both by land and sea, as well in Asia and Africa, as Europe and America; where my commanders were actors or spectators, they alwaies so freely rewarded me, I neuer needed to importunate, n[or] could I euer learne to beg: what there I got, I haue thus spent : These sixteen yeares [1606-1622] I haue spared neither paines nor money according to my abilitie, first to procure his Maiesties Letters pattents, and a Company here to be the means to raise a company to go with me to Virginia, as is said: which beginning here and there cost me neare 5 yeares [1604-1609] worke, and more then 500 pounds of my owne estate, besides all the dangers, miseries, and incumbrances I endured gratis: where I stayed till I left 500 better prouided then euer I was; from which blessed Virgin (ere I returned) sprung the fortunate habitation of Somer Iles. Oct. J. Smith267 New-Englands trials. . 1622. [1622] This Virgins sister, now called New England, an. 1616. at my humble suit by our most gracious Prince Charles, hath bin neare as chargeable to me and my friends: for all Þ½. 746, 748.) which I neuer got shilling, but it cost me many a pound, yet I thinke my selfe happie to see their prosperities. If it yet trouble a multitude to proceed vpon these certainties, what think you I vndertook when nothing was knowne, but that there was a vast land. I neuer had power and meanes to do any thing, though more hath bin spent in formall delayes then would haue done the businesse; but in such a penurious and miserable manner as if I had gone a begging to build an Vniuersitie : where had men bin as forward to aduenture their purses and performe the conditions they promised me, as to crop the fruites of my labours, thousands ere this had bin bettered by these designes. Thus betwixt the spur of Desire and the bridle of Reason I am neare ridden to death in a ring of despaire; the raines are in your hands, therefore I intreate you to ease me: and those that think I am either idle or vnfortunate, may see the cause and know: vnlesse I did see better dealing, I haue had warning enough, not to be so forward again at euery 6.772.) motion vpon their promises, vnlesse I intended nothing but to carry newes. For now they dare aduenture a ship, that when I went first, would not aduenture a groate, so they may be at home againe by Michaelmas: which makes meremember Master Hacklu[y]ts; oh incredulitie! the wit of fooles, that slouenly do spit at all things faire; a sluggards cradle, a cowards costle, how easie it is to be an infidell. But to the purpose. By this all men may perceiue the ordinary performance. of this voyage in fiue or six moneths, the plenty of fish is most certainly approued: and it is certain, from Cannada and New England within these six yeares [1615–1620] hath come neare 20000 Beuer skins. Now had each of those ships transported but some small quantitie of the most increasing beasts, fowles, plants, and seeds, as I proiected; by this time their increase might haue bin sufficient for a thousand men. But the desire of present gain (in many) is so violent, and the endeuors of many vndertakers so negligent, euery one so regarding their priuate gaine, that [244] 268 Loc New-Englands trials. J. Smith. Oct. 1622. [1622] it is hard to effect any publick good, and impossible to bring them into a body, rule, or order, vnlesse both authoritie and mony assist experiences. It is not a worke [p. 191, 268, for euery one to plant a Colonie; but when a house is 705, 964.1 built, it is no hard matter to dwell in it. This requireth all the best parts of art, iudgement, courage, honestie, constancie, diligence, and experience to do but neare well: your home bred ingrossing proiectors shall finde there [is] a great difference betwixt saying and doing. (.773.] (p. 801.] But to conclude, the fishing wil go forward if you plant it or no; whereby a Colonie may be transported with no great charge, that in a short time might prouide such fraughts to buy of vs there dwelling, as I would hope no ship should go or come empty from New England. The charge of this is onely salt, nets, hookes, lines, kniues, Irish rugs, course cloth, beades, glasse, and such trash, onely for fishing and trade with the sauages, beside our owne necessary prouisions, whose endeuours wil quickly defray all this charge; and the sauages haue intreated me to inhabite where I will. Now all these ships, till this last yeare [1621], haue bin fished [fishing] within a square of two or 3 leagues, and not one of them all would aduenture any further: where questionlesse 500 saile may haue their fraught better then in Island, Newfoundland, or else where, and be in their markets. before the other can haue their fish in their ships, because New Englands fishing begins with February, the other not till mid May; the progression hereof tends much to the aduancement of Virginia and the Bermudas, whose emptie ships may take in their fraught there, and would be a good friend in time of need to the inhabitants of New foundland. The returnes made by the Westerne ships, are com- monly deuided into three parts, one for the owner of the ship, another for the Master and his companie, the third for the victuallers: which course being still permitted, wil be no hindrance to the plantation, go there neuer so many, but a meanes of transporting that yearly for little or nothing, which otherwise will cost many a hundred of pounds. If a ship can gaine twentie, thirtie, fiftie in the 100, nay 300 for 100. in 7 moneths, as you see they haue done; spending twise so much time in going and coming as in Oct. J. Smith269 . New-Englands trials. . 1622[1622] staying there were I there planted, seeing the varietie of the fishings in their seasons serueth the most part of [p. 245.] the yeare, and with a little labour we might make all the salt we need vse. I can conceiue no reason to distrust, but the doubling and trebling their gaines that are at all the former charge, and can fish but two moneths in a yeare and if those do giue 20. 30. or 40. Shillings for an acre of land, or ship carpenters, forgers of iron, &c, that buy all things at a deare rate, grow rich; when they may haue as good of all needful necessaries for taking (in my opinion) should not grow poore, and no commodity in Europe doth more decay then wood. : Master Dee recordeth in his Brittish Monarchie [1577], that King Edgar had a nauie of 4000 saile, with which he yearely made his progresse about his famous Monarchie of Great Brittaine, largely declaring the benefit thereof: whereupon it seemes he proiected to our most memorable Queene Elizabeth, the erecting of a Fleete of 60 saile, he called a little Nauie Royall; imitating the admired Pericles . 7741 Prince of Athens, that could neuer secure that tormented estate, vntill he was Lord and Captain of the Sea. At this none need wonder; for who knowes not, her Royall Maiestie during her life, by the incredible aduentures of her Royall Nauy, and valiant souldiers and sea-men, notwithstanding all trecheries at home, the protecting and defending [of] France and Holland, and reconquering Ireland, yet all the world by sea or land both feared, loued, and admired good Queen Elizabeth. Both to maintaine and increase that incomparable. honour (God be thanked) to her incomparable Successour, our most Royall Lord and Soueraigne King Iames, &c. this great Philosopher hath left this to his Maiestie and his kingdomes consideration: That if the Tenths of the Earth be proper to God, it is also due by Sea: the Kings high wayes are common to passe, but not to dig for Mines or any thing: so Englands coasts are free to passe, but not to fish but by his Maiesties prerogatiue. His Maiesty of Spaine permits none to passe the Popes order for the East and West Indies, but by his permission, [ẻ. 246.] 270 i New-Englands trials. J [[1622] [p. 775.] [p. 247.] J. Smith. Oct. 1622. or at their perils. If all that world be so iustly theirs, it is no iniustice for England to make as much vse of her own shores as strangers do, that pay to their own Lord, the tenth, and not to the owner of those liberties any thing to speake of; whose subiects may neither take nor sell any in their territories: which small tribute would maintain this little Nauie Royall, and not cost his Maiestie a penny; and yet maintaine peace with all forreiners, and allow them more courtesie, then any nation in the world affoords to England. It were a shame to alleage, that Holland is more worthy to enioy our fishings as Lords thereof, because they haue more skill to handle it then we, as they can our wool and vndressed cloth, notwithstanding all their wars and troublesome disorders. To get mony to build this Nauy, he saith, who would not spare the 100 peny of his Rents, and the 500 peny of his goods; each seruant that taketh 40. s. wages 4. d.; and euery forreiner of 7 yeares of age 4.d. for 7 yeares; not any of these but they will spend 3 times so much in pride, wantonnesse, or some superfluitie. And do any men loue the securitie of their estates, that of themselues would not be humble su[i]ters to his Maiestie to do this of free will as a voluntary beneuolence, or but one halfe of this, (or some such other course as I haue propounded to diuers of the Companies) free from any constraint, taxe, lottery, or imposition, so it may be as honestly and truly employed as it is proiected, the poorest mechanick in this kingdom would gaine by it. You might build ships of any proportion and numbers you please, fiue times cheaper then you can do here, and haue good merchandize for their fraught in this vnknowne land, to the aduancement of Gods glorie, his Church and Gospel, and the strengthening and reliefe of a great part of Christendome, without hurt to any; to the terror of pyrats, the amazement of enemies, the assistance of friends, the securing of Merchants, and so much increase of Nauigation to make Englands trade and shipping as much as any nation in the world, besides a hundred other benefits, to the generall good of all good subiects, and would cause Oct. J. Smith271 New-Englands trials. . 1622. thousands yet vnborn [to] blesse the time and all them that first put it in practise. Now lest it should be obscured as it hath bin to priuate ends, or so weakly vndertaken by our ouerweening incredulitie, that strangers may possesse it, whilest we contend for New Englands good[s], but not Englands good; I present this to your Highnes and to all the Lords in England, hoping by your gracious good liking and appro- bation to moue all the worthy Companies of this noble Citie, and all the Cities and Countries in the whole Land to consider of it, since I can finde them wood and halfe victuall, with the aforesaid aduantages, with what facilitie they may build and maintaine this little Nauie Royall, both with honour, profit, and content, and inhabite as good a country as any in the world, within that parallel: which with my life and what I haue I wil endeuour to effect, if God please, and you permit. [1622] [1622] went from Maister and his The Bona пона 200 But no man wil go from hence, to haue lesse freedome there then here; nor aduenture all they haue, to prepare the way for them that know it not: and it is too well (p. 776.] knowne there hath bin so many vndertakers of Patents and such sharing of them, as hath bred no lesse discourage- ment then wonder, to heare such great promises and so This yeare little performances. In the interim, you see the Dutch and 3 ships French already frequent it: and God forbid them in Virginia London, or any of his Maiesties subiects should not haue as free set out by libertie as they. To conclude, were it not for Master Pierce John Farar and a few priuate Aduenturers with him [i.e., the Pilgrim partners. Fathers], what haue we there for all these inducements ? As for them, whom pride or couetousnes lulleth asleep tunns. in a cradle of slothfull carelesnes, would they but consider Hopwell 7c. how all the great Monarchies of the earth haue bin ling 40. brought to confusion; or but remember the late lament- able experience of Constantinople; and how many Cities, Townes, and Prouinces in the faire rich kingdoms of Hungaria, Transiluania, Wallachia and Moldauia; and how many thousands of Princes, Earles, Barons, Knights, Merchants, and others, haue in one day lost goods, liues, and honors, or sold for slaues like beasts in a market place; their wiues, children, and seruants slaine or wandring they knew not whither, dying, or liuing in all extremities of The The Dar- 272 J. Smith. Oct. 1622. New-Englands trials. [1622] [p. 248.] [p. 784.] extreame miseries and calamities. Surely they would not onely do this, but giue all they haue to enioy peace and libertie at home; or but aduenture their persons abroad, to preuent the conclusions of a conquering foe, who commonly assaulteth and best preuaileth where he findeth wealth and plentie (most armed) with ignorance and securitie. Though the true condition of war is onely to suppresse the proud, and defend the innocent and humble, as did that most generous Prince Sigismundus Bathor Prince of those countries, against them, whom vnder the colour of iustice and pietie, to maintaine their superfluitie of am- bitious pride, thought all the world too little to maintaine their vice, and vndoe them, or keepe them from abilitie to do anything that would not admire and adore their honors, fortunes, couetousnes, falshood, bribery, crueltie, extortion, and ingratitude, which is worse then cowardize or ignorance, and all maner of vildnesse, cleane contrary to all honour, vertue, and noblenesse. Much more could I say, but lest I should be too tedious to your more serious affaires, I humbly craue your honour- able and fauourable constructions and pardons if any thing be amisse. If any desire to be further satisfied, they may reade my Description of Virginia and New England, and peruse them with their seuerall Maps: what defect you finde in them, they shall find supplied in me or my authors, that thus freely hath throwne my selfe with my mite into the Treasury of my Countries good, not doubting but God will stir vp some noble spirits to consider and examine if worthy Collumbus could giue the Spaniards any such certainties for his designe, when Queene Isabel of Spaine set him foorth with fifteene saile. And though I can promise no Mines of gold, yet the warlike Hollanders let vs imitate, but not hate: whose wealth and strength are good testimonies of their treasure gotten by fishing. Therefore (honorable and worthy Countrymen) let not the meannesse of the word Fish distaste you, for it will afford as good gold as the mines of Guiana or Tumbatu, with lesse hazard and charge, and more certaintie and facilitie; and so I humbly rest. FINIS. * ELIZABETHA REGI uld Virginia CHenry Fear Hatora Virginia OBV IACOB Now Planted REX CAROL OLVS PRINCEPS Renolds C. Charels. B.la Ware Anne C.E Nest England C.Elizabeting DD "Tames Richmond VIRGINIA EN CDAT UNTVM THE GENERALL HISTORIE OF Wilowy J Virginia, New-England,and the Summer Ifles with the names of the Adventurers, Planters, and Governours from their firſt beginning An: 1584 to this prefent 1624. WITH THE PRECEDINGS OF THOSE Sevcem Comesses and the Accidents that befell them in all their Journyes and Discoveries. Allo the Maps and Defcriptions of all thofe Countryes, their Commodities, people, Government, Customes,and Religion yet knowne DIVIDED INTO SIXE BOOKES . By Captaing 10HN SMITH fometymes Governour in those Countryes & Admiralt of New England. LONDON. Printed by I.D. and I.H.for Michael Sparkes. Que FATA 1624. Vinter FERUNT GENS Dembroks C Fines COGNITA MIH SIN SERVIE Grauen by John Barre [No printed Title page.] ENG. SCH. LIB. No. 16. 18 274 [It will be seen from p. cxxv, that this General History was pro- jected as early as 12 April 1621; or within four months of the publi- cation of the first edition of New Englands Trials in 1620. The earlier portion of it, as the passage at p. 331 shews, was evidently compiled by 1622. It is clear from the Prospectus, the material part of which is printed at p. cxxv, that our Author had worked out the general scheme of the General History, and was ready to go to press with the bulk of it, in 1623; which, according to the popular way of reckoning, would mean any time between 25 March 1623 and 24 March 1624. At that time however he only contemplated three maps at a cost of £100 [ = £300 now], and not the six that actually appeared in the book. Our Author tells the Duchess of RICHMOND, at p. 277 : "If therefore your Grace shall daigne to cast your eye on this poore Booke, view I pray you rather your own Bountie (without which it had dyed in the wombe)." It is clear therefore that the Duchess contributed liberally, in answer to our Author's Prospectus. He thus refers to the General History, at p. 622 : "Thus far I haue trauelled in this Wildernesse of Virginia, not being ignorant [that] for all my paines, this discourse will be wrested, tossed and turned as many waies as there is leaues [The first four Books of this General History, occupy 84 leaves]; that I haue writ too much of some, too little of others, and many such like obiections. "To such I must answer, in the Companies name I was requested to doe it, if any haue concealed their approued experiences from my knowledge, they must excuse me as for euery fatherles or stolne relation, or whole volumes of sofisticated rehearsals, I leaue them I thanke God I neuer to the charge of them that desire them. vndertooke any thing yet [wherein] any could tax me of carelesnesse or dishonesty, and what is hee to whom I am indebted or troublesome?" It was probably eventually hurried through the press to counteract the disastrous effect of the bankruptcy, and dissolution in June 1624, of the London Virginia Company : being thus entered for publication at Stationers' Hall : Michael Sparkes 12° Julij 1624 Entred for his Copie vnder the handes of master Doctor GOAD and master Lownes warden The History of Virginia The Summer Ilands and vjd. newe England by JOHN SMITH. A Transcript of the Registers of the Company of Stationers of London, 1554-1640 4.D., Ed. by E. ARBER, iv. 121, 1877. For the bibliography of this work, see p. cxxxi. It is constantly said that Sheet O, being pages 97 to 104, see þþ. 494, 497, was suppressed in all copies. The fact is, as Mr. HENRY STEVENS, F.S.A., has pointed out with his usual wonderful acuteness in bibliographical matters, they were never printed. See further on this point, as proved by the variations in the style of printing, at p. 490. For the inserted Sectional Title pages, see pp. 301, 341, 383, 489; 495, 623, and 693.] 275 ΤΟ THE ILLVSTRIOVS AND MOST NOBLE PRINCESSE, the Lady FRAN- CIS, Duchesse of RICHMOND and LENOx. Ay it please your Grace, M This History, as for the raritie and varietie of the subiect, so much more for the judicious Eyes it is like to vndergoe, and most of all for that great Name, whereof it dareth implore Protection, might and ought to haue beene clad in better robes then my rude military hand can cut out in Paper Ornaments. But because, of the most things therein, I am no Compiler by hearsay, but haue beene a reall Actor; I take my selfe to haue a propertie in them: and therefore haue beene bold to challenge them to come vnder the reach of my owne rough Pen. That, which hath beene [1624] 276 J. Smith. uly 1624. The Epistle Dedicatory. [1624] indured and passed through with hardship and danger, is thereby sweetned to the Actor, when he becometh the Relator. I haue deeply hazarded my selfe in doing and suffering, and why should I sticke to hazard my reputation in Recording? He that acteth two parts is the more borne withall if he come short, or fayle in one of them. Where shall we looke to finde a Iulius Cæsar, whose atchieu[e]ments shine as cleare in his owne Com- mentaries, as they did in the field? I confesse, my hand, though able to weild a weapon among the Barbarous, yet well may tremble in handling a Pen among ṣo many Iudicious: especially when I am so bold as to call so piercing, and so glorious an Eye, as your Grace, to view these poore ragged lines. Yet my comfort is, that heretofore honorable and vertuous Ladies, and comparable but amongst them- selues, haue offred me rescue and protection in my greatest dangers: even in forraine parts, I haue felt reliefe from that sex. The beauteous Lady 1.8:3 266.) Tragabigsanda, when I was a slaue to the Turkes, did all she could to secure me. When I overcame the Bashaw of Nalbrits in Tartaria, the charitable Lady Callamata supplyed my necessities. [A. 867.] CXV, 4,455.1 In the I.cxv, 490, Vtmost of many extremities, that blessed Pokahontas, the great Kings daughter of Virginia, oft saved my life. When I escaped the crueltie of Pirats and most furious stormes, a long time alone in a small J. Smith. July 1624.. 277 The Epistle Dedicatory. Boat at Sea, and driven ashore in France, the good [1624] Lady Madam Chanoyes, bountifully assisted me. And so verily these my adventures haue tasted the same influence from your Gratious hand, which hath given birth to the publication of this Narra- tion. If therefore your Grace shall daigne to cast your eye on this poore Booke, view I pray you rather your owne Bountie (without which it had dyed in the wombe) then my imperfections, which haue no helpe but the shrine of your glorious Name to be sheltered from censorious condemnation. Vouchsafe some glimpse of your honorable aspect, to accept these my labours; to protect them vnder the shadow of your excellent Name: which will inable them to be presented to the Kings royall Maiestie, the most admired Prince Charles, and the Queene of Bohemia: your sweet Recommendations will make it the worthier of their good countenances. all my endevours are their due tribute: so this Page shall record to posteritie, that my service shall be to pray to God, that you may still continue the renowned of your sexe, the most honored of men, and the highly blessed of God. Your Graces faithfull and devoted servant, And as IOHN SMIT II. [pp. 226, 739.] 278 [1624] I. II. A Preface of foure Poynts. His plaine History humbly sheweih the truth; that our most royall King Iames hath place and op- portunitic to inlarge his ancient Dominions without wronging any; (which is a condition most agreeable to his most iust and pious resolutions :) and the Prince his Highness may see where to plant new Colonies. The gaining Prouinces addeth to the Kings Crown: but the reducing Heathen people to ciuilitie and true Religion, bringeth honour to the King of Heauen. If his Princely wisedome and powerfull hand, renowned through the world for admir- able government, please but to set these new Estates into order; their composure will be singular: the counsell of divers is confused; the generall Stocke is consumed; nothing but the touch of the Kings sacred hand can erect a Monarchy. Most noble Lords and worthy Gentlemen, it is your Honors that haue imployed great paines and large ex- pence in laying the foundation of this State, wherein much hath beene buried under ground, yet some thing hath sprung up, and giuen you a taste of your adven- tures. Let no difficulties alter your noble intentions. The action is an honour to your Country: and the issue may well reimburse you your summes expended. Our practices haue hitherto beene but assayes, and are still to J. Smith. July 1624. 279 A Preface of foure Poynts. III. be amended. Let your bountie supply the necessitics of weake beginnings, and your excellent iudgements rec- tifie the proceedings; the returne cannot choose in the end but bring you good Commodities, and good content- ments, by your aduancing shipping and fishing so vsefull vnto our Nation. Yee valiant and generous spirits, personall poss:ssors of these new-found Territories, banish from among you Cowardisc, covetousnes, iealousies, and idlenes, enemics to the raising your honours and fortunes; vertue, industry, and amitic, will make you good and great, and your merits liue to ensuing Ages. You that in contempt of necessities, hazard your liues and estates, imploying your studies and labours in these faire endevours, liue and prosper as I desire my soule should prosper. IIII. For my selfe let emulation and enuie cease, I cver intended my actions should be upright: now my care hath beene that my Relations should giuc every man they concerne, their duc. But had I not discovered and liued in the most of those parts, I could not possibly haue col- lected the substantiall truth from such a number of variable Relations, that would haue made a Volume at least of a thousand sheets [=4,000 folio pages]. Though the beginning may seeme harsh in regard of the Antiquities, breuitic, and names; a pleasanter Dis- course ensues. The stile of a Souldier is not eloquent, but honest and iustifiable; so I desire all my friends and well-wishers to excuse and accept it; and if any be so noble as to respect it, he that brought New England to light, though long since brought in obscuritie, he is againe to be found a true servant to all good designes. So I ever rest yours to command, IOHN SMITH. [1624] 280 [1624] A Gentleman desirous to be vnknowne, yet a great Benefactor to Virginia, his loue to the Author, the Company, and History. Tay, reade, behold, skill, covrage, knowledge, Arts; Wonder of Nature: Mirror of our Clime. Mars, Vulcan, Neptune strine to haue their parts, Rare Ornaments, rich honours of our time. From far fetcht Indies, and Virginia's soyle, Here Smith is come to shew his Art and skill: He was the Smith that hammered famins foyle, And on Powhatan's Emperour had his will. Though first Columbus, Indies truc Christofer; Cabots, brauc Florida, much admirer; Meta Incognita, rare Martin Frobisher; Gilberts brauc Humphery, Neptunes deuourer; Captaine Amadis, Raleighs discouerer; Sir Richard Grenvill, Zealands brauc coaster: Drake, doomes, drowne, death, Spaines scorner; Gosnolds Relates, Pring prime observer. Though these be gone, and left behinde a name, Yet Smith is here to Anvile out a peece To after Ages, and eternall Fame, That we may haue the golden Iasons fleece. He Vulcan like did forge a true Plantation, And chain'd their Kings, to his immortall glory; Restoring peace and plentie to the Nation, Regaining honour to this worthy Story. By him the Infidels had due correction, He blew the bellowes still of peace and plentic : He made the Indians bow vnto subiection, And Planters ne're return'd to Albion empty. S M. T. T. 281 Complimentary Verses.] 1624. The Colonies pin'd, staru'd, staring, bones so feeble, By his brauc proiects, proued strong againe: The Souldiers' lowance he did sceke to treble, And made the Salvage in vncouth place remaine. He left the Countrey in prosperous happie state, And plenty stood with peace at each mans doore: Regarding not the Salvage loue nor hate: Themselues grew well, the Indians wondrous poore. This there he did and now is home return'd, To shew vs all that never thither goe: That in his heart, he deepely oft hath mourn'd, Because the Action goeth on so slow. graue, Braue, Wise, Rich, prize Benefactors, Replant, want, continue still good Actors. [1624] finde, and bring kinde, eyes Be to blind; By Gods great might, giue Indians light. Bloud, to money, doe Spend that good, That may giuc Indians heav'nly food. no lesse, God you still And shall blesse ; Both you and yours the Lands possesse. S. M. See here behold as in a Glasse, All that is, or is and was. T. T. 1624. 282 [1624] * Calum non animum mutant Samuel Purchas of his friend Captaine Iohn Smith, and his Virginia. Oc here SMITHS Forge, where Forgery 's Roague- branded, True Pegasus is shoo'd, fetters are forged For Silke-sotts, Milk-sops, base Sloth, farre hence landed, [charged, (Soile-chang'd,* Soulc-soil'd still) Englands dregs, dis- To plant (supplant!) Virginia, home-disgorged : Where vertues praise frames good men Stories armour 'Gainst Time, Achilles-like, with best Arts charged; Pallas, all-arm'd, all-learn'd, can teach Sword-Grammer, Can Pens of Pikes; Armes t' Arts; to Scholar, Souldier hammer: Can Pilgrim make a Maker; all so well Hath taught Smith scoure my rustic out-worne Muse, And so coniur'd her in Virginian Cell, That things unlearned long by want of vse, Shee fresh areeds me read, without abusc Rev. S. Purchas283 1624. . Complimentary Verses.] By fabling. Arthurs great Acts little made By greater lics she saith; seales Faith excuse aT' Island, Groonland, Estotiland to wade After lie-legends; Malgo, Brandon, are Wares braide. C The Fryer of Linne ↳ frights her with his black Art; Nor Brittish Bards can tell where Madoc planted. Cabots, Thorns, Elyots truth haue wonne her heart, Eldest discov'rers of New Worlds Cont'nent (granted So had iust Fates.) Colon and Vespuce panted; This got the name, last, least of Thrce; the Other New Worlds Isles found first: Cabot is most chanted In Three-Mens-song; did more New World discover Then both, then any; an hundred degrees coasted over. Haile Sir Sebastian, Englands Northern Pole, Virginia's finder; Virgin Eliza nam'd it, Gaue 't Raleigh. (Rut, Prat, Hore, I not enrole) Amadas rites to English right first fram'd it. Lane planted, return'd, nor had English tam'd it : Greenviles and Whites men all slaine; New Plantation a These are said a thou- sand yeares ague to haue beene in the North parts of America. He is said to discover the Pole 1360. c Madoc ap Diven Planted some remote Western parts. 1170. a America named of Americus Vesputius; which dis- covered les then Colon or Sir Sebas tian Cabet. and the Con- tinent later. Colon first found the Isles 1492. the Conti- nent 1499. Aboue a yeare after Cabot had don it. He was set forth by Henry 7. and after by Hen. 8. Knighted, and made grand Pilot of England by Ed. 6 Vnder whom he procured the sending of Sir Hugh IAMES founds, Sloth confounds, fcare, pride, faction sham'd Willoughly, it: and dis- covery of Greenland and Russia: Smiths Forge mends all, makes chaines for Savage Nation, having by Frees, feeds the rest; the rest reade in his Bookcs Relation. himself dis- covered on America from 67 North lat. to neere 4Ɔ South. 284 T. Macarnessc. J. Don[n]e. [Complimentary Verses. [1624] 1624. to his Thomas Macarnesse to worthy friend and Countryman, Captaine John Smith. W Ho loues to liue at home, yet looke abroad, And know both passen and vnpassen road, The prime Plantation of an unknowne shore, The men, the manners, fruitfulnesse, and store: Read but this little Booke, and then confesse, The lesse thou lik'st and lou'st, thou liu'st the lesse. He writ it with great labour, for thy good, Twice over, now in paper, 'fore in blood; It cost him deare, both paines, without an ayme Of private profit, for thy publicke gaine. That thou mightst read and know and safely see, What he by practice, thou by Theoree. Commend him for his loyall loving heart, Or else come mend him, and take thou his part. To his friend Captaine Iohn Smith, and his Worke. Know not how Desert more great can rise, Then out of Danger t' ane for good mens Good; Nor who doth better winne th' Olympian prize, Than he whose Countryes Honor stirres his bloud; Private respects haue private expectation, Publicke designes, should publish reputation. J. Don[nje. E. Worseley. 1624. 285 Complimentary Verses.] This Gentleman whose Volumne heere is stoard With strange discoverie of GODS strangest Creatures, Giues vs full view, how he hath Sayl'd, and Oar'd, And Marcht, full many myles, whose rough defeatures, Hath beene as bold, as puissant, vp to binde Their barbarous strength's, to follow him dog-linde. But wit, nor valour, now adayes payes scores For estimation; all goes now by wealth, Or friends; tush! thrust the beggar out of dores That is not Purse-lyn'd; those which liue by stealth Shall have their haunts; no matter what's the guest In many places; monies well come best. But those who well discerne, esteeme not so: Nor I of thee braue Smith, that hast beat out Thy Iron thus; though I but little know To what t'hast seene; yet I in this am stout: My thoughts, maps to my minde some accidents, That makes mee see thy greater presidents. Io: Done. [1624] To my worthy friend Captaine H Iohn Smith. Ow great a part of knowledge had wee lost, Both of Virginia and the Summer Isles, Had not thy carefull diligence and cost Inform'd vs thus, with thy industrious stile! Like Cæsar now thou writ'st what thou hast done, These acts, this Booke will liue while ther's a Sunne. Edw: Worseley. 1 286 R. Norton. E. Ingham. [Complimentary Verses. [1621] To his much respected Friend Captaine Iohn Smith. 1624. Nvie avant. For Smith, whose Anvil was Experience, Could take his heat, knew how and when to Strike, Wrought well this Peece; till After-negligence Mistaking temper, Cold, or Scorch'd; or like Vnskilfull workmen, that can never Fyle Nor Pollish it, that takes in Forge such toyle : Heere Noble Smith, thou shewest the Temper true, Which other Tampring-Tempres never knew. Ro: Norton. To his loving friend Captaine AVE Iohn Smith. Here actions speake the praises of a man, There, Pennes that vse to flatter silent be, Or if they speake, it is to scorne or scanne; For such with vertue seldome doe agree. When I looke backe on all thy labours past, Thy travels, perils, losses oft sustaind By Sea and Land; and (which is worst and last) Neglect or small reward, so dearely gaind. I doe admire thy still vndanted spirit; vnwearied yet to worke thy Countries good. This be thy praise then, due vnto thy merit; For it th'hast venter'd life; and lost thy blood. I. 2. 3. I. 2. 3. Truth, travayle, and Neglect, pure, painefull, most vnkinde, 3. I. 2. 3. I. 2. Doth proue, consume, dismay, the soule, the corps, the minde. Edw: Ingham. D. Wiffin287 1624. Complimentary Verses.] . To my deare friend by true Vertue ennobled Captaine Iohn Smith. Ore then enough I cannot thee commend: Whose both abilities and Loue doe tend So to advance the good of that Estate, M By English charge, and Planters propagate Through heapes of painfull hazards; in the first Of which, that Colony thy Care hath nurst. And often that effected but with ten That after thee, and now, three hundred men Haue faild in, 'mong the Salvages; who shake At bruit of Thee, as Spaine at Name of Drake. Which well afpeares; considering the while Thou governedst, nor force of theirs, ne guile Lessend a man of thine; but since (I rue) In Brittish blood they deeply did imbrue Their Heathen hands. And (truth to say) we see, Our selues wee lost, vntimely leaving Thee. Nor yet percciue I any got betweene Thee and thy merit; which hath better beene In prayse; or profit much; if counted iust; Free from the Weales abuse, or wronged trust. Some few particulars perhaps haue sped; But wherein hath the publicke prospered? Or is there more of those Vast Countries knowne, Then by thy Labours and Relations showne First, best? And shall wee loue Thee now the lesse ? Farre be it! fit condignely to expresse Thankes, by new Charge, or recompence; by whom, Such past good hath, such future good may come. David Wiffin. [1624] 288 . [Complimentary Verses. Αγώγιμος. W. Grent[1624] * Virginia now inha- bited, and New-Eng land. Noble Captaine Smith, my worthy N Friend Ot like the Age wherein thou liu'st, to lie Buried in basenesse, sloth, or Ribaldrie (For most doe thus) hast thou thy selfe applide; But, in faire Actions, Merits height descride : Which (like foure Theaters to set thee forth) The worlds foure Quarters testifie thy worth. The last whereof (America) best showes Thy paines, and prayse; and what to thee shee owcs, (Although thy Sommer shone on th' Elder Three, In as great Deeds as great varietie) For opening to Her Selfe Her Selfe, in Two * Of Her large Members; Now Ours, to our view. Thereby endearing vs to thy desart, That doubly dost them to our hands impart ; 1624. There by thy Worke, Heere by thy Workes; By cach Maist thou Fames lasting Wreath (for guerdon) reach. And so become, in after Times t' ensue, A President for others, So to doe. William Grent. To his worthily affected Friend, Captaine Iohn Smith. A Mongst so many that by learned skill, Haue given iust prayse to thee, and to thy Booke, Deare friend receive this pledge of my good will, Whereon, if thou with acceptation looke, And thinke it worthie, ranke amongst the rest: Vse thy discretion, I haue done my best. Αγώγυμός. 289 : : The Contents of the generall History, divided into six Books. 1170 THE FIRST BOOk e. HE first voyage to the new World, by Madock Prince of Wales. The next by Hanno Prince of Carthage, and how it was offred K. Hen. 7. by 1488 Chr. Cullumbus, that undertooke it for the 1492 Spanyards. 1492. How Iohn Cabot was imployed by King 1497 Hen. the 7. and found the Continent before Cul- 1576 lumbus. Also Sir Martin Frobisher, and Sir 1583 Humphrey Gilbert ranged towards the North. 1584 And how Captaine Amidas was sent to discover the coast of Florida by Sir Walter Raleigh and his associates. And the Country Wingandacoa was called Virginia by Queene Elizabeth. Page 1-4. 1585 [p. 303] [p. 304] Sir Richard Greenvill sent thither with 108. he left for a plantation. The discovery of the Rivers Chawonok and Moratoc. The trechery of their King, who with eight more were slaine; and they all returned to England againe the same yeare with Sir Francis Drake. pag. 5-9. p. 310] The Observations of Master Heriot. Of their commodities, victuall, fruits, beasts, fishes, and foules. Their Religion, and beliefe of God, of the Creation of the world, and man; the immor- talitie of the soule; the subtiltie of their Priests; ENG. SCH. LIB. No. 16. 19 290 Bui The Contents. Smith. July 1624. 1586 1587 1589 the peoples simplicitie, and desire of salvation; and other Accidents. pag. 9-12. [p. 319] Sir Rich: Greenvill sent to supply them. Not finding them, left fiftie. Their successe. page 13. (þ. 325) Master White sent to relieue them, found they were all slaine, yet left 115. more, and departed. [p. 326] Returning the second time, he could not heare of them; his Observations and Accidents. pag. 14-16. 1602 A discovery by Captaine Gosnoll of Eliza- beths Isles; his Observations, Relations, and returne. pag. 17. 18. The voyage of Captaine Pring to the same Coast. ... [p. 329] [p. 332] [p. 336] [p. 337] 1605 A Map of the old Virginia, with the figures of the Salvages. [To face p. 342] 1603 The discovery of Captaine Waymouth; his Observations, Relations, and returne. pag. 18-20. 1606 THE SECOND BOO K E. Of Virginia now planted, discovered by Captaine SMITH. He Latitude, Temperature, and Capes; a description of Chisa- peack Bay, and seaven navigable Rivers that fall into it, with their severall Inhabitants, and diversitie of Lan- guage. pag. 21-25. Of things growing Naturally, as woods, fruits, gummes, berries, herbs, roots; also of beasts, birds, and fishes; how they divide the yeare, prepare their ground, plant their corne, and vse it and other victuail. pag. 25-29. ... What commodities may be had by industry. [p. 343] [p. 352 J. Smith. July 1624. 291 The Contents. [1607-9] The description of the people, their numbers, constitutions, dispositions, attyre, buildings, lodgings and gardens, their usage of children, striking of fire, making their Bowes and Arrowes, knives, swords, targets, and boats: how they spinne, make fish-hooks, and ginnes, and their order of hunting. Consultations and order in Warres. pag. 29-33. ... Their musicke, entertainment, trade, Physicke, Chirurgery and Charmes. Their Religion, God, burials ordinary and extraordinary, Temples, Priests, Ornaments, solemnities, Coniurations, Altars, sacrifices, black boyes, and resurrection. pag. 34-36. [p. 359] [p. 368] The manner of their government, their Em- peror; his attendants, watch, treasury, wiues, successors and authority: tenure of their lands, and manner of punishment, with some words of their Language Englished. pag. 37–40. ... [p. 375] And a Mappe of the Countrey of Virginia now planted. [To face p. 384] THE THIRD BOOK E. Of the Accidents and Proceedings of the 1606 1607 English. Heir orders of government, Accidents in going, first landing and governe . ment setled. pag. 41. 42. ... The Salvages assault the Fort, the ships returne, their names [who] were left, occasion of sicknes, plenty unexpected, the building of Iames Towne, the beginning of Trade, two proiccts to abandon the Country. pag. 43-46. Their first attempts upon the Salvages. Cap- [p. 385] [p. 388] 292 J. Smith. July 1624. The Contents. G [1607] taine Smith taken prisoner; their order of Triumph, and how he should haue beene exe- cuted, was preserved, saved Iames towne from being surprised, how they Coniured him. Pow- hatan entertained him, would haue slaine him; how Pocahontas his daughter saved him, and sent him to Iames Towne. The third plot to abandon the Countrey suppressed. pag. 47-49. [p. 395] Their first Supply and Accidents. The Sal- vages opinion of our God. Captaine Smith revisits Powhatan; Iames Towne burnt; A conceited gold mine; A needlesse charge; Captaine Newports returne for England. pag. 50-53. 1608 Iames Towne rebuilt, with a Church and Store-house; The Salvages plot to murther all the English; their insolencies suppressed. Different opinions among the Councell. p. 53. Their names landed in this Supply. p. 54.... The discovery of the Bay of Chisapeack. Their fight and conference with the Kuska- rawaoks; Ambuscadoes prevented in the river Patawomek; A mine like Antimony. pag. 55-58. [p. 403] [p. 408] (p. 411] [p. 412] How to deale with the Salvages. Smith neare killed with a Stingray. With many other Accidents in the discovery. A needlesse misery at Iames towne redressed. pag. 58-59. [p. 419] The second Voyage to discover the Bay. Their Incounter with the Massawomekes and Tockwhoghs; the Sasquesahanoughs offer subiection to the English. The exceeding loue of the Salvage Mosco. Their fight with the Rapahanocks; their fight with the Manahokes. The King of Hassaninga's brother taken prisoner; his relation of those mountainers; peace concluded with all those Nations. pag. 59—64. [p. 421] The discovery of the river Payankatank; their fight with the Nandsamunds, and Chisa- peacks; their returne to Iames town. p. 65.... [p. 430] July T. Smith293 The Contents. . 1624. [1608] The Presidency surrendred to Captaine Smith. The second Supply by Captaine Newport, many Presents sent from England to Powhatan, his scorne, Consultations; factions suppressed; Captaine Smith visiteth Powhatan; Poca- hontas entertaines him with a Maske; the Coronation of Powhatan, and Conditions. pag. 68. The discovery of the Monacans; a punish- ment for swearing; the Chickahamanians forced to Contribution; the abuses of the Mariners; Master Scriveners voyage to Werowocomoco. pag. 68–70. Captaine Smiths Relation to England of the estate of the Colony: the names of them arrived in this Supply. pag. 71. 72. Nandsamund forced to Contribution. The first Marriage in Virginia. Apamatuck dis- covered. pag. 73: Captaine Smiths iourney to Pamavnkee. The discovery of the Chawwonocks. Smiths. [1609]discourse to Powhatan; His reply and flattery ; and his discourse of Peace and Warre. Pow- hatans plot to murther Smith, discovered by his daughter Pocahontas. pag. 77. Their escape at Pamavnkee. The Dutchmen deceiue Captaine Winne, and arme the Sal- vages; sixteene English beset by seven hundred Salvages, Smith takes their King Opechan- kanough prisoner; the Salvages excuse and reconcilement. p. 77.—80. Master Scrivener and others drowned; Master Wiffins desperate iourney to Pamavnkee; Powhatan constraines his men again to be trecherous; he is forced to fraught their Ship; Smith poysoned; the Dutch mens trechery. pag. 80-82. The Dutch-mens plot to murther Smith. He taketh the King of Paspahegh prisoner, and others; they become all subiect to the English. pag. 84. [p. 433] [p. 438] [p. 442] [p. 446] [p. 448] [Þ. 456] [p. 460] [p. 467] 294 Luis The Contents. J. Smith. LJuly 1624. [1609] A Salvage smoothered, yet recovered; three or foure Salvages slaine in drying stolne powder. Great extremity occasioned by ratts; Bread made of dryed Sturgeon; the punishment for loyterers; the discovery of the Mangoags Captaine Argals first arrivall; the incon- veniences in a Plantation. p. 84-89.... 1609 The government altered; the arrivall of the third Supply; mutinies; Nandsamund planted; breach of peace with the Salvages; Powhatans chiefe seat bought for Copper; Mutinies. pag. 90. gr. Captaine Smith blowne up with Gun-powder; a bloudy intent; the causes why he left the Country and his Commission; his returne for England; the ends of the Dutch-men Certaine Verses of seaven Gentlemen. p. 95. [þ. 469] [p. 478] [p. 484] [p. 491] THE FOURTH BO O K E. With their Proceedings after the alteration of the Government. Ow the mutiners proceeded; the Salvages revolt; the planting point Comfort. Them at Nandsamund, and the Fals, defeated by the Sal- vages. Captaine Rat[c]liff, with thirtie slaine by Powhatan. The fruits of improvidence. 1610 The arrivall of Sir Thomas Gates. Iames Towne abandoned. The arrivall of the Lord La Warre; their actions, and both their re- turnes. pag. 105-108. ... [p. 497] 1611 The government left to Captaine Percie; and his proceedings. The arrivall of Sir Thomas Dale, and his actions. pag. 109—110. ... [p. 505] The second arrivall of Sir Thomas Gates; J. Smith. July 1624. The Contents. 1612 the building Henerico, and the Bermudas; how Captaine Argall tooke Pocahontas pri- soner. Dales voyage to Pamavnkee. The 1613 marriage of Pocahontas to Master Rolfe. Articles of Peace with the Salvages. p[ag]. 1614 1615 110-114. The government left to Sir Thomas Dale. Captaine Argals voyage to port Royall. Master Hamers to Powhatan; and their Accidents. pag. 115. 116. The manner of the Lottery. A Spanish Shippe in Virginia. Dale with Pocahontas. 1616 comes for England. Captaine Yerley left Deputy Governour; his warres and peace with the Chickahamanians, and proceedings. pag. 117-121. A relation to Queene Anne of the quality and condition of Pocahontas; how the Queen en- 1617 tertained her; Captaine Argall sent governor; 1618 the death of Powhatan; ten English slaine; Argals accidents and proceecdings. The Lord de la Warre sent againe governour; his death. A relation of their present estates. Haile-stones 8. inches about. pag. 121—125. 1619 1620 Sir George Yerley sent governor; Waras- koyack planted. A parliament in Virginia; foure Corporations appointed; the adventures of Captaine Ward; the number of ships and men sent this yeare; gifts given; Patents granted. pag. 125—127. [p. 509] [p. 517] (p. 522] [p. 530] [p. 540] A desperate Sea fight by Captaine Chester with two Spanish men of warre; the names of the Adventurers. pag. 128—138. [p. 544] 295 Notes and observations. A relation of their 1621 estates by Master Stockam. The arrivall of Sir Francis Wyat with nine ships. Master Gockings plantation; and their accidents; the number of ships and men sent this yeare; gifts given, Patents granted. p. 139—141. [p. 561] Master Pories iourneyes to Pawtuxunt, and other places, with his accidents. pag. 141–143. [p. 567] Smith. 296 1622 The Contents. Captaine Each sent to build Forts and Barks. The cause and manner of the Mas- sacre; the numbers slaine; the providence of Captaine Nuse; Captaine Chroshaw his voyage to Patowomek. pag. 143–151. Captaine Smiths offer to the Company to sup- presse the Salvages. Their answer; the manner of the Sallery; Chroshaw stayes at Patawo- mek; the escape of Waters and his wife. Captaine Hamar goes to Patawomek; Chro- shaws plot for all their preservations. Captaine Madison sent to Patawomek. Captaine Powell kils three Salvages. Sir George Yerleys iourney to Acomack. The misery of Captaine Nuse. The kindness of the King of Pata- womek; a vile policy of a Salvage; Madisons mischiefe vnto the Patawomeks. It was not well don[e] to make Opechankanough drinke healths. 300. surpriseth Nandsamund and 1623 Pamavnkee. The opinion of Captaine Smith how to subiect the Salvages. The arriuall of Captaine Butler in Virginia, and other Acci- dents. pag. 152-161. The losse of Captaine Spilman and 26. men. A particular of such necessaries as are fit for private persons or families. pag.. 161. 162. A briefe relation by Captaine Smith to his Maiesties Commissioners, for the reformation of Virginia. The 7 questions the right Worthie Commissioners demanded, and his answers; 1624 how the King hath pleased to take it into his consideration. pag. 163-168. uly 1624. [p. 570] [p. 588] [p. 606] [p. 610] At this present two ships are going; more a preparing; new Commissions sent. A Proclamation, no Tobacco be used in England, but what shall come from Virginia, or the Somer Isles; quere [i.e., see] the Procla- mation. J. Smith. July 1624. 297 The Contents. . THE FIFT BOOK E. Mappe of the Somer Isles and Fortresses [To face p. 624]. The description of the Isles, the fruits, fishes, soyle, ayre, beasts, birds, with the relation of the shipwrack of Henry 1593 May. pag. 169–173. 1609 The shipwrack of Sir Thomas Gates, and Sir 1610 George Somers; their accidents, deliverance and arrivall in Virginia. Somers returne to the Isles; his death, and Epitaph, the accidents 1611 hapned; three men lived there alone two yeares. pag. 174-177. 1612 Master More sent to make a plantation. A peece of Amber Greece found of 80. pound weight; much dissension; Mores industrie in fortifying and waighing Ordnance out of the 1613 wracks. Their first Supply; a strange increase of Potatoes. The attempt of 2. Spanish ships; a great mortality; a strange being of Ravens; 1614 a new Supply, with their Accidents, and Moores returne. pag. 177-180.... 1615 1616 ... The rent [rule] of the six governours; a won- derfull accident of Hilliard, not much lesse then a miracle. pag. 181. 182. The government of Captaine Tuckar; Assises;. the strange adventure of 5 men in a boat; plants from the West Indies; the endevours of Cap- 1617 taine Powell; Assises. The Country neer de- voured with ratts; their strange confusion. 1618 The divisions of the Isles into Tribes, and Tribes into shares, by Master Norwood; the names of the adventurers, and their shares. pag. 182-189. 1619 The first Magazin; two exployts of desperate fugitiues. The returne of Captaine Tuckar. Captaine Kendall left deputy-governor, and their Accidents. pag. 189-191. ... [p. 625] [p. 635] [p. 642] [p. 649] [p. 653] [p. 665] The government of Captaine Butler; A plat- 298 J. Smith. July 1624. The Contents. [1619] forme burnt, and much hurt by a Hericano. The refortifying the Kings Castle. The ar- rivall of two Dutch Frigots. The rebuilding the Mount, and a Tombe for Sir George Somers. The reformation of their lawes and officers. Their Assises. A Parliament. Their acts; their opinion of the Magazin. The build- 1620 ing three Bridges. The generall Assises; A strange deliverance of a Spanish wracke. A 1621 strange Sodomy; many Ordnances got from wracks. Their estates present. pag. 191-199. [p. 669] Master Barnard sent to be governour; his arrivall, death, and funerall, with the pro- 1623 ceedings of Master Harrison his successor, 1624 and Captaine Woodhouse their governor. pag. 200-201. 1622 Certaine Verses of Master Withers, and other Gentlemen. [p. 687] [p. 689] 1614 THE SIXT BOOKE. A Mappe of New England [State IV., see p. cxxxv. To face p. 694]. How this country hath bin accounted but a miserable Desert. Captain Smith's first voyage; what peace and warres he had with the Salvages, and within 6. moneths returned with 1500l. worths of commodities; got Prince Charles to call it New-England. A Table of the old names and the new. pag. 203—205. ... Captaine Hobsons voyage to Capan; the Londoners apprehend it. The situation: notes for ignorant vndertakers. The description of the Country. Staple Commodities; present proofe of the healthfulnesse of the clime. Observations of the Hollanders chiefe trade. pag. 209. [p. 695] [p. 701] mith299 ] The Contents. J. Smith. July 1624. .[1614] Examples of the altitude comparatiuely; the reasons why to plant it. An example of the gaines every yeare; a description of 15. severall Countries in particular. Of their Kings, rivers, harbors, Isles, mountains, landmarks, fruits, woods, birds, fishes, beasts, &c. and how as well Gentlemen, as mec[h]anicks, may be imployed, and get much wealth, with the reasons and causes of the defaylements. pag. 206—221. 1615 Captaine Smiths second voyage; his ship neere foundered in the Sea; He reimbarketh 1616 himselfe; incountreth the English Pyrats; fought with the French Pyrates; is betrayed by 4. French men of warre; how he was released; his men ran from him with ship and all; how he lived with the French men; what fights they had, what prizes they tooke; the French mens ingratitude. 13 sayle cast away: how he escaped, proceeded in France, returned for England, and punished them [that] ran from him. pag. 222-227. 1617 The yearely trialls of New-England; the 1618 benefit of fishing, as Master Dee, and divers re- port, and approoved by the Hollanders Records; 1619 how it becomes so well apprehended, that more then 150. haue gone thither to fish, with an estimate of their gaines, with many observations and Accidents. pag. 228—230. 1620 1621 A Plantation in New-England; their first landing; divers iourneys and accidents; the description of the harbors, bayes, lakes, and that place they inhabit, called New-Plimouth; con- ference with the Salvages; and kinde vsage of the King of the Massasoyts; a strange policie of Tusquantum. pag. 230-234. The Salvages make warres for their friend- ships; the English revenge their friends iniuries. 1622 Notes and observations. They lived two yeares without Supplyes; the death of Tusquantum; they contriue to murther the English; how the English did cure a King sicke to death; two [p. 710] [p. 731] [p. 743] [p. 749] 300 1624. The Contents. July . J. Smith1623 most desperate Salvages; the courage of Cap- taine Standish; the Salvages sue for peace. pag. 235-239. [p. 758] A most remarkable observation of Gods loue. 40 sayle fished there this yeare; the religion of the Salvages; the government; an answer to obiections; considerations; the charge; the order of the Western men. pag. 140--142.... [p. 766] The effects of shipping; the Popes order for the East and West Indies. How to build a little navy royall; contention for New-England. The necessitie of martiall power. pag. 243–244. [Þ. 773} The charge to set forth a ship of a 100. tuns, both to make a fishing voyage, and increase the plantation. The facilitie of the fishing lately 1624 observed. Their present estate at New-Pli- mouth, and order of government. ... Its not his part that is the best Translator, To render word for word to every Author. [p. 778] வ 1 301 [The Generall Historie of Virginia, New England, & the Summer Isles. THE FIRST BOOK. 1 6 2 4. The English voyages to the old Virginia. 1584-1605.] 302 [This First Book is merely an Abridgement of the earlier English voyages to Virginia, compiled from various publications, by Captain JOHN SMITH, for the most part in 1622, p. 331.] 303 HOW ANCIENT AVTHORS REPORT, THE NEVV-VVORLD, Now called America, was discovered: and part thereof first Planted by the ENGLISH, called VIRGINIA, with the Accidents and Proceedings of the same. The first Booke. OR the Stories of Arthur, Malgo, and Brandon, that say a thousand yeares agoe they were in the North of America; or the Fryer of Linn that by his blacke Art went to the North pole in the yeare 1360. in that I know them not. Let this suffice. [1170] The Chronicles of Wales report, that 1170. Madock, sonne to Owen Quineth, Prince of Wales seeing his two brethren at debate who should inherit, prepared cer- taine Ships, with men and munition, and left his Country to seeke aduentures by Sea: leauing Ireland North he sayled west till he came to a Land vnknowne. Returnirg home and relating what pleasant and fruitfull Countries he had seene without Inhabitants, and for what barren ground his brethren and kindred did murther one another, he pro- vided a number of Ships, and got with him such men and women as were desirous to liue in quietnesse, that arriued 304 . 331. The Discoveries and Accidents LIB. I. [Ed1622. [1170- 1583] 1492. 1497. 1576. 1583. . by J. Smith, see pwith him in this new Land in the yeare 1170: Left many of his people there and returned for more. But where this place was no History can show. The Spanyards say Hanno a Prince of Carthage was the first and the next Christopher Cullumbus, a Genoesian, whom they sent to discover those vnknowne parts. 1492. But we finde by Records, Cullumbus offered his seruice in the yeare 1488. to King Henry the seauenth; and by accident vndertooke it for the Spanyards. In the Interim King Henry gaue a Commission to Iohn Cabot, and his three sonnes, Sebastian, Lewis, and Sautius. John and Sebastian well provided, setting sayle, ranged a great part of this vnknowne world, in the yeare 1497. For though Cullumbus had found certaine Iles, it was 1498. ere he saw the Continent, which was a yeare after Cabot. Now Americus came a long time after, though the whole Con- tinent to this day is called America after his name, yet Sebastian Cabot discovered much more then them all, for he sayled to about forty degrees Southward of the lyne, and to sixty-seauen towards the North: for which King Henry the eight Knighted him and made him grand Pilate of England. Being very aged King Edward the sixt gaue him a Pention of 1661. 13s. 4d. yearely. By his directions. Sir Hugh Willowby was sent to finde out the Country of Russia, but the next yeare he was found frozen to death in his Ship, and all his Company. Master Martin Frobisher was sent in the yeare 1576. by our most gracious Queene Elizabeth, to search for the Northwest passage, and Meta incognita: for which he was Knighted, honored, and well rewarded. Sir Humphrey Gilbert a worthy Knight attempted a Plantation in some of those parts: and obtained Letters Pattents to his desire: but with this Proviso, He should [2] maintaine possession in some of those vast Countries within the tearme of sixe yeares. Yet when he was pro- vided with a Navy able to incounter a Kings power, even here at home they fell in diuisions, and so into confusion, that they gaue over the Designe ere it was begun, not- withstanding all this losse, his vndanted spirit began againe, but his Fleet fell with New-found land, and he perished in his returne, as at large you may read in the Ed. by J. Smith305 1622. LIB. I. of Captaine Philip Amidas. . third Volume of the English Voyages, written by Master [1583–4] Hackluit [in 1599-1600]. Vpon all those Relations and inducements, Sir Walter Raleigh, a noble Gentleman, and then in great esteeme, vndertooke to send to discover to the Southward. And though his occasions and other imployments were such he could not goe himselfe, yet he procured her Maiesties Letters Pattents, and perswaded many worthy Knights and Gentlemen to adventure with him to finde a place fit for a Plantation. Their Proceedings followeth. The most famous, renowned, and euer worthy of all 1584. memory, for her courage, learning, iudgement, and vertue, Queene Elizabeth, granted her Letters Patents to Sir Walter Raleigh for the discovering and planting new Lands and Countries, not actually possessed by any Christians. This Patenty got to be his assistants Sir Richard Grenvell the valiant, Master William Sanderson a great friend to all such noble and worthy actions, and divers other Gentle- men and Marchants, who with all speede prouided two small Barkes well furnished with all necessaries, vnder the command of Captaine Philip Amidas and Captaine Barlow. The 27. of Aprill [1584] they set sayle from the Thames, the tenth of May passed the Canaries, and the tenth of Iune the West Indies: which vnneedfull Southerly course, (but then no better was knowne) occasioned them in that season much sicknesse. arrivall. The second of Iuly [1584] they fell with the coast of Florida Their in shoule water, where they felt a most delicate sweete smell, though they saw no land, which ere long they espied, thinking it the Continent: an hundred and twenty myles. they sayled not finding any harbor. The first that appeared with much difficulty they entred, and anchored, and after thankes to God they went to view the next Land adioyning to take possession of it for the Queenes most excellent Maiestie: which done, they found their first landing place very sandy and low, but so full of grapes that the very Abundance surge of the Sea sometimes over-flowed them: of which of Grapes. they found such plenty in all places, both on the sand, the greene soyle and hils, as in the plaines as well on euery little shrub, as also climbing towardes the tops of high Cedars, that they did thinke in the world were not the like abundance. ENG. SCH. LIB. No. 16. 20 306 . The Discoveries and Accidents LIB. I. ? CaptCapt. . [1584] The Ile of Wokokon. . P. Amadas. A. BarloweSept. 1584We passed by the Sea-side towards the tops of the next hills being not high: from whence we might see the Sea on both sides, and found it an Ile of twentie myles in length, and six in breadth, the vallyes replenished with goodly tall Cedars. Discharging our Muskets, such a flocke of Cranes, the most white, arose by vs, with such a cry as if an Army of men had shouted altogether. This Ile hath many goodly Woods, and Deere, Conies, and Foule in incredible abundance, and vsing the Authors owne phrase, the Woods are not such as you finde in Bohemia, Moscovia, or Hercinia, barren and fruitlesse, but the highest and reddest Cedars of the world, bettering In Lybanus them of the Assores, Indies, or Libanus: Pynes, Cypres, Saxefras, the Lentisk that beareth Mastick, and many other of excellent smell and qualitie. Till the third day we saw not any of the people, then in a little Boat three of them appeared, one of them went on shore, to whom wee rowed, and he attended vs without any signe of feare; Conference after he had spoke much though we vnderstood not a word, of his owne accord he came boldly aboord vs, we gaue him a shirt, a hat, wine and meate, which he liked well, and after he had well viewed the barkes and vs, he went away in his owne Boat, and within a quarter of a myle of vs in halfe an houre, had loaden his Boat with fish, with which he came againe to the poynt of land, and there devided it in two parts, poynting one part to the Ship, the other to the Pinnace, and so departed. [3] are not many. with a Salvage. The Arriuall brother. The next day came diuers Boats, and in one of them the of the Kings Kings Brother, with forty or fifty men, proper people, and in their behauiour very ciuill; his name was Granganameo, the King is called Wingina, the Country Wingandacoa. Leauing his Boats a little from our Ships, he came with his trayne to the poynt where spreading a Matte he sat downe. Though we came to him well armed, he made signes to vs. to sit downe without any shew of feare, stroking his head and brest, and also ours, to expresse his loue. After he had made a long speech vnto vs, we presented him with diuers toyes, which he kindly accepted. He was greatly regarded by his people, for none of them did sit, nor speake a word, but foure, on whom we bestowed presents also, but he tooke all from them, making signes all things did belong to him. Ed. by J. Smith307 1622] :. LIB. I. of Captaine Philip Amidas. . The King himselfe in a conflict with a King his next neighbour and mortall enemy, was shot in two places through the body, and the thigh, yet recouered: whereby he lay at his chiefe towne six dayes iourney from thence. the [1584] A day or two after shewing them what we had, Gran- Trade with ganamco taking most liking to a Pewter dish, made a hole Salvages. in it, hung it about his necke for a brest-plate: for which he gaue vs twenty Deere skins, worth twenty Crownes; and for a Copper Kettell, fiftie skins, worth fiftie Crownes. Much other trucke we had, and after two dayes he came aboord, and did eate and drinke with vs very merrily. Not long after he brought his wife and children, they were but of meane stature, but well fauoured and very bashfull; she had a long coat of Leather, and about her privities a peece of the same, about her forehead a band of white Corrall, and so had her husband, in her eares were brace- lets of pearle, hanging downe to her middle, of the big- nesse of great Pease; the rest of the women had Pendants of Copper, and the Noblemen fiue or sixe in an eare; his apparrell as his wiues, onely the women weare their haire long on both sides, and the men but on one; they are of colour yellow, but their hayre is blacke, yet we saw children that had very fayre Chesnut coloured hayre. After that these women had beene here with vs, there came downe from all parts great store of people, with Leather, Corrall, and diuers kinde of dyes, but when Granganameo was present, none durst trade but himselfe, and them that wore red Copper on their heads, as he did. When euer he came, he would signifie by so many fires he came with so many boats, that we might know his strength. Their Boats are but one great tree, which is but burnt in the forme of a trough with gins and fire, till it be as they would haue it. For an armour he would haue ingaged vs a bagge of pearle, but we refused, as not regarding it, that wee might the better learn where it grew. He was very iust of his promise, for oft we trusted him, and he would come within his day to keepe his word. He sent vs com- monly euery day a brace of Bucks, Conies, Hares, and fish, sometimes Mellons, Walnuts, Cucumbers, Pease, and diuers rootes. This Author sayth, their corne Note. groweth three times in fiue moneths; in May they sow, 308 Capt. P. Amadas. Capt. A. Barlowe. ? Sept. 1584. The Discoveries and Accidents LIB. I. [ ! [1584] The Ile Roanoak. The great in Iuly reape; in Iune they sow, in August reape; in Iuly sow, in August reape. We put some of our Pease in the ground, which in ten dayes were 14. ynches high. The soyle is most plentifull, sweete, wholesome, and fruitfull of all other, there are about 14. seuerall sorts of sweete smelling tymber trees: the most parts of the vnderwood, Bayes and such like such Okes as we, but far greater and better. After this acquaintance, my selfe with seauen more went twenty myle into the Riuer Occam, that runneth toward the Cittie Skicoack, and the euening following we came to an Ile called Roanoak, from the harbour where we entred 7. leagues; at the North end was 9. houses, builded with Cedar, fortified round with sharpe trees, and the entrance like a Turnpik. When we came towards it, the wife of Granganameo came running out to meete vs, (her husband courtesie of was absent) commanding her people to draw our Boat ashore for beating on the billowes, other she appoynted to carry vs on their backes aland, others to bring our Ores into the house for [4] stealing. When we came into the other roome, (for there was fiue in the house) she caused vs to sit downe by a great fire; after tooke off our clothes and washed them, of some our stockings, and some our feete in warme water, and she her selfe tooke much paines to see all things well ordered, and to provide vs victuall. a Woman. A banquet. After we had thus dryed our selues, she brought vs into an Inner roome, where she set on the bord standing a long the house somewhat like frumentie, sodden venison, and rosted fish; in like manner mellons raw, boyled rootes and fruites of diuers kindes. The[i]re drinke is commonly water boyled with Ginger, sometimes with Saxefras, and wholsome herbes, but whilest the Grape lasteth they drinke wine. More loue she could not expresse to en- tertaine vs; they care but onely to defend themselues from the short winter, and feede on what they finde naturall in sommer. In this feasting house was their Idoll of whom they tould vs vncredible things. When we were at meate two or three of her men came amongst vs with their Bowes and Arrowes, which caused vs to take our armes in hand. She perceiuing our distrust, caused their Bowes and Arrowes to be broken, and they beaten Ed. by J. Smith309 1622] :. LIB. I. of Captaine Philip Amidas. . out of the gate: but the euening approaching we returned to our boate, where at she much grieuing brought our supper halfe boyled, pots and all, but when she saw vs but put our boat a little off from the shoar and lye at Anchor, peiceiuing our Ielousie, she sent diuers men and 30. women to sit al night on the shoare side against vs, and sent vs fiue Mats to couer vs from the raine, doing all she could to perswade vs to her house. Though there was no cause of doubt, we would not aduenture: for on our safety depended the voyage: but a more kinde louing people cannot be. [1584] great town Beyond this Ile is the maine land and the great riuer Occam, on which standeth a Towne called Pomeiock, and six dayes higher, their City Skicoak: those people neuer Skicone a saw it, but say the[i]re fathers affirme it to be aboue two houres iourney about. Into this riuer falleth an other called Cipo, where is found many Mustells wherein are Pearles: likewise another Riuer called Nomapona, on the one side whereof standeth a great towne called Chawanock, the Lord of the Country is not subiect to Wingandacoa. Beyond him an other king they cal Menatonon. These 3. are in league each with other. Towards the south. 4. dayes. iourney is Sequotan, the southermost part of Wingandacoa. Adioyning to Secotan beginneth the country Pomouik, romovik. belonging to the King called Piamacum, in the Country Nusiok vpon the great riuer Neus. These haue mortall warres with Wingina, King of Wingandacoa. Betwixt Piemacum and the Lord of Secotan, a peace was concluded: notwithstanding there is a mortall malice in the Secotans, because this Piemacum invited diuers men, and 30. women to a feast, and when they were altogether merry before their Idoll, which is but a meere illusion of the Deuill, they sudainly slew all the men of Secotan, and kept the women for their vse. Beyond Roanoak are many Isles full of fruits and other Naturall increases, with many Townes a long the side of the Continent. Those Iles lye 200. myles in length, and betweene them and the mayne, a great long sea, in some places. 20. 40. or 50. myles broad, in other more, somewhere lesse. And in this sea are 100. Iles of diuers bignesses, but to get into it, you haue but 3. passages and they very dangerous. Though this you see for most part be but the relations of 310 Capt. P. Amadas. Capt. A. Barlowe. ? Sept. 1584. Sir Richard Grenvill, and LIB. I. [ [1584-5] Saluages, because it is the first, I thought it not a misse to remember them as they are written by them that returned and ariued in England about the middest of September [1584] the same yeare. How the Country was called Virginia. This discouery was so welcome into England that it pleased her Maiestie to call this Country of Wingandacoa, Virginia, by which name now you are to vnderstand how it was planted, disolued, renued, and enlarged. The Performers of this voyage were these following. Philip Amadas. Arthur Barlow. } Captaines William Grenuill. Iohn Wood. Iames Browewich. Henry Greene. Of the Com- Beniamen Wood. Simon Ferdinando. panie. Nicholas Peryman. Iohn Hewes. [5] Sir Richard Grenvil voyage 1585. Sir Richard Grenuills voyage to Virginia, for Sir Walter Raleigh. 1585. He 9. of Aprill he departed from Plimouth with 7. sayle the chiefe men with him in command, were Master Ralph Layne, Master Thomas Candish, Master Iohn Arundel, Master Stukley, Master Bremige, Master Vincent, Master Heryot and Master Iohn Clarke. The 14. day we fell with the Canaries, and the 7. of May with Dominico in the West Indies: we landed at Portorico, after with much a doe at Izabella on the north of Hispaniola, passing by many Iles. Vpon the 20. we fell with the mayne of Florida, and were put in great danger vpon Cape Fear. The 26. we An- chored at Wocokon, where the admiral [flag-ship] had like to beene cast away: presently we sent to Wingina to Roanoak, and Master Arundell went to the mayne, with Manteo a saluage, and that day to Crooton. Ed. by J. Smith311 1622Master Ralph Layne. . LIB. I. ] . The 11. The Generall victualed for 8. dayes, with a selected company went to the maine, and discovered the Townes of Pomeiok, Aquascogoc, Secotan, and the great Lake called Paquipe. At Aquascogoc the Indians stole a siluer Cup, wherefore we burnt the Towne and spoyled their corne, so returned to our fleete at Tocokon. Whence we wayed for Hatorask, where we rested, and Granganimeo, King Wingina's brother with Manteo came abord our Admirall, the Admirall went for Weapomeiok, and Master Iohn Arundell for England. Our Generall in his way home tooke a rich loaden ship of 300. tunns, with which he ariued at Plimouth the 18. of September. 1585. These were left vnder the command of Master Ralph Layne to inhabite the Country, but they returned within a yeare. Philip Amidas Admirall. Master Thomas Heryot. Master Acton. Master Stafford. Master Thomas Luddington. Master Maruyn. Captaine Vaghan. Master Rogers. Master Haruy. Master Snelling. Master Antony Russe. Master Allen. Master Michaell Pollison. Master Thomas Bockner. [1585] Master Kendall. Master Gardiner. Master Predeox. Master Iames mason. Master Dauid Salter. Master Iames Skinner. With diuers others to the number of 108. Plantation. Touching the most remarkeable things of the Country Their first and our proceeding from the 17 of August 1585. till the 18. of Iune 1586. we made Roanoack our habitation. The vtmost of our discouery Southward was Secotan as we esteemed 80. leagues from Roanoacke. The passage from thence was thought a broad sound within the maine, being without kenning of land, yet full of flats and shoulds that our Pinnasse could not passe, and we had but one boat with 4. ores, that would carry but 15. men with their prouisions for 7. dayes: so that because the winter ap- proached we left those discoueries till a stronger supply. 312 LIB. I. [Ralph LaneSir Richard Grenvill, and . 1586. [1585-6] To the Northward; our farthest was to a Towne of the Chesapeacks, from Roanoack 130. myles. The passage is very shallow and dangerous by reason of the breadth of the sound and the little succour for a storme, but this ter[r]itory being 15. myle from the shoare, for pleasantnest of seate, for temporature of climate, fertility of soyle and comoditie of the Sea, besides beares, good woods, Saxefras, Walnuts, &c. is not to be excelled by any other whatsoeuer. There be sundry other Kings they call Weroances as the Mangoacks, Trypaniks and opposians, which came to visit vs. Chawonoack. Chawonock 700. men. To the northwest our farthest was Chawonock from Roanoack 130. myles our [6] passage lyeth through a broad sound, but all fresh water, and the channell Nauigable for a Ship, but out of it full of shoules. The townes by the way by the water, are Passaquenock the womens towne, Chepanoc, Weapomeiok; from Musca- munge wee enter the riuer and iurisdiction of Chawonock, there it beginneth to straiten, and at Chawonock it is as Thames at Lambeth: betwixt them as we passed is goodly high land on the left hand, and there is a towne called Ohanock, where is a great corne field, it is subiect to Chawonock, which is the greatest Prouince vpon the riuer, and the Towne it selfe can put seuen hundred men into the field, besides the forces of the rest. The King is lame, but hath more vnderstanding then all the rest. The river of Moratoc is more famous then all the rest, and openeth into the sound of Weapomeiok, and where there is but a very small currant in Chawonock, it hath so strong a currant from the Southwest, as we doubted how to row against it. Strange things they report of the head of this riuer, and of Moratoc it selfe, a principall towne on it, and is thirtie or fortie dayes Iourney to the head. This lame Menatonon King [of Chawonock] is called Menatonon. When I had him his Relations prisoner two dayes, he told mee that 3. dayes Iourney in a Pearle, and Canow vp the riuer Chawonock, then landing and going foure and the Sea dayes Iourney Northeast, there is a King whose Country a rich Mine, by it. lyeth on the Sea, but his best place of strength is an Iland in a Bay inuironed with deepe water, where he taketh that abundance of Pearle, that not onely his skins, and his nobles, but also his beds and houses are garnished there- Ed. by J. Smith313 1622. LIB. 1. Master Ralph Layne. . with. This king was at Chawonock two yeares agoe [1584] [1585–6] to trade with blacke pearle, his worst sort whereof I had a rope, but they were naught; but that King he sayth hath store of white, and had trafficke with white men, for whom he reserued them; he promised me guides to him, but aduised me to goe strong, for he was vnwilling strangers should come in his Country, for his Country is populous and valiant men. If a supply had come in Aprill, I resolued to haue sent a small Barke to the North- ward to haue found it, whilest I with small Boates and 200. men would haue gone to the head of the riuer Chawo- nock, with sufficient guides by land, inskonsing my selfe euery two dayes, where I would leaue Garrisons for my retreat, till I came to this Bay. Very neare vnto it is the riuer of Moratoc, directly from the West, the head of it springeth out of a mayne Rocke, which standeth so neare the Sea, that in stormes the Sea beats ouer it into this fresh spring, that of it selfe at the surse is a violent streame. I intended with two Wherries and fortie persons to haue Menatonons sonne for guide, to try this presently, till I could meete with some of the Moratocks, or Mangoaks; but hoping of getting more victuall from the Saluages, we as narrowly escaped staruing in that Discouery as euer men did. his trechery. For Pemissapan who had changed his name of Wingina Pemissapan vpon the death of his brother Granganameo, had giuen both the Chawonests, and Mangoaks word of my purpose: also he told me the Chawonocks had assembled two or three thousand to assault me at Roanok, vrging me daily to goe against them, and them against vs; a great assembly I found at my comming thether, which suddaine approach did so dismay them, that we had the better of them: and this confederacy against vs was procured by Pemissapan himselfe our chiefe friend [as] we trusted; he sent word also to the Moratoks and the Mangoaks, I came to inuade them, that they all fled vp into the high Country, so that where I assured my selfe both of succour and prouision, I found all abandoned. But being thus farre on my iourney 160. myles from home, and but victuals for two dayes, besides the casual- ties of crosse winds, stormes, and the Saluages trechery, The dis- the riuer couery of Moratoc. 314 . Sir Richard Grenvill, and 1586LIB. I. . [Ralph Ral A noble resolution. [6.111,416.] Lane[1585-6] though we intended no hurt to any: I gaue my Company to vnderstand we were onely drawne forth vpon these vaine hopes by the Saluages to bring vs to confusion: a Councell we held, to goe forward or returne, but they all were absolutely resolued but three, that whilst there was but one pynt of Corne for a man, they would not leaue the search of that riuer; for they had two Mastiue Dogs, which boyled with Saxefras leaues (if the worst fell [7] out), vpon them and the pottage they would liue two dayes, which would bring them to the sound, where they should finde fish for two dayes more to passe it to Roanock, which two dayes they had rather fast then goe backe a foote, till they had seene the Mangoaks either as friends or foes. The strange Mine of Chaunis Though I did forsee the danger and misery, yet the desire I had to see the Mangoaks was, for that there is a prouince called Chaunis Temoatan, frequented by them and well knowne to all those Countries, where is a mine of Temoatan. Copper they call Wassador; they say they take it out of a riuer that falleth swiftly from high rocks in shallow water, in great Bowles, couered with leather, leauing a part open to receiue the mettall, which by the change of the colour of the water where the spout falleth, they sud- dainly chop downe, and haue the Bowlefull, which they cast into the fire, it presently melteth, and doth yeeld in fiue parts at the first melting two parts mettall for three of Ore. The Mangoaks haue such plenty of it, they beautifie their houses with great plates thereof: this the Salvages report; and young Skiko the King of Chawonocks sonne my prisoner, that had beene prisoner among the Mangoaks, but neuer at Chaunis Temoatan, for he sayd that was twentie dayes iourney overland from the Mangoaks. Menatonon also confirmed all this, and promised me guid[e]s to this mettall Country; by Land to the Mangoaks is but one dayes iourney, but seauen by water, which made me so willing to haue met them for some assay of this mettall: but when we came there we found no crea- ture, onely we might see where had beene their fires. After our two dayes iourney, and our victuals spent, in the euening we heard some call as we thought Manteo, who was with me in the boat; this made vs glad, he made Ed. by J. Smith315 1622Master Ralph Layne. LIB. I. ] . . them a friendly answer, which they answered with a song we thought for welcome, but he told vs they came to fight. Presently they did let flie their Arrowes about the boat, but did no hurt, the other boat scouring the shore we landed: but they all were fled, and how to finde them wee knew not. So the next morning we returned to the mouth of the riuer, that cost vs foure dayes rowing vp, and here our dogs pottage stood vs in good stead, for we had nothing els: the next day we fasted being wind-bound, and could not passe the sound, but the day following we came to Chip- panum, where the people were fled, but their w[e]ires afforded vs fish: thus being neare spent, the next day God brought vs to Roanocke. I conclude a good Mine, or the South sea will make this Country quickly inhabited, and so for pleasure and profit comparable with any in the world: otherwise there will be nothing worth the fetching. Provided there be found. a better harbour then yet there is, which must be North- ward if there be any. Master Vaughan no lesse hoped of the goodnesse of the Mine, then Master Heriot that the riuer Moratocks head, either riseth by the Bay of Mexico, or very neare the South Sea, or some part that openeth neare the same, which cannot with that facilitie be done as from the Bay of Pearles, by insconsing foure dayes. iourney to the Chawonoks, Mangoaks, and Moratocks, &c. The conspiracy of Pemissapan; the Discouery of it; and our returne for England with Sir Francis Drake. Nsenore, a Saluage, father to Pemissapan, the best friend we had after the death of Granganimco, when I was in those Discoueries, could not prevaile any thing with the King from destroy- ing vs, that all this time God had preserued by his good counsell to the King to be friendly vnto vs. Pemissapan thinking as the bru[i]te was, in this last iourney we were [1586] The great the river currant of Moratoc 316 . The Discoveries and Accidents LIB. I. [Ralph Lane1586. [1586] The Con- spiracy of Pemissapan. The death of a most rare Salvage. slaine and starued, began to blaspheme our God that would suffer it, and not defend vs, so that old Ensenore had no more credit for vs: for he began by all the deuises he could to inuade vs. But in the beginning of this bru[i]te, when they saw vs all returne, the report false, [8] and had Manteo, and three Saluages more with vs, how little we esteemed all the people we met, and feared neither hunger, killing, or any thing, and had brought their greatest Kings sonne prisoner with vs to Roanock: it a little asswaged all his deuises, and brought Ensenore in respect againe, that our God was good, and wee their friends, and our foes should perish, for we could doe them more hurt being dead, then liuing, and that being an hundred myles from them, shot, and strucke them sicke to death, and that when we die it is but for a time then we returne againe. But that which wrought the most feare among them was the handy-worke of Almightie God. For certaine dayes after my returne, Menatonon sent messengers to me with Pearle, and Okisco King of Weopomcoke, to yeeld him- selfe seruant to the Queene of England. Okisco with twenty-foure of his principall men came to Pemissapan to acknowledge this dutie and subiection, and would performe it. All which so changed the heart of Pemissapan, that vpon the aduise of Ensenore, when we were ready to famish they came and made vs w[e]ires, and planted their fields they intended to abandon (we not hauing one corne till the next haruest to sustaine vs). This being done our old friend Ensenore dyed the twenty of April [1586], then all our enemies wrought with Pemissapan to put in practise his deuises, which he easily imbraced, though they had planted corne by vs, and at Dasamonpeack two leagues from vs. Yet they got Okisco our tributary to get seuen or eight hundred (and the Man- doages with the Chisapeans should doe the like) to meete (as their custome is) to solemnize the Funeral of Ensenore. Halfe of whom should lye hid, to cut off the straglers, seeking crabs and prouision: the rest come out of the mayne vpon the Signall by fire. Twenty of the principall of Pemissapans men had charge in the night to beset my house, put fire in the Reeds that couered it ; Ed. by J. Smith. 1622. 317 LIB. I. of Captaine Philip Amidas. which might cause me run out so naked and amazed, they might without danger knocke out my braines. The same order for Master Heriots, and the rest: for all should haue beene fired at an instant. In the meane time they should sell vs nothing, and in the night spoyle our w[e]ires, to make necessitie disperse vs. For if we were but ten together, a hundred of them would not meddle with vs. So our famine increased, I was forced to send Captaine. Stafford to Croatan, with twentie to feed himselfe, and see if he could espie any sayle passe the coast; Master Predeox with ten to Hatarask vpon the same occasion: and other small parties to the Mayne to liue vpon rootes and Oysters. Pemissapan sequestring himselfe [that] I should not impor- tune him for victuall, and to draw his troupes, found not the Chawonests so forward as he expected, being a people more faithfull and powerfull, and desired our friendships, and was offended with him for raising such tales, and all his proiects. were revealed to me by Skico my prisoner; who finding himselfe as well vsed by me as Pemissapan, tould me all. [1586] These troubles caused me send to Pemissapan, to put suspition in his head, I was to goe presently to Croatan to meete a Fleete [that] came to me, though I knew no such matter: and that he would lend me men to fish and hunt. He sent me word he would come himselfe to Roanock; but delaying time eight dayes that all his men were there to be assembled, not liking so much company, I resolued the next day to goe [and] visit him, but first to giue them in the Ile a Canvisado, and at an instant to seaze on all their Canows about the Ile. But the towne tooke the Alarum before I ment it. ment it. For when I sent to take the Canows, he met one going from the shore, ouerthrew her and cut off two Salvages heads; wherevpon the cry arose, A slaughter being by their spyes perceiued: for they kept as good watch over vs, as we of them. Vpon this they to their Bowes, and we to our Armes: three or foure of them at the first were slaine, the rest fled into the woods. The next morning I went to Dassamonpeack, and sent Pemissapan word I was going to Croatan, and tooke him in my way to complaine [that] Osocon would haue stole my prisoner Skico. Herevpon he did abide my comming, and being of two Salvages. 318 The Discoveries and Accidents LIB. I. [Ralph Lane. 1586[1586] . among eight of the principallest, I gaue the watchword to my men, and immediately they had that they purposed [9] for vs. Himselfe being shot through with a Pistoll fell Pemissapan downe as dead, but presently start vp and ran away from them all, till an Irish Boy shot him over the buttocks, where they tooke him and cut off his head. slaine and 8. others 11 June 15561 Seauen dayes after Captaine Stafforton sent to me he descryed twentie-three Sayle. The next day came to me himselfe (of whom I must say this, from the first to the last, he neither spared labour, or perill by land or sea, fayre weather or foule, to performe any serious seruice committed to him.) He brought me a letter from Sir Francis Drake, whose generous mind offered to supply all my defects, of shipping, boats, munition, victuall, clothes, and men to further this action: and vpon good consulta- Courtesie of tion an deliberation, he appointed me a ship of 70. tuns, Sir Francis with an hundred men, and foure moneths victuals, two A most Drake. Virginia abandoned 118 June 1586]. Pinnaces, foure small Boats, with two sufficient Masters, with sufficient Gangs. All this being made ready for me, suddenly arose such a storme for foure dayes, that had like to haue driuen the whole Fleete on shore: many of them were forced to the Sea, whereof my ship so lately giuen me was one, with all my prouision and Company appoynted. Notwithstanding, the storme ceasing, the Generall appointed me a ship of 170. tuns, with all prouisions as before, to carry me into England the next August, or when I had performed such Discoueries as I thought fit. Yet they durst not vndertake to bring her into the harbour, but she must ride in the road, leauing the care of the rest to my selfe, advising me to consider with my Company what was fittest, and with my best speed returne him answer. Herevpon calling my Company together, who were all as priuy of the Generals offer as my selfe; their whole request was, (in regard of all those former miseries, and no hope of the returne of Sir Richard Grenvill,) and with a generall consent, they desired me to vrge him, we might all goe with him for England in his Fleete; for whose reliefe in that storme he had sustained more perill of wrack, then in all his honorable actions against his enemies. Ed. by J. Smith319 1622] :. LIB. I. of Captaine Philip Amidas. . So with prayses to God we set sayle in Iune 1586. and arriued in Portsmouth the 27. of Iuly the same yeare: Leaving this remembrance to posteritie. To reason lend me thine attentiue eares, Exempt thy selfe from mind-distracting cares: Least that's here thus protected for thy good; By thee reiected be, ere understood. Written by Master Ralph Layne, Governour. [1586] The Observations of Master Thomas Heriot in this Voyage. VV For Marchandize and Victualls. ties. Hat before is writ, is also confirmed by that learned Mathematician Master Thomas Heriot, with them in the Country, whose particular Relation of all the Beasts, Birds, Fishes, Commodi- Foules, Fruites, and Rootes, and how they may be vsefull; because I haue writ it before for the most part in the Discourse[s] of Captaine Amidas, and Captaine Layne, except Silk grasse, Worme silke, Flax like Hempe, Allum, Wapeith or Terra sigillata, Tar, Rosen, and Turpentine, Civet-cats, Iron ore, Copper that held Silver, Coprose and Pearle Let those briefes suffice, because I would not trouble you with one thing twice. Dyes. For Dyes, Showmack, the herbe Wasebur, little rootes Dyes. called Chapacor, and the barke of a tree called by the Inhabitants Tangomockonominge, which are for divers sorts of Reds. What more then is related is an herbe in Dutch called A strange Melden, described like an Orange, growing foure foote high; Salt. 320 Fe The Observations of [LIB. I. Hariot. Feb. 1588. T. ' [1585-6] the seede will make good broth, and the [10] stalke burnt to ashes makes a kinde of Salt: other Salt they know not, and we vsed of it for Pot-herbs. Of their Tobacco we found plenty, which they esteeme their chiefe Physicke. Rootes. Fruits thats strange. Beasts extra- ordinary. Fish. Foules. Ground nuts, Tiswaw we call China roots; they grow in clusters, and bring forth a bryer stalke, but the leafe is far vnlike, which will climbe vp to the top of the highest tree: the vse knowne is to cut it in small peeces, then stampe and straine it with water, and boyled makes a gelly good to eate. Cassavia growes in Marishes, which the Indians oft vse for bread and broth. Habascon is like a Parsnip, naught of it selfe, except compounded: and their Leekes like those in England. Sequenummener, a kinde of Berry like Capers, and three kinde of Berries like Acornes, called Sagatamenor, Osame- nor, and Pummuckoner. Saquenuckot and Maquowoc, two kinde of beasts, greater then Conies, and very good meate; in some places such plenty of gray Conies, like hayres, that all the people make them mantels of their skins. I haue the names of 28. severall sorts that are dispersed in the Country: of which 12. kindes we haue discouered and good to eate; but the Salvages sometimes kill a Lyon and eate him. There is plentie of Sturgeon in February, March, Aprill, and May; all Herings in abundance; some such as ours, but the most part of 18. 20. or 24. ynches long, and more. Trouts, Porpisses, Rayes, Mullets, Old-wiues, Plaice, Tortoises both by Sea and Land: Crabs, Oysters, Mussels, Scalops, Periwinckles, Crevises, Secanank: we haue the Pictures of 12. sorts more, but their names we know not. Turkyes, Stockdoues, Partridges, Cranes, Hernes, Swans, Geese, Parrots, Faulcons, Merlins. I haue the names in their language of 86. severall sorts. Their woods are such as ours in England for the most part, except Rakeock, a great sweet tree, whereof they make their Canowes: and Ascopo, a kinde of tree like Lowrell, and Saxefras. Their Natures and Manners. Their Clothing, Townes, Houses, Warres, Arts, Tooles, handy crafts, and educations, are much like them in that part of Virginia we now [1607-1624] inhabite: which at Ed. by J. Smith321 1622. Lib. I. ] LIB. Master Thomas Heriot. . large you may reade in the Description thereof [pp. 44-84, [1585–6] 343-380]. But the relation of their Religion is strange, as this Author reporteth. Religion. How the world was Some Religion they haue, which although it be farre Their from the truth, yet being as it is, there is hope it may be the easier reformed. They beleeue there are many gods. which they call Mantoac, but of different sorts and degrees. Also that there is one chiefe God that hath beene from all eternitie, who as they say when he purposed first to make the world, made first other gods of a principall order, to be as instruments to be vsed in the Creation and govern- ment to follow: And after the Sunne, Moone, and Starres, as pettie gods; and the instruments of the other order more principall. First (they say) were made waters, out of which by the gods were made all diversitie of creatures that are visible or invisible. made. was made. For mankinde they say a Woman was made first, which How man by the working of one of the gods conceiued and brought forth children; and so they had their beginning, but how many yeares or ages since they know not; having no Records but onely Tradition from Father to sonne. They thinke that all the gods are of humane shape, and therefore represent them by Images in the formes of men; which they call Kewasowok: one alone is called Kewasa ; them they place in their Temples, where they worship, pray, sing, and make many offerings. The common sort thinke them also gods. They beleeue the immortalitie of the Soule, when life departing from the body, according to the good or bad workes it hath done, it is carried vp to the Tabernacles of the gods, to perpetuall happinesse, or to Popogusso, a great pit: which they thinke to be at the furthest parts of the world, where the Sunne sets, and there burne continually. To confirme this they told me of two men that had beene lately dead, and revived [11] againe; the one hapned but few yeares before our comming into the country; of a bad man, which being dead and buried, the next day the earth over him being seene to moue, was taken vp, who told them his soule was very neare entering into Popogusso, had not one of the gods saued him and gaue him leaue to returne againe, to teach his friends what ENG. SCH. LIB. No. 16. 2I How they vse their gods. Whether after death they goe Two men death. risen from ~322 1588. The Observations of LIB. I. [Feb. . T. Hariot[1585-6] they should doe to avoyd such torment. The subtiltie of their Priests. Their The other hapned the same yeare we were there, but sixtie myles from vs, which they told me for news, that one being dead, buried, and taken vp as the first, shewed, that although his body had layne dead in the graue, yet his soule liued, and had travailed far in a long broad way, on both sides whereof grew more sweet, fayre, and delicate trees and fruits, then ever he had seene before; at length he came to most braue and fayre houses, neare which he met his Father, that was dead long agoe, who gaue him charge to goe backe, to shew his friends what good there was to doe, to inioy the pleasures of that place; which when hee had done hee should come againe. What subtiltie so ever be in the Weroances, and Priests ; this opinion worketh so much in the common sort, that they haue great respect to their Governours: and as great care to avoyde torment after death, and to enioy blisse. Yet they haue divers sorts of punishments according to the offence, according to the greatnesse of the fact. And this is the sum of their Religion, which I learned by having speciall familiaritie with their Priests, wherein they were not so sure grounded, nor gaue such credit, but through conversing with vs, they were brought into great doubts of their owne, and no small admiration of ours: of which many desired to learne more then we had meanes for want of vtterance in their Language to expresse. Most things they saw with vs as Mathematical Instru- ments, Sea-Compasses; the vertue of the Loadstone, Perspectiue Glasses, burning Glasses: Clocks to goe of themselues; Bookes, writing, Guns, and such like; so far exceeded their capacities, that they thought they were rather the workes of gods then men; or at least the gods had taught vs how to make them, which loued vs so much better then them; and caused many of them [to] giue credit to what we spake concerning our God. In all places where I came, I did my best to make his immortall glory knowne. And I told them, although the Bible I shewed them, contained all; yet of it selfe, it was not of any such vertue as I thought they did conceiue. Notwithstanding many would be glad to touch it, to kisse, and imbrace it, to hold it to their breasts and heads, and stroke all their body over with it. Ed. by J. Smith1622323 . Master Thomas Heriot. LIB. I. ] . of salvation. The King Wingina where we dwelt, would oft be with [1585–6] ys at Prayer. Twice he was exceeding sicke and like to Their desire dye. And doubting of any helpe from his Priests, thinking he was in such danger for offending vs and our God, sent for some of vs to pray, and be a meanes to our God, he might liue with him after death. And so did many other in the like case. One other strange Accident (leauing others) will I mention before I end, which mooued the whole Country that either. knew or heard of vs, to haue vs in wonderfull admiration. Accident. There was no Towne where they had practised any A villany against vs (we leaving it vnpunished, because we wonderfull sought by all possible meanes to winne them by gentlenes) but within a few dayes after our departure, they began to dye; in some Townes twenty, in some forty, in some sixty, and in one an hundred and twenty, which was very many in respect of their numbers. And this hapned in no place (we could learn) where we had bin, but where they had vsed some practise to betray vs. And this disease was so strange, they neither knew what it was, nor how to cure it ; nor had they knowne the like time out of minde; a thing specially observed by vs, as also by themselues, in so much that some of them who were our friends, especially Wingina, had observed such effects in foure or fiue Townes, that they were perswaded it was the worke of God through our meanes: and that we by him might kill and slay whom we would, without weapons, and not come [12] neare them. And therevpon, when they had any vnderstanding, that any of their enemies abused vs in our Iourneyes, they would intreat vs, we would be a meanes to our God, that they, as the others that had dealt ill with vs, might dye in like sort: although we shewed them their requests were vngodly; and that our GOD would not subiect himselfe to any such requests of men, but all things as he pleased came to passe: and that we to shew our selues his true servants, ought rather to pray for the contrary: yet because the effect fell out so suddenly after, according to their desires, they thought it came to passe by our meanes, and would come giue vs thankes in their manner, that though we satisfied them not in words, yet in deeds we had fulfilled their desires. 324 The Observations of Master T. Heriot. LIB. I. [Feb. T. Hariot1588. . [1585–6] Their strange opinions. This marueilous Accident in all the Country wrought so strange opinions of vs, that they could not tell whether to thinke vs gods or men. And the rather that all the space of their sicknesse, there was no man of ours knowne to die, or much sicke. They noted also we had no women, nor cared for any of theirs: some therefore thought we were not borne of women, and therefore not mortall, but that we were men of an old generation many yeares past, and risen againe from immortalitie. Some would Prophesie there were more of our generation yet to come, to kill theirs and take their places. Those that were to come after vs they imagined to be in the ayre, yet invisible and without bodies: and that they by our intreaties, for loue of vs, did make the people die as they did, by shooting invisible bullets into them. To confirme this, their Physicians to excuse their Ignor- ance in curing the disease, would make the simple people beleeue, that the strings of bloud they sucked out of the sicke bodies, were the strings wherein the invisible bullets were tyed, and cast. Some thought we shot them our selues from the place where we dwelt, and killed the people that had offended vs, as we listed, how farre distant soever. And others said it was the speciall worke of God for our sakes, as we had cause in some sort to thinke no lesse, whatsoever some doe, or may imagine to the contrary; especially some Astrologers by the eclipse of the Sunne we saw that yeare [1584] before our Voyage, and by a Comet which began to appeare but a few dayes before the sick- nesse began: but to exclude them from being the speciall causes of so speciali an Accident, there are farther reasons then I thinke fit to present or alledge. These their opinions I haue set downe, that you may see there is hope to imbrace the truth, and honor, obey, feare and loue vs, by good dealing and government: though some of our company towards the latter end, before we came away with Sir Francis Drake shewed themselues too furious, in slaying some of the people in some Townes, vpon causes that on our part might haue bin borne with more mildnesse; notwithstanding they iustly had deserued it. The best neverthelesse in this, as in all actions besides, is to be indevoured and hoped; and of the worst that may Ed. by J. Smith.] LIB. I. Sir R. Grenvils second Voyage. 325 : happen, notice to be taken with consideration; and as [1585–6] much as may be eschewed; the better to allure them here- after to Civilitie and Christianitie. Thus you may see, How Nature her selfe delights her selfe in sundry Instruments, That sundry things be done to decke the earth with Ornaments; Nor suffers she her servants all should runne one race, But wills the walke of every one frame in a divers pace; That divers wayes and divers workes, the world might better grace. Written by Thomas Heriot, one of the Voyage. Palling. . How Sir Richard Grenvill went to relieue them. N the yeare of our Lord 1586. Sir Walter Raleigh 1586. and his Associates prepared a ship of a hundred tun, fraughted plentifully of all things neces- sary but before [13] they set sayle from England it was Easter [3 April]. And arriving at Hatorask, they after some time spent in seeking the Collony vp in the Country, and not finding them, returned with all the provision againe to England. About 14. or 15. dayes after, Sir Richard Grenvill ac- companied with three ships well appoynted, arrived there. Who not finding the aforesaid ship according to his expectation, nor hearing any newes of the Collony there. seated, and left by him as is said 1585. travailing vp and downe to seeke them, but when he could heare no newes of them, and found their habitation abandoned, vnwilling to lose the possession of the Country, after good delibera- tion he landed fiftie men in the Ile of Roanoak, plentifully furnished with all manner of provision for two yeares: Sir Richard and so returned for England. Grenvill left fiftie men. 326 LIB. I. [1587. The Observations of [1586-7] Master White his Voyages. 1587. Councell slaine. Where many began strangely to discant of those crosse beginnings, and him; which caused me remember an old saying of Euripides. Who broacheth ought thats new, to fooles vntaught, Himselfe shall iudged be vnwise, and good for naught. 殺 ​Three Ships more sent to relieue them by W Master White. E went the old course by the west Indies, and Simon Ferdinando our continuall Pilot mistaking Virginia for Cape Fear, we fayled not much to haue beene cast away, vpon the conceit of our all-knowing Ferdinando, had it not beene prevented by the vigilancy of Captaine Stafford. We came to Hatorask the 22. of Iuly [1587], and with fortie of our best men, intending at Roanoack to find the 50 men left by Sir Richard Grenvill. But we found nothing but the bones of a man, and where the Plantation had beene, the houses vnhurt, but overgrowne with weeds, and the Fort defaced; which much perplexed vs. By the History it seemes Simon Ferdinando did what he could to bring this voyage to confusion; but yet they all arrived at Hatorask. They repayred the old houses at One of the Roano[a]ck, and Master George How, one of the Councell, stragling abroad, was slaine by the Salvages. Not long after Master Stafford with 20. men went to Croatan with Manteo, whose friends dwelled there: of whom we thought to haue some newes of our 50 men. They at first made shew to fight, but when they heard Manteo, they threw away their Armes, and were friends, and desired there might be a token giuen to be knowne by, least we might hurt them by misprision, as the yeare before one had bin by Master Layne, that was ever their friend, and there present yet lame. Ed. by J. Smith327 1622Master Iohn VVhite. LIB. I. , . The next day we had conference with them concerning the people of Secotan, Aquascogoc, and Pomeiok, willing them of Croatan to see if they would accept our friendship, and renew our old acquaintance: which they willingly imbraced, and promised to bring their King and Gover- nours to Roanoak, to confirme it. We also vnderstood that Master Howe was slaine by the men of Wingina, of Dassamonpeack: and by them of Roanoack, that the fiftie men left by Sir Richard Grenvill, were suddainly set vpon by three hundred of Secotan, Aquascogoc, and Dassamonpeack. First they intruded themselues among II of them by friendship, one they slew, the rest retyring to their houses, they set them on fire, that our men with what came next to hand were forced to make their passage among them; where one of them was shot in the mouth, and presently dyed, and a Salvage slaine by him. On both sides more. were hurt; but our men retyring to the water side, got their boat, and ere they had rowed a quarter of a myle. towards Hatorask, they tooke vp foure of their fellowes, gathering Crabs and Oysters: at last they landed on a little Ile by Hatorask, where they remained a while, but after departed they [14] knew not whether. So taking our leaues of the Croatans, we came to our Fleet at Hatorask. The Governour having long expected the King and Governours of Pomeiok, Secotan, Aquascogoc, and Dassamon- peack, and the 7. dayes expired, and no newes of them; being also informed by those of Croatan, that they of Dassamonpeack slew Master How, and were at the driving [of] our men from Roanoack he thought no longer to deferre the revenge. Wherefore about midnight, with Captaine Stafford, and twentie-foure men, whereof Manteo was one, for our guide, (that behaved himselfe towards vs as a most faithfull English man) he set forward. [1587] How the were slaine. fiftie men misprision The next day by breake of day we landed, and got An ill beyond their houses, where seeing them sit by the fire we assaulted them. The miserable soules amazed fled into the Reeds, where one was shot through, and we thought to haue beene fully revenged, but we were deceiued, for they were our friends come from Croatan to gather their corne, because they vnderstood our enemies were fled after the death of Master How, and left all behinde them for 328 . The Observations of . LIB. I. [[1587] A child borne in Virginia. A contro- versie who to send for Factor to England. 159Г? L1587the birds. But they had like to haue payd too deare for it, had we not chanced vpon a Weroances wife, with a childe at her backe, and a Salvage that knew Captaine Stafford, that ran to him calling him by his name. Being thus disappointed of our purpose, we gathered the fruit we found ripe, left the rest vnspoyled, and tooke Menatonon his wife with her childe, and the rest with vs to Roanoak. Though this mistake grieued Manteo, yet he imputed it to their own folly, because they had not kept promise to come to the governor at the day appointed. The 13. of August our Salvage Manteo was Christened, and called Lord of Dassamonpeack, in reward of his faithfulnesse. And the 18th, Ellinor the Governours daughter, and wife to Ananias Dare, was delivered of a daughter in Roanoak; which being the first Christian there borne, was called Virginia. Our ships being ready to depart, such a storme arose, as the Admirall was forced to cut her Cables: and it was six dayes ere she could recover the shore, that made vs doubt she had beene lost, because the most of her best men were on shore. At this time Controversies did grow betwixt our Governour and the Assistants, about choosing one of them 12. to goe as Factor for them all to England; for all refused save one, whom all men thought most insufficient: the Conclusion. was by a generall consent, they would haue the Governour goe himselfe, for that they thought none would so truly procure the[i]re supplyes as he. Which though he did what he could to excuse it, yet their importunitie would not cease till he vndertooke it, and had it vnder all their hands how vnwilling he was, but that necessity and reason did doubly constraine him. At their setting sayle for England, waighing Anchor, twelue of the men in the flyboat were throwne from the Capstern, by the breaking of a barre, and most of them so hurt, that some never recovered it. The second time they had the like fortune, being but 15. they cut the Cable and kept company with their Admirall to Flowres and Coruos; the Admirall stayed there looking for purchase: but the flyboats men grew so weake they were driuen to Smerwick in the West of Ireland. The Governour went for England; and Simon Ferdinando with much adoe at last arrived at Portsmouth. 1587. Ed. by J. Smith329 1622Master Iohn VVhite. LIB. I. . . The Names of those [who] were landed in this Plantation were, Iohn White Governour. Roger Bayley. Ananias Dare. Simon Ferdinando. Christopher Couper. Thomas Stevens. Iohn Samson. Thomas Smith. Dionis Haruie. Roger Prat. George How. Antony Cage. With divers others to the number of about 115. [15] [1587-9] The fift Voyage to Virginia; undertaken by Master Iohn VVhite. 1589. He 20. of March three ships went from Plimouth, and passed betwixt Barbary and Mogadoro to Dominico in the West Indies. After we had After we had done some exployts in those parts, the third of August [1587] wee fell with the low sandy Iles westward of Wokokon. But by reason of ill weather it was the II, ere we could Anchor there; and on the 12. we came to Croatan, where is a great breach in 35 degrees and a halfe, in the Northeast poynt of the Ile. The 15. we came to Hatorask in 36. degrees and a terse, at 4. fadom, 3. leagues from shore: where we might perceiue a smoake at the place where I left the Colony, 1587. The next morning Captaine Cooke, Captaine Spicer, and their companies, with two boats left our ships, and [we] discharged some Ordnance to giue them notice of our comming, but when we came there, we found no man, nor signe of any that had beene there lately: and so returned to our Boats. The next morning we prepared againe for Roanoack. Master 1589. White his returne to Virginia. 330 . The Observations of 1590LIB. I. [J. J. White. [1589] Captaine Spicer had then sent his Boat ashore for water, so it was ten of the Clocke ere we put from the ships, which rode two myles from the shore. The Admirals boat, being a myle before the other, as she passed the bar, a sea broke into the boat and filled her halfe full of water: but by Gods good will, and the carefull stearage of Captaine Cook, though our provisions were much wet we safe escaped, the wind blew hard at Northeast, which caused so great a current and a breach vpon the barre; Captaine Spicer passed halfe over, but by the indiscreet steering of Ralph Skinner, their boat was overset, the men that could catch hold hung about her, the next sea cast her on ground, where some let goe their hold to wade to shore, but the sea beat them downe. The boat thus tossed vp and downe Spicer and Captaine Spicer and Skinner hung there till they were drowne; but 4. that could swim a little, kept themselues in deeper water, were saued by the meanes of Captaine Cook, that presently vpon the oversetting of their boat, shipped himselfe to saue what he could. Thus of eleuen, seuen of the chiefest were drowned. Captaine seauen others drowned. This so discomfited all the Saylers, we had much to do to get them any more to seeke further for the Planters, but by their Captaines forwardnes at last they fitted themselues againe for Hatorask in 2 boats, with 19 persons. It was late ere we arrived, but seeing a fire through the woods, we sounded a Trumpet, but no answer could we heare. The next morning we went to it, but could see nothing but the grasse, and some rotten trees burning. We went vp and downe the Ile, and at last found three faire Romane Letters carved. C.R.O. which presently we knew to signifie the place where I should find them, according to a secret note betweene them and me: which was to write the name of the place they would be in, vpon some tree, dore, or post: and if they had beene in any distresse, to signifie it by making a crosse over it. For at my depar- ture they intended to goe fiftie myles into the mayne. But we found no signe of distresse; then we went to a place where they were left in sundry houses, but we found them all taken downe, and the place strongly inclosed with a high Palizado, very Fortlike; and in one of the chiefe Posts carued in fayre capitall Letters CROATAN, Ed. by J. Smith331 1622Master Iohn VVhite. Lib. I. LIB. . . [1589] They finde where they had buryed without any signe of distresse, and many barres of Iron, two pigs of Lead, foure Fowlers, Iron shot, and such like heauie things throwne here and there, overgrowne with grasse and weeds. We went by the shore to seeke for their boats but could find none, nor any of the Ordnance I left them. At last some of the Sailers found divers Chists had beene hidden and digged vp againe, and much their of the goods spoyled, and scattered vp and downe, which provisions. when I saw, I knew three of them to be my owne; but bookes, pictures, and all things els were spoyled. Though it much grieued me, yet it did much comfort me that I did know they were at Croatan; so we returned to our Ships, but had like to haue bin cast away by a great storme that continued all that night. [16] The next morning we weighed Anchor for Croatan: having the Anchor a-pike, the Cable broke, by the meanes whereof we lost another: letting fall the third, the ship yet went so fast a drift, we sayled not much there to haue split. But God bringing vs into deeper water; considering we had but one Anchor, and our provision neare spent, we resolued to goe forthwith to S. Iohns Ile, Hispaniola, or Trinidado, to refresh our selues and seeke for purchase that Winter, and the next Spring come againe to seeke our Country-men. But our Vice Admirall would not, but went directly for England, and we our course for Trinidado. But within two dayes after, the wind changing, we were constrained for the Westerne Iles to refresh our selues, where we met with many of the Queenes ships, our owne consort, and divers others, the 23. of September 1590. And thus we left seeking our Colony, that was neuer any of them found, nor seene to this day 1622. [This fixes the date of the compilation by Smith of this part of the General History &c.] And this was the conclusion of The end this Plantation, after so much time, labour, and charge Plantation. consumed. Whereby we see; Not all at once, nor all alike, nor ever hath it beene, That God doth offer and confer his blessings vpon men. Written by Master Iohn White. of this 332 1602. A briefe Relation of the Description of Elizabeths Ile, and some others towards the North part of Virginia; and what els they discovered in the yeare 1602. by Captaine Bartholomew Gosnoll, and Captaine Bartholomew Gilbert; and divers other Gentlemen their Associates. [1602] 12. yeares it lay dead. LL hopes of Virginia thus abandoned, it lay dead and obscured from 1590. till this. yeare 1602. that Captaine Gosnoll, with 32. and himselfe in a small Barke, set sayle from Dartmouth vpon the 26. of March. Though the wind favoured vs. not at the first, but forced vs as far Southward as the Asores, which was. not much out of our way; we ran directly west from thence, whereby we made our iourney shorter then here- tofore by 500. leagues: the weaknesse of our ship, the badnes of our saylers, and our ignorance of the coast, caused vs carry but a low sayle, that made our passage: longer then we expected. On fryday the 11. of May [1602] we made land, it was some- what low, where appeared certaine hummocks or hills in it: the shore white sand, but very rockie, yet overgrowne with fayre trees. Comming to an Anchor, 8 Indians in a Baske shallop, with mast and sayle came boldly aboord VS. It seemed by their signes and such things as they had, some Biskiners had fished there: being about the latitude of 43. But the harbour being naught, and J. I. The Discoveries of Capt. B. Gosnoll. 333 Oct. LIB. I. Brierton. LIB. 1602. doubting the weather, we went not ashore, but waighed, [1602] and stood to the Southward into the Sea. The next morning we found our selues imbayed with a mightie headland: within a league of the shore we anchored, and Captaine Gosnoll, my selfe, and three others Their first went to it in our boat, being a white sand and a bold coast. landing. Though the weather was hot, we marched to the highest hils we could see, where we perceiued this headland [to be] part of the mayn, neare invironed with Ilands. As we were returning to our ship, a good proper, lusty young man came to vs, with whom we had but small conference, and so we left him. Here in 5. or 6. houres we tooke more Cod then we knew what to doe with, which made vs perswade our selues, there might be found a good fishing in March, Aprill, and May. [17] Vineyard. At length we came among these fayre Iles, some a Martha's league, 2. 3. 5. or 6. from the Mayne, by one of them we anchored. We found it foure myles in compasse, without house or inhabitant. In it is a lake neare a myle in cir- cuit; the rest overgrowne with trees, which so well as the bushes, were so overgrowne with Vines, we could scarce passe them. And by the blossomes we might per- ceiue there would be plenty of Strawberries, Respises, Gousberries, and divers other fruits: besides, Deere and other Beasts we saw, and Cranes, Hernes, with divers other sorts of fowle; which made vs call it Martha's Vineyard. The rest of the Isles are replenished with such like; very rocky, and much tinctured stone like Minerall. Though we met many Indians, yet we could not see their habitations: they gaue vs fish, Tobacco, and such things. as they had. But the next Isle we arrived at was but two leagues Elizabeths from the Maine, and 16. myle about, invironed so with Island. creekes and coves, it seemed like many Isles linked together by small passages like bridges. In it is many places of plaine grasse, and such other fruits, and berries as before were mentioned. In mid-May we did sow Wheat, Barley, Oates, and Pease, which in 14. dayes. sprung vp 9. inches. The soyle is fat and lusty: the crust therof gray, a foot or lesse in depth. It is full of high timbred Okes, their leaues thrise so broad as ours: 334 . The Discoveries and Observations BriertonLIB. I. [Oct. 1602. [1602] Cedar straight and tall, Beech, Holly, Walnut, Hazell, Cherry trees like ours, but the stalke beareth the blossom or fruit thereof like a cluster of Grapes, forty or fiftie in a bunch. There is a tree of Orange colour, whose barke in the filing is as smooth as Velvet. There is a lake of fresh water three myles in compasse, [having] in the midst an Isle containing an acre or thereabout, overgrowne with wood here are many Tortoises, and abundance of all sorts of foules, whose young ones we tooke and eate at our pleasure. Grounds nuts as big as egges, as good as Potatoes, and 40. on a string, not two ynches vnder ground. All sorts of shell-fish, as Schalops, Mussels, Cockles, Crabs, Lobsters, Welks, Oysters, exceeding good and very great; but not to cloy you with particulars, what God and nature hath bestowed on those places, I refer you to the Authors owne writing at large. We called this Isle Elizabeths Isle, from whence we went right over to the mayne, where we stood a while as ravished at the beautie and dilicacy of the sweetnesse, besides divers cleare lakes, whereof we saw no end, and meadows very large and full of greene grasse, &c. Here we espyed 7. Salvages, at first they expressed some feare, but by our courteous vsage of them, they fol- lowed vs to the necke of Land, which we thought had beene severed from the Mayne, but we found it otherwise. Here we imagined was a river, but because the day was farre spent, we left to discover it till better leasure. But of good Harbours, there is no doubt, considering the Land is all rocky and broken lands. The next day we determined to fortifie our selues in the Isle in the lake. Three weekes we spent in building vs there a house. But the second day after our comming from the Mayne, II. Canows with neare 50. Salvages came towards vs. Being vnwilling they should see our building, we went to [them], and exchanged with them Kniues, Hatchets, Beades, Bels, and such trifles, for some Bevers, Lyzards, Martins, Foxes, wilde Catte skinnes, and such A Copper like. We saw them haue much red Copper, whereof they make chaines, collars, and drinking cups, which they so little esteemed they would giue vs for small toyes, and signified vnto vs they had it out of the earth in the Mayne. Mine. Ed. by 335 July 1624. . LIB. I. of Captaine Bartholomew Gosnoll. J. SmithThree dayes they stayed with vs, but every night retyred two or three myle from vs: after with many signes of loue and friendship they departed, seaven of them staying behind, that did helpe vs to dig and carry Saxafras, and doe any thing they could; being of a comely proportion and the best condition of any Salvages we had yet incountred. They haue no Beards but counterfeits, as they did thinke ours also was: for which they would haue changed with some of our men that had great beards. Some of the baser sort would steale; but the better sort, we found very civill and iust. We saw but three of their women, and they were but of meane stature, attyred in skins like the men, [18] but fat and well favoured. The wholesomenesse and temperature of this climate, doth not onely argue the people to be answerable to this Descrip- tion, but also of a perfect constitution of body, actiue, strong, healthfull, and very witty, as the sundry toys by them so cunningly wrought may well testifie. For our selues, we found our selues rather increase in health and strength then otherwise: for all our toyle, bad dyet and lodging; yet not one of vs was touched with any sicknesse. Twelue intended here a while to haue stayed, but vpon better consideration, how meanely we were provided, we left this Island (with as many true sorrowful eyes as were before desirous to see it) the 18. of Iune, and arrived at Exmouth, the 23 of Iuly [1602]. But yet mans minde doth such it selfe explay, As Gods great Will doth frame it every way. And, Such thoughts men haue, on earth that doe but liue, As men may craue, but God doth onely giue. Written by Iohn Brierton one of the Voyage. [1602] Their 336 The Discoveries of Capt. Martin Pring. LIB. I. [R. Salteme 1603. 1603. [1603] A Voyage of Captaine Martin Pring, with two Barks from Bristow, for the North part B of Virginia. 1603. Y the inducements and perswasions of Master Richard Hackluite, Master Iohn Whitson being Maior, with his brethren the Aldermen, and most of the Merchants of the Citie of Bristow, raised a stocke of 1000l. to furnish out two Barkes, the one of 50. tuns, with 30. men and boyes, the other 26. tuns, with 13. men and boyes, having Martin Pring an vnderstanding Gentleman, and a sufficient Mariner for Captaine, and Robert Salterne his Assistant, who had bin with Captaine Gosnoll there the yeare before for Pilot. Though they were much crossed by contrary windes vpon the coast of England, and the death of that ever most memorable miracle of the world, our most deare soveraigne Lady and Queene Elizabeth; yet at last they passed by the westerne Isles, and about the 7. of Iune [1603], fell vpon the north part of Virginia, about the degrees of fortie three. Where they found plentie of most sorts of fish, and saw a high country full of great woods of sundry sorts. As they ranged the coast at a place they named Whitson Bay, they were kindly vsed by the Natiues, that came to them, in troupes, of tens, twenties, and thirties, and sometimes more. But because in this Voyage for most part they followed the course of Captaine Gosnoll, and haue made no re- lation but to the same effect he writ before, we will thus conclude; Lay hands vnto this worke with all thy wit, But pray that God would speed and perfit it. Robert Salterne. Ed. by 1624.. July . LIB. I. The Discoveries of Capt. G. Waymouth. 337 J. SmithA relation of a Discovery towards the Northward 1605. of Virginia, by Captaine George Waymouth 1605. imployed thether by the right Honorable Thomas Arundell, Baron of Warder, in the Raigne of our most royall King I AMES. Pon tuesday the fift of March we set sayle from Ratcliffe, but by contrary winds we were forced into Dartmouth till the last of this moneth, then with 29. as good sea men, and all neces- sary provisions as could possibly be gotten, we put [19] to sea; and the 24 of Aprill fell with Flowres and Coruos. [1605] We intended as we were directed towards the South- ward of 39. But the winds so crossed vs wee fell more Northwards about 41. and 20. minuits, we sounded at 100. fathom, and by that we had run 6 leagues we had but 5. yet saw no land; from the mayne top we descryed a whitish sandy clift, West North-west some 6. leagues from vs, but ere we had run two leagues further we found Dangerous many shoules and breaches, sometimes in 4. fadom and shoules. the next throw 15. or 18. Being thus imbayed among those shoules, we were constrained to put back againe, which we did with no small danger, though both the winde and weather were as fayre as we could desire. Thus we parted from the Land, which we had not before so much desired, and at the first sight reioyced, as now we all ioyfully praysed God that he had delivered vs from so eminent danger. Here we found excellent Cod, and whales. saw many Whales as we had done 2. or 3. daies before. Being thus constrained to put to sea, the want of wood and water caused vs to take the best advantage of the winde, to fall with the shore wheresoever: but we found our Sea-cards most directly false. The 17. of May we made the Land againe, but it blew so hard, we durst not approach it. The next day [18 May 1605] it appeared to vs a mayne high land, but we found it an Island of 6. myles in compasse: within a league of it we came to an anchor, and went on shore for wood and water, of which we found ENG. SCI. LIB. No. 16. Cod and 22 338 . The Discoveries and Observations 1605[1605] Their first landing. Pentecost harbour. The Captains diligence. LIB. I. J. Rosier. 1. [J. sufficient. The water gushing forth downe the rocky clifts in many places, which are all overgrown with Firre, Birch, Beech, and Oke, as the Verge is with Gousberries, Strawberries, wild Pease, and Rose bushes, and much. foule of divers sorts that breed among the rockes: here as in all places els where we came, we found Cod enough. From hence we might discerne the mayne land and very high mountaines, the next day because we rode too open to the Sea, we waighed, and came to the Isles adioyning to the mayn: among which we found an excellent rode, de- fended from all windes, for ships of any burthen, in 6. 7. 8. 9. or 10. fadom vpon aclay oze. This was vpon a Whitsonday [19 May 1605], wherefore we called it Pentecost Harbour. 7.8. Here I cannot omit for foolish feare of imputation of flattery, the painfull industry of our Captaine, who as at Sea he was alwayes most carefull and vigilant, so at land he refused no paines: but his labour was ever as much or rather more then any mans; which not onely incouraged others with better content, but also effected much with great expedition. We digged a Garden the 22. of May, where among our garden-seeds we sowed Pease and Barley, which in 16. dayes grew vp 8. ynches, although this was but the crust of the ground, and much inferiour to the mould we after found in the mayne. After we had taken order for all our necessary businesses, we marched through two of these Isles. The biggest was 4. or 5. myles in compasse; we found here all sorts of ordinary trees, besides, Vines, Currants, Spruce, Yew, Angelica, and divers gummes: in so much many of our company wished themselues setled here. Vpon the 30. our Captaine with 13. went to discover the mayne: we in the ship espyed 3. Canowes that came towards the ship. Which after they had well viewed, one of them came aboord with 3. men, and by our good vsage of them not long after the rest, two dayes we had their companies, in all respects they are but like them at Elizabeth's Isles, therefore this may suffice for their description. In this time. our Captain had discovered a fayre river, trending into the mayne 40. myles, and returned backe to bring in the ship. The Salvages also kept their words and brought vs 40. Bever, Otter, and sable skins, for the value of 5. shillings in Ed. by J. Smith. LIB. I. of Captaine George Waymouth. July 1621] Smith.] 339 [1605] with the kniues, glasses, combes, and such toyes, and thus we vsed them so kindly as we could, because we intended to inhabit in Trade their Country: they lying aboord with vs and we ashore with Salvages. them; but it was but as changing man for man as hostages, and in this manner many times we had their companies. At last they desired our Captaine to goe with them to the mayne to trade with their Bashabes, which is their chiefe Lord, which we did, our boat well manned with [20] 14. yet would they row faster with 3. Ores in their Canowes then we with 8. but when we saw our old acquaint- ance would not stay aboord vs as before for hostage, but did what they could to draw vs into a narrow cirke [creek], we exchanged one Owen Griffin with them for a yong fellow of theirs, that he might see if he could discover any trechery: trechery. as he did, for he found there assembled 283. Salvages with bowes and arrows, but not any thing at all to trade as they pretended. Their These things considered, we conceited them to be but as all Salvages ever had beene, kinde till they found opportunitie to do mischiefe. Wherefore we determined. to take some of them, before they should suspect we had discovered their plot, lest they should absent them- selues from vs: so the first that ever after came into the ship were three which we kept, and two we tooke on shore with much adoe, with two Canowes, their bowes and arrowes. surprised. Some time we spent in sounding all the Isles, channels, and inlets thereabouts; and we found 4. severall waies a ship might be brought into this Bay. In the interim there came 2. Canowes more boldly aboord vs, signifying we should bring our ship to the place where he dwelt to trade. We excused our selues why we could not, but used them kindly, yet got them away with all the speed we could that they should not be perceiued by them in the houle [hold]; then we went vp the river 26. myles: of which I had rather not write, then by my relation detract from it, it is in breadth a myle, neare 40. myles; and a chan- nell of 6. 7. 8. 9. or 10. fadom, and on both sides every halfe myle gallant Coues, to containe in many of them 100 sayle, where they may lye on Oze without Cable or Anchor, onely mored with a Hanser, and it floweth 18. foot, that you may make, docke, or carine ships with much Fiue Salvages A descrip- river. tion of the 340 The Discoveries of Capt. G. Waymouth. LIB. I. [J Rosier1605. . [1605] facilitie besides the land is most rich, trending all along on both sides in an equall plaine, neither rocky nor moun- tainous, but verged with a greene border of grasse, doth make tender to the beholder her pleasant fertilitie, if by cleansing away the woods she were converted into meadow. The woods are great, and tall, such as are spoken of in the Islands, and well watered with many fresh springs. Our men that had seene Oranoque so famous in the worlds eares, Reogrande, Loyer, and Slion, report, though they be great and goodly rivers, yet are not comparable to it. Leaving our ship we went higher, till we were 7. myles higher than the salt water flowed; we marched towards the mountains we had seene, but the weather was so hot, and our labour so great, as our Captaine was contented to returne: after we had erected a crosse we left this faire land and river, in which the higher we went the better we liked it, and returned to our ship. By the way we met a Canow that much desired one of our men to go vp to their Basshabes, but we knew their intents, and so turned them off; and though we had both time and provision to haue discovered much more, and might haue found peradventure good trade, yet because our company was but small, we would not hazzard so hopefull a businesse as this was, either for our private, or particular ends, being more regardfull of a publicke good, and promulgating Gods holy Church by planting Christianity, which was the intent of our adventurers so well as ours. Returning by the Isles in the entry of the Sound we called them St. Georges Isles; and because on sunday we set out of England, on sunday also the 16. of Iune we departed hence. When we had run 30. leagues we had 40. fadom, then 70. then 100. After 2. or 3. watches more we were in 24. fadoms, where we tooke so much Cod as we did know what to doe with, and the 18. of Iuly (1605] came to Dartmouth, and all our men as well God be thanked as when they went forth. Thus may you see; God hath not all his gifts bestowed on all or any one, Words sweetest, and wits sharpest, courage, strength of bone; All rarities of minde and parts doc all concurre in none. Written by Iames Rosier, one of the Voyage. [21] 7 341 [The Generall Historie of Virginia, New England, & the Summer Isles. THE SECOND Воок. I 624. A reprint, with variations, of the First Part of The Map of Virginia, 1612.] Their CAS triumph about him C.Sath bound tato be phott to death Ci St How they tooke bom prisoner in the oaze 1607 Sath bindeth a faluageto his arme, fightach with the King of Bamaunkee and all his company, and flew of them. 3 A Conturer. Their Idoll A Preist Their Consuration about C-Smith 1607 A defcription of part of the ad= ventures of Capy Smith in Virginia. Howard's Mountaynes Ohanack Ramu/honog Salvage Rocke Beauchamps playne Chawanok fle: Alice 35 Mountagnes forest OULD Masons bushe VIR Cawrauock Pananaloc Waldens oake LD Lenox rock Mangoack Richmonds steps GI Nistoc Secota Stuards reach NT Anadates chafe Bedfords valley Moratuck flu: BATOR Metocaum Catoking Smith- Setuoc Purchace lles Mecopen Maraton Cotan Ceals Harbor = fold Segars grove Chyfapeack 309 309 CSmith taketh the King of Pamavakee prifoner 1608 The Country wee now call Virginia beginneth at Cape Henry diftant from Roanoack 60 miles, where was S. Walter Raleigh's plantation. and because the people differ very little from them of Powhatan in any thing, I have inferted those figures in this place becauſe of the conveniency. 310 Davers le Abigails Ile feare Salvage Lle Gordens Il Jays Hygod P.Box Abbo Paquinip Hation Tamaqueack Layn flu: Romelock Заторогие P. Vaughan Ale Greenevills rode Roanoak Eys ex Ile Hertfords Ile Amides Mafcoming Chepanu Heriots Ile Townfrews and Adams Sound Pafquenock Mildmaids roade PCorbett Pridmaid's Henry Bacon Guade Trundelis Ile Worcester inlet Barkley 300 www.ww CARLOT damus A Scale of 10 Leauges. 2-3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Vincere viuere Graven and extracted out of generall history of Virginia, New England, and Sommer-Iles, by Robert Vaughan. printed by Tames Rev King Powhatan comands CiSmith to be faine, his daughter Pokahontas beggs his life hes thankfullness and how he fubiected 39 of their hings. reade history. 35 CiSmith takes the King of Paipahegh prifoner. A 3609. 343 : The second Booke. THE SIXT VOYAGE. 1 60 6. 1606. I To another part of Virginia,where now are Planted our English Colonies, Whom God increase and preserue: Discovered and Described by Captain IOHN SMITH, Sometimes Governour of the Countrey. BB Y these former relations you may see [1606-7 what inconveniences still crossed those good intents, and how great a matter it was all this time to finde but a Har- bour, although there be so many. But this Virginia is a Country in America 47.1 betweene the degrees of 34. and 45. of latitude. the North latitude. The bounds there- The of on the East side are the great Ocean: on the South lyeth Florida: on the North nova Francia: as for the West thereof, the limits are vnknowne. Of all this Country we purpose not to speake, but onely of that part which was planted by the English men in the yeare of cur Lord, 1606[-7]. And this is under the degrees 37. 38. and 39. The temperature of this Country doth agree well with English constitutions, being once seasoned to the Country. Which appeared by this, that though by many occasions our people fell sicke; yet did they recover by very small meanes, and continued in health, though there were other great causes, not onely to haue made them sicke, but even to end their dayes, &c. J 344 . The Voyages and Discoveries of LIB. 2. [L1612-1624J. Smith. [1607-9] The temperature. (A. 48) The windes. The entrances. The Sommer is hot as in Spaine; the Winter cold as in France or England. The heat of sommer is in Iune, Iuly, and August, but commonly the coole Breeses asswage the vehemency of the heat. The chiefe of winter is halfe December, Ianuary, February, and halfe March. The colde is extreame sharpe, but here the Proverbe is true, that no extreame long continueth. In the yeare 1607[-8]. was an extraordinary frost in most of Europe, and this frost was found as extreame in Virginia. But the next yeare for 8. or 10. dayes of ill weather, other 14. dayes would be as Sommer. The windes here are variable, but the like thunder and lightning to purifie the ayre, I haue seldome either seene or heard in Europe. From the Southwest came the greatest gusts with thunder and heat. The Northwest winde is commonly coole and bringeth faire weather with it. From the North is the greatest cold, and from the East and Southeast as from the Barmudas, fogs and raines. Some times there are great droughts, other times much raine, yet great necessitie of neither, by reason we see not but that all the raritie of needfull fruits in Europe, may be there in great plentie, by the industry of men, as appeareth by those we there Planted. There is but one entrance by Sea into this Country, and that is at the mouth of a very goodly Bay, 18. or 20. myles broad. The cape on the South is called Cape Cape IIenry. Henry, in honour of our most noble Prince. The land white hilly sands like vnto the Downes, and all along the shores great plentie of Pines and Firres. Cape Charles. The Country. The north Cape is called Cape Charles, in honour of the worthy Duke of Yorke. The Isles before it, Smith's Isles, by the name of the discover[er]. Within is a country that [22] may haue the prerogatiue over the most pleasant places knowne, for large and pleasant navigable Rivers, heaven and earth never agreed better to frame a place for mans habitation; were it fully manured and inhabited by industrious people. Here are mountaines, hils, plaines, valleyes, rivers, and brookes, all running most pleasantly into a faire Bay, compassed but for the mouth, with fruitfull and delightsome land. In the Bay and rivers. are many Isles both great and small, some woody, some 1612-1624J. Smith345 . . LIB. 2. Captaine Iohn Smith in Virginia. plaine, most of them low and not inhabited. This Bay [1607-9] lyeth North and South, in which the water floweth neare 200. myles, and hath a channel for 140 myles, of depth betwixt 6 and 15 fadome, holding in breadth for the most part 10 or 14 myles. From the head of the Bay to the Northwest, the land is mounta[i]nous, and so in a manner [½. 49.1 from thence by a Southwest line; So that the more South- ward, the farther off from the Bay are those mountaines. From which fall certaine brookes which after come to fiue principall navigable rivers. These run from the Northwest into the South east, and so into the West side of the Bay, where the fall [outfall] of every River is within 20 or 15 myles one of another. mountaines. The mountaines are of divers natures: for at the head The of the Bay the rockes are of a composition like Mill stones. Some of Marble, &c. And many peeces like Christall we found, as throwne downe by water from those mountaines. For in Winter they are covered with much snow, and when it dissolveth the waters fall with such violence, that it causeth great inundations in some narrow valleyes, which is scarce perceived being once in the rivers. These waters wash from the rocks such glis- tering tinctures, that the ground in some places seemeth as guilded, where both the rocks and the earth are so splendent to behold, that better iudgements then ours might haue beene perswaded, they contained more then probabilities. The vesture of the earth in most places doth manifestly proue the nature of the soyle to be lusty and very rich. The colour of the earth we found in diverse places, re- sembleth bole Armoniac, terra sigillata, and Lemnia, Fullers The soyle. earth, Marle, and divers other such appearances. But generally for the most part it is a blacke sandy mould, in some places a fat slimy clay, in other places a very barren gravell. But the best ground is knowne by the vesture it beareth, as by the greatnesse of trees, or abundance of weeds, &c. The Country is not mounta[i]nous, nor yet low, but such The pleasant plaine hils, and fertile valleyes, one prettily cross- valleyes. ing another, and watered so conveniently with fresh brookes and springs, no lesse commodious, then delight- some. By the rivers are many plaine marishes, contain- 346 Sm The Voyages and Discoveries of LIB. 2. [Plaines. J. Smith. L1612-1624- [1607-9] ing some 20. some 100. some 200 Acres, some more, some lesse. Other plaines there are few, but onely where the Salvages inhabit: but all [is] overgrowne with trees and weeds, being a plaine wildernesse as God first made it. On the west side of the Bay, we sayd were 5. faire and [p. 50.1 delightfull navigable rivers. The river Powhatan. The branches. The first of those, and the next to the mouth of the Bay hath his course from the West Northwest. It is called Powhatan, according to the name of a principall country that lyeth vpon it. The mouth of this river is neare three myles in breadth, yet doe the shoules force the Channell so neare the land, that a Sacre will overshoot it at point blanke [i.e., less than 520 paces, see p. 801]. It is navigable 150 myles, the shouldes and soundings are here needlesse to be expressed. It falleth from Rockes farre west in a Country inhabited by a nation they call Monacans. But where it commeth into our discovery it is Powhatan. In the farthest place that was diligently observed, are falles, rockes, shoules, &c. which makes it past navigation any higher. Thence in the running downeward, the river is enriched with many goodly brookes, which are maintained by an infinit number of small rundles and pleasant springs, that disperse them- selues for best service, as do the veines of a mans body. From the South there fals into it: First, the pleasant river of Apamatuck. Next more to the East are two small rivers of Quiyoughcohanocke. A little farther is a Bay wherein falleth 3 or 4 prettie brookes and creekes that halfe intrench the Inhabitants of Warraskoyac, then the river of Nandsamund, and lastly the brooke of Chisapcack. From the North side is the river of Chickahamania, the backe river of Iames Towne; another by the Cedar Isle, where we liued ten weekes vpon Oysters, then a con- venient harbour for Fisher boats at Kecoughtan, that so turneth it selfe into [23] Bayes and Creekes, it makes that place very pleasant to inhabit; their cornefields being girded therein in a manner as Peninsulaes. The most of these rivers are inhabited by severall nations, or rather families, of the name of the rivers. They haue also over those some Governour, as their King, which they call Werowances. In a Peninsula on the North side of this river are the 1612-1624J. Smith. 347 . LIB. 2. Captaine Iohn Smith in Virginia. English Planted in a place by them called Iames Towne, [1607-9] in honour of the Kings most excellent Maiestie. In Iames Towne. The severall Inhabitants. The first and next the rivers mouth are the Kecoughtans, (p. 51.] who besides their women and children, haue not past 20. fighting men. The Paspaheghes (on whose land is seated Iames Towne, some 40. myles from the Bay) haue not past 40. The river called Chickahamania [has] neare 250. The Weanocks 100. The Arrowhatocks 30. The place called Powhatan, some 40. On the South side this river the Appamatucks haue sixtie fighting men. The Quiyougco- hanocks 25. The Nandsamunds 200. The Chesapeacks 100. Of this last place the Bay beareth the name. all these places is a severall commander, which they call Werowance, except the Chickahamanians, who are governed by the Priests and their Assistants, or their Elders called Caw-cawwassoughes. In sommer no place affordeth more plentie of Sturgeon, nor in winter more abundance of foule, especially in the time of frost. I tooke once 52 Sturgeons at a draught, at another 68. From the later end of May till the end of Iune are taken few, but yong Sturgeons of two foot or a yard long. From thence till the midst of September, them of two or three yards long and few others. And in 4 or 5, houres with one Net were ordinarily taken 7 or 8: often more, seldome lesse. In the small rivers all the yeare there is good plentie of small fish, so that with hookes those that would take paines had sufficient. kee. Foureteene myles Northward from the river Powhatan, R.Pamavn is the river Pamavnkee, which is navigable 60 or 70 myles, but with Catches and small Barkes 30 or 40 myles farther. At the ordinary flowing of the salt water, it divideth it selfe into two gallant branches. inhabitants. On the South side inhabit the people of Youghtanund, The who haue about 60 men for warres. On the North branch Mattapament, who haue 30 men. Where this river is divided the Country is called Pamavnkee, and nourisheth neare 300 able men. About 25. myles lower on the North side of this river is Werawocomoco, where their great King inhabited when I was delivered him prisoner; yet there are not past 40 able men. Ten or twelue myles lower, on the South side of this river, is Chiskiack, which hath .52.3 348 . The Voyages and Discoveries of LIB. 2. [1612-1624J. Smith [1607-9] some 40 or 50 men. These, as also Apamatuck, Irrohatock, and Powhatan, are their great Kings chiefe alliance, and inhabitants. The rest his Conquests. Payanka- tank, R. Toppa- hanock R. The inhabitants. Patawomck, R. The inhabitants. [p. 53.] Pawtuxunt, R. Before we come to the third river that falleth from the mountaines, there is another river (some 30 myles navigable) that commeth from the Inland, called Payankatanke, the Inhabitants are about 50 or 60 serviceable men. The third navigable river is called Toppahanock. (This is navigable some 130 myles). At the top of it inhabit the people called Mannahoacks amongst the mountaines, but they are aboue the place we described. Vpon this river on the North side are the people Cut- tatawomen, with 30 fighting men. Higher are the Moraugh- tacunds, with 8o. Beyond them Rapahanock with 100. Far aboue is another Cuttatawomen with 20. On the South is the pleasant seat of Nantaughtacund having 150 men. This river also as the two former, is replenished with fish and foule. The fourth river is called Patawomeke, 6 or 7 myles in breadth. It is navigable 140 myles, and fed as the rest with many sweet rivers and springs, which fall from the bordering hils. These hils many of them are planted, and yeeld no lesse plentie and varietie of fruit, then the river exceedeth with abundance of fish. It is inhabited on both sides. First on the South side at the very entrance is Wighcocomoco and hath some 130 men, beyond them Sekacawone with 30. The Onawmanient with 100. And the Patawomekes more then 200. Here doth the river divide it selfe into 3 or 4 convenient branches. The greatest of the least is called Quiyough, trending North-west, but the river it selfe turneth North- On the Westerne east, and is still a navigable streame. On the side of this bought is Tauxenent with 40 men. North of this river is Secowocomoco with 40. Somewhat further Potapaco with 20. In the East part is Pamacaeack And lastly, [24] with 6o. After Moyowance with 100. Nacotchtanke with 80. The river aboue this place maketh his passage downe a low pleasant valley overshaddowed in many places with high rocky mountaines; from whence distill innumerable sweet and pleasant springs. The fift river is called Pawtuxunt, of a lesse proportion then the rest; but the channel is 16 fadome deepe in 1612-1524J. Smith349 Captaine Iohn Smith in Virginia. . LIB. 2. ] . some places. Here are infinit skuls of divers kindes of [1607-9] fish more then elswhere. Vpon this river dwell the people called Acquintanacksuak, Pawtuxunt, and Mattapanient. Two hundred men was the greatest strength that could be there perceived. But they inhabit together, and not so dispersed as the rest. These of all other we found most civill to giue intertainement. Thirtie leagues Northward is a river not inhabited, yet Bolus, R. navigable; for the red clay resembling bole Armoniack we called it Bolus. Lanock. At the end of the Bay where it is 6 or 7 myles in The head breadth, it divides it selfe into 4. branches, the best of the Bay. commeth Northwest from among the mountaines, but though Canows may goe a dayes iourney or two vp it, we could not get two myles vp it with our boat for rockes. Vpon it is seated the Sasquesahanocks, neare it North Sasquesa- and by West runneth a creeke a myle and a halfe: at the head whereof the Ebbe left vs on shore, where we found many trees cut with hatchets. The next tyde keeping the shore to seeke for some Salvages; (for within thirtie leagues sayling, we saw not any, being a barren Country,) we went vp another small river like a creeke 6 or 7 myle. From thence returning we met 7 Canowes of the Massowomeks, with whom we had conference by signes, for we vnderstood one another scarce a word: the next day we discovered the small river and people of Tockwhogh trending Eastward. Having lost our Grapnell among the rocks of Sasquesa- hanocks, we were then neare 200 myles from home, and our Barge about two tuns, and had in it but 12 men to performe this Discovery, wherein we lay aboue 12 weekes vpon those great waters in those vnknowne Countries, having nothing but a little meale, oatemeale and water to feed vs, and scarce hálfe sufficient of that for halfe that time, but what provision we got among the Salvages, and such rootes and fish as we caught by accident and Gods direction; nor had we a Mariner nor any [that] had skill to trim the sayles but two saylers and my selfe, the rest being Gentlemen, or them [that] were as ignorant in such toyle and labour. Yet necessitie in a short time by good words and examples made them doe that that caused them ever 350 J. Smith. 1612-1624. The Voyages and Discoveries of LIB. 2. [1607–9] after to feare no colours. [^. 54.] The description What I did with this small meanes I leaue to the Reader to iudge, and the Mappe I made of the Country, which is but a small matter in regard of the magnitude thereof. But to proceed, 60 of those Sasquesahanocks came to vs with skins, Bowes, Arrows, Targets, Beads, Swords, and Tobacco pipes for presents. Such great and well proportioned men are seldome seene, for they seemed like Giants to the English, yea and to the neighbours, yet seemed of an honest and simple disposition, [and they were] with much adoe restrained from adoring vs as Gods. Those are the strangest people of all those Countries, both in lan- guage and attire; for their language it may well beseeme their proportions, sounding from them, as a voyce in a vault. of a Sasque. Their attire is the skinnes of Beares, and Woolues, some sahanough. haue Cassacks made of Beares heads and skinnes, that a mans head goes through the skinnes neck, and the eares of the Beare fastened to his shoulders, the nose and teeth hanging downe his breast, another Beares face split be- hind him, and at the end of the nose hung a Pawe, the halfe sleeues comming to the elbowes were the neckes of Beares, and the armes through the mouth; with pawes One had the head of a Woolfe hanging at their noses. hanging in a chaine for a Iewell, his Tobacco pipe three quarters of a yard long, prettily carued with a Bird, a Deere, or some such devise at the great end, sufficient to beat out ones braines: with Bowes, Arrowes, and clubs, su[i]table to their greatnesse. These are scarce knowne to Powhatan. They can make neare 600 able men, and are pallisadoed in their Townes to defend them from the Massawomekes their mortall ene- mies. Fiue of their chiefe Werowances came aboord vs, and crossed the Bay in the Barge. The picture of the greatest of them is signified in the Mappe [p. 384]. The calfe of whose leg was three quarters of a yard about, [25] and all the rest of his limbes so answerable to that pro- portion, that he seemed the goodliest man we ever be- held. His hayre, the one side was long, the other shore close with a ridge over his crowne like a cocks combe. His arrowes were fiue quarters long, headed with the splinters of a white christall-like stone, in forme of a ! J. Smith. LIB. 2. :] 1612-1624. 351 Captaine Iohn Smith in Virginia. heart, an inch broad, and an inch and a halfe or more [1607-9] long. These he wore in a Woolues skinne at his backe for his Quiver, his bow in the one hand and his clubbe in the other, as is described. R. Rapaha- waock, R. On the East side the Bay, is the river Tockwhogh, and . 55.] vpon it a people that can make 100 men, seated some Tockwhogh, seaven myles within the river : where they haue a Fort very well pallisadoed and mantelled with barkes of trees. Next them is Ozinies with sixty men. More to the South of that East side of the Bay, the river Rapahanock, neere nock, R. vnto which is the river Kuskarawaock. Vpon which is Kuskara- seated a people with 200 men. After that, is the river Tants Wighcocomoco, and on it a people with 100 men. The people of those rivers are of little stature, of another language from the rest, and very rude. But they on the river Acohanock with 40 men, and they of Accomack 80 Accomack, men doth equalize any of the Territories of Powhatan, and speake his language; who over all those doth rule as King. Southward we went to some parts of Chawonock and Chawoneck. the Mangoags to search for them left by Master White. Wighcoco- moco, R. R. [pp. 312, 329] severall Amongst those people are thus many several Nations of sundry Languages, that environ Powhatans Territories. The The Chawonockes, the Mangoags, the Monacans, the Man- languages. nahokes, the Masawomekes, the Powhatans, the Sasquesa- hanocks, the Atquanachukes, the Tockwoghes, and the Kuscarawaokes. All those not any one vnderstandeth another but by Interpreters. Their severall habitations are more plainly described by this annexed Mappe [p. 384], which will present to the eye, the way of the mountaines, and current of the rivers, with their severall turnings, bayes, shoules, Isles, Inlets, and creekes, the breadth of the waters, the distances of places, and such like. In which Mappe obserue this, that as far as you see the little Crosses on rivers, mountaines, or other places haue beene discovered; the rest was had by information of the Savages, and are set downe according to their instructions. Thus haue I walkt a wayless way, with uncouth pace, Which yet no Christian man did ever trace: But yet I know this not affects the minde, Which eares doth heare, as that which eyes doe finde. 352 S The Voyages and Discoveries of LIB. 2. [[1607-9] 55.] Why there is little grasse. J. Smith. 1612-1624- Of such things which are naturally in Virginia, and how the vse them. IRGINIA doth afford many excellent vegetables, and liuing Creatures, yet grasse there is little or none, but what groweth in low Marishes : for all the Countrey is overgrowne with trees, whose droppings continually turneth their grasse to weeds, by reason of the rancknes of the ground, which would soone be amended by good husbandry. The wood that Woods with is most common is Oke and Walnut, many of their Okes are so tall and straight, that they will beare two foote and a halfe square of good timber for 20 yards long ; Of this wood there is two or three severall kinds. The Acornes of one kinde, whose barke is more white then the other, and somewhat sweetish, which being boyled, at last affords a sweet oyle, that they keepe in gourds to annoint their heads and ioynts. The fruit they eate made in bread or otherwise. their fruits. Elme. Walnuts. Supposed Cypres. Mulberries. Chesnuts. There is also some Elme, some blacke Walnut tree, and some Ash: of Ash and Elme they make sope Ashes. If the trees be very great, the Ashes will be good, and melt to hard lumps, but if they be small, it will be but powder, and not so good as the other. Of walnuts there is 2 or 3 kindes; there is a kinde of wood we called Cypres, because both the wood, the fruit, and leafe did most resemble it, and of those trees there are some neare three fadome about at the foot, very [26] straight, and 50, 60, or 80 foot without a branch. By the dwelling of the Salvages are some great Mul- bery trees, and in some parts of the Countrey, they are found growing naturally in prettie groues. There was an assay made to make silke, and surely the wormes pros- pered excellent well, till the master workeman fell sicke. During which time they were eaten with Rats. In some parts were found some Chesnuts, whose wild fruit equalize the best in France, Spaine, Germany, or Italy. Plums there are of three sorts. The red and white are 1612-1624J. Smith. 353 . LIB. 2. Captaine Iohn Smith in Virginia. like our hedge plums, but the other which they call [1607-9] Putchamins, grow as high as a Palmeta: the fruit is like a [2.57.] Medler; it is first greene, then yellow, and red when it is ripe: if it be not ripe, it will draw a mans mouth awry, with much torment, but when it is ripe, it is as delicious as an Apricot. They haue Cherries, and those are much like a Damson, Cherries. but for their tastes and colour we called them Cherries. We saw some few Crabs, but very small and bitter. Of vines great abundance in many parts that climbe Vines. the toppes of the highest trees in some places, but these beare but few grapes. Except by the rivers and savage habitations, where they are not overshadowed from the sunne, they are covered with fruit, though never pruined nor manured. Of those hedge grapes we made neere twentie gallons of wine, which was like our French Brittish wine, but certainely they would proue good were they well manured. There is another sort of grape neere as great as a Cherry, this they call Messamins; they be fatte, and the iuyce thicke. Neither doth the taste so well please when they are made in wine. They haue a small fruit growing on little trees, husked like a Chesnut, but the fruit most like a very small Acorne. This they call Chechinquamins, which they Chechi esteeme a great daintie. They haue a berry much like our Gooseberry, in greatnesse, colour, and tast; those they Rawco- call Rawcomens, and doe eat them raw or boyled. quamins. mens. How they use their fruits. Of these naturall fruits they liue a great part of the yeare, which they vse in this manner; The Walnuts, Chesnuts, Acornes, and Chechinquamins are dryed to keepe. When they need walnuts they breake them betweene two stones, yet some part of the shels will cleaue to the fruit. Then doe they dry them againe vpon a Mat over a hurdle.. After they put it into a morter of wood, and beat it very small: that done they mix it with water, that the shels may sinke to the bottome. This water will be coloured as milke, which they call Pawcohiccora, and keepe it for mike. their vse. Walnut The fruit like Medlers they call Putchamins, they cast vpon hurdles on a Mat, and perserue them as Pruines. Of [A. 53.j ENG. SCH. LIB. No. 16. 23 354 The Voyages and Discoveries of LIB. 2. [1012-1624- J. Smith. [1607-9] their Chesnuts and Chechinquamins boyled, they make both broath and bread for their chiefe men, or at their greatest feasts. Gummes. Cedars. Saxafras trees. Berrics. Matoum. Straw- berries. Hearbes. Rootes. [p. 59.] Wighsacan a route. Besides those fruit trees, there is a white Popular, and another tree like vnto it, that yeeldeth a very cleare and an odoriferous Gumme like Turpentine, which some call Balsom. There are also Cedars and Saxafras trees. They also yeeld gummes in a small proportion of themselues. Wee tryed conclusions to extract it out of the wood, but nature afforded more then our arts. In the watry valleyes groweth a Berry which they call Ocoughtanamnis very much like vnto Capers. These they dry in sommer. When they eat them they boile them neare halfe a day; for otherwise they differ not much from poyson. Mattoum groweth as our Bents. The seed is not much vnlike to Rie, though much smaller. This they vse for a daintie bread buttered with deare suet. During Sommer there are either Strawberries, which ripen in Aprill, or Mulberries which ripen in May and Iune. Raspises, hurts; or a fruit that the inhabitants call Maracocks, which is a pleasant wholsome fruit much like a Lemond. Many herbes in the spring are comonly dispersed throughout the woods, good for brothes and sallets, as Violets, Purslain, Sorrell, &c. Besides many we vsed whose names we know not. The chiefe root they haue for food is called Tockawhoughe. It groweth like a flagge in Marishes. In one day a Salvage will gather sufficient for a weeke. These roots are much of the greatnesse and taste of Potatoes. They vse to cover a great many of them with Oke leaues and Ferne, and then cover all with earth in the manner of a Cole-pit; over it, on each side, they continue a great fire 24 houres before they dare eat it. [27] Raw it is no better then poyson, and being rosted, except it be tender and the heat abated, or sliced and dryed in the Sunne, mixed with sorrell and meale or such like, it will prickle and torment the throat extreamely, and yet in sommer they vse this ordinarily for bread. They haue another roote which they call Wighsacan: as 1612-1624J. Smith355 . . LIB. 2. Captaine Iohn Smith in Virginia. th'other feedeth the body, so this cureth their hurts and [1607–9] diseases. It is a small root which they bruise and apply to the wound. Pocones is a small root that groweth in Pocones a the mountaines, which being dryed and beate in powder small roote. turneth red. And this they vse for swellings, aches, annointing their ioynts, painting their heads and garments. They account it very precious, and of much worth. Musquaspen is a roote of the bignesse of a finger, and as Musqua- red as bloud. In drying, it will wither almost to nothing. roote. This they vse to paint their Mattes, Targets, and such like. spen a There is also Pellitory of Spaine, Sasafrage, and divers Fellitory. other simples, which the Apothecaries gathered, and com- Sasafrage. mended to be good, and medicinable. In the low Marishes grow plots of Onyons, containing Onyous. an Acre of ground or more in many places; but they are small, not past the bignesse of the toppe of ones Thumbe. beasts are Of beasts the chiefe are Deere, nothing differing from Their chiefe ours. In the deserts towards the heads of the rivers, Deere. there are many, but amongst the rivers few. cun. There is a beast they call Aroughcun, much like a rough- badger, but vseth to liue on trees as Squirrels doe. Their Squirrels. Squirrels some are neare as great as our smallest sort of wilde Rabbets, some blackish or blacke and white, but the most are gray. Assapa- Squirrel nick, a flying. passom. A small beast they haue they call Assapanick, but we call them flying Squirrels, because spreading their legs, and so stretching the largenesse of their skins, that they haue beene seene to fly 30 or 40 yards. An Opassom hath a head like a Swine, and a taile like a Rat, and is of the bignesse of a Cat. Vnder her belly shee hath a bagge, wherein she lodgeth, carrieth, and suckleth her young. A Mussascus is a beast of the forme and nature of our water Mussascus. Rats, but many of them smell exceeding strongly of Muske. Their Hares [are] no bigger then our Conies, and few of them to be found. Their Beares are very little in comparison of those of Beares. Muscovia and Tartaria. The Beaver is as big as an The ordinary water dog, but his legs exceeding short. His Beaver. forefeete like a dogs, his hinder feet like a Swans. His [4.60.1 taile somewhat like the forme of a Racket, bare without 356 . The Voyages and Discoveries of LIB. 2. [15.6Otters. Vtchun- J. Smith. 1612-1624. [1607-9] haire, which to eat the Salvages esteeme a great delicate. They haue many Otters, which as the Beavers they take with snares, and esteeme the skins great ornaments; and of all those beasts they vse to feed when they catch them. An Vtchunquoyes is like a wilde Cat. Their Foxes are like our silver haired Conies, of a small proportion, and not smelling like those in England. Their Dogges of that Country are like their Woolues, and cannot barke but howle; and the Woolues not much bigger then our English Foxes. Martins, Powlecats, Weesels, and Minkes we know they Weesels, and haue, because we haue seene many of their skinnes, though very seldome any of them aliue. quoyes. Foxes. Dogges. Martins. Polcats. Minkes. Birds. Fish. [61] But one thing is strange, that we could never perceiue their Vermine destroy our Hennes, Egges, nor Chickens, nor doe any hurt, nor their flyes nor serpents [to be] any way pernicious, where [as] in the South parts of America they are alwayes dangerous, and often deadly. Of Birds the Eagle is the greatest devourer. Hawkes there be of divers sorts, as our Falconers called them : Sparrow-hawkes, Lanarets, Goshawkes, Falcons and Osperayes, but they all prey most vpon fish. Their Partridges are little bigger then our Quailes. Wilde Turkies are as bigge as our tame. There are Woosels or Blackbirds with red shoulders, Thrushes and divers sorts of small Birds, some red, some blew, scarce so bigge as a Wrenne, but few in Sommer. In Winter there are great plentie of Swans, Cranes gray and white with blacke wings, Herons, Geese, Brants, Ducke, Wigeon, Dotterell, Oxeies, Parrats, and Pigeons. Of all those sorts great abundance, and some But in other strange kinds, to vs vnknowne by name. Sommer not any, or a very few to be seene. Of fish we were best acquainted with Sturgeon, Grampus, Porpus, Seales, Stingraies [28] whose tailes are very dangerous. Bretts, Mullets, white Salmonds, Trowts, Soles, Plaice, Herrings, Conyfish, Rockfish, Eeles, Lam- preys, Catfish, Shades, Pearch of three sorts, Crabs, But Shrimps, Crevises, Oysters, Cocles, and Muscles. the most strange fish is a small one, so like the picture of St. George his Dragon, as possible can be, except his 1612-1624J. Smith. 357 . LIB. 2. Captaine Iohn Smith in Virginia. legs and wings; and the Toadefish, which will swell till it [1607-9] be like to burst, when it commeth into the ayre. Concerning the entrailes of the earth, little can be said The rockes. for certaintie. There wanted good Refiners; for those that tooke vpon them to haue skill this way, tooke vp the washings from the mountaines, and some moskered shining stones and spangles which the waters brought downe, flat- tering themselues in their owne vaine conceits to haue beene supposed what they were not, by the meanes of that ore, if it proued as their arts and iudgements expected. Onely this is certaine, that many regions lying in the same latitude, afford Mines very rich of divers natures. The crust also of these rockes would easily perswade a man to beleeue there are other Mines then yron and steele, if there were but meanes and men of experience that knew the Mine from Spar. Of their Planted fruits in Virginia, and how they use them. divide the Hey divide the yeare into fiue seasons. Their How they winter some call Popanow, the spring, Cattapeuk, yeare. the sommer Cohattayough, the earing of their Corne Nepinough, the harvest and fall of leafe Taquitock. From September vntill the midst of November are the chiefe feasts and sacrifice. Then haue they plentie of fruits as well planted as naturall, as corne greene and ripe, fish, fowle, and wilde beasts exceeding fat. How they ground. The greatest labour they take, is in planting their corne, for the Country naturally is overgrowne with wood. To prepare the prepare the ground they bruise the barke of the trees neare the root, then doe they scortch the roots with fire that they grow no more. The next yeare with a crooked peece of wood they beat [§. 62.] vp the weeds by the rootes, and in that mould they plant their Corne. Their manner is this. They make a hole in the earth with a sticke, and into it they put foure graines of wheate and two of beanes. These holes they 358 The Voyages and Discoveries of LIB. 2. 1612-1624J. Smith. How they plant. . [1607-9] make foure foote one from another; Their women and children do continually keepe it with weeding, and when it is growne middle high, they hill it about like a hop-yard. In Aprill they begin to plant, but their chiefe plantation is in May, and so they continue till the midst of Iune. What they plant in Aprill they reape in August, for May in September, for Iune in October; Every stalke of their corne commonly beareth two eares, some three, seldome any foure, many but one, and some none. Every eare ordinarily hath betwixt 200 and 500 graines. The stalke being greene hath a sweet iuice in it, somewhat like a sugar Cane, which is the cause that when they gather their corne greene, they sucke the stalkes: for as we gather greene pease, so doe they their corne being greene, which excelleth their old. How they vse their Corne. [p. 63.] They plant also pease they call Assentamens, which are the same they call in Italy, Fagioli. Their Beanes are the same the Turkes call Garnanses, but these they much esteeme for dainties. Their corne they rost in the eare greene, and bruising it in a morter of wood with a Polt, lap it in rowles in the leaues of their corne, and so boyle it for a daintie. They also reserue that corne late planted that will not ripe, by roasting it in hot ashes, the heat thereof drying it. In winter they esteeme it being boyled with beanes for a rare dish, they call Pausarowmena. Their old wheat they first steepe a night in hot water, in the morning pounding it in a morter. They vse a small basket for their Temmes, then pound againe the great, and so separating by dashing their hand in the basket, receiue the flower in a platter made of wood, scraped to that forme with burning [29] and shels. Tempering this flower with water, they make it either in cakes, covering them with ashes till they be baked, and then washing them in faire water, they drie presently with their owne heat: or else boyle them in water, eating the broth with the bread which they call Ропар. The groutes and peeces of the cornes remaining, by fanning, in a Platter or in the wind, away the branne, they boyle 3 or 4 houres with water, which is an ordinary food they call Vstatahamen. But some more thriftie then 1612-1624359 J. Smith. . Captaine Iohn Smith in Virginia. LIB. 2. ... cleanly, doe burne the core of the eare to powder, which [1607-9] they call Pungnough, mingling that in their meale; but it never tasted well in bread, nor broth. Their fish and flesh they boyle either very tenderly, or boyle it so long on hurdles over the fire, or else after the Spanish fashion, putting it on a spit, they turne first the one side, then the other, till it be as drie as their ierkin Beefe in the west Indies, that they may keepe it a moneth or more without putrifying. The broth of fish or flesh they eat as commonly as the meat. How they and flesh. vse their fish In May also amongst their corne they plant Pumpeons, Planted and a fruit like vnto a muske mellon, but lesse and worse, fruits. which they call Macocks. These increase exceedingly, and ripen in the beginning of Iuly, and continue vntill September. They plant also Maracocks a wild fruit like a Lemmon, which also increase infinitely. They begin to ripe in September, and continue till the end of October. When all their fruits be gathered, little els they plant, and this is done by their women and children; neither doth this long suffice them, for neare three parts of the yeare, they onely obserue times and seasons, and liue of what the Country naturally affordeth from hand to mouth, &c. The Commodities in Virginia, or that may be had by Industrie. Here He mildnesse of the ayre, the fertilitie of the soyle, and situation of the rivers are so pro- pitious to the nature and vse of man, as no place is more convenient for pleasure, profit, and mans sustenance, vnder that latitude or climat. will liue any beasts, as horses, goats, sheepe, asses, hens, [p.64.] &c. as appeared by them that were carried thether. The A proofe waters, Isles, and shoales, are full of safe harbours for ships of warre or marchandize, for boats of all sorts, for transportation or fishing, &c. The Bay and rivers haue much marchantable fish, and places fit for Salt coats, building of ships, making of Iron, &c. cattell will liue well. 360 The Voyages and Discoveries of LIB. 2. [111624 J. Smith. [1607-9] The Com- modities. [6.65.1 The numbers. Seaven hundred men were the most were seene together when they thought to haue sur prised Captaine Smith. Muscovia and Polonia doe yearely receiue many thousands, for pitch, tarre, sopeashes, Rosen, Flax, Cordage, Sturgeon, Masts, Yards, Wainscot, Firres, Glasse, and such like; also Swethland for Iron and Copper. France in like manner, for Wine, Canvas, and Salt. Spaine asmuch for Iron, Steele, Figges, Reasons, and Sackes. Italy with Silkes and Velvets consumes our chiefe Commodities. Holland maintaines it selfe by fishing and trading at our owne doores. All these temporize [traffic] with other for neces- Besides sities, but all as vncertaine as peace or warres. the charge, travell, and danger in transporting them, by seas, lands, stormes, and Pyrats. Then how much hath Virginia the prerogatiue of all those flourishing Kingdomes, for the benefit of our Land, when as within one hundred myles all those are to be had, either ready provided by nature, or else to be prepared, were there but industrious men to labour. Onely of Copper we may doubt is wanting, but there is good probabilitie that both Copper and better Minerals are there to be had for their labour. Other Countries haue it. So then here is a place, a nurse for souldiers, a practise for mariners, a trade for marchants, a reward for the good, and that which is most of all, a businesse (most acceptable to God) to bring such poore Infidels to the knowledge of God and his holy Gospell. Of the naturall Inhabitants of VIRGINIA. He land is not populous, for the men be few; their far greater number is of women and children. Within 60 myles of Iames Towne, there are about some 5000 people, but of able To nourish so many men fit for their warres scarce 1500. [30] together they haue yet no meanes, because they make so small a benefit of their land, be it never so fertile. Six or seauen hundred haue beene the most [that] hath beene seene together, when they gathered themselues to haue surprised mee at Pamavnkee, having but fifteene to withstand the worst of their fury [p. 457]. As small as the proportion of ground that hath yet beene dis- covered, is in comparison of that yet vnknowne: The ¡ 361 1612-1624J. Smith. Captaine Iohn Smith in Virginia. .] LIB. 2. people differ very much in stature, especially in language, [1607-9] as before is expressed. tion of Some being very great as the Sasquesahanocks; others A descrip- very little, as the Wighcocomocoes: but generally tall and the people. straight, of a comely proportion, and of a colour browne when they are of any age, but they are borne white. Their hayre is generally blacke, but few haue any beards. The men weare halfe their beards [heads] shaven, the other halfe long; for Barbers they vse their women, who with two Barbers. shels will grate away the hayre, of any fashion they please. The women [i.e., their hair] are cut in many fashions, agree- able to their yeares, but ever some part remaineth long. The tion. They are very strong, of an able body and full of agilitie, The able to endure to lie in the woods vnder a tree by the fire, constitu. in the worst of winter, or in the weedes and grasse, in Ambuscado in the Sommer. disposition. They are inconstant in every thing, but what feare The constraineth them to keepe. Craftie, timerous, quicke of apprehension, and very ingenuous. Some are of disposition. fearefull, some bold, most cautelous, all Savage. Generally covetous of Copper, Beads, and such like trash. They are soone moued to anger, and so malicious, that they seldome forget an iniury: they seldome steale one from another, least their coniurers should reveale it, and so they be pur- sued and punished. That they are thus feared is certaine, A. 66.1 but that any can reueale their offences by coniuration I am doubtfull. Their women are careful not to be sus- pected of dishonestie without the leaue of their husbands. Each houshold knoweth their owne lands, and gardens, The and most liue of their owne labours. possessions. For their apparell, they are some time covered with the Their skinnes of wilde beasts, which in Winter are dressed with attire. the hayre, but in Sommer without. The better sort vse large mantels of Deare skins, not much differing in fashion. from the Irish mantels. Some imbrodered with white beads, some with Copper, other painted after their manner. But the common sort haue scarce to cover their nakednesse, but with grasse, the leaues of trees, or such like. We haue seene some vse mantels made of Turky feathers, so prettily wrought and woven with threads that nothing could be discerned but the feathers. That was 362 LIB. 2. [1612-1624The Voyages and Discoveries of J. Smith . [1607-9] exceeding warme and very handsome. But the women are alwayes covered about their middles with a skin, and very shamefast to be seene bare. Their ornaments. Ep. 67.] Their buildings. Their lodgings. They adorne themselues most with copper beads and paint- ings. Their women, some haue their legs, hands, breasts, and face cunningly imbrodered [tattoocd] with divers workes, as beasts, serpents, artificially wrought into their flesh with blacke spots. In each eare commonly they haue 3 great holes, whereat they hang chaines, bracelets, or copper. Some of their men weare in those holes, a small greene and yellow coloured snake, neare halfe a yard in length, which crawling and lapping her selfe about his necke oftentimes familiarly would kisse his lips. Others weare a dead Rat tyed by the taile. Some on their heads. weare the wing of a bird, or some large feather with a Rattell. Those Rattels are somewhat like the chape of a Rapier but lesse, which they take from the taile of a snake. Many haue the whole skinne of a Hawke or some strange foule, stuffed with the wings abroad. Others a broad peece of Copper, and some the hand of their enemy dryed. Their heads and shoulders are painted red with the roote Pocone brayed to powder, mixed with oyle, this they hold in sommer to preserue them from the heate, and in winter from the cold. Many other formes of paintings they vse, but he is the most gallant that is the most monstrous to behold. Their buildings and habitations are for the most part. by the rivers, or not farre distant from some fresh spring. Their houses are built like our Arbors, of small young springs bowed and tyed, and so close covered with Mats, or the barkes of trees very handsomely, that notwithstanding either winde, raine, or weather, they are as warme as stooues, but very smoaky, yet at the toppe of the house there is a hole made for the smoake to goe into right over the fire. [31] Against the fire they lie on little hurdles of Reeds. covered with a Mat, borne from the ground a foote and more by a hurdle of wood. On these round about the house they lie heads and points one by th’other against the fire, some covered with Mats, some with skins, and some starke naked lie on the ground, from 6 to 20 in a house. J. Smith. LIB. 2. Captaine Iohn Smith in Virginia. 1612-1624. ] 363 Their houses are in the midst of their fields or gardens, [1607-9] which are small plots of ground. Some 20 acres, some Their 40. some 100. 100. some 200. some more, some lesse. In gardens. some places from 2 to 50 of those houses together, or but a little separated by groues of trees. Neare their habi- tations is little small wood or old trees on the ground by reason of their burning of them for fire. So that a man may gallop a horse amongst these woods any way, but where the creekes or Rivers shall hinder. vse their Men, women, and children haue their severall names How they according to the severall humor of their Parents. Their children. women (they say) are easily delivered of childe, yet doe they loue children very dearely. To make them hardie, in the coldest mornings they wash them in the rivers, and by painting and oyntments so tanne their skinnes, that after a yeare or two, no weather will hurt them. The men bestow their times in fishing, hunting, warres, and such man-like exercises, scorning to be seene in any woman-like exercise, which is the cause that the women be very painefull, and the men often idle. The women and children doe the rest of the worke. They make mats, baskets, pots, morters, pound their corne, make their bread, prepare their victuals, plant their corne, gather their corne, beare all kind of burdens, and such like. The indus- women. trie of their .68.] strike fire. How they of dyet. Their fire they kindle presently by chafing a dry pointed sticke in a hole of a little square peece of wood, that firing it selfe, will so fire mosse, leaues, or any such like dry thing, that will quickly burne. In March and Aprill they liue much vpon their fishing The order w[e]ires; and feed on fish, Turkies, and Squirrels. In May and Iune they plant their fields, and liue most of Acornes, Walnuts, and fish. But to amend their dyet, some disperse themselues in small companies, and liue vpon fish, beasts, crabs, oysters, land Tortoises, strawberries, mulberries, and such like. In Iune, Iuly, and August, they feed vpon the rootes of Tocknough, berries, fish, and greene wheat. It is strange to see how their bodies alter with their dyet, even as the deere and wilde beasts they seeme fat and leane, strong and weake. Powhatan their great King, and some others that are provident, rost their fish and flesh vpon hurdles as before is expressed, and keepe it till scarce times. 364 The Voyages and Discoveries of LIB. 2. [1612-1624 J. Smith. [1607-9] How they make their bowes and arrowes. Their kniues. Their Targets and Swords. [p. 69.] Their Boats. How they spin. For fishing, hunting, and warres they vse much their bow and arrowes. They bring their bowes to the forme of ours by the scraping of a shell. Their arrowes are made, some of straight young sprigs, which they head with bone, some 2 or 3 ynches long. These they vse to shoot. at Squirrels on trees. Another sort of arrowes they vse made of Reeds. These are peeced with wood, headed with splinters of christall, or some sharpe stone, the spurres of a Turkey, or the bill of some bird. For his knife he hath the splinter of a Reed to cut his feathers in forme. With this knife also, he will ioynt a Deere, or any beast, shape his shooes, buskins, mantels, &c. To make the noch of his arrow he hath the tooth of a Beaver, set in a sticke, wherewith he grateth it by degrees. His arrow head he quickly maketh with a little bone, which he ever weareth at his bracert, of any splint of a stone, or glasse in the forme of a heart, and these they glew to the end of their arrowes. With the sinewes of Deere, and the tops of Deeres hornes boyled to a ielly, they make a glew that will not dissolue in cold water. For their warres also they vse Targets that are round and made of the barkes of trees, and a sword of wood at their backes, but oftentimes they vse for swords the horne of a Deere put through a peece of wood in forme of a Pickaxe. Some a long stone sharpned at both ends, vsed in the same manner. This they were wont to vse also for hatchets, but now by trucking they haue plentie of the same forme of yron. And those are their chiefe instruments and armes. Their fishing is much in Boats. These they make of one tree by burning and scratching away the coales with stones and shels, till they haue made it in forme of a [32] Trough. Some of them are an elne deepe, and fortie or fiftie foote in length, and some will beare 40 men, but the most ordinary are smaller, and will beare 10, 20, or 30. according to their bignesse. Instead of Oares, they vse Paddles and stickes, with which they will row faster then our Barges. Betwixt their hands and thighes, their women vse to spin the barkes of trees, Deere sinewes, or a kind of grasse 1612-1624J. Smith365 :] . LIB. 2. Captaine Iohn Smith in Virginia. . they call Pemmenaw, of these they make a thread very even [1607-9] and readily. This thread serveth for many vses. As about their housing, apparell, as also they make nets for fishing, for the quantitie as formally braded as ours. They make also with it lines for angles. fish-hookes. Their hookes are either a bone grated as they noch their Their arrowes in the forme of a crooked pinne or fish-hooke, or of the splinter of a bone tyed to the clift of a little sticke, and with the end of the line, they tie on the bate. They vse also long arrowes tyed in a line, wherewith they shoote at fish in the rivers. But they of Accawmack vse staues like vnto Iauelins headed with bone. With these they dart fish swimming in the water. They haue also many artificiall w[e]ires, in which they get abundance of fish. hunt. In their hunting and fishing they take extreame paines; yet it being their ordinary exercise from their infancy, they esteeme it a pleasure and are very proud to be expert therein. And by their continuall ranging, and travell, they know all the advantages and places most frequented with Deere, Beasts, Fish, Foule, Roots, and Berries. At their How they huntings they leaue their habitations, and reduce them- selues into companies, as the Tartars doe, and goe to the most desert places with their families, where they spend their time in hunting and fowling vp towards the moun- . 70.] taines, by the heads of their rivers, where there is plentie of game. For betwixt the rivers the grounds are so narrowe, that little commeth here which they devoure not. It is a marvell they can so directly passe these deserts, some 3 or 4 dayes iourney without habitation. Their hunting houses. are like vnto Arbours covered with Mats. These their women beare after them, with Corne, Acornes, Morters, and all bag and baggage they vse. When they come to the place of exercise, every man doth his best to shew his dexteritie, for by their excelling in those qualities, they get their wiues. Fortie yards will they shoot levell, or very neare the marke, and 120 is their best at Random. At their huntings in the deserts they are commonly two or three hundred together. Having found the Deere, they environ them with many fires, and betwixt the fires they place themselues. And some take their stands in the midsts. The Deere being thus feared by the fires, and 366 J. Smith. 1612-1624. The Voyages and Discoveries of LIB. 2. [1607–9] their voyces, they chase them so long within that circle, that many times they kill 6, 8, 10, or 15 at a hunting. They vse also to driue them into some narrow poynt of land, when they find that advantage; and so force them into the river, where with their boats they haue Ambus- cadoes to kill them. When they haue shot a Deere by land, they follow him like bloud-hounds by the bloud and straine, and oftentimes so take them. Hares, Partridges, Turkies, or Egges, fat or leane, young or old, they devoure all they can catch in their power. One Salvage hunting alone. !p. 71.] Their Con- sultations. Their enemies. In one of these huntings they found me in the discovery of the head of the river of Chickahamania, where they slew my men, and tooke me prisoner in a Bogmire; where I saw those exercises, and gathered these Observations. One Salvage hunting alone, vseth the skinne of a Deere slit on the one side, and so put on his arme, through the neck, so that his hand comes to the head which is stuffed, and the hornes, head, eyes, eares, and every part as arti- ficially counterfeited as they can devise. Thus shrowding his body in the skinne by stalking, he approacheth the Deere, creeping on the ground from one tree to another. If the Deere chance to find fault, or stand at gaze, he turneth the head with his hand to his best advantage to seeme like a Deere, also gazing and licking himselfe. watching his best advantage to approach, having shot him, he chaseth him by his bloud and straine till he get him. When they intend any warres, the Werowances vsually haue the advice of their Priests and Coniurers, and their allies, and ancient friends; but chiefely the Priests determine their resolution. Every Werowance, or some lustie fellow, they appoint [33] Captaine over every nation. They seldome make warre for lands or goods, but for women and children, and principally for revenge. They haue many enemies, namely, all their westernly Countries beyond the moun- taines, and the heads of the rivers. Vpon the head of the Powhatans are the Monacans, whose chiefe habitation is at Rasauweak; vnto whom the Mowhemenchughes, the Massin- nacacks, the Monahassanughs, the Monasickapanoughs, and other nations pay tributes. Vpon the head of the river of Toppahanock is a people called Mannahoacks. To these are contributers the Tauxanias, 1612-1624367 J. Smith. . Captaine Iohn Smith in Virginia. LIB. 2. ] the Shackaconias, the Ontponeas, the Tegninateos, the Whon- [1607-9] kenteaes, the Stegarakes, the Hassinnungaes, and divers others, all confederates with the Monacans, though many different in language, and be very barbarous, liuing for the most. part of wild beasts and fruits. mekes. Beyond the mountaines from whence is the head of the river Patawomcke, the Salvages report inhabit their most mortall enemies, the Massawomekes, vpon a great salt water, which by all likelihood is either some part of Cannada, some great lake, or some inlet of some sea that falleth into the South sea. These Massawomekes are a great nation and very Massawo- populous. For the heads of all those rivers, especially the Pattawomekes, the Pautuxuntes, the Sasquesahanocks, the Tockwoughes are continually tormented by them of whose crueltie, they generally complained, and very importunate they were with me and my company to free them from these tormentors. To this purpose they offered food, con- duct, assistance, and continuall subiection. Which I concluded to effect. But the councell then present emulating my successe, would not thinke it fit to spare me fortie men to be hazzarded in those vnknowne regions, having passed (as before was spoken of) but with 12, and so was lost that opportunitie. Their offer of subiection. Seaven boats full of these Massawomekes wee encountred . 72.) at the head of the Bay; whose Targets, Baskets, Swords, Tobaccopipes, Platters, Bowes, and Arrowes, and every thing shewed, they much exceeded them of our parts; and their dexteritie in their small boats, made of the barkes of trees sowed with barke and well luted with gumme, argueth that they are seated vpon some great water. Against all these enemies the Powhatans are constrained sometimes to fight. Their chiefe attempts are by Strata- gems, trecheries, or surprisals. Yet the Werowances, women and children they put not to death, but keepe them Captiues. They haue a method in warre, and for our pleasures they shewed it vs, and it was in this manner performed at Mattapanient. manner of Battell. Having painted and disguised themselues in the fiercest Their manner they could devise. They divided themselues into two Companies, neare a hundred in a company. The one company called Monacans, the other Powhatans. Either 368 J. Smith. 1612-1624. The Voyages and Discoveries of LIB. 2. [1607-9] army had their Captaine. These as enemies tooke their stands a musket shot one from another; ranked them- selues 15 a breast, and each ranke from another 4 or 5 yards, not in fyle, but in the opening betwixt their fyles. So the Reare could shoot as conveniently as the Front. Having thus pitched the fields: from either part went a messenger with these conditions, that whosoever were vanquished, such as escape vpon their submission in two dayes after should liue, but their wiues and children should be prize for the Conquerours. [.73.] Their Musicke. The messengers were no sooner returned, but they approached in their orders; On each flanke a Serieant, and in the Reare an Officer for Lieutenant, all duly keeping their orders, yet leaping and singing after their accustomed tune, which they onely vse in Warres. Vpon the first flight of arrowes they gaue such horrible shouts and screeches, as so many infernall hell hounds could not haue made them more terrible. When they had spent their arrowes, they ioyned together prettily, charging and retyring, every ranke seconding other. As they got advantage they catched their enemies by the hayre of the head, and downe he came that was taken. His enemy with his wooden sword seemed to beat out his braines, and still they crept to the Reare, to maintaine the skirmish. The Monacans decreasing, the Powhatans charged them in the forme of a halfe Moone; they vnwilling to be inclosed, fled all in a troope to their Ambuscadoes, on whom they led them very cunningly. The Monacans disperse themselues among the fresh men, wherevpon the [34] Powhatans retired, with all speed to their seconds; which the Monacans seeing, tooke that advantage to retire againe to their owne battell, and so each returned to their owne quarter. All their actions, voyces, and gestures, both in charging and retiring were so strained to the height of their qualitie and nature, that the strangenesse thereof made it seeme very delightfull. For their Musicke they vse a thicke Cane, on which they pipe as on a Recorder. For their warres they haue a great deepe platter of wood. They cover the mouth thereof with a skin, at each corner they tie a walnut, 1612-1624J. Smith369 . ] LIB. 2. Captaine Iohn Smith in Virginia. : : which meeting on the backside neere the bottome, with a [1607-9] small rope they twitch them together till it be so tought and stiffe, that they may beat vpon it as vpon a drumme. But their chiefe instruments are Rattles made of small gourds, or Pumpeons shels. Of these they haue Base, Tenor, Countertenor, Meane, and Treble. These mingled with their voyces sometimes twenty or thirtie together, make such a terrible noise as would rather affright, then delight any man. If any great commander arriue at the habitation of a Werowance, they spread a Mat as the Turkes doe a Carpet for him to sit vpon. Vpon another right opposite they sit themselues. Then doe all with a tunable voice of shouting bid him welcome. After this doe two or more of their chiefest men make an Oration, testifying their loue. Which they doe with such vehemency, and so great passions, that they sweat till they drop, and are so out of breath they can scarce speake. So that a man would take them to be exceeding angry, or stark mad. Such victual as they haue, they spend freely; and at night where his lodging is appointed, they set a woman fresh painted red with Pocones and oyle, to be his bed-fellow. Their enter- tainement. 7+] Their manner of trading is for copper, beads, and such like, for which they giue such commodities as they haue, Their trade. as skins, foule, fish, flesh, and their Country Corne. their victualls are their chiefest riches. But Every spring they make themselues sicke with drinking the iuyce of a roote they call Wighsacan, and water whereof they powre so great a quantitie, that it purgeth them in a very violent manner; so that in three or foure dayes after, they scarce recover their former health. Their Phisicke. Their Sometimes they are troubled with dropsies, swellings, Chirurgery. aches, and such like diseases; for cure whereof they build a Stoue in the forme of a Doue-house with mats, so close that a few coales therein covered with a pot, will make the patient sweat extreamely. For swellings also they vse small peeces of touchwood, in the forme of cloues, which pricking on the griefe they burne close to the flesh, and from thence draw the corruption with their mouth. With this roote Wighsacan they ordinarily heale greene wounds. But to scarrifie a swelling, or make incision, their best ENG. SCH. LIB. No. 16. 24 370 The Voyages and Discoveries of LIB. 2. [1612-1624. J. Smith. [1607-9] instruments are some splinted stone. Old vlcers, or putrified hurts are seldome seene cured amongst them. Their charms to cure. They haue many professed Phisicians, who with their charmes and Rattles, with an infernall rout of words and actions, will seeme to sucke their inward griefe from their navels, or their grieued places; but of our Chirurgians they were so conceited, that they beleeued any Plaister would heale any hurt. But 'tis not alwayes in Phisicians skill, To heale the Patient that is sicke and ill: For sometimes sicknesse on the Patients part, Proues stronger farre then all Phisicians art. (A. 75.] Of their Religion. Here is yet in Virginia no place discovered to be so Savage, in which they haue not a Religion, Deere, and Bow and Arrowes. All things that are able to doe them hurt beyond their preven- tion, they adore with their kinde of divine worship; as the fire, water, lightning, thunder, our Ordnance, peeces, horses, &c. But their chiefe God they worship is the Devill. Him Their God. they call Okee, [35] and serue him more of feare then loue. They say they haue conference with him, and fashion themselues as neare to his shape as they can imagine. In their Temples they haue his image euill favouredly carved, and then painted and adorned with chaines of copper, and beads, and covered with a skin, in such manner as the deformitie may well suit with such a God. How they bury their Kings. By him is commonly the sepulcher of their Kings. Their bodies are first bowelled, then dried vpon hurdles till they be very dry, and so about the most of their ioynts and necke they hang bracelets, or chaines of copper, pearle, and such like, as they vse to weare; their inwards they stuffe with copper beads, hatchets, and such trash. Then lappe they 1612-1624371 J. Smith. . Captaine Iohn Smith in Virginia. LIB. 2. ] them very carefully in white skins, and so rowle them in [1607-9] mats for their winding sheets. And in the Tombe which is an arch made of mats, they lay them orderly. What remaineth of this kinde of wealth their Kings haue, they set at their feet in baskets. These Temples and bodies are kept by their Priests. ordinary For their ordinary burials, they dig a deepe hole in the Their earth with sharpe stakes, and the corpse being lapped in burials. skins and mats with their iewels, they lay them vpon stickes in the ground, and so cover them with earth. The burial ended, the women being painted all their faces with blacke cole and oyle, doe sit twenty-foure houres in the houses mourning and lamenting by turnes, with such yelling and howling, as may expresse their great passions. Temples. In every Territory of a Werowance is a Temple and a Their Priest, two or three or more. Their principall Temple or place of superstition is at Vttamussack at Pamavnkee, neare vnto which is a house, Temple, or place of Powhatans. Vpon the top of certaine red sandy hils in the woods, there are three great houses filled with images of their Kings, and Devils, and Tombes of their Predecessors. Those houses are neare sixtie foot in length built arbour- wise, after their building. This place they count so holy as that [none] but the Priests and Kings dare come into them; nor the Salvages dare not goe vp the river in boats by it, but they solemnly cast some peece of copper, white. beads, or Pocones into the river, for feare their Okee should .76.1 be offended and revenged of them. Thus, Feare was the first their Gods begot: Till feare began, their Gods were not. ornaments Priests. In this place commonly are resident seauen Priests. Their The chiefe differed from the rest in his ornaments, but for their inferior Priests could hardly be knowne from the common people, but that they had not so many holes in their eares to hang their iewels at. The ornaments of the chiefe Priest were certaine attires for his head made thus. They tooke a dosen, or 16, or more snakes skins and stuffed them with mosse, and of Weesels and other Vermines skins a good many. All these 372 . The Voyages and Discoveries of LIB. 2. [11624J. Smith. [1607-9] they tie by their tailes, so as all their tailes meete in the toppe of their head like a great Tassell. Round about. this Tassell is as it were a crowne of feathers, the skins hang round about his head, necke, and shoulders, and in a manner cover his face. solemnities. The faces of all their Priests are painted as vgly as they can devise, in their hands they had every one his Rattle, some base [in tune], some smaller. Their devotion was most in songs, which the chiefe Priest beginneth and the rest followed him: sometimes he maketh invocations with broken sentences by starts and strange passions; and at every pause, the rest giue a short groane. Thus seeke they in deepe foolishnesse, To climbe the height of happinesse. The times of It could not be perceiued that they keepe any day as more holy then other; But onely in some great distresse of want, feare of enemies, times of triumph and gathering together their fruits, the whole Country of men, women, and children come together to solemnities. The manner of their devotion is, sometimes to make a great fire, in the house or fields, and all to sing and dance about it with Rattles and shouts [36] together, foure or fiue houres. Sometimes they set a man in the midst, and about him they dance and sing, he all the while clapping his hands, as if he would keepe time: and after their songs and dauncings ended they goe to their Feasts. Their coniurations. [^.77.] Through God begetting feare, Mans blinded minde did reare A hell-god to the ghosts; A heaven-god to the hoasts; Yea God vnto the Seas: Feare did create all these. They haue also divers coniurations, one they made when I was their prisoner; of which hereafter you shall reade at large [þþ. 76, 398]. They haue also certaine Altar stones they call Pawcor- Their Altars. ances, but these stand from their Temples, some by their houses, others in the woods and wildernesses, where they 1612-1624J. Smith373 . .] LIB. 2. Captaine Iohn Smith in Virginia. haue had any extraordinary accident, or incounter. And [1607-9] as you travell, at those stones they will tell you the cause why they were there erected, which from age to age they instruct their children, as their best records of antiquities. Vpon these they offer bloud, Deere suet, and Tobacco. This they doe when they returne from the Warres, from hunting, and vpon many other occasions. the water. They haue also another superstition that they vse in Sacrifices to stormes, when the waters are rough in the Rivers and Sea coasts. Their Coniurers runne to the water sides, or passing in their boats, after many hellish outcryes and invocations, they cast Tobacco, Copper, Pocones, or such trash into the water, to pacifie that God whom they thinke to be very angry in those stormes. Before their dinners and suppers the better sort will take the first bit, and cast it in the fire, which is all the grace they are knowne to vse. In some part of the Country they haue yearely a sacri- fice of children. Such a one was at Quiyoughcohanock some ten myles from Iames Towne, and thus performed. Fifteene of the properest young boyes, betweene ten and fifteene yeares of age they painted white. Having brought them forth, the people spent the forenoone in dancing and singing about them with Rattles. Their Sacrifices of children, solemn which they call Black- boyes. In the afternoone they put those children to the roote of a tree. By them all the men stood in a guard, every one having a Bastinado in his hand, made of reeds bound [. 73.1 together. This made a lane betweene them all along, through which there were appointed fiue young men to fetch these children: so every one of the fiue went through the guard to fetch a childe each after other by turnes, the guard fiercely beating them with their Bastinadoes, and they patiently enduring and receiuing all defending the children with their naked bodies from the vnmercifull blowes, that pay them soundly, though the children escape. All this while the women weepe and cry out very passionately, prouiding mats, skins, mosse, and dry wood, as things fitting their childrens funerals. After the children were thus passed the guard, the guard tore down the trees, branches and boughs, with such violence that they rent the body, and made wreaths for their heads, 374 J. Smith. 1612-1624. The Voyages and Discoveries of LIB. 2. [1607- or bedecked their hayre with the leaues. What els was done with the children, was not seene, but they were all cast on a heape, in a valley as dead, where they made a great feast for all the company. Those Blackboyes are made so mad with a kind of drinke, that The Werowance being demanded the meaning of this sacrifice, answered that the children were not all dead, but that the Okee or Divell did sucke the bloud from their left breast, who chanced to be his by lot, till they were dead; but the rest were kept in the wildernesse by the young men chiefe, at the till nine moneths were expired, during which time they must not converse with any: and of these were made their Priests and Coniurers. they will doe any mis- command of their Keepers. Their resurrection. [p. 79.] This sacrifice they held to be so necessary, that if they should omit it, their Okee or Devill, and all their other Quiyoùghcosughes, which are their other Gods, would let them haue no Deere, Turkies, Corne, nor fish: and yet besides, he would make a great slaughter amongst them. They thinke that their Werowances and Priests which they also esteeme Quiyoughcosughes, when they are dead, doe goe beyond the mountaines towards the setting of the sunne, and ever remaine there in forme of their Okee, with their heads painted [37] with oyle and Pocones, finely trimmed with feathers, and shall haue beads, hatchets, copper, and Tobacco, doing nothing but dance and sing, with all their Predecessors. But the common people they suppose shall not liue after death, but rot in their graues like dead dogs. To divert them from this blind Idolatry, we did our best endevours, chiefly with the Werowance of Quiyoughco- hanock, whose devotion, apprehension, and good disposi- tion, much exceeded any in those Countries, with whom although we could not as yet prevaile, to forsake his false Gods, yet this he did beleeue that our God as much exceeded theirs, as our Gunnes did their Bowes and Arrowes: and many times did send to me to Iames Towne, intreating me to pray to my God for raine, for their Gods would not send them any. And in this lamentable ignor- ance doe these poore soules sacrifice themselues to the Devill, not knowing their Creator; and we had not lan- guage sufficient, so plainly to expresse it as make them vnderstand it; which God grant they may. 1 J. Smith. LIB. 2. 1612-1624. 375 Captaine Iohn Smith in Virginia. For, Religion 'tis that doth distinguish vs, From their bruit humor, well we may it know; That can with understanding argue thus, Our God is truth, but they cannot doe so. [1607-9] Of the manner of the Virginians Government. A Lthough the Country people be very barbarous, yet haue they amongst them such government, as that their Magistrates for good command- ing, and their people for due subiection and obeying, excell many places that would be counted very civill. The forme of their Common-wealth is a Monarchicall government, one as Emperour ruleth ouer many Kings or Governours. Their chiefe ruler is called Powhatan, and taketh his name of his principall place of dwelling called Powhatan. But his proper name is Wahunsonacock. Some Countries he hath which haue beene his ancestors, and came vnto him by inheritance, as the Country called Powhatan, Arrohateck, Appamatuck, Pamavnkee, Youghtanund, and Mattapanient. All the rest of his Territories expressed in the Mappe, they report haue beene his severall Conquests. In all his ancient inheritances, he hath houses built after their manner like arbours, some 30. some 40. yards long, and at every house provision for his entertainement according to the time. At Werowcomoco At Werowcomoco on the North side of the river Pamavnkee, was his residence, when I was delivered him prisoner, some 14 myles from Iames [5.80.] Towne; where for the most part, he was resident, but at last he tooke so little pleasure in our neare neighbourhood, that he retired himselfe to Orapakes, in the desert betwixt Chickahamania and Youghtanund. He is of personage a tall well proportioned man, with a sower looke, his head somwhat gray, his beard so A descrip- Powhatan tion of 376 The Voyages and Discoveries of LIB. 2. [1 J. Smith. 1612-1624. His attendance and watch. [1607-9] thinne, that it seemeth none at all, his age neare sixtie; of a very able and hardy body to endure any labour. About his person ordinarily attendeth a guard of 40 or 50 of the tallest men his Country doth afford. Every night vpon the foure quarters of his house are foure Sentinels, each from other a flight shoot, and at every halfe houre one from the Corps du guard doth hollow, shaking his lips with his finger betweene them; vnto whom every Sen- tinell doth answer round from his stand: if any faile, they presently send forth an officer that beateth him extreamely. His treasury. A myle from Orapakes in a thicket of wood, he hath a house in which he keepeth his kinde of Treasure, as skinnes, copper, pearle, and beads, which he storeth vp against the time of his death and buriall. Here also is his store of red paint for oyntment, bowes and arrowes, Targets and clubs. This house is fiftie or sixtie yards in length, frequented onely by Priests. At the foure corners of this house stand foure [38] Images as Sentinels, one of a Dragon, another a Beare, the third like a Leopard, and the fourth like a giantlike man: all made evill favouredly, according to their best workemanship. His wiues. [p. 81.] His successors. Their authoritie. He hath as many women as he will, whereof when he lieth on his bed, one sitteth at his head, and another at his feet; but when he sitteth, one sitteth on his right hand. and another on his left. As he is weary of his women, he bestoweth them on those that best deserue them at his hands. When he dineth or suppeth, one of his women, before and after meat, bringeth him water in a wooden platter to wash his hands. Another waiteth with a bunch of feathers to wipe them in stead of a Towell, and the feathers when he hath wiped are dryed againe. His kingdomes descend not to his sonnes nor children, but first to his brethren, whereof he hath 3. namely, Opitchapan, Opechancanough, and Catataugh, and after their decease to his sisters. First to the eldest sister, then to the rest, and after them to the heires male or female of the eldest sister, but never to the heires of the males. He nor any of his people vnderstand any letters, where- by to write or reade, onely the lawes whereby he ruleth is 1612-1624J. Smith377 . . LIB. 2. Captaine Iohn Smith in Virginia. custome. Yet when he listeth his will is a law and must [1607-9 be obeyed: not onely as a King, but as halfe a God they esteeme him. His inferiour Kings, whom they call Werowances, are tyed to rule by customes, and haue power of life and death at their command in that nature. But this word Werowance, which we call and construe for a King, is a common word, whereby they call all commanders: for they haue but few words in their language, and but few occasions to vse any officers more then one commander, which commonly they call Werowance, or Caucorouse, which is Captaine. They all know their severall lands, and habitations, and limits, to fish, foule, or hunt in: but they hold all of their great Werowance Powhatan, vnto whom they pay tribute of skinnes, beads, copper, pearle, deere, turkies, wild beasts, and corne. What he commandeth they dare not disobey in the least thing. It is strange to see with what great feare and adoration, all these people doe obey this Powhatan. For at his feet they present whatsoever he commandeth, and at the least frowne of his brow, their greatest spirits will tremble with feare: and no marvell, for he is very terrible and tyrannous in punishing such as offend him. The tenor of their lands. His manner of punish- ments. For example, he caused certaine malefactors to be bound hand and foot, then having of many fires gathered great store of burning coales, they rake these coales round in the forme of a cock-pit, and in the midst they cast the offenders to broyle to death. Sometimes he causeth the heads of them that offend him, to be laid vpon the altar or sacrificing stone, and one with clubbes beats out their braines. When he would punish any notorious enemy or malefactor, he causeth him to be tyed to a tree, and with Mussell shels or reeds, the executioner cutteth off his ioynts one after [p. 82.] another, ever casting what they cut of into the fire; then doth he proceed with shels and reeds to case the skinne from his head and face; then doe they rip his belly and so burne him with the tree and all. Thus themselues reported they executed George Cassen. Their ordinary correction is to beate them with cudgels. We haue seene a man kneeling on his knees, and at Powhatans command, two men haue beate him on the bare skin, till he hath fallen senselesse in a sound, and yet never [6.82,98,395.1 378 J. Smith. 1612-1624. The Voyages and Discoveries of LIB. 2. [1607-9] [p. 83-} cry nor complained. And he made a woman for playing the whore, sit vpon a great stone, on her bare breech twenty-foure houres, onely with corne and water, every three dayes, till nine dayes were past; yet he loued her exceedingly notwithstanding there are common whores by profession. In the yeare 1608, he surprised the people of Payanka- tank his neare neighbours and subiects. The occasion was to vs vnknowne, but the manner was thus. First he sent divers of his men as to lodge amongst them that night, then the Ambuscadoes environed all their houses, and at the houre appointed, they all fell to the spoyle: twenty-foure men they slew; the long haire of the one side of their heads, with the skinne cased off with shels or reeds, they brought away. They surprised also the women, and the children, and the Werowance. All these they presented to Powhatan. The Werowance, women and children became his prisoners, and doe him service. [39] The lockes of haire with their skinnes he hanged on a line betwixt two trees. And thus he made ostentation of his triumph at IVerowocomoco, where he intended to haue done as much to mee and my company [see pp. 82, 133]. And this is as much as my memory can call to minde worthy of note; which I haue purposely collected, to satisfie my friends of the true worth and qualitie of Virginia. Yet some bad natures will not sticke to slander the Countrey, that will slovenly spit at all things, especially in company where they can finde none to contradict them. Who though they were scarce euer ten myles from Iames Towne, or at the most but at the falles; yet holding it a great disgrace that amongst so much action, their actions were nothing, exclaime of all things, though they never adventured to know any thing; nor euer did any thing but devoure the fruits of other mens labours. Being for most part of such tender educations, and small experience in Martiall accidents, because they found not English Cities, nor such faire houses, nor at their owne wishes any of their accustomed dainties, with feather beds and downe pillowes, Tavernes and Alehouses in every breathing 1012-1624J. Smith379 . Captaine Iohn Smith in Virginia. ] LIB. 2. .place, neither such plentie of gold and silver and dissolute [1607-9] libertie, as they expected, had little or no care of any thing, but to pamper their bellies, to fly away with our Pinnaces, or procure their meanes to returne for England. For the Country was to them a misery, a ruine, a death, a hell; and their reports here, and their actions there according. Some other there were that had yearely stipends to passe to and againe for transportation: who to keepe the mysterie of the businesse in themselues, though they had neither time nor meanes to know much of themselues; yet all mens actions or relations they so formally tuned to the temporizing times simplicitie, as they could make their ignorances seeme much more, then all the true actors could by their experience. And those with their great words deluded the world with such strange promises, as abused the businesse much worse then the rest. For the businesse being builded vpon the foundation of their fained experience, the planters, the money and meanes haue still miscarried: yet they ever returning, and the planters so farre absent, who could contradict their ex- cuses? which, still to maintaine their vaine glory and estimation, from time to time haue vsed such diligence as made them passe for truths, though nothing more false. And that the adventurers might be thus abused, let no man wonder; for the wisest liuing is soonest abused by him that hath a faire tongue and a dissembling heart. There were many in Virginia meerely proiecting, verball, and idle contemplators, and those so devoted to pure idle- nesse, that though they had liued two or three yeares in Virginia, lordly, necessitie it selfe could not compell them to passe the Peninsula, or Pallisadoes of Iames Towne; and those witty spirits, what would they not affirme in the 43 behalfe of our transporters, to get victuall from their ships, or obtaine their good words in England, to get their passes. Thus from the clamors, and the ignorance of false in- formers, are sprung those disasters that sprung in Virginia: and our ingenious verbalists were no lesse plague to vs in Virginia, then the Locusts to the Egyptians. For the labour of twentie or thirtie of the best onely preserved in 380 LIB. 2. [The Voyages and Discoveries &c. . 1612-1624J. Smith. [1607-9] Christianitie by their industry, the idle livers of neare two hundred of the rest: who liuing neere ten moneths [Oct. 1608-10 July 1609] of such naturall meanes, as the Country naturally of it selfe afforded. Notwithstanding all this, and the worst fury of the Salvages, the extremitie of sicknesse, mutinies, faction, ignorances, and want of victuall; in all that time I lost. but seaven or eight men, yet subiected the salvages to our desired obedience, and receiued contribution from thirtie fiue of their Kings, to protect and assist them against any that should assault them, in which order they continued true and faithfull, and as subiects to his Maiestie, so long after as I did governe there, vntill I left the Countrey. Since, how they haue revolted, the Countrie lost, and againe replanted, and the businesses hath succeeded from time to time, I referre you to the relations of them returned from Virginia, that haue beene more diligent in such Observations. Iohn Smith writ this with his owne hand. [40] J. Smith. LIB. 2. 1612-1624. 381 Vocabulary of Indian Words, &c.] Because many doe desire to know the K manner of their Language, I haue inserted these few words. A katora wincs yowo. What call you this. Nemarough, man. Crenepo, a woman. Marowanchesso, a boy. Yehawkans, Houses. Matchcores, Skins, or gar- ments. Mockasins, Shooes. Tussan, Beds. Pokatawer, Fire. Attawp, A bow. Attonce, Arrowes. Monacookes, Swords. Aumouhhowgh, A Target. Pawcussacks, Gunnes. Tomahacks, Axes. Tockahacks, Pickaxes. Pamesacks, Kniues. Accowprets, Sheares. Pawpecones, Pipes. Mattassin, Copper. Vssawassin, Iron, Brasse, Silver, or any white met- tall. Musses, Woods. Attasskuss, Leaues, weeds, or grasse. Chepsin, Land. Shacquohocan. A stone. Wepenter, A cookold. Suckahanna, Water. Noughmass, Fish. Copotone, Sturgeon. [1607-9] Weghshaughes, Flesh. [pp. 44-46.} Sawwehone, Bloud. Netoppew, Friends. a Marrapough, Enemies. Maskapow, the worst of the enemies. Mawchick chammay, The best of friends. Casacunnakack, peya quagh acquintan vttasantasough, In how many daies will there come hither any more English Ships. Their Numbers. Necut, 1. Ningh, 2. Nuss, 3. Yough, 4. Paranske, 5. Comotinch, 6. Toppawoss, 7. Nusswash, 8. tawgh, 9. Kaskeke, 10. Keka- They count no more but by tennes as followeth. Case, how many. Ninghsapoocksku, 20. Nussapoocksku, 30. Yowghapoocksku, 40. Parankestassapoocksku, 50. Comatinchtassapooeksku, 60. Nussswashtassapooeksku, 70. Kekataughtassapooeksku, 90. Necuttoughtysinough, 100. Necuttwevnquaough, 1000. Rawcosowghs, Dayes. 382 J. Smith. 1612-1624. [Vocabulary of Indian Words, &c. LIB. 2. [1607-9] Keskowghes, Sunnes. Toppquough, Nights. pp. 44-46.] Nepawweshowghs, Moones. Pawpaxsoughes, Yeares. Pummahumps, Starres. Osies, Heavens. Okees, Gods. Quiyoughcosoughs, Pettie Gods, and their affinities. Righcomoughes, Deaths. Kekughes, Liues. Mowchick woyawgh tawgh noeragh kaquere mecher, I am very hungry? what shall I eate? Tawnor nehiegh Powhatan, Where dwels Powhatan. Mache,nehieghyourowgh,Ora- paks. Now he dwels a great way hence at Orapaks. Vittapitchewayne anpechitchs nehawper Werowacomoco, You lie, he staid ever at Werowacomoco. Kator nehiegh mattagh neer vttapitchewayne, Truely he is there I doe not lie. Spaughtynere keragh werow- ance mawmarinough kekatem wawgh peyaquaugh, Run you then to the King Mawma- rynough and bid him come hither. Vtteke, e peya weyack wigh- whip, Get you gone, and come againe quickly. Kekaten Pokahontas patia- quagh niugh tanks manotyens neer mowchick rawrenock au- dowgh, Bid Pokahontas bring hither two little Baskets, and I will giue her white Beads to make her Ą Chaine. FINIS. [41] G 383 [The Generall Historie of Virginia, New England, & the Summer Isles. THE THIRD BOOK. 1624. A reprint, with variations, of the Second Part of The Map of Virginia, 1612.] 384 [In addition to the sayings and doings of the five Gentlemen and one Soldier specified on p. 86; there are to be found in this revised text, the testimonies of the following eight Gentlemen : GENTLEMEN. Original Planters, 1607. President JOHN SMITH, pp. 93, 389, 403, 442. The Hon. GEORGE PERCY, pp. 93, 389, 488. ROBERT FENTON, pp. 389, 403. EDWARD HARRINGTON, pp. 390, 403. WILLIAM TANKARD, pp. 94, 390, 480. First Supply, 1608. JEFFREY ABBOт, pp. 108, 465, 508. ANTHONY BAGNALL, Surgeon, pp. 421, 433. THOMAS MUMFORD, pp. 109, 420. The contributions of these eight Gentlemen are fully sufficient to account for the additional facts to be found in Lib. 3.] 307 308 37- 38 Monaha Panugh 16 Pawels E Monafukapanough (MOACANS Manacack Mowbemeh 39 104 Mallaw Nakomecks VIRGINIA Stegara Taxfnitania 8438 41 1697 Signification of thefe markes, To the craffes hath bin difcouerd ubat beyond is by relation Kings boufes z Ordinary boufes 2 Shackaconia MANN SAHOACKS ahanougs The Safque Tare a Gram like people & chuoi, thus a frede POWHATAN Held this ftate & fabion when Cape Smith was delivered to him prijoner פו 1607 pamatuck 602 H Chavops The new Powhatan Youghtanund f The ales P owhatan. Arrohateck rapaks ock pecant Nechanical Weyan Ranigh Attack Mamana Pola Acconse Hamme Pas pabigh Werawabor Matchu Cu Quyanghee and Ozenick Na attachiphics Paffaurkack Utay bank Accoquech Mygbtuckpaffi W Quackcohomas H Leofwinck Kupkipca Vihammussa steck manalsy Paaughtacock Por tanck towne Vattacey tapoyac Ma propamient lames' Warafkorack Lalokete Wathe mak Werande Cornoco Kishiach Opce Cantaunkack Ceader Paranka GOLGS CH WOxs Nandanumd Mattanack Teracofisk o Shapese G Mantough quented Chesapeak Mortons baye Lil Pernt hope Powhatan flu Gosnells bare Povnt comfort Cape Henry Cape Charle Amaunk Hu Accormack Smyths les 310 2 Martough quam Secobeck Anaskemoans Muttamufinjack Nandtanghta Chagallows Mattapament flu: Matcbutt Aureupeugh CA Payankatank Ru : ahano Mabakahod Sparkes Valley 348 Feherstone Bare INOH H Dempcrites tree Malpwoteck Boolersbugh Curough Burtons Mount Cuttaawomen ka Pate womeck Natacunt Pamacocack N Saucenent Papifcene Karabacak A Piffafeck Ozawam.en T Navvacaten Mangoraca Wecuppam Natchapick Laquacks comend ppahareck Cecom come co mand Nuliand Maroughpua macsk Nu/bemouemacs co Cinquantec Potapace A wafapokent of Macocprace Pacatamough Acqualack Wasmacks Acquintanacfuck Monariauk Welameus Namalingakent Marmerk Nachtanck attpament Quact at migh Vepanawomen PENS Nay Froughound J sཨཔྤཎ Cong Bland's AC: Downes dale S Willowbres Alu unt flu Omatuck Quem are buxant Oparent ickards chiffes Taguerne. PEACK Momfords porn winstons gies BAY Brookes: Forest Forest on Czines Powls Iles Tackagh rnt Pefinge Capabuwafich ndals peyns Viffins Poynt Pant Ward HE Cage harbour Sanderfas tank Cheras Citatagomen Rules les wap di Wighco Comace cm-pack atanomeck Paynt &Namfe Nantaquack AFF Accobarock Keales by Walhe borne C Wrighcocomico Reades poynt Wighco KVSKARAWA OKS Smyths fales Safqufahamingh the Attaock Safquefahanough Gunters Harbour Peregras mount Kulkarwock W GHST THE VIRGINIAN SEA 38 Tejingh Quadroque Ли VE X T Lequanachuke H and halfe Macocks Scale of Leagues Leagues Chickabakin HV KES 10 Discovered and Difcribed by Captayn John Smith Grauen by William Hole 1606 32 3071 40 41 3091 3201 5081 Page 41 Smith 385 7. THE AND The third Booke. PROCEEDINGS ACCIDENTS The English Colony in Virginia, Extracted from the Authors fol- lowing, by WILLIAM SIMONS, Doctour of Divinitie. CHAPTER I. 1606. OF [1606] Smith [A. 89.] T might well be thought, a Countrie so faire (as Virginia is) and a people so Sir Thomas tractable, would long ere this haue Treasurer. beene quietly possessed, to the satis- faction of the adventurers, and the eternizing of the memory of those that effected it. But because all the world doe see a defailement in 1612]; this following Treatise shall giue satisfaction to all indifferent Readers, how the businesse hath bin carried: where no doubt they will easily vnderstand and answer to their question, how it came to passe there was no better speed and successe in those proceedings. mover of the Captaine Bartholomew Gosnoll, one of the first movers The first of this plantation, having many yeares solicited many of action. his friends, but found small assistants; at last prevailed with some Gentlemen, as Captaine Iohn Smith, Master Edward-maria Wingfield, Master Robert Hunt, and divers others, who depended a yeare vpon his proiects, but [2.90.1 25 ENG. SCH. LIB. No. 16. 386 The Discoveries and Accidents, LIB. 3. [T. Studley, J. Smith. R. Fenton. , E. Harrington[1606-7] nothing could be effected, till by their great charge and Orders for government. 402,0,.] industrie, it came to be apprehended by certaine of the Nobilitie, Gentry, and Marchants, so that his Maiestie by his letters patents [10 April 1606], gaue commission for establishing Councels, to direct here; and to governe, and to execute there. To effect this, was spent another yeare, and by that, three ships were provided, one of 100 Tuns, another of 40. and a Pinnace of 20. The transportation. of the company was committed to Captaine Christopher Newport, a Marriner well practised for the Westerne parts of America. But their orders for government were put in a box, not to be opened, nor the governours knowne vntill they arrived in Virginia. On the 19 of December, 1606. we set sayle from Black- wall, but by vnprosperous winds, were kept six weekes in pp. 90, 93, the sight of England; all which time, Master Hunt our 9103,39 Preacher, was so weake and sicke, that few expected his recovery. Yet although he were but twentie myles from his habitation (the time we were in the Downes) and notwithstanding the stormy weather, nor the scandalous imputations (of some few, little better then Atheists, of the greatest ranke amongst vs) suggested against him, all this. could never force from him so much as a seeming desire to leaue the busines, but preferred the service of God, in so good a voyage, before any affection to contest with his godlesse foes, whose disasterous designes (could they haue prevailed) [42] had even then overthrowne the businesse, so many discontents did then arise, had he not with the water of patience, and his godly exhortations (but chiefly by his true devoted examples) quenched those flames of envie, and dissention. Monica an vnfre- We watered at the Canaries, we traded with the Salvages at Dominica; three weekes we spent in refreshing our selues amongst these west-India Isles; in Gwardalupa we found a bath so hot, as in it we boyled Porck as well as over the fire. And at a little Isle called Monica, we tooke quented Isle from the bushes with our hands, neare two hogsheads full of Birds in three or foure houres. In Mevis, Mona, and the Virgin Isles, we spent some time; where, with a loth- some beast like a Crocodil, called a Gwayn [Iguana], Tortoises, Pellicans, Parrots, and fishes, we daily feasted. full of Birds. Ed. by W. Simmonds1612-1624. . LIB. 3. with the first supply in Virginia. 387 [1607] Gone from thence in search of Virginia, the company was not a little discomforted, seeing the Marriners had 3 dayes (A. 91.] passed their reckoning and found no land; so that Captaine Ratcliffe (Captaine of the Pinnace) rather desired to beare vp the helme to returne for England, then make further search. But God the guider of all good actions, forcing them by an extreame storme to hull all night, did driue them by his providence to their desired Port, beyond all their expectations; for never any of them had seene that coast. The first land they made they called Cape Henry; where Their first thirtie of them recreating themselues on shore, were landing. assaulted by fiue Salvages, who hurt two of the English very dangerously. That night was the box opened, and the orders read, in which Bartholomew Gosnoll, Iohn Smith, Edward Wingfield, Christopher Newport, Iohn Rat[c]liffe, Iohn Martin, and George Kendall, were named to be the Councell, and to choose a President amongst them for a yeare, who with the Councell should governe. Matters of moment were to be examined by a Iury, but determined by the maior part of the Councell, in which the President had two voyces. 896.] 5, 91, Matters of Vntil the 13 of May [1607] they sought a place to plant in; then the Councell was sworne, Master Wingfield govern- was chosen President, and an Oration made, why Captaine Smith was not admitted of the Councell as the rest. Now falleth every man to worke, the Councell contriue the Fort, the rest cut downe trees to make place to pitch their Tents; some provide clapbord to relade the ships, some make gardens, some nets, &c. The Salvages often visited vs kindly. The Presidents overweening iealousie would admit no exercise at armes, or fortification but the boughs of trees cast together in the forme of a halfe moone by the extraordinary paines and diligence of Captaine Kendall. ment. Newport, Smith, and twentie others, were sent to [ƒ. 6.] the Falles Powhatan. discover the head of the river: by divers small habitations The dis- they passed, in six dayes they arrived at a Towne called covery of Powhatan, consisting of some twelue houses, pleasantly and seated on a hill; before it three fertile Iles, about it many sal of their cornefields, the place is very pleasant, and strong by nature, of this place the Prince is called Powhatan, and his people Powhatans. To this place the river is navigable : 388 The Discoveries and Accidents, LIB. 3. [T. StudleyR. Fenton. , J. Smith, E. Harrington. [1607] The Fort assaulted by the Salvages. [P. 7.] [p. 8.] [A. 93.1 but higher within a myle, by reason of the Rockes and Isles, there is not passage for a small Boat, this they call the Falles. The people in all parts kindly intreated them, till being returned within twentie myles of Iames towne, they gaue iust cause of iealousie : but had God not blessed the discoverers otherwise then those at the Fort, there had then beene an end of that plantation; for at the Fort, where they arrived the next day, they found 17 men hurt, and a boy slaine by the Salvages, and had it not chanced a crosse barre shot from the Ships strooke downe a bough from a tree amongst them, that caused them to retire, our men had all beene slaine, being securely all at worke, and their armes in dry fats. : Herevpon the President was contented the Fort should be pallisadoed, the Ordnance mounted, his men armed and exercised for many were the assaults, and ambuscadoes of the Salvages, and our men by their disorderly stragling were often hurt, when the Salvages by the nimblenesse of their heeles well escaped. What toyle we had, with so small a power to guard our workemen adayes, watch all night, resist our enemies, and effect our businesse, to relade the ships, cut downe trees, and prepare the ground to plant our Corne, &c, I referre to the Readers consideration. Six weekes being spent in this manner, Captaine Newport (who was hired onely for [43] our transportation) was to returne with the ships. Now Captaine Smith, who all this time from their departure from the Canaries was restrained as a prisoner vpon the scandalous suggestions of some of the chiefe (envying his repute) who fained he intended to vsurpe the government, murther the Councell, and make himselfe King, that his confederats were dispersed in all the three ships, and that divers of his confederats that revealed it, would affirme it; for this he was committed as a prisoner. Thirteene weekes [24 Mar.—10 June 1607, [pp. lvii, liv] he remained thus suspected, and by that time the ships should returne they pretended out of their commisserations, to referre him to the Councell in England to receiue a check, rather then by particulating his designes [to] make him so odious to the world, as to touch his life, or vtterly overthrow Ed. by W. Simmonds1612-1624. . LIB. 3. with the first supply in Virginia. 389 I his reputation. But he so much scorned their charitie, and publikely defied the vttermost of their crueltie; he wisely prevented their policies, though he could not suppresse their envies; yet so well he demeaned himselfe in this businesse, as all the company did see his innocency, and his adversaries malice, and those suborned to accuse him, accused his accusers of subornation; many vntruthes were alledged against him; but being so apparently disproved, begat a generall hatred in the hearts of the company against such vniust Commanders, that the President [Wingfield] was adiudged to giue him 200l.; so that all he had was seized vpon, in part of satisfaction, which Smith presently returned to the Store for the generall vse of the Colony. Many were the mischiefes that daily sprung from their ignorant (yet ambitious) spirits; but the good Doctrine. and exhortation of our Preacher Master Hunt reconciled them, and caused Captaine Smith to be admitted of the Councel [20 June, or rather on 10 June, see p.liv] [1607] (pp. 90, 93. 99, 103, 386, 402, 407-1 Captain The next day all receiued the Communion, the day following [June 22] the Salvages voluntarily desired peace, and Captaine Newport returned for England with newes; Newports leaving in Virginia 100. the 15 [or rather 22. ; pp. lv, lxx] Englan of Iune 1607. By this obserue; Good men did ne'r their Countries ruine bring. But when evill men shall iniuries beginne; Not caring to corrupt and violate The iudgements-seats for their owne Lucr[e]'s sake: Then looke that Country cannot long haue peace, Though for the present it haue rest and ease. The names of them that were the first Planters, were these following. Master Edward Maria Wingfield. Captaine Bartholomew Gosnoll. Captaine John Smith. Captaine Iohn Ratcliffe. Captaine Iohn Martin. Captaine George Kendall. Councel. Master Robert Hunt Preacher. Master George Percic. Anthony Gosnoll. George Flower. Cap. Gabriell Archer. Robert Fenton. Robert Ford. Gent. returne for 1607. Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer. 7 • 390 The Discoveries and Accidents, LIB. 3. [T. Studley. R. Fenton. . E. Harrington[1607] (Compare this List with the 1612 one at William Bruster. Edward Harrington. Dru Pickhouse. Thomas Iacob. Iohn Brookes. Ellis Kingston. Thomas Sands. Beniamin Beast. Ichu Robinson. Thomas Mouton. Eustace Clovill. Stephen Halthrop. Kellam Throgmorton. Edward Morish. Nathaniell Powell. Edward Browne. Robert Behethland. Iohn Penington. Teremy Alicock. George Walker. Thomas Studley. Richard Crofts. Nicholas Houlgrauc. Thomas Webbe. [44] pp. 93, 94.1 Iohn Waller. Iohn Short. William Tankard. William Smethes. Francis Snarsbrough. Richard Simons. Edward Brookes. Richard Dixon. John Martin. Roger Cooke. Anthony Gosnold. Tho: Wotton,Chirurg. John Stevenson. Thomas Gorc. Henry Adling. Francis Midwinter. Richard Frith. -Gent. , J. SmithWilliam Laxon. Edward Pising. Thomas Emry. Robert Small. Iohn Laydon. William Cassen. George Cassen. Thomas Cassen. William Rodes. William White. Old Edward. Henry Tavin. George Goulding. Iohn Dods. William Iohnson. William Vnger. Labourers. Carpen- ters. Iam: Read, Blacksmith Ionas Profit, Sailer. Tho: Cowper, Barber. Will: Garret, Bricklayer. Edward Brinto, Mason. William Louc, Taylor. Nic: Scot, Drum. Wil: Wilkinson, Chirurg. Samuell Collier, boy. Nat. Pecock, boy. James Brumfield, boy. Richard Mutton, boy. With divers others to the number of 100. Ed. by W. Simmonds] LIB. 3. with the first supply in Virginia. 391 Simmonds.. - B CHAPTER II. What happened till the first supply. Eing thus left to our fortunes, it fortuned that within ten dayes scarce ten amongst VS could either goe, or well stand, such extreame weaknes and sicknes oppressed vs. And thereat none need marvaile, if they consider the cause and reason, which was this. [1607] The occa- sion of sicknesse. abuses. Whilest the ships stayed, our allowance was somewhat bettered, by a daily proportion of Bisket, which the sailers (4.95.] would pilfer to sell, giue, or exchange with vs, for money, The Sailers Saxefras, furres, or loue. But when they departed, there remained neither taverne, beere house, nor place of reliefe, but the common Kettell. Had we beene as free from all sinnes as gluttony, and drunkennesse, we might haue beene canonized for Saints; But our President [Wingfield] would never haue beene admitted, for ingrossing to his private [i.e., his own use, Oatmeale, Sacke, Oyle, Aquavita, Beefe, Egges, or what not, but the Kettell; that indeed he allowed equally to be distributed, and that was halfe a pint of wheat, and as much barley boyled with water for a man a day, and this having fryed some 26. weekes [Dec. 1606-June 1607] in the ships hold, contained as many wormes as graines; so that we might truely call it rather so much bran then corne, our [1.957) drinke was water, our lodgings Castles in the ayre. With this lodging and dyet, our extreame toile in bearing and planting Pallisadoes, so strained and bruised vs, and our continuall labour in the extremitie of the heat had so weakned vs, as were cause sufficient to haue made vs as miserable in our natiue Countrey, or any other place in the world. President From May, to September [1607], those that escaped, liued vpon Sturgeon, and Sea-crabs, fiftie in this time we buried, the rest seeing the Presidents proiects to escape A bad these miseries in our Pinnace by flight (who all this time had neither felt want nor sicknes) so moved our dead spirits, as we deposed him [10 Sept. 1607]; and established Ratcliffe in his place, (Gosnoll being dead [22 Aug. 1607]) [. 8.] 392 The Discoveries and Accidents, LIB. 3. [T. Studley, Fenton. , E. Harrington[1607] Plentie vnexpected. [p. 96.] [A. 9.] Kendall deposed [? Sept. 1607]. Smith newly recovered, Martin and Ratcliffe was by his care preserved and relieued, and the most of the souldiers recovered with the skilfull diligence of Master Thomas Wotton our Chirurgian generall. But now was all our provision spent, the Sturgeon gone, all helps abandoned, each houre expecting the fury of the Salvages; when God the patron of all good indevours, in that desperate extremitie so changed the hearts of the Salvages, that they brought such plenty of their fruits, and provision, as no man wanted. And now where some affirmed it was ill done of the Councell to send forth men so badly provided, this incon- tradictable reason will shew them plainely they are too ill advised to nourish such ill conceits; first, the fault of our going was our owne, [45] what could be thought fitting. or necessary we had; but what we should find, or want, or where we should be, we were all ignorant, and supposing to make our passage in two moneths, with victuall to liue, and the advantage of the spring to worke; we were at Sea fiue moneths, where we both spent our victuall and lost the opportunitie of the time and season to plant, by the vnskilfull presumption of our ignorant transporters, that vnderstood not at all, what they vndertooke. Such actions haue ever since the worlds beginning beene subiect to such accidents, and every thing of worth is found full of difficulties: but nothing so difficult as to establish a Common wealth so farre remote from men and meanes, and where mens mindes are so vntoward as neither doe well themselues, nor suffer others. But to proceed. The new President [Ratcliffe], and Martin, being little beloved, of weake iudgement in dangers, and lesse industrie in peace, committed the managing of all things abroad to Captaine Smith: who by his owne example, good words, and faire promises, set some to mow, others to binde The building thatch, some to build houses, others to thatch them, himselfe alwayes bearing the greatest taske for his owne share, so that in short time, he provided most of them lodgings, neglecting any for himselfe. of James Torne. This done, seeing the Salvages superfluitie beginne to decrease [he] (with some of his workemen) shipped him- selfe (9 Nov. 1607] in the Shallop to search the Country for i Ed. by W. Simmonds1612-1624. . LIB. 3. with the first supply in Virginia. 393 trade. The want of the language, knowledge to mannage his boat without sailes, the want of a sufficient power (knowing the multitude of the Salvages), apparell for his men, and other necessaries, were infinite impediments; yet no discouragement. [1607] beginning Being but six or seauen in company he went downe [ẻ.9.1 the river to Kecoughtan: where at first they scorned him, as a famished man; and would in derison offer him a handfull of Corne, a peece of bread, for their swords. and muskets, and such like proportions also for their The apparell. But seeing by trade and courtesie there was of Trade nothing to be had, he made bold to try such conclusions as necessitie inforced, though contrary to his Com- mission [he] Let fly his muskets, ran his boat on shore; whereat they all fled into the woods. So marching towards their houses, they might see great heapes of corne: much adoe he had to restraine his hungry souldiers from [the] present taking of it, expecting as it hapned that the Salvages would assault them, as not long after they did with a most hydeous noyse. Sixtie or seaventie of them, some blacke, some red, some white, some party-coloured, came in a square order, singing and dauncing out of the woods, with their Okee (which was an Idoll made of skinnes, stuffed with mosse, all painted and hung with chaines and copper) borne before them and in this manner, being well armed with Clubs, Targets, Bowes and Arrowes, they charged the English, that so kindly receiued them with their muskets loaden with Pistoll shot, that downe fell their God, and divers lay sprauling on the ground; the rest fled againe to the woods, and ere long sent one of their Quiyonghkasoucks to offer peace, and redeeme their Okce. Smith told them, if onely six of them would come vnarmed and loade his boat, he would not only be their friend, but restore them their Okce, and giue them Beads, Copper, and Hatchets besides: which on both sides was to their contents performed: and then they brought him Venison, Turkies, wild foule, bread, and what they had; singing and dauncing in signe of friendship till they departed. abroad. In his returne he discovered the Towne and Country lẻ. 10.] of IVarraskoyack. 394 The Discoveries and Accidents, LIB. 3. [T. Studley. R. Fenton. , E. Harrington[1607] p. 97.] Amoris, a Salvage his Thus God vnboundlesse by his power, , J. SmithMade them thus kind, would vs deuour. Smith perceiving (notwithstanding their late miserie) not any regarded but from hand to mouth (the company being well recovered) caused the Pinnace to be provided. best friend with things fitting to get provision for the yeare following; but in the interim he made 3. or 4. iournies and discovered the people of Chickahamania: yet what he carefully pro- vided the rest carelesly spent. slaine for loving vs. The Discovery of Chicka- kamine. ['. 10.]: Wingfield and Kendall liuing in disgrace, seeing all things at randome in the absence of Smith, the companies dislike of their [46] Presidents weaknes, and their small loue to Martins never mending sicknes, strengthened themselues with the sailers and other confederates, to regaine their former credit and authority, or at least such meanes abord the Pinnace, (being fitted to saile as Smith had appointed for trade) to alter her course and to goe for England. Smith vnexpectedly returning had the plot discovered to him, much trouble he had to prevent it, till with store of sakre and musket shot he forced them stay or sinke in the riuer: which action cost the life of captaine Kendall [after trial, see pp. 13, 97]. These brawles are so disgustfull, as some will say they were better forgotten, yet all men of good iudgement will conclude, it were better their basenes should be manifest to the world, then the busines beare the scorne and shame of their excused disorders. The President [Ratcliffe] and captaine Archer not long after intended also to haue abandoned the country, which abandon the proiect also was curbed, and suppressed by Smith. Another proiect to country. The Spaniard never more greedily desired gold then he Smith victuall; nor his souldiers more to abandon the Coun- try, then he to keepe it. But finding he found] plentie of Corne in the riuer of Chickahamania, where hundreds of Salvages in diuers places stood with baskets expecting his comming. And now the winter approaching, the rivers became so covered with swans, geese, duckes, and cranes, that we daily feasted with good bread, Virginia pease, pumpions, and putchamins, fish, fowle, and diverse sorts of wild beasts as fat as we could eate them: so that none of our Tuftaffaty humorists desired to goe for England. Ed. by W. Simmonds1612-1624. . LIB. 3. with the first supply in Virginia. 395 But our Comadics never endured long without a Tragedie ; [1607] some idle exceptions being muttered against Captaine Smith, [1.93.] for not discovering the head of Chickahamania river, and [being] taxed by the Councell, to be too slow in so worthy an attempt. The next voyage hee proceeded so farre that with much labour by cutting of trees insunder he made his passage; but when his Barge could passe no farther, he left her in a broad bay out of danger of shot, commanding none should goe a shore till his returne: himselfe with two English and two Salvages went vp higher in a Canowe; but hee was not long absent, but his men went a shore, whose want of government gaue both occasion and opportunity to the Salvages to surprise one George Cassen, whom they slew, and much failed not to haue cut of[f] the boat and all the rest. Smith little dreaming of that accident, being got to the marshes at the rivers head, twentie myles in the desert, had his two men slaine (as is supposed) sleeping by the Ichu Canowe, whilst himselfe by fowling sought them victuall: who finding he was beset with 200. Salvages, two of them Thomas hee slew, still defending himselfe with the ayd of a Salvage slaine. his guid, whom he bound to his arme with his garters, and vsed him as a buckler, yet he was shot in his thigh a little, and had many arrowes that stucke in his cloathes but no great hurt, till at last they tooke him prisoner. When this newes came to Iames towne, much was their sorrow for his losse, fewe expecting what ensued. Sixe or seuen weekes [rather about the three weeks 16 Dec. 1607-8 Jan. 1608] those Barbarians kept him prisoner, many strange triumphes and coniurations they made of him, yet hee so demeaned himselfe amongst them, as he not onely diverted them from surprising the Fort, but pro- cured his owne libertie, and got himselfe and his company such estimation amongst them, that those Salvages admired him more then their owne Quiyouckosucks. The manner how they vsed and deliuered him, is as followeth. Robinson and Emry Smith The Salvages hauing drawne from George Cassen whether Captaine Captaine Smith was gone, prosecuting that oportunity taken they followed him with. 300. bowmen, conducted by the prisoner King of Pamavnkee, who in diuisions searching the turn- 396 The Discoveries and Accidents, LIB. 3. [T. R. , J. Smith. . Studley, Harrington. St. Fenton[1607] . 15, 16, 395, 401.] [p. 15.] The order they observed in their trivmph. ings of the riuer, found Robinson and Emry by the fire side: those they shot full of arrowes and slew. Then find- ing the Captaine, as is said, that vsed the Salvage that was his guide as his shield (three of them being slaine and diuers other so gauld) all the rest would not come neere him. Thinking thus to haue returned to his boat, regard- ing them, as he marched, more then his way, [he] slipped vp to the middle in an oasie creeke and his Salvage with him; yet durst they not come to him till being neere dead with cold, he threw away his armes. Then according to their composition they drew him forth and led him to the fire, where his men were slaine. Diligently they chafed his benummed [47] limbs. a He demanding for their Captaine, they shewed him. Opechankanough, King of Pamavnkee, to whom he gaue Much they round Ivory double compass Dyall. marvailed at the playing of the Fly and Needle, which they could see so plainely, and yet not touch it, because of the glasse that covered them. But when he demon- strated by that Globe-like lewell, the roundnesse of the earth, and skies, the spheare of the Sunne, Moone, and Starres, and how the Sunne did chase the night round about the world continually; the greatnesse of the Land and Sea, the diversitie of Nations, varietie of complexions, and how we were to them Antipodes, and many other such like matters, they all stood as amazed with admiration. Notwithstanding, within an houre after they tyed him to a tree, and as many as could stand about him prepared to shoot him but the King holding vp the Compass in his hand, they all laid downe their Bowes and Arrowes, and in a triumphant manner led him to Orapaks, where he was after their manner kindly feasted, and well vsed. Their order in conducting him was thus; Drawing them- selues all in fyle, the King in the middest had all their Peeces and Swords borne before him. Captaine Smith was led after him by three great Salvages, holding him fast by each arme: and on each side six went in fyle with their Arrowes nocked. But arriving at the Towne [Orapaks] (which was but onely thirtie or fortie hunting houses made of Mats, which they remoue as they please, as we tents) all the women and children staring to behold him, our Ed by W. Simmonds. 1612-1624LIB. 3. with the first supply in Virginia. 397 . [1607] the souldiers first all in fyle performed the forme of a Bissone so well as could be; and on each flanke, officers as Serieants to see them keepe their orders. A good time they continued this exercise, and then cast themselues in a ring, dauncing in such severall Postures, and singing and yelling out such hellish notes and screeches; being strangely painted, every one his quiver of Arrowes, and at his backe a club; on his arme a Fox or an Otters skinne, or some such matter for his vambrace; their heads and shoulders painted red, with Oyle and Pocones mingled together, which Scarlet-like colour made an exceeding handsome shew; his Bow in his hand, and the skinne of a Bird with her wings abroad dryed, tyed on his head, a peece of copper, a white shell, à long feather, with a small rattle growing at the tayies of their snak[e]s tyed to it, or some such like toy. All this while Smith and the King stood in the middest guarded, as before is said: and after three dances they all departed. Smith they conducted to a long house, where thirtie or fortie tall fellowes did guard him; and ere long more bread and venison was brought him then would haue served twentie men. I thinke his stomacke at that time was not very good; what he left they put in baskets and tyed over his head. About midnight they set the meate againe before him, all this time not one of them would eate a bit with him, till the next morning they brought him as much more; and then did they eate all the old, and reserved the new as they had done the other, which made him thinke they would fat him to eat him. Yet in this desperate estate to defend him from the cold, one Maocassater brought him his gowne, in requitall of some beads and toyes Smith had given him at his first arrivall in Virginia. Two dayes after a man would haue slaine him (but that the guard prevented it) for the death of his sonne, to whom they conducted him to recover the poore man then breath- ing his last. Smith told them that at Iames towne he had a water would doe it, if they would let him fetch it, but they would not permit that: but made all the preparations they could to assault Iames towne, crauing his advice; and for recompence he should haue life, libertie, land, and women. In part of a Table booke he writ his minde to [4.17.1 them at the Fort, what was intended, how they should [1.17.] How he should haue beene slaine at Ora- packs. 398 The Discoveries and Accidents, LIB. 3. [T. Studley. R. Fenton. , E. Harrington[1607] , J. Smithfollow that direction to affright the messengers, and with- out fayle send him such things as he writ for. And an Inventory with them. The difficultie and danger, he told the Salvages, of the Mines, great gunnes, and other Engins exceedingly affrighted them, yet according to his request they went to Iames towne, in as bitter weather as could be of frost and snow, and within three dayes returned with an answer. But when they came to Iame[s] towne, seeing men sally towne from out as he had told them they would, they fled; yet in the night they came againe to the same place where he had [48] told them they should receiue an answer, and such things as he had promised them: which they found accord- ingly, and with which they returned with no small expe- dition, to the wonder of them all that heard it, that he could either divine, or the paper could speake. How he saued James being surprised. How they Then they led him to the Youthtanunds, the Mattapanients, pp. 17, 18. the Payankatanks, the Nantaughtacunds, and Onawmanients vpon the rivers of Rapahanock, and Patawomek; over all those rivers, and backe againe by divers other severall Nations, did Coniure to the Kings habitation at Pamavnkee: where they enter- . Pamarakee. tained him with most strange and fearefull Coniurations; As if ncare led to hell, Amongst the Devils to dwell. him at Not long after, early in a morning a great fire was made in a long house, and a mat spread on the one side, as on the other; on the one they caused him to sit, and all the guard went out of the house, and presently came skipping in a great grim fellow, all painted over with coale, mingled with oyle; and many Snakes and Wesels skins stuffed with mosse, and all their tayles tyed together, so as they met on the crowne of his head in a tassell; and round about the tassell was as a Coronet of feathers, the skins hanging round about his head, backe, and shoulders, and in a manner covered his face; with a hellish voyce, and a rattle in his hand. With most strange gestures and passions he began his invocation, and environed the fire with a circle of meale; which done, three more such like devils came rushing in with the like antique tricks, painted halfe blacke, halfe red but all their eyes were painted white, and some red stroakes like Mutchato's, along their cheekes: round about him those fiends daunced a pretty while, and then Ed. by W. Simmondswith the first supply in Virginia. 399 1612-1624. . LIB. 3. تم came in three more as vgly as the rest; with red eyes, and [1607-8] white stroakes over their blacke faces, at last they all sat downe right against him; three of them on the one hand. of the chiefe Priest, and three on the other. Then all with their rattles began a song, which ended, the chiefe Priest layd downe fiue wheat cornes: then strayning his armes and hands with such violence that he sweat, and his veynes swelled, he began a short Oration: at the conclu- sion they all gaue a short groane; and then layd down three graines more. After that, began their song againe, and then another Oration, ever laying downe so many cornes as before, till they had twice incirculed the fire; that done, they tooke a bunch of little stickes prepared for that purpose, continuing still their devotion, and at the end of every song and Oration, they layd downe a sticke betwixt the divisions of Corne. Till night, neither he nor they did either eate or drinke; and then they feasted merrily, with the best provisions they could make. Three dayes they vsed this Ceremony; the meaning whereof they told him, was to know if he intended them well or The circle of meale signified their Country, the circles of corne the bounds of the Sea, and the stickes his Country. They imagined the world to be flat and round, like a trencher; and they in the middest. no. After this they brought him a bagge of gunpowder, which they carefully preserved till the next spring, to plant as they did their corne; because they would be acquainted with the nature of that seede. Opitchapam the Kings brother invited him to his house, where, with as many platters of bread, foule, and wild beasts, as did environ him, he bid him wellcome; but not any of them would eate a bit with him, but put vp all the remainder in Baskets. At his returne to Opechancanoughs, all the Kings women, and their children, flocked about him for their parts; as a due by Custome, to be merry with such fragments. But his waking mind in hydeous dreames did oft see wondrous shapes, Of bodies strange, and huge in growth, and of stupendious makes. At last they brought him to Meronocomoco [5 Jan. 1608], [4.18] where was Powhatan their Emperor. Here more than two 400 The Discoveries and Accidents, LIB. 3. [T. StudleyR. Fenton, J. Smith l'owhatan lim. , E. Harrington, [1608] hundred of those grim Courtiers stood wondering at him, as How he had beene a monster; till Powhatan and his trayne had entertained put themselues in their greatest braveries. Before a fire vpon a seat like a bedsted, he sat covered with a great robe, made of Rarowcun skinnes, and all the tayles hanging by. On either hand did sit a young wench of 16 or 18 yeares, and along on each side the house, two rowes [49] of men, and behind them as many women, with all their heads and shoulders painted red many of their heads bedecked with the white downe of Birds; but every one with some- thing: and a great chayne of white beads about their necks. [/. 19.] [pp. xlix, lxv, 25.] At his entrance before the King, all the people gaue. a great shout. The Queene of Appamatuck was ap- pointed to bring him water to wash his hands, and another brought him a bunch of feathers, in stead of a Towell to dry them having feasted him after their best barbarous manner they could, a long consultation was held, but the conclusion was, two great stones were brought before Powhatan: then as many as could layd hands on him, dragged him to them, and thereon laid his head, and being ready with their clubs, to beate out his braines, Pocahontas the Kings dearest daughter, when no intreaty could pre- vaile, got his head in her armes, and laid her owne vpon saved his life. his to saue him from death: whereat the Emperour was contented he should liue to make him hatchets, and her bells, beads, and copper; for they thought him aswell of all occupations as themselues. For the King himselfe will make his owne robes, shooes, bowes, arrowes, pots; plant, hunt, or doe any thing so well as the rest. How Pocahontas They say he bore a pieasant shew, But sure his heart was sad. For who can pleasant be, and rest, That liues in feare and dread : And having life suspected, doth It still suspected lead. Two dayes after [7 Jan. 1608], Powhatan having disguised himselfe in the most fearefullest manner he could, caused Captain Smith to be brought forth to a great house in the woods, and there vpon a mat by the fire to be left alone. Not long after from behinde a mat that divided the house, was made the most dolefullest noyse he ever heard; then Powhatan " Ed. by W. Simmonds. 1612-1624] LIB. 3. with the first supply in Virginia. 401 .[1608] Powhatan more like a devill then a man, with some two hundred more as blacke as himselfe, came vnto him and told him now How they were friends, and presently he should goe to Iames sent him to towne, to send him two great gunnes, and a gryndstone, Towne. for which he would giue him the Country of Capahowosick, p. 20.] and for ever esteeme him as his sonne Nantaquoud. James So to Iames towne with 12 guides Powhatan sent him. That night [7 Jan. 1608] they quarterd in the woods, he still tp. 22.] expecting (as he had done all this long time of his imprison- ment) every houre to be put to one death or other for all their feasting. But almightie God (by his divine providence) had mollified the hearts of those sterne Barbarians with compassion. The next morning [8 Jan.] betimes they came to the Fort, where Smith having vsed the Salvages with what kindnesse he could, he shewed Rawhunt, Powhatans trusty servant, two demi-Culverings and a millstone to carry Powhatan: they found them somewhat too heavie; but when they did see him discharge them, being loaded with stones, among the boughs of a great tree loaded with Isic- kles, the yce and branches came so tumbling downe, that the poore Salvages ran away halfe dead with feare. But at last we regained some conference with them, and gaue them such toyes; and sent to Powhatan, his women, and children such presents, as gaue them in generall full content. proiect to Now in Iames Towne they were all in combustion, the The third strongest preparing once more to run away with the abandon the Pinnace; which with the hazzard of his life, with Sakre Countrey. falcon and musket shot, Smith forced now the third time to stay or sinke. [p. 98.] Some no better then they should be, had plotted with [p.lxxxvi.] the President [Ratcliffe], the next day 19 Jan.] to haue put him to death by the Leviticali law, for the liues. of Robinson and Emry; pretending the fault was his that 15.15, had led them to their ends: but he quickly tooke such order with such Lawyers, that he layd them by the heeles till he sent some of them prisoners for England. Now ever once in foure or fiue dayes, Pocahontas with her attendants, brought him so much provision, that saved many of their liues, that els for all this had starved with hunger. Thus from numbe death our good God sent reliefe, The sweete asswager of all other griefe. [50] ENG. SCH. LIB. No. 16. 26 395, 395.] 402 The Discoveries and Accidents, LIB. 3. [T. SRStudley, J. Smith. . , Harrington. Fenton[1608] A true proofe of Gods loue to the action. [.99.] [The Colony 38 men, by on 8 Jan. 531, 611, 911.] His relation of the plenty he had seene, especially at Verawocomoco, and of the state and bountie of Powhatan, (which till that time was vnknowne) so revived their dead spirits (especially the loue of Pocahontas) as all mens feare was abandoned. Thus you may see what difficulties still crossed any good indevour; and the good successe of the businesse being thus oft brought to the very period of destruction; yet you see by what strange means God hath still delivered it. As for the insufficiency of them admitted in Commission, that error could not be prevented by the Electors; there being no other choise, and all strangers to each others. education, qualities, or disposition. And if any deeme it a shame to our Nation to haue any mention made of those inormities, let him pervse the Histories of the Spanyards Discoveries and Plantations, where they may see how many mutinies, disorders, and dissensions haue accompanied them, and crossed their attempts which being knowne to be particular mens offences; doth take away the generall scorne and con- tempt, which malice, presumption, covetousnesse, or ignorance might produce; to the scandall and reproach of those, whose actions and valiant resolutions deserue a more worthy respect. Now whether it had beene better for Captaine Smith, to is reduced to haue concluded with any of those severall proiects, to haue the time of abandoned the Countrey, with some ten or twelue of them, Capt. New- port's arrival who were called the better sort, and have left Master Hunt 1603; see pp. Our Preacher, Master Anthony Gosnoll, a most honest, worthy, and industrious Gentleman, Master Thomas Wotton, and some 27 others of his Countrymen to the fury of the Salvages, famine, and all manner of mischiefes, and Of two evils inconveniences, (for they were but fortie in all to keepe the lesse was possession of this large Country ;) or starue himselfe with them for company, for want of lodging: or but adventur- ing abroad to make them provision, or by his opposition. to preserue the action, and saue all their liues; I leaue to the censure of all honest men to consider. But chosen. We men imagine in our Iolitie, That 'tis all one, or good or bad to be. But then anone wce alter this againe, Ed. by W. Simmonds. 1512-1624LIB. 3. with the first supply in Virginia. 403 : . If happily wee feele the sence of paine; For then we're turn'd into a mourning vaine. Written by Thomas Studley the first Cape Merchant in Virginia, Robert Fenton, Edward Harrington, and I. S. CHAPTER III. The Arrivall of the first supply, with their Proceedings, and the Ships returne. A [1608] [3.100.] The Phanix from Cape Henry forced to the West Indics. LL this time our care was not so much to abandon the Countrey; but the Treasurer and Councell in England, were as diligent and carefull to supply vs. Two good ships they sent vs, with neare a hundred men, well furnished with all things. could be imagined necessary, both for them and vs; The one commanded by Captaine Newport: the other by Captaine Francis Nelson, an honest man, and an expert Marriner. But such was the lewardnesse of his Ship [the Phanix] (that though he was within the sight of Cape Henry) by stormy contrary winds was he forced so farre to Sea, that the West Indies was the next land, for the repaire of his Masts, and reliefe of wood and water. But Newport got in and arrived at Iames Towne, not [p. 23.) long after the redemption of Captaine Smith (or rather in the evening of the 8th Jan. 1608, on which Smith returned). To whom the Salvages, as is sayd, every other day repaired, with such provisions that sufficiently did serue them from hand to mouth: part alwayes they brought him as Presents from their Kings, or Pocahontas; the rest he as their Market Clarke set the price himselfe, how they should sell: so he [51] had inchanted these poore soules being their prisoner; and now Newport, whom he called his Father arriving, neare as directly as he foretold, they esteemed him as an Oracle, and [he] had them at that submission he might com- mand them what he listed. That God that created all things they knew he adored for his God: they would also opinion of in their discourses tearme the God of Captaine Smith. [p. 101.] Their our God. 404 The Discoveries and Accidents, LIB. 3. [Anas Todkill. [1608] [2.23.] {3.4.] Thus the Almightie was the bringer on, The guide, path, terme, all which was God alone. But the President [Ratcliffe] and Councell so much envied his estimation among the Salvages, (though we all in generall equally participated with him of the good thereof,) that they wrought it into the Salvages vnder- standings (by their great bounty in giving foure times more for their commodities then Smith appointed) that their greatnesse and authoritie as much exceeded his, as their bountie and liberalitie. Now the arrivall of this first supply so overioyed vs, that wee could not devise too much to please the Marriners. We gaue them libertie to trucke or trade at their pleasures. But in a short time it followed, that could not be had for a pound of Copper, which before was sould vs for an ounce : thus ambition and sufferance cut the throat of our trade, but confirmed their opinion of the greatnesse of Captaine Newport, (wherewith Smith had possessed Powhatan) especially by the great presents Newport often sent him, before he could prepare the Pinnace to goe and visit him : so that this great Savage desired also to see him. A great coyle there was to set him forward [Feb. 1608]. When he went he was accompanied with Captaine Smith, and Master Scrivener, a very wise understanding Gentleman, newly arrived and admitted of the Councell, with thirtie or fortie chosen men for their guard. Arriving at Werowocomoco, Newports conceit of this great Savage bred many doubts and suspitions of trecheries, which Smith to make appeare was needlesse, with twentie men well appointed, vndertooke to encounter the worst Powhatan. that could happen: Knowing Smiths revisiting All is but one, and selfe-same hand, that thus Both one while scourgeth, and that helped vs. Nathaniell Powell. Robert Behethland. Mich a ell Phittiplace. Gent. William Phittiplace. Anthony Gosnoll. Iohn Taverner. William Dyer. Thomas Coe. Thomas Hope. Anas Todkill. Gent. Richard Wyffin. Ed. by W. Simmonds. 1612-1624LIB. 3. with the first supply in Virginia. 405 . senter- Powhatan These, with nine others (whose names I haue forgotten) [1608] comming a-shore, landed amongst a many of creekes, [. 102.] over which they were to passe [by] such poore bridges, onely made of a few cratches thrust in the o[o]se, and three or tainment. foure poles laid on them, and at the end of them the like, tyed together onely with barkes of trees, that it made them much suspect those bridges were but traps. Which caused Smith to make diverse Salvages goe over first, keeping some of the chiefe as hostage till halfe his men were passed, to make a guard for himselfe and the rest. But finding all things well, by two or three hundred Salvages they were kindly conducted to their towne. Where Powhatan strained himselfe to the vtmost of his greatnesse to entertaine them, with great shouts of ioy, Orations of protestations; and with the most plenty of victualls he could provide to feast them. Sitting vpon his bed of mats, his pillow of leather imbrodered (after their rude manner with pearle and white Beads) his attyre a faire robe of skinnes as large as an Irish mantell at his head and [at his] feete a handsome young woman: on each side his house sat twentie of his Concu- bines, their heads and shoulders painted red, with a great chaine of white beads about each of their neckes. Before those sat his chiefest men in like order in his arbour-like house, and more then fortie platters of fine bread stood as a guard in two fyles on each side the doore. Foure or fiue hundred people made a guard behinde them for our passage: and Proclamation was made, none vpon paine of death to presume to doe vs any wrong or discourtesie. With many pretty Discourses to renew [52] their old [A. 25.] acquaintance, this great King and our Captaine spent the time, till the ebbe left our Barge aground. Then renewing their feasts with feates, dauncing and singing, and such like mirth, we quartered that night with Powhatan. The a Christian exchange of The next day Newport came a shore and receiued as much [27] content as those people could giue him: a boy named Thomas Salvage was then giuen vnto Powhatan, whom Newport called his sonne; for whom Powhatan gaue him Namontack his Salvage. trustie servant, and one of a shrewd, subtill capacitie. for a [/.569.] 406 The Discoveries and Accidents, LIB. 3. [Anas Todkill. [1608] [p. 27.] Powhatans speech. [.103.] Differences of opinions. [p. 28.] James towne burnt. [A. 31.] Three or foure dayes more we spent in feasting, dauncing, and trading, wherein Powhatan carried himselfe so proudly, yet discreetly (in his salvage manner) as made vs all admire his naturall gifts, considering his education. As scorning to trade as his subiects did; he bespake Newport in this manner. Captainc Newport it is not agrecable to my greatnesse, in this pedling manner to trade for trifles; and I esteeme you also a great Werowance. Therefore lay me downe all your com- modities together; what I like I will take, and in recompence giue you what I thinke fitting their value. Captaine Smith being our interpreter, regarding Newport as his father, knowing best the disposition of Powhatan, tould vs his intent was but onely to cheate vs; yet Captaine Newport thinking to out braue this Salvage in ostentation of greatnesse, and so to bewitch him with him bountie, as to haue what he listed, it so hapned, that Powhatan hauing his desire, valued his corne at such a rate, that I thinke it [were] better cheape in Spaine: for we had not foure bushells for that we expected to haue twentie hogsheads. This bred some vnkindnesse betweene our two Captaines; Newport seeking to please the vnsatiable desire of the Salvage, Smith to cause the Salvage to please him; but smothering his distast to avoyd the Saluages suspition, [Smith] glanced in the eyes of Powhatan many trifles, who fixed his humor A long time he importunately vpon a few blew beades. desired them, but Smith seemed so much the more to affect them, as being composed of a most rare substance of the coulour of the skyes, and not to be worne but by the greatest kings in the world. This made him halfe madde to be the owner of such strange Iewells: so that ere we departed, for a pound or two of blew beades, he brought ouer my king for 2. or 300. Bushells of corne; yet parted good friends. The like entertainment we found of Opechankanough king of Pamavnkee, whom also he in like manner fitted (at the like rates) with blew beads: which grew by this meanes, of that estimation, that none durst weare any of them but their great kings, their wiues and children. And so we returned all well to Iames towne [9 Mar. 1608], where this new supply being lodged with the rest, [had] Ed. by W. Simmonds1612-1624. . LIB. 3. with the first supply in Virginia. 407 [1608] (pp. 90, 93, 402.1 accidently fired [about 17 Jan. 1608] their quarters, and so the towne which being but thatched with reeds, the fire was so fierce as it burnt their Pallisado's, (though eight or .lxxxvi. ten yards distant) with their Armes, bedding, apparell, and much priuate prouision. Good Master Hunt our Preacher lost all his Library, and all he had but the cloathes on his 99, 103, 386, backe: yet none neuer heard him repine at his losse. This happned in the winter in that extreame frost. 1607[-8]. Now though we had victuall sufficient I meane onely of Oatmeale, meale and corne: yet the Ship staying 14. weekes {or actually 13 weeks and 2 days from 8 Jan. to 10 April 1608] when shee might as wel haue beene gone in 14. dayes, spent a great part of that, and neare all the rest that was sent to be landed. A ship Idely leytering 14. weekes. When they departed what the[i]re discretion could spare vs, to make a little poore meale or two, we called feastes, to relish our mouthes: of each somwhat they left vs, yet I must confesse, those that had either money, spare clothes, credit to giue billes of paiment, gold rings, furrs, or any such commodities, were euer welcome to this remouing tauerne, such was our patience to obay such vile . 104.] Commanders, and buy our owne provisions at 15. times the value, suffering them feast (we bearing the charge) yet must not repine, but fast, least we should incurre the cen- sure of [being] factious and seditious persons: and then leakage, ship-rats, and other casuallties occasioned them losse but the vessels and remnants (for totals) we were glad to receaue with all our hearts to make vp the account, highly commending their prouidence for preseruing that, least they should discourage any more to come to vs. Now for all this plenty our ordynary was but meale and water, so that this great charge little releeued our wants, whereby with the extremitie of the [53] bitter cold frost and those defects, more then halfe of vs dyed. I cannot deny but both Smith and Skriuener did their best to amend what was amisse, but with the President went the maior part, that the[i]re hornes were to[o] short. But the worst was our guilded refiners with their golden promises made all men their slaues in hope of recompences; there was no talke, no hope, no worke, but dig gold, wash gold, refine gold, loade gold, such a bruit of gold, The effect of meere Verbalists. 408 The Discoveries and Accidents, LIB. 3. [Anas Todki'♪ [1608] that one mad fellow [a wag] desired to be buried in the sands least they should by the[i]re art make gold of his bones: little neede there was and lesse reason, the ship should stay, A needlesse the[i]re wages run on, our victualls consume 14. weekes, that the Mariners might say, they did helpe to build such a golden Church that we can say the raine washed neere to nothing in 14. dayes. charge. [ p. 957.] A returne to England. [ƒ. 105.] [/. 31.] Were it that captaine Smith would not applaude all those golden inventions, because they admitted him not to the sight of their trialls nor golden consultations, I know not; but I haue heard him oft question with Cap- taine Martin and tell him, except he could shew him a more substantiall triall, he was not inamoured with their durty skill, breathing out these and many other passions, neuer any thing did more torment him, then to see all necessary busines neglected, to fraught such a drunken ship with so much guilded durt. Till then we neuer accounted, Captaine Newport a refiner, who being ready to set saile for England, and we not hauing any vse of Parliaments, Plaies, Petitions, Admiralls, Recorders, Interpreters, Chronologers, Courts of Plea, nor Iustices of peace, sent [10 April 1608] Master Wingfield Ip. lxxxvii. and Captaine Archer home with him, that had ingrossed. all those titles, to seeke some better place of imployment. Oh cursed gold, those hunger-starved movers, To what misfortunes lead'st thou all those lovers! For all the China wealth, nor Indies can Suffice the minde of an av'ritious man. The rebuild- ing lames Towne. CHAPTER IIII The Arrivall of the Phoenix; her returne; and other Accidents. He authoritie now consisting in Captaine Martin, and the still sickly President [Ratcliffe], the sale of the Stores commodities maintained his estate, as an inheritable revenew. The spring approaching, and the Ship departing, Master E 1612-1624. Ed. by W. Simmonds. LIB. 3. with the first supply in Virginia. 409 Simmonds.] Scrivener and Captaine Smith devided betwixt them the [1608] rebuilding Iames towne; the repairing our Pallizadoes; the cutting downe trees; preparing our fields; planting our 53-1 corne, and to rebuild our Church, and re-cover our Store house. All men thus busie at their several labours, Master Nelson arrived with his lost Phanix; lost (I say) for that [.341 we all deemed him lost. Landing safely all his men, (so well he had mannaged his ill hap,) causing the Indian Isles to feede his company, that his victuall to that we had gotten, as is said before, was neare, after our allowance, sufficient for halfe a yeare. He had not any thing but he freely imparted it, which honest dealing (being a Marriner) caused vs admire him: we would not haue wished more then he did for vs. discover the Now to relade this ship with some good tydings, the President (not holding it stood with the dignitie of his place to leaue the Fort) gaue order to Captaine Smith to discover and search the commodities of the Monacans Sixtie Countrey beyond the Falls. Sixtie able men was allotted appointed to them, the which within six dayes, Smith had so well trained Monacans. to their armes and orders, that they little feared with whom [p. 106.] they should incounter: yet so vnseasonable was the time, and so opposit was Captaine Martin to any thing, but onely to fraught this ship also with his phantasticall gold, as Captaine Smith rather desired to relade her with Cedar, (which was a present dispatch) then either with durt, or the hopes and reports of an vncertaine discovery, which he would performe when they had lesse charge and more leisure. [54] The God of Heav'n, He cas'ly can Immortalize a mortall man, But, With glory and with fame. The same God, cv'n as cas'ly may Afflict a mortall man, I say, With sorrow and with shame. Whilst the conclusion was a resolving, this hapned. Powhatan (to expresse his loue to Newport) when he departed, presented him with twentie Turkies, condi- tionally to returne him twentie swords, which immediately was sent him. Now after his departure, he presented Captaine Smith An ill example to sell swords to Salvages. [p. 31.] 410 LIB. 3. [Anas Todkill. The Discoveries and Accidents, [1608] with the like luggage, but not finding his humor obeyed in not sending such weapons as he desired, he caused his people with twentie devices to obtaine them. At last by ambuscadoes at our very Ports [gatcs] they would take them perforce, surprise vs at worke, or any way; which was so weaknesse. long permitted, they become so insolent there was no rule : the command from England was so strait not to offend them, as our authoritie-bearers (keeping their houses) would rather be any thing than peace-breakers. The Presidents [/. 35-39.] Smiths attempt to suppresse This charitable humor prevailed, till well it chanced they medled with Captaine Smith, who without farther deliberation gaue them such an incounter, as some he the Salvages SO hunted vp and downe the Isle, some he so terrified insolencies. with whipping, beating, and imprisonment; as for revenge they surprised two of our forraging disorderly souldiers, and having assembled their forces, boldly threatned at our Ports to force Smith to redeliver seven Salvages, which for their villanies he detained prisoners, or we were all but dead men. But to try their furies he sallied out amongst them, and in lesse then an houre, he so hampred their insolencies, [that] they brought them his two men, desiring peace without any further composition for their prisoners. Those he examined, and caused them all beleeue, by severall vollies of shot one of their companions. was shot to death, because they would not confesse their intents and plotters of those villanies. Ferhatans excuse. And thus they all agreed in one point, they were directed onely by Powhatan to obtaine him our weapons, to cut our owne throats; with the manner where, how, and when, which we plainly found most true and apparant: yet he sent his messengers, and his dearest daughter Pocahontas [pp. 33, 107.] [in May 1608] with presents to excuse him of the iniuries done by some rash vntoward Captaines his subiects, desiring their liberties for this time, with the assurance of his loue for ever. [p. 39.] After Smith had given the prisoners what correction he thought fit, vsed them well a day or two after, and then delivered them Pocahontas; for whose sake onely he fayned to haue saued their liues, and gaue them libertie. The patient Councell that nothing would moue to warre with the Salvages, would gladly haue wrangled with d. by W. Simmonds1612-1624. . LIB. 3. with the first supply in Virginia. 411 Captaine Smith for his crueltie, yet none was slaine to any mans knowledge: but it brought them in such feare and obedience, as his very name would sufficiently affright them; where before, wee had sometime peace and warre twice in a day, and very seldome a weeke but we had some trecherous villany or other. [1608] fraught with The fraught of this Ship being concluded to be Cedar; A ship by the diligence of the Master, and Captaine Smith, Cedar. she was quickly reladed: Master Scrivener was neither idle nor slow to follow all things at the Fort; the Ship being ready to set sayle, Captaine Martin being alwayes very sickly, and vnserviceable, and desirous to inioy the credit of his supposed Art of finding the golden Mine, was most willingly admitted to returne for England. For He hath not fill'd his lapp, That still doth hold it oap. From the writings of Thomas Studley and Anas Todkill. [55] [As regards Studley, this must be an error, for he died on 28 Aug. 1607,p. lxxii., and was succeeded for some time, as Cap-Merchant or Storekeeper, by Captain J. Smith, p. 9.] Their Names that were landed in this Supply. Mathew Scrivener appointed | Thomas Coe. to be one of the Councell. Michaell Phittiplace. William Phittiplace. Ralph Morton. Richard Wyffing. Iohn Taverner. William Cantrell. Robert Barnes. Richard Fetherstone. Gent. George Hill. George Pretty. Peter Pory. Nathaniell Causy. Robert Cutler. Michaell Sicklemore. William Bentley. Doctor Russell. Ieffrey Abbot. Edward Gurgana. Richard Worley. Timothy Lecds. Richard Killingbeck. William Spence. Richard Prodger. Richard Pots. Richard Mullinax. William Bayley. Francis Perkins. Iohn Harper. George Forest. Iohn Nichols. William Griuell. 1608. Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer. [Compare this List Gent. with the 1612 one, at pp. 107-8.] 412 LIB. 3. [ The Discoveries and Accidents, A W. . A. TodkillRussex. LT. Momford. [1608] Raymond Goodison. William Simons. Iohn Spearman. Richard Bristow. William Perce. Iames Watkins. Iohn Bouth. Christopher Rods. Richard Burket. Iames Burre. Nicholas Ven. Francis Perkins. Richard Gradon. Rawland Nelstrop. Richard Savage. Thomas Savage. Richard Milmer. William May. Vere. Michaell. Bishop Wiles. Labourers. Thomas Hope. William Ward. Iohn Powell. William Yong. William Beckwith. La[w]rence Towtales. Thomas Field. Iohn Harford.) Taylers. Apothecaries. Dani: Stallings, Ieweller. Will: Dawson, a refiner. Abram Ransack, a refiner. Wil: Iohnson, a Goldsmith. Peter Keffer, a gunsmith. Rob: Alberton, a perfumer. Richard Belfield, a Goldsmith. Post Ginnat, a Chirurg[ion]. Iohn Lewes, a Cooper. Robert Cotton, a Tobacco- pipe-maker. Richard Dolc, a Blacksmith. And divers others to the number of 120. [ 109.] CHAPTER V The Accidents that hapned in the Discovery of the Bay of Chisapack. He prodigalitie of the Presidents [Ratcliffe] state went so deepe into our small store, that Smith and Scrivener tyed him and his Parasites to the rules of proportion. But now Smith being to depart, the Presidents authoritie so overswayed the discretion of Master Scrivener, that our store, our time, our strength and labours were idely consumed to fulfill his phantasies. The second of Iune 1608. Smith left the Fort to performe his Discovery with this Company. Ed. by W. Simmonds. 1612-1624LIB. 3. with the first supply in Virginia. 413 . Walter Russell, Doctor of Ionas Profit. Physicke. Ralfe Murton. Thomas Momford. [1608] Anas Todkill. Robert Small. Iames Watkins. Souldiers. William Cantrill. Iohn Powell. -Gent. Richard Fetherston. Iames Read. Richard Keale. Iames Burne. Mich[a]ell Sicklemore. These being in an open Barge neare three tuns burthen. Leaving the Phoenix at Cape Henry, they crossed the Bay to the Easterne shore, and fell with the Isles called Smiths Isles, after our Captaines name. The first people we saw were two grim and stout Salvages vpon Cape Charles, with long poles like Iauelings, headed with bone, [56] they boldly demanded what we were, and what we would; but after many circumstances they seemed very kinde, and directed vs to Accomack, the habitation of their Werowance, where we were kindly intreated. A strange mortalitie This King was the comliest, proper, civill Salvage we in- [p. 110.) countred. His Country is a pleasant fertile clay soyle, some small creekes; good Harbours for small Barks, but not for Ships. He told vs of a strange accident lately happened him, and it was, two children being dead; some extreame passions, or dreaming visions, phantasies, or affection moued their parents againe to revisit their dead carkases, whose benummed bodies reflected to the eyes of the beholders such delightfull countenances, as though they had regained their vitall spirits. This as a miracle drew many to behold them, all which, being a great part of his people, not long after dyed, and but few escaped. They spake the language of Powhatan, wherein they made such descriptions of the Bay, Isles, and rivers, that often did vs exceeding pleasure. of Salvages Passing along the coast, searching every inlet, and Bay, fit for harbours and habitations. Seeing many Isles in the midst of the Bay we bore vp for them, but ere we could obtaine them, such an extreame gust of wind, rayne, thunder, and lightening happened, that with great danger we escaped the vnmercifull raging of that Ocean-like water. The highest land on the mayne, yet it was but low, we called Kcales hill, and these vninhabited Isles, Russels Isles. Isles. Russels 414 W. Russell. A. Todkill. T. Momford. The Discoveries and Accidents, LIB. 3. [1 [1608] The next day searching them for fresh water, we could find none, the defect whereof forced vs to follow the next Easterne Wighcoco Channell, which brought vs to the river of Wighcocomoco. Inoco, An extreame want of fresh water. [p. 825.] The people at first with great fury seemed to assault vs, yet at last with songs and daunces and much mirth became very tractable: but searching their habitations for water, we could fill but three barricoes, and that such puddle, that never till then we ever knew the want of good water. We digged and searched in many places, but before two daies were expired, we would haue refused two barricoes of gold for one of that puddle water of Wighcocomoco. Being past these Isles which are many in number, but all naught for habitation, falling with a high land vpon the mayne, we found a great Pond of fresh water, but so exceed- ing hot wee supposed it some bath; that place we called poynt Ployer, in honor of that most honourable House of Mousay in Britaine, that in an extreame extremitie once relieued our Captaine. From Wighcocomoco to this place, all the coast is low. broken Isles of Morap, growne a myle or two in breadth, and ten or twelue in length, good to cut for hay in Summer, and to catch fish and foule in Winter: but the Land beyond them is all covered over with wood, as is the rest of the Country. Being thus refreshed, in crossing ouer from the maine to other Isles we discouered, the winde and waters so much increased, with thunder, lightning, and raine, that our mast and sayle blew ouerbord and such mighty waues ouerracked vs in that small barge, that with great Their Barge labour we kept her from sinking by freeing out the water. Two dayes we were inforced to inhabite thesevninhabited Isles; which for the extremitie of gusts, thunder, raine, stormes, and ill wether we called Limbo. [p. 111.] neare sunke in a gust. Cuskara- waock. Repairing our saile with our shirts, we set sayle for the maine and fell with a pretty convenient riuer on the East called Cuskarawaok; the people ran as amazed in troups from place to place, and diuers got into the tops of trees. They were not sparing of their arrowes, nor [of] the greatest passion they could expresse of their anger. Long they shot, we still ryding at an Anchor without the[i]re reatch making all the signes of friendship we could. The next day they came vnarmed, with euery one a } Ed. by W. Simmonds. 1612-1624] LIB. 3. with the first supply in Virginia. 415 .basket, dancing in a ring, to draw vs on shore: but seeing there was nothing in them but villany, we discharged a volly of muskets charged with pistoll shot; whereat they all lay tumbling on the grownd, creeping some one way, some another into a great cluster of reedes hard by; where the[i]re companies lay in Ambuscado. Towards the euening we wayed, and approaching the shoare, discharging fiue or six shot among the reedes. We landed where there lay a many of baskets and much bloud, but saw not a Salvage. A smoake appearing on the other side the riuer, we rowed thither, where we found two or three little houses, in each a fire; there we left some peeces of copper, beads, bells, and looking glasses, and then went into the bay but when it was darke we came backe againe. Early in [57] the morning foure Salvages came to vs in their Canow, whom we vsed with such courtesie, not knowing what we were, nor had done, [they] hauing beene in the bay a fishing; [who] bade vs stay and ere long they would returne, which they did and some twentie more with them: with whom after a little conference, two or three thousand men women and children came clustring about vs, euery one presenting vs with something, which a little bead would so well requite, that we became such friends they would contend who should fetch vs water, stay with vs for hostage, conduct our men any whither, and giue vs the best content. Here doth inhabite the people of Sarapinagh, Nause, Arseck, and Nantaquak the best Marchants of all other Salvages. They much extolled a great nation called Massawomekes, in search of whom we returned by Limbo: this riuer but onely at the entrance is very narrow, and the people of small stature as them of Wightcocomoco, the Land but low, yet it may proue very commodious, because it is but a ridge of land betwixt the Bay and the maine Ocean. Finding this Easterne shore, [to be] shallow broken Isles, and for most part without fresh water; we passed by the straites of Limbo for the Westerne shore: so broad is the bay here, we could scarce perceiue the great high clifts on the other side: by them we Anchored that night and called them Riccards Cliftes. 30. leagues we sayled more Northwards not finding any inhabitants, leauing all the Easterne shore, lowe Islandes, but ouergrowne with wood, as all the Coast beyond [1608] The first the s notice of womeks. 416 W. Russell.' A. Todkill. T. Momford. The Discoveries and Accidents, 3. [1 LIB. [1608] them so farre as wee could see: the Westerne shore by which we sayled we found all along well watered, but very mountanous and barren, the vallies very fertill, but extreame thicke of small wood so well as trees, and much frequented with Wolues, Beares, Deere and other wild beasts. We passed many shallow creekes, but the first we Bolus Riuer. found Nauigable for a ship, we called Bolus, for that the clay in many places vnder the clifts by the high water marke, did grow vp in red and white knots as gum out of trees; and in some places so participated together as though they were all of one nature, excepting the coulour, the rest of the earth on both sides being hard sandy grauell, which made vs thinke it Bole-Armoniack and Terra sigillata. Smiths speech to his souldiers. {p. 314.] p. 112.] When we first set sayle some of our Gallants doubted nothing but that our Captaine would make too much hast[e] home, but hauing lien in this small barge not aboue 12. or 14. dayes, oft tyred at the Oares, our bread spoyled with wet so much that it was rotten (yet so good were their stomacks that they could disgest it) they did with continuall com- plaints so importune him now to returne, as caused him bespeake them in this manner [about 14 June 1608]. Gentlemen if you would remember the memorable history of Sir Ralph Layne, how his company importuned him to proceed in the discovery of Moratico, alleadging they had yet a dog, that being boyled with Saxafras leaucs, would richly feede them in their returnes; then what a shame would it be for you (that hauc bin so suspitious of my tendernesse) to force me returne, with so much provision as we haue, and scarce able to say where we haue becne, nor yet heard of that we were sent to secke? You cannot say but I haue shared with you in the worst which is past; and for what is to come, of lodging, dyct, or whatso- euer, I am contented you allot the worst part to my selfe. for your feares that I will lose my selfe in these unknowne large waters, or be swallowed up in some stormie gust; abandon these childish fearcs, for worse then is past is not likely to happen: and there is as much danger to returne as to proceede. Regaine therefore your old spirits, for returne I will not (if God please) till I haue scene the Massawomeks, found Patawomek, or the head of this water you conceit to be endlesse. As ¡ : : Ed. by W. Simmondswith the first supply in Virginia. 417 1612-16246. . ] LIB. 3. Two or 3. dayes we expected [experienced] winde and wether, whose aduerse extremities added such discourage- ment, that three or foure fell sicke, whose pittifull complaints caused vs to to returne, leauing the bay some nine miles broad, at nine and ten fadome water. The 16. of Iune [1608], we fell with the riuer Patowomek: feare being gone, and our men recovered, we were all content to take some paines, to know the name of that seuen mile broad riuer. For thirtie myles sayle, we could see no inhabitants: then we were conducted by two Savages vp a little bayed creeke, towards Onawmanient, where all the woods were layd with ambuscado's to the number of three or foure thousand Salvages, so strangely paynted, grimed and disguised, shouting, yelling and crying [58] as so many spirits from hell could not haue shewed more terrible. [1608] The dis- Pata couery of womek. Ambus- Salvages. cadoes of Many brauado's they made, but to appease their fury, our Captaine prepared with as seeming a willingnesse (as they) to incounter them. But the grazing of our bullets vpon the water (many being shot on purpose they might see them) with the Ecc[h]o of the woods so amazed them, as downe went their bowes and arrowes; (and ex- changing hostage) Iames Watkins was sent six myles vp the woods to their Kings habitation. We were kindly vsed of those Salvages, of whom we vnderstood, they were com- manded to betray vs, by the direction of Powhatan; and he A trecher- so directed from the discontents [discontented] at Iames towne, because our Captaine did cause them stay in their country against their wills. ous proiect The like incounters we found at Patowomek, Cecocawonee (p. 113.] and diuers other places: but at Moyaones, Nacotchtant and Toags the people did their best to content vs. Hauing gone so high as we could with the bo[a]te, we met diuers Saluages in Canowes, well loaden with the flesh of Beares, Deere and other beasts; whereof we had part. Here we found mighty Rocks, growing in some places aboue. the grownd as high as the shrubby trees, and diuers other solid quarries of diuers tinctures and diuers places where the waters had falne from the high mountaines they had left a tinctured spangled skurfe, that made many bare places seeme as guilded. Digging the grown [d]e aboue in the highest clifts of rocks, we saw it was a claie sand so ENG. SCH, LIB, No. 16. 27 418 ! The Discoveries and Accidents, . LIB. 3. T. W. Russell. A. Todkill. Momford[1608] mingled with yeallow spangles as if it had beene halfe pindust. A myne like In our returne inquiring still for this Matchqueon, the king of Patawomeke gaue vs guides to conduct vs vp a little riuer called Quiyough, vp which we rowed so high as we could [p. 424]. Leauing the bo[a]te; with six shot and diuers Salvages, he marched seuen or eight myle before they came to the mine: leading his hostages in a small chaine they were to haue for their paines, being proud so richly to be adorned. The mine is a great Rocky mountaine like Antimony; Antimony. wherein they digged a great hole with shells and hatchets : and hard by it, runneth a fayre brooke of Christal-like water, where they wash away the drosse and keepe the remainder, which they put in little baggs and sell it all ouer the coun- try to paint the[i]re bodyes, faces, or Idols; which makes. them looke like Blackmores dusted over with siluer. With so much as we could carry we returned to our bo[a]te, kindly requiting this kinde king and all his kinde people. The cause of this discovery was to search [for] this mine, of which Newport did assure vs that those small baggs (we had giuen him), in England he had tryed to hold halfe siluer; but all we got proued of no value: also to search what furrs, the best whereof is at Cuscarawaoke, where is made so much Rawranoke or white beads that occasion as much dissention among the Salvages, as gold and siluer amongst Christians; and what other mineralls, riuers, rocks, nations, woods, fishings, fruites, victuall, and what other commodities the land afforded: and whether the bay were endlesse or how farre it extended. Of mines we were all ignorant, but a few Beuers, Otters, Beares, Martins and minkes [skins] we found, and in diuers places that aboundance of fish, lying so thicke with their heads aboue the water, as for want of nets (our barge driuing amongst them) we attempted to catch them with a frying pan : but we found it a bad instrument to catch dant plenty fish with: neither better fish, more plenty, nor more An aboun- of fish. variety for smal fish, had any of vs euer seene in any place so swimming in the water, but they are not to be caught with frying pans. Some small codd also we did see swim close by the shore by Smiths Iles, and some as high as Į ! } : Ed. by W. Simmonds. 1612-1624LIB. 3. with the first supply in Virginia. 419 . Riccards Clifts. And some we haue found dead vpon the shore. To express all our quarrels, trecheries and incounters amongst those Salvages I should be too tedious: but in breefe, at all times we so incountred them, and curbed their insolencies, that they concluded with presents to purchase peace; yet we lost not a man: at our first meet- ing our Captaine euer observed this order, to demand their bowes and arrowes, swordes, mantells and furrs, with some childe or two for hostage, whereby we could quickly perceiue, when they intended any villany. Hauing finished this discouery (though our victuall was neere spent) he intended to see his imprisonment-acquaint- ances vpon the riuer of Rapahanock, by [59] many called Toppahanock, but our bo[a]te by reason of the ebbe, chansing to grownd vpon a many shoules lying in the entrances, we spyed many fishes lurking in the reedes: our Captaine sporting himselfe by nayling them to the grownd with his sword, set vs all a fishing in that manner thus we tooke more in one houre then we could eate in a day. [1608] p. 113.] How to the Sal- deale with vages. killed with Smith neare a Stingray. But it chansed our Captaine taking a fish from his sword (114) (not knowing her condition) being much of the fashion of Captaine a Thornback, but a long tayle like a ryding rodde, whereon the middest is a most poysoned sting, of two or three inches long, bearded like a saw on each side, which she strucke into the wrest of his arme neere an inch and a halfe: no bloud nor wound was seene, but a little blew spot, but the torment was instantly so extreame, that in foure houres had so swolen his hand, arme and shoulder, we all with much sorrow concluded [anticipated] his funerall, and prepared his graue in an Island by, as himselfe directed: yet it pleased Gcd by a precious oyle Docter Russell at the first applyed to it when he sounded it with probe, (ere night) his tormenting paine was so well asswaged that he eate of the fish to his supper, which gaue no lesse ioy and content to vs then ease to himselfe. For which we called the Island Stingray Isle after the name of the fish. Hauing neither Chirurgian nor Chirurgery but that pre- seruatiue oyle, we presently set sayles for Iames towne, passing the mouthes of the riuers of Payankatank, and Pamavnkee, the next day we safely arriued at Kecougtan. 420 W. Russell. A. Todkill. T. Momford. The Discoveries and Accidents, LIB. 3. [1 [1608] The Salvages affrighted with their owne suspition. Needlesse misery at Iames towne. [A. 115.] The simple Salvages seeing our Captaine hurt, and an other bloudy by breaking his shinne, our numbers of bowes, arrowes, swords, mantles, and furrs, would needes imagine we had beene at warres (the truth of these accidents would not satisfie them) but impatiently importuned vs to know with whom. Finding their aptnesse to beleeue, we fayled not (as a great secret) to tell them any thing that might affright them, what spoyle we had got and made of the Massawomeks. This rumor went faster vp the river then our Barge, that arrived at Waraskoyack the 20 of Iuly; where trimming her with painted streamers, and such de- vises as we could, we made them at Iames towne iealous of a Spanish Frigot, where we all, God be thanked, safely arrived the 21 of Iuly. There we found the last Supply were all sicke; the rest some lame, some bruised: all vnable to doe any thing but complaine of the pride and vnreasonable needlesse crueltie of the silly President, that had riotously consumed the store and to fulfill his follies about building him an vnnecessary building for his pleasure in the woods, had brought them all to that misery; that had we not arrived, they had as strangely tormented him with revenge. But the good newes of our Discovery, and the good hope we had by the Salvages relation, that our Bay had stretched into the South Sea, or somewhat neare it, appeased their fury; but conditionally that Rat[c]liffe should be deposed, and that Captaine Smith would take vpon him the govern- ment, as by course it did belong. Their request being effected, he substituted Master Scrivener his deare friend in the Presidency, equally distributing those private provisions the other [Ratcliffe] had ingrossed, appointing more honest officers to assist master Scrivener (who then lay exceeding sicke of a Callenture) and in regard of the weaknesse of the company, and heate of the yeare, they being vnable to worke, he left them to liue at ease, to recover their healths; but imbarked himselfe to finish his Discovery. : Written by Walter Russell, Anas Todkill, and Thomas Mumford. s Ed. by W. Simmonds. Simmonds1612-1624. ] LIB. 3. with the first supply in Virginia. 421 CHAPTER VI. The Government surrendred to Master Scrivener. What happened the second Voyage in discovering the Bay. He 24 of Iuly [1608], Captaine Smith set forward to finish the discovery with twelue men: their names were [60] Nathaniell Powell. Thomas Momford. Richard Fetherston. Gentlemen. Ionas Profit. Anas Todkill. Edward Pising. Richard Keale. Iames Watkins. William Ward. Souldiers. [1608] . 116.] Mich[alell Sicklemore. Iames Bourne. Anthony Bagnall, Chir. The wind being contrary, caused our stay two or three days at Kecoughtan: the King feasted vs with much mirth, his people were perswaded we went purposely to be revenged of the Massawomeks. In the evening we fired a The few rackets, which flying in the ayre so terrified the poore Samire Salvages, they supposed nothing vnpossible we attempted; fireworkes. and desired to assist vs. The first night we anchored at Stingray Isle. The next day crossed Patawomeks river, and hasted to the river Bolus. We went not much further before we might see the Bay to divide in two heads, and arriving there we found it divided in foure, all which we searched so farre as we could sayle them. Two of them we found [vn]inhabited, but in crossing the Bay, we incountred 7 or 8 Canowes full of Massawomeks. We seeing them prepare to assault vs, left our Oares and made way with our sayle to incounter them, yet were we but fiue with our Captaine that could stand, for within 2 dayes after we left Kecoughtan, the rest (being all of the last supply) were sicke almost to death, vntill they were seasoned to the Country. Having shut them vnder our Tarpawling, we put their hats vpon stickes by the Barges side, and Salvages (p. 117.] An Incoun- assawo ter with the meks at the head of the Bay. 422 . The Discoveries and Accidents, A. LIB. A. 3.3. [ [1608] An with the Bagnall. N. Powell. Todkillbetwixt two hats a man with two peeces, to make vs seeme many: and so we thinke the Indians supposed those hats to be men, for they fled with all possible speed to the shore, and there stayed, staring at the sayling of our barge till we anchored right against them. Long it was ere we could draw them to come vnto vs. At last they sent two of their company vnarmed in a Canow, the rest all followed to second them if neede required. These two being but each presented with a bell, brought aboord all their fellowes, presenting our Captaine with venison, beares flesh, fish, bowes, arrowes, clubs, targets, and beares-skinnes. We vndertood them nothing at all, but by signes, whereby they signified vnto vs they had beene at warres with the Tockwoghes, the which they confirmed by shewing vs their greene wounds. But the night parting vs, we imagined they appointed the next morning to meete; but after that we never saw them. Entring the river of Tockwogh, the Salvages all armed, Incounter in a fleete of boats, after their barbarous manner, round Tockwhoghs. invironed us; so it chanced one of them could speake the language of Powhatan, who perswaded the rest to a friendly parley. But when they saw vs furnished with the Massa- womeks weapons, and we faining the invention of Kecoughtan, to haue taken them perforce; they conducted vs to their pallizadoed towne, mantelled with the barkes of trees, with scaffolds like mounts, brested about with brests very formally. Their men, women, and children with daunces, songs, fruits, furres, and what they had, kindly welcommed vs, spreading mats for vs to sit on, [and] stretching their best abilities to expresse their loues. [p. 118.] Hatchets from the Sasquesa. hanocks. Many hatchets, kniues, peeces of iron, and brasse, we saw amongst them, which they reported to haue from the Sasquesahanocks, a mightie people and mortall enemies with the Massawomeks. The Sasquesahanocks inhabit vpon the chiefe Spring of these foure branches of the Bayes head, two dayes iourney higher then our barge could passe for rocks; yet we prevailed with the Interpreter to take with him another Interpreter, to perswade the Sasquesahanocks to come visit. vs, for their language[s] are different. Ed. by W. Simmonds. 1612-1624LIB. 3. with the first supply in Virginia. 423 : . Three or foure dayes we expected their returne, then sixtie of those gyant-like people came downe, with presents of Venison, Tobacco-pipes three foot in length, Baskets, Targets, Bowes and Arrowes. Fiue of their chiefe Wero- wances came boldly aboord vs to crosse the Bay for Tockwhogh, leaving their men and Canowes; the wind being so high they durst not passe. Our order was daily to haue Prayer, with a Psalme; at which solemnitie the poore Salvages much wondred, our Prayers being done, a while they were busied with a con- sultation till they had contrived their businesse. Then they began in a most passionate [61] manner to hold vp their hands to the Sunne, with a most fearefull song, then imbrac- ing our Captaine, they began to adore him in like manner; though he rebuked them, yet they proceeded till their song was finished: which done [one] with a most strange furious. action, and a hellish voyce, began an Oration of their loues. [1608] sahanocks That ended, with a great painted Beares skin they The Sasque covered him: then one ready with a great chayne of offer to the white Beads, weighing at least six or seaven pound, hung English. it about his necke, the others had 18 mantels, made of divers sorts of skinnes sowed together; all these with many other toyes they layd at his feete, stroking their ceremonious hands about his necke for his Creation to be their Governour and Protector, promising their aydes, victualls, or what they had to be his, if he would stay with them, to defend and revenge them of the Massawomeks. But we left them at Tockwhogh, sorrowing for our depar- ture; yet we promised the next yeare againe to visit them. Many descriptions and discourses they made vs, of Atquanachuck, Massawomek, and other people, signifying they [p. 119-1 inhabit vpon a great water beyond the mountaines, which we vnderstood to be some great lake, or the river of Canada: and from the French to haue their hatchets and Commodities by trade. These know no more of the terri- tories of Powhatan, then his name, and he as little of them: but the Atquanachuks are on the Ocean Sea. The highest mountaine we saw Northward wee called Perigrines mount, and a rocky river, where the Massa- womeks went vp, Willowbyes river, in honor of the towne our Captaine was borne in, and that honorable house the 424 A. The Discoveries and Accidents, . LIB. 3. [N. A. . [1608] Pawtuxunt, R. [A. 119.] Rapaha- nock, R. The exceeding loue of the Salvage Mosco. [þƒ. 119, 419, 426.] Our fight with the Rapaha- rocks. BagnallPodkillThe Lord Willowby, his most honored good friend. Sasquesahanocks river we called Smiths falles; the next poynt to Tockwhogh, Pisings poynt; the next [to] it poynt Bourne. Powells Isles and Smals poynt is by the river Bolus; and the little Bay at the head Profits poole; Watkins, Reads, and Momfords poynts are on each side Limbo; Ward, Cantrell, and Sicklemore [points], betwixt Patawomek and Pamavnkee, after the names of the discoverers. In all those places and the furthest we came vp the rivers, we cut in trees so many crosses as we would, and in many places made holes in trees, wherein we writ notes: and in some places crosses of brasse, to signifie to any, Englishmen had beene there. Thus having sought all the inlets and rivers worth noting, we returned to discover the river of Pawtuxunt; these people we found very tractable, and more civill then any: we promised them, as also the Patawomeks to revenge them of the Massawomeks, but our purposes were crossed. In the discovery of this river [that] some call Rapahanock, we were kindly entertained by the people of Moraughtacund. Here we incountered our old friend Mosco, a lusty Salvage of Wighcocomoco vpon the river of Patawomek. We supposed him some French mans sonne, because he had a thicke blacke bush beard, and the Salvages seldome haue any at all; of which he was not a little proud, to see so many of his Countrymen. Wood and water he would fetch vs, guide vs any whether, nay, cause divers of his Countrymen helpe vs [to] towe against winde or tyde from place to place till we came to Patawomek: there he rested till we returned from the head of the river, and occasioned our conduct to the mine we supposed Antimony [p. 418]. And in the place he fayled not to doe vs all the good he could, perswading vs in any case not to goe to the Rapahanocks, for they would kill vs for being friends with the Moraught- acunds that but lately had stolne three of the Kings women. This we did thinke was but that his friends might onely haue our trade: so we crossed the river to the Rapahanocks. There some 12 or 16 standing on the shore, directed vs [to] a little Creeke where was good landing, and Commodities for vs in three or foure Canowes we saw lie there: but according to our custome, we demanded to exchange a man in signe of Ed. by W. Simmonds. 1612-1624LIB. 3. with the first supply in Virginia. 425 . loue; which after they had a little consulted, foure or fiue came vp to the middles, to fetch our man, and leaue vs one of them, shewing we need not feare them, for they had neither clubs, bowes, nor arrowes. Notwithstanding, Anas Todkill, being sent on shore to see if he could discover any Ambuscadoes, or what they had, desired to goe over the playne to fetch some wood; but they were vnwilling, except we would come into the Creeke, where the boat might come close ashore. Todkill by degrees [62] having got some two stones throwes vp the playne, perceived two or three hundred men (as he thought) behind the trees; so that offering to returne to the Boat, the Salvages assayed to carry him away perforce, that he called to vs we were betrayed and by that he had spoke the word, our hostage was over-boord, but Watkins his keeper slew him in the water. Immediatly we let fly amongst them, so that they fled, and Todkill escaped; yet they shot so fast that he fell flat on the ground ere he could recover the boat. Here the Massawomek Targets stood vs in good stead, for vpon Mosco's words, we had set them about the forepart of our Boat like a forecastle; from whence we securely beat the Salvages from off the plaine without any hurt: yet they shot more then a thousand Arrowes, and then fled into the woods. Arming our selues with these light Targets (which are made of little small sticks woven betwixt strings of their hempe and silke grasse, as is our Cloth, but so firmely that no arrow can possibly pierce them :) we rescued Todkill; who was all bloudy by [from] some of them who were shot by vs that held him, but as God pleased he had no hurt: and following them vp to the woods, we found some slaine, and in divers places much bloud. It seems all their arrowes were spent, for we heard no more of them. Their Canows we tooke; the arrowes we found we broke, saue them we kept for Mosco, to whom we gaue the Canowes for his kindnesse, that entertained vs in the best trivmphing manner, and warlike order in armes of conquest he could procure of the Moraughtacunds. The rest of the day we spent in accomodating our Boat, in stead of thoules wee made stickes like Bedstaues, to which we fastened so many of our Massawomek Targets, that invironed her as wa[i]st clothes. [1608] 426 A. Bagnall. N. Powell. A. Todkill. The Discoveries and Accidents, [ LIB. 3. [1608] 424.] 'The Salvages > The next morning we went vp the river, and our friend Mosco followed vs along the shore, and at last desired to goe with vs in our Boat. But as we passed by Pisacack, Matchopeak, and Mecuppom, three Townes situated vpon high white clay clifts; the other side all a low playne marish, and the river there but narrow. Thirtie or fortie of the Rapahanocks had so accommodated themselues with branches, as we tooke them for little bushes growing among the sedge, till seeing their arrowes strike the Targets, and like bushes dropped in the river whereat Mosco fell flat in the Boat on his face, crying the Rapahanocks, which presently we espied to be the bushes, which at our first volley fell downe in the sedge: when wee were neare halfe a myle from them, they shewed themselues dauncing and singing very merrily. The Kings of Pissassack, Nandtaughtacund, and Cuttata- women, vsed vs kindly, and all their people neglected not any thing to Mosco to bring vs to them. disguised fight. Betwixt Secobeck and Massawteck is a small Isle or two, which causeth the river to be broader then ordinary; there it pleased God to take one of our Company called Master 14. 119. Fetherstone, that all the time he had beene in this Country, had behaved himselfe, honestly, valiantly, and industriously; where in a little Bay we called Fetherstones Bay wee buryed him with a volley of shot: the rest notwithstanding their ill dyet, and bad lodging, crowded in so small a Barge, in so many dangers, never resting, but alwayes tossed to and againe, had all well recovered their healths. Our fight with the Mana- haacks. The next day wee sayled so high as our Boat would float; there setting vp crosses, and graving our names in the trees. Our Sentinell saw an arrow fall by him though we had ranged vp and downe more then an houre, in digging in the earth, looking of stones, herbs, and springs, not seeing where a Salvage could well hide himselfe. Vpon the alarum, by that we had recovered our armes, there was about an hundred nimble Indians skipping from tree to tree, letting fly their arrows so fast as they could: the trees here served vs for Baricadoes as well as they. But Mosco did vs more service then we expected; for having shot away his quiver of Arrowes, he ran to the Boat for more. The Arrowes of Mosco at the first made them pause vpon the matter, thinking by his bruit and Ed. by W. Simmonds. 1612-1624] LIB. 3. with the first supply in Virginia. 427 .taken skipping, there were many Salvages. About halfe an [1608] houre this continued, then they all vanished as suddainly as they approached. Mosco followed them so farre as he could see vs, till they were out of sight. As we returned A Salvage there lay a Salvage as dead, shot in the knee; but taking shot and him vp we found he had [62] life: which Mosco seeing, prisoner. never was Dog more furious against a Beare, then Mosco was to haue beat out his braines. So we had him to our Boat, where our Chirurgian [A. Bagnall] who went with vs to cure our Captaines hurt of the Stingray, so dressed this Salvage that within an houre after he looked somewhat chearefully, and did eate and speake. In the meane time we contented Mosco in helping him to gather vp their arrowes, which were an armefull; whereof he gloried not a little. Then we desired Mosco to know what he was, and what Countries were beyond the mountaines; the poore Salvage mildly answered, he and all with him were of Hassininga, where there are three Kings more, like vnto them, namely the King of Stegora, the King of Tauxuntania, and the King of Shakahonea, that were come to Mohaskahod, which is onely a hunting Towne, and the bounds betwixt the Kingdome of the Mannahocks and the Nandtaughtacunds, but hard by where we were. We demanded why they came in that manner to betray vs, that came to them in peace, and to seeke their loues; he answered, they heard we were a people come from vnder the world, to take their world from them. We asked him how many worlds he did know, he replyed, he knew no more but that which was vnder the skie that covered him, which were the Powhatans, with His relation the Monacans and the Massawomeks that were higher vp countries. in the mountaines. Then we asked him what was beyond the mountaines, he answered the Sunne: but of any thing els he knew nothing; *because the woods were not burnt. of their They cannot woods are These and many such questions wee demanded, concern- trauell but ing the Massawomeks, the Monacans, their owne Country, where the and where were the Kings of Stegora, Tauxsintania, and burnt. the rest. The Monacans he sayd were their neighbours. and friends, and did dwell as they in the hilly Countries by small rivers, liuing vpon rootes and fruits, but chiefly 428 A. The Discoveries and Accidents, Powell. LIB. 3. [N. A. . [1608] by hunting, Bagnallby hunting. The Massawomeks did dwell vpon a great water, and had many boats, and so many men that they made warre with all the world. For their Kings, they were gone every one a severall way with their men on hunting. But those with him came thither a fishing till they saw vs, notwithstanding they would be al[1] together at night at Mahaskahod. For his relation we gaue him many toyes, with per- swasions to goe with vs: and he as earnestly desired vs to stay the comming of those Kings that for his good vsage should be friends with vs, for he was brother to Hassininga. But Mosco advised vs presently to be gone, for they were all naught; yet we told him we would not till it was night. All things we made ready to entertain what came, and Mosco was as diligent in trimming his arrowes. The night being come we all imbarked; for the riuer was so narrow, had it beene light the land on the one side was so high, they might haue done vs exceeding much mischiefe. All this while the K[ing]. of Hassininga was seeking the rest, and had consultation a good time. what to doe. But by their espies seeing we were gone, it was not long before we heard their arrowes dropping on every side the Boat; we caused our Salvages to call vnto them, but such a yelling and hallowing they made that they heard nothing, but now and then [we shot off] a peece, ayming so neare as we could where we heard the most voyces. More then 12 myles they followed vs in this manner; then the day appearing, we found our selues in a broad Bay, out of danger of their shot, where wee came to an anchor, and fell to breakfast. Not so much as speaking to them till the Sunne was risen. Being well refreshed, we vntyed our Targets that couered vs as a Deck, and all shewed our selues with those shields on our armes, and swords in our hands, and also our prisoner Amoroleck. A long discourse there was betwixt his Coun- trimen and him, how good wee were, how well wee vsed him, how wee had a Patawomek with vs, [who] loued vs as his life, that would haue slaine him had we not preserued him, and that he should haue his libertie would they be but friends; and to doe vs any hurt it was impossible. Ed. by W. Simmonds. 1612-1624LIB. 3. with the first supply in Virginia. 429 . concluded kings of Vpon this they all hung their Bowes and Quivers vpon [1608] the trees, and one came swimming aboord vs with a Bow How we tyed on his head, and another with a Quiver of Arrowes, peace with which they deliuered our Captaine as a present: the Cap- the foure taine hauing vsed them so kindly as he could, told them Monahoke. the other three Kings should doe the like, and then the great King of our world should be their friend; whose men we were. It was no sooner demanded but performed, so [64] vpon a low Moorish poynt of Land we went to the shore, where those foure Kings came and receiued Amoroleck nothing they had but Bowes, Arrowes, Tobacco- bags, and Pipes: what we desired, none refused to giue vs, wondering at every thing we had, and heard we had done our Pistols they tooke for pipes, which they much desired, but we did content them with other Commodities. And so we left foure or fiue hundred of our merry Mannahocks, singing, dauncing, and making merry, and set sayle for Moraughtacund. In our returnes we visited all our friends, that reioyced much at our Victory against the Mannahocks, who many times had Warres also with them, but now they were friends; and desired we would be friends with the Rapa- hanocks, as we were with the Mannahocks. Our Captaine told them, they had twise assaulted him that came onely in loue to doe them good, and therefore he would now burne all their houses, destroy their corne, and for euer hold them his enemies, till they made him satisfaction. They desired to know what that should be. He told them they should present him the Kings Bow and Arrowes, and not offer to come armed where he was; that they should be friends with the Moraughtacunds his friends and giue him their Kings sonne in pledge to performe it; and then all King James his men should be their friends. Vpon this they presently sent to the Rapahanocks to meete him at the place where they first fought, where would be the Kings of Nantautacund and Pissassac : which according to their promise were there so soone as we; where Rapaha- nock presented his Bow and Arrowes, and confirmed all we desired, except his sonne, having no more but him he could not liue without him, but in stead of his sonne he would giue him the three women Moraughtacund had How we friends with hanocks. became the Rapa- 430 . The Discoveries and Accidents, A. LIB. 3. [N. A. . . [1608] The BagnallPowellTodkillstolne. This was accepted: and so in three or foure Canowes, so many as could went with vs to Moraughtacund, where Mosco made them such relations, and gaue to his friends so many Bowes and Arrowes, that they no lesse loued him then admired vs. The 3 women were brought our Captaine, to each he gaue a chayne of Beads and then causing Moraughtacund, Mosco, and Rapahanock stand before him, bid Rapahanock take her he loued best, and Moraughtacund chuse next, and to Mosco he gaue the third. Vpon this, away went their Canowes over the water, to fetch their venison, and all the provision they could; and they that wanted Boats swam over the river. The darke [darkness] commanded vs then to rest. The next day there was of men, women, and children, as we coniectured, six or seauen hundred, dauncing, and singing; and not a Bow nor Arrow seene amongst them. Mosco changed his name Vttasantasough, which we interpret Stranger, for so they call vs. All promising ever to be our friends, and to plant Corne purposely for vs; and we to provide hatchets, beads, and copper for them, we departed : giuing them a Volley of shot, and they vs as loud shouts and cryes as their strengths could vtter. That night we anchored in the river of Payankatank, and discovery of discovered it so high as it was navigable; but the people Payanka- tank. [p. 119.] were most[ly] a hunting, saue a few old men, women, and children, that were tending their corne: of which they promised vs part when we would fetch it, as had done all the Nations where ever we had yet beene. In a fayre calme, rowing towards poynt Comfort, we anchored in Gosnolls Bay, but such a suddaine gust sur- prised vs in the night with thunder and rayne, that we never thought more to haue seene Iames Towne. Yet running before the wind, we sometimes saw the Land by the flashes of fire from heaven, by which light onely we kept from the splitting shore, vntill it pleased God in that blacke darknesse to preserue vs by that light to finde poynt Comfort. There refreshing our selues, because we had onely but heard of the Chisapeacks and Nandsamunds, we thought it as fit to know all our neighbours neare home, as so many Nations abroad. So setting sayle for the Southerne shore, we sayled vp a narrow river vp the Ed. by W. Simmonds] 1612-1624:. LIB. 3. with the first supply in Virginia. 431 . ever country of Chisapeack; it hath a good channell, but many shoules about the entrance. By that we had sayled six or seauen myles, we saw two or three little garden plots with their houses, the shores overgrowne with the greatest Pyne and Firre trees wee ever saw in the Country. But not seeing nor hearing any people, and the riuer very narrow, we returned to the great riuer, to see if we could finde any of them. Coasting [65] the shore towards Nandsamund, which is most [ly] Oyster-bankes; at the mouth of that riuer, we espied six or seauen Salvages making their wires [weirs], who presently fled: ashore we went, and where they wrought we threw diuers toyes, and so departed. Farre we were not gone ere they came againe, and began to sing, and daunce, and recall vs and thus we began our first acquaintance. At last one of them desired vs to goe to his house vp that riuer; into our Boat voluntarily he came, the rest ran after vs by the shore with all shew of loue that could be. Seauen or eight myles we sayled vp this narrow riuer: at last on the Westerne shore we saw large Cornefields, in the midst a little Isle, and in it was abundance of Corne. The people he told vs were all a hunting, but in the Isle was his house, to which he inuited vs with much kindnesse: to him, his wife, and children, we gaue such things as they seemed much con- tented them. The others being come, desired vs also to goe but a little higher to see their houses: here our host left vs, the rest rowed by vs in a Canow, till we were so far past the Isle the riuer became very narrow. Here we desired some of them to come abord vs, wherat pausing a little, they told vs they would but fetch their bows and arrowes and goe all with vs: but being a shore and thus armed, they perswaded vs to goe forward, but we could neither perswade them into their Canow, nor into our Boat. This gaue vs cause to prouide for the worst. Farre we went not ere seauen or eight Canowes full of men armed appeared following vs, staying to see the conclusion. Presently from each side the riuer came arrowes so fast as two or three hundred could shoot them, whereat we returned to get the open. They in the Canowes let fly also as fast; but amongst them we bestowed so many shot; the most of them leaped overboord and swam ashore, but two [1608] A notable trechery of the Nand samunds. The fight with the Chisa peacks and Nand- samunds. 432 . The Discoveries and Accidents, A. LIB. 3. N [ Powell. A. [1608] How they became friends. The proceeding at James Towne. [p. 120.] : Bagnall. N. Todkillor three escaped by rowing. Being against their playnes: our Muskets they found shot further then their Bowes, for wee made not twentie shot ere they all retyred behind the next trees. Being thus got out of their trap, we seised on all their Canowes, and moored them in the midst of the open. More then an hundred arrowes stucke in our Targets, and about the boat; yet none hurt, onely Anthony Bagnall was shot in his Hat, and another in his sleeue. But seeing their multitudes, and suspecting as it was, that both the Nandsamunds, and the Chisapacks were together; we thought it best to ryde by their Canowes a while, to bethinke if it were better to burne all in the Isle, or draw them to composition till we were prouided to take all they had, which was sufficient to feed all our Colony but to burne the Isle at night it was concluded. In the interim we began to cut in peeces their Canowes, and they presently to lay downe their bowes, making signes of peace. Peace we told them we would accept it, would they bring vs their Kings bowes and arrowes, with a chayne of pearle ; and when we came againe giue vs foure hundred baskets full of Corne: otherwise we would breake all their boats, and burne their houses, and corne, and all they had. To performe all this they alledged onely the want of a Canow; so we put one a drift and bad them swim to fetch her and till they performed their promise, wee would but onely breake their Canowes. They cryed to vs to doe no more, all should be as we would: which presently they performed. Away went their bowes and arrowes, and tagge and ragge came with their baskets: so much as we could carry we tooke, and so departing good friends, we returned to Iames Towne, where we safely arrived the 7. of September, 1608. There we found Master Scrivener, and divers others well recovered: many dead; some sicke: the late President [Ratcliffe] [a] prisoner for mutiny: by the honest diligence of Master Scrivener, the haruest gathered; but the provision in the store much spoyled with rayne. Thus was that summer (when little wanted) consumed and spent, and nothing done (such was the gouern- ment of Captaine Rat[c]liffe) but onely this discovery; wherein to expresse all the dangers, accidents, and in- Ed. by W. Simmonds.. 1612-1624LIB. 3. with the second supply in Virginia. 433 . counters this small number passed in that small Barge, by the scale of proportion, about three thousand myles, with such watery dyet in those great waters and barbarous Countries (till then to any Christian vtterly vnknowne) I rather referre their merit to the censure of the courteous and experienced Reader, then I would be tedious or partiall being a partie. [66] But to this place to come who will adventure, with iudgements guide and reason how to enter: Finds in this worlds broad sea, with winde and tyde, Ther's safer sayle then any where beside. But 'cause to wanton novices it is A Province full of fearefulnesse I wiss; Into the great vast deepe to venter out: Those shallow rivers let them coast about. And by a small Boat learne there first, and marke, How they may come to make a greater Barke. Written by Anthony Bagnall, Nathanaell Powell, and Anas Todkill. [1608] ! CHAPTER VII. The Presidency surrendred to Captaine Smith: the Arrivall and returne of the second Supply. And what happened. He tenth of September, by the Election of the Councell, and request of the Company, Cap- taine Smith receiued the Letters Patents: which till then by no meanes he would accept, though he was often importuned therevnto. Now the building of Rat[c]liffes Pallace stayed, as a thing needlesse; the Church was repaired; the Store-house re- couered; buildings prepared for the Supplyes we expected; the Fort reduced to a fiue-square forme; the order of the Watch renewed; the squadrons (each setting of the Watch) trained; the whole Company euery Saturday 28 ENG. SCH. LIB. No. 16. [p. 121.] " 434 The Discoveries and Accidents, LIB. 3. [w. PhittiplaceR. Wyffin. Abbot, , J. , A. Todkill[1608] Powhatans scorne when his courtesie was most deserved. [p. 122.] No better way to overthrow the busines then by our exercised, in the plaine by the west Bulwarke, prepared for that purpose, we called Smithfield: where sometimes more then an hundred Salvages would stand in an amaze- ment to behold, how a fyle would batter a tree, where he would make them a marke to shoot at; the boats trimmed for trade, which being sent out with Lieutenant Percy, in their Iourney incountred [? Oct. 1608] the second Supply, that brought them backe to discover the Country of Monacan. How or why Captaine Newport obtained such a private Commission, as not to returne without a lumpe of gold, a certaintie of the South sea, or one of the lost company sent out by Sir Walter Raleigh, I know not; nor why he brought such a fiue peeced Barge, not to beare vs to that South sea, till we had borne her over the mountaines, which how farre they extend is yet vnknowne. As for the Coronation of Powhatan, and his presents of Bason and Ewer, Bed, Bedstead, Clothes, and such costly nouelties, they had beene much better well spared then so ill spent, for wee had his favour much better onely for a playne peece of Copper, till this stately kinde of solicit- ing, made him so much overvalue himselfe, that he respected vs as much as nothing at all. As for the hyring of the Poles and Dutch men, to make Pitch, Tar, Glasse, Milles, and Sope ashes, when the Country is replenished with people, and necessaries, would haue done well: but to send them and seauentie more without victualls to worke, was not so well aduised nor considered of, as it should haue beene. Yet this could not haue hurt vs had they beene 200. though then we were 130 that wanted for our selues. For we had the Salvages in that decorum (their harvest being newly gathered) that we feared not to get victuals for 500. Now was there no way to make vs miserable, but to neg- lect that time to make prouision whilst it was to be had, the which was done by the direction from England to performe instructors. this strange discovery, but a more strange Coronation, to loose that time, spend that victualls we had, tyre and starue our men, hauing no meanes to carry victuals, muni- tion, the hurt or sicke, but on their owne backes. How or by whom they were inuented I know not. But Captaine Newport we onely accounted the Author, who Ed. by W. Simmonds1612-1624. . LIB. 3. with the second supply in Virginia. 435 to effect these proiects, had so guilded mens hopes with great promises, that both Company and Councell concluded his resolution [67] for the most part. God doth know they little knew what they did, nor vnderstood their owne estates to conclude his conclusions, against all the incon- veniences the foreseeing President [Smith] alledged. Of this Supply there was added to the Councell, one Cap- taine Richard Waldo, and Captaine Wynne, two auncient Souldiers, and valiant Gentlemen; but yet ignorant of the busines, (being but newly arriued.) Ratcliffe was also permitted to haue his voyce, and Master Scrivener, desirous to see strange Countries: so that although Smith was President, yet the Maior part of the Councell had the authoritie, and ruled it as they listed. [1608] A consulta- all the Councell the Presi tion, where was against dent. As for clearing Smiths obiections, how Pitch and Tarre, Wainscot, Clapbord, Glasse, and Sope ashes, could be provided, to relade the ship: or provision got to liue withall, when none was in the Country; and that we had, spent, before the ship departed to effect these projects. The answer was, Captaine Newport vndertooke to fraught the Pinnace of twentie tunnes with Corne in going and return- ing in his Discovery, and to refraught her againe from [§. 123.] Werowocomoco of Powhatan. Also promising a great pro- portion of victualls from the Ship; inferring that Smiths propositions were onely devices to hinder his iourney, to effect it himselfe; and that the crueltie he had vsed to the Salvages might well be the occasion to hinder these Designes, and seeke revenge on him. For which taxation, all workes were left, and 120 chosen men were appointed for Newports guard in this Discovery. But Captaine Smith to make cleare all those seeming suspitions, that the Salvages were not so desperate as was pretended by Captaine Newport, and how willing (since by their authoritie they would haue it so) he was to assist them what he could, because the Coronation would consume much time, he vndertooke himselfe their message to Powhatan, to intreat him to come to Iames Towne to receiue his presents. Captaine And where Newport durst not goe with lesse then 120. Smith he onely tooke with him Captaine Waldo, Master Andrew goeth with 4. to 436 The Discoveries and Accidents, LIB. 3. [w. Phittiplace, A. J. Abbot. Todkill. [1608] Buckler, Edward Brinton, and Samuel Collier: with these Powhatan, foure he went over land to Werowocomoco, some 12 myles; there he passed the river of Pamavnkee in a Salvage Canow. Powhatan being 30 myles off], was presently sent for in the meane time, Pocahontas and her women entertained Captaine Smith in this manner. when Newport feared with 120. A Virginia Maske. [p. 124.] The Womens entertaine- ment. In a fayre plaine field they made a fire, before which, he sitting vpon a mat, suddainly amongst the woods was heard such a hydeous noise and shreeking, that the [five] English betooke themselues to their armes, and seized on two or three old men by them, supposing Powhatan with all his power was come to surprise them. But presently Pocahontas came, willing him to kill her if any hurt were intended; and the beholders, which were men, women, and children, satisfied the Captaine there was no such matter. Then presently they were presented with this anticke; thirtie young women came naked out of the woods, onely covered behind and before with a few greene leaues, their bodies all painted, some of one colour, some of another, but all differing, their leader [? Pocahontas] had a fayre payre of Bucks hornes on her head, and an Otters skinne at her girdle, and another at her arme, a quiver of arrowes at her backe, a bow and arrowes in her hand; the next had in her hand a sword, another a club, another a pot-sticke; all horned alike: the rest every one with their severall devises. These fiends with most hellish shouts and cryes, rushing from among the trees, cast themselues in a ring about the fire, singing and dauncing with most excellent ill varietie, oft falling into their infernall passions, and solemnly againe to sing and daunce; having spent neare an houre in this Mascarado, as they entred, in like manner they departed. Having reaccommodated themselues, they solemnly in- vited him to their lodgings, where he was no sooner within the house, but all these Nymphes more tormented him then ever, with crowding, pressing, and hanging about him, most tediously crying, Loue you not me? loue you not me? This saluation ended, the feast was set, consisting of all the Salvage dainties they could devise: some attending, others singing and dauncing about them; which mirth being ended, with fire-brands in stead of Torches they conducted him to his lodging. Ed. by W. Simmonds1612-1624. . LIB. 3. with the second supply in Virginia. 437 Thus did they shew their feats of armes, and others art in dauncing: Some other vs'd there oaten pipe, and others voyces chanting. [68] [1608] Smiths The next day came Powhatan. Smith delivered his Captaine message of the presents sent him, and redelivered him message. Namontack he had sent for England; desiring him to come. to his Father Newport, to accept those presents, and conclude their revenge against the Monacans. Wherevnto this subtile Savage thus replied. answer. If your King haue sent me Presents, I also am a King, and Powhatans this is my land: eight dayes I will stay to receiue them. Your Father is to come to me, not I to him, nor yet to your Fort, neither will I bite at such a bait: as for the Monacans I can revenge my owne iniuries, and as for Atquanachuk, where you say your brother was slaine, it is a contrary way from those parts you suppose it; but for any salt water beyond the moun- taines, the Relations you haue had from my people are false. Wherevpon he began to draw plots vpon the ground (according to his discourse) of all those Regions. Many other discourses they had (yet both content to giue each other content in complementall Courtesies) and so Captaine Smith returned with this Answer. Coronation. Vpon this, the Presents were sent by water which is Powhatans neare an hundred myles, and the Captains went by land . 125.1 with fiftie good shot. All being met at Werowocomoco, the next day was appointed for his Coronation, then the presents were brought him, his Bason and Ewer, Bed and furniture set vp, his scarlet Cloke and apparell with much adoe put on him, being perswaded by Namontack they would not hurt him: but a foule trouble there was to make him kneele to receiue his Crowne, he neither knowing the maiesty nor meaning of a Crowne, nor bending of the knee, endured so many perswasions, examples, and instructions, as tyred them all; at last by leaning hard on his shoulders, he a little stooped, and three having the crowne in their hands put it on his head, when by the warning of a Pistoll the Boats were prepared with such a volley of shot, that the King start vp in a horrible feare, till he saw all was well. Then remembring himselfe, to 438 The Discoveries and Accidents, LIB. 3. [W. PhittiplaceR. Wyffin. Abbot. , J. , A. Todkil[1608] The Monacan. congratulate their kindnesse, he gaue his old shooes and his mantell to Captaine Newport. But perceiving his purpose was to discover the Monacans, he laboured to divert his resolution, refusing to lend him either men or guides more then Namontack; and so after some small complementall kindnesse on both sides, in requitall of his presents he presented Newport with a heape of wheat eares that might containe some 7 or 8 Bushels, and as much more we bought in the Towne: wherewith we returned to the Fort. The Ship having disburdened her selfe of 70 persons, discovery of with the first Gentlewoman and woman-seruant that arrived in our Colony. Captaine Newport with 120 chosen men, led by Captaine Waldo, Lieutenant Percie, Captaine Winne, Master West, and Master Scrivener, set forward for the discovery of Monacan, leaving the President at the Fort with about 80. or 90. (such as they were) to relade the Ship. Arriving at the Falles,we marched by land some fortie myles. in two dayes and a halfe; and so returned downe the same path we went. Two townes we discovered of the Monacans, called Massinacak and Mowhemenchouch; the people neither vsed vs well nor ill, yet for our securitie we tooke one of their petty Kings, and led him bound to conduct vs the way. And in our returnes [we] searched many places we sup- posed Mines, about which we spent some time in refyning, having one William Callicut, a refyner fitted for that pur- pose. From that crust of earth we digged, he perswaded vs to beleeue he extracted some small quantitie of silver; and (not vnlikely) better stuffe might be had for the digging. With this poore tryall, being contented to leaue this fayre, fertile, well watered Country; and comming to the Falles, the Salvages fayned there were divers ships come into the Bay, to kill them at Iames Towne. Trade they would not, and finde their Corne we could not; for they had hid it in the woods: and being thus deluded, we arrived at Iames Towne, halfe sicke, all complaining, and tyred with toyle, famine, and discontent, to haue onely but discovered our guilded hopes, and such fruitlesse certainties, as Captaine Smith fortold vs. [p. 126.] How the Salvages deluded Captaine Newport. But those that hunger seeke to slake, Which thus abounding wealth would rake : Ed. by W. Simmonds. 1612-1624LIB. 3. with the second supply in Virginia. 439 . Not all the gemmes of Ister shore, Nor all the gold of Lydia's store, [69] Can fill their grecdie appetite; It is a thing so infinite. No sooner were we landed, but the President dispersed so many as were able, some for Glasse, others for Tarre, Pitch, and Sope-ashes, leauing them with the Fort to the Councels oversight. [1608] But 30 of vs he conducted downe the river some 5 myles from Iames towne, to learne to make Clapbord, cut downe trees, and lye in woods. Amongst the rest he had chosen Gabriel Beadle, and Iohn Russell, the onely two gallants of this last Supply, and both proper Gen- tlemen. Strange were these pleasures to their condi- tions; yet lodging, eating, and drinking, working or playing, they but doing as the President did himselfe. All these things were carried so pleasantly as within a weeke they became Masters: making it their delight to heare the trees thunder as they fell; but the Axes so oft blistered their tender fingers, that many times every third blow had a loud othe to drowne the eccho; for remedie of which sinne, the President devised how to haue every A punish- mans othes numbred, and at night for every othe to haue swearing. a Cann of water powred downe his sleeue, with which every offender was so washed (himselfe and all) that a man should scarce heare an othe in a weeke. For he who scornes and makes but iests of cursings, and his othe, He doth contemne, not man but God; nor God, nor man, but both. By this, let no man thinke that the President and these Gentlemen spent their times as common Wood haggers at felling of trees, or such other like labours; or that they were pressed to it as hirelings, or common slaues; for what they did, after they were but once a little invred, it seemed and some conceited it, onely as a pleasure and recreation: yet 30 or 40 of such voluntary Gentleman would doe more in a day then 100 of the rest that must be prest to it by compulsion; but twentie good workemen had beene better then them all. ment for [. 127.] lol. Men better then 100. 440 The Discoveries and Accidents, LIB. 3. [w. PhittiplaceR. Wyffin. Abbot. , J. , A. Todkill[1608] Master Scrivener, Captaine Waldo, and Captaine Winne at the Fort, every one in like manner carefully regarded their charge. The President returning from amongst the woods, seeing the time consumed and no provision gotten, (and the Ship lay idle at a great charge and did nothing) presently imbarked himselfe in the discovery barge, giving order to the Councell to send Lieutenant Percie after him with the next barge that arrived at the Fort; two Barges The Chicka- he had himselfe and 18 men, but arriving at Chickahamania, forced to that dogged Nation was too well acquainted with our contribution. wants, refusing to trade, with as much scorne and inso- hamania's A bad reward for well-doing. A good Taverne in Virginia. lency as they could expresse. The President perceiuing it was Powhatans policy to starue vs, told them he came not so much for their Corne, as to revenge his imprison- ment, and the death of his men murthered by them; and so landing his men and readie to charge them, they im- mediately fled: and presently after sent their Ambassadors. with corne, fish, foule, and what they had to make their peace; (their Corne being that yeare but bad) they com- plained extreamely of their owne wants, yet fraughted our Boats with an hundred Bushels of Corne, and in like manner Lieutenant Percies that not long after arrived, and having done the best they could to content vs, we parted good friends, and returned to Iames towne. Though this much contented the Company (that feared nothing more then starving), yet some so envied his good successe, that they rather desired to hazzard a starving, then his paines should proue so much more effectuall then theirs. Some proiects there were invented by Newport and Rat[c]liffe, not onely to haue deposed him, but to haue kept him out of the Fort; for that being President, he would leaue his place and the Fort without their consents: but their hornes were so much too short to effect it, as they themselues more narrowly escaped a greater mischiefe. All this time our old Taverne made as much of all them that had either money or ware as could be desired: by this time they were become so perfect on all sides (I meane the souldiers, saylers, and Salvages) as there was tenne times more care to maintaine their damnable and private trade, then to provide for the Colony things [70] Ed. by W. Simmonds1612-1624. .] LIB. 3. with the second supply in Virginia. 441 that were necessary. Neither was it a small policy in Newport and the Marriners to report in England we had such plentie, and bring vs so many men without victuals, when they had so many private Factors in the Fort, that within six or seauen weeks, of two or three hundred Axes, Chissels, Hows, and Pick-axes, scarce twentie could be found: and for Pike-heads, shot, Powder, or any thing they could steale from their fellowes, was vendible; they knew as well (and as secretly) how to convey them to trade with the Salvages for Furres, Baskets, Mussaneeks, young Beasts, or such like Commodities, as exchange them with the Saylers for Butter, Cheese, Beefe, Porke, Aqua vitæ, Beere, Bisket, Oatmeale, and Oyle: and then fayne all was sent them from their friends. And though Virginia affoorded no Furres for the Store, yet one Master in one voyage hath got so many by this indirect meanes, as he confessed to haue scld in England for 30l. Those are the Saint-seeming Worthies of Virgina (that haue notwithstanding all this, meate, drinke, and wages); but now they begin to grow weary, their trade being both perceived and prevented. None hath beene in Virginia, that hath observed any thing, which knowes not this to be true: and yet the losse, the scorne, the misery, and shame, was the poore Officers, Gen- tlemen, and carelesse Governours, who were all thus bought and sold; the adventurers cousened, and the action over- throwne by their false excuses, informations, and directions. By this let all men iudge, how this businesse could prosper, being thus abused by such pilfring occasions. And had not Captaine Newport cryed Peccavi, the President would haue discharged the ship, and caused him to haue stayed one yeare in Virginia, to learne to speake of his owne experience. Master Scrivener was sent with the Barges and Pinnace to Werowocomoco, where he found the Salvages more readie to fight then trade: but his vigilancy was such as prevented their proiects, and by the meanes of Namontack, [he] got three or foure hogsheads of Corne; and as much Pocones, which is a red roote, which then was esteemed an excellent Dye. Captaine Newport being dispatched, with the tryals of Pitch, Tarre, Glasse, Frankincense, Sope ashes; with [1608] [. 128.] of the A bad trade masters and saylers. Master voyage to Scriveners W'erowoco. тосо. 442 1608. The Discoveries and Accidents, LIB. 3. Oct. . J. Smith[1608] [p. 129.] [p. 928.] that Clapboord and Waynscot that could be provided: met with Master Scrivener at poynt Comfort, and so re- turned for England. We remaining were about two hundred. The Copy of a Letter sent to the Treasurer and Councell of Virginia from Captaine Smith, then President in VIRGINIA. Right Honorable, &c. Received your Letter, wherein you write, that our minds are so set upon faction, and idle conceits in diuiding the Country without your consents, and that we feed You but with ifs and ands, hopes, and some few proofes; as if we would keepe the mystery of the businesse to our selues: and that we must expresly follow your instructions sent by Captaine Newport: the charge of whose voyage amounts to neare two thousand pounds, the which if we cannot defray by the Ships returne, we are like to remain as banished men. To these particulars I humbly intreat your Pardons if I offend you with my rude Answer. : For our factions, vnlesse you would haue me run away and leaue the Country, I cannot prevent them because I do make many stay that would els fly any whether. For the idle Letter sent [? by Captain Newport's ship in April 1608, p. 389] to my Lord of Salisbury, by the President [Ratcliffe] and his confe- What it was I know not, derats, for diuiding the Country &c. for you saw no hand [71] of mine to it; nor euer dream't I of any such matter. That we feed you with hopes, &c. Though I be no scholer, I am past a schoole-boy; and I desire but to know, what either you, and these here, doe know but that I haue learned to tell you by the continuall hazard of my life. I haue not concealed from you any thing I know; but I feare some cause you to beleeue much more then is true. Expresly to follow your directions by Captaine Newport, though they be performed, I was directly against it; but according to our Commission, I was content to be overruled by the maior part of the Councell, I feare to the hazard of vs all; which now is generally confessed when it is too late. Onely Captaine Ed. by 443 July 1624.. . LIB. 3. with the second supply in Virginia. J. SmithWinne and Captaine Waldo I haue sworne of the Councell, and Crowned Powhatan according to your instructions. For the charge of this Voyage of two or three thousand pounds, we haue not receiued the value of an hundred pounds. And for the quartred Boat to be borne by the Souldiers over the Falles, Newport had 120 of the best men he could chuse. If he had burnt her to ashes, one might haue carried her in a bag; but as she is, fiue hundred cannot, to a navigable place aboue the Falles. And for him at that time to find in the South Sea, a Mine of gold, or any of them sent by Sir Walter Raleigh: at our Consultation I told them was as likely as the rest. during this great discovery of thirtie myles, (which might as well haue beene done by one man, and much more, for the value of a pound of Copper at a seasonable tyme) they had the Pinnace and all the Boats with them, but one that remained with me to serue the Fort. But In their absence I followed the new begun workes of Pitch and Tarre, Glasse, Sope-ashes, and Clapboord; whereof some small quantities we haue sent you. But if you rightly con- sider, what an infinite toyle it is in Russia and Swethland, where the woods are proper for naught els, and though there be the helpe both of man and beast in those ancient Common-wealths, which many an hundred yeares haue vsed it; yet thousands of those poore people can scarce get necessaries to liue, but from hand to mouth. And though your Factors there can buy as much in a week as will fraught you a ship, or as much as you please; you must not expect from vs any such matter, which are but a many of ignorant miserable soules, that are scarce able to get wherewith to liue, and defend our selues against the inconstant Salvages: finding but here and there a tree fit for the purpose, and want all things els the Russians haue. For the Coronation of Powhatan, by whose advice you sent him such presents, I know not; but this giue me leauc to tell you, I feare they will be the confusion of vs all ere we heare from you againe. At your Ships arrivall, the Salvages harvest was newly gathered, and we going to buy it; our owne not being halfe sufficient for so great a number. As for the two ships loading of Corne Newport promised to pro- vide vs from Powhatan, he brought vs but foureteene Bushels; and from the Monacans nothing, but the most of the men sicke [1608] 444 . The Discoveries and Accidents, J. SmithLIB. 3. [Oct. 1608. [1608] and neare famished. From your Ship we had not provision in victuals worth twenty pound, and we are more then two hundred to liue vpon this: the one halfe sicke, the other little better. For the Saylers (I confesse) they daily make good cheare, but our dyet is a little meale and water, and not sufficient of that. Though there be fish in the Sea, foules in the ayre, and Beasts in the woods, their bounds are so large, they so wilde, and we so weake and ignorant, we cannot much trouble them. Captaine Newport we much suspect to be the Authour of those inventions. Now that you should know, I haue made you as great a dis- covery as he, for lesse charge then he spendeth you every meale; I haue sent you this Mappe of the Bay and Rivers, with an annexed [72] Relation of the Countries and Nations that inhabit them, as you may see at large. Also two barrels of stones, and such as I take to be good Iron ore at the least; so devided, as by their notes yon may see in what places I found them. The Souldiers say many of your officers maintaine their families out of that you send vs: and that Newport hath an hundred pounds a yeare for carrying newes. For every master you haue yet sent can find the way as well as he, so that an hundred pound might be spared, which is more then we haue all, that helps to pay him wages. Captaine Rat[c]liffe is now called Sicklemore, a poore counterfeited Imposture. I haue sent you him home, least the company should cut his throat. What he is, now every one can tell you if he and Archer returne againe, they are sufficient to keepe vs alwayes in factions. When you send againe I intreat you rather send but thirty Carpenters, husbandmen, gardiners, fisher men, blacksmiths, masons, and diggers up of trees, roots, well provided; then a thousand of such as we haue: for except wee be able both to lodge them, and feed them, the most will consume with want of necessaries before they can be made good for any thing. Thus if you please to consider this account, and of the vn- necessary wages to Captaine Newport, or his ships so long lingering and staying here (for notwithstanding his boasting to leaue vs victuals for 12 moneths; though we had 89 by this discovery lame and sicke, and but a pinte of Corne a day for a man, we were constrained to giue him three hogsheads of that to victuall him homeward) or yet to send into Germany or Poleland for glasse-men and the rest, till we be able to sustaine Ed. by W. Simmonds. 1612-1624LIB. 3. with the second supply in Virginia. 445 . our sclues, and relicue them when they come. It were better to [1608] giue fiue hundred pound a tun for those grosse Commodities in Denmarke, then send for them hither, till more necessary things be provided. For in over-toyling our weake and vnskilfull bodies, to satisfie this desire of present profit, we can scarce ever recover our selues from one Supply to another. And I humbly intreat you hereafter, let us know what we should receiue, and not stand to the Saylers courtesie to leaue vs what they please; els you may charge vs with what you will, but we not you with any thing. These are the causes that haue kept vs in Virginia, from laying such a foundation, that ere this might haue given much better content and satisfaction; but as yet you must not looke for any profitable returnes: so I humbly rest. The Names of those in this Supply, were these: [¿. 129.] with their Proceedings and Accidents. Captaine Peter Winne, Captaine Richard Waldo, } were appoynted to be of the Councell. Master Francis VVest, brother to the Lord La VVarre. Thomas Graues. Raleigh Chroshaw. Gabriel Beadle. Iohn Beadle. Iohn Russell. William Russell. Iohn Cuderington. William Sambage. Henry Leigh. Henry Philpot. Harmon Harrison. Daniel Tucker. Henry Collings. Hugh Wolleston. Iohn Hoult. Thomas Norton. George Yarington. Gent. George Burton. Thomas Abbay. William Dowman. Thomas Maxes. Michael Lowick. Master Hunt. Thomas Forrest. Iohn Dauxc. Thomas Phelps. Iohn Prat. Iohn Clarke. Ieffrey Shortridge. Dionis Oconor. Hugh Winne. Dauid ap Hugh. Thomas Bradley. Gent. Tradesmen [i.e., Artizans]. [73] 446 The Discoveries and Accidents, LIB. 3. [w. PhittiplaceR. Wyffin. . , J. Abbot, A. Todkill[1608] Iohn Burras. Nandsa- mund forced to contribu- tion. [p. 130.] Thomas Lavander. Henry Bell. Master Powell. David Ellis. Thomas Gibson. Thomas Dawse. Thomas Mallard. William Tayler. Thomas Fox. Tradesmen. Labour- ers. Nicholas Hancock. Walker. Williams. Floud. Morley. Rose. Scot. Hardwyn. Milman. Hilliard. Boyes. Labourers. Mistresse Forrest, and Anne Burras her maide; eight Dutch men and Poles, with some others, to the number of seaventie persons, &c. These poore conclusions so affrighted vs all with famine, that the President provided for Nandsamund, and tooke with him Captaine Winne, and Master Scrivener, then returning from Captaine Newport. These people also long denied him not onely the 400 Baskets of Corne they promised [p. 432], but any trade at all; (excusing themselues they had spent most they had; and were commanded by Powhatan to keepe that they had, and not to let vs come into their river) till we were constrained to begin with them perforce. Vpon the discharging of our Muskets they all fled and shot not an Arrow; the first house we came to we set on fire, which when they perceiued, they desired we would make no more spoyle, and they would giue vs halfe they had: how they collected it I know not, but before night they loaded our three Boats. And so we returned to our quarter some foure myles downe the River, which was onely the open woods vnder the lay of a hill, where all the ground was covered with snow, and hard frozen; the snow we digged away and made a great fire in the place; when the ground was well dryed, we turned away the fire; and covering the place with a mat, there we lay very warme. To keepe vs from the winde we made a shade of another Mat; as the winde turned we turned our shade: and when the ground grew cold we remoued the fire. And thus many a cold winter night haue wee laine in this miserable manner, yet those Ed. by W. Simmonds." LIB. 1612-1624. with the second supply in Virginia. 447 3. [1608] that most commonly went vpon all those occasions, were alwayes in health, lusty, and fat. For sparing them this yeare, the next yeare they promised to plant purposely for vs; and so we returned to Iames towne. About this time there was a marriage betwixt Iohn The first Laydon and Anne Burras; which was the first marriage Tirginia. marriage in we had in Virginia. Long he stayed not, but fitting himselfe and Captaine. Waldo with two Barges. From Chawopoweanock, and all parts thereabouts, all the people were fled, as being jealous discovered. of our intents; till we discovered the river and people of Apamatuck Apamatuck; where we found not much: that they had we equally divided; but gaue them copper and such things as contented them in consideration. Master Scrivener and Lieutenant Percie went also abroad, but could find nothing. The President seeing the procrastinating of time, was no course to liue, resolved with Captaine Waldo (whom he knew to be sure in time of need) to surprise Powhatan, and all his provision, but the vnwillingnesse of Captaine Winne, and Master Scrivener (for some private respect, plotted in England to ruine Captaine Smith) [p.460], did their best to hinder their proiect. But the President whom no perswasions could perswade to starue, being invited by Powhatan to come vnto him: and if he would send him but men to build him a house, giue him a gryndstone, fiftie swords, some peeces, a cock and a hen, with much copper and beads, he would load his Ship with Corne. The President not ignorant of his devises and subtiltie, yet vnwilling to neglect any opportunitie, presently sent three Dutch-men and two English; having so small allowance, [that] few were able to doe any thing to purpose: knowing there needed no better a Castle to effect this proiect, tooke order with Captaine Waldo to second him, if need required. Scrivener he left his substitute, and set forth with the Pin- nace, two Barges, and fortie six men, which onely were such as voluntarily offered themselues for his Iourney, the which [131.1 by reason of Master Scriveners ill successe, was censured very desperate: they all knowing Smith would not returne emptie, if it were to be had; howsoever, it caused many of those that he had appointed, to find excuses to stay behinde. [74] 448 The Discoveries and Accidents, LIB. 3. [w. PhittiplaceR. Wyffin. . , J. Abbot, A. Todkill[1608-9] CHAPTER VIII. Captaine Smiths Iourney to Pamavnkee. He twentie-nine of December [1608] he set forward for Werowocomoco: his Company were these ; In the Discovery Barge himselfc. Robert Behethland. Nathanael Graues. Iohn Russell. Raleigh Chrashow. Michael Sicklemore. Richard Worley. Gent. Anas Todkill. William Loue. William Bentley. Ieffrey Shortridge. Edward Pising. William Ward. In the Pinnace. Souldiers. Lieutenant Percie, brother to the Earle of Northumberland. Master Francis West, brother to the Lord La Warre. William Phittiplace, Captaine of the Pinnace. [p. 132.] Michael Phittiplace. Ieffrey Abbot, Ser- ieant. William Tankard. George Yarington. Iames Browne. Edward Brinton. George Burton. Thomas Coe. Souldiers. Gent. Ionas Profit, Master. Robert Ford, Clarke of the Councell. Iohn Dods, Souldier. Henry Powell, Souldier. Thomas Gipson, David Ellis, Nathanael Peacock, Saylers; Iohn Prat, George Acrig, Iames Read, Nicholas Hancock, Iames Watkins, Thomas Lambert, foure Dutch-men, and Richard Salvage were sent by land before, to build the house for Powhatan against our Arrivall. This company being victualled but for three or foure dayes, lodged the first night at Warraskoyack, where the President tooke sufficient provision. This kind King did his best to divert him from seeing Powhatan; but perceiuing he could not prevaile, he advised in this manner. Ed. by W. Simmonds. 1612-1624LIB. 3. with the second supply in Virginia. 449 . counsell of The good Warras- Captaine Smith, you shall find Powhatan to vse you [1608-9] kindly but trust him not, and be sure he haue no oportunitie to seize on your Armes; for he hath sent for you onely to cut your throats. The Captaine thanking him for his good counsell: yet the better to try his loue, desired guides to Chawwonock; for he would send a present to that King, to bind him his friend. To performe this iourney was sent Master Sicklemore, a very valiant, honest, and a painefull Souldier: with him two guides, and directions how to seeke for the lost company of Sir Walter Raleighs, and silke Grasse. Then we departed thence, the President assuring the King of his] perpetuall loue; and left with him Samuel Collier his Page to learne the Language. So this Kings deeds by sacred Oath adiur'd. More wary proues, and circumspect by ods: Fearing at least his double forfeiture; To offend his friends, and sin against his Gods. koyack. victualls. The next night [30 Dec. 1608], being lodged at Kecoughtan; Plentie of six or seaven dayes the extreame winde, rayne, frost and snow caused vs to keepe Christmas [31 Dec. 1608–6 Jan. 1609] among the Salvages, where we were never more merry, nor fed on more plentie of good Oysters, Fish, Flesh, Wild-foule, and good bread; nor never had better fires in England, then in the dry smoaky houses of Kecoughtan. But departing thence, when we found no houses we were not curious in any weather to lye three or foure nights together vnder the trees by a fire, as formerly is sayd [p. 446]. 148 Foules An hundred fortie eight foules the President, Anthony three Bagnall, and Serieant Pising did kill at three shoots. killed at shootes. At Kiskiack the frost and contrary winds forced vs three or foure dayes also (to suppresse the insolency of those tÞ. 133·l proud Salvages) to quarter in their houses, yet guard our Barge, and cause them [to] giue vs what we wanted; though we were but twelue and himselfe, yet we never wanted shelter where we found any houses. The 12 of Ianuary [1609] we arrived at Werowocomoco, where the river was frozen neare halfe a myle from the shore; but to neglect [75] no time, the President with his Barge so far had approached by breaking the ice, as the ebbe left him ENG SCH. LIB. No. 16. 29 450 The Discoveries and Accidents, LIB. 3. [w. Phittiplace, A. Todkill. [1609] amongst those oasie shoules, yet rather then to lye there frozen to death, by his owne example he taught them to march neere middle deepe, a flight shot through this muddy frozen oase. When the Barge floated, he ap- poynted two or three to returne her aboord the Pinnace. Where for want of water, in melting the ice, they made fresh water, for the river there was salt. But in this march Master Russell, (whom none could perswade to stay behinde) being somewhat ill, and exceeding heauie, so over- toyled himselfe as the rest had much adoe (ere he got ashore) to regaine life into his dead benummed spirits. Quartering in the next houses we found, we sent to Pow- hatan for provision; who sent vs plentie of bread, Turkies, and Venison. The next day [13 Jan.] having feasted vs after his ordinary manner,he began to aske vs when we would be gone: fayning he sent not for vs,neither had he any corne; and his people much lesse: yet for fortie swords he would procure vs fortie Baskets. The President shewing him the men there present that brought him the message and conditions, asked Powhatan how it chanced he became so forgetfull; thereat the King concluded the matter with a merry laughter, asking for our Commo- dities, but none he liked without gunnes and swords, valuing a Basket of Corne more precious then a Basket of Copper; saying he could rate [eat] his Corne, but not the Copper. Captaine Smith seeing the intent of this subtill Salvage, discourse to began to deale with him after this manner. Captaine Smiths Powhatan. [p. 134.] Powhatans reply and flattery. Powhatan, though I had many courses to haue made my pro- vision, yet beleeving your promises to supply my wants, I neglected all to satisfie your desire: and to testifie my loue, I sent you my men for your building, neglecting mine owne. What your people had, you haue engrossed, forbidding them our trade: and now you thinke by consuming the time, we shall consume for want, not having to fulfill your strange demands. As for swords and gunnes, I told you long agoe I had none to spare; and you must know those I haue can keepe me from want: yet steale or wrong you I will not, nor dissolue that friendship we haue mutually promised, except you constraine me by our bad vsage. The King having attentively listned to this Discourse, promised that both he and his Country would spare him what he could, the which within two dayes they should receiue. Yet Ed. by W. Sim] LIB. 3. with the second supply in Virginia. 451 -14Simmonds. 1612-1624. Captaine Smith, sayth the King, some doubt I have of your comming hither, that makes me not so kindly seeke to relieue you as I would: for many doe informe me, your comming hither is not for trade, but to invade my people, and possesse my Country, who dare not come to bring you corne, seeing you thus armed with your men. To free vs of this feare, leaue aboord your weapons, for here they are needlesse, we being all friends, and for ever Powhatans. With many such discourses, they spent the day; quarter- ing that night in the Kings houses. The next day [14 Jan.] he renewed his building, which hee little intended should proceede. For the Dutch-men finding his plentie, and knowing our want; and perceiving his preparations to surprise vs, little thinking we could escape both him and famine; (to obtaine his favour) revealed to him so much as they knew of our estates and proiects, and how to prevent them. One of them being of so great a spirit, iudgement, and resolution; and a hireling that was certaine of his wages for his labour, and ever well vsed both he and his Countrymen; that the President knew not whom better to trust: and not knowing any fitter for that imploy- ment, he sent him as a spy to discover Powhatans intent, then little doubting his honestie, nor could ever be certaine of his villa[i]ny till neare halfe a yeare after [p. 467]. [1609] Whilst we expected the comming in of the Country, we [p.135.] wrangled out of the King ten quarters of Corne for a copper Kettell, the which the President perceiving him much to affect, valued it at a much greater rate; but in regard of his scarcity he would accept it, provided we should haue as much more the next yeare, or els the Country of Monacan. Wherewith each seemed well contented, and Powhatan began to expostulate the difference of Peace. and Warre after this manner. discourse of peace and warre. Captaine Smith, you may understand that I having seene Powhatans the death of all my people thrice, and not any one liuing of those three generations but my selfe; I know the difference of Peace and Warre better then any in my Country. But now I am old and ere long must die, my brethren [76], namely Opitcha- pam, Opechancanough, and Kekataugh, my two sisters, and their two daughters, are distinctly each others successors. I wish their experience no lesse then mine, and your loue to them no 452 The Discoveries and Accidents, LIB. 3. [w. PhittiplaceR. Wyffin. . , J. Abbot, A. Todkill[1609] lesse then mine to you. But this bruit from Nandsamund, that [p. 136.] Captaine Smiths Reply. you are come to destroy my Country, so much affrighteth all my people as they dare not visit you. What will it availe you to take that by force you may quickly haue by loue, or to destroy them that provide you food. What can you get by warre, when we can hide our provisions and fly to the woods? whereby you must famish by wronging vs your friends. And why are you thus icalous of our loues seeing vs vnarmed, and both doe, and are will- ing still to feede you, with that you cannot get but by our labours? Thinke you I am so simple, not to know it is better to cate good meate, lye well, and sleepe quietly with my women and children, laugh and be merry with you, haue copper, hatchets, or what I want being your friend: then be forced to flie from all, to lie cold in the woods, feede vpon Acornes, rootes, and such trash; and be so hunted by you, that I can neither rest, cate, nor sleepe; but my tyred men must watch, and if a twig but breake, every one crycth there commeth Captaine Smith: then must I fly I know not whether and thus with miserable feare, end my miserable life, leauing my pleasures to such youths as you, which through your rash vnaduisednesse may quickly as miserably end, for want of that, you never know where to finde. Let this therefore assure you of our loues, and every yeere our friendly trade shall furnish you with Corne; and now also, if you would come in friendly manner to see vs, and not thus with your guns and swords as to invade your foes. : To this subtill discourse, the President thus replyed. Seeing you will not rightly conceive of our words, we striue to make you know our thoughts by our deeds; the vow I made you of my loue, both my selfe and my men haue kept. As for your promise I find it euery day violated by some of your sub- iects: yet we finding your loue and kindenesse, our custome is so far from being ungratefull, that for your sake onely, we haue curbed our thirsting desire of revenge; els had they knowne as well the crueltie we vse to our enemies, as our true loue and courtesie to our friends. And I thinke your iudgement suffi- cient to conceiue, as well by the adventures we haue vndertaken, as by the advantage we haue (by our Armes) of yours: that had we intended you any hurt, long ere this we could haue effected it. Your people comming to Iames Towne are entertained with their Bowes and Arrowes without any exceptions; we esteeming it with you as it is with vs, to weare our armes as our apparell. As ; . Ed. by W. Simmonds. 1612-1624. LIB. 3. with the second supply in Virginia. 453 for the danger of our enemies, in such warres consist our chiefest pleasure: for your riches we haue no vse as for the hiding your provision, or by your flying to the woods, we shall not so vnad- visedly starue as you conclude, your friendly care in that behalfe is needlesse, for we haue a rule to finde beyond your knowledge. Many other discourses they had, till at last they began to trade. But the King seeing his will would not be admitted as a law, our guard [not] dispersed, nor our men disarmed, he (sighing) breathed his minde once more in this manner. Captaine Smith, I neuer vse any Werowance so kindely as your selfe, yet from you I receive the least kindnesse of any. Captaine Newport gaue me swords, copper, cloathes, a bed, towels, or what I desired; euer taking what I offered him, and would send away his gunnes when I intreated him: none doth deny to lye [lay] at my feet, or refuse to doe, what I desire, but onely you; of whom I can haue nothing but what you regard not, and yet you will haue whatsoever you demand. Captaine New- port you call father, and so you call me; but I see for all vs both you will doe what you list, and we must both seeke to con- tent you. But if you intend so friendly as you say, send hence your armes, that I may beleeue you; for you see the loue I beare you, doth cause me thus nakedly to forget my selfe. Smith seeing this Salvage but trifle the time to cut his throat, procured the Salvages to breake the ice, that his Boate might come to fetch his corne and him; and gaue order for more men to come on shore, to surprise the King, with whom also he but trifled the time till his men were landed: and to keepe him from suspicion, entertained the time with this reply. [1609] 1. 137] Powhatans importunity to haue vs betray vs. Smiths Captaine discourse to the found oportunity the King. delay time, to surprise Powhatan you must know, as I haue but one God, I honour but one King; and I liue not here as your subiect, but as your friend to pleasure you with what I can. By the gifts you bestow on me, you gaine more then by trade: yet would you visit mee as I doe you, you should know it is not our custome, to sell our curtesies as a vendible commodity. Bring all your [77] countrey with you for your guard, I will not dislike it as being ouer iealous. But to content you, to morrow I will leaue my Armes, [The last and trust to your promise. I call you father indeed, and as a time Smith father you shall see I will loue you: but the small care you haue of hatan such a childe caused my men to perswade me to looke to my selfe. By this time Powhatan hauing knowledge his men were sces Per- 454 The Discoveries and Accidents, LIB. 3. [wW. R. Wyffin. . , J. Abbot. Phittiplace, A. Todkillplot to haue murdered Smith, [p. 138.] [1609] ready; whilest the ice was a breaking, with his luggage Powhatans women and children, fled. Yet to auoyd suspicion, left two or three of the women talking with the Captaine, whilest hee secretly ran away, and that his men secretly beset the house. Which being presently discouered to Captaine Smith, with his pistoll, sword, and target hee made such a passage among these naked Diuels; that at his first shoot, they next him tumbled one ouer another, and the rest quickly fled some one way, some another: so that without any hurt, onely accompanied with Iohn Russell, hee obtained the corps du guard. When they perceiued him so well escaped, and with his eighteene men (for he had no more with him a shore), to the vttermost of their skill they sought excuses to dissemble the matter: and Powhatan to excuse his flight and the sudden comming of this multitude, sent our Captaine a great brace- let and a chaine of pearle, by an ancient Oratour that bespoke for a present. vs to this purpose; perceiuing euen then from our Pinnace, a Barge and men departing and comming vnto vs. A chaine of pearle sent the Captaine Captaine Smith, our Werowance is fled, fearing your gunnes, and knowing when the ice was broken there would come more men, sent these numbers but to guard his corne from stealing, that might happen without your knowledge: now though some bee hurt by your misprision, yet Powhatan is your friend and so will for euer continue. Now since the ice is open, he would haue you send away your corne; and if you would haue his company, send away also your gunnes, which so affrighteth his people, that they dare not come to you as hee promised they should. Then hauing prouided baskets for our men to carry our men loaded corne to the boats, they kindly offered their seruice to guard with baskets, our Armes, that none should steale them. A great many they were of goodly well proportioned fellowes, as grim as themselues. Diuels; yet [at] the very sight of cocking our matches, and being to let fly, a few wordes caused them to leaue their bowes and arrowes to our guard, and beare downe our corne on their backes; wee needed not importune them to make dispatch. Pretending to kill our we caused them do it But our Barges being left on the oase by the ebbe, caused vs stay till the next high-water; so that wee returned againe to our old quarter. Powhatan and his Dutch-men brusting with desire to haue Ed. by W. SimmondsLIB. 1612-1624. . 3. with the second supply in Virginia. 455 [1609] her fathers bewrayes deceit to the head of Captaine Smith; for if they could but kill him, they thought all was theirs, neglected not any op[p]ortunity to effect his purpose. The Indians with all the merry sports they could deuise, spent the time till night: then they all returned to Powhatan, who all this time was making ready his forces to surprise the house and him at supper. Notwithstanding the eternall all-seeing God did preuent him, and by a strange meanes. For Pocahontas his dearest Pocahontas iewell and daughter, in that darke night came through the irksome woods, and told our Captaine great cheare should be sent vs by and by: but Powhatan and all the power he could make, would after come kill vs all, if they that brought it could not kill vs with our owne weapons when we were at supper. Therefore if we would liue, shee wished vs pre- sently to bee gone. Such things as shee delighted in, he would haue giuen her: but with the teares running downe her cheekes, shee said shee durst not be seene to haue any: for if Powhatan should know it, she were but dead, and so shee ranne away by her selfe as she came. Within lesse than an houre came eight or ten lusty fellowes, with great platters of venison and other victuall, very impor- tunate to haue vs put out our matches (whose smoake made them sicke) and sit down to our victuall. But the Captaine made them taste euery dish, which done hee sent some of them backe to Powhatan, to bid him make haste for hee was prepared for his comming. As for them hee knew they came to betray him at his supper: but hee would prevent them and all their other intended villanies: so that they might be gone. Not long after came more mes- sengers, to see what newes; not long after them, others. Thus wee spent the night as vigilantly as they, till it was high-water, yet seemed to the saluages [78] as friendly as they to vs: and that wee were so desirous to giue Powha- tan content, as hee requested, wee did leaue him Edward Brynton to kill him foule, and the Dutch-men to finish his house; thinking at our returne from Pamavnkee the frost would be gone, and then we might finde a better op[p]or- tunity if necessity did occasion it, little dreaming yet of the Dutch-mens treachery, whose humor well suited this verse: Is any free, that may not liue as freely as he list? Let vs liue so, then w'are as free, and bruitish as the best. kill vs. 456 The Discoveries and Accidents, LIB. 3. [wW. R. Wyffin. . , J. Abbot. Phittiplace, A. Todkill[p. 139.] [1609] The Dutch men deceiue Captaine Winne. CHAPTER IX. How wee escaped surprising at Pamavnkee. W E had no sooner set sayle but Powhatan returned, and sent Adam and Francis (two stout Dutch-men [pp. 467, 487]) to Iames towne: who faining to Captaine Winne that all things were well, and that Captaine Smith had vse of their armes, wherefore they requested new (the which were giuen them). They told him their comming was for some extraordinary tooles, and shift of apparell; by which colourable excuse they obtained sixe or seauen more to their confederacie, such expert theeues, that presently furnished them with a great many swords, pike- heads, peeces, shot, powder and such like : Saluages they had at hand to carry it away; and the next day they returned vnsuspected, leauing their confederates to follow, and in the interim to convay them such things as they could: for which seruice they should liue with Powhatan as his chiefe affected, free from those miseries that would happen [to] the Colony. Samuel their other consort Powhatan kept for their pledge, the Saluages whose diligence had prouided them three hundred of their with Armes. kinde of hatchets; the rest fifty swords, eight peeces, and eight pikes. The Dutch men furnish [p. 140.] Brynton and Richard Salvage seeing the Dutch-men so diligent to accommodate the Saluages with weapons, attempted to haue gotten to Iames towne; but they were apprehended, and expected euer when to be put to death. Within two or three dayes, we arriued at Pamavnkee, the King as many dayes entertained vs with feasting and much mirth. And the day appointed to beginne our trade, the President, Lieutenant Percie, Master West, Master Russell, Master Behethland, Master Crashaw, Master Powell, Master Ford, and some others to the number of fifteene, went vp to Opechancanoughs house a quarter of a mile from the riuer; where wee found nothing but a lame fellow and a boy : and all the houses round about of all things abandoned. Not long wee stayed ere the King arriued, and after him came diuerse of his people loaden with bowes and arrowes: but such pinching commodities, and those esteemed at Ed. by W. Simmonds1612-1624. . LIB. 3. with the second supply in Virginia. 457 such a value, as our Captaine began with the King after [1609] this manner. Speech to Opechancanough, the great loue you professe with your tongue, Smiths seemes meere deceit by your actions. Last yeere you kindly Opechan- fraughted our ship: but now you haue inuited mee to starue canough. with hunger: you know my want, and I your plenty; of which by some meanes I must haue part: remember it is fit for Kings to keepe their promise. Here are my commodities, whereof take your choice; the rest I will proportion fit bargains for your people. The King seemed kindly to accept his offer, and the better to colour his proiect, sold vs what they had to our owne con- tent; promising the next day, more company, better prouided. The Barges and Pinnace being committed to the charge of Master Phetiplace; the President [the next day] with his old fifteenc marched vp to the Kings house: where wee found foure or fiue men newly arriued, each with a great basket. Not long after came the King, who with a strained cheer- fulnesse held vs with discourse what paines he had taken to keep his promise; till Master Russell brought vs in newes that we were all betrayed: for at least seuen hundred Saluages well armed, had inuironed 79] the house, and beset the fields. The King coniecturing what Russell related, wee could well perceiue how the extremity of his feare bewrayed his intent: whereat some of our company seeming dismaied with the thought of such a multitude; the Captaine encouraged vs to this effect. 700. Sal- the English being but uages beset 16. speech to Company. Worthy Countrey-men, were the mischiefes of my seeming Smiths friends no more then the danger of these enemies, I little cared his were they as many more: if you dare doe, but as I. But this is my torment, that if I escape them, our malicious Councell with their open mouthed Minions, will make me such a peace- breaker (in their opinions in England) as will breake my necke. (p. 141.) I could wish those here, that make these seeme Saints, and me an oppressor. But this is the worst of all, wherein I pray you aid mee with your opinions. Should wee beginne with them and surprise the King, we cannot keepe him and defend well our selues. If wee should each kill our man, and so proceed with all in the house; the rest will all fly: then shall wee get no more then the bodies that are slaine, and so starue for victuall. As for their fury it is the least danger; for well you know, being 458 The Discoveries and Accidents, LIB. 3. [w. PhittiplaceR. Wyffin. . , J. Abbot, A. Todkill[1609] Smiths offer alone assaulted with two or three hundred of them, I made them by the help of God compound to saue my life. And wee are sixteene, and they but seauen hundred at the most; and assure your selues, God will so assist vs, that if you dare stand but to discharge your pieces, the very smoake will bec sufficient to affright them. Yet howsocuer, let vs fight like men, and not die like sheepe: for by that meanes you know God hath oft deliuered mee, and so I trust will now. But first, I will deale with them, to bring it to passe wee may fight for something, and draw them to it by con- ditions. If you like this motion, promise me you will be valiant. The time not permitting any argument, all vowed to execute whatsoeuer hee attempted or die': whereupon the Captaine in plaine tearmes told the King this. to Opechan. not. canough. Opechanca- noughs deuice to betray Smith. [P. 142.] Smith taketh the King prisoner. I see Opechancanough your plot to murder me, but I feare it As yet your men and mine haue done no harme, but by our direction. Take therefore your Armes, you see mine, my body shall bee as naked as yours: the Isle in your riuer is a fit place, if you be contented: and the conquerour (of vs two) shall be Lord and Master ouer all our men. If you haue not enough, take time to fetch more, and bring what number you will; so euery one bring a basket of corne, against all which I will stake the value in copper: you see I haue but fifteene, and our game shall be, the Conquerour take all. The King being guarded with forty or fifty of his chiefe men, seemed kindly to appease Smiths suspicion of vnkind- nesse, by a great present at the doore, they intreated him to receiue. This was to draw him out of the doore, where the bait was guarded with at least two hundred men, and thirty lying vnder a great tree (that lay thwart as a barri- cado) each his arrow nocked ready to shoot. The President commanded one [evidently a soldier] to go see what kind of deceit this was, and to receiue the present; but hee refused to doe it; yet the Gentlemen and all the rest were importunate to goe, but he would not permit them, being vexed at that Coward: and commanded Lieutenant. Percie, Master West, and the rest to make good the house; Master Powell and Master Behethland he commanded to guard the doore; and in such a rage snatched the King by his long locke in the middest of his men, with his Pistoll readie bent against his brest. Thus he led the trembling King, neare dead with feare amongst all his people: who delivering the Captaine Ed. by W. Simmonds. 1612-1624LIB. 3. with the second supply in Virginia. 459 . his Vambrace, Bow, and Arrowes, all his men were easily intreated to cast downe their Armes, little dreaming any durst in that manner haue vsed their King: who then to escape himselfe bestowed his presents in good sadnesse. And causing a great many of them come before him vnarmed, holding the King by the hayre (as is sayd), he spake to them to this effect. [1609] discourse I see (you Pamavnkees) the great desire you haue to kill me, Smiths and my long suffering your iniuries hath imboldened you to to the Pa this presumption. The cause I haue forborne your insolencies, mankees. is the promise I made you (before the God I serue) to be your friend, till you giue me iust cause to be your enemy. If I keepe this vow, my God will keepe me, you cannot hurt me; if I breake it, he will destroy me. But if you shoot but one Arrow to shed one drop of bloud of any of my men, or steale the least of these Beads, or Copper, I spurne here before you with my foot; you shall see I will not cease revenge (if once I begin) so long as I can heare where to finde one of [80] your Nation that will not deny the name of Pamavnk. I am not now at Rassaweak halfe drowned with myre, where you tooke me prisoner; yet then for keeping your promise and your good vsage and saving my life, I so affect you, that your denyals of your trechery doc halfe perswade me to mistake my selfe. But if I be the marke you ayme at, here I stand, shoot he that dare. You promised to fraught my Ship ere I departed, and so you shall; or I meane to load her with your dead carcasses: yet if as friends you will (p. 143.] come and trade, I once more promise not to trouble you, except you give me the first occasion; and your King shall be free and my friend, for I am not come to hurt him or any of you. Vpon this, away went their Bowes and Arrowes; and men, women, and children brought in their Commodities: two or three houres they so thronged about the President and so overwearied him, as he retyred himselfe to rest, leauing Master Behethland and Master Powell to receiue their presents. But some Salvages perceiuing him fast asleepe, and the guard somewhat carelesly dispersed, fortie or fiftie of their choise men each with a club or an English sword in his hand, began to enter the house with two or hundred others, that pressed to second them. The noyse and hast they made in, did so shake the house they awoke him from his sleepe; and being halfe amazed with this suddaine sight, [he] betooke him be The dissemble Salvages their intent. 460 The Discoveries and Accidents, LIB. 3. [W. R. Wyffin. . , J. Abborw. Phittiplace, A. Todkill[1609] strait to his sword and Target; Master Crashaw and some others charged in like manner; whereat they quickly thronged faster backe than before forward. The house thus cleansed, the King and some of his auncients we kept yet Their excuse with him, who with a long Oration, excused this intrusion. and recon- cilement. The losse of Master Scrivener and others The rest of the day was spent with much kindnesse, the companie againe renewing their presents with their best provisions, and whatsoever he gaue them they seemed therewith well contented. Now in the meane while, since our departure, this hapned at our Fort. Master Scrivener having receiued Letters from England to make himselfe either Cæsar or nothing, he began to decline with a Skiff. in his affection to Captaine Smith [p. 447], that ever regarded him as himselfe ; and was willing to crosse the surprising of Powhatan. Some certaine daies after the Presidents depar- ture, he would needs goe visit the Isle of Hogs, and tooke with himCaptaine Waldo(though the President had appointed him to be ready to second his occasions) with Master Anthony Gosnoll and eight others; but so violent was the wind (that extreame frozen time) that the Boat sunke, but where or how none doth know. The Skiff was much over-loaden, and would scarce haue liued in that extreame tempest had she beene empty: but by no perswasion he could be diverted, though both Waldo and an hundred others doubted as it hapned. [p. 144.] Master Wyffins desperate iourney. The Salvages were the first that found their bodies, which so much the more encouraged them to effect their proiects. To advertise the President of this heavie newes, none could be found would vndertake it, but the Iorney was often refused of all in the Fort, vntill Master Richard Wyffin vnder- tooke alone the performance thereof. In this Iourney he was incountred with many dangers and difficulties in all parts as he passed. As for that night he lodged with Powhatan, [at Werowocomoco, see pp. 456, 463] perceiuing such preparation for warre, not finding the President there: he did assure himselfe some mischiefe was intended. Pocahontas hid him for a time, and sent them who pursued him the cleane contrary way to seeke him; but by her meanes and extraordinry bribes and much trouble in three dayes [? 19-22 Jan. 1609] travell, at length he found Ed. by W. Simmonds1612-1624. . LIB. 3. with the second supply in Virginia. 461 vs in the middest of these turmoyles (apparently about 22 [1609] Jan. 1609, i.e., on the day Smith had seized Opechancanough]. This vnhappy newes the President swore him to conceale from the company, and so dissembling his sorrow with the best countenances he could, when the night approched [he] went safely aboord with all his Souldiers; leauing Opechan- canough at libertie, according to his promise, the better to haue Powhatan in his returne. constraineth be trecher- Now so extreamely Powhatan had threatned the death Powhatan of his men, if they did not by some meanes kill Captaine his men to Smith that the next day, they appointed all the countrey ous. should come to trade vnarmed: yet vnwilling to be trecherous, but that they were constrained, hating fighting with him almost as ill as hanging, such feare they had of bad successe. The next morning, the Sunne had not long appeared, but the fields appeared covered with people and Baskets, to tempt vs on shore: but nothing was to be had without his presence, nor they would not indure the sight of a gun. [81] When the President saw them begin to depart, being vnwilling to loose such a bootie, he so well contrived the Pinnace and his Barges with Ambuscadoes, as onely with Lieutenant Percie, Master West, and Master Russell, with their Armes [he] went on shore; others he appointed vnarmed to receiue what was brought. The Salvages flocked before him in heapes, and the banke serving as a trench for a retreat, he drew them fayre open to his Ambuscado's. The third betray vs. attempt to For he not being to be perswaded to goe [and] visit their King, the King knowing the most of them [to be] vnarmed, came to visit him with two or three hundred men, in the forme of two halfe Moones; and with some twentie men, and many women loaden with painted Baskets. But when they approached somewhat neare vs, their women and 145) children fled. For when they had environed and beset the fields in this manner, they thought their purpose sure, yet so trembled with feare as they were scarse able to nock their Arrowes: Smith standing, with his three men ready bent, beholding them till they were within danger of our Ambuscado's; who vpon the word discovered them- selues, and he retyred to the Barge. Which the Salvages 462 The Discoveries and Accidents, LIB. 3. [w. PR. Wyfin, J. Abbot. [1609] no sooner perceived, then away they fled, esteeming their heeles for their best advantage. That night we sent Master Chrashaw, and Master Ford [evidently in a barge], to Iames towne to Captaine Winne. In the way betweene Werowocomoco and the Fort, they met foure or fiue of the Dutch-mens Confederates going to Powhatan : the which to excuse those Gentlemens suspition of their run- ning to the Salvages, returned to the Fort and there continued. The Salvages hearing our Barge goe downe the river in the night, were so terribly affrayde, that we sent for more. men (we having so much threatned their ruine, and the A chayne of rasing of their houses, boats, and wires [weirs]), that the next day the King sent our Captaine a chayne of Pearle, to alter his purpose and stay his men: promising though they wanted themselues, to fraught our ship and bring it aboord to avoyd suspition: so that, fiue or six dayes after, from all parts of the Country within ten or twelue myles, in the extreame frost and snow, they brought vs provision on their naked backes. pearle sent to obtaine peace. The President poysoned : Yet notwithstanding this kindnesse and trade, had their art and poyson beene sufficient, the President, with Master the offender West, and some others had beene poysoned; it made them sicke, but expelled it selfe. punished. [p. 146.] Wecuttanow, a stout young fellow, knowing he was suspected for bringing this present of poyson, with fortie or fiftie of his chiefe companions (seeing the President but with a few men at Potavncak) so proudly braued it, as though he expected to incounter a revenge. Which the President perceiving, in the midst of his company, did not onely beate, but spurned him like a dogge, as scorning to doe him any worse mischiefe. Wherevpon all of them fled into the woods, thinking they had done a great matter to haue so well, escaped and the townsmen remaining presently fraughted our Barge to be rid of our companies, framing many excuses to excuse Wecuttanow, (being sonne to their chiefe King, but [excepting] Powhatan) and told vs if we would shew them him that brought the poyson, they would deliver him to vs to punish as we pleased. Men may thinke it strange there should be such a stirre. for a little corne, but had it beene gold with more ease wee might haue got it; and had it wanted, the whole Colony had Ed. by W. Simmonds] LIB. 3. with the second supply in Virginia. 463 Simmonds.. • • .. starued. Wee may be thought very patient to endure all those iniuries, yet onely with fearing them wee got what they had. Whereas if we had taken revenge; then by their losse, we should haue lost our selues. We searched also the Countries of Youghtanund and Mattapanient, where the people imparted that little they had, with such complaints and teares from the eyes of women and children, as he had beene too cruell to haue heene a Christian, that would not haue beene satisfied and m ued with compassion. But had this hapned in October, November, and De- cember, when that vnhappie discovery of Monacan was made, we might haue fraughted a ship of fortie tuns, and twise as much might haue beene had from the Rivers of Rapahanock, Patawomek, and Pawtuxunt. The maine occasion of our thus temporizing with them was, to part friends as we did, to giue the lesse cause of suspition to Powhatan to fly [i.e., from Werowocomoco]; by whom we now returned [82] with a purpose to haue surprised him and his provision. For effecting whereof (when we came against the Towne) the President sent Master Wyffin and Master Coe ashore to discover and make. way for his intended proiect. But they found that those damned Dutch-men had caused Powhatan to abandon his new house and Werowocomoco, and to carry away all his corne and provision: and the people they found so ill affected, that they were in great doubt how to escape with their liues. The [1609] want and Salvages povertie. The Dutch- much hurt. men did So the President finding his intent frustrated, and that there was nothing now to be had, and therefore an vnfit time to revenge their abuses, sent Master Michael Phittiplace by Land to Iames towne, whether we sayled with all the speed we could; wee having in this Iourney (for 251[bs]. of Copper, and 50l[bs]. of Iron and Beads) enough to keepe 46 men six weekes [i.e., from 29 Dec. 1608 to about 8 Feb. 1609], and every man for his reward a moneths provision [ƒ. 147.] extraordinary (no Trade being allowed but for the store). We got neare 2001[b]. waight of deere suet, and delivered to the Cape Merchant 479 Bushels of Corne. Those temporizing proceedings to some may seeme too 464 The Discoveries and Accidents, LIB. 3. [w. PR. Wyffin, J. Abbot. 1 [1609] An Apology for the first Planters. [ 148.] charitable, to such a daily daring trecherous people: to others not pleasing, that we washed not the ground with their blouds, nor shewed such strange inventions in mangling, murdering, ransacking, and destroying (as did the Spanyards) the simple bodies of such ignorant soules; nor delightfull, because not stuffed with Relations of heapes and mynes of gold and silver, nor such rare commo- dities, as the Portugals and Spanyards found in the East and West Indies. The want whereof hath begot vs (that were the first vndertakers) no lesse scorne and contempt, then the noble conquests and valiant adventures beautified with it, prayse and honour. Too much I confesse the world cannot attribute to their ever memorable merit and to cleare vs from the blind worlds ignorant censure, these few words may suffice any reasonable vnderstanding. : It was the Spanyards good hap to happen in those parts where were infinite numbers of people, who had manured the ground with that providence, it affoorded victualls at all times. And time had brought them to that perfection, they had the vse of gold and silver, and the most of such commodities as those Countries affoorded: so that, what the Spanyard got was chiefely the spoyle and pillage of those Countrey people, and not the labours of their owne hands. But had those fruitfull Countries beene as salvage, as barbarous, as ill peopled, as little planted, laboured, and manured, as Virginia: their proper labours it is likely would haue produced as small profit as ours. But had Virginia beene peopled, planted, manured, and adorned with such store of precious Iewels, and rich commo- dities as was the Indies: then had we not gotten and done as much as by their examples might be expected from vs, the world might then haue traduced vs and our merits, and haue made shame and infamy our recompence and reward. But we chanced in a Land even as God made it, where we found onely an idle, improvident, scattered people, ignorant of the knowledge of gold and silver, or any com- modities, and carelesse of any thing but from hand to mouth, except ba[u]bles of no worth; nothing to incourage vs, but what accidentally we found Nature afforded. Which ere we could bring to recompence our paines, defray our charges, and satisfie our Adventurers; we were Ed. by W. Simmonds. 1612-1624LIB. 3. with the second supply in Virginia. 465 . to discover the Countrey, subdue the people, bring them. to be tractable, civill, and industrious, and teach them trades, that the fruits of their labours might make vs some recompence; or plant such Colonies of our owne, that must first make prouision how to liue of themselues, ere they can bring to perfection the commodities of the Country: which doubtlesse will be as commodious for England as the west Indies for Spaine, if it be rightly mannaged: notwithstanding all our home-bred opinions, that will argue the contrary, as formerly some haue done against the Spanyards and Portugalls. But to conclude, against all rumor of opinion, I onely say this, for those that the three first yeares began this Plantation; notwithstanding all their factions, mutinies, and miseries, so gently corrected, and well prevented. pervse the Spanish Decades; the Relations of Master Hack- luit, and tell me how many ever with such small meanes as a Barge of 22 [or rather two] tuns, sometimes with seauen, eight, or nine, or but at most, twelue or sixteene men, did ever discover so [83] many fayre and navigable Rivers, subiect so many severall Kings, people, and Nations, to obedience and contribution, with so little bloudshed. And if in the search of those Countries we had hapned where wealth had beene, we had as surely had it as obedience and contribution; but if we haue overskipped it, we will not enuie them that shall find it: yet can we not but lament, it was our fortunes to end when we had but onely learned how to begin, and found the right course how to proceed. By Richard Wyffin, William Phittiplace, Ieffrey Abbot, and Anas Todkill. CHAPTER X. How the Salvages became subiect to the English. W Hen the Ships departed, all the provision of the Store (but that the President had gotten) was so rotten with the last Summers rayne, and eaten with Rats and Wormes, as the Hogges ENG. SCH. LIB. Nɔ.13. 30 } [1609] [A. 145 466 . The Discoveries and Accidents, LIB. 3. Hon[1609] The Presidents R. Pots. W. Tankard. . G. Percywould scarcely eate it. Yet it was the Souldiers dyet till our returnes [about 8 Feb. 1609], so that we found nothing done, but our victuals spent; and the most part of our tooles, and a good part of our Armes conveyed to the Salvages. But now casting vp the Store, and finding sufficient till the next harvest, the feare of starving was abandoned, and the company divided into tens, fifteens, or as the busi- nesse required; six houres each day was spent in worke, the rest in Pastime and merry exercises. But the vntowardnesse of the greatest number caused the President [to] advise as followeth. Countrymen, the long experience of our late miseries, I hope advice to the is sufficient to perswade every one to a present correction of Company himselfe, and thinke not that either my pains, nor the Adven- and 473.] turers purses, will ever maintaine you in idlenesse and sloath. I speake not this to you all, for divers of you I know deserue both honour and reward, better then is yet here to be had: but the greater part must be more industrious, or starue, how euer you haue beene heretofore tollerated by the authoritie of the Councell, from that I haue often commanded you. You see [p.149, 157, now that power resteth wholly in my selfe: you must obey this now for a Law, that he that will not worke shall not cate (except by sicknesse he be disabled :) for the labours of thirtic or fortie honest and industrious men shall not be consumed to maintaine an hundred and fiftie idle loyterers. And though you presume the authoritie here is but a shadow, and that I dare not touch the liues of any but my owne must answer it : the Letters patents shall each weeke be read to you, whose Contents will tell you the contrary. I would wish you there- fore without contempt seeke to obserue these orders set downe, for there are now no more Counsellers to protect you, nor curbe my endevours. Therefore he that offendeth, let him assuredly expect his due punishment. [p. 150.] He made also a Table [notice board], as a publicke memorial of every mans deserts, to incourage the good, and with shame to spurre on the rest to amendment. By this many became very industrious, yet more by punish- ment performed their businesse; for all were so tasked, that there was no excuse could prevaile to deceiue him. Yet the Dutch-mens consorts so closely convayed them Ed. by W. Simmonds. 1612-1624LIB. 3. with the second supply in Virginia. 467 . powder, shot, swords, and tooles, that though we could find the defect, we could not finde by whom, till it was too late. [1609] mens plot Smith. All this time [Feb.-Mar. 1609] the Dutch men remaining The Dutch- with Powhatan (who kindly entertained them to instruct to murther the Salvages the vse of our Armes), and their consorts not Captaine following them as they expected; to know the cause, they sent Francis their companion [p. 447, 456], a stout young fellow, disguised like a Salvage, to the Glasse-house, a place in the woods neare a myle from Iames Towne; where was their Randezvous for all their vnsuspected villany. Fortie men they procured to lie in Ambuscado for Captaine Smith, who no sooner heard of this Dutch-man, but he sent to apprehend him (but he was gone): yet to crosse his returne to Powhatan, the Captaine presently dispatched 20. [84] shot after him; himselfe returning from the Glasse-house alone. King of By the way he incountred the King of Paspahegh, a most strong stout Salvage, whose perswasions not being able to perswade him to his Ambush, seeing him onely armed but with a faucheon, attempted to haue shot him, but the Smith President prevented his shoot by grapling with him, and taketh the the Salvage as well prevented him for drawing his Paspahesh faucheon, and perforce bore him into the River to haue drowned him. Long they strugled in the water, till the President got such hold on his throat, he had neare [½. 151.] strangled the King; but having drawne his faucheon to cut off his head, seeing how pittifully he begged his life, he led him prisoner to Iames Towne, and put him in chaynes. The Dutch-man ere long was also brought in, whose villa[i]ny though all this time it was suspected, yet he fayned such a formall excuse, that for want of language Captaine Winne vnderstood him not rightly, and for their dealings with Powhatan, that to saue their liues they were constrained to accommodate [him with] his armes, of whom he extreamely complained to haue detained them. perforce, and that he made this escape with the hazard of his life, and meant not to haue returned, but was onely walking in the woods to gather Walnuts. Yet for all this faire tale, there was so small appearance of truth, and [also] the plaine confession of Pasbahegh of prisoner. 468 R. Pots W. Tankard. Hon. G. Percy. The Discoveries and Accidents, LIB. 3. [, [1609] Captaine Smith taketh two Salvages prisoners. his trechery, [that] he went by the heeles: Smith pur- posing to regaine the Dutch-men, by the saving his [i.e., Paspahegh's] life. The poore Salvage did his best by his daily messengers to Powhatan, but all returned that the Dutch-men would not returne, neither did Powhatan stay them; and to bring them fiftie myles [from Orapaks] on his mens backes they were not able. Daily this Kings wiues, children, and people came to visit him with presents, which he liberally bestowed to make his peace. Much trust they had in the Presidents promise: but the King finding his guard negli- gent, though fettered yet escaped. Captaine Winne thinking to pursue him found such troupes of Salvages to hinder his passage, as they exchanged many vollies of shot for flights of Arrowes. Captaine Smith hearing of this, in returning to the Fort tooke two Salvages prisoners, called Kemps and Tussore, the two most exact villaines in all the Country. With these he sent Captaine IVinne and fiftie choise men, and Lieutenant Percie, to haue regained the King, and revenged this iniury. And so [he] had done, if they had followed his directions, or beene advised with those two villaines, that would haue betrayed both King and kindred for a peece of Copper: but he trifling away the night, the Salvages the next morning by the rising of the Sunne, braved him to come ashore to [6.152.] fight. A good time both sides let fly at other, but we heard of no hurt; onely they tooke two Canowes, burnt the Kings house, and so returned to Iames towne. The President fearing those Bravado's would but in- courage the Salvages, began againe himselfe to try his conclusions; whereby six or seauen were slaine, [and] as many made prisoners. He burnt their houses, tooke their Boats, with all their fishing wires [weirs], and planted some of them at Iames towne for his owne vse, and now resolved not to cease till he had revenged himselfe of all them [that] had iniured him. But in his iourney passing by Paspahegh towards Chicka- hamania, the Salvages did their best to draw him to their Ambuscadoes; but seeing him regardlesly passe their Country, all shewed themselues in their bravest manner. Ed. by W. Simmonds469 Simmonds. :] LIB. 3. with the second supply in Virginia. [1609] Salvages To try their valours he could not but let fly; and ere he could land, they no sooner knew him, but they threw downe The their armes and desired peace. Their Orator was a lustie desire young fellow called Okaning, whose worthy discourse Peace. deserveth to be remembred. And thus it was: his Captaine Smith, my Master is here present in the company, Oning thinking it Captaine Winne, and not you, (of him he in- Oration. tended to haue beene revenged) having never offended him. If he hath offended you in escaping your imprisonment, the fishes swim, the foules fly, and the very beasts striue to escape the snare and liue. Then blame not him being a man. He would intreat you remember, you being a prisoner, what paines he tooke to saue your life (pp. 16, 396]. If since he hath iniured you, he was compelled to it: but howsoeuer, you haue revenged it with our too great losse. We perceiue and well know you intend to destroy vs, that are here to intreat and desire your friendship; and to enioy our houses and plant our fields, of whose fruit you shall participate: otherwise you will haue the worse by our absence; for we can plant any where, [85] though with more labour, and we know you cannot liue if you want our harvest, and that reliefe we bring you. If you promise vs peace, we will beleeue you; if you proceed in revenge, we will abandon the Country. Vpon these tearmes the President promised them peace, t. 153-] till they did vs iniury, vpon condition they should bring in provision. Thus all departed good friends, and so continued till Smith left the Countrey [4 Oct. 1609]. Arriving at Iames Towne, complaint was made to the President, that the Chickahamanians, who all this while continued trade and seemed our friends, by colour thereof were the onely theeues. And amongst other things a Pistoll being stolne and the theefe fled, there was appre- hended two proper young fellowes, that were brothers, knowne to be his confederates. Now to regaine this Pistoll, the one was imprisoned, the other was sent to returne the Pistoll againe within twelue houres, or his brother to be hanged. Yet the President pittying the poore naked Salvage in the dungeon, sent him victuall and some Char-coale for a fire. Ere midnight his brother returned with the Pistoll, but at lames the poore Salvage in the dungeon was so smoothered with recovered. A Salvage smoothered towne, and 470 . The Discoveries and Accidents, LIB. 3. Hon[1609] Two or three Salvages slaine in drying Powder. [p. 154.] R. Pots. W. Tankard. . G. Percythe smoake he had made, and so pittiously burnt, that wee found him dead. The other most lamentably beway[1]ed his death, and broke forth into such bitter agonies, that the President to quiet him, told him that if hereafter they would not steale, he would make him aliue againe but he little thought he could be recovered. Yet we doing our best with Aqua vita and Vineger, it pleased God to restore him againe to life; but so drunke and affrighted, that he seemed Lunaticke: the which as much tormented and grieued the other, as before to see him dead. Of which maladie vpon promise of their good behaviour, the President promised to recover him and so caused him to be layd by a fire to sleepe; who in the morning having well slept, had recovered his perfect. senses, and then being dressed of his burning, and each a peece of Copper giuen them, they went away so well contented, that this was spread among all the Salvages for a miracle, that Captaine Smith could make a man aliue. that was dead. Another ingenuous Salvage of Powhatans, having gotten a great bag of Powder, and the backe of an Armour, at Werowocomoco amongst a many of his companions, to shew his extraordinary skill, he did dry it on the backe as he had seene the Souldiers at Iames Towne. But he dryed it so long, they peeping over it to see his skill, it tooke fire, and blew him to death, and one or two more; and the rest [were] so scorched, they had little pleasure to meddle any more with powder. These and many other such pretty Accidents, so amazed and affrighted both Powhatan, and all his people, that from all parts with presents they desired peace; returning many stolne things which we never demanded nor thought of and after that, those that were taken stealing, both Powhatan and his people haue sent them backe to Iames towne, to receiue their punishment; and all the Country became absolute lvl as free for vs, as for themselues. Ed. by W. Simmonds. 1612-1624] LIB. 3. with the second supply in Virginia. 471 .CHAPTER XI. What was done in three moneths having Victualls. The Store devoured by Rats, how we liued three months of such naturall fruits N : as the Country affoorded. Ow we so quietly followed our businesse, that in three moneths [Feb.-April 1609] wee made three or foure Last of Tarre, Pitch, and Sope ashes; produced a tryall of Glasse; made a Well in the Fort of excellent sweet water, which till then was wanting; built some twentie houses; re-covered our Church provided Nets and W[e]ires for fishing; and to stop the disorders of our disorderly theeues, and the Salvages, built a Blockhouse in the neck of our Isle, kept by a Garrison to entertaine [86] the Saluages trade, and none to passe nor repasse Saluage nor Christian without the presidents order. Thirtie or forty Acres of ground we digged and planted. Of three sowes in eighteene moneths, increased 60 and od Piggs. And neere 500.chickings brought vp themselues without hau- ing any meat giuen them: but the Hogs were transported to Hog. Isle: where also we built a block-house with a garison. to giue vs notice of any shipping, and for their exercise they made Clapbord and waynscot, and cut downe trees. We built also a fort for a retreat neere a conuenient Riuer vpon a high commanding hill, very hard to be assalted and easie to be defended; but ere it was finished this defect caused a stay. In searching our casked corne [April 1609], we found it halfe rotten, and the rest so consumed with so many thousands of Rats that increased so fast, but the[i]re original was from the ships, as we knew not how to keepe that little we had. This did driue vs all to our wits end, for there was nothing in the country but what nature afforded. Vntill this time Kemps and Tassore were fettered prisoners, and did double taske and taught vs how to order and plant our fields: whom now for want of victuall we set at liberty, but so well they liked our companies they did not desire to goe from us. [1609] Great extremitie by Rats. (155) 472 . The Discoveries and Accidents, LIB. 3. Hon[1609] Bread made f dried Sturgeon. The[i]re desire to R. Pots. W. Tankard. . G. PercyAnd to expresse their loues, for 16. dayes continuance, the Countrie people brought vs (when least) 100. a day, of Squirrils, Turkyes, Deere and other wilde beasts. But this want of corne occasioned the end of all our works, it being worke sufficient to provide victuall. 60. or So. with Ensigne Laxon was sent downe the riuer to liue vpon Oysters, and 20. with liutenant Percy to try for fishing at Poynt Comfort: but in six weekes they would not agree once to cast out the net, he being sicke and burnt sore with Gunpouder. Master West with as many went vp to the falls, but nothing could be found but a few Acornes; of that in store euery man had their equall proportion. Till this present, by the hazard and indeuours of some thirtie or fortie, this whole Colony had ever beene fed. We had more Sturgeon, then could be deuoured by Dog and Man, of which the industrious by drying and pounding, mingled with Caviare, Sorell and other whole- some hearbes would make bread and good meate: others would gather as much Tockwhogh roots in a day as would make them bread a weeke, so that of those wilde fruites, and what we caught, we liued very well in regard of such a diet. But such was the strange condition of some 150, that destroy had they not beene forced nolens, volens, perforce to gather themselues. and prepare their victuall they would all haue starued or haue eaten one another. Of those wild fruits the Salvages often brought vs, and for that the President would not full- fill the vnreasonable desire of those distracted Gluttonous Loyterers, to sell not only our kettells, hows, tooles, and Iron, nay swords, pieces, and the very Ordnance and howses, might they haue prevayled to haue beene but Idle: for those Saluage fruites, they would haue had imparted all to the Saluages, especially for one basket of Corne they heard of to be at Powhatans [his house at Orapaks], fifty myles from our Fort. Though he bought neere halfe of it to satisfie their humors; yet to haue had the other halfe, they would haue sould their soules, though not sufficient to haue kept them a weeke. Thousands were the[i]re exclamations, sugges- tions and deuises, to force him to those base inventions to haue made it an occasion to abandon the Country. [A. 156.] Want perforce constrained him to indure their exclaiming follies, till he found out the author, one Dyer [p. 168] a most Ed. by W. Simmonds. 1612-1624] LIB. 3. with the second supply in Virginia. 473 .crafty fellow and his ancient Maligner, whom he worthily punished, and with the rest he argued the case in this maner. Fellow souldiers, I did little thinke any so false to report, or so many to be so simple to be perswaded, that I either intend to starue you, or that Powhatan at this present hath corne for himselfe, much lesse for you; or that I would not haue it, if I knew where it were to be had. Neither did I thinke any so malitious as now I see a great many; yet it shal not so passionate me, but I will doe my best for my most maligner. But dreame no longer of this vaine hope from Powhatan, not [nor] that I will longer forbcare to force you from your Idlenesse, and punish you if you rayle. But if I finde any more runners for Newfoundland with the Pinnace, let him assuredly looke to ar[r]iue at the Gallows. You cannot deny but that by the hazard of my life many a time I haue saued yours, when (might your owne wills haue preuailed) you [87] would haue starued; and will doe still whether I will or noe; But I protest by that God that made me, since necessitie hath not power to force you to gather for your selues those fruites the earth doth yeeld, you shall not onely gather for your sclues, but those that are sicke. As yet I neuer had more from the store then the worst of you: and all my English extraordinary prouision that I haue, you shall see me diuide it amongst the sick. And this Saluage trash you so scornfully repine at; being put in your mouthes your stomackes can disgcst: if you would haue better, you should haue brought it; and therefore I will take a course you shall prouide what is to be had. The sick [1609] The order for Presidents the drones. shall not starue, but equally share of all our labours; and he that gathereth not every day as much as I doe, the next day [p. 257.] shall be set beyond the riuer, and be banished from the Fort as a drone, till he amend his conditions or starue. But some would say with Sencca. I know those things thou sayst are true good Nurse, But fury forceth me to follow worse. My minde is hurried headlong up and downc: Desiring better counsell, yet finds none. This order many murmured was very cruell, but it caused the most part so well [to] bestirre themselues, that of 200. (except they were drowned) there died not past seuen: As for Captaine Winne and Master Leigh they were dead But seuen of 200 dyed months in nire [Oct 1608- 10 July 1609]. 474 . The Discoveries and Accidents, LIB. 3Hon[1609] The Salvages returne our fugitiues. [/. 158.] Master Sicklemores Iourney to Chaww- noke. R. Pots. W. Tankard. . G. Percyere this want hapned, and the rest dyed not for want of such as preserued the rest. Many were billetted amongst the Saluages, whereby we knew all their passages, fields and habitations, how to gather and vse the[i]re fruits as well as themselues; for they did know wee had such a commanding power at Iames towne they durst not wrong vs of a pin. So well those poore Salvages vsed vs that were thus billetted, that diuers of the Souldiers ran away to search Kemps and Tassore our old prisoners. Glad were these Salvages to haue such an oportunity to testifie their loue vnto vs, for in stead of entertaining them, and such things as they had stollen, with all their great Offers, and promises they made them how to reuenge their iniuryes vpon Captaine Smith; Kemps first made himselfe sport, in shewing his countrie men (by them) how he was vsed, feeding them with this law, who would not work must not eat, till they were neere starued indeede, continually threatning to beate them to death: neither could they get from him, till hee and his consorts brought them perforce to our Captaine, that so well contented him and punished them, as many others that intended also to follow them, were rather contented to labour at home, then aduenture to liue idlely amongst the Salvages; (of whom there was more hope to make better Christians and good subiects, then the one halfe of those that counterfeited themselues both.) For so affraide was al those kings and the better sort of the people to displease vs, that some of the baser sort that we haue extreamly hurt and punished for the[i]re villanies would hire vs, [that] we should not tell it to their kings, or countrymen; who would also repunish them, and yet returne them to Iames towne to content the President, for a testimony of their loues. Master Sicklemore well returned from Chawwonoke; but found little hope and lesse certaintie of them [that] were left by Sir Walter Raleigh. The riuer, he saw was not great, the people few, the countrey mostly] over growne with pynes, where there did grow here and there straglingly Pemminaw, we call silke grasse. But by the riuer the ground was good, and exceeding furtill. Ed. by W. SimmondsSimmonds. .] LIB. 3. with the second supply in Virginia. 475 Master Nathanael powell and Anas Todkill were also by the Quiyoughquohanocks conducted to the Mangoags to search them there: but nothing could they learne but they were all dead. This honest proper good promise-keeping king, of all the rest did euer best affect vs, and though to his false Gods he was very zealous, yet he would confesse our God as much exceeded his as our Gunns did his Bow and Arrowes, often sending our President many presents, to pray to his God for raine or his corne would perish, for his Gods were angry. Three dayes iorney they conducted [88] them through the woods, into a high country towards the Southwest: where they saw here and there a little corne field, by some little spring or smal brooke, but no riuer they could see: the people in all respects like the rest, except the [i]re language: they liue most[ly] vpon rootes, fruites and wilde beasts; and trade with them towards the sea and the fatter countryes for dryed fish and corne, for [with] skins. [1609] Master iorney to Powels the Mangoags. mens All this time to recouer the Dutch-men and one Bentley The Dutch another fugitiue, we imployed one William Volday, a proiects. Zwitsar by birth, with Pardons and promises to regaine them. Little we then suspected this double villaine of any villa[i]ny; who plainly taught vs, in the most trust was the greatest treason; for this wicked hypocrite, by the seeming hate he bore to the lewd conditions of his cursed country men, (hauing this oportunity by his imployment to regaine them) conuayed them euery thing they desired to effect their proiects, to distroy the Colony. With much deuotion they expected the Spaniard, to whom they intended good seruice, or any other that would but carry them from vs. But to begin with the first oportunity; they seeing necessitie thus inforced vs to disperse our selues, importuned Powhatan to lend them but his forces, and they would not onely distroy our Hoggs, fire our towne, and betray our Pinnace; but bring to his seruice and subiection the most of our company. With this plot they had acquainted many Discontents, and many were agreed to their Deuilish practise. But one Thomas Douse, and Thomas Mallard (whose christian hearts relented at such an vnchristian act) voluntarily reuealed it to Captaine. 476 . The Discoveries and Accidents, LIB. 3. [HWHon. R. . . [1609] Pots. TankardPercySmith, who caused them to conceale it, perswading Douse and Mallard to proceed in their confed[e]racie: onely to bring the irrecla[i]mable Dutch men and the inconstant [p. 159] Salvages in such a maner amongst such Ambuscado's as he had prepared, that not many of them should returne from our Peninsula [i.c., of James Town]. Two Gentlemen sent to the Germans. [.508.] The first arriuall of Captaine Argall. But this bru[i]te comming to the eares of the impatient. multitude they so importuned the President to cut off those Dutch men, as amongst many that offred to cut their throats before the face of Powhatan, the first was Lieutenant Percy, and Master Iohn Cuderington, two Gentlemen of as bold resolute spirits as could possibly be found. But the President had occasion of other imploiment for them, and gaue way to Master Wyffin and Sarieant Ieffrey Abbot, to goe and stab them or shoot them. But the Dutch men made such excuses, accusing Volday whom they supposed had reuealed their proiect, as Abbot would not; yet Wyffing would, perceiuing it but deceit. The King vnderstanding of this their imployment, sent presently his messengers to Captaine Smith to signifie it was not his fault to detaine them, nor hinder his men from executing his command: nor did he nor would he maintaine them or any, to occasion his displeasure. But whilst this businesse was in hand, Arriued [10 July 1609, see p.xcvi] one Captaine Argall, and Master Thomas Sedan, sent by Master Cornelius to truck with the Colony, and fish for Sturgeon, with a ship well furnished with wine and much other good provision. Though it was not sent vs, our necessities was such as inforced vs to take it. He brought vs newes of a great supply and preparation for the Lord La Warre, with letters that much taxed our President for his hard dealing with the Salvages, and not returning the shippes fraughted. Notwithstanding we kept this ship till the fleete arriued [11-18 August 1609]. True it is Argall lost his voyage, but we reuictualled. him, and sent him for England, with a true relation of the causes of our defailments, and how imposible it was to returne that wealth they expected, or obserue the[i]re instructions to indure the Salvages insolencies, or doe any thing to any purpose, except they would send vs men and meanes that could produce that they so much desired: Ed. by W. Simmonds] 1612-1624:. LIB. 3. with the second supply in Virginia. 477 . otherwises all they did was lost, and could not but come [1609] to confusion. The villany of Volday we still dissembled. Adam vpon his pardon came home, but Samuell still stayed with Powhatan to heare further of their estates by this supply. Now all their plots Smith so well vnderstood, they were his best advantages to secure vs from any trechery, [that] could be done by them or the Salvages: which with facility he could revenge when he would, because all those countreyes more feared him then Powhatan, and hee had such parties with all his bordering neighbours: and many of the rest for loue or feare would haue done any thing he would haue them, vpon any commotion, [89] though these fugitiues had done all they could to perswade Powhatan, [that] King Iames would kill Smith, for vsing him and his people so vnkindly. incon- By this you may see for all those crosses, trecheries, Note these and dissentions, how hee wrestled and overcame (without veniences. bloudshed) all that happened: also what good was done; how few dyed; what food the Countrey naturally affoord- eth; what small cause there is men should starue, or be murthered by the Salvages, that haue discretion to mannage them with courage and industrie. The two first yeares, though by his adventures, he had oft brought the Salvages to a tractable trade; yet you see how the envious authoritie ever crossed him, and frustrated his best endevours. But it wrought in him that experience and estimation amongst the Salvages, as otherwise it had bin impossible, he had ever effected that he did. Notwithstanding the many miserable, yet generous and worthy adventures, he had oft and long endured in the wide world; yet in this case he was againe to learne his Lecture (4.160.] by experience. Which with thus much adoe having obtained, it was his ill chance to end, when he had but onely learned how to begin. And though he left those vnknowne difficulties (made easie and familiar) to his vnlawfull successors, (who onely by liuing in Iames Towne, presumed to know more then all the world could direct them :) Now though they had all his Souldiers, with a tripple power, and twice tripple better 478 . The Discoveries and Accidents, LIB. 3. [[1609] W. TankardR. Pots. Hon. G. Percy. meanes; by what they haue done in his absence, the world may see what they would haue done in his presence, had he not prevented their indiscretions: it doth iustly proue, what cause he had to send them for England (pp. 408, 411, 444]; and that he was neither factious, mutinous, nor dishonest. But they haue made it more plaine since his returne for England; having his absolute authoritie freely in their power, with all the advantages and opportunitie that his labours had effected. As I am sorry their actions haue made it so manifest, so I am vnwilling to say what reason doth. compell me, but onely to make apparant the truth, least I should seeme partiall, reasonlesse, and malicious. f. 161.] The altera- tion of the government. CHAPTER XII. The Arrivall of the third Supply. O redresse those jarres and ill proceedings, the Treasurer, Councell, and Company of Virginia, not finding that returne and profit they ex- pected; and them ingaged there, not having meanes to subsist of themselues; made meanes to his Maiestie, to call in their Commission, and take a new in their owne names, as in their owne publication, 1610. you may reade at large. Having thus annihilated the old by vertue of a Com- mission made to the right Honourable, Sir Thomas West, Lord de la Warre, to be Generall of Virginia; Sir Thomas Gates, his Lieutenant; Sir George Somers, Admirall; Sir Thomas Dale, high Marshall; Sir Fardinando Wainman, Generall of the Horse; and so all other offices to many other worthy Gentlemen, for their liues: (though not any of them had ever beene in Virginia, except Captaine Newport, who was also by Patent made vice-Admirall :) those noble Gentlemen drew in such great summes of money, that they sent Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Somers, and Captaine Newport with nine shippes, and fiue hundred people: who [Gates, Somers, and Newport] had each of them a Commission, who first arrived to call in the old [Commission], without the knowledge or consent of them that had endured all Ed. by W. Simmonds. 1612-1624LIB. 3. with the third supply in Virginia. 479 . those former dangers to beat the path, not any regard [1609] [being] had at all of them. All things being ready, because those three Captaines oculd not agree for place, it was concluded they should goe all in one ship, so all their three Commissions were in that Ship with them, called the Sca-Venture. They set sayle from England in May 1609. Smith A small Catch perished at Sea in a Hericano: the Admirall 1609. [flag-ship] with an hundred and fiftie men, with the two Sir Thomas Knights, and their new Commission, their Bils of Loading, Treasurer. with all manner of directions, and the most part of their provision, arrived not. Virginia. With the other [90] seaven Ships as Captaines arrived The losse of Ratcliffe, whose right name (as is sayd [p. 444]) was Sicklemore, Martin, and Archer, with Captaine Wood, Captaine Webbe, Captaine Moone, Captaine King, Captaine Davis, and divers Gentlemen of good meanes, and great parentage. But the first [i.e., Ratcliffe, Martin, and Archer] as they had beene troublesome at Sea, began againe to marre all ashore: for though (as is said) they were formerly sent for England pp. 105, 107, 408, 411, 444, yet now returning againe, graced by the titles of Captaines of the passengers, seeing the Admirall wanting, and great probabilitie of her losse, strengthened themselues with those new companies, sc exclaiming against Captaine Smith, that they mortally hated him ere ever they saw him. Who vnderstanding by his Scouts [of] the arrivall of such a Fleet, little dreaming of any such supply, supposed them Spanyards. But he quickly so determined and ordered our affaires, as we little feared their Arrivall, nor the successe of our incounter; nor were the Salvages any way negligent [/. 162.] for the most part, to ayd and assist vs with their best power. Salvages Had it so beene we had beene happy; for we would The not haue trusted them but as our foes, where [as] receiuing offer to fight them as our Countreymen and friends, they did what they vnder our could to murther our President, to surprise the Store, the colours. Fort, and our lodgings, to vsurpe the government, and make vs all their servants and slaues, till they could consume vs and our remembrance; and rather indeed to supplant vs then supply vs, as master William Box an honest [2.504] Gentleman in this voyage thus relateth. 480 . The Discoveries and Accidents, LIB. 3. [Hor[1609] Mutinies. R. Pots. W. Tankard. Hon. G. : C. PercyIn the tayle of a Hericano wee were separated from the Admirall, which although it was but the remainder of that Storme, there is seldome any such in England, or those Northerne parts of Europe. Some lost their Masts, some their Sayles blowne from their Yards; the Seas so over-raking our Ships, much of our prouision was spoyled, our Fleet separated, and our men sicke, and many dyed: and in this miserable estate we arrived in Virginia. But in this Storme, When ratling Thunder ran along the Clouds; Did not the Saylers poore, and Masters proud A terror feele as strucke with feare of God? Did not their trembling ioynts then dread his rod? Least for foule deeds and black mouth'd blasphemies, The rule full time be come that vengeance cryes. To a thousand mischiefes those lewd Captaines [Ratcliffe &c.] led this lewd company, wherein were many vnruly Gal- lants packed thither by their friends to escape ill destinies, and those would dispose and determine of the government, sometimes to one, the next day to another; to day the old Commission must rule, to morrow the new, the next day neither; in fine they would rule all, or ruine all: yet in charitie we must endure them thus to destroy vs; or by correcting their follies, haue brought the worlds censure. vpon vs to be guiltie of their blouds. Happie had we beene had they never arrived, and we for ever abandoned, and as we were left to our fortunes: for on earth, for the number, was never more confusion, or misery, then their factions occasioned. The President seeing the desire those Braues had to rule; seeing how his authoritie was so vnexpectedly changed, would willingly haue left all, and haue returned for England. But seeing there was small hope this new Commission would arriue, longer he would not suffer those factious spirits to proceede. It would be too tedious, too strange, and almost incredible; should I particularly relate the infinite dangers, plots, and practices, he daily escaped amongst this factious crew; the chiefe whereof he quickly layd by the heeles, till his leasure Ed. by W. Simmonds. 1612-1624LIB. 3. with the third supply in Virginia. 481 . [1609] better served to doe them iustice: and to take away all occasions of further mischiefe, Master Percie had his request granted to returne for England, being very sicke; and Master West with an hundred and twentie of the best he could chuse, he sent to the Falles; Martin with neare as many to Nandsamund, with their due proportions of all ing (of provisions according to th[e]ir numbers. [91] The plant- Nandsa- mund. The breach of peace with the Salvages. Now the Fresidents yeare being neare expired, he made Captaine Martin President, to follow the order for the elec- tion of a President every yeare: but he knowing his owne insufficiency, and the companies vntowardnesse and little regard of him within three houres after resigned, it againe [.163.] to Captaine Smith; and at Nandsamund thus proceeded. The people being contributers vsed him kindly; yet such was his iealous feare, in the midst of their mirth, he did sur- prise this poore naked King, with his Monuments, houses, and the Isle he inhabited, and there fortified himselfe ; but so apparantly distracted with feare, as imboldened the Salvages to assault him, kill his men, release their King, gather and carry away a thousand bushels of Corne, he not once offering to intercept them; but sent to the President, then at the Falles, for thirtie good shot; which from Iames Towne immediately was sent him. But he so well imployed them they did iust nothing, but returned com- plaining of his tendernesse: yet he came away with them to Iames Towne, leauing his company to their fortunes. Here I cannot omit the courage of George Forrest, that had seauenteene Arrowes sticking in him, and one shot through him, yet liued sixe or seauen dayes, as if he had small hurt; then for want of Chirurgery dyed. Master West having seated his men by the Falles, pre- sently returned to reuisit Iames Towne: the President followed him to see that company seated; met him by the way, wondering at his so quicke returne; and found his company planted so inconsiderately, in a place not onely subiect to the rivers invndation, but round invironed with. many intollerable inconueniences. bought for For remedie whereof he presently sent to Powhatan to Powhatan sell him the place called Powhatan, promising to defend him Copper. against the Monacans. And these should be his Conditions 31 ENG. SCH. LIB. No. 16. ! 482 . The Discoveries and Accidents, LIB. 3. [W. Tankard[1609] Mutinies. R. Pots. Hon. G. Percy. [He] (with his people) to resigne him the Fort and houses, and all that Countrey for a proportion of Copper; that all stealing offenders should be sent him, there to re- ceiue their punishment; that every house as a Custome should pay him a Bushell of Corne for an inch square of Copper, and a proportion of Pocones, as a yearely tribute to King Iames for their protection, as a dutie; what else they could spare to barter at their best discretions. But both this excellent place and those good Conditions did those furies refuse; contemning both him, his kinde care and authoritie. So much they depended on the Lord Generals new Commission, as they regarded none: the worst they could doe to shew their spights they did; supposing all the Monacans Country, gold; and none should come there but whom they pleased. I doe more then wonder to thinke how onely with fiue men, he either durst or would adventure as he did, (knowing how greedie they were of his bloud) to land amongst them, and commit to imprisonment all the Chieftaines of those mutinies, till by their multitudes being an hundred and twentie they hundred and forced him to retyre: yet in that interim he surprised one of their Boates, wherewith he returned to their ship, where in deed was their prouision; which also he tooke, and well it chanced he found the Marriners so tractable and constant, or there had beene small possibilitie he had ever escaped. [p. 164.] Fiue sup- presse an twentie. Breach of peace with There were divers other of better reason and experience, that from their first landing, hearing the generall good report of his old Souldiers, and seeing with their eyes his actions so well mannaged with discretion, as Captaine Wood, Captaine Webbe, Captaine Moone, Captaine Fitz Iames, Master William Powell, Master Partridge, Master White, and divers others, when they perceiued the malice of Ratcliffe and Archer, and their faction, left their companies, and ever rested his faithfull friends. But the worst was that the poore Salvages, that daily the Salvages brought in their contribution to the President, that at the Falles. disorderly company so tormented those poore soules, by stealing their corne, robbing their gardens, beating them, breaking their houses and keeping some prisoners; that they daily complained to Captaine Smith, he had brought Ed. by W. Simmonds. 1612-1624LIB. 3. with the third supply in Virginia. 483 .. . them for Protectors, worse enemies then the Monacans themselues: which though till then, for his loue they had endured, they desired pardon if hereafter they defended themselues; since he would not correct them, as they had long expected he would. So [92] much they impor- tuned him to punish their misdemeanors, as they offered. (if he would leade them) to fight for him against them. But having spent nine dayes [Aug.-Sept. 1609] in seeking to reclaime them; shewing them how much they did abuse themselues with these great guilded hopes of the South Sea Mines, commodities, or victories, they so madly conceived; then seeing nothing would prevaile, he set sayle for Iames Towne. Thus oft we see from small greene wounds, and from a little griefe, A greater sore and sicknesse growes, then will admit reliefe: For thus themselues they did beguile, and with the rest play'd thecfe. Now no sooner was the Ship vnder sayle, but the Salvages assaulted those hundred and twentie in their Fort, finding some stragling abroad in the woods: they slew many, and so affrighted the rest, as their prisoners escaped, and they safely retyred, with the swords and cloakes of those they had slaine. But ere wee had sayled halfe a league, our ship grounding, gaue vs once more libertie to summon them to a parley; where we found them all so strangely amazed with this poore silly assault of twelue Saluages, that they submitted themselues vpon any tearmes to the Presidents mercy; who presently put by the heeles sixe or seauen of the chiefe offenders. [1609] An assalt by the Salvages . 165.] The rest he seated gallantly at Powhatan, in that Salvage. Fort, readie built, and prettily fortified with poles and barkes of trees, sufficient to haue defended them from all the Salvages in Virginia, dry houses for lodgings, and neere two hundred acres of ground ready to be planted, and no place we knew so strong, so pleasant and delightfull in The plant- Virginia for which we called it Non-such. ing of Non-such. The Salvages also hee presently appeased, redeliuering The to either party their former losses. Salvages appeased. 484 R. Pots. W. Tankard. Hon. G. Percy. The Discoveries and Accidents, LIB. 3. [HO [1609] Captaine Smith blowne vp Thus all were friends. New officers appointed to command, and the President againe ready to depart. At that instant arriued Captaine West, whose gentle nature, by the perswasions and compassion of those mutinous prisoners (alledging they had onely done this for his honor) was so much abused, that to regaine their old hopes, new turboyles did arise. For they a-shore. being possessed of all the[i]re victuall, munition, and euery thing, grew to that height in their former factions, as the President left them to their fortunes: they returned againe to the open ayre at Wests Fort, abandoning Non-such, and he to Iames towne with his best expedition. But this hapned him in that Iourney. Sleeping in his Boate, (for the ship was returned two daies before) acci- with powder. dentallie, one fired his powder-bag, which tore the flesh from his body and thighes, nine or ten inches square in a most pittifull manner; but to quench the tormenting fire, frying him in his cloaths he leaped over-board into the deepe river, where ere they could recouer him he was neere drowned. In this estate without either Chirurgian, or Chirurgery he was to goe [by water] neere an hundred myles. Arriving at Iames towne, causing all things to be prepared for peace or warres [and] to obtaine provision. [p. 166.] A bloudy intent. The Whilest those things were providing,Rat[c]liffe,Archer, and the rest of their Confederates, being to come to their trials; their guiltie consciences fearing a iust reward for their deserts, seeing the President vnable to stand, and neere bereft of his senses by reason of his torment, they had plotted to haue murdered him in his bed. But his heart did faile him that should haue giuen fire to that mercilesse Pistoll. So not finding that course to be the best, they ioyned together to vsurpe the government, thereby to escape their punishment. The President had notice of their proiects, the which to withstand, though his old souldiers importuned him but per- mit them to take their heads that would resist his command, whe causes yet he would not suffer them; but sent for the Masters of the ships, and tooke order with them for his returne for England. Seeing there was neither Chirurgian, nor Chirurgery in the Fort to cure his hurt, and the ship to depart the next Smith left the Countrey and his Commis- sion Ed. by W. Simmondswith the third supply in Virginia. 485 1612-1624. ] LIB. 3. .day [about 13 Sept. 1609, see p. 486], his Commission to be suppressed he knew not why, himselfe and souldiers to be rewarded he knew not how, and a [93] new commission granted they knew not to whom (the which disabled that authority he had, as made them presume so oft to those mutinies as they did :) besides so grievous were his wounds, and so cruell his torments (few expecting he could liue) nor was hee able to follow his busines to regaine what they had lost, suppresse those factions, and range the countries for provision as he intended; and well he knew in those affaires his owne actions and presence was as requisit as his directions, which now could not be : he went presently abroad, resoluing there to appoint them governours, and to take order for the mutine[e]rs; but he could finde none hee thought fit for it, would accept it. In the meane time, seeing him gone, they perswaded Master Percy to stay, who was then to goe for England, and be their President. Within lesse then an houre was this mutation begun and concluded. [1609] For when the Company vnderstood Smith would leaue them, and saw the rest in Armes called Presidents and Councellors, divers began to fawne on those new commanders, that now bent all their wits to get him [to] resigne them his Commission: who after much adoe and many bitter repulses; [p.167.] that their confusion (which he tould them was at their elbowes) should not be attributed to him, for leauing the Colony without a Commission, he was not vnwilling they should steale it, but never would he giue it to such as they. And thus, Strange violent forces drew vs on vnwilling : Reason perswading 'gainst our loues rebelling. We saw and knew the better, ah curse accurst! That notwithstanding we imbrace the worst. But had that vnhappie blast not hapned, he would quickly haue qualified the heate of those humors and factions, had the ships but once left them and vs to our fortunes; and haue made that provision from among the Salvages, as we neither feared Spanyard, Salvage, nor famine; nor would haue left Virginia, nor our lawful authoritie, but at as deare a price as we had bought it, and payd for it. What shall I say, but thus we left [lost] him, that in 486 W The Discoveries and Accidents, LIB. 3. [[1609] [p. 168.] R. Pots. W. Tankard. Hon. G. Percy. all his proceedings, made Iustice his first guide, and ex- perience his second, even hating basenesse, sloath, pride, and indignitie, more then any dangers; that neuer allowed more for himselfe, then his souldiers with him; that vpon no danger would send them where he would not lead them himselfe; that would never see vs want, what he either had, or could by any meanes get vs; that would rather want then borrow, or starue then not pay; that loued action more then words, and hated falshood and covetousnesse worse then death; whose adventures were our liues, and whose losse our deaths. Leaving vs thus with three ships, seaven boats, com- modities readie to trade, the harvest newly gathered, ten weeks provision in the store, foure hundred nintie and od persons, twentie-foure Peeces of Ordnance, three hundred Muskets Snaphances and Firelockes; Shot Powder and Match sufficient; Curats Pikes Swords and Morrio[n]s, more then men; the Salvages, their language, and habitations well knowne to an hundred well trayned and expert Souldiers; Nets for fishing; Tooles of all sorts to worke; apparell to supply our wants; six Mares and a Horse; fiue or sixe hun- dred Swine; as many Hennes and Chickens; some Goats; some sheepe. What was brought or bred there, remained. But they, regarding nothing but from hand to mouth, did consume that wee had, tooke care for nothing but to perfect some colourable complaints against Captaine Smith. For effecting whereof three weekes longer [i.e., from about 13 Sept. to 4 Oct. 1609, see p.xcviii] they stayed the Ships, till they could produce them. That time and charge might much better haue beene spent, but it su[i]ted well with the rest of their discretions. Besides Iames towne that was strongly Pallizadoed, containing some fiftie or sixtie houses, he left fiue or sixe other severall Forts and Plantations: though they were not so sumptuous as our successors expected, they were better then they provided any for vs. All this time we had but one Carpenter in the Countrey, and three others. [94] that could doe little, but desired to be learners; two Blacksmiths; two saylers; and those we write labourers were for most part footmen, and such as they that were Adventurers brought to attend them, or such as they Ed. by W. Simmondswith the third supply in Virginia. 487 1612-1624.. LIB. 3. . [1609] could perswade to goe with them, that neuer did know what a dayes worke was: except the Dutch-men and Poles, and some dozen other. For all the rest were poore Gentle- men, Trad[e]smen, Serving-men, libertines, and such like, ten times more fit to spoyle a Common-wealth, then either begin one, or but helpe to maintaine one. For when neither the feare of God, nor the law, nor shame, nor displeasure of their friends could rule them here [in England], there is small hope ever to bring one in twentie of them ever to be good there [in Virginia]. Notwithstanding, I confesse divers amongst them, had better mindes and grew much more industrious then was expected: yet ten good workemen would haue [p. 615,930.] done more substantiall worke in a day, then ten of them in a weeke. Therefore men may rather wonder how we could doe so much, then vse vs so badly because we did no more, but leaue those examples to make others beware; and the fruits of all, we know not for whom. of the But to see the justice of God vpon these Dutch-men; The ends Valdo before spoke of, made a shift to get for England, Dutch-men. where perswading the Merchants what rich Mines he had found, and great service he would doe them, was very well rewarded, and returned with the Lord La Warre [June 1610]: but being found a meere Impostor, he dyed most miserably. Adam and Francis his two consorts were fled againe [in the winter 1609-10] to Powhatan, to whom they promised at the arrivall of my Lord [June 1610], what wonders they would doe, would he suffer them but to goe to him. But the King seeing they would be gone, replyed; You that would haue betrayed Captaine Smith to mee, will certainely betray me to this great Lord for your peace: so caused his men to beat out their braines. To conclude, the greatest honour that ever belonged to the greatest Monarkes, was the inlarging their Dominions, and erecting Common-weales. Yet howsoever any of them haue attributed to themselues, the Conquerors of the world there is more of the world never heard of them, then ever any of them all had in subiection: for the Medes, Persians, and Assyrians, never Conquered all Asia; nor the Grecians but part of Europe and Asia. The Romans indeed had a great part of both, as well as Affrica: but as for all : 1 488 R. Pots. W. Tankard. Hon. G. Percy. The Discoveries and Accidents. LIB. 3. [H [1609] the Northerne parts of Europe and Asia, the interior Southern and Westerne parts of Affrica, all America and Terra incognita, they were all ignorant: nor is our know- ledge yet but superficiall. That their beginnings, ending, and limitations were proportioned by the Almightie is most evident but to consider of what small meanes many of them haue begun is wonderfull. For some write that even Rome her selfe, during the Raigne of Romulus, exceeded not the number of a thousand houses. And Carthage grew so great a Potentate, that at first was but incirculed in the thongs of a Bulls skinne, as to fight with Rome for the Empire of the world. Yea Venice at this time the admira- tion of the earth, was at first but a Marish, inhabited by poore Fishermen. And likewise Ninivie, Thebes, Babylon, Delus, Troy, Athens, Mycena and Sparta, grew from small beginnings to be most famous States, though now they retaine little more then a naked name. Now this our yong Common-wealth in Virginia, as you haue read once con- sisted but of 38 persons [p. 402], and in two yeares increased but to 200. yet by this small meanes so highly was approved the Plantation in Virginia, as how many Lords, with worthy Knights, and braue Gentlemen pretended [intended] to see it, and some did; and now after the expence of fifteene yeares more [1609-1624], and such massie summes of men and money, grow they disanimated? If we truely consider our Proceedings with the Spanyards, and the rest, we haue no reason to despayre, for with so small charge, they never had either greater Discoveries, with such certaine tryals of more severall Commodities, then in this short time hath beene returned from Virginia, and by much lesse meanes. pp. 240-242, New England was brought out of obscuritie, and affoorded fraught for neare 200 sayle of ships, where there is now erected a braue Plantation [the settlement of the Pilgrim For the happines of Summer Isles, they are no lesse then either, and yet those haue had a far lesse, and a more difficult beginning, then either Rome, Carthage, or Venice. 256-259.] [2.749.] Fathers at New Plymouth]. Written by Richard Pots, Clarke of the Councell, William Tankard, and G. P. [95] 489 [The Generall Historie of Virginia, New England, & the Summer Isles. The two intercalated pages, 95 and 96. A reprint of Complimentary Verses.] ندام 490 [It will be convenient here to deal with the bibliographical myth, that Sig. O, being pages 97 to 104, was suppressed in all copies. SMITH, in his Prospectus of 1623, p. cxxvi, estimated the matter of the General History, as “composed in [¿.c., written to fill] less than eighty sheets," which, at four pages to the folio, or eight pages to the signature, equals 320 pp. The actual printed text occupies 12 un- numbered, and 240 pages, wrongly numbered after p. 96; or 252 printed pp. in all: that is, nearly a fourth less than the original estimate. The explanation of this is very simple, and is due to the acuteness of H. STEVENS, Esq., F.S.A. The manuscript had passed the licenser by the 12 July 1624 (as the entry at Stationers' Hall, p. 274, proves); and it being desired to print it with all possible speed, it was given out to two out of the twenty to twenty-five printing houses then existing in London : the "copy" being roughly divided between them. This is confirmed by the variation of the initial letters, and of the style of the headings, on and after p. 105 of the original edition, from those before that page. If the matter fell short for the latter part of the book, that would make no difference; but if it fell short in the earlier part, there would be a hiatus: and a hiatus there was, of 10 folio pages. Two of these, the Author filled up with this reprint of Complimentary Verses from the Description of New England, presumably, by then, out of print, beginning with the words on the opposite page. "Now seeing there is thus much Paper here to spare, that you should not be altogether cloyed with Prose; such Verses as my worthy Friends bestowed upon New England, I here present you, because with honestie I can neither reiect, nor omit their courtesies." The remaining two sheets or eight pages, which should have made Sig. O, he left simply a gap, without any explanation at all. That the General History was pushed through the press with all possible speed, is hard to prove now: but it seems to be confirmed by the above; and it is manifest from the Preface of foure Poynts at p. 278, that the History was written to sustain the public interest in the Colonizing movement, after the disgraceful collapse of the London Virginia Company and while its legal dissolution was in progress. "The which losse [of the Massacre on 22 March 1622] to repaire the company did what they could, till they had consumed all their stocke [capital] as is said; then they broke [became bankrupt], not making any account, nor giving satisfaction to the Lords, Planters, Adventurers, nor any; whose noble intents had referred the managing of this intricate businesse to a few that lost not by it. So that his Maiesty recalled their Commission [June 1624].” p. 931. In the original edition of 1624, the Fourth Book has, by an error of the second printer, not got Lib. 4 in the headline. We have inserted it in the present edition, for the sake of uniformity.] 491 you Now seeing there is thus much Paper here to spare, that should not be altogether cloyed with Prose; such ороп Verses as my worthy Friends bestowed New England, I here present you, because with honestie I can neither reiect, nor omit their courtesies. [p. In the deserued Honour of the Author, 181.] Captaine Iohn Smith, and his Worke. D Amn'd Envie is a sprite, that ever haunts Beasts, mis-nam'd Men; Cowards, or Ignorants. But, onely such shee followes, whose deare WORTH (Maugre her malice) sets their glory forth. If this faire Overture, then, take not; It Is Envic's spight (deare friend) in men of wit; Or Feare, lest morsels, which our mouths possesse, Might fall from thence; or else, tis Sottishnesse. If either; (I hope neither) thee they raise; Thy *Letters are as Letters in thy praise; Who, by their vice, improue (when they reprooue) Thy vertue; so, in hate, procure thee Loue. Then, On firme Worth: this Monument I frame; Scorning for any Smith to forge such fame. Iohn Davies, Heref: [1616] * Hinderers 492 J. Codrinton. N. Smith. [Reprint of Complimentary Verses. [p. 181.] [1616] [p. 182.] 1616. To his worthy Captaine the Author. Hat which wee call the subiect of all Storie, Is Truth: which in this Worke of thine giucs glorie To all that thou hast done. Then, scorne the spight Of Envie; which doth no mans Merits right. My sword may helpe the rest: my Pen no more Can doe, but this; I'aue said enough before. Your sometime Souldier, I. Codrinton, now Templer. To my Worthy Friend and Cosen, Captaine Iohn Smith. T over-ioyes my heart, when as thy Words Of these designes, with deeds I doe compare. Here is a Booke, such worthy truth affords, None should the due desert thereof impare: Sith thou, the man, deserving of these Ages, Much paine hast ta'en for this our Kingdomes good, In Climes vnknowne, 'Mongst Turks and Salvages, T'inlarge our bounds; though with thy losse of blood. Hence damn'd Detraction: stand not in our way. Envie, it selfe, will not the Truth gainesay. N. Smith. R. Crashaw, M. Phettiplace. W. Phettiplace, R. Wiffing. Reprint of Complimentary Verses.] 493 1616. In the deserved Honour of my honest and worthy Captaine, Iohn Smith, and his Worke. Aptaine and friend; when I peruse thy Booke (With Iudgements eyes) into my heart I looke: And there I finde (what sometimes Albion knew) A Souldier, to his Countries-honour, true. Some fight for wealth; and some for emptie praise; But thou alone thy Countries Fame to raise. [96] With due discretion, and vnda[u]nted heart, I (oft) so well haue seene thee act thy Part In deepest plunge of hard extreamitie, As forc't the troups of proudest foes to flie. Though men of greater Ranke and lesse desert Would Pish away thy Praise, it can not start From the true Owner: for, all good mens tongues Shall keepe the same. To them that Part belongs. If, then, Wit, Courage, and Successe should get Thee Fame; the Muse for that is in thy debt: A part whereof (least able though I be) Thus here I doe disburse, to honor Thee. Raleigh Crashaw. [p. 184.] [1616] Michael Phettiplace, Wil: Phettiplace, 1.185.1 and Richard Wiffing, Gentlemen, and Souldiers vnder Captaine Smiths command: In his deserved. honour for his Worke, and Worth. W Hy may not wee in this Worke haue our Mite, That had our share in each black day and night, When thou Virginia foild'st, yet kept'st vnstaind; And held'st the King of Paspeheh enchaind. 494 M. Phettiplace. W. Phettiplace. R. Wiffing. [Reprint of Complimentary Verses. [1616] Thou all alone this Salvage sterne didst take. Pamavnkees King wee saw thee captiue make Among seauen hundred of his stoutest men, To murther thee and vs resolved; when Fast by the hayre thou ledst this Salvage grim, Thy Pistoll at his breast to governe him: Which did infuse such awe in all the rest (Sith their drad Soveraigne thou had'st so distrcst) That thou and wee (poore sixteene) safe retir'd Vnto our helplesse Ships. Thou (thus admir'd) Didst make proud Powhatan, his subiects send To Iames his Towne, thy censure to attend: And all Virginia's Lords, and pettie Kings, Aw'd by thy vertue, crouch, and Presents brings To gaine thy grace; so dreaded thou hast beene: And yet a heart more milde is seldome seene; So, making Valour Vertue, really; Who hast nought in thee counterfeit, or slie; If in the sleight be not the truest Art, That makes men famoused for faire desert. Who saith of thee, this sauors of vaine-glorie, Mistakes both thee and vs, and this true Storie. If it be ill in Thee, so well to doe; Then, is ill in Vs, to praise thee too. But, if the first be well done; it is well, To say it doth (if so it doth) excell. Praise is the guerdon of each deare descrt Making the praised act the praised part With more alacritie: Honours Spurre is Praise; Without which, it (regardlesse) soone decaies. 1616. And for this paines of thine wee praise thee rather, That future Times may know who was the father Of that rare Worke (New England) which may bring, Praise to thy God, and profit to thy King. [105] 495 [The Generall Historie of Virginia, New England, & the Summer Isles. THE FOURTH Воок. 1624. The History of Virginia. 1609–1624.] 496 [This History of Virginia from the departure of Captain SMITH from James town, on 4 October 1609, to the dissolution of the London Virginia Company, in June 1624; is in nothing like the detail of the previous part of this Volume. It should be supplemented by a study of the Works specified on p. cxxxiii.] 497 The Fourth Booke. то MAKE PLAINE THE TRVE PROCEEDINGS OF THE HISTORIE for 1609. we must follow the examinations of Doctor Simons, and two learned Orations published by the Companie; with the rela- tion of the Right Honourable the Lord De la Ware. What happened in the first gouernment after the alteration, in the time of Captaine George Piercie their Gouernour. [1609] HE day before [3 Oct. 1609] Captaine Smith returned [4 Oct. 1609, see pp. 167, 170] for England with the ships, Captaine 170.] Dauis arriued in a small Pinace, with some sixteene proper men more: To these were added a company from James towne, vnder the command of Captaine Iohn Sickelmore alias Rat [cliffe, to inhabit Point Comfort. Captaine Martin and Captaine West, hauing lost their boats and neere halfe their men Comfort. among the Saluages, were returned to Iames towne; for the 1609 Saluages no sooner vnderstood Smith was gone, but they all reuolted, and did spoile and murther all they incountered. ENG. SCH. LIB. No. 16. 32 The plant 498 Rev. W. Simmonds. ? 1612-1624. The gouernment resigned to LIB. 4. [R [1609] [pp. 445, 508.] Now wee were all constrained to liue onely on that Smith had onely for his owne Companie, for the rest had consumed their proportions. And now they had twentie Presidents. with all their appurtenances: Master Piercie, our new Pre- sident, was so sicke hee could neither goe nor stand. But ere all was consumed, Captaine West and Captaine Sickel- more, each with a small ship and thirtie or fortie men well appointed, sought abroad to trade. Sickelmore vpon the confidence of Powhatan, with about thirtie others as carelesse as himselfe; were all slaine; onely Ieffrey Short- ridge escaped; and Pokahontas the Kings daughter saued a boy called Henry Spilman pp. 172, 503, 528, 586, 606], that liued many yeeres after, by her meanes, amongst the Patawomekes. Powhatan still, as he found meanes, cut off their Boats, denied them trade: so that Captaine West set saile for England. Now we all found the losse of Captaine Smith, yea his greatest maligners could now curse his losse: as for corne prouision and contribution from the Saluages, we had nothing but mortall wounds, with clubs and arrowes; as for our Hogs, Hens, Goats, Sheepe, Horse, or what liued, our commanders, officers and Saluages daily consumed. them, some small proportions sometimes we tasted, till all was deuoured; then swords, armes, pieces, or any thing, wee traded with the Saluages, whose cruell fingers were so oft imbrewed in our blouds, that what by their crueltie, our Gouernours indiscretion, and the losse of our ships, of fiue hundred within six moneths after Captaine Smiths departure [Oct. 1609-Mar. 1610], there remained. not past sixtie men, women and children, most miserable and poore creatures; and those were preserued for the most part, by roots, herbes, acornes, walnuts, berries, now and then a little fish: they that had startch in these extremities, made no small vse of it; yea, euen the very skinnes of our horses. Nay, so great was our famine, that a Saluage we slew and buried, the poorer sort tooke him vp againe and eat him; and so did diuers [106] one another boyled and stewed with roots and herbs: And one amongst the rest Ed. by J. Smith. LIB. 4. July 1624. 499 Sir Thomas Gates, 1610. did kill his wife, powdered [salted] her, and had eaten part [1609-10] of her before it was knowne; for which hee was executed, as hee well deserued: now whether shee was better roasted, boyled or carbonado'd, I know not; but of such a dish as powdered wife I neuer heard of. Time.] This was that time, which still to this day [1624] we [The called the staruing time; it. were too vile to say, and Starving scarce to be beleeued, what we endured: but the occasion was our owne, for want of prouidence industrie and gouern- ment, and not the barrennesse and defect of the Countrie, as is generally supposed; for till then in three yeeres, for the numbers were landed vs, we had neuer from England prouision sufficient for six moneths, though it seemed by the bils of loading sufficient was sent vs, such a glutton is the Sea, and such good fellowes the Mariners; we as little tasted of the great proportion sent vs, as they of our want and miseries, yet notwithstanding they euer ouer- swayed and ruled the businesse, though we endured all that is said, and chiefly liued on what this good Countrie naturally afforded. Yet had wee beene euen in Paradice it selfe with these Gouernours, it would not haue beene much better withe vs; yet there was amongst vs, who had they had the gouernment as Captaine Smith appointed, but that they could not maintaine it, would surely haue kept vs from those extremities of miseries. This in ten daies more, would haue supplanted vs all with death. of Sir Gates. But God that would not this Countrie should be t. 171.) vnplanted, sent Sir Thomas Gates, and Sir George Sommers The arriuall with one hundred and fiftie people most happily preserued Thomas by the Bermudas to preserue vs [21 May 1610]: strange it is to say how miraculously they were preserued in a leaking ship, as at large you may reade in the insuing Historie of those Ilands [p. 635]. 500 . The gouernment deuolued to W. LIB. 4. [? June . 1611Box1610. [1610] The gouernment resigned to Sir Thomas Gates, 1610. W our Hen these two Noble Knights did see miseries, being but strangers in that Countrie, and could vnderstand no more of the cause, but by coniecture of our clamours and com- plaints, of accusing and excusing one another: They embarked vs with themselues, with the best meanes they could, and abandoning Iames towne [7 June 1610], set saile abandoned. for England: whereby you may see the euent of the gouern- ment of the former Commanders [Ratcliffe, Martin, and Archer] left to themselues; although they had liued there many yeeres, as formerly hath beene spoken (who hindred. now their proceedings, Captaine Smith being gone). James towne "The arriuall of the Lord la Ware. [p. 171.] At noone they fell to the Ile of Hogs, and the next morning [8 Junc] to Mulbery point, at what time they descried the Long-boat of the Lord la Ware; for God would not haue it so abandoned. For this honourable Lord, then Gouer- nour of the Countrie, met them with three ships exceedingly well furnished with all necessaries fitting; who againe returned them to the abandoned Iames towne. Out of the obseruations of William Simmons Doctor of Diuinitie. & The gouernment devolued to the Lord la Ware. Is Lordship arriued the ninth of Iune 1610. accompanied with Sir Ferdinando Waynman, Captaine Houlcroft, Captaine Lawson, and diuers other Gentlemen of sort; the tenth he came vp with his fleet, went on shore, heard a Sermon, read his Com- mission, and entred into consultation for the good of the Colonie: in which secret counsell we will a little leaue them, that we may duly obserue the reuealed counsell of God. Hee that shall but turne vp his eie, and behold the Ed. by J. Smith. Lib. 4. July 1624. J 501 the Lord la Ware. spangled canopie of heauen, or shall but cast downe his eie, and consider the embroydered carpet of the earth, and withall shall marke how the heauens heare the earth, and the earth the Corne and Oile, and they relieue the necessities of man, that man will acknowledge Gods infinite [107] prouidence. But hee that shall further obserue, how God inclineth all casuall euents to worke the necessary helpe of his Saints, must needs adore the Lords infinite goodnesse. Neuer had any people more iust cause, to cast them- selues at the very foot-stoole of God, and to reuerence his mercie, than this distressed Colonie; for if God had not sent Sir Thomas Gates from the Bermudas, within foure daies they had almost beene famished; if God had not directed the heart of that noble Knight to saue the Fort from fiering at their shipping [embarkation), for many were very importunate to haue burnt it, they had beene destitute of a present harbour and succour: if they had abandoned the Fort any longer time, and had not so soone returned, questionlesse the Indians would haue destroied the Fort, which had beene the meanes of our safeties amongst them and a terror. If they had set saile sooner, and had lanched into the vast Ocean; who would haue promised they should haue incountered the Fleet of the Lord la Ware especially when they made for Newfound land, as they intended; a course contrarie to our Nauie approaching. If the Lord la Ware had not brought with him a yeeres prouision, what comfort would those poore soules haue receiued, to haue beene relanded to a second distruction? This was the arme of the Lord of Hosts, who would haue his people passe the red Sea and Wildernesse, and then to possesse the land of Canaan: It was diuinely spoken of Heathen Socrates, If God for man be carefull, why should man bee ouer-distrustfull? for he hath so tempered the contrary qualities of the Elements, That neither cold things want heat, nor moist things dry, Nor sad things spirits, to quicken them thereby, Yet make they music all content of contrarietie, Which conquer'd, knits them in such links together, They doe produce euen all this whatsoeucr. The Lord Gouernour, after mature deliberation, deliuered [1610] 502 . The gouernment deuolued to LIB. 4. [? J June . W. [1610] vice at 10 a.m. and 4 p.m.] Box1611some few words to the Companie, laying iust blame vpon them, for their haughtie vanities and sluggish idlenesse, earnestly intreating them to amend those desperate follies lest hee should be compelled to draw the sword of Iustice and to cut off such delinquents, which he had rather draw to the shedding of his vitall bloud, to protect them from iniuries; heartning them with relation of that store hee had brought with him, constituting officers of all conditions, to rule ouer them, allotting euery man his particular place, to watch vigilantly, and worke painfully. This Oration and direction being receiued with a generall applause, you might shortly behold the idle and restie diseases of a diuided multitude, by the vnitie and authoritie of this gouernment to be substantially cured. Those that knew not the way to goodnesse before, but cherished singularitie and faction, can now chalke out the path of all respectiue dutie and seruice: euery man endeuoureth to outstrip other in diligence: the French preparing to plant the Vines, the English labouring in the Woods and grounds; euery man knoweth his charge, and dischargeth the same with alacritie. Neither let any man be discouraged, by the relation of their daily labour (as though the sap of their bodies should bee spent for other mens profit) the setled times of work- ing, to effect all themselues, or as the Aduenturers need [Divine Ser- desire, required no more paines than from six of the clocke in the morning, vntill ten, and from two in the afternoone, till foure; at both which times they are prouided of spirituall and corporall reliefe. First, they enter into the Church, and make their praiers vnto God; next they returne to their houses and receiue their proportion of food. Nor should it bee conceiued that this businesse excludeth Gentlemen, whose breeding neuer knew what a daies labour meant for though they cannot digge, vse the Spade, nor practice the Axe, yet may the staied spirits of any condition, finde how to imploy the force of knowledge, the exercise of counsell, the operation and power of their best breeding and qualities. [p. 957.] [p. 957.] The houses which are built, are as warme and defensiue against wind and [108] weather, as if they were tiled and slated, being couered aboue with strong boards, and some Ed. by J. Smith. LIB. 4. July 1624.. 503 the Lord la Ware. Sommers matted round with Indian mats. Our forces are now such as [1610] are able to tame the furie and trecherie of the Saluages: Our Forts assure the Inhabitants, and frustrate all assaylants. And to leaue no discouragement in the heart of any, Sir George who personally shall enter into this great action, I [i.e., W. Box] will communicate a double comfort; first, Sir George Sommers, that worthy Admirall hath vndertaken a dangerous aduenture for the good of the Colonie. to the Bermudas. Vpon the 15. [or 19, p. 639] of Iune [1610], accompanied with Captaine Samuel Argall, hee returned in two Pinaces vnto the Bermudas, promising (if by any meanes God will open a way to that Iland of Rocks) that he would soone returne with six moneths prouision of flesh; with much crosse weather at last hee there safely arriued, but Captaine Argall was forced backe againe to Iames towne : whom the Lord De la Ware not long after sent to the Riuer of Pata- womeke, to trade for Corne; where finding [in Sept. 1610] .172.] an English boy, one Henry Spilman (pp. 172, 498, 528, 586, 606], a young Gentleman well descended, by those people preserued from the furie of Powhatan, by his acquaintance had such good vsage of those kinde Saluages, that they fraughted his ship with Corne, wherewith he returned to Iames towne. The other comfort is, that the Lord la Ware hath built two new Forts, the one called Fort Henry, the other Fort Charles, in honour of our most noble Prince, and his hopefull brother, vpon a pleasant plaine, and neare a little Riuilet they call Southampton Riuer; they stand in a wholsome aire, hauing plentie of Springs of sweet water, they command a great circuit of ground, containing Wood, Pasture and Marsh, with apt places for Vines, Corne and Gardens; in which Forts it is resolued, that all those that come out of England, shall be at their first landing quartered, that the wearisomnesse of the Sea may bee refreshed in this pleasing part of the Countrie. And Sir Thomas Gates hee sent for England 15 July 1610]. But to correct some iniuries of the Paspalegs, he sent Captaine Pearcie, Master Stacy, and fiftie or threescore. shot: where the Saluages flying, they burnt their houses, tooke the Queene and her children prisoners, whom not long after they slew. The fertilitie of the soile, the temperature of the climate, The Fort Henry and Fort building Charles. 504 The gouernment of the Lord la Ware. LIB. 4. [2 June Box1611. : [1611] the forme of gouernment, the condition of our people, their daily inuocating of the Name of God being thus expressed; why should the successe, by the rules of mortall iudgement, bee disparaged? why should not the rich haruest of our hopes be seasonably expected? I dare say, that the resolution of Cæsar in France, the designes of Alexander, the discoueries of Hernando Cortes in the West, and of Emanuel King of Portugal in the East, were not encouraged vpon so firme grounds of state and possibilitie. But his Lordship being at the fal[l]es, the Saluages assaulted his troopes and slew three or foure of his men. Not long after, his Honour growing very sicke, he returned for England the 28. of March [1611]; in the ship were about fiue and fiftie men, but ere we arriued at Fyall, fortie of vs were neare sicke to death, of the Scuruie, Callenture, and other diseases: the Gouernour, being an English-man, kindly vsed vs, but small reliefe we could get but Oranges, of which we had plenty; whereby within eight daies wee recouered, and all were well and strong by that they came into England. Written by William Box. The Counsell of Virginia finding the smalnesse of that returne which they hoped should haue defrayed the charge of a new supply, entred into a deep consultation, whether it were fit to enter into a new Contribution, or in time to send for them home and giue ouer the action, and there- fore they adiured Sir Thomas Gates to deale plainly with them, who with a solemne and a sacred oath replyed, That all things before reported were true: and that all men know that wee stand at the deuotion of politicke Princes and States, who for their proper vtilitie, deuise all courses to grind our Merchants, and by all pretences to confiscate their goods, and to draw from vs all manner of gaine by their inquisitiue inuentions; when in Virginia, a few yeeres labour by planting and husbandry, will furnish all [109] our defects with honour and securitie. Out of a Declaration published by the Counsell, 1610. 505 The gouernment left againe to Captaine George George Piercie, and the returne of the Lord la Ware, with his Relation to the Councell. 1611. [1611] Treasurer. Smith The Relation of the Lord la Y Lords, now by accident returned from my charge at Virginia, contrary either Sir Thomas to my owne desire, or other mens ex- pectations, who spare not to censure me, in point of dutie, and to discourse and question the reason, though they apprehend not the true cause of my returne; I am forced out of a willing- nesse to satisfie euery man, to deliuer vnto your Lordships Ware. and the rest of this assemblie, in what state I haue liued euer since my arriuall to the Colonie, what hath beene the iust cause of my sudden departure, and on what tearmes I haue left the same: the rather because I perceiue, that since my comming into England, such a coldnesse and irresolution is bred in many of the Aduenturers, that some of them seeke to withdraw their payments, by which the action must be supported, making this my returne colour of their needlesse backwardnesse and vniust protraction: which that you may the better vnderstand, I was welcomed to Iames towne by a violent ague; being cured of it, within three weekes after I began to be distempered with other grieuous sicknesses which successiuely and seuerally as- sailed me, for besides a relapse into the former disease, which with much more violence held me more than a moneth, and brought me to greater weaknesse; the flux surprised mee, and kept me many daies; then the crampe assaulted my weake body with strong paines; and after, the gout: all those drew me to that weaknesse, being vnable to stirre, [that] brought vpon me the scuruie; which though in others it be a sicknesse of slothfulnesse, yet was it in me an effect of weaknesse, which neuer left me, till I was ready to leave the world. In these extremities I resolued to consult with my 506 The gouernment surrendred to Capt. Piercie. . Lord June . [1611] TOO. Kine and 200. Virginia. la Ware1611friends, who finding nature spent in me, and my body almost consumed, my paines likewise daily increasing, gaue me aduice to preferre a hopefull recouerie before an assured ruine; which must necessarily haue ensued, had I liued but twentie daies longer in Virginia, wanting at tha instant both food and Physicke fit to remedie such extra- ordinary diseases: wherefore I shipped [28 Mar. 1611] myselfe with Doctor Bohun and Captaine Argall for Meuis in the West Indies. But being crossed with Southerly winds, I was forced. to shape my course for the Westerne Iles [Azores], where I found helpe for my health, and my sicknesse asswaged, by the meanes of fresh dyet, especially Oranges and Limons, an vndoubted remedie for that disease: then I intended to haue returned backe againe to Virginia, but I was aduised not to hazard my selfe, before I had perfectly recouered my strength so I came for England. In which accident, I doubt not but men of iudgement will imagine, there would more preiudice haue happened by my death there, than I hope can doe by my returne. For the Colony, I left it to the charge of Captaine George Piercie, a Gentleman of honour and resolution, vntill the comming of Sir Thomas Dale, whose Commission was like- wise to bee determined vpon the arriuall of Sir Thomas Gates, according to the order your Lordships appointed: the number I left were about two hundred, the most in health, and prouided of at least ten moneths victuall, and the Countrie people tractable and friendly. What other defects they had, I found by Sir Thomas Gates, at the Cowes, his Fleet was sufficiently furnished with sup- plies: but when it shall please God that Sir Thomas Dale, and Sir Thomas Gates shall arriue in Virginia with the extra- Swine sent to ordinarie supply of 100. Kine, and 200. Swine, besides store of other prouision, for the maintenance of the Colonie, there will appeare that successe in the action, as shall giue no man cause of distrust, that hath already aduentured, but incourage euery good minde to further so good a worke, as will redound both to the glory of God, to the credit of our [110] nation, and the comfort of all those that haue beene instruments in the furthering of it. Out of the Lord la Wares discourse, published by Authoritie, 1611. t 507 The gouernment surrendred to Sir Thomas Dale, who arriued in Virginia the tenth of May, 1611. out of Master El B Hamors Booke. 1611. Smith of Sir Dale. Efore the Lord la Ware arriued in [1611] England, the Councell and Companie Sir Thomas had dispatched away Sir Thomas Dale Treasurer. with three ships, men, and cattell, and The arriuall all other prouisions necessarie for a Thomas yeere; all which arriued well the tenth of May 1611: where he found them growing againe to their former estate of penurie, being so improuident as not to put Corne in the ground for their bread; but trusted to the store, then furnished but with three moneths prouision. His first care therefore was to imploy all hands about setting of Corne, at the two Forts at Kecoughtan, Henry and Charles; whereby, the season then not [being] fully past, though about the end of May, wee had an indifferent crop of good Corne. This businesse taken order for, and the care and trust of it committed to his vnder-Officers, to Iames towne he hastened, where most of the companie were at their daily and vsuall works, bowling in the streets: these hee imployed about necessarie workes, as felling of Timber, repayring their houses ready to fall on their heads, and prouiding pales, posts and railes, to impale his purposed new towne, which by reason of his ignorance, being but newly arriued, hee had not resolued where to seat. Therefore to better his knowledge, with one hundred men he spent some time in viewing the Riuer His preparation to build a new towne. 508 The gouernment surrendered to Sir T. Dale. [18 R. amor. [1611] 159, 411, 448, 476. of Nansamund, in despight of the Indians then our enemies; then our owne Riuer to the Fal[1]es, where vpon a high land, inuironed with the maine Riuer, some twelue miles from the Falles, by Arsahattock, he resolued to plant his new towne. It was no small trouble to reduce his people so timely to good order, being of so ill a condition, as may well witnesse his seueritie and strict imprinted booke of Articles, then needfull with all extremitie to be executed; now much mitigated: so as if his Lawes had not beene so strictly executed, I see not how the vtter subuersion of the Colonie should haue beene preuented, witnesse Webbes and Prices designe the first yeere, since that of Abbots and others, more dangerous than the former. Here I entreat your patience for an Apologie, though not a pardon. This Ieffrey Abbots, how euer this Author censures him, and the Gouernour executes him; I know he had long serued both in Ireland and Netherlands. Here hee was a Sargeant of my Companie, and I neuer saw Lpp. 108, 131, in Virginia a more sufficient Souldier, lesse turbulent, a better wit, more hardy or industrious, nor any more forward to cut off them that sought to abandon the Countrie, or wrong the Colonie; how ingratefully those deserts might bee rewarded, enuied or neglected, or his farre inferiors preferred to ouer-top him, I know not: but such occasions might moue a Saint, much more a man, to an vnaduised passionate impatience, but how euer, it seemes he hath beene punished for his offences, that was neuer rewarded for his deserts. Diuers mutinie[s] And euen this Summer Cole and Kitchins plot with three suppressed. more, bending their course to Ocanahowan, fiue daies iourney from vs, where they report are Spaniards inhabiting. These were cut off by the Saluages, hired by vs to hunt them home to receiue their deserts. So as Sir Thomas Dale hath not beene so tyrannous nor seuere by the halfe, as there was occasion, and iust cause for it; and though the manner was not vsuall, wee were rather to haue regard to those, whom we would haue terrified and made fearefull to commit the like offences, than to the offenders iustly condemned: for amongst them so hardned in Ed. by J. Smith. July 1624. 509 The gouernment returned to Sir T. Gates. euill, the feare of a cruell painfull and vnusuall death more restraines them, than death it selfe. This much I haue pro- ceeded of his endeuours, vntill the comming of Sir Thomas Gates, in preparing himselfe to proceed as he intended. [111] Now in England againe, to second this noble Knight, the Counsell and Companie with all possible expedition. prepared for Sir Thomas Gates six tall ships, with three hundred men, and one hundred Kine and other Cattell, with munition and all other manner of prouision that could be thought needfull; and about the first or second of August, 1611. [they] arriued safely at Iames towne. The gouernment returned againe to Sir Thomas Gates, 1611. their Hese worthy Knights being met, after welcoming salutations, Sir Thomas Dale acquainted him what he had done, and what he intended: which designe Sir Thomas Gates well approuing, furnished him with three hundred and fiftie men, such as himselfe made choice of. In the beginning of September, 1611. hee set saile, and arriued where hee intended to build his new towne: within ten or twelue daies he had inuironed it with a pale, and in honour of our noble Prince Henry, called it Henrico. The next worke he did, was building at each corner of the Towne a high commanding Watch-house, a Church, and Store-houses which finished, hee began to thinke vpon conuenient houses for himselfe and men, which, with all possible speed hee could, he effected, to the great content of his companie, and all the Colonie. : [1611] The second Sir Thomas arriuall of Gates. ing of This towne is situated vpon a necke of a plaine rising The build- land, three parts inuironed with the maine Riuer, the Henrico. necke of land well impaled, makes it like an Ile; it hath three streets of well framed houses, a handsome Church, and the foundation of a better laid (to bee built of Bricke), besides Store-houses, Watch-houses, and such like. Vpon the verge of the Riuer there are fiue houses, wherein liue the honester sort of people, as Farmers in England, and they keepe continuall centinell for the townes securitie. * 510 [18 The gouernment returned to 4. LIB. 4R. Hamor. 18 June 1614. . [1611] The building the Ber- mudas. About two miles from the towne, into the Maine, is another pale, neere two miles in length, from Riuer to Riuer, guarded with seuerall Commanders, with a good quantitie of Corne-ground impailed, sufficiently secured to maintaine more than I suppose will come this three yeeres. On the other side of the Riuer, for the securitie of the towne, is intended to be impaled for the securitie of our Hogs, about two miles and a halfe, by the name of Hope in Faith, and Coxendale, secured by fiue of our manner of Forts, which are but Palisadoes, called Charitic Fort, Mount Malado (a guest house [hospital] for sicke people) a high seat and wholsome aire, Elisabeth Fort, and Fort Patience: And here hath Master Whitaker chosen his Par- sonage, impaled a faire framed Parsonage, and one hundred acres called Rocke hall, but these are not halfe finished. About Christmas following, in this same yeere 1611. in regard of the iniurie done vs by them of Apamatuck, Sir Thomas Dale, without the losse of any, except some few Saluages, tooke it and their Corne, being but fiue miles by land from Henrico: and considering how commodious it might be for vs, resolued to possesse and plant it, and at the instant called it the new Bermudas; whereunto hee hath laid out and annexed to the belonging freedome and corporation for euer, many miles of Champian and Woodland ground in seuerall hundreds, as the vpper and nether hundreds, Roch- dale hundred, West Sherly hundred, and Digs his hundred. In the nether hundred he first began to plant, for there is the most Corne-ground, and with a pale of two miles, cut ouer from Riuer to Riuer, whereby we haue secured eight English miles in compasse: vpon which circuit, within halfe a mile of each other, are many faire houses already built; besides particular mens houses neere to the number of fiftie. Rochdale, by a crosse pale welnigh foure miles long, is also planted with houses along the pale, in which hundred our Hogs and Cattell haue twentie miles circuit to graze in securely. The building of the Citie is referred till our haruest [1612] be in, which he intends to make a retreat against any forraigne enemie. About fiftie miles from these is Iames towne, vpon a fertill peninsula, which although [112] formerly scandaled Ed. by 511 July 1624.J . LIB. 4. Sir Thomas Gates. J. Smithfor an vnhealthfull aire, wee finde it as healthfull as any [1611-12] other part of the Countrie; it hath two rowes of houses of framed timber, and some of them two stories and a garret higher, three large Store-houses ioined together in length, and hee hath newly strongly impaled the towne. This Ile, and much ground about it, is much inhabited. To Kecoughtan we accounted it fortie miles, where they liue well with halfe that allowance the rest haue from the store, because of the extraordinarie quantitie of Fish, Fowle and Deere; as you may reade at large in the Discoueries of Captaine Smith. And thus I haue truly related vnto you the present estate of that small part of Virginia wee frequent and possesse. Sir Thomas Smith Since there was a ship fraughted with prouision, and 1612. fortie men; and another since then with the like number and prouision, to stay twelue moneths in the Countrie, with Treasurer. Captaine Argall, which was sent not long after. After Captaine hee had recreated and refreshed his Companie, hee was arriuall sent to the Riuer Patawomeake, to trade for Corne: the Saluages about vs hauing small quarter, but friends and foes as they found aduantage and opportunitie. But to conclude our peace, thus it happened. Captaine Argall, hauing entred into a great acquaintance with Iapazaws, an old friend of Captaine Smiths, and so to all our Nation, euer since hee discouered the Countrie: h[e]ard by him there was Pocahontas, whom Captaine Smiths Relations intituleth the Numparell of Virginia [pp. 38, 169], and though she had beene many times a preseruer of him and the whole Colonie, yet till this accident shee was neuer seene at Iames towne since his departure [4 Oct. 1609]. Being at Patawomeke, as it seemes, thinking her selfe vnknowne, was easily by her friend Iapazaws perswaded to goe abroad with him and his wife to see the ship: for Captaine Argall had promised him a Copper Kettle to bring her but to him, promising no way to hurt her, but keepe her till they could conclude a peace with her father; the Saluage for this Copper Kettle would haue done any thing, it seemed by the Relation. Argals Pocahontas For though she had seene and beene in many ships, yet How hee caused his wife to faine how desirous she was to see one, that hee offered to beat her for her importunitie, till prisoner. was taken 512 1614. How Pocahontas was taken prisoner. LIB. 4. [18 R. . [1613] HamorJune poore she wept. But at last he told her, if Pocahontas would goe with her, hee was content: and thus they betraied the innocent Pocahontas aboord, where they were all kindly feasted in the Cabbin. Iapazaws treading oft on the Captaines foot, to remember he had done his part; the Captaine when he saw his time, perswaded Pocahontas to the Gun-roome, faining to haue some conference with Iapazaws, which was onely that she should not perceiue hee was any way guiltie of her captiuitie: so sending for her againe, hee told her before her friends, she must goe with him, and compound peace betwixt her Countrie and vs, before she euer should see Powhatan; whereat the old Iew and his wife began to howle and crie as fast as Pocahontas, that vpon the Captaines faire perswasions, by degrees paci- fying her selfe, and Iapazaws and his wife, with the Kettle and other toies, went merrily on shore; and shee to Iames towne. A messenger forthwith was sent to her father, that his appear that daughter Pocahontas he loued so dearely, he must ransome with our men, swords, peeces, tooles, &c. hee trecherously had stolne. [By Argal's letter of June 1613 ia Purchas iv., 1764, Ed. 1625), it would Pocahontas was captured in the beginning of April 1613.] Seuen English returned from Porchatan prisoners. Sir Thomas Dale his Voyage to Pamanke. This vnwelcome newes much troubled Powhatan, because hee loued both his daughter and our commodities well, yet it was three moneths after [July 1613] ere hee returned vs any answer: then by the perswasion of the Councell, he returned seuen of our men, with each of them an vnseruice- able Musket, and sent vs word, that when wee would deliuer his daughter, hee would make vs satisfaction for all iniuries done vs, and giue vs fiue hundred bushels of Corne, and for euer be friends with vs. That he sent, we receiued in part of payment, and returned him this answer: That his daughter should be well vsed; but we could not beleeue the rest of our armes were either lost or stolne from him, and therefore till hee sent them, we would keepe his daughter. This answer, it seemed, much displeased him, for we heard no more from him for a [113] long time after: when with Captaine Argals ship, and some other vessels belong- ing to the Colonie; Sir Thomas Dale, with a hundred and fiftie men well appointed, went vp into his owne Riuer, to his chiefe habitation, with his daughter. Ed. by J. Smith. LIB. 4. Sir Thomas Gates. July 1624.] 513 [1613] With many scornfull brauado's they affronted vs, proudly demanding Why wee came thither; our reply was, Wee had brought his daughter, and to receiue the ransome for her that was promised, or to haue it perforce. They nothing dismayed thereat, told vs, We were wel- come if wee came to fight, for they were prouided for vs : but aduised vs, if wee loued our liues to retire; else they would vse vs as they had done Captaine Ratcliffe: We [p. ciii.] told them, Wee would presently haue a better answer; but we were no sooner within shot of the shore than they let flie their Arrowes among vs in the ship. Being thus iustly prouoked, wee presently manned our Boats, went on shore, burned all their houses, and spoiled all they had we could finde; and so the next day proceeded higher vp the Riuer, where they demanded Why wee burnt their houses, and wee, Why they shot at vs: They replyed, it was some stragling Saluage, with many other excuses, they intended no hurt, but were our friends: We told them, Wee came not to hurt them, but visit them as friends also. Vpon this we concluded a peace, and forthwith they dispatched messengers to Powhatan; whose answer, they told vs, wee must expect foure and twentie houres ere the messengers could returne: Then they told vs, our men were runne away for feare we would hang them, yet Powhatans men were runne after them; as for our Swords and Peeces, they should be brought vs the next day, which was only but to delay time; for the next day they came not. Then we went higher, to a house of Powhatans, called Matchot, where we saw about foure hundred men well appointed; here they dared vs to come on shore, which wee did; no shew of feare they made at all, nor offered to resist our landing, but walking boldly vp and downe amongst vs, demanded to conferre with our Captaine, of his comming in that manner, and to haue truce till they could but once more send to their King to know his pleasure, which if it were not agreeable to their expectation, then they would fight with vs, and defend their owne as they could. Which was but onely to deferre. the time, to carrie away their prouision; yet wee pro- ENG. SCH. LIB. No. 16. 33 A man shot in the forehead. 514 The gouernment returned to Sir T. Gates. LIB. 4. [R R. Hamor. 1615. [1613-14] mised them truce till the next day at noone, and then if they would fight with vs, they should know when we would begin by our Drums and Trumpets. Two of Powhatans sonnes come to see Pocahontas. The mariage of to Master 1613. Smith Treasurer. Vpon this promise, two of Powhatans sonnes came vnto vs to see their sister: at whose sight, seeing her well, though they heard to the contrarie, they much reioiced, promising they would perswade her father to redeeme her, and for euer be friends with vs. And vpon this, the two brethren went aboord with vs; and we sent Master Iohn Rolfe and Master Sparkes to Powhatan, to acquaint him with the businesse: kindly they were entertained, but not admitted [to] the presence of Powhatan, but they spoke with Opechancanough, his brother and successor; hee promised to doe the best he could to Powhatan, all might be well. So it being Aprill [1613], and time to prepare our ground and set our Corne, we returned to Iames Towne, promising the forbearance of their performing their promise, till the next haruest. Long before this, Master Iohn Rolfe, an honest Gentle- Pocahontas man, and of good behauiour, had beene in loue with Poca- John Relfe. hontas, and she with him: which thing at that instant I made knowne to Sir Thomas Dale by a letter from him, Sir Thomas wherein hee intreated his aduice, and she acquainted her brother with it, which resolution Sir Thomas Dale well approued the bru[i]te of this mariage came soone to the knowledge of Powhatan, a thing acceptable to him, as appeared by his sudden consent, for within ten daies he sent Opachisco, an old Vncle of hers, and two of his sons, to see the manner of the mariage, and to doe in that behalfe what they were requested, for the confirmation thereof, as his deputie; which was accordingly done about the first of Aprill [1614]. And euer since wee haue had friendly trade and commerce, as well with Powhatan himselfe, as all his subiects. [114] The Chica hamanias desire friendship. These Besides this, by the meanes of Powhatan, we became in league with our next neighbours, the Chicahamanias, a lustie and a daring people, free of themselues. people, so soone as they heard of or peace with Pow- hatan, sent two messengers with presents to Sir Thomas Ed. by 515 July 1624... . LIB. 4. The Articles of peace. J. SmithDale, and offered them his [him their] seruice, excusing all former iniuries, hereafter they would euer be King Iames his subiects, and relinquish the name of Chickahamania, to be called Tassautessus, as they call vs; and Sir Thomas Dale the[i]re Gouernour, as the Kings Deputie; onely they desired to be gouerned by their owne Lawes, which is eight of their Elders as his substitutes. This offer he kindly accepted, and appointed the day hee would come to visit them. [1614] When the appointed day came, Sir Thomas Dale and Captaine Argall with fiftie men well appointed, went to Chickahamania, where wee found the people expecting our comming; they vsed vs kindly, and the next morning sate in counsell, to conclude their peace vpon these conditions: First, they should for euer bee called Englishmen, and bee Articles of true subiects to King Iames and his Deputies. Secondly, neither to kill nor detaine any of our men, nor cattell, but bring them home. Thirdly, to bee alwaies ready to furnish vs with three hundred men, against the Spaniards or any. Fourthly, they shall not enter our townes, but send word they are new Englishmen. Fiftly, that cuery fighting man, at the beginning of haruest, shall bring to our store two bushels of Corne, for tribute, for which they shall receiue so many Hatchets. Lastly, the eight chiefe men should see all this performed, or receiue the punishment themselues: for their diligence they should haue a red coat, a copper chaine, and King Iames his picture, and be accounted his Noblemen. All this they concluded with a generall assent, and a great shout to confirme it: then one of the old men began an Oration, bending his speech first to the old men, then to the young, and then to the women and children, to make them vnderstand how strictly they were to obserue these conditions, and we would defend them from the furie of Powhatan, or any enemie whatsoeuer, and furnish them with Copper, Beads, and Hatchets: but all this was rather for feare Powhatan and we, being so linked together, would bring them againe to his subiection; the which to preuent, they did rather chuse to be protected by vs, than tormented by him, whom they held a Tyrant. And thus wee returned againe to Iames towne. Peace. 516 . The gouernment left to 1615LIB. 4. [. [R [1613-14] R. HamorWhen our people were fed out of the common store, and The benefit laboured iointly together, glad was he could slip from his of libertie in the planters. Ensigne Spence the first Farmer in Virginia. labour, or slumber ouer his taske he cared not how, nay, the most honest among them would hardly take so much true paines in a weeke, as now for themselues they will doe in a day: neither cared they for the increase, pre- suming that howsoeuer the haruest prospered, the generall store must maintaine them, so that wee reaped not so much Corne from the labours of thirtie, as now three or foure doe prouide for themselues. To preuent which, Sir Thomas Dale hath allotted euery man three Acres of cleare ground, in the nature of Farmes, except the Bermudas [p. 510]: who are exempted, but for one moneths seruice in the yeere, which must neither bee in seed-time, nor haruest; for which doing, no other dutie they pay yeerely to the store, but two barrels and a halfe of Corne. From all those Farmers (whereof the first was William Spence, an honest, valiant, and an industrious man, and hath continued from 1607. to this present [1614]) from those is expected such a contribution to the store, as wee shall neither want for our selues, nor to entertaine our sup- plies; for the rest, they are to worke eleuen moneths for the store, and hath one moneth onely allowed them to get prouision to keepe them for twelue, except two bushels of Corne they haue out of the store. If those can liue so, why should any feare staruing; and it were much better to denie them passage that would not, ere they come, bee content to ingage themselues to those conditions: for onely from the slothfull and idle [115] drones, and none else, hath sprung the manifold imputations, Virginia inno- cently hath vndergone; and therefore I would deter such from comming here, that cannot well brooke labour, except they will vndergoe much punishment and penurie, if they escape the skuruie: but for the industrious, there is reward sufficient, and if any thinke there is nothing but bread, I referre you to his [Smith's] relations that discouered the Countrie first. Ed. by 517 July . LIB. 4. Sir Thomas Dale. J. Smith. 1624The gouernment left to Sir Thomas Dale, upon Sir Thomas Gates returne for England. [1614] Argals Port Ir Thomas Dale vnderstanding there was a plan- tation of Frenchmen in the north part of Vir- Captaine ginia, about the degrees of 45. sent Captaine voyage to Argall to Port Royall and Sancta Crux; where Royall. finding the Frenchmen abroad dispersed in the Woods, [he] surprized their Ship and Pinnace, which was but newly come from France, wherein was much good apparel and other prouision, which he brought to Iames towne: but the men escaped, and liued among the Saluages of those Countries. Smith It pleased Sir Thomas Dale, before my returne to Eng- 1614. land, because I would be able to speake somewhat of my Sir Thomas owne knowledge, to giue mee leaue to visit Powhatan and Treasurer. his Court being prouided, I had Thomas Saluage with mee, for my Interpreter; with him and two Saluages for guides, I went from the Bermuda [p. 510] in the morning, and came to Matchot the next night, where the King lay vpon the Riuer of Pamavnke. His entertainment was strange to me, the boy he knew well, and told him; My child, I gaue you leaue [pp. cii-ciii, 27, 31, 37, 102], being my boy, to goe see your friends, and these foure yeeres [1610-1614] I haue not seene you, nor heard of my owne man Namoutack I sent to England (pp. 31, 102, 124; he had been murdered by another Indian at the Bermuda Islands in 1610, see p. 638], though many ships since haue beene returned thence. Hauing done with him, hee began with mee, and demanded for the chaine of pearle he sent his brother Sir Thomas Dale at his first arriuall, which was a token betwixt them, when euer hee should send a messenger from him- selfe to him, he should weare that chaine about his necke, since the peace was concluded, otherwaies he was to binde him and send him home. Master Hamars It is true Sir Thomas Dale had sent him such word, and gaue his Page order to giue it me, but he forgot ourney to it, and till this present I neuer heard of it, yet I replyed I did know there was such an order, but that was when vpon a sudden he should haue occasion to send Powhatan. 518 . William Parkers recouerie R. HamorLIB. 4. [F 1615. [1614] His message to Powhatan. Powhatans answer. an Englishman without an Indian Guide; but if his owne people should conduct his messenger, as two of his did me who knew my message, it was sufficient ; with which answer he was contented, and so conducted vs to his house, where was a guard of two hundred Bow-men that alwaies attend his person. The first thing he did, he offered me a pipe of Tobacco, then asked mee how his brother Sir Thomas Dale did, and his daughter, and vnknowne sonne, and how they liued, loued and liked; I told him his brother was well, and his daughter so contented, she would not liue againe with him; whereat he laughed, and demanded the cause of my comming: I told him my message was priuate, and I was to deliuer it onely to himselfe and Papaschicher, one of my guides that was acquainted with it; instantly he com- manded all out of the house, but onely his two Queenes, that alwaies sit by him, and bade me speake on. : I told him, by my Interpreter, Sir Thomas Dale hath sent you two pieces of Copper, fiue strings of white. and blue Beads, fiue woodden Combes, ten Fish- hookes, a paire of Kniues, and that when you would send for it, hee would giue you a Grind-stone; all this pleased him but then I told him his brother Dale, hearing of the fame of his youngest daughter, desiring in any case he would send her by me vnto him, in testimonie of his loue, as well for that he intended to marry her, as the desire her sister had to see her, because being now one people, and hee desirous for euer to dwell in his Countrie, he conceiued there could not be a truer assurance of peace and friendship, than in such a naturall band of an vnited vnion. [116] I needed not entreat his answer by his oft interrupting mee in my speech, and presently with much grauitie he thus replyed. I gladly accept your salute of loue and peace, which while I liue, I shall exactly keepe; his pledges thereof I receiue with no lesse thanks, although they are not so ample as formerly he had receiued: but for my daughter, I haue sold her within this few daies to a great Werowance, for two bushels of Rawrenoke, three daies iournie from me. Ed. by 519 July .. LIB. 4. from among the Saluages. J. Smith. 1624I replyed, I knew his greatnesse in restoring the Rawrenoke, might call her againe to gratifie his brother, and the rather, because she was but twelue yeeres old, assuring him, besides the band of peace, hee should haue for her, three times the worth of the Rawrenoke, in Beads, Copper, Hatchets, &c. His answer was, he loued his daughter as his life, and though hee had many children, hee delighted in none so much as shee, whom if he should not often behold, he could not possibly liue, which she liuing with vs he could not do, hauing resolued vpon no termes to put himselfe into our hands, or come amongst vs; therefore desired me to vrge him no further, but returne his brother this answer: That I desire no former assurance of his friendship than the promise hee hath made, from me he hath a pledge, one of my daughters, which so long as she liues shall be sufficient, when she dies, he shall haue another I hold it not a brotherly part to desire to bereaue me of my two children at once. Farther, tell him though he had no pledge at all, hee need not distrust any iniurie from me or my people; there haue beene too many of his men and mine slaine, and by my occa- sion there shall neuer be more, (I which haue power to performe it, haue said it) although I should haue iust cause, for I am now old, and would gladly end my daies in peace peace; if if you offer me iniurie, my countrie is large enough to goe from you: Thus much I hope will satisfie my brother. Now because you are wearie, and I sleepie, wee will thus end. So commanding vs victuall and lodging, we rested that night, and the next morning he came to visit vs, and kindly conducted vs to the best cheere hee had. William Parker. [1614] Parker Hile I here remained, by chance came an William Englishman, whom there had beene surprized recouered. three yeeres agoe [1611] at Fort Henry, growne W so like, both in complexion and habit like a Sal- uage, I knew him not, but by his tongue: hee desired mee to procure his libertie, which I intended, and so farre vrged 520 R. Hamor. J. Rolfe. [Extracts from letters from Virginia. [1614] From a letter of Sir Thomas Dale and Master Whitakers. 1615. Powhatan, that he grew discontented, and told mee, You haue one of my daughters, and I am content: but you cannot see one of your men with mee, but you must haue him away, or breake friendship; if you must needs haue him, you shall goe home without guides, and if any euill befall you, thanke your selues. I told him I would, but if I returned not well, hee must expect a reuenge; and his brother might haue iust cause to suspect him. So in passion he left me till supper, and then gaue me such as hee had with a cheerefull countenance: About midnight he awaked vs, and promised in the morning my returne with Parker; but I must remember his brother to send him ten great pieces of Copper, a Shauing-knife, a Frowe, a Grind-stone, a Net, Fish-hookes, and such toies; which lest I should forget, he caused me [to] write in a table-booke he had; how euer he got it, it was a faire one, I desired hee would giue it me; he told me, no, it did him much good in shewing to strangers, yet in the morning when we departed, hauing furnished vs well with prouision, he gaue each of vs a Bucks skin as well dressed as could be, and sent two more to his sonne and daughter: And so we returned to Iames towne. Written by Master Ralph Hamor and Iohn Rolph. Haue read the substance of this relation, in a Letter written by Sir Thomas Dale, another by Master Whitaker, and a third by Master Iohn Rolfe; how carefull they were to instruct her in Chris- tianity, and how capable and desirous shee was thereof, after she had beene some time thus tutored, shee neuer had desire to goe to her father, nor could well endure the society of her owne nation: the true affection she constantly bare her husband was much, and the strange apparitions and violent passions he endured for her loue, as he deeply protested, was wonderful [117], and she openly renounced her countries idolatry, confessed the faith of Christ, and was baptized. But either the coldnesse of the aduenturers, or the bad vsage of that was collected, or both, caused this worthy Knight [Sir Thomas Dale] to write thus. Ed. by 521 July 1624. . Extracts from letters from Virginia.] + J. SmithOh why should so many Princes and Noblemen ingage themselues, and thereby intermedling herein, haue caused a number of soules transport themselues, and be transported hither? Why should they, I say, relinquish this so glorious an action: for if their ends be to build God a Church, they ought to perseuere ; if otherwise, yet their honour ingageth them to be constant; howsoeuer they stand affected, here is enough to content them. These are the things [which] haue animated me to stay a little season from them, I am bound in conscience to returne vnto; leauing all contenting pleasures and mundall delights, to reside here with much turmoile, which I will rather doe than see Gods glory diminished, my King and Country dishonoured, and these poore soules I haue in charge reuiued, which would quickly happen if I should leaue them; so few I haue with me fit to command or manage the businesse : Master Whitaker their Preacher complaineth, and much museth, that so few of our English Ministers, that were so hot against the surplice and subscription come hether, where neither is spoken of. Doe they not wilfully hide their talents, or keepe themselues at home, for feare of losing a few pleasures; be there not any among them of Moses his minde, and of the Apostles, that forsooke all to follow Christ, but I refer them to the Iudge of all hearts, and to the King that shall reward euery one according to his talent. From Virginia, Iune 18. 1614. The businesse being brought to this perfection, Cap- taine Argall returned for England, in the latter end of Iune, 1614. ariuing in England, and bringing this good tidings to the Councell and company by the assistances of Sir Thomas Gates, that also had returned from Virginia but the March before [1614]; it was presently concluded, that to supply this good successe with all expedition, the standing Lottery should be drawne with all diligent conueniency, and that posterity may remember vpon occasion to vse the like according to the declaration, I thinke it not amisse to remember thus much. [1614] 522 1615. [1616] Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer. [Feb. 1616.] The Contents of the declaration of the Lottery published by the Counsell. T is apparent to the world, by how many former Proclamations, we manifested our intents, to haue drawn out the great standing Lottery long before this, which not falling out as we desired, and others expected whose monies are aduentured therein, we thought good therefore for the auoiding all vniust and sinister con- structions, to resolue the doubts of all indifferent minded, in three speciall points for their better satisfaction. יווין: But ere I goe any farther, let vs remember there was a running Lottery vsed a long time in Saint Pauls Church- yard, where this stood, that brought into the Treasury good summes of mony dayly, though the Lot was but small. Now for the points, the first is, for as much as the Aduenturers came in so slackly for the yeere past, without preiudice to the generality; in losing the blankes and prises, we were forced to petition to the honourable Lords, who out of their noble care to further this Plantation, haue recommended their Letsenters to the Countries, Cities, and good townes in England, which we hope by [ad]ding in their voluntary Aduenturers, will sufficiently supply vs. The second for satisfaction to all honest well affected minds, is, that though this expectation answer not our hopes, yet wee haue not failed in our Christian care, the Ed. by J. Smith. LIB. 4. July 1624.] 523 The Lottery. : : • good of that Colony, to whom we haue lately sent two sundry supplies, and were they but now supplied with more hands, wee should soone resolue the diuision of the Country by Lot, and so lessen the generall charge. [1616] The third is our constant resolution, that seeing our credits are so farre ingaged [118] to the honourable Lords and the whole State, for the drawing this great Lottery, [p. cxxv.] which we intend shall be without delay, the 26. of Iune next [1616], desiring all such as haue vndertaken with bookes to solicit their friends, that they will not with-hold their monies till the last moneth be expired, lest we be vn- willingly forced to proportion a lesse value and number of our Blankes and Prises which hereafter followeth. Welcomes. Crownes. O him that first shall be drawne out with a blanke, To the second, To the third, 100 50 25 To him that euery day during the drawing of this Lottery, shall bee first drawne out with a blanke, I Great Prize of Prizes. IO Crownes. 4500 2 Great Prizes, each of 2000 4 Great Prizes, each of 1000 6 Great Prizes, each of 500 10 Prizes, each of 300 20 Prizes, each of 200 100 Prizes, each of 200 Prizes, each of 400 Prizes, each of 1000 Prizes, each of 1000 Prizes, each of 1000 Prizes, each of 20 ΙΟ 8 ΙΟΟ 50 6 4000 Prizes, each of 4 1000 Prizes, each of 1000 Prizes, each of 2 3 524 . The Lottery. J. SmithLIB. 4. [Ed. by July 1624- Rewards. [1616] Crownes. O him that shall be last drawne out with a blanke, To him that putteth in the greatest Lot, vnder one name, 25 400 300 200 ΙΟΟ To him that putteth in the second greatest number, To him that putteth in the third greatest number, To him that putteth in the fourth greatest number, If diuers be of equall number, their rewards are to be diuided proportionally. Addition of new Rewards. Crownes. He blanke that shall bee drawne out next before the great Prize shall haue 25 The blanke that shall be drawne out next after the said great Prize 25 The blancks that shall be drawne out immediatly before the two next great Prizes, shall haue each of them The seuerall blankes next after them, each shall haue 20 20 The seuerall blankes next before the foure great Prizes [of 1000 crowns each], each shall haue The seuerall blankes next after them, each shall haue 15 15 The seuerall blankes next before the six great Prizes [of 500 crowns each], each shall haue The seuerall blankes next after them, each shall haue ΙΟ 10 [119] The prizes, welcomes, and rewards, shall be payed in ready Mony, Plate, or other goods reasonably rated; if any dislike of the plate or goods, he shall haue mony, abating only the tenth part, except in small prizes of ten Crownes or vnder. The mony for the Aduenturers is to be paied to Sir Thomas Smith, Knight, and Treasurer for Virginia, or Ed. by 525 July 1624. . Arrival of a Spanish ship in Virginia.] J. Smithsuch Officers as he shall apoint in City or Country, vnder the common seale of the company for the receit thereof. All prizes, welcomes and rewards drawne where euer they dwell, shall of the Treasurer haue present pay, and whosoeuer vnder one name or poesie payeth three pound in ready money, shall receiue six shillings and eight pence, or a siluer spoone of that value at his choice. About this time it chanced a Spanish ship, beat too and againe before point Comfort, and at last sent a shore their boat, as desirous of a Pilot. Captaine Iames Dauis the gouernor, immediatly gaue them one: but he was no sooner in the boat, but a way they went with him, leauing three of their companions behind them; this sudden. accident occasioned some distrust, and a strict examina- tion of those three thus left, yet with as good vsage as our estate could afford them. They only confessed, hauing lost their Admirall, accident had forced them into those parts; and two of them were Captaines, and in chiefe authority in the fleet: thus they liued till one of them was found to be an Englishman, and had been the Spaniards Pilot for England in [15]88. and hauing here induced some male-contents, to beleeue his proiects, to run away with a small barke, which was [who were] apprehended, some exe- cuted, and he expecting but the Hangmans curtesie, directly confessed that two or three Spanish ships was at Sea, purposely to discouer the estate of the Colony: but their Commission was not to be opened till they arriued in the Bay, so that of any thing more he was vtterly ignorant. One of the Spaniards at last dyed; the other was sent for England, but this reprieued, till Sir Thomas Dale hanged. him at Sea in his voyage homeward: the English Pilot they carried for Spaine, whom after a long time imprison- ment, with much su[i]te was returned for England. [1616] A Spanish Ship in Virginia. Smith Whilst those things were effecting, Sir Thomas Dale, hauing 1616. setled to his thinking all things in good order, made choice Sir Thomas of one Master George Yearly, to be Deputy-Gouernour in Treasurer. his absence, and so returned for England; accompanied with Pocahontas the Kings Daughter, and Master Rolfe her (529,533-1 husband: and arriued at Plimmoth the 12. of Iune. 1616. 526 - [1616] A degres- sion. The gouernment left to Captaine Yearly. Ow a little to commentary vpon all these proceedings, let me leaue but this as a caueat by the way; if the alteration of gouernment hath subuerted great Empires, how dangerous is it then in the infancy of a common-weale? The multiplicity of Gouernors is a great damage to any State; but vncertaine daily changes are burdensome, because their entertain- ments are chargeable, and many will make hay whilst the sunne doth shine, how euer it shall faire with the generality. This deare bought Land with so much bloud and cost, hath onely made some few rich, and all the rest losers. But it was intended at the first, the first vndertakers should be first preferred and rewarded, and the first aduenturers satisfied, and they of all the rest are the most. neglected; and those that neuer aduentured a groat, neuer see the Country, nor euer did any seruice for it, imploied in their places, adorned with their deserts, and inriched with their ruines: and when they are fed fat, then in commeth others so leane as they were, who through their omnipotency doth as much. Thus what one Officer doth, another vndoth, only ayming at their owne ends; thinking all the world derides his dignity, [who] cannot fill his Coffers being in authority with any thing. Euery man hath his minde free, but he can neuer be a true member to that estate, that to enrich himselfe beggers Ed. by J, Smith. LIB. 4. The gouernment left to Capt. Yearly. 527 [120] all the Countrie. Which bad course, there are [1616] many yet in this noble plantation, whose true honour and worth as much scornes it, as the others loues it; for the Nobilitie and Gentrie, there is scarce any of them expects any thing but the prosperitie of the action and there are some Merchants and others, I am confidently perswaded, doe take more care and paines, nay, and at their continuall great charge, than they could be hired to for the loue of money; so honestly regarding the generall good of this great worke, they would hold it worse than sacrilege, to wrong it but a shilling, or extort vpon the common souldier a penny. gouernment But to the purpose, and to follow the Historie. Master George Yearly now inuested Deputie Gouernour The by Sir Thomas Dale, applied himselfe for the most part of Captaine in planting Tobacco, as the most present commoditie they Yearley. could deuise for a present gaine, so that euery man be- tooke himselfe to the best place he could for the purpose: now though Sir Thomas Dale had caused such an abun- dance of corne to be planted, that euery man had sufficient, yet the supplies were sent vs, came so vnfurnished, as quickly eased vs of our superfluitie. To relieue their necessities, he sent to the Chickahamanias for the tribute Corne Sir Thomas Dale and Captaine Argall had conditioned for with them: But such a bad answer they returned him, that hee drew together one hundred of his best shot, with whom he went to Chickahamania; the people in some places vsed him indifferently, but in most places with much scorne and contempt, telling him he was but Sir Thomas Dales man, and they had payed his Master according to condition, but to giue any to him they had no such order, neither would they obey him as they had done his Master; after he had told them his authoritie, and that he had the same power to enforce them that Dale had, they dared him to come on shore to fight, presuming more of his not daring, than their owne valours. Yearly seeing their insolencies, made no great diffi- cultie to goe on shore at Ozinies, and they as little to incounter him: but marching from thence towards Mamanahunt, they put themselues in the same order they 528 The gouernment of Capt. Yearly. LIB. 4. [N. Powell, Boothe, W. Cantrill, E. Gurganey: [1616] see vs, lead by their Captaine Kissanacomen, Gouernour of Ozinies, and so marched close along by vs, each as threatning other who should first begin. But that night we quartered against Mamanahunt, and they passed the Riuer. The next day we followed them; there are few places in Virginia had then more plaine ground together, nor more plentie of Corne, which although it was but newly gathered, yet they had hid it in the woods where we could not finde it: a good time we spent thus in arguing the cause, the Saluages without feare standing in troupes amongst vs, seeming as if their countenances had beene sufficient to da[u]nt vs: what other practises they had I know not; but to preuent the worst, our Captaine caused vs all to make ready, and vpon the word, to let flie among them, where he appointed: others also he commanded to seize on them they could for prisoners; all which being done according to our direction, the Captaine gaue the word, and wee presently discharged, where twelue lay, some dead, the rest for life sprawling on the ground, twelue more we tooke prisoners, two whereof were brothers, two of their eight Elders, the one tooke by Sergeant concluded. Boothe, the other by Robert a Polonian. Twelue Saluages slaine, twelue prisoners taken, and peace Neere one hundred bushels of Corne we had for their ransomes, which was promised the Souldiers for a reward, but it was not performed: now Opechankanough had agreed with our Captaine for the subiecting of those people, that neither hee nor Powhatan could euer bring to their obedi- ence; and that he should make no peace with them without his aduice: in our returne by Ozinies with our prisoners wee met Opechankanough, who with much adoe, fained with what paines hee had procured their peace, the which to requite, they called him the King of Ozinies, and brought him from all parts many presents of Beads, Copper, and such trash as they had. Here as at many other times wee were beholding to Cap- taine Henry Spilman our Interpreter, a Gentleman [that] had liued long time in this Countrie, and sometimes a prisoner among the Saluages (pp. ci-cxiv, 172, 498, 503, 586, 606]; and done much good seruice, though but badly rewarded. From hence we marcht towards Iames towne, we had three [121] Boats loaded with Corne and other luggage; the one of Ed. by J. Smith] LIB. 4. Concerning the Princesse Pocahontas. 529 cast away. them being more willing to be at Iames towne with the [1616-7] newes than the other, was ouerset, and eleuen men cast Eleuen men away with the Boat, Corne and all their prouision. Not- withstanding this put all the rest of the Saluages in that feare, especially in regard of the great league we had with Opechankanough, that we followed our labours quietly, and in such securitie that diuers saluages of other Nations, daily frequented vs with what prouisions they could get, and would guide our men on hunting, and oft hunt for vs themselues. Captaine Yearly had a Saluage or two so A bad well trained vp to their peeces, they were as expert as any example). of the English, and one hee kept purposely to kill him fowle. There were diuers others had Saluages in like manner for their men. Thus we liued together, as if wee had beene one people, all the time Captaine Yearley staied with us, but such grudges and discontents daily increased among our selues, that vpon the arriuall of Captaine Argall, sent by the Councell and Companie to bee our Gouernour, Captaine Yearley returned for England in the yeere 1617. From the writings of Captaine Nathaniel Powell, William Cantrill, Sergeant Boothe, Edward Gurganey. president During this time, the Lady Rebecca, alias Pocahontas, Pocahontas daughter to Powhatan, by the diligent care of Master Iohn instructions, Rolfe her husband and his friends, [w]as taught to speake such English as might well bee vnderstood, well instructed in Christianitie, and was become very formall and ciuill after our English manner; shee had also by him a childe which she loued most dearely, and the Treasurer and Company tooke order both for the maintenance of her and it, besides there were diuers persons of great ranke and qualitie had beene very kinde to her; and before she arriued at London, Captaine Smith to deserue her former courtesies, made her qualities knowne to the Queenes most excellent Maiestie and her Court, and writ a little booke to this effect to the Queene: An abstract whereof followeth. ENG. SCH. LIB. No. 16. 34 530 [1616] A relation to Queene Anne, of Pocahontas. To the most high and vertuous Princesse, Queene Anne of Great Brittanie. Most admired Queene, He loue I beare my God, my King and Countrie, hath so oft emboldened mee in the worst of extreme dangers, that now honestie doth constraine mee [to] presume thus farre beyond my selfe, to present your Maiestie this short dis- course: if ingratitude be a deadly poyson to all honest vertues, I must bee guiltie of that crime if I should omit any meanes to bee thankfull. So it is, That some ten yeeres agoe [i.c., Jan. 1608] being in Virginia, and taken prisoner by the power of Powhatan their chiefe King, I receiued from this great Saluage exceeding great courtesie, especially from his sonne Nantaquaus, the most manliest, comeliest, boldest spirit, I euer saw in a Saluage, and his sister Pocahontas, the Kings most deare and wel-beloued daughter, being but a childe of twelue or thirteene yeeres of age [therefore Smith,in June 1616,estimated Pocahontas to have been born in 1595, or 1596; and consequently, in 1616, to be 21 or 20 years old: but in June 1608, he looked upon her as a child of 10 years of age (p. 38), or born in 1598; which would make her only 18 in 1616. But that she was the older of these two estimates, is evident from the inscription June J. Smith531 . LIB. 4. Concerning the Princesse Pocahontas. . 1616[1616] on her picture; which is further confirmed by the text at p. 169], whose compassionate pitifull heart, of my desperate estate, gaue me much cause to respect her: . cxxxvi.] I being the first Christian this proud King and his grim attendants euer saw: and thus inthralled in their barbarous power, I cannot say I felt the least occasion of want that was in the power of those my mortall foes to preuent, notwithstanding al their threats. After some six weeks [or rather about three weeks, Smith was altogether away from James town, from 10 Dec. 1607 to 8 Jan. 1608, i.c., four complete weeks and portions of two others: see pp. lxxxv-vi] fatting amongst those Saluage Courtiers, at the minute of my execution, she hazarded the beating out of her owne braines to saue mine; and not onely that, but so preuailed with her father, that I was safely con- ducted to Iames towne: where I found about eight and thirtie miserable poore and sicke creatures, to keepe possession of all those large territories of Vir- ginia; such was the weaknesse of this poore Common- wealth, as had the Saluages not fed vs, we directly had starued. And this reliefe, most gracious Queene, was commonly brought vs by this [122] Lady Pocahontas. Notwithstanding all these passages, when inconstant Fortune turned our peace to warre, this tender Virgin would still not spare to dare to visit vs, and by her our iarres haue beene oft appeased, and our wants still supplyed; were it the policie of her father thus to imploy her, or the ordinance of God thus to make her his instrument, or her extraordinarie affection to our Nation, I know not: but of this I am sure; when her father with the vtmost of his policie and power, sought to surprize mee [at Werowocomoco, about 15 Jan. 1609, sec pp. 138, 455], hauing but eighteene with mee, the darke night could not affright her from comming through the irkesome woods, and with watered eies gaue me intelligence, with her best aduice to escape his furie; which had hee knowne, hee had surely slaine her. Iames towne with her wild traine she as freely 532 Concerning the Princesse Pocahontas. . LIB. 4. [June J. Smith. [1616] [4.512.] [A. 514. ] 1616frequented, as her fathers habitation; and during the time of two or three yeeres [1608-9], she next vnder God, was still the instrument to preserue this Colonie from death, famine and vtter confusion; which if in those times, [it] had once beene dissolued, Virginia might haue line [lain] as it was at our first arriuall to this day. Since then, this businesse hauing beene turned and varied by many accidents from that I left it at [on 4 Oct. 1609, see p. 497]: it is most certaine, after a long and troublesome warre after my departure, betwixt her father and our Colonie; all which time shee was not heard of. About two yeeres after [April 1613] shee her selfe was taken prisoner, being so detained neere two yeeres longer, the Colonie by that meanes was relieued, peace concluded; and at last reiecting her barbarous condition, [she] was maried [1 April 1614] to an English Gentleman, with whom at this present she is in England; the first Christian euer of that Nation, the first Virginian euer spake English, or had a childe in mariage by an Englishman: a matter surely, if my meaning bee truly considered and well vnderstood, worthy a Princes vnderstanding. Thus, most gracious Lady, I haue related to your Maiestie, what at your best leasure our approued Histories will account you at large, and done in the time of your Maiesties life; and howeuer this might bee presented you from a more worthy pen, it cannot from a more honest heart, as yet I neuer begged any thing of the state, or any: and it is my want of abilitie and her exceeding desert; your birth, meanes and authoritie; hir birth, vertue, want and simplicitie, doth make mee thus bold, humbly to beseech your Maiestie to take this knowledge of her, though it be from one so vnworthy to be the reporter, as my selfe, her husbands estate not being able to make her fit to attend your Maiestie. The most and least I can doe, is to tell you this, because none so oft hath tried it as my selfe, and the rather being of so great a spirit, how euer her stature [Pocahontas was therefore not a tall woman]: if June J. Smith533 1616. ] LIB. 4. Concerning the Princesse Pocahontas. : she should not be well receiued, seeing this Kingdome may rightly haue a Kingdome by her meanes; her present loue to vs and Christianitie might turne to such scorne and furie, as to diuert all this good to the worst of euill: where[as] finding so great a Queene should doe her some honour more than she can imagine, for being so kinde to your seruants an subiects, would so rauish her with content, as endeare her dearest bloud to effect that, your Maiestie and all the Kings honest subiects most earnestly desire. And so I humbly kisse your gracious hands. [1616] meeting in with Captaine Being about this time preparing to set saile for New Pocahontas England, I could not stay to doe her that seruice I desired, England and she well deserued; but hearing shee was at Branford Capt with diuers of my friends, I went to see her. After a Smith. modest salutation, without any word, she turned about, obscured her face, as not seeming well contented; and in that humour her husband, with diuers others, we all left her two or three houres, repenting my selfe to haue writ she could speake English. But not long after, she began to talke, and remembred mee well what courtesies shee had done saying, You did promise Powhatan what was yours should bee his, and he the like to you; you called him father being in his land a stranger, and by the same reason so must I doe you : which though I would haue excused, I durst not allow of that title, because she was a Kings daughter; with a well set countenance she said, Were you not afraid to come into my fathers Countrie, and caused feare in him and all his people (but mee), and feare you here I should call you father; I [123] tell you then I will, and you shall call mee childe, and so I will bee for euer and euer your Countrieman. They did tell vs alwaies you were dead, and I knew no other till I came to Plimoth [on 12 June 1616, þ. 525]; yet Powhatan did command Vttamatomakkin to seeke you, and know the truth, because your Countriemen will lie much. ttama:o- uations of mack, obser- his vsage. 534 Concerning the Princess Pocahontas. LIB. 4. und J 1616. une . Smith[1616-7] Pocahontas her enter- tainment with the Queene. This Saluage, one of Powhatans Councell, being amongst them held an vnderstanding fellow; the King purposely sent him, as they say, to number the people here, and informe him well what wee were and our state. Arriuing at Plimoth, according to his directions, he got a long sticke, whereon by notches hee did thinke to haue kept the num- ber of all the men hee could see, but he was quickly wearie of that taske. Comming to London, where by chance I met him, hauing renewed our acquaintance, where many were desirous to heare and see his behauiour, hee told me Powhatan did bid him to finde me out, to shew him our God, the King, Queene, and Prince, I so much had told them of. Concerning God, I told him the best I could, the King I heard he had seene, and the rest hee should see when he would; he denied euer to haue seene the King, till by circumstances he was satisfied he had: Then he replyed very sadly, You gaue Powhatan a white Dog, which Powhatan fed as himselfe; but your King gaue me nothing, and I am better than your white Dog. The small time I staid in London, diuers Courtiers and others, my acquaintances, hath gone with mee to see her, that generally concluded, they did thinke God had a great hand in her conuersion, and they haue seene many English Ladies worse fauoured, proportioned, and behauioured; and as since I haue heard, it pleased both the King and Queenes Maiestie honourably to esteeme her, accom- panied with that honourable Lady the Lady De la Ware, and that honourable Lord her husband, and diuers other persons of good qualities, both publikely at the maskes and otherwise, to her great satisfaction and content, which doubtlesse she would haue deserued, had she liued to arriue in Virginia. 535 རེའམ་ The gouernment gouernment deuolued to Captaine Samuel Argall, 1617. 1617. [1617] Smith He Treasurer, Councell and Companie, hauing well furnished Captaine Samuel Sir Thomas Argall, the Lady Pocahontas alias Rebecca, Treasurer. with her husband and others, in the good ship called the George; it pleased God at Grauesend to take this young The death Lady to his mercie, where shee made of Peca- not more sorrow for her vnexpected death, than ioy to the beholders to heare and see her make so religious and godly an end. Her little childe Thomas Rolfe therefore was left at Plimoth with Sir Lewis Stukly, that desired the keeping of it. Captaine Hamar his vice-Admirall was gone before, but hee found him at Plimoth. In March they set saile 1617. and in May he arriued at Iames towne, where hee was kindly entertained by Captaine Yearley and his Companie in a martiall order, whose right hand file was led by an Indian. In Iames towne he found but fiue or six houses, the Church downe, the Palizado's broken, the Bridge in pieces, the Well of fresh water spoiled; the Store-house they vsed for the Church; the market-place, and streets, and all other spare places planted with Tobacco: the Saluages as frequent in their houses as themselues, whereby they were become expert in our armes, and had a great many in their custodie and possession; the Colonie dispersed all about, planting Tobacco. hontas. ! . 536 J. The gouernment of LIB. 4. . S. [1617-8] 1000. [? Coo] bushels of Corne from the Saluages. 1618. Sir Thomas Smith ArgallRolfeCaptaine Argall not liking those proceedings, altered them agreeable to his owne minde, taking the best order he could for repairing those defects which did exceedingly trouble vs; we were constrained euery yeere to build and repaire our old Cottages, which were alwaies a decaying in all places of the Countrie: yea, the very Courts of Guard built by Sir Thomas Dale, was ready to fall, and the Palizado's not sufficient to keepe out Hogs. Their number of people were about 400. but not past 200. fit for husbandry and tillage: we found there in all one hundred twentie eight cattell, and fourescore and eight Goats, besides innumerable numbers of Swine, and good [124] plentie of Corne in some places, yet the next yeere [1618] the Captaine sent out a Frigat and a Pinnace, that brought vs neere six hundred bushels more, which did greatly relieue the whole Colonie. For from the tenants wee seldome had aboue foure hundred bushels of rent Corne to the store, and there was not remaining of the Companies companie, past foure and fiftie men women. and Children. This yeere hauing planted our fields, came a great drought; and such a cruell storme of haile, which did such Treasurer. spoile both to the Corne and Tobacco, that wee reaped but small profit: the Magazine that came in the George, being fiue moneths in her passage, proued very badly conditioned; but ere she arriued, we had gathered and made vp our Tobacco, the best at three shillings the pound, the rest at eighteene pence. The death of the Lord la Ware. To supply vs, the Councell and Company with all pos- sible care and diligence, furnished a good ship of some two hundred and fiftie tunne, with two hundred people and the Lord la Ware. They set saile in Aprill [1618], and tooke their course by the westerne Iles, where the Gouer- nour of the Ile of Saint Michael receiued the Lord la Ware, and honourably feasted him, with all the content hee could giue him. Going from thence, they were long troubled with con- trary winds, in which time many of them fell very sicke; thirtie died, one of which number was that most honourable Lord Gouernour the Lord la Ware, whose most noble and generous disposition is well knowne to Ed. by J. Smith. LIB. 4. July 1624.J 537 Captaine Samuel Argall. his great cost, had beene most forward in this businesse for his Countries good. Yet this tender state of Virginia was not growne to that maturitie, to maintaine such state and pleasure as was fit for such a personage, with so braue and great attendance: for some small number of aduentrous Gentlemen to make discoueries, and lie in Garrison ready vpon any occasion to keepe in feare the inconstant. Saluages, nothing were more requisite; but to haue more. to wait and play than worke, or more commanders and officers than industrious labourers was not so necessarie. For in Virginia, a plaine Souldier that can vse a Pick-axe and spade, is better than fiue Knights, although they were Knights that could breake a Lance: for men of great place, not inured to those incounters, when they finde things not su i]table, grow many times so discontented, they forget themselues, and oft become so carelesse, that a dis- contented melancholy brings them to much sorrow, and to others much miserie. [1618] relieued in At last they stood in for the coast of New-England; They are where they met a small Frenchman [i.e., a ship], rich of New- Beuers and other Furres. Though wee had here but England, small knowledge of the coast nor countrie; yet they tooke such an abundance of Fish and Fowle, and so well refreshed themselues there with wood and water, as by the helpe of God thereby, hauing beene at Sea sixteene weekes [April-August 1618], [they] got to Virginia, who without this reliefe had beene in great danger to perish. The French-men made them such a feast, with such an abundance of varietie of Fish, Fowle and Fruits, as they all admired, and little expected that wild wildernesse could affoord such wonderfull abundance of plentie. In this ship came about two hundred men, but very little prouision: and the ship called the Treasurer came in againe not long after with fortie passengers. The Lord la Warcs ship lying in Virginia three moneths. [Aug.-Nov. 1618], wee victualled her with threescore bushels of Corne, and eight Hogsheads of flesh, besides other victuall she spent whilest they tarried there: this ship brought vs aduice that great multitudes were a preparing in England to bee sent, and relied much vpon that victuall 538 . Gouernement of Capt. Samuel Argall. LIB. 4. [S. J. .. . ArgallRolfe[1618] they should finde here: whereupon our Captaine [Argall] called a Councell, and writ to the Councell here in England the estate of the Colonie, and what a great miserie would insue, if they sent not prouision as well as people; and what they did suffer for want of skilfull husbandmen, and meanes to set their Ploughs on worke: hauing as good ground as any man can desire, and about fortie Bulls and Oxen; but they wanted men to bring them to labour, and Irons for the Ploughs, and harnesse for the Cattell. Some thirtie or fortie acres wee had sowne with one Plough, but it stood so long on the ground before it was reaped, it was most[ly] shaken; and the rest spoiled with the [125] Cattell and Rats in the Barne, but no better Corne could bee for the quantitie. Richard Killingbeck and foure other murdered by the Saluages. Their Church and Store-house. Farfax, three children and two boyes also murdered. Richard Killingbeck being with the Captaine [Argall] at Kekoughtan, desired leaue to returne to his wife at Charles hundred, hee went to Iames towne by water, there he got foure more to goe with him by land, but it proued that he intended to goe trade with the Indies [Indians] of Chicka- hamania: where making shew of the great quantitie of trucke they had, which the Saluages perceiuing, partly for their trucke, partly for reuenge of some friends they pretended should haue beene slaine by Captaine Yearley; one of them. with an English peece shot Killingbeck dead, the other Saluages assaulted the rest and slew them, stripped them, and tooke what they had. But fearing this murther would come to light, and might cause them to suffer for it, would now proceed to the perfection of villanie; for presently they robbed their Machacomocko house of the towne, stole all the Indian treasure thereout, and fled into the woods, as other Indians related. On Sunday following, one Farfax that dwelt a mile from the towne, going to Church, left his wife and three small children safe at home, as he thought, and a young youth: she supposing praier to be done, left the children, and went to meet her husband; presently after came three or foure of those fugitiue Saluages, entred the house, and slew a boy and three children: and also another youth that stole out of the Church in praier time, meeting them, was like- wise murdered. Of this disaster the Captaine [Argall] sent to Opechan- Ed. by 539 July . A relation from Master I. Rolfe. ] LIB. 4. J. Smith1624.kanough for satisfaction, but he excused the matter, as altogether ignorant of it; at the same time the Saluages that were robbed were complaining to Opechankanough, and much feared the English would bee reuenged on them: so that Opechankanough sent to Captaine Argall, to assure him the peace should neuer be broken by him, desiring that he would not reuenge the iniurie of those fugitiues vpon the innocent people of that towne; which towne he should haue, and sent him a basket of earth, as possession giuen of it, and promised, so soone as possibly they could catch these robbers, to send him their heads for satisfaction, but he neuer performed it. Samuel Argall, Iohn Rolfe. A relation from Master Iohn Rolfe, Iune 15, 1618. Oncerning the state of our new Common-wealth, it is somewhat bettered, for we haue sufficient to content our selues, though not in such abun- dance as is vainly reported in England. [1618] death. Powhatan died this last Aprill [1618], yet the Indians Powhatans continue in peace. Itopatin his second brother succeeds him, and both hee and Opechankanough haue confirmed our former league. On the eleventh of May, about ten of the clocke in the night, happened a most fearefull tempest, but it continued not past halfe an houre, which powred downe hailestones eight or nine inches about, that none durst goe out of their doores, and though it tore the barke and leaues of the trees, yet wee finde not they hurt either man or beast; it fell onely about Iames towne, for but a mile to the East, and twentie to the West there was no haile at all. Thus in peace euery man followed his building and planting without any accidents worthy of note. Some priuate differences happened betwixt Captaine Bruster and Captaine Argall, and Captaine Argall and the Companie here in England; but of them I am not fully informed, neither are they here for any vse, and therefore vnfit to be remembred. In December [1617] one Captaine Stallings, an old planter Haile- eight inches stones about. 540 1618. The gouernment of . LIB. 4. [J. Rolfe[1617-9] in those parts, being imployed by them of the West countrie for a fishing voyage in New-England, fell foule of a French- man [i.e., ship] whom hee tooke, leauing his owne ship to returne for England, himselfe with a small companie remained in the French barke, some small time after vpon the coast, and thence returned to winter in Virginia. [126] 1619. Sir Edwin Sand[y]s Treasurer. Master John Farer Deputic. Il'aras- koyock planted. The gouernment surrendred to Sir George Yearley. Or to begin with the yeere of our Lord, 1619. there arriued a little Pinnace priuatly from England about Easter [Easter Sunday O. S. was 28 Mar. in 1619] for Captaine Argall; who taking order for his affaires, within foure or fiue daies returned in her, and left for his Deputy, Captaine Nathaniel Powell. On the eighteenth of Aprill, which was but ten or twelue daies after, arriued Sir George Yearley, by whom we vnder- stood Sir Edwin Sand[y]s was chosen Treasurer, and Master Iohn Farrar his Deputy; and what great supplies was a preparing to be sent vs, which did rauish vs so much with joy and content, we thought our selues now fully satisfied for our long toile and labours, and as happy men as any in the world. Notwithstanding, such an accident hapned Captaine Stallings, [that] the next day his ship was cast away, and he not long after slaine in a priuate quarrell. Sir George Yearly to beginne his gouernment, added to be of his councell, Captaine Francis West, Captaine Nathaniel Powell, Master Iohn Pory, Master Iohn Rolfe, and Master William Wick[h]am, and Master Samuel Macocke, and propounded to haue a generall assembly with all expedition. Vpon the twelfth of this Moneth [April 1619], came in a Pinnace of Captaine Bargraues; and on the seuenteenth [April 1619] Captaine Lownes, and one Master Euans, who intended to plant themselues at Waraskoyack: but now Ophechankanough will not come at vs, that causes vs [to] suspect his former promises. In May [1619] came in the Margaret of Bristoll, with foure and thirty men, all well and in health; and also many deuout gifts: and we were much troubled in examining some scan- Ed. by 541 July Sir George Yearley. LIB. 4. . J. Smith. 1624they [1619] foure dalous letters sent into England, to disgrace this Country with barrennesse, to discourage the aduenturers, and so bring it and vs to ruine and confusion. Notwithstanding, we finde by them of best experience, an industrious man not other waies imploied, may well tend foure akers of Corne, and 1000. plants of Tobacco; and where they say an aker will yeeld but three or foure barrels, we haue ordin- A barrell arily foure or fiue, but of new ground six, seuen, and eight, account and a barrell of Pease and Beanes, which we esteeme as bushels. good as two of Corne, which is after thirty or forty bushels an aker, so that one man may prouide Corne for fiue; and apparell for two by the profit of his Tobacco. They say also English Wheat will yeeld but sixteene bushels an aker, and we haue reaped thirty: besides to manure the Land, no place hath more white and blew Marble [? marl] than here, had we but Carpenters to build and make Carts and Ploughs, and skilfull men that know how to vse them, and traine vp our cattell to draw them; which though we indeuour to effect, yet our want of experience brings but little to per- fection but planting Tobaco. And yet of that, many are so couetous to haue much, they make little good; besides there are so many sofisticating Tobaco-mungers in England, were it neuer so bad, they would sell it for Verinas, and the trash that remaineth should be Virginia: such deuilish bad mindes we know some of our owne Country-men doe beare, not onely to the businesse, but also to our mother England her selfe; could they or durst they as freely defame her. The 25. of Iune [1619] came in the Triall with Corne and Cattell all in safety, which tooke from vs cleerely all feare of famine; then our gouernour and councell caused Bur- gesses to be chosen in all places, and met at a generall Assembly, where all matters were debated [that were] thought expedient for the good of the Colony, and Captaine Ward was sent to Monahigan in new England, to fish in May, and returned the latter end of May, but to small purpose, for they wanted Salt. The George also was sent to New-found-land with the Cape Merchant: there she bought fish, that defraied her charges, and made a good voyage in seuen weekes. About the last of August [1619] came in a dutch man of warre that sold vs twenty Negars [this was the first intro- Their time of Parlament. 542 . A relation from 1619LIB. 4. [J. Rof. [1619] Foure duction of Negro slavery into Virginia]: and Iapazous King of Patawomeck, came to Iames towne, to desire two ships to come trade in his Riuer, for a more plentifull yeere of Corne had not beene in a long time, yet very contagious, and by the trechery of one Poule, in a manner turned heathen, wee [127] were very iealous the Saluages would surprize vs. The Gouernours haue bounded foure Corporations; corporations which is the Companies, the Vniuersity, the Gouernours and Gleabe land: Ensigne Wil. Spencer, and Thomas Barret a Sergeant, with some others of the ancient Planters being set free, weare the first farmers that went forth; and haue chosen places to their content: so that now knowing their owne land, they striue who should exceed in building and planting. Captaine Wards exploit. The fourth of Nouember [1619], the Bona noua came in with all her people lusty and well; not long after one Master Dirmer sent out by some of Plimoth for New- England, arriued in a Barke of fiue tunnes, and returned the next Spring. Notwithstanding the ill rumours of the vnwholsomnesse of Iames towne, the new commers that were planted at old Paspaheghe, [a] little more then a mile from it, had their healths better then any in the Country. In December [1619], Captaine Ward returned from Patawomeck, the people there dealt falsly with him, so that hee tooke 800. bushels of Corne from them perforce. Captaine Woddiffe of Bristol came in not long after, with all his people lusty and in health and we had two par- ticular Gouernours sent vs, vnder the titles of Deputies to the Company, the one to haue charge of the Colledge. Lands, the other of the Companies. Now you are to vnderstand, that because there haue beene many complaints against the Gouernors, Captaines, and Officers in Virginia: for buying and selling men and boies, or to bee set ouer from one to another for a yeerely rent, was held in England a thing most intolerable; or that the tenants or lawfull seruants should be put from their places, or abridged their Couenants, was so odious, that the very report thereof brought a great scandall to the generall action. The Councell in England did send many good and worthy in- structions for the amending [of] those abuses, and appointed Ed. by J. Smith. LIB. 4. July 1624. 543 Master Iohn Rolfe. a hundred men should at the Companies charge be allotted and prouided to serue and attend the Gouernour during the time of his gouernment, which number he was to make good at his departure, and leaue to his Successor in like manner; fifty to the Deputy-Gouernour of the College land, and fifty to the Deputy of the Companies land, fifty to the Treasurer, to the Secretary fiue and twenty, and more to the Marshall and Cape merchant; which they are also to leaue to their successors; and likewise to euery particular Officer such a competency, as he might liue well in his Office, without oppressing any vnder their charge: which good law I pray God it be well obserued, and then we may truly say in Virginia, we are the most happy people in the world. By me Iohn Rolfe. [1619] of Ships and men. Here went this yeere by the Companies records, The number II. ships, and 1216. persons to be thus disposed on: Tenants for the Gouernors land fourescore, besides fifty sent the former spring; for the Companies land a hundred and thirty, for the College a hundred, for the Glebe land fifty, young women to make wiues ninety, seruants for publike seruice fifty, and fifty more whose labours were to bring vp thirty of the infidels children: the rest were sent to priuate Plantations. Two persons vnknowne haue giuen faire Plate and Gifts giuen. Ornaments for two Communion Tables, the one at the College, the other at the Church of Mistris Mary Robinson, who towards the foundation gaue two hundred pound. And another vnknowne person sent to the Treasurer fiue hundred and fifty pounds, for the bringing vp of the saluage children in Christianity. Master Nicholas Farrar deceased, hath by his Will giuen three hundred pounds to the College, to be paid when there shall be ten young Saluages placed in it, in the meane time foure and twenty pound [i.e., the interest on £300 at the then rate of £6 per cent.] yeerely to bee distributed vnto three discreet and godly young men in the Colony, to bring vp three wilde young infidels in some good course of life. Also there were granted eleuen Pattents, vpon condition to But few transport people and cattle to increase the Plantations. [128] them performe 544. ро 1620. [1620] The Earle of Southamp- ton Trea- surer, and Master Iolun Ferrar Deputy. A French man [ie, a cast away at Guarda- lupo. A desperat Sea-fight betwixt two Spanish men of warre, and a small English ship, at the Ile of Dominica, going to Virginia, by Captaine Anthony Chester. 迎 ​Auing taken our iourney towards Virginia in the beginning of February, a ship called the Margaret and Iohn, of one hundred and sixty tuns, eight Iron Peeces and a Falcon, with eightie Passengers besides Sailers; After many tempests and foule weather, about the foureteenth of March [1620] we were in thirteene degrees and an halfe of Northerly latitude, where we descried a ship at hull; it being but a faire gale of wind, we edged towards her to see what she was, but she presently set saile, and ran vs quickly out of sight. This made vs keepe our course for Mettalina, and the French ship next day passing Dominica, we came to an anchor at Guardalupo, to take in fresh water. Six French-men there cast away sixteene moneths agoe [? Nov. 1618] came aboord vs; they told vs a Spanish man of Warre but seuen daies before was seeking his consort, and this was she we descried at hull. At Meuis we intended to refresh our selues, hauing beene eleuen weeks [Feb.-April 1620] pestered in this vnwholsome ship; but there we found two tall ships with the Hollanders colours; but necessitie forcing vs on shore, we anchored faire by them, and in friendly manner sent to Ed. by 545 Sm‍thJuly 1624. . ] LIB. 4. A desperat Sea-fight at Dominica. ? J. Smith[1620] Spaniards ha[i]le them: but seeing they were Spaniards, retiring to our ship, they sent such a volley of shot after vs, that shot the The Boat, split the Oares, and [shot] some thorow the clothes, begin. yet not a man hurt; and then followed with their great Ordnance, that many times ouer-racked our ship, which being so cumbred with the Passengers prouisions, our Ordnance was not well fitted, nor any thing as it should haue beene. But perceiuing what they were, we fitted our selues the best we could to preuent a mischiefe. Seeing them warp themselues to windward, we thought it not good to be boorded on both sides at an anchor; we intended to set The Vice- saile, but that the Vice-Admirall battered so hard our star- boord side, that we fell to our businesse, and answered their vnkindnesse with such faire shot from a Demiculuer- ing, that shot her betweene wind and water, whereby she was glad to leaue vs and her Admirall together. Comming faire by our quarter, he tooke in his Holland flag, and put forth his Spanish colours, and so ha[i]led vs. We quietly and quickly answered him, both what wee were, and whither bound; relating the effect of our Com- mission, and the cause of our comming thither for water, and not to annoy any of the King of Spaines Subiects, nor any. She commanded vs amaine for the King of Spaine. We replied with inlarging the particulars what friends both the Kings our Masters were; and as we would doe no wrong, we would take none. They commanded vs aboord to shew our Commission; which we refused, but if they would send their Boat to vs willingly they should see it. But for answer they made two great shot at vs, with a volley of small shot, which caused vs to leaue the decks; then with many ill words they laid vs aboord, which caused vs to raise our maine saile, and giue the word to our small shot which lay close and ready, that paid them in such sort, they quickly retired. The fight continued halfe an houre, as if we had beene inuironed with fire and smoke, vntill they discouered the waste of our ship naked, where they brauely boorded vs loofe for loofe, hasting with pikes and swords to enter; but it pleased God so to direct our Captaine, and encourage our men with valour, that our pikes being formerly placed ENG. SCH. LIB No. 16. 35 Admiral! shot betweene water. wind and The manner of their fight 546 . A desperat Sea-fight J. SmithLIB. 4. d. by July 1624. [1620] The Captaine slaine. A worthy exploit of Lucas. vnder our halfe deck, and certaine shot lying close for that purpose vnder the Port holes, encountred them so rudely, that their fury was not onely rebated, but their hastinesse intercepted, and their whole company beaten backe. Many of our men were hurt, but I am sure they had two for one. In the end they were violently repulsed, vntill they were reinforced to charge [129] againe by their commands, who standing vpon their honors, thought it a great indignity to be so affronted, which caused a second charge, and that answered with a second beating backe: whereat the Cap- taine grew inraged, and constrained them to come on againe afresh, which they did so effectually, that question- lesse it had wrought an alteration, if the God that tosseth Monarchies, and teareth Mountaines, had not taught vs to tosse our Pikes with prosperous euents, and powred out a volley of small shot amongst them, whereby that valiant Commander was slaine, and many of his Souldiers dropped downe likewise on the top of the hatches. This we saw with our eies, and reioyced with it at our hearts, so that we might perceiue good successe comming on, our Captaine presently tooke aduantage of their dis- comfiture, though with much comiseration of that resolute Captaine, and not onely plied them againe with our Ordnance, but had more shot vnder the Pikes, which was bestowed to good purpose, and amazed our enemies with the suddennesse. Amongst the rest, one Lucas, our Carpenters Mate, must not be forgotten, who perceiuing a way how to annoy them; As they were thus puzled and in a confusion, drew out a Minion vnder the halfe decke, and there bent it vpon them in such a manner, that when it was fired, the cases of stones and peeces of Iron fell vpon them so thick, as cleared the decke, and slew many; and in short time we saw few assailants, but such as crept from place to place couertly from the fury of our shot, which now was thicker than theirs for although as far as we may commend our enemies, they had done something worthy of commenda- tions; yet either wanting men, or being ouertaken with the vnlooked for valour of our men, they now began to shrinke, and giue vs leaue to be wanton with our aduantage. : Yet we could onely vse but foure peece of Ordnances, Ed. by J. Smith. LIB. 4. July 1624. 547 at the Ile of Dominica. but they serued the turne as well as all the rest: for she was shot so oft betweene wind and water, we saw they were willing to leaue vs, but by reason she was fast in the latch of our cable, which in haste of weighing our anchor hung aloofe, she could not cleare her selfe as she wrought to doe, till one cut the Cable with an axe, and was slaine by freeing vs. Hauing beene aboord vs two houres and an halfe, seeing her selfe cleere, all the shot wee had, plaied on both sides, which lasted till we were out of shot; then we discouered the Vice-Admirall com- ming to her assistance, who began a farre off to ply vs with their Ordnances, and put vs in minde we had another worke in hand.. Whereupon we separated the dead and hurt bodies, and manned the ship with the rest, and were so well incouraged wee waifed them amaine. The Admirall stood aloofe off, and the other would not come within Falcon shot, where she lay battering vs till shee receiued another paiment from a Demiculuering, which made her beare with the shore for smooth water to mend her leakes. The next morning they both came vp againe with vs, as if they had determined to deuour vs at once, but it seemed it was but a brauado, though they forsooke not our quarter for a time within Musket shot; yet all the night onely they kept vs company, but made not a shot. During which time we had leasure to prouide vs better than before: but God bethanked they made onely but a shew of another assault, ere suddenly the Vice-admirall fell a starne, and the other lay shaking in the wind, and so they both left vs. [1620] of the fight. The fight continued six houres, and was the more The cuent vnwelcome, because we were so ill prouided, and had no intent to fight, nor giue occasion to disturbe them. As for the losse of men, if Religion had not taught vs what by the prouidence of God is brought to passe, yet daily experience might informe vs, of the dangers of wars, and perils at sea, by stormes tempests, shipwracks, en- counters with Pirats, meeting with enemies, crosse winds, long voiages, vnknowne shores, barbarous Nations, and an hundred inconueniences, of which humane pollicies. are not capable, nor mens coniectures apprehensiue. 548 A desperat Sea-fight at Dominica. Ln. 4. [Ed. by . July J . J. Smith[1620] [A. 506.] 1624We lost Doctor Bohun, a worthy valiant Gentleman, (a long time brought vp amongst the most learned Surgeons and Physitions in Netherlands, and this his second iourney to Virginia:) and seuen slaine out right; two died shortly of their wounds; sixteene was shot, whose limbs [130] God be thanked was recouered without maime, and [they are] now setled in Virginia. How many they lost we know not, but we saw a great many lie on the decks, and their skuppers runne with bloud. They were about three hundred tunnes apeece, [and] each [of] sixteene or twentie Brasse-peeces. Captaine Chester, who in this fight had behaued himselfe like a most vigilant, resolute, and a couragious souldier, as also our honest and valiant Master, did still so comfort and incourage vs by all the meanes they could. At last, to all our great contents, we arriued in Virginia, and from thence returned safely to England, 549 .. JRINGH The Names of the Aduenturers for Virginia, Alphabetically set downe, according to a printed Booke, set out by the Treasurer and Councell in this present Edward Allen. Edmund Allen Esquire. Iohn Allen. Thomas Allen. yeere, 1620. A Ir William Aliffe. Sir Roger Aston. Sir Anthony Ashley. Sir Iohn Akland. Sir Anthonie Aucher. Sir Robert Askwith. Doctor Francis Anthony. Charles Anthony. William Atkinson, Esquire. Richard Ashcroft. Nicholas Andrews. Iohn Andrews the elder. Iohn Andrews the younger. Iames Ascough. Giles Allington. Morris Abbot. Ambrose Asten. Iames Askew. Anthony Abdey. Iohn Arundell, Esquire. B Edward, Earle of Bedford. Iames, Lord Bishop of Bathe and Wells. Sir Francis Barrington. Sir Morice Barkley. Sir Iohn Benet. Sir Thomas Beamont. Sir Amias Bamfield. Sir Iohn Bourcher. (1620) 550 1624. The names of the Aduenturers. LIB. 4. [Ed. by July . J. Smith[1620] Sir Edmund Bowyer. Sir Thomas Bludder. Sir George Bolles. Iohn Baker. Francis Burley. Iohn Bustoridge. Sir Iohn Bingley. Sir Thomas Button. Sir Henry Beddingfield. Companie of Barbers - Sur- geons. Companie of Bakers. Richard Banister. Iohn Bancks. Miles Bancks. Thomas Barber. William Bonham. Iames Bryerley. William Barners. Anthony Barners, Esquire. William Brewster. Richard Brooke. Hugh Brooker, Esquire. Ambrose Brewsey. Iohn Brooke. Matthew Bromridge. Christopher Brooke, Esquire. Martin Bond. Gabriel Beadle. Iohn Beadle. Dauid Borne. Edward Barnes. Iohn Badger. Edmund Branduell. Robert Bowyer, Esquire. Robert Bateman. Thomas Britton. Nicholas Benson. [131] Edward Bishop. Peter Burgoney. Thomas Burgoney. Robert Burgoney. Christopher Baron. Peter Benson. William Browne. Robert Barker. Samuel Burnham. Edward Barkley. William Bennet. Captaine Edward Brewster. Thomas Brocket. Iohn Bullock. George Bache. Thomas Bayly. William Barkley. George Butler. Timothie Bathurst. George Burton. Thomas Bret. Captaine Iohn Brough. Thomas Baker. Iohn Blunt. Thomas Bayly. Richard and Edward Blunt. Mineon Burrell. Richard Blackmore. William Beck. Beniamin Brand. Iohn Busbridge. William Burrell. William Barret. Francis Baldwin. Edward Barber. Humphrey Basse. Robert Bell. Matthew Bromrick. Iohn Beaumont. George Barkley. Peter Bartle. Thomas Bretton. Iohn Blount. Arthur Bromfeld Esquire. Ed. by J. South. LIB. 4. 1 July 1624.J 551 The names of the Aduenturas. William Berbloke. Charles Beck. C George, Lord Archbishop of Canterburie. William Lord Cranborne, now Earle of Salisburie. William, Lord Compton, now Earle of North-hampton. William Lord Cauendish, now Earle of Deuonshire. Richard, Earle of Clanricard. Sir William Cauendish now Lord Cauendish. Gray, Lord Chandos. Sir Henry Cary. Sir George Caluert. Sir Lionell Cranfield. Sir Edward Cecill. Sir Robert Cotten. Sir Oliver Cromwell. Sir Anthony Cope. Sir Walter Cope. Sir Edward Carr. Sir Thomas Conisbie. Sir George Cary. Sir Edward Conwey. Sir Walter Chute. Sir Edward Culpeper. Sir Henry Cary, Captaine. Sir William Crauen. Sir Walter Couert. Sir George Coppin. Sir George Chute. Sir Thomas Couentry. Sir Iohn Cutts. Lady Cary. Company of Cloth-workers. Citie of Chichester. Robert Chamberlaine. Richard Chamberlaine. Francis Couill. William Coyse, Esquire. Abraham Chamberlaine. Thomas Carpenter. Anthony Crew. Richard Cox. William Crosley. Iames Chatfeild. Richard Caswell. Iohn Cornelis. Randall Carter. Executors of Randall Carter. William Canning. Edward Carue, Esquire. Thomas Cannon, Esquire. Richard Champion. Rawley Crashaw. Henry Collins. Henry Cromwell. Iohn Cooper. Richard Cooper. [132] Iohn Casson. Thomas Colthurst. Allen Cotten. Edward Cage. Abraham Carthwright. Robert Coppin. Thomas Conock. Iohn Clapham. Thomas Church. William Carpenter. Laurence Campe. Iames Cambell. Christopher Cletheroe. Matthew Cooper. George Chamber. Captaine Iohn Cooke. Captaine Thomas Conwey, Esquire. 1 [1620] 552 J. Smith The names of the Aduenturers. E. by [1620] Edward Culpeper, Esquire. Master William Crashaw. Abraham Colmer. Iohn Culpeper. Edmund Colbey. Richard Cooper. Robert Creswell. Iohn Cage, Esquire. Matthew Cauc. William Crowe. Abraham Carpenter. Iohn Crowe. Thomas Cordell. Richard Connock, Esquire. William Compton. William Chester. Thomas Couel. Richard Carmarden, Esquire. William and Paul Canning. Henry Cromwell, Esquire. Simon Codrington. Clement Chichley. Iames Cullemore. William Cantrell. D Richard Earle of Dorset. Edward Lord Denny. Sir Iohn Digbie, now Lord Digbie. Sir Iohn Doderidge. Sir Drew Drewry the elder. Sir Thomas Dennis. Sir Robert Drewry. Sir Iohn Dauers. Sir Dudley Digs. Sir Marmaduke Dorrel. Sir Thomas Dale. Sir Thomas Denton. LIB. 4. [July 1624 [EL Companie of Drapers. Thomas Bond, Esquire. Dauid Bent, Esquire. Com planie of Dyers. Towne of Douer. Master Richard Deane, A}- derman. Henry Dawkes. Edward Dichfield. William Dunne. Iohn Dauis. Matthew Dequester. Philip Durdent. Abraham Dawes. Iohn Dike. Thomas Draper. Lancelot Dauis. Rowley Dawsey. William Dobson Esquire. Anthony Dyot, Esquire. Auery Dranfield. Roger Dye. Iohn Downes. Iohn Drake. Iohn Delbridge. Beniamin Decroe. Thomas Dyke. Ieffery Duppa. Daniel Darnelly. Sara Draper. Clement and Henry Dawk- ney. E Thomas, Earle of Exeter. Sir Thomas Euerfield. Sir Francis Egiock. Sir Robert Edolph. Iohn Eldred, Esquire. William Euans. Ed. by J. Smith. LIB. 4. July 1624. 553 The names of the Aduenturers. Richard Euans. Hugh Euans. Ralph Erens, Esquire. Iohn Elkin. Iohn Elkin. Robert Euelin. Nicholas Exton. Iohn Exton. George Etheridge. F Sir Moyle Finch. Sir Henry Fanshaw. Sir Thomas Freake. Sir Peter Fretchuile. [133] Sir William Fleetwood. Sir Henry Fane. Company of Fishmongers. Iohn Fletcher. Iohn Farmer. Martin Freeman, Esquire. Ralph Freeman. William and Ralph Free man. Michael Fetiplace. VVilliam Fettiplace. Thomas Forrest. Edward Fleetwood, Esquire. William Felgate. William Field. Nicholas Ferrar. Iohn Farrar. Giles Francis. Edward Fawcet. Richard Farrington. Iohn Francklin. Richard Frith. John Ferne. George Farmer. Thomas Francis. John Fenner. Nicholas Fuller, Esquire. Thomas Foxall. William Fleet. Peter Franck, Esquire. Richard Fishborne. VVilliam Faldoe. Iohn Fletcher, and Company. VVilliam Ferrars. G Lady Elizabeth Gray. Sir Iohn Gray. Sir VVilliam Godolfine. Sir Thomas Gates. Sir VVilliam Gee. Sir Richard Grobham. Sir VVilliam Garaway. Sir Francis Goodwin. Sir George Goring. Sir Thomas Grantham. Company of Grocers. Company of Goldsmiths. Company of Girdlers. Iohn Geering. Iohn Gardiner. Richard Gardiner. Iohn Gilbert. Thomas Graue. Iohn Gray. Nicholas Griece. Richard Goddard. Thomas Gipps. Peter Gates. Thomas Gibbs Esquire. Laurence Greene. William Greenwell. Robert Garset. Robert Gore. [1620] 554 . by J. Smith. July 1624. The names of the Aduenturers. EdLIB. . 4. 4. [1620] Thomas Gouge. Francis Glanuile, Esquire. H Henry, Earle of Huntington. Lord Theophilus Haward, L. Walden. Sir John Harrington, L. Harington. Sir Iohn Hollis, now Lord Hautein. Sir Thomas Holecroft. Sir William Harris. Sir Thomas Harefleet. Sir George Haiward. Sir VVarwicke Heale. Sir Baptist Hicks. Sir Iohn Hanham. Sir Thomas Horwell. Sir Thomas Hewit. Sir VVilliam Herrick. Sir Eustace Hart. Sir Pory Huntley. Sir Arthur Harris. Sir Edward Heron. Sir Perseuall Hart. Sir Ferdinando Heiborne. Sir Lawrence Hide, Master Hugh Hamersley, Al- derman. Master Richard Heron, Al- derman. Richard Humble, Esquire. Master Richard Hackleuit. Edward Harrison. George Holeman. Robert Hill. Griffin Hinton. John Hawkins. VVilliam Hancocke. Iohn Harper. [EdGeorge Hawger. Iohn Holt. Iohn Huntley. Ieremy Heiden. Ralph Hamer. Ralph Hamer, Iunior. Iohn Hodgeson. Iohn Hanford. Thomas Harris. [134] Richard Howell. Thomas Henshaw. Leonard Harwood. Tristram Hill. Francis Haselridge. Tobias Hinson. Peter Heightley. George Hawkenson. Thomas Hackshaw. Charles Hawkens. Iohn Hodgis. William Holland. Robert Hartley. Gregory Herst. Thomas Hodgis. William Hodgis. Roger Harris. John Harris. M. Iohn Haiward. Iames Haiward. Nicholas Hide, Esquire. Iohn Hare, Esquire. William Hackwell, Esquire. Gressam Hoogan. Humfrey Hanford. William Haselden. Nicholas Hooker. Doctor Anthony Hunto 1. Iohn Hodsale. George Hooker. Anthony Hinton. Ed. by J. Smith. LIB. 4. July 1624. 555 The names of the Aduenturers. . Iohn Hogsell. Thomas Hampton. William Hicks. William Holiland. Ralph Harison. Harman Harison. I Sir Thomas Iermyn. Sir Robert Iohnson. Sir Arthur Ingram. Sir Francis Iones. Company of Ironmongers. Company of Inholders. Company of Imbroyderers. Bailiffes of Ipswich. Henry Iackson. Richard Ironside. Sir Robert Killegrew. [1620] M. Robert Iohnson Alderman. Thomas Iones. William Iobson. Thomas Iohnson. Thomas Iadwine. Iohn Iosua. George Isam. Philip Iacobson. Peter Iacobson. Thomas Iuxson Senior. Iames Iewell. Gabriel Iaques. Walter Iobson. Edward Iames. Zachary Iones, Esquire. Anthony Irbye, Esquire. William I-anson. Humfrey Iobson. K Sir Valentine Knightley. Sir Charles Kelke. Sir Iohn Kaile. Richard Kirrill. Iohn Kirrill. Ralph King. Henry Kent. Towne of Kings lynne. Iohn Kettleby, Esquire. Walter Kirkham, Esquire. L Henry Earle of Lincolne. Robert, L. Lisle, now Earle of Leicester. Thomas, Lord Laware. Sir Francis Leigh. Sir Richard Lowlace. Sir William Litton. Sir Iohn Lewson. Sir William Lower. Sir Samuel Leonard. Sir Samson Leonard. Company of Lethersellers. Thomas Laughton. William Lewson. Peter Latham. Peter Van Lore. Henry Leigh. Thomas Leuar. Christofer Landman. Morris Lewellin. Edward Lewis. Edward Lewkin. Peter Lodge. Thomas Layer. Thomas Lawson. Francis Lodge. [135] Iohn Langley. Dauid Loide. 556 1624. The names of the Aduenturers. J. July LIB. 4. [Ed. by Smith [1620] Iohn Leuitt. Thomas Fox and Luke Lodge. Captaine Richard Linley. Arnold Lulls. William Lawrence. Iohn Landman. Nicholas Lichfield. Nicholas Leate. Gedeon de Laune. M Philip Earle of Montgomerie. Doctor George Mountaine, now Lord Bishop of Lincolne. William Lord Mounteagle, now Lord Morley. Sir Thomas Mansell. Sir Thomas Mildmay. Sir William Maynard. Sir Humfrey May. Sir Peter Manhood. Sir Iohn Merrick. Sir George More. Sir Robert Mansell. Sir Arthur Mannering. Sir Dauid Murrey. Sir Edward Michelborn. Sir Thomas Middleton. Sir Robert Miller. Sir Caualiero Maicott. Doctor Iames Meddus. Richard Martin, Esquire. Company of Mercers. Company of Merchant Taylors. Otho Mowdite. Captaine Iohn Martin. Arthur Mouse. Adrian More. Thomas Mountford. Thomas Morris. | Ralph Moorton. Francis Mapes. Richard Maplesden. Iames Monger. Peter Monsell. Robert Middleton Thomas Maile. Iohn Martin. Iosias Maude. Richard Morton. George Mason. Thomas Maddock. Richard Moore. Nicholas Moone. Alfonsus van Medkerk. Captaine Henry Meoles. Philip Mutes. Thomas Mayall. Humfrey Marret. Iaruis Mundz. Robert Mildmay. William Millet. Richard Morer. Iohn Miller. Thomas Martin. Iohn Middleton. Francis Middleton. N Dudly, Lord North. Francis, Lord Norris. Sir Henry Neuill of Bark- shire. Thomas Nicols. Christopher Nicols. VVilliam Nicols. George Newce. Ioseph Newberow. Christopher Newgate Ed. by J. Smith. LIB. 4. July 1624. 557 The names of the Aduenturers. Thomas Norincott. Ionathan Nuttall. Thomas Norton. Abraham Peirce. Edmund Peircc. [1620] Phenice Pet. Thomas Philips. Henry Philpot. Master George Procter. William Oxenbridge, Esquire. | Robert Penington. Robert Offley. Francis Oliuer. P Peter Peate. Iohn Prat. William Powell. VVilliam, Earle of Pembroke. VVilliam, Lord Paget. Iohn, Lord Petre. George Percy, Esquire. Sir Christofer Parkins. Sir Amias Preston. Sir Nicholas Parker. Sir VVilliam Poole. Sir Stephen Powell. Sir Henry Peyton. Sir Iames Perrot. Sir Iohn Pettus. Sir Robert Payne. VVilliam Payne. Iohn Payne. Edward Parkins. Edward Parkins his widow. [136] Aden Perkins. Thomas Perkin. Richard Partridge. William Palmer. Miles Palmer. Robert Parkhurst. Richard Perciuall, Esquire. Richard Poyntell. George Pretty. George Pit. Allen Percy. Edmund Peashall. Captaine William Proude. Henry Price. Nicholas Pewriffe. Thomas Pelham. Richard Piggot. Iohn Pawlet, Esquire. Robert Pory. Richard Paulson. Q William Quicke. R Sir Robert Rich, now Earle of Warwicke. Sir Thomas Row. Sir Henry Rainsford. Sir William Romney. Sir Iohn Ratcliffe. Sir Steuen Ridlesdon. Sir William Russell. Master Edward Rotheram, Alderman. Robert Rich. Tedder Roberts. Henry Robinson. Iohn Russell. Richard Rogers. 558 1624. The names of the Aduenturers. LIB. 4. [Ed. by July . J. Smith[1620] Arthur Robinson. Robert Robinson. Millicent Ramsden. Iohn Robinson. George Robins. Nichalas Rainton. Henry Rolffe. Iohn Reignolds. Elias Roberts. Henry Reignolds, Esquire. William Roscarrocke, Esquire. Humfrey Raymell. Richard Robins. S Henry, Earle of Southampton. Thomas, Earle of Suffolke. Edward Semer, Earle of Hartford. Robert, Earle of Salisbury. Mary, Countesse of Shrews- bury. Edmund, Lord Sheffeld. Robert, Lord Spencer. Iohn, Lord Stanhope. Sir Iohn Saint-Iohn. Sir Thomas Smith. Sir Iohn Samms. Sir Iohn Smith. Sir Edwin Sandys. Sir Samuel Sandys. Sir Steuen Some. Sir Ralph Shelton. Sir Thomas Stewkley. Sir William Saint-Iohn. Sir William Smith. Sir Richard Smith. Sir Martin Stuteuill. Sir Nicolas Salter. Doctor Matthew Sutcliffe of Exeter. Captaine Iohn Smith. Thomas Sandys, Esquire. Henry Sandys, Esquire. George Sandys, Esquire. Company of Skinners. Company of Salters. Company of Stationers. Iohn Stokley. Richard Staper. Robert Singleton. Thomas Shipton. Cleophas Smith. Richard Strongtharm. Hildebrand Spruson. Matthew Scriuener. Othowell Smith. George Scot. Hewet Stapers. [137] Iames Swift. Richard Stratford. Edmund Smith. Robert Smith. Matthias Springham. Richard Smith. Edward Smith. Ionathan Smith. Humfrey Smith. Iohn Smith. George Swinhow. Ioseph Some. William Sheckley. Iohn Southick. Henry Shelley. Walter Shelley. Richard Snarsborow. George Stone. Hugh Shepley. William Strachey. Vrion Spencer. Ed. by 559 July The names of the Aduenturers. Lib. 4. LIB. . 3 J. Smith. 1624Iohn Scarpe. Thomas Scott. William Sharpc. Steuen Sparrow. Thomas Stokes. Richard Shepard. Henry Spranger. William Stonnard. Steuen Sad. Iohn Stockley. Thomas Steuens. Matthew Shepard. Thomas Sherwell. [1620] William Seabright, Esquire. Nicholas Sherwell. Augustine Steward. Thomas Stile. Abraham Speckhard. Edmund Scot. Francis Smalman. Gregory Sprint, Esquire. Thomas Stacey. William Sandbatch. Augustine Stuard, Esquire. T Sir William Twisden. Sir William Throckmorton. Sir Nicholas Tufton. Sir Iohn Treuer. Sir Thomas Tracy. George Thorpe, Esquire. Doctor William Turner. The Trinity house. Richard Turner. Iohn Tauerner. Daniel Tucker. Charles Towler. William Tayler. Leonard Townson. Richard Tomlins. Francis Tate, Esquire. Andrew Troughton. George Tucker. Henry Timberlake. William Tucker. Lewis Tite. Robert Thornton. V Sir Horatio Vere. Sir Walter Vaughan. Henry Vincent. Richard Venne. Christopher Vertue. Iohn Vassell. Arthur Venne. W Henry Bishop of VVorcester. Francis West, Esquire. Sir Ralph Winwood. Sir Iohn Wentworth. Sir William Waad. Sir Robert Wroth. Sir Perciual Willoby. Sir Charles Wilmott. Sir Iohn Wats. Sir Hugh Worrell. Sir Edward Waterhouse. Sir Thomas Wilsford. Sir Richard Williamson. Sir Iohn Wolstenholm. Sir Thomas Walsingham. Sir Thomas Watson. Sir Thomas Wilson. Sir Iohn Weld. Mistris Katharine West, now Lady Conway. 560 by J. Smith. July 1621. The names of the Aduenturers. EdLIB. 4by 4. . [Ed. . [1620] Iohn Wroth, Esquire. Clement Willmer. Captaine Maria Winckfield, Esquire. George Walker. William Welbie. Thomas Webb. Rice Webb. Edward Webb. Sands Webb. Felix Wilson. Thomas White. Richard Wiffen. [138] William Williamson. Humfrey Westwood. Hugh Willeston. Thomas Wheatley. William Wattey. William Webster. Iames White. Edmund Winne. Iohn West. Iohn Wright. Edward Wooller. Thomas Walker. Iohn Wooller. Iohn Westrow. Edward Welch. Nathaniel Waad. Richard Widowes. Dauid Waterhouse, Esquire. Captaine Owen Winne. Randall Wetwood. George Wilmer, Esquire. Edward Wilkes. Leonard White. Andrew Willmer. Francis Whistler. Thomas Wells. Captaine Thomas Winne. Iohn Whittingham. Thomas Wheeler. William Willet. Deuereux Woogam. Iohn Walker. Thomas Wood. Iohn Willet. Nicholas Wheeler. Thomas Wale. William Wilston. Iohn Waller. William Ward. William Willeston. John Water. Thomas Warr, Esquire. Dauid Wiffen. Garret Weston. Y Sir George Yeardley, now Gouernour of Virginia. William Yong. Simon Yeomans. Ꮓ Edward, Lord Zouch. Iohn Zouch, Esquire. ! 561 144 Hat most generous and most honour- [1620-1] able Lord, the Earle of Southampton, being pleased to take vpon him the title of Treasurer, and Master Iohn Farrar his Deputy, with such instruc- tions as were necessary, and admoni- tions to all Officers to take heede of extortion, ingrosing commodities, fore- stalling of markets, especially to haue a vigilant care, the familiarity of the Saluages liuing amongst them made them not [a] way to betray or surprize them, for the building of Guest-houses [hospitals] to relieue the weake in, and that they did wonder in all this time they had made no dis- coueries, nor knew no more then the very place whereon they did inhabit, nor yet could euer see any returne for all this continuall charge and trouble; therefore they sent to be added to the Councell seuen Gentlemen, namely Master Thorp, Captaine Nuce, Master Tracy, Captaine Middleton, Captaine Blount, Master Iohn Pountas, and Master Harwood, with men, munition, and all things thought fitting; but they write from Virginia, many of the Ships were so pestred with diseased people, and thronged together in their passage, there was much sicknesse and a great mortality, wherefore they desired rather a few able sufficient men well prouided, then great multitudes. And because there were few accidents of note, but priuate aduertisements by letters, we will conclude this yeere, and proceed to the next. Collected out of the Councels letters for Virginia. The instructions and aduertisements for this yeere were 1621. both from England and Virginia, much like the last: only ENG. SCH. LIB, No. 16. 36 562 Ed. by J. Smith. July 1624. [Extracts from Letters from Virginia. [1621] The Earle of South- hampton Treasurer. Master John Farrar Deputy. The elec tion of Sir Francis Wrat Gouernour for lir ginia. whereas before they had euer a suspicion of Opechan- kanough, and all the rest of the Saluages, they had an eye ouer him more then any; but now they all write so confidently of their assured peace with the Saluages, there is now no more feare nor danger either of their power or trechery; so that euery man planteth himselfe where he pleaseth, and followeth his businesse securely. But the time of Sir George Yearley being neere expired, the Councel here [139] made choise of a worthy young Gentleman Sir Francis Wyat to succeed him, whom they forthwith furnished and prouided, as they had done his Pre- decessors, with all the necessary instructions all these times had acquainted them, for the conuersion of the Saluages; the suppressing of planting Tobacco, and planting of Corne; not depending continually to be supplied by the Saluages, but in case of necessity to trade with them, whom long ere this, it hath beene promised and expected should haue beene fed and relieued by the English, not the English by them; and carefully to redresse all the complaints of the needlesse mortality of their people: and by all diligence seeke to send something home to satisfie the Aduenturers, that all this time had only liued vpon hopes, [and] grew so weary and discouraged, that it must now be substance that must maintaine their proceedings, and not letters, excuses and promises; seeing they could get so much and such great estates for themselues, as to spend after the rate of 100. pounds, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10. nay some 2000. or 3000. obseruation. pounds yearely, that were not worth so many pence when they went to Virginia, can scarce containe themselues either in diet, apparell, gaming, and all manner of such superfluity, within a lesse compasse than our curious, costly, and consuming Gallants here in England, which cannot possibly be there supported, but either by oppressing the Comminalty there, or deceiuing the generality here (or both). Notes worthy A degres- sion. Extracted out of the Councels Letters for Virginia. From Virginia, by the relations of the Chieftains there, and many I haue conferred with, that came from thence hither; I haue much admired to heare of the incredible pleasure, profit and plenty this Plantation doth abound Ed. by J. Smith. LIB. 4. July 1624. 563 Master Stockams Relation. : in, and yet could neuer heare of any returne but Tobacco: but it hath oft amazed me to vnderstand how strangely the Saluages hath beene taught the vse of our armes, and imploied in hunting and fowling with our fowling peeces; and our men rooting in the ground about Tobacco like Swine. Besides, that the Saluages that doe little but continually exercise their bow and arrowes, should dwell and lie so familiarly amongst our men that practised little but the Spade; being so farre asunder, and in such small parties dispersed, and neither Fort, exercise of armes vsed, Ordnances mounted, Courts of guard, nor any preparation nor prouision to preuent a forraine enemy, much more the Saluages howsoeuer: for the Saluages vncertaine confor- mity I doe not wonder; but for their constancy and conuersion, I am and euer haue beene of the opinion of Master Ionas Stockam a Minister in Virginia, who euen at this time, when all things were so prosperous, and the Saluages at the point of conuersion, against all their Gouernours and Councels opinions, writ to the Councell and Company in England to this effect. May 28 [1621]. [1621] Stockams E that haue left our natiue country to soiourne Master in a strange land, some idle spectators, who relation. either cowardly dare not, or couetously will not aduenture either their purses or persons in so commendable a worke; others supporting Atlas of this ilmost vnsupportable burdens as your selues, without whose assistance this Virginia Firmament (in which some) and I hope in short time will shine many more glorious Starres, though there be many Italiannated and Spaniolized Englishmen enuies our prosperities, and by all their ignominious scandals they can deuise seekes to dishearten what they can, those that are willing to further this glorious enterprize, to such I wish according to the decree of Darius, that whosoeuer is an enemy to our peace, and seeketh either by getting monipolicall paten[t]s, or by forging vniust tales to hinder our welfare, that his house were pulled downe, and a paire of gallowes made of the wood, and he hanged on them in the place. 564 The gouernment of Sir Francis Wyat. LIB. 4. [Revy 1621. [1621] The arriuall of Sir Francis Wyat. J. Stockam. 28 May As for those lasie seruants, who had rather stand all day idle, than worke, though but an houre in this Vine- yard; and spend their substance riotously, than cast the superfluity of their wealth into your Treasury: I leaue them, as they are, to the eternall Iudge of the world. But you, right worthy, that hath aduentured so freely; I [140] will not examine, if it were for the glory of God, or your desire of gaine, which, it may be, you expect should flow vnto you with a full tide; for the conuersion of the Saluages: I wonder you vse not the meanes, I confesse you say well to haue them conuerted by faire meanes, but they scorne to acknowledge it; as for the gifts bestowed on them they deuoure them, and so they would the giuers if they could: and though they haue endeuoured by all the meanes they could by kindnesse to conuert them, they finde nothing from them but derision and ridiculous answers. We haue sent boies amongst them to learne their Language, but they returne worse than they went; but I am no Statesman, nor loue I to meddle with any thing but my Bookes, but I can finde no probability by this course to draw them to goodnesse: and I am perswaded if Mars and Minerua goe hand in hand, they will effect more good in an houre, then those verball Mercurians in their liues; and till their Priests and Ancients haue their throats cut, there is no hope to bring them to conuersion. The gouernment of Sir Francis Wyat. Bout October [1621] arriued Sir Francis Wyat, with Master George Sand[y]s [the poet] appointed Treasurer, Master Dauison Secretary, Doctor Pot the Physician, and Master Cloyburne the Surgian; but much [of the] prouision was very badly conditioned, nay the Hogs would not eat that Corne they brought, which was a great cause of their sicknesse and mortality; and what- soeuer is said against the Virginia Corne, they finde it doth better nourish than any prouision is sent thither. The Sailers still they complaine are much to blame for im- besling the prouisions sent to priuate men, killing of Swine, and disorderly trucking; for which some order would be taken. In them nine Ships that went with Sir Francis VVyat Ed. by . July LIB. 4. The gouernment of Sir Francis Wyat. 565 J. Smith. 1624not one Passenger died. At his arriuall he sent Master Thorpe to Opechancanough, whom hee found much satisfied with his comming, to confirme their leagues as he had. done his Predecessors, and so contented his people should coinhabit amongst them, and hee found more motions of Religion in him than could be imagined. Euery man betaking himselfe to his quarter, it was ordered, that for euery head they should plant but 1000. Plants of Tobacco, and vpon each plant nine leaues, which will be about 100.weight [=112 lbs.]; the Corne being appointed but at two shillings and six pence the bushell, required such labour, it caused most men [to] neglect it, and depend vpon trade: where [as] were it rated at ten shillings the bushell, euery man would indeuour to haue plenty to sell to the new commers, or any that wanted; and seldome any is transported from England, but it standeth in as much, besides the hazard; and other necessaries the Ships might transport of that burden. [1621] Gookins The 22. of Nouember [1621] arriued Master Gookin out of Master Ireland, with fifty men of his owne, and thirty Passengers, Plantation. exceedingly well furnished with all sorts of prouision and cattle, and planted himselfe at Nupor[t]s-newes: the Cotton trees in a yeere grew so thicke as ones arme, and so high as a man: here any thing that is planted doth prosper so well as in no place better. For the mortality of the people accuse not the place, for of the old Planters and the families scarce one of twenty miscarries, onely the want of necessaries are the occasions of those diseases. And so wee will conclude this yeere with the shipping and numbers sent. Out of the Councels Letters from Virginia. This yeere was sent one and twenty saile of Ships that imployed more than 400. sailers and 1300. men, women and children of diuers faculties, with fourescore cattle; the Tiger fell in the Turkes hands, yet safely escaped: and by the returne of their letters from thence, the company is assured there can bee no fitter places of Mines, Wood and Water for Iron than there; and the French men affirme no Country is more proper for Vines, Oliues, Sike, Rice and Salt, &c. of which the next yeere they promise a good quantity. [141] The number of Ships and men. 3 566 Gifts giuen. [1621] Patents granted. GIFTS. He Gentlemen and Mariners that came in the Royall Iames from the East-Indics, gaue towards the building of a free Schoole 70 pound, eight shillings, and six pence; and an vnknowne person to further it, sent thirtie pounds; and another in like manner fiue and twentie pounds; another refusing to be made knowne, gaue fortie shillings yeerely for a Sermon before the Virginia companie: also another that would not be knowne, sent for the College at Henrico, many excellent good religious bookes, worth ten pound, and a most curious Map of al that coast of America. Master Thomas Bargaue their Preacher there deceased, gaue a Librarie valued at one hundred Markes: and the Inhabitants hath made a contribution of one thousand and fiue hundred pounds, to build a house for the entertaining of strangers. This yeere [1621] also there was much suing for Patents for Plantations, who promised to transport such great multitudes of people: there was much disputing con- cerning those diuisions, as though the whole land had beene too little for them: six and twentie obtained their desires, but as yet not past six hath sent thither a man ; notwithstanding many of them would haue more, and are not well contented; whom I would intreat, and all other wranglers, to peruse this saying of honest Claudius. See'st not the world of Natures worke, the fairest well, I wot, How it, it selfe together ties, as in a true-loues knot. Nor seest how th'Elements ayre combin'd, maintaine one constant plea, How midst of heauen contents the Sunne, and shore containes the sea; And how the aire both compasseth, and carrieth still earths frame, Yet neither pressing burdens it, nor parting leaues the same. 567 The obseruations of Master Iohn Pory Secretarie of Virginia, ] in his trauels. Auing but ten men meanly prouided, to plant the Secretaries land on the Easterne shore neere Acomack (Cap- taine Wilcocks plantation), the better to secure and assist each other. Sir George Yearley intending to visit Smiths Iles, fell so sicke that he could not, so that he sent me with Estinien Moll a French-man, to finde a conuenient place to make salt in. Not long after Namenacus the King of Pawtuxunt, came to vs to seeke for Thomas Saluage our Interpreter. Thus insinuating himselfe, he led vs into a thicket, where all sitting downe, he shewed vs his naked brest; asking if we saw any deformitie vpon it, we told him, No; No more, said hee, is the inside, but as sincere and pure; therefore come freely to my Countrie and welcome: which wee promised wee would within six weekes after. Hauing taken a muster of the companies tenants; I went to Smiths Iles, where was our Salt-house: not farre off wee found a more conuenient place, and so returned to Iames towne. Being furnished the second time, wee arriued at Aquo- hanock, and conferred with Kiptopeke their King. Passing Russels Ile and Onaucoke, we arriued at Pawtuxunt: the discription of those places, you may reade in Captaine Smiths discoueries, therefore needlesse to bee writ againe [pp. 110, 119, 348, 413, 424]. But here arriuing at Attoughcomoco the habitation of Namenacus, and Wamanato his brother, long wee staied not ere they came aboord vs with a brasse Kettle, as bright without as within, ful of boyled Oisters. Strict order was [1621] My journey Easterne to the shore. A good place to make salt in. The King [u]vunts of Paw- entertain- ment. 568 . The obseruations of Master Iohn Pory. 1624LIB. 4. LIB. 4. [J. Pony: [1621] giuen none should offend vs, so that the next day I went with the two Kings a hunting, to discouer what I could in their confines. Wamanato brought mee first to his house, where hee shewed mee his wife and children, and many Corne-fields; and being two miles within the woods a hunting, as the younger conducted me forth, so the elder brought me home, and [142] vsed me as kindly as he could, after their manner. The next day, he presented me twelue Beuer skinnes and a Canow, which I requited with such things to his content, that he promised to keepe them whilst hee liued, and burie them with him being dead. Hee much wondered at our Bible, but much more to heare it was the Law of our God, and the first Chapter of Genesis expounded of Adam and Eue, and simple mariage; to which he replyed, hee was like Adam in one thing, for he neuer had but one wife at once: but he, as all the rest, seemed more willing of other discourses they better vnderstood. The next day, the two Kings with their people, came aboord vs, but brought nothing according to promise; so that Ensigne Saluage challenged Namenacus [with] the breach of three promises, viz. not in giuing him a Boy, nor Corne though they had plentie, nor Moutapass (a fugitiue called Robert Marcum, that had liued 5. yeeres [1616-1621] amongst those northerly nations): which hee cunningly answered by excuses. Womanato it seemes, was guiltlesse of this falshood, because hee staied alone when the rest were gone. I asked him if he desired to bee great and rich; he answered, They were things all men aspired vnto: which I told him he should be, if he would follow my counsell, so he gaue me two tokens, which being returned by a messenger, should suffice to make him confident the messenger could not abuse vs. Some things being stolne from vs, he tooke such order that they were presently restored, then we interchanged presents: in all things hee much admired our discretions, and gaue vs a guide that hee called brother, to conduct vs vp the Riuer: by the way we met with diuers that stil tould vs of Marcum: and though it was in October [1621], we found the Countrie very hot, and their Corne gathered before ours at Iames towne. The next day, we went to Paccamaganant, and they directed vs to Assacomoco, where their King Cassatowap had an old Ed. by 569 July . The trecherie of Namanicus. LIB. 4. J. Smith1624. The [1621] trecherie of Namani- Cus. quarrell with Ensigne Saluage, but now seeming reconciled, went with vs, with another Werowance, towards Mattapa- nient, where they perswaded vs ashore vpon the point of a thicket; but supposing it some trecherie, we returned to our boat: farre we had not gone from the shore, but a multitude of Saluages sallied out of the wood, with all the ill words. and signes of hostilitie they could. When wee saw plainly their bad intent, wee set the two Werowances at libertie, that all this while had line [lain] in the Cabbin, as not taking any notice of their villanie, because we would conuert them by courtesie. Leauing them as we found them, very ciuill and subtill; wee returned the same way wee came to the laughing Kings on the Easterne shore, who told vs plainly, Namanicus would also haue allured him into his Countrie, vnder colour of trade, to cut his throat. Hee told vs also Opechancanough had imployed Onianimo to kill Saluage; because he brought the trade from him to the Easterne shore, and some disgrace hee had done his sonne and some thirteene of his people before one hundred of those Easterlings [Indians on the eastern shore of Chesapeake Bay], in rescuing Thomas Graues whom they would haue slaine: where hee and three more did challenge the thirteene Pamavnkes to fight, but they durst not; so that all those Easterlings so derided them, that they came there no more. This Thomas Saluage, it is sixteene yeeres [i.c., 160S-1624] T since he went to Virginia, being a boy [He arrived with good Captain Newport on 8 Jan. 1608, see pp. 100, 102, 108], hee was left with Powhatan for Namontacke, to learne the [517] language and as this Author [J. Pory] affirmeth, with much honestie and good successe hath serued the publike without any publike recompence, yet had an arrow shot through his body in their seruice. This laughing King at Accomack, tels vs the land is not two daies iourny ouer in the broadest place, but in some places a man may goe in halfe a day, betwixt the Bay and the maine Ocean, where inhabit many people; so that by the narrownesse of the Land there is not many Deere, but most abundance of Fish and Fowle. Kiptop[ekle his brother rules as his Lieutenant, who seeing his younger brother more affected by the people than himselfe, freely Thomas Saluages seruice. 570 LIB. 4. [J. Pory. Captaine Each sent to build a Fort. [1621-2] resigned him the moitie of his Countrie, applying himselfe onely to husbandry and hunting, yet nothing neglected in his degree; nor is hee carelesse of any thing concernes the state, but as a vigilant and faithfull Counceller, as hee is an affectionated [143] Brother, bearing the greater burden in gouernment, though the lesser honour: where cleane contrary they on the Westerne shore, the younger beares the charge, and the elder the dignitie. Those are the best husbands [providers] of any Saluages we know: for they prouide Corne to serue them all the yeare, yet spare; and the other not for halfe the yeare, yet want. They are the most ciuill and tractable people we haue met with; and by little sticks will keepe as iust an account of their promises, as by a tally. In their mariages they obserue a large distance, as well in affinitie as consanguinitie; nor doe pp. 77, 373-1 they vse that deuilish custome in making black Boyes. 1622. The Earle of South- ampton Treasurer, and Nicolas There may be on this shore about two thousand people : they on the West would inuade them, but that they want Boats to crosse the Bay; and so would diuers other Nations, were they not protected by vs. A few of the Westerly Runnagados had conspired against the laughing. King: but fearing their treason was discouered, fled to Smiths Iles, where they made a massacre of Deere and Hogges; and thence to Rickahake, betwixt Cissapeack and Nansamund, where they now are seated vnder the command of Itoyatin. And so I returned to Iames Towne, where I found the gouernment rendred [Oct. 1621] to Sir Francis Wyat. In February [1622] also he trauelled to the South Riuer Chawonock, some sixtie miles ouer land; which he found to be a very fruitfull and pleasant Country, yeelding two haruests. in a yeare, and found much of the Silke grasse formerly spoken of, was kindly vsed by the people, and so returned. Captaine Each sent to build a Fort to secure ST the Countrey. T was no small content to all the Aduenturers to heare of the safe ariuall of all those ships. and companies, which was thought sufficient to haue made a Plantation of themselues: and Ed. by 571 July 1624. . LIB. 4. Captaine Each sent to build a Fort. J. SmithFiue and twentie sent only to build Barks and Boats. againe to second them, was sent Captaine Each in the [1622] Abigale, a ship of three or foure hundred tunnes, who hath Farrar vndertaken to make a Block-house amongst the Oyster Deputy. banks, that shall secure the Riuer. The furnishing him with Instruments, cost three hundred pounds; but the whole charge and the ships returne, will be neere two thousand pounds. In her went Captaine Barwicke with fiue and twentie men for the building ships and Boats, and not other waies to be imploied: and also a selected number to build the East Indie Schoole, but as yet from Virginia little returnes but priuate mens Tobacco, and faire promises of plentie of Iron, Silke, Wine, and many other good and rich commodities, besides the speedy conuersion of the Saluages, that at first were much dis- couraged from liuing amongst them, when they were debarred the vse of their peeces; therefore it was disputed as a matter of State, whether such as would liue amongst them should vse them or not, as a bait to allure them; or at least such as should bee called to the knowledge of Christ. But because it was a great trouble for all causes to be brought to Iames Towne for a triall, Courts were appointed in conuenient places to releeue them: but as they can make no Lawes in Virginia till they be ratified here; so they thinke it but reason, none should bee inacted here without their consents, because they onely feele them, and must liue vnder them. Still they complaine for want of Corne, but what must. be had by Trade, and how vnwilling any Officer when he leaueth his place, is to make good his number of men to his Successor, but many of them during their times to help themselues, vndoes the Company: for the seruants you allow them, or such as they hire, they plant on their priuate Lands, not vpon that belongeth to their office, which crop alwaies exceeds yours, besides those which are your tenants to halfes, are forced to row them vp and downe, whereby both you and they lose more then halfe. Nor are those officers the ablest or best deseruing, but make their experience vpon the companies cost, and your land lies vnmanured to any purpose, and will yeeld as little profit to your next new officers. [144] 572 [1622] The death of Nem ... tanow, writ by Master Wimp. The massacre vpon the two and twentieth of March [1622]. He Prologue to this Tragedy, is sup- posed was occasioned by Nemattanow, otherwise called Iack of the Feather, because hee commonly was most strangely adorned with them; and for his courage and policy, was accounted amongst the Saluages their chiefe Captaine, and immortall from any hurt could bee done him by the English. This Captaine comming to one Morgans house [in March 1622], knowing he had many commodities that hee desired, perswaded Morgan to goe with him to Pamau[n]ke to trucke, but the Saluage murdered him by the way; and after two or three daies returned againe to Morgans house, where he found two youths his Seruants, who asked for their Master: Iack replied directly he was dead; the Boyes suspecting as it was, by seeing him weare his Cap, would haue had him to Master Thorp: But Iack so moued their patience, they shot him; so he fell to the ground, [they] put him in a Boat to haue him before the Gouernor, then seuen or eight miles from them. But by the way Iack finding the pangs of death vpon him, desired of the Boyes two things: the one was, that they would not make it knowne hee was slaine with a bullet; the other, to bury him amongst the English. At the losse of this Saluage, Opechankanough much grieued and repined, with great threats of reuenge; but the English returned him such terrible answers, that he cunningly dissembled his intent, with the greatest signes Ed. by J. Smith. LIB. 4. Smith.] 573 A relation of the massacre. he could of loue and peace: yet within fourteene daies. after he acted what followeth. [1622] bad guard. Sir Francis Wyat at his arriuall [Oct. 1621] was aduer- Security a tised, he found the Countrey setled in such a firme peace, as most men there thought sure and vnuiolable, not onely in regard of their promises, but of a necessitie. The poore weake Saluages being euery way bettered by vs, and safely sheltred and defended, whereby wee might freely follow our businesse: and such was the conceit of this conceited peace, as that there was seldome or neuer a sword, and seldomer a peece [used], except for a Deere or Fowle; by which assurances the most plantations were placed straglingly and scatteringly, as a choice veine of rich ground inuited them, and further from neighbours the better. Their houses [were] generally open to the Saluages, who were alwaies friendly fed at their tables, and lodged in their bed-chambers; which made the way plaine to effect their intents, and the conuersion of the Saluages as they supposed. Hauing occasion to send to Opechankanough about the middle of March, hee vsed the Messenger well, and told him he held the peace so firme, the sky should fall or he dissolued it; yet such was the treachery of those people, when they had contriued our destruction, euen but two daies before the massacre, they guided our men with much kindnesse thorow the woods, and one Browne that liued among them to learne the language, they sent home to his Master. Yea, they borrowed our Boats to transport themselues ouer the Riuer, to consult on the deuillish murder that insued, and of our vtter extirpation, which God of his mercy (by the meanes of one of themselues. conuerted to Christianitie) preuented; and as well on the Friday morning that fatall day, being the two and The manner twentieth of March [1622], as also in the euening before, as at other times they came vnarmed into our houses, with Deere, Turkies, Fish, Fruits, and other prouisions to sell vs: yea in some places sat downe at breakfast with our people, whom immediatly with their owne tooles they slew most barbarously, not sparing either age or sex, man woman or childe; so sudden in their execution, that of the 574 LIB. 4. [? A relation of the massacre. [1622] Their cruelty. The murder of Master Thorp. few or none discerned the weapon or blow that brought them to destruction. In which manner also they slew many of our people at seuerall works in the fields, well knowing in what places and quarters each of our men were, in regard of their familiaritie with vs, for the effecting that great master-peece of worke their conuersion: and by this meanes fell that fatall morning vnder the bloudy and barbarous hands of that perfidious [145] and inhumane. people, three hundred forty seuen men, women and children; most[1]y by their owne weapons; and not being content with their liues, they fell againe vpon the dead bodies, making as well as they could a fresh murder, defacing, dragging, and mangling their dead carkases into many peeces, and carrying some parts away in derision, with base and brutish triumph. Neither yet did these beasts spare those amongst the rest well knowne vnto them, from whom they had daily receiued many benefits; but spightfully also massacred them without any remorse or pitie: being in this more fell then Lions and Dragons, as Histories record, which haue preserued their Benefactors; such is the force of good deeds, though done to cruell beasts, to take humanitie vpon them, but these miscreants put on a more vnnaturall brutishnesse then beasts, as by those instances may appeare. That worthy religious Gentleman Master George Thorp, Deputie to the College lands, sometimes one of his Ma- iesties Pensioners, and in command one of the principall in Virginia; did so truly effect [affect] their conuersion, that whosoeuer vnder him did them the least displeasure, were punished seuerely. He thought nothing too deare for them, he neuer denied them any thing; in so much that when they complained that our Mastiues did feare them, he to content them in all things, caused some of them to be killed in their presence, to the great displeasure of the owners, and would haue had all the rest guelt to make them the milder, might he haue had his will. The King dwelling but in a Cottage, he built him a faire house after the English fashion: in which he tooke such pleasure, especially in the locke and key, which he so admired, as locking and vnlocking his doore a hundred times a day, he thought no deuice in the world comparable to it. Ed. by J. Smith575 1622. LIB. 4. A relation of the massacre. . Thus insinuating himselfe into this Kings fauour for hist religious purpose, he conferred oft with him about Re- ligion, as many other in this former Discourse had done: and this Pagan confessed to him (as he did to them) our God was better then theirs, and seemed to be much pleased with that Discourse, and of his company, and to requite all those courtesies; yet this viperous brood did, as the sequell shewed, not onely murder him, but with such spight and scorne abused his dead corps as is vn- fitting to be heard with ciuill eares. One thing I cannot omit, that when this good Gentleman vpon his fatall houre, was warned by his man, who perceiuing some treachery intended by those hell-hounds, to looke to him- selfe, and withall ran away for feare he should be appre- hended, and so saued his owne life; yet his Master out of his good meaning was so void of suspition and full of con- fidence, they had slaine him, or he could or would beleeue they would hurt him. [1622] Captaine Captaine Nathaniel Powell one of the first Planters, a The valiant Souldier, and not any in the Countrey better slaughter of knowne amongst them; yet such was the error of an ouer- Powell, conceited power and prosperitie, and their simplicities, they not onely slew him and his family, but butcher-like hagled their bodies, and cut off his head, to expresse their vttermost height of cruelty. saine. A Salunge Another of the old company of Captaine Smith, called .885.1 Nathaniel Causie, being cruelly wounded, and the Saluages about him, with an axe did cleaue one of their heads, whereby the rest fled and he escaped: for they hurt not any that did either fight or stand vpon their guard. In one place, where there was but two men that had warning of it, [they] defended the house against sixty or more that assaulted it. Master Baldwine at Warraskoyack, his wife being so Master wounded, she lay for dead; yet by his oft discharging of his escape. peece, [he] saued her, his house, himselfe, and diuers others. Baldwines Thomas At the same time they came to one Master Harisons house, neere halfe a mile from Baldwines, where was Master Master Thomas Hamer with six men, and eighteene or nineteene women and children. Here the Saluages with many presents with 22 and faire perswasions, fained they came for Captaine Ralfe Hamer escapeth. 576 LIB. 4. [? A relation of the massacre. [1622] Captaine Ralfe Hamer with forty escapeth. Hamer to go to their King, then hunting in the woods: presently they sent to him, but he not comming as they expected, [they] set fire of a Tobacco-house, and then came. to tell them in the dwelling house of it to quench it; all the men ran towards it but Master Hamer, not suspecting any thing, whom [146] the Saluages pursued, [and] shot them full of arrowes, then beat out their braines. Hamer hauing finished a letter hee was a writing, followed after to see what was the matter, but quickly they shot an arrow in his back, which caused him returne and barricado vp the doores, whereupon the Saluages set fire on the house. Harisons Boyfinding his Masters peece loaded, discharged it at randome, at which bare report the Saluages all fled, Baldwin still discharging his peece, and Master Hamer with two and twentie persons thereby got to his house, leauing their owne burning. In like manner, they had fired Lieutenant Basse his house, with all the rest there about, slaine the people, and so left that Plantation. Captaine Hamer all this while not knowing any thing, comming to his Brother that had sent for him to go hunt with the King, meeting the Saluages chasing some, [who] yet escaped, retired to his new house then a building, from whence he came; there onely with spades, axes, and brickbats, he defended himselfe and his Company till the Saluages departed. Not long after, the Master from the ship had sent six Musketiers, with which he recouered their Merchants. store-house, where he armed ten more; and so with thirtie more vnarmed workmen, found his Brother and the rest at Baldwins. Now seeing all they had was burnt and consumed, they repaired to Iames Towne with their best expedition; yet not far from Martins hundred, where seuenty three were slaine, was a little house and a small family, that heard. not of any of this till two daies after. All those, and many others whom they haue as mali- ciously murdered, sought the good of those poore brutes, that thus despising Gods mercies, must needs now as mis- creants be corrected by Iustice: to which leauing them, I will knit together the thred of this discourse. Ed. by J. Smith577 1622. LIB. 4. A relation of the massacre. . [1622] Saluages At the time of the massacre, there were three or foure ships in Iames Riuer, and one in the next; and daily more to come The in, as there did within foureteene daies after; one of which attempt to they indeuoured to haue surprised: yet were the hearts of surprise a the English euer stupid, and auerted from beleeuing any thing might weaken their hopes, to win them by kinde vsage to Christianitie. But diuers write from thence, that Almighty God hath his great worke in this Tragedy, and will thereout draw honor and glory to his name, and a more flourishing estate and safetie to themselues, and with more speed to conuert the Saluage children to himselfe, since he so miraculously hath preserued the English; there being yet, God be praised, eleuen parts of twelue [i.c., 347 x 11=3817] re- maining, whose carelesse neglect of their owne safeties, seemes to haue beene the greatest cause of their destruc- tions: yet you see, God by a conuerted Saluage that disclosed the plot, saued the rest, and the Pinnace then in Pamavnkes Riuer, whereof (say they) though our sinnes made vs vnworthy of so glorious a conuersion, yet his infinite. wisdome can neuerthelesse bring it to passe, and in good time, by such meanes as we thinke most vnlikely: for in the deliuery of them that suruiue, no mans particular carefulnesse saued one person, but the meere goodnesse of God him- selfe, freely and miraculously preseruing whom he pleased. The Letters of Master George Sandly]s, a worthy Gentle- man, and many others besides them returned, brought vs this vnwelcome newes, that hath beene heard at large in publike Court, that the Indians and they liued as one Nation: yet by a generall combination in one day plotted to subuert the whole Colony, and at one instant, though our seuerall Plantations were one hundred and fortie miles vp on [the] Riuer on both sides. But for the better vnderstanding of all things, you must remember these wilde naked natiues liue not in great numbers together; but dispersed, commonly in thirtie, fortie, fiftie, or sixtie in a company. Some places haue two hundred, few places more, but many lesse; yet they had all warning giuen them one from another in all their habitations, though farre asunder, to meet at the day and houre appointed for our destruction at al our seueral ENG. SCH. LIB. No. 16. 37 ship. : 578 LIB. 4. ? How Pace discouered the massacre. [1622] Six of the Councell slaine. How it was reuealed. P. 567.] Memoran- dums. Plantations; some directed to one place, some to another, all to be done at the time appointed, which they did. accordingly. Some entring their houses vnder colour of trading, so tooke their [147] aduantage; others drawing vs abroad vnder faire pretences; and the rest suddenly falling vpon those that were at their labours. Six of the counsell suffered vnder this treason, and the slaughter had beene vniuersall, if God had not put it into. the heart of an Indian, who lying in the house of one Pace, was vrged by another Indian his Brother, that lay with him the night before, to kill Pace, as he should doe Perry which was his friend, being so commanded from their King: telling him also how the next day the execution should be finished. Perrys Indian presently arose and reueales it to Pace, that vsed him as his sonne; and thus them that escaped was saued by this one conuerted Infidell. And though three hundred fortie seuen were slaine, yet thousands of ours were by the meanes of this alone thus preserued; for which Gods name be praised for euer and euer. Pace vpon this, securing his house, before day rowed to Iames Towne, and told the Gouernor of it, whereby they were preuented, and at such other Plantations as possibly intelligence could be giuen: and where they saw vs vpon our guard, at the sight of a peece they ranne away; but the rest were mostly] slaine, their houses burnt, such Armes. and Munition as they found they tooke away, and some cattell also they destroied. Since, wee finde Opechankanough the last yeare [1621] had practised with a King on the Easterne shore, to furnish him with a kind of poison, which onely growes in his Country to poison vs. But of this bloudy acte neuer griefe and shame possessed any people more then themselues, to be thus butchered by so naked and cowardly a people, who dare not stand the presenting of a staffe in manner oi a peece, nor an vncharged peece in the hands of a woman. (But I must tell those Authors, though some might be thus cowardly, there were many of them had better spirits.) Thus haue you heard the particulars of this massacre, which in those respects some say will be good for the Plantation, because now we haue iust cause to destroy J. Stith1622. ] The manner how the Spaniard gets his wealth. 579 them by all meanes possible: but I thinke it had beene much better it had neuer happened, for they haue giuen vs an hundred times as iust occasions long agoe to subiect them, (and I wonder I can heare of none but Master Stockam and Master Whitaker of my opinion.) Moreouer, where before we were troubled in cleering the ground of great Timber, which was to them of small vse: now we may take their owne plaine fields and Habitations, which are the pleasantest places in the Countrey. Besides, the Deere, Turkies, and other Beasts and Fowles will exceed- ingly increase if we beat the Saluages out of the Countrey: for at all times of the yeare they neuer spare Male nor Female, old nor young, egges nor birds, fat nor leane, in season or out of season; with them all is one. The like they did in our Swine and Goats, for they haue vsed to kill eight in tenne more then we, or else the wood would most plentifully abound with victuall; besides it is more easie to ciuilize them by conquest then faire meanes; for the one may be made at once, but their ciuilizing will require a long time and much industry. [1622] The manner how to suppresse them is so often related and approued, I omit it here: And you haue twenty examples of the Spaniards how they got the West-Indics, and forced the treacherous and rebellious Infidels to doe all manner of drudgery worke and slauery for them, them- selues liuing like Souldiers vpon the fruits of their labours. This will make vs more circumspect, and be an example to posteritie (But I say, this might as well haue beene Captaine put in practise sixteene yeares agoe [1606] as now [1622].) Smith. Maiesties gift. Thus vpon this Anuill shall wee now beat our selues an Armour of proofe hereafter to defend vs against such incursions, and euer hereafter make vs more circumspect: but to helpe to repaire this losse, besides his Maiesties bounty in Armes [that] he gaue the Company out of the His Tower, and diuers other Honorable persons haue renewed. their aduentures, we must not omit the Honorable Citie of London, to whose endlesse praise wee may speake it, are now [1622] setting forward one hundred persons: and diuers others at their owne costs are a repairing; and all [148] good men doe thinke neuer the worse of the businesse for all these disasters. London sets persons. Out 100 580 . The manner how the Spaniard gets his wealth. [J. Smith1622. [1622] A lament- able example too oft approsed. What growing state was there euer in the world which had not the like? Rome grew by oppression, and rose vpon the backe of her enemies: and the Spaniards haue had many of those counterbuffes, more than we. Colum- bus, vpon his returne from the West-Indies into Spaine, hauing left his people with the Indies, in peace and promise of good vsage amongst them, at his returne backe found not one of them liuing, but all treacherously slaine by the Saluages. After this againe, when the Spanish Colonies were increased to great numbers, the Indians from whom the Spaniards for trucking stuffe vsed to haue all their corne, generally conspired together to plant no more at all, intending thereby to famish them; themselues liuing in the meane time vpon Cassaua, a root to make bread, onely then knowne to themselues. This plot of theirs by the Spaniards ouersight, that foolishly depended vpon strangers for their bread, tooke such effect, and brought them to such misery by the rage of famine, that they spared no vncleane nor loathsome beast, no not the poisonous and hideous Serpents, but eat them vp also, deuouring one death to saue them from another; and by this meanes their whole Colony well-neere surfeted, sickned and died miserably. And when they had againe recouered this losse, by their incontinency an infinite number of them died on the Indian disease, we call the French Pox, which at first being a strange and an vn- knowne malady, was deadly vpon whomsoeuer it lighted. Then had they a little flea called Nigua, which got betweene the skinne and the flesh before they were aware, and there bred and multiplied, making swellings and putrifactions, to the decay and losse of many of their bodily members. Againe, diuers times they were neere vndone by their ambition, faction, and malice of the Commanders. Colum- bus, to whom they were also much beholden, was sent with his Brother in chaines into Spaine; and some other great Commanders killed and and murdered one another. Pizzaro was killed by Almagros sonne, and him Vasco beheaded; which Vasco was taken by Blasco, and Blasco was likewise taken by Pizzaros Brother: And thus by their couetous and spightfull quarrels, they were euer shaking the maine pillars of their Common-weale. J. Smith.] LIB. 4. [Therefore let us not be discouraged.] 581 [1622] These and many more mischiefes and calamities hapned them, more then euer did to vs, and at one time being euen at the last gaspe, had two ships not arriued with supplies as they did, they were so disheartned, they were a leauing the Countrey: yet we see for all those miseries they haue attained to their ends at last, as is manifest to all the world, both with honour, power, and wealth; and whereas before few could be hired to goe to inhabit there, now with great suite they must obtaine it; but where there was no honesty, nor equity, nor sanctitie, nor veritie, nor pietie, Note this nor good ciuilitie in such a Countrey, certainly there can bee no stabilitie. Therefore let vs not be discouraged, but rather animated by those conclusions, seeing we are so well assured of the goodnesse and commodities [that] may bee had in Virginia; nor is it to be much doubted there is any want of Mines of most sorts, no not of the richest, as is well knowne to some yet liuing that can make it manifest when time shall serue and yet to thinke that gold and siluer Mines are in a country otherwise most rich and fruitfull, or the greatest wealth in a Plantation, is but a popular error; as is that opinion likewise, that the gold and siluer is now the greatest wealth of the West Indies at this present. True it is indeed, that in the first conquest the Spaniards got great and mighty store of treasure from the Natiues, which they in long space had heaped together; and in those times the Indians shewed them entire and rich Mines, which now by the relations of them that haue beene there, are exceedingly wasted, so that now the charge of getting those Metals is growne excessiue, besides the consuming the liues of many by their pestilent smoke and vapours in digging and refining them, so that all things considered, the cleere gaines of those metals, the Kings part defraied, to the Aduenturers is but small, and nothing neere so much as vulgarly is imagined. And were it not [149] for other rich Commodities there that inrich them, those of the Contraction House were neuer able to subsist by the Mines onely; for the greatest part of their Commodities are partly naturall, and partly transported. from other parts of the world, and planted in the West• Indies, as in their mighty wealth of Sugar canes, being conclusion. How the Spaniards raise their the West Indies. wealth in 582 The number of people that were slaine. LIB. 4. [Ed. by J. Smith1622 . [1622] first transported from the Canaries; and in Ginger and other things brought out of the East-Indics, in their Cochanele, Indicos, Cotton, and their infinite store of Hides, Quick-siluer, Allum, Woad, Brasill woods, Dies, Paints, Tobacco, Gums, Balmes, Oiles, Medicinals and Pérfumes, Sassaparilla, and many other physical drugs: These are the meanes whereby they raise that mighty charge of drawing out their gold and siluer to the great and cleare reuenue of their King. Now secing the most of those commodities, or as vsefull, may be had in Virginia by the same meanes, as I haue formerly said; let vs with all speed take the priority of time, where also may be had the priority of place, in chusing the best seats of the Country; which now by vanquishing the saluages, is like to offer a more faire and ample choice of fruitfull habitations, then hitherto our gentlenesse and faire comportments could attaine vnto. I The numbers that were slaine in those seuerall Plantations. TCaptaine Berkleys Plantation, himselfe and 21. others, seated at the Falling- Crick, 66. miles from Iames City. 2 Master Thomas Sheffelds Plantation, some three miles from the Falling-Crick, himselfe and 12. others. 22 13 3 At Henrico Iland, about two miles from Sheffelds Plantation. 6 4 Slaine of the College people, twenty miles from Henrico. 17 5 At Charles City, and of Captaine Smiths men. 6 At the next adioyning Plantation. 100 5 8 7 At William Farrars house. ΙΟ 8 At Brickley hundred, fifty miles from Charles City, Master Thorp and ΙΟ Edy ་་ . 1622LIB. 4. The number of people that were slaine. 583 J. Smith. 9 At Westouer, a mile from Brickley. IO At Master Iohn Wests Plantation. II At Captaine Nathaniel Wests Plantation. 12 At Lieutenant Gibs his Plantation. 13 At Richard Owens house, himselfe and 14 At Master Owen Macars house, himselfe and 12 VW WONNN N [1622] : 18 At Master Waters his house, himselfe [see p. 591] and 19 At Apamatucks Riuer, at Master Perce his Planta- tion, fiue miles from the College. ... 15 At Martins hundred, seuen miles from Iames City. 16 At another place. 73 7 17 At Edward Bonits Plantation. 50 4 4 20 At Master Macocks Diuident, Captaine Samuel Macock and 4 6 7 7 21 At Flowerda hundred, Sir George Yearleys Planta- tion. 22 On the other side opposite to it. 23 At Master Swinhows house, himselfe and 24 At Master William Bickars house, himselfe and 25 At Weanock, of Sir George Yearleys people. 26 At Powel Brooke, Captaine Nathaniel Powel, and 27 At South-hampton hundred. 28 At Martin Brandons hundred. 29 At Captaine Henry Spilmans house. 30 At Ensigne Spences house. 31 At Master Thomas Perse his house by Mulbery Ile, himselfe and The whole number 347. [150] Men in this taking bettered with affliction, Better attend, and mind, and marke Religion, For then true voyces issue from their hearts, Then speake they what they thinke in inmost parts, The truth remaines, they cast off fained Arts. 4 21 I2 5 1872 5 4 (pp. 593,599.1 584 Gookins and Iordens resolutions. 1022. LIB. 4. [Ed. by J. Smith. ! [1622] How they were re- duced to fiue or six places. Gookins and Jordens resolution. The opinion of Captaine Smith. His lamentable and so vnexpected a disaster caused them all beleeue the opinion of Master Stockam, and draue them all to their wits end. It was twenty or thirty daies ere they could resolue what to doe, but at last it was concluded, all the petty Plantations should be abandoned, and drawne onely to make good fiue or six places, where all their labours now for the most part must redound to the Lords of those Lands where they were resident. Now for want of Boats, it was impossible vpon such a sudden to bring also their cattle, and many other things, which with much time, charge and labour they had then in possession with them; all which for the most part at their departure was burnt, ruined and destroyed by the Saluages. Only Master Gookins at Nuports-newes would not obey the Commanders command in that, though hee had scarce fiue and thirty of all sorts [i.e., ages &c.] with him, yet he thought himselfe sufficient against what could happen, and so did to his great credit and the content of his Aduen- turers. Master Samuel Iorden gathered together but a few of the straglers about him at Beggers-bush, where he fortified and liued in despight of the enemy. Nay, Mistrisse Proctor, a proper, ciuill, modest Gentlewoman did the like, till perforce the English Officers forced her and all them with her to goe with them, or they would fire her house themselues; as the Saluages did when they were gone, in whose despight they had kept it and what they had, a moneth or three weekes after the Massacre; which was to their hearts a griefe beyond comparison, to lose all they had in that manner, onely to secure others pleasures. Now here in England it was thought, all those remainders might presently haue beene reduced into fifties or hundreds in places most conuenient with what they had, hauing such strong houses as they reported they had, which with small labour might haue beene made inuincible Castles against all the Saluages in the Land: and then presently raised a com- pany, as a running Armie to torment the Barbarous and Ed. by J. Smith.] LIB. 4. [Captain Smith's opinion] 585 secure the rest, and so haue had all that Country betwixt the Riuers of Powhatan and Pamavuke to range and sustaine them; especially all the territories of Kecoughtan, Chiskact and Paspahege, from Ozenies to that branch of Pamavuke, comming from Youghtanund, which strait of land is not past. 4. or 5. miles, to haue made a peninsula much bigger then the Summer Iles, inuironed with the broadest parts of those two maine Riuers, which for plenty of such things as Virginia affords is not to be exceeded, and were it well manured, more then sufficient for ten thousand men. This, were it well vnderstood, cannot but be thought better then to bring fiue or six hundred to lodge and liue on that, which before would not well receiue and main- taine a hundred, planting little or nothing, but spend that they haue vpon hopes out of England, one euill begetting another, till the disease is past cure. Therefore it is impossible but such courses must produce most fearefull miseries and extreme extremities; if it proue otherwise, I should be exceeding glad. [1622] I confesse I am somewhat too bold to censure other [ẻ.600.] mens actions being not present, but they haue done as much of me; yea many here in England that were neuer there, and also many there that knowes little more then their Plantations, but as they are informed: and this doth touch the glory of God, the honour of my Country, and the publike good so much, for which there hath beene so many faire pretences, that I hope none will be angry for speaking my opinion; seeing the old Prouerbe doth allow losers leaue to speake, and Du Bartas saith, Euen as the wind the angry Ocean moues, Waue hunteth Waue, and Billow Billow shoues, [151] So doe all Nations iustell each the other, And so one people doe pursue another, And scarce a second hath the first vnhoused, Before a third him thence againe have roused. 586 1522. Captaine Nuses Relation, . LIB. 4. Ed. by J. Smitn[E [1622] The prouidence of Captaine Nuse. Captaine Croshaw his voyage to Pato- womek. (pp. 172, 498, 503, 528, 606.] A Mongst the multitude of these seuerall Relations, it appeares Captaine Nuse seeing many of the difficulties to ensue, caused as much Corne to be planted as he could at Elizabeths city, and though some destroyed that they had set, fearing it would serue the Saluages for Ambuscadoes, trusting to releefe by trade, or from England (which hath euer beene one. cause of our miseries, for from England wee haue not had much: and for trading, euery one hath not Ships, Shalops, Interpreters, men and prouisions to performe it; and those that haue,vse them onely for their owne priuate gaine, not the publike good), so that our beginning this yeere doth cause many to distrust the euent of the next. Here wee will leaue Captaine Nuse for a while, lamenting the death of Captaine Norton, a valiant industrious Gentle- man, adorned with many good qualities, besides Physicke and Chirurgery, which for the publike good he freely imparted to all gratis, but most bountifully to the poore; and let vs speake a little of Captaine Croshaw amongst the midst of those broiles in the Riuer of Patawomeke. Being [in Mar. 1622] in a small Barke called the Elizabeth, vnder the command of Captaine Spilman, at Cekacawone, a Saluage stole aboord them, and told them of the Massacre; and that Opechancanough had plotted with his King and Countrey to betray them also, which they refused: but them of Wighcocomoco at the mouth of the riuer had vndertaken it. Vpon this Spilman went thither, but the Saluages seeing his men so vigilant and well armed, they suspected them- selues discouered, and to colour their guilt, the better to delude him, so contented his desire in trade, his Pinnace was neere fraught; but seeing no more to be had, Croshaw went to Patawomek, where he intended to stay and trade for himselfe, by reason of the long acquaintance he had with this King that so earnestly entreated him now to be his friend, his countenancer, his Captaine and director against the Pazaticans, the Nacotchtanks, and Moyoans his mortall enemies. Of this oportunity Croshaw was glad, as well to satisfie Ed. by J. Smith.] LIB. 4. [Arrival of the news in England.] 587 [1622] his owne desire in some other purpose he had, as to keepe the King as an opposite to Opechancanough, and adhere him vnto vs, or at least make him an instrument against our enemies; so onely Elis Hill stayed with him, and the [/. 591.] Pinnace returned to Elizabeths City; here shall they rest also a little, till we see how this newes was entertained in England. It was no small griefe to the Councell and Company, to vnderstand of such a supposed impossible losse, as that so many should fall by the hands of men so contemptible; and yet hauing such warnings, especially by the death of Nemattanow, whom the Saluages did thinke was shot-free, as he had perswaded them, hauing so long escaped so many dangers without any hurt. But now to leape out of this labyrinth of melancholy, all this did not so discourage the noble aduenturers, nor diuers others still to vndertake new seuerall Plantations; but that diuers ships were dispatched away, for their supplies and assistance thought sufficient. Yet Captaine Smith did intreat and moue them to put in practise his old offer; seeing now it was time to vse both it and him, how slenderly heretofore both had beene regarded, and because it is not impertinent to the businesse, it is not much amisse to remember what it was. [152] The arriuall newes in of this England. 588 [1622] Captaine Smiths offer to the Company. The proiect and offer of Captaine Iohn Smith, to the Right Honourable and Right Worshipfull Company [of] Virginia. F you please I may be transported with a hundred Souldiers and thirty Sailers by the next Michaelmas [1622}, with vic- tuall, munition, and such necessary pro- uision; by Gods assistance, we would endeuour to inforce the Saluages to leaue their Country, or bring them in that feare and subiection that euery man should follow their businesse securely. Whereas now halfe their times and labours are spent in watching and warding, onely to defend, but altogether vnable to suppresse the Saluages: because euery man now being for himselfe will be vnwilling to be drawne from their particular labours, to be made as pack-horses for all the rest, without any certainty of some better reward and preferment then I can vnderstand any there can or will yet giue them. These I would imploy onely in ranging the Countries, and tormenting the Saluages, and that they should be as a running Army till this were affected; and then settle themselues in some such conuenient place, that should euer remaine a garison of that strength, ready vpon any occasion against the Saluages, or any other for the defence of the Countrey, and to see all the English well armed, and instruct them their vse. J. Smith. 1622589 The proiect of Captaine Iohn Smith. . LIB. 4. 2] But I would haue a Barke of one hundred tunnes, and meanes to build sixe or seuen Shalops, to transport them where there should bee occasion. Towards the charge, because it is for the generall good, and what by the massacre and other accidents, Virginia is disparaged, and many men and their purses much dis- couraged, howeuer a great many doe hasten to goe, think- ing to bee next heires to all the former losses, I feare they will not finde all things as they doe imagine; therefore leauing those gilded conceits, and diue into the true estate of the Colony; I thinke if his Maiestie were truly informed of their necessitie, and the benefit of this proiect, he would be pleased to giue the custome [custom-house dues] of Virginia; and the Planters also according to their abilities would adde thereto such a contribution, as would be fit to maintaine this garison till they be able to subsist, or cause some such other collections to be made, as may put it with all expedition in practice: otherwise it is much to be doubted, there will neither come custome, nor any thing from thence to England within these few yeares. Now if this should be thought an imploiment more fit for ancient Souldiers there bred, then such new commers as may goe with me; you may please to leaue that to my discretion, to accept or refuse such voluntaries, that will hazard their fortunes in the trialls of these euents, and discharge such of my company that had rather labour the ground then subdue their enemies: what releefe I should haue from your Colony I would satisfie, and spare them (when I could) the like courtesie. Notwithstanding these doubts, I hope to feede them as well as defend them, and yet discouer you more land vnknowne then they all yet know, if you will grant me such priuiledges as of necessity must be vsed. For against any enemy we must be ready to execute the best [that] can be deuised by your state there, but not that they shall either take away my men, or any thing else to imploy as they please by vertue of their authority: and in that I haue done somewhat for New-England as well as Virginia, so I would desire liberty and authority to make. the best vse I can of my best experiences, within the limits of those two Patents, and to bring them both in one [1622] 590 J. Smith. 1622. The Companies answer. LIB. 4. [J. [1622] Their answer. Map, and the Countries betwixt them, giuing alwaies that respect to the Gouernors and gouernment, as an English- man doth in Scotland, or a Scotchman in England, or as the regiments in the Low-countries doe to the Gouernors of the Townes and Cities where they are billited, or in Garrison, where though they liue with them, and are as their [153] seruants to defend them, yet not to be disposed on at their pleasure, but as the Prince and State doth command them. And for my owne paines in particular I aske not any thing but what I can produce from the proper labour of the Saluages. Their Answer. Cannot say, it was generally for the Company, for being published in their Court, the most that heard it liked exceeding well of the motion, and some would haue been very large Aduen- turers in it, especially Sir Iohn Brookes and Master Dauid Wyffin, but there were such diuisions amongst them, I could obtaine no answer but this, the charge would be too great; their stocke was decayed, and they did thinke the [2.955. Planters should doe that of themselues if I could finde meanes to effect it; they did thinke I might haue leaue of the Company, prouided they might haue halfe the pillage, but I thinke there are not many will much striue for that imploiment, for except it be a little Corne at some time of the yeere is to be had, I would not giue twenty pound for all the pillage is to be got amongst the Saluages in twenty yeeres: but because they supposed I spake only for my owne ends, it were good those vnderstand [ing] proui- dents for the Companies good they so much talke of, were sent thither to make triall of their profound wisdomes and long experiences. The manner of the Sallary About this time also was propounded a proposition con- cerning a Sallery of fiue and twenty thousand pounds to be raised out of Tobacco, as a yeerely pension to bee paid to certaine Officers for the erecting a new office, concern- ing the sole importation of Tobacco, besides his Maiesties. custome, fraught, and all other charges. To nominate Ed. by July J. Smith.] LIB. 4. [Captain Crashaw at Patawomek.] 591 the vndertakers, fauourers and opposers, with their argu- [1622-3] ments (pro) and (con) would bee too tedious and needlesse being so publikely knowne; the which to establish, spent a good part of that yeere, and the beginning of the next. This made many thinke wonders of Virginia, to pay such. pensions extraordinary to a few here that were neuer there, and also in what state and pompe some Chieftaines and diuers of their associates liue in Virginia; and yet no money to maintaine a Garrison, pay poore men their wages, nor yet fiue and twenty pence to all the Adven- turers here, and very little to the most part of the Planters there, bred such differences in opinion it was dissolued. N Ow let vs returne to Captaine Croshaw at Patawomek, where he had not beene long ere Opechancanough sent two baskets of beads to this King, to kill him and his man, assuring him of the Massacre he had made, and that before the end of two Moones there should not be an Englishman in all their Countries: this fearefull message the King told this Captaine, who replied, he had seene both the cowardise and trechery of Opechancanough sufficiently tried by Captaine Smith (pp. 142, 459], therefore his threats he feared not, nor for his fauour cared, but would nakedly fight with him or any of his with their owne swords; if he were slaine, he would leaue a letter for his Country men to know, the fault was his owne, not the Kings. Two daies the King deliberated vpon an answer, at last told him the English were his friends, and the Saluage Emperour Opitchapam, now called Toyatan, was his brother; therefore there should be no bloud shed be- twixt them for hee returned the Presents, willing the Pamavukes to come no more in his Country, lest the English, though against his will, should doe them any mischiefe. Not long after, a Boat going abroad to secke out some releefe amongst the Plantations, by Nuports-newes met such ill weather, [that] though the men were saued they lost their boat, which the storme and waues cast vpon the shore of Nandsamund: where Edward Waters (pp. 583, 638, Captaine staies at Croshaw Pata- womek, and his aduentures. [p. 587.) The escape of Waters and his Wife. 592 LIB. 4. [Ed. by The arriuall of Captaine 1624- July [1622] The arriuall Captaine Hamar at Pataro- mcke. J. Sunith. 640, 660] one of the three that first stayed in Summer Iles, and found the great peece of Amber-greece, dwelling in Virginia at this Massacre, [154] hee and his wife these Nandsamunds kept Prisoners till it chanced they found this Boat; at which purchase they so reioyced, according to their custome of triumph, with songs, dances and inuocations. They were so busied, that Waters and his wife found oppor- tunity to get secretly into their Canow, and so crossed the Riuer to Kecoughtan, which is nine or ten miles: whereat the English no lesse wondred and reioyced, then the Saluages were madded with discontent. Thus you may see how many desperate dangers some men escape, when others die that haue all things at their pleasure. All men thinking Captaine Croshaw dead, Captaine of Cape Hamer arriuing with a Ship and a Pinnace at Patawomeke, was kindly entertained both by him [Crashaw] and the King; that Don Hamar told the King he came for Corne; the King replied hee had none, but the Nacotchtanks and their con- federats had, which were enemies both to him and them; if they would fetch it, he would giue them 40. or 50 choise Bow-men to conduct and assist them. Those Saluages, with some of the English, they sent; who so well played their parts, they slew 18. of the Nacotchtanks, some write but 4. and some they had a long skirmish with them; where the Patawomeks were so eager of reuenge, they driue them not onely out of their towne, but all out of sight through the woods, thus taking what they liked, and spoil- ing the rest, they retired to Patawomek: where they left Captaine Croshaw, with foure men more, the rest set saile for Iames towne. Croshaws Fort and plot for trade. Captaine Croshaw now with fiue men and himselfe found night and day so many Alarums, he retired into such a conuenient place, that with the helpe of the Saluages, hee had quickly fortified himselfe against all those wilde enemies. Captaine Nuse his Pinnace meeting Hamar by the way, vnderstanding all this, came to see Captaine Croshaw: after their best enterchanges of courtesies, Croshaw writ to Nuse the estate of the place where he was, but vnderstanding by them the poore estate of the Colony, offered if they would send him but a bold Ed. by J. Smith. LIB. 4. July 1624. 593 Hamar to Patawomek. Shallop, with men, armes and prouision for trade, the next Haruest he would prouide them Corne sufficient, but as yet it being but the latter end of Iune [1622], there was little or none in all the Country. This being made knowne to the Gouernour and the rest, they sent Captaine Madyson with a ship and pinnace, and some six and thirtie men: those Croshaw a good time taught the vse of their armes, but receiuing a letter from Boyse his Wife, a prisoner with nineteene more at Pamavuke, to vse meanes to the Gouernour for their libertie; So hee dealt with this King, hee got first two of his great men to goe with him to Iames towne, and eight daies after to send foure of his counsell to Pamavuke, there to stay till he sent one of his two to them, to perswade Opachankanough to send two of his with two of the Patawomekes, to treat about those prisoners, and the rest should remaine their hostage. at Pamavuke. But the Commanders, at Iames towne, it seemes, liked not of it, and so sent the Patawomekes backe againe to their owne Countrie, and Captaine Croshaw to his owne habitation. All this time we haue forgot Captaine Nuse, where we left him but newly acquainted with the Massacre, calling all his next adioyning dispersed neighbours together, he regarded not the pestring his owne house, nor any thing to releeue them, and with all speed entrenched himselfe, mounted three peece of Ordnance, so that within 14. daies, he was strong enough to defend himselfe from all the Saluages, yet when victuall grew scant, some that would forrage without order, which he punished, neere occasioned a mutiny. Notwithstanding, he behaued himselfe so fatherly and kindly to them all, they built two houses for them he daily expected from England, a faire Well of fresh water mantled with bricke, because the Riuer and Cricks are there brackish or salt; in all which things he plaied the Sawyer, Carpenter, Dauber, Laborer, or any thing; wherein though his courage and heart were steeled, he found his body was not made of Iron, for hee had many sicknesses, and at last a Dropsie, no lesse griefe to him- selfe, then sorrow to his Wife and all vnder his gouern- ENG. SCH. LIB. No. 16. 38 [1622] Captaine Madyson sent to Fata- week. (p. 599.). The indus Captaine. try of Nuse. 594 . Sir George Yearleys J. SmithLIB. 4. [Ed. by July 1624- [1622] Captaine Saluages. ment. These crosses and losses were [155] no small increasers of his malady, nor the thus abandoning our Plantations, the losse of our Haruest, and also Tobacco. which was as our money; the Vineyard our Vineyetours had brought to a good forwardnesse, bruised and destroyed with Deere, and all things ere they came to perfection, with weeds, disorderly persons or wild beasts; so that as we are I cannot perceiue but the next yeere [1623] will be worse, being still tormented with pride and flattery, idlenesse and couetousnesse, as though they had vowed heere to keepe their Court with all the pestilent vices in the world for their attendants, inchanted with a conceited statelinesse, euen in the very bottome of miserable senselesnesse. Shortly after, Sir George Yearly and Captaine William Powel kils 3. Powel, tooke each of them a company of well disposed Gentlemen and others to seeke their enemies. Yearley ranging the shore of Weanock, could see nothing but their old houses which he burnt, and so went home: Powel searching another part, found them all fled but three he met by chance, whose heads hee cut off, burnt their houses, and so returned; for the Saluages are so light and swift, though wee see them (being so loaded with armour) they haue much aduantage of vs though they be cowards. The opinion of Captaine Smith. I confesse this is true, and it may cause some suppose they are grown inuincible: but will any goe to catch a Hare with a Taber and a Pipe? for who knowes not though there be monsters both of men and beasts, fish and fowle, yet the greatest, the strongest, the wildest, cruellest, fiercest and cunningest, by reason, art and vigilancy, courage and industry hath beene slaine, subiected or made tame and those are still but Saluages as they were, onely growne more bold by our owne simplicities, and still will be worse and worse till they be tormented with a con- tinual pursuit, and not with lying inclosed within Palizados, or affrighting them out of your sights, thinking they haue done well, [that] can but defend themselues: and to doe this to any purpose, will require both charge, patience and experience. But to their proceedings. : Ed. by 595 July . tourney to Accomack. ] LIB. 4. J. Smith1624About the latter end of Iune [1622], Sir George Yearley accompanied with the Councell, and a number of the greatest Gallants in the Land, stayed three or four daies with Captaine Nuse, he making his moane to a chiefe man amongst them for want of prouision for his Company, the great Commander replied hee should turne them to his greene Corne, which would make them plumpe and fat: these fields being so neere the Fort, were better regarded and preserued then the rest, but the great mans command, as we call them, were quickly obeied, for though it was scarce halfe growne either to the greatnesse or goodnesse, they deuoured it greene though it did them small good. Sir George with his company went to Accomack to his new Plantation, where he staied neere six weekes: some Corne he brought home; but as he aduentured for himselfe, he accordingly enioyed the benefit. Some pet[t]y Magazines [Victualling ships] came this Summer, but either the restraint by Proclamation, or want of Boats, or both, caused few but the Chieftaines to be little better by them. So long as Captaine Nuse had any thing we had part; but now all being spent, and the people forced to liue vpon Oisters and Crabs, they became so faint no worke could be done; and where the Law was, no worke, no meat, now the case is altered, to no meat, no worke: some small quantity of Milke and Rice the Captaine had of his owne, and that he would distribute gratis as he saw occasion; I say gratis, for I know no place else, but it was sold for ready paiment. Those eares of Corne that had escaped till August, though. not ripe by reason of the late planting, the very Dogs did repaire to the Corne fields to seeke them as the men till they were hanged: and this I protest before God is true that I haue related, not to flatter Nuse, nor condemne any, but all the time I haue liued in Virginia, I haue not seene nor heard that any Commander hath taken such continuall paines for the publike, or done so little good for himselfe ; and his vertuous wife was no lesse charitable and com- passionate according to her power. For my owne part, although I found neither Mulberies planted, houses built, [156] men nor victuall prouided, as the honourable Aduenturers did promise mee in England; yet at my owne charge, hauing made these preparations, and the silke- [1622] Sir George iourn[ely to Yearleys Accomack. Captaine Nuse his misery. 1 595 . by J. Smith. July 1624. The kindnesse of the EdLIB. 4. 4. . [1622] An Alarum, foure slaine. The kind- nesse of the King of Fatawomek. [EdWormes ready to be couered, all was lost, but my poore life and children, by the Massacre, the which as God in his mercy did preserue, I continually pray we may spend to his glory. The 9. of September [1622], we had an alarum, and two men at their labours slaine; the Captaine [Nuse], though extreme sicke, sallied forth, but the Saluages lay hid in the Corne fields all night, where they destroyed all they could, and killed two men more. Much mischiefe they did to Master Edward Hills cattle, yet he alone defended his house though his men were sicke and could doe nothing, and this was our first assault since the Massacre. About this time Captaine Madyson passed by vs, hauing taken Prisoners, the King of Patawomek, his sonne, and two more, and thus it happened. Madyson not liking so well to liue amongst the Saluages as Croshaw did, built him a strong house within the Fort, so that they were not so sociable as before, nor did they much like Poole the Interpre[te]r. Many Alarums they had, but saw no enemies: Madyson before his building went to Moyaones, where hee got prouision for a moneth, and was promised much more; so he returned to Patawomek and built this house, and was well vsed by the Saluages. Now by the foure great men the King sent to Pamavuke for the redemption of the Prisoners, Madyson sent them a letter, but they could neither deliuer it nor see them: so long they stayed that the King grew doubtfull of their bad vsage, that hee swore by the Skyes, if they returned not well, he would haue warres with Opechankanough so long as he had any thing. At this time two of Madysons men ranne from him, to finde them he sent Master Iohn Vpton and three more with an Indian guide to Nazatica, where they heard they were. At this place was a King beat out of his Country by the Necosts, enemies to the Patawomeks; this expulsed King though he professed much loue to the Patawomcks, yet hee loued not the King because he would not helpe him to reuenge his iniuries, but to our Interpreter Poole hee pro- tested great loue, promising if any treason were, he would reueale it; our guide conducted this Bandyto with them vp to Patawomek and there kept him; our Fugitiues we found the Patawomeks had taken and brought home, and the foure great men returned from Pamavuke. Ed. by J. Smith. LIB. 4. July 1624.] 597 King of Patawomek. Not long after, this expulsed King desired priuate [1622] conference with Poole, vrging him to sweare by his God neuer to reueale what hee would tell him, Poole promised he would not; then quoth this King, those great men that went to Pamavuke, went not as you suppose they pretended, but to contract with Opechankanough how to kill you all here, and these are their plots. policy. Madison King and takes the First, they will procure halfe of you to goe a fishing A Saluages to their furthest towne, and there set vpon them, and cut off the rest; if that faile, they will faine a place where are many strangers [that] would trade their Furres, where they will perswade halfe of you to goe trade, and there murder you and kill them at home; and if this faile also, then they will make Alarums two nights together, to tire you out with watching, and then set vpon you, yet of all this, said he, there is none acquainted but the King and the great Coniurer. This being made known to the Captain, we all stood more punctually vpon our guard, at which the Saluages wondering, desired to know the cause; we told them expected some assault from the Pamavukes, whereat they seemed contented; and the next day the King went on hunting with two of our men, and the other a fishing and abroad as before, till our Shallop returned from Iames towne with the two Saluages sent home with Captaine Croshaw by those the Gouernour sent to Madyson, that this King should send him twelue of his great men; word of this was sent to the King at another towne where he was, who not comming presently with the Messenger, Madyson conceited hee regarded not the message, and intended as he supposed the same treason. : we The next morning the King comming home, being sent for, he came to the Captaine and brought him a dish of their daintiest fruit; then the Captaine fained his returne to Iames towne, the [157] King told him he might if he would, but desired not to leaue him destitute of aid, hauing so many enemies about him; the Captaine told him he would leaue a guard, but intreated his answer concerning the twelue great men for the Gouernour; the King replied, his enemies lay so about him he could not spare them; then the Captaine desired his sonne and one other; my sonne, kils 30. or 40. 598 LIB. 4. Ed. by J. Smith. [Ed. July 1624. The proceedings of the [1622] said the King, is gone abroad about businesse, but the other you desire you shall haue, and that other sits by him, but that man refused to goe, whereupon Madyson went forth and locked the doore, leauing the King, his sonne, and foure Saluages, and fiue English men in the strong house, and setting vpon the towne with the rest of his men, slew thirty or forty men, women and children. The King demanding the cause, Poole told him the treason, crying out to intreat the Captaine cease from such cruelty: but hauing slaine and made flye all in the towne, hee returned, taxing the poore King of treason, who denied to the death not to know of any such matter, but said, This is some plot of them that told it, onely to kill mee for being your friend. Then Madyson willed him, to command none of his men should shoot at him as he went aboord, which he presently did, and it was performed: so Madyson departed, leading the King, his sonne, and two more to his ship, promising when all his men were shipped, he should returne at libertie; notwithstanding he brought them to Iames towne, where set at liberty, they lay some daies, and after were sent home by Captaine Hamer, that tooke Corne for their ransome, and after set saile for New found Land. The King A digression Their proceedings But, alas the cause of this was onely this They understood, nor knew what was amisse. Euer since the beginning of these Plantations, it hath beene supposed the King of Spaine would inuade them, or our English Papists indeuour to dissolue them. But neither all the Counsels of Spaine, nor Papists in the world could haue deuised a better course to bring them all to ruine, then thus to abuse their friends, nor could there. euer haue beene a better plot, to haue ouerthrowne Opechankanough then Captaine Croshaws, had it beene fully managed with expedition. But it seemes God is angry to see Virginia made a stage where nothing but murder and indiscretion contends for victory. Amongst the rest of the Plantations all this Summer [1622] little was done, but securing themselues and planting plantations. Tobacco, which passes there as current Siluer, and by the of the other Ed. by J. Smith. LIB. 4. July 1624. 599 Plantations in Virginia. oft turning and winding it, some grow rich, but many poore: notwithstanding ten or twelue ships or more hath arriued there since the massacre [22 Mar.], although it was Christmas [1622] ere any returned [i.e., to England, and that returne greatly reuiued all mens longing expectation here in England: for they brought newes, that notwith- standing their extreme sicknesse many were recouered, and finding found] the Saluages did not much trouble them, except it were sometimes some disorderly straglers they cut off. [1622] surprisetli To lull them the better in securitie, they sought no 300 reuenge till their Corne was ripe, then they drew together Nandsa- three hundred of the best Souldiers they could, that would mund leaue their priuate businesse, and aduenture themselues. amongst the Saluages to surprise their Corne, vnder the conduct of Sir George Yearley, being imbarked in conuenient shipping, and all things necessary for the enterprise; they went first to Nandsamund, where the people set fire on their owne houses, and spoiled what they could, and then fled with what they could carry; so that the English did make no slaughter amongst them for reuenge. Their Corne fields. being newly gathered, they surprized all they found, burnt the houses [that] remained vnburnt, and so departed. Collyer Quartering about Kecoughtan, after the Watch was set, Samuell Samuell Collyer one of the most ancientest Planters, and slaine. very well acquainted with their language and habitation, IP-94,449-] humors and conditions, and Gouernor of a Towne, when the Watch was set, going the round, vnfortunately by a Centinell that discharged his peece, was slaine. [158] surprise Thence they sailed to Pamavuke, the chiefe seat of They Opechankanough, the contriuer of the massacre: the Sal- Pamavuke uages seemed exceeding fearefull, promising to bring them Sara, and the rest of the English yet liuing, with all the 593-1 Armes, and what they had to restore, much desiring peace, and to giue them any satisfaction they could. Many such deuices they fained to procrastinate the time ten or tweluc daies, till they had got away their Corne from all the other places vp the Riuer, but that where the English kept their quarter at last, when they saw all those promises were but delusions, they seised on all the Corne there was, set fire on their houses: and in following the Saluages that fled 600 LIB. 4. July 1624. How to bring the [1622] before them, some few of those naked Deuils had that spirit, they lay in ambuscado, and as our men marched discharged some shot out of English peeces, and hurt some of them flying at their pleasures where they listed, burning their empty houses before them as they went, to make them- selues sport: so they escaped, and Sir George returned with Corne, where for our paines we had three bushels apeece, but we were enioyned before we had it, to pay ten shillings the bushell for fraught and other charges. The opinion of Captaine Smith. i. 595.1 How to subiect all the Saluages in Virginia. Thus by this meanes the Saluages are like as they report, to endure no small misery this Winter, and that some of our men are returned to their former Plantations. What other passages or impediments hapned in their proceedings, that they were not fully reuenged of the Saluages before they returned, I know not; nor could [I] euer heare more, but that they supposed they slew two, and how it was impossible for any men to doe more then they had scarce three did: yet worthy Ferdinando Courtus hundred Spaniards to conquer the great Citie of Mexico, where thousands of Saluages dwelled in strong houses. But because they were a ciuilised people, had wealth, and those meere Barbarians as wilde as beasts haue nothing; I intreat your patience to tell you my opinion: which if it be Gods pleasure I shall not liue to put in practice, yet it may be hereafter vsefull for some; but howsoeuer I hope not hurtfull to any, and this it is. Had these three hundred men beene at my disposing, I would haue sent first one hundred to Captaine Rawley Chroshaw to Patawomek, with some small Ordnance for the Fort, the which but with daily exercising them, would haue struck that loue and admiration into the Patawomeks, and terror and amazement into his enemies, which are not farre off, and most seated vpon the other side the Riuer, they would willingly haue beene friends, or haue giuen any composition they could, before they would be tormented with such a visible feare. Now though they be generally perfidious, yet necessity constraines those to a kinde of constancy because of their enemies, and neither my selfe that first found them, J. Smith. LIB. 4. July 1624. 601 Saluages under subicction. : Captaine Argall, Chroshaw, nor Hamar, neuer found them- selues in fifteene yeares trials [1608-1623]: nor is it likely now they would haue so hostaged their men, suffer the build- ing of a Fort, and their women and children amongst them, had they intended any villany; but suppose they had, who would haue desired a better aduantage then such an aduertisement, to haue prepared the Fort for such an assault, and surely it must be a poore Fort they could hurt, much more take, if there were but fiue men in it [that] durst discharge a peece: Therefore a man not well knowing their conditions, may be as wel too iealous as too carelesse. Such another Lope Skonce would I haue had at Onaw- manient, and one hundred men more to haue made such another at Atquacke vpon the Riuer of Toppahanock, which is not past thirteene miles distant from Onawmanient: each of which twelue men would keepe, as well as twelue thousand, and spare all the rest to bee imploied as there should be occasion. And all this with these numbers might easily haue beene done, if not by courtesie, yet by compulsion, especially at that time of September when all their fruits were ripe, their beasts fat, and infinite numbers of wilde Fowle began to repaire to euery creeke, that men if they would doe any thing, could not want victuall. This done, there remained yet one hundred who should haue done the like at Ozinicke, vpon the Riuer of Chickaha- mania, not past six [159] miles from the chiefe habitations of Opechankanough. These small Forts had beene cause sufficient to cause all the Inhabitants of each of those Riuers to looke to themselues. Then hauing so many Ships, Barks, and Boats in Virginia as there was at that present, with what facility might you haue landed two hundred and twentie men, if you had but onely fiue or six Boats in one night; forty to range the branch of Mattapanyent, fortie more that of Youghtanund, and fortie more to keepe their randiuous at Pamavuke it selfe. All which places lie so neere, they might heare from each other within foure or fiue houres; and not any of those small parties, if there were any valour, discretion, or industry in them, but as sufficient as foure thousand, to force them all to contribution, or take or spoile all they had. For hauing thus so many conuenient randeuous to releeue each other, [16227 1 602 . The arriuall of J. SmithLIB. 4. [July 1624. [1622] [pp. 142, 458.] though all the whole Countries had beene our enemies, where could they rest, but in the depth of Winter we might burne all the houses vpon all those Riuers in two or three daies? Then without fires they could not liue, which they could not so hide but wee should finde, and quickly o tire them with watching and warding, they would be so weary of their liues, as either fly [from] all their Countries, or giue all they had to be released of such an hourely misery. Now if but a small number of the Saluages would assist vs, as there is no question but diuers of them would; And to suppose they could not be drawne to such faction, were to beleeue they are more vertuous then many Christians, and the best gouerned people in the world. All the Pamavukes might haue beene dispatched as well in a moneth as a yeare, and then to haue dealt with any other enemies at our pleasure, and yet made all this toile and danger but a recreation. If you think this strange or impossible, 12 men with my selfe I found sufficient, to goe where I would adaies, and surprise a house with the people, if not a whole towne, in a night, or incounter all the power they could make, as a whole Army, as formerly at large hath beene related: And it seemes by these small parties last amongst them, by Captaine Crashow, Hamar, and Madyson, they are not growne to that excellency in policy and courage but they might bee encountred, and their wiues and children appre- hended. I know I shall bee taxed for writing so much of my selfe but I care not much, because the iudiciall know there are few such Souldiers as are my examples, haue writ their owne actions, nor know I who will or can tell my intents better then my selfe. Some againe finde as much fault with the Company for medling with so many Plantations together, because they that haue many Irons in the fire some must burne; but I thinke no if they haue men enow know how to worke them, but howsoeuer, it were better some burne then haue none at all. The King of Spaine regards but how many power- full Kingdomes he keepes vnder his obedience, and for the Saluage Countries he hath subiected, they are more then Ed. by 603 July 1624. . LIB. 4. Captaine Butler into Virginia. J. Smithenow for a good Cosmographer to nominate, and is three [1622-3] Mole-hills so much to vs; and so many Empires so little for him? For my owne part, I cannot chuse but grieue, that the actions of an Englishman should be inferior to any, and that the command of England should not be as great as any Monarchy that euer was since the world began, I meane not as a Tyrant to torment all Christendome, but to suppresse her disturbers, and conquer her enemies. For the great Romans got into their hand The whole worlds compasse, both by Sea and Land, Or any seas, or heauen, or earth extended, And yet that Nation could not be contented. Much about this time, arriued a small Barke of Barnes- table, which had beene at the Summer Iles, and in her Captaine Nathaniel Butler, who hauing beene Gouernour there three yeares, and his Commission expired, he tooke the opportunity of this ship to see Virginia [p. 685]. At Iames Towne he was kindly entertained [160] by Sir Francis Wyat the Gouernour. After he had rested there fourteene daies, he fell vp with his ship to the Riuer of Chickahamania, where meeting Captaine William Powell, ioyning together such forces as they had to the number of eighty, they set vpon the Chickahamanians, that fearefully fled, suffering the English to spoile all they had, not daring to resist them. Thus he returned to Iames towne, where hee staied a moneth, at Kecoughtan as much more, and so returned for England [Feb. 1623]. But riding at Kecoughtan, Master Iohn Argent, sonne to Doctor Argent, a young Gentleman that went with Cap- taine Butler from England to this place, Michael Fuller, William Gany, Cornelius May, and one other going ashore with some goods late in a faire euening, such a sudden gust did arise, that driue [drove] them thwart the Riuer, in that place at least three or foure miles in bredth, where the shore was so shallow at a low water, and the Boat beating vpon the Sands, they left her, wading neere halfe a mile, and oft vp to the chin. So well it hapned, Master Argent had put his Bandileir of powder in his hat, which next God The arriuall Butler, and of Captaine his acci- dents. c A strange of Master others. deliuerance Argent and 604 A strange deliuerance of M. Argent. LIB. 4. [E Ed. by J. Smith. July 1624. [1623] was all their preseruations: for it being February [1623}, and the ground so cold, their bodies became so benumbed, they were not able to strike fire with a steele and a stone hee had in his pocket; the stone they lost twice, and thus those poore soules groping in the darke, it was Master Argents chance to finde it, and with a few withered leaues, reeds, and brush, make a small fire, being vpon the Chisapeaks shore, their mortall enemies, great was their feare to be discouered. The ioyfull morning appearing, they found their Boat and goods driue[n] ashore, not farre from them, but so split shee was vnseruiceable: but so much was the frost, their clothes did freeze vpon their backs, for they durst not make any great fire to dry them, lest thereby the bloudy Saluages might discry them, so that one of them died the next day; and the next night, digging a graue in the Sands with their hands, buried him. In this bodily feare they liued and fasted two daies and nights, then two of them went into the Land to seeke fresh water; the others to the Boat to get some meale and oyle. Argent and his Comrado found a Canow, in which they resolued to aduenture to their ship, but shee was a drift in the Riuer before they returned. Thus frustrate of all hopes, Captaine Butler the third night ranging the shore in his Boat to seeke them, discharged his Muskets; but they supposing it some Saluages [that] had got some English peeces, they grew more perplexed then euer: so he returned and lost his labour. The fourth day they vnloaded their Boat, and stopping her leakes with their handkerchiefes, and other rags, two rowing, and two bailing out the water; but farre they went not ere the water grew vpon them so fast, and they so tired, they thought themselues happy to be on shore againe, though they perceiued the Indians were not farre off by their fires. Thus at the very period of despaire, Fuller vndertooke to sit a stride vpon a little peece of an old Canow; so well it pleased God the wind and tide serued, by padling with his hands and feet in the water, beyond all expec- tation God so guided him three or foure houres vpon this boord, [that] he arriued at their ship, where they no lesse Ed. by JiiJ. Smith. ] LIB. 4. A strange deliverance of M. Argent. 605 amazed, then he tired they tooke him in. Presently as [1622-3] he had concluded with his Companions, he caused them discharge a peece of Ordnance if he escaped: which gaue no lesse comfort to Master Argent and the rest, then terror to those Plantations that heard it, (being late) at such an vnexpected alarum ; but after, with warme clothes and a little strong water, they had a little recouered him, such. was his courage and care of his distressed friends, he returned that night againe with Master Felgate to conduct him to them and so giuing thanks to God for so hopelesse a deliuerance, it pleased his Diuine power, both they and their prouision came safely aboord, but Fuller they doubt will neuer recouer his benumbed legs and thighes. Now before Butlers arriuall in England, many hard speeches were rumored against him for so leauing his charge, before he receiued order from the Company. Diuers againe of his Souldiers as highly commended him, for his good government, [161] art, iudgement and industry. But to make the misery of Virginia appeare that it might be reformed in time, how all those Cities, Townes, Corporations, Forts, Vineyards, Nurseries of Mulberies, Glasse-houses, Iron forges, Guest-houses, Silke-wormes, Colleges, the Companies great estate, and that plenty some doe speake of here, are rather things in words and paper then in effect, with diuers reasons of the causes of those defects; if it were false, his blame nor shame could not be too much: but if there bee such defects in the gouernment, and distresse in the Colony, it is thought by many it hath beene too long concealed, and requireth rather reformation then disputation: but howeuer, it were not amisse to pro- uide for the worst, for the best will help it selfe. Notwith- standing, it was apprehended so hardly, and examined with that passion, that the bru[i]te thereof was spread abroad with that expedition, it did more hurt then the massacre; and the fault of all now by the vulgar rumour, must be attri- buted to the vnwholesomnesse of the ayre, and barrennesse of the Countrey: as though all England were naught, because the Fens and Marshes are vnhealthy; or barren, because some will lie vnder windowes and starue in Cheap- side, rot in Goales, die in the street, high-waies, or any 606 Captaine Spilman left in Patawomek. LIB. 4. [Ed. by July J. Smith. [1623] where, and vse a thousand deuices to maintaine them- selues in those miseries, rather then take any paines to liue as they may by honest labour, and a great part of such like are the Planters of Virginia, and partly the occasion of those defailements. 1623. The Earle of South- ampton Treasurer. How In the latter end of this last yeare, or the beginning of this, Captaine Henrie Spilman a Gentleman, that hath liued in those Countries thirteene or fourteene yeares [1609-1622, see pp. 172, 498, 503, 528, 606], one of the best Interpreters in the Land, being furnished with a Barke and six and twentie men, hee was sent to trucke in the the Riuer of Riuer of Patawomek, where he had liued a long time amongst the Saluages. Captaine Spilman was left in Pata- womek. Whether hee presumed too much vpon his acquaintance. amongst them, or they sought to be reuenged of any for the slaughter made amongst them by the English so lately [p. 598], or hee sought to betray them, or they him, are all seueral relations, but it seemes but imaginary: for they [who] returned, report they left him ashore about Patawomek, but the name of the place they knew not, with one and twentie men, being but fiue in the Barke. The Saluages, ere they suspected any thing, boorded them with their Canowes, and entred so fast, the English were amazed, till a Sailer gaue fire to a peece of Ordnance onely at randome; at the report whereof, the Saluages. leapt ouer-boord, so distracted with feare, they left their Canowes and swum a shore; and presently after they heard a great bru[i]te amongst the Saluages a shore, and saw a mans head throwne downe the banke. Whereupon they weighed Anchor and returned home, but how he was surprised or slaine, is vncertaine. Thus things proceed and vary not a iot, Whether we know them, or we know them not. 607 A particular of such necessaries as either priuate families, or single persons, shall haue cause to prouide to goe to Virginia, whereby greater numbers may in part conceiue the better how to prouide. for themselues. 3 paire of Irish stockings. Apparell. Monmoth Cap IS. Iod. 3 falling bands. IS. 3d. 3 shirts. 7s. 6d. I Waste-coat. 25. 2d. I suit of Canuase. 7s. 6d. I suit of Frize. I suit of Cloth. IOS. 15S. 45. 8s. Sd. 4 paire of shooes. 1 paire of garters. Iod. I dozen of points. [162] 3d. I paire of Canuas sheets. 7 ells of Canuas to make a bed and boulster, to be 8s. filled in Virginia, seruing for two men. 5 ells of course Can- 8s. uas to make a bed at Sea for two men. 5s. I course rug at sea for two men. 6s. [1623] Apparrell for one man, and so after the rate for more. “l. [i.e., for one man.] 608 . Such things as men ought to provide LIB. 4. [Ed. by July J. Smith1624- [1623] Victuall for a whole yeare for | Tooles for a family of six per- a man, and so after the rate for more. 8 bushels of meale. 21. sons, and so after the rate for more. 5 broad howes at 2s. a peece. IOS. 2 bushels of pease. 6s. 2 bushels of Ote- 5 narrow howes at 16d. a peece 6s. 8d. meale. 2 broad axes at 3s. 9s. I gallon of Aqua- 8d. a peece. 7s. 4d. vitæ. 2s. 6d. 5 felling axes at 18d. a peece 7s. 6d. I gallon of oyle. 3s. 6d. 2 gallons of Vine- ger. 2 steele handsawes at 16d. a peece. 2s. 8d. 25. IOS. 31.35. Armes for a man; but if halfe your men be armed it is well, so all haue swords and peeces. 1 Armor compleat, light. 17S. I long peece fiue foot and a halfe, neere Musket bore. Il. 25. I Sword. I Belt. I Bandilier. 5S. IS. Is. 6d. 20 pound of powder. 18s. 60 pound of shot 2 two handsawes at 5s. a peece. I whipsaw, set and filed; with box, file and wrest. 2 hammers 12d. a peece. 3 shouels at 18d. a peece. 2 spades at 18d. a peece. IOS. 25. 4s. 6d. 35. 2 Augers at 6d. peece. Is. 6 Chissels at 6d. a peece. 2 Percers stocked [at] 4d. a peece. 35. 8d. 3 Gimblets at 2d.a peece. 6d. 2 Hatchets at 21d. a peece. 2 frowes to cleaue 3s. 6d. pale 18d. each. 35. 2 hand Bills 20d. a peece. I Grindstone. Nailes of all sorts to 3s. 4d. 45. or Lead, Pistoll the value of 21. and Goose shot. 5S. 2 Pickaxes. 35. 31. gs. 6d. 61. 2s. 8d. Ed. by J. Smith. LIB. 4. July 1624.J 609 when they goe to Virginia. Houshold implements for a family and six persons, and so for more or lesse after the rate. I Iron pot. 75. I Kettell. 6s. 1 large Frying-pan. 2s. 6d. I Gridiron. Is. 6d. 2 Skellets. 5S. I Spit. 25. Platters, dishes, spocnes of wood. 4s. Il. 8s. For Sugar, Spice, and Fruit, and at Sea for six men. 12s. 6d. So the full charge after this rate for each person, will amount to about the summe of 12l. 10s. 10d. The passage of each man is 61. The fraught of these pro- uisions for a man, will be about halfe a tun, which Il. IOS. is So the whole charge will amount to about 201. Now if the number be great; [not only] Nets, Hooks, and Lines, but Cheese, Bacon, Kine and Goats must be added. And this is the vsuall proportion the Virginia Company doe bestow vpon their Tenents they send. [1623] ENG. SCH. LIB. No. 16. 39 PHILI 610 [1624] The causes of our first miseries. A briefe relation written by Captaine Smith to his Maiesties Commissioners for the reformation of Virginia, concerning some aspersions against it. Onourable Gentlemen, for so many faire. and Nauigable Riuers so neere adioyn- ing, and piercing thorow so faire a naturall Land, free from any inunda- tions, or large Fenny vnwholsome Marshes, I haue not seene, read, nor heard of: And for the building of Cities, Townes, and Wharfage, if they will vse the meanes, where there is no more ebbe nor floud, Nature in few places affoords any so conuenient. For salt Marshes or Quagmires, [163] in this tract of Iames Towne Riuer I know very few; some small Marshes and Swamps there are, but more profitable than hurtfull and I thinke there is more low Marsh ground betwixt Eriffe and Chelsey, then Kecoughton and the Falls, which is about one hundred and eighty miles by the course of the Riuer. Being enioyned by our Commission not to vnplant nor wrong the Saluages, because the channell was so neere the shore, where now is Iames Towne, then a thick groue of trees; wee cut them downe, where the Saluages pretending as much kindnesse as could bee, they hurt and slew one and twenty of vs in two houres. At this time our diet was for most part water and bran, and three ounces of little J. Smith611 1624. LIB. 4. Of the Commodities of the Countrey. : . better stuffe in bread for fiue men a meale; and thus we [1607-8] liued neere three moneths: our lodgings vnder boughes of trees, the Saluages being our enemies, whom we neither knew nor vnderstood; occasions I thinke sufficient to make men sicke and die. English in all Vir- ginia. Necessity thus did inforce me with eight or nine, to try But 38 conclusions amongst the Saluages, that we got prouision which recouered the rest being most sicke. Six weeks [see p. 531] I was led captiue by those Barbarians, though some of my men were slaine, and the rest fled; yet it pleased God to make their great Kings daughter the means to returne me safe to Iames towre, and releeue our wants: and then [8 Jan. 1608] our Common-wealth was in all eight and thirty, the remainder of one hundred and fiue. Being supplied with one hundred and twenty, with twelue Proofes of men in a boat of three tuns, I spent fourteene weeks fulnesse in [2 June-21 July, and 24 July—7 Sept. 1608] those large Countrey. waters; the contents of the way of my boat protracted by the skale of proportion, was about three thousand miles, besides the Riuer we dwell vpon: where no Christian knowne euer was, and our diet for the most part what we could finde, yet but one died. The Saluages being acquainted, that by command from England we durst not hurt them, were much imboldned; that famine and their insolencies did force me to breake our Commission and instructions; cause Powhatan [to] fly his Countrey, and take the King of Pamavnke Prisoner; and also to keepe the King of Paspahegh in shackels, and put his men to double taskes in chaines, till nine and thirty of their Kings paied vs contribution, and the offending Sal- uages sent to Iames towne to punish at our owne discre- tions: in the two last yeares [Oct. 1607-Oct. 1609] I staied there, I had not a man slaine. the health- of the How the became Saluages subiected. liued of the fruits of the Countrey. All those conclusions being not able to preuent the bad How we euents of pride and idlenesse, hauing receiued another natural supply of seuentie, we were about two hundred in all, but not twentie work-men: In following the strict directions from England to doe that was impossible at that time; So it hapned, that neither wee nor they had any thing to eat but what the Countrey afforded naturally; yet of eightie who liued vpon Oysters in Iune and Iuly [1609], with a 612 . Of the Commodities of the Countrey. SmithLIB. 4. [J. Sm624. [1608-9] pint of corne a week for a man lying vnder trees, and 120 for the most part liuing vpon Sturgion, which was dried til we pounded it to powder for meale, yet in ten weeks [1 May-10 July 1609] but seuen died. Proofe of the Commodities It is true, we had of Tooles, Armes, and Munition suffi- we returned. cient, some Aquavita, Vineger, Meale, Pease, and Ote- meale, but in two yeares and a halfe not sufficient for six moneths; though by the bils of loading the proportions. sent vs, would well haue contented vs : notwithstanding we sent home ample proofes of Pitch, Tar, Sope Ashes, Wainskot, Clapboord, Silke grasse, Iron Ore, some Sturgion and Glasse, Saxefras, Cedar, Cypris, and blacke Walnut; crowned Powhatan; sought the Monacans Countrey, according to the instructions sent vs, but they caused vs [to] neglect more necessary workes: they had better haue giuen for Pitch and Sope ashes one hundred pound a tun in Denmarke: Wee also maintained fiue or six seuerall Plantations. What we built. [A. 957.] Iames towne being burnt [Jan. 1608], wee rebuilt it and three Forts more: besides the Church and Store-house, we had about fortie or fiftie seuerall houses to keepe vs warme and dry, inuironed with a palizado of foureteene or fifteene foot, and each as much as three or foure men could carrie. We digged a faire Well of fresh water in the Fort, where wee had three Bulwarks, foure and twentie peece[s] of Ordnance [164] (of Culuering, Demiculuering, Sacar and Falcon), and most well mounted vpon conuenient plat-formes: [and] planted one hundred acres of Corne. We had but six ships to transport and supply vs, and but two hundred seuenty seuen men, boies, and women: by whose labours Virginia being brought to this kinde of perfection, the most difficulties past, and the foundation thus laid by this small meanes; yet because we had done no more, they called in our Commission, tooke a new in their owne names, and appointed vs neere as many offices and Officers as I had Souldiers, that neither knew vs nor wee them, without our consents or knowledge. Since [by 1624], there haue gone more then one hundred ships of other proportions, and eight or ten thousand people. Now if you please to compare what hath beene spent, J. Smith613 1624.. The reason why Capt. Smith left the Countrey. . sent, discouered, and done this fifteene yeares [1609-1624], by that we did in the three first yeares: and [that] euery Gouernor that hath beene there since, giue you but such an account as this, you may easily finde what hath beene the cause of those disasters in Virginia. Then came [about 10 July 1609] in Captaine Argall, and Master Sedan, in a ship of Master Cornelius, to fish for Sturgion; who had such good prouision, we contracted with them for it, whereby we were better furnished then euer. Not long after came in seuen ships [11-14 August 1609], with about three hundred people; but rather to supplant vs then supply vs: their Admirall with their authoritie being cast away in the Bermudas, very angry they were we had made no better prouision for them. Seuen or eight weekes [II Aug.-4 Oct. 1609] we withstood the invndations of these disorderly humors, till I was neere blowne to death with Gun-powder, which occasioned me to returne for England. In the yeare 1609 about Michaelmas (viz., on Oct. 4, see p. xcviii], I left the Countrey, as is formerly related, with three ships, seuen Boats, Commodities to trade, haruest newly gathered, eight weeks prouision of Corne and Meale, about fiue hundred persons, three hundred Muskets, shot powder and match with armes for more men then we had. The Saluages their language and habitation well knowne to two hundred expert Souldiers; Nets for fishing, tooles of all sorts, apparell to supply their wants: six Mares and a Horse, fiue or six hundred Swine, many more Powltry, what was brought or bred, but [except victuall, there remained. [1608- 1624] How I left the Coun- try. Hauing spent some fiue yeares [1604-1609], and more My charge then fiue hundred pounds in procuring the Letters Patents and setting forward, and neere as much more about New England, &c. Thus these nineteene yeares [1603-1624] I haue here and there not spared any thing according to my abilitie, nor the best aduice I could, to perswade how those strange miracles of misery might haue beene preuented, which lamentable experience plainly taught me of necessity must insue, but few would beleeue me till now too deerely they haue paid for it. Wherefore hitherto I haue rather left 614 Smith. 1624. The reason why Capt. Smith left the Countrey. [J [1624] My reward. all then vndertake impossibilities, or any more such costly. taskes at such chargeable rates: for in neither of those two Countries haue I one foot of Land, nor the very house I builded, nor the ground I digged with my owne hands, nor euer any content or satisfaction at all. And though I see ordinarily those two Countries shared before me by them. that neither haue them nor knowes them, but by my descriptions: Yet that doth not so much trouble me, as to heare and see those contentions and diuisions which will hazard if not ruine the prosperitie of Virginia, if present remedy bee not found, as they haue hindred many hun- dreds, who would haue beene there ere now, and makes them yet that are willing to stand in a demurre. For the Books and Maps I haue made, I will thanke him. that will shew me so much for so little recompence; and beare with their errors till I haue done better. For the materials in them I cannot deny, but am ready to affirme them both there and here, vpon such grounds as I haue propounded: which is to haue but fifteene hundred men to subdue againe the Saluages, fortifie the Countrey, discouer that yet vnknowne, and both defend and feed their Colony, which I most humbly refer to his Maiesties most iudiciall iudgement, and the most honourable Lords of his [165] Priuy Councill, you his trusty and well-beloued Commis- sioners, and the Honourable company of Planters and well-willers to Virginia, New-England and Sommer-Ilands. 615 יה Out of these Obseruations it pleased his Maiesties Commissioners for the reformation of Virginia, to desire my answer to these seuen Questions. Quest. I. Hat conceive you is the cause the Plantation hath prospered no better since you left it in so good a forwardnesse ? Answ. Idlenesse and care- lesnesse brought all I did in three yeeres, in six moneths to nothing; and of fiue hundred I left, scarce threescore remained; and had Sir Thomas Gates not got from the Bermudas, I thinke they had beene all dead before they could be supplied. Quest. 2. What conceiue you should be the cause, though the Country be good, there comes nothing but Tobacco ? Answ. The oft altering of Gouernours it seemes causes euery man [to] make vse of his time, and because Corne was stinted at two shillings six pence the bushell, and Tobacco at three shillings the pound; and they value a mans labour a yeere worth fifty or threescore pound, but in Corne not worth ten pound, presuming Tobacco will furnish them with all things: now make a mans labour in Corne worth three- score pound, and in Tobacco but ten pound a man, then shall they haue Corne sufficient to entertaine all commers, and [1624] Į 616 Answer to the Commissioners Questions. LIB. 4. [Smith. 1624. J. J [1624] keepe their people in health to doe any thing; but till then, there will be little or nothing to any purpose. Quest. 3. What conceiue you to haue beene the cause of the Massacre, and had the Saluages had the vse of any peeces in your time, or when, or by whom they were taught? Answ. The cause of the Massacre was the want of marshall discipline; and because they would haue all the English had by destroying those they found so carelesly secure, that they were not prouided to defend themselues against any enemy; being so dispersed as they were. In my time, though Captaine Nuport furnished them with swords by truck, and many fugitiues did the like, and some Peeces they got accidentally: yet I got the most of them againe; and it was death to him that should shew a Saluage the vse of a Peece. Since, I vnderstand, they became so good shot, they were imployed for Fowlers and Huntsmen by the English. Quest. 4. What charge thinke you would haue setled the gouernment both for defence and planting when you left it?. Answ. Twenty thousand pound would haue hyred good labourers and mechanicall men, and haue furnished them [p. 487,930. with cattle and all necessaries; and 100. of them would haue done more then a thousand of those that went: though the Lord Laware, Sir Ferdinando Waynman, Sir Thomas Gates and Sir Thomas Dale were perswaded to the contrary; but when they had tried, they confessed their error. Quest. 5. What conceiue you would be the remedy and the charge? Answ. The remedy is to send Souldiers and all sorts of labourers and necessaries for them, that they may be there by next Michaelmas [1624], the which to doe well will stand you in fiue thousand pound: but if his Maiesty would please to lend two of his Ships to transport them, lesse would serue; besides the benefit of his grace to the action would encourage all men. Quest. 6. What thinke you are the defects of the gouernment both here and there? Answ. The multiplicity of opinions here, and Officers there, makes such delaies by questions and formalitie, that as much time is spent in complement as in action; [166] besides, some are so desirous to imploy their ships, hauing J. Smith. 1624LIB. 4. Answer to the Commissioners Questions. 617 . six pounds for euery Passenger, and three pounds for euery tun of goods, at which rate a thousand ships may now better be procured then one at the first, when the common stocke defrayed all fraughts, wages, prouisions and Maga- zines, whereby the Ships are so pestred, as occasions much sicknesse, diseases and mortality: for though all the Pas- sengers die they are sure of their fraught; and then all must be satisfied with Orations, disputations, excuses and hopes. As for the letters of aduice from hence, and their answers thence, they are so well written, men would be- leeue there were no great doubt of the performance, and that all things were wel, to which error here they haue beene euer much subiect; and there not to beleeue, or not to releeue the true and poore estate of that Colony, whose fruits were commonly spent before they were ripe, and this losse is nothing to them here, whose great estates are not sensible of the losse of their aduentures, and so they thinke, or will not take notice; but it is so with all men. But howsoeuer they thinke or dispose of all things at their pleasure, I am sure not my selfe onely, but a thousand others haue not onely spent the most of their estates, but the most part haue lost their liues and all, onely but to make way for the triall of more new conclusions: and he that now will aduenture but twelue pounds ten shillings, shall haue better respect and as much fauour then he that sixteene yeere agoe [in 1609] aduentured as much, except he haue money as the other hath; but though he haue aduen- tured fiue hundred pound, and spent there neuer so much time, if hee haue no more and [be] not able to begin a family of himselfe, all is lost by order of Court. But in the beginning it was not so, all went then out of one purse, till those new deuices haue consumed both mony and purse; for at first there were but six Patentees, now more then a thousand; then but thirteene Counsailors, now not lesse then an hundred: I speake not of all, for there are some both honourable and honest, but of those Officers which did they manage their owne estates no better then the affaires of Virginia, they would quickly fall to decay so well as it. But this is most euident, few Officers in England it hath caused to turne Banquerupts, nor for all their complaints would [they] leaue their places; neither [1624] 618 Answer to the Commissioners Questions. LIB. 4. [J. Smith. [1624] yet any of their Officers there, nor few of the rest but they would be at home. But fewer Aduenturers here will aduen- ture any more till they see the businesse better established, although there be some so wilfully improuident they care for nothing but to get thither, and then if their friends be dead, or want themselues, they die or liue but poorely for want of necessaries, and to thinke the old Planters can releeue them were too much simplicity; for who here in England is so charitable to feed two or three strangers, haue they neuer so much; much lesse in Virginia where they want for themselues. Now the general complaint saith, that pride, couetousnesse, extortion and oppression in a few that ingrosses all, then sell all againe to the com- minalty at what rate they please (yea euen men, women and children for who will giue most), occasions no small mischiefe amongst the Planters. As for the Company, or those that doe transport them, prouided of necessaries, God forbid but they should receiue their charges againe with aduantage, or that masters there. should not haue the same priuilege ouer their seruants as here but to sell him or her for forty, fifty, or threescore pounds, whom the Company hath sent ouer for eight or ten pounds at the most, without regard how they shall be maintained with apparell, meat, drinke and lodging, is odious, and their fruits su[i]table: therefore such merchants. it were better they were made such merchandize them- selues, then suffered any longer to vse that trade, and those. are defects sufficient to bring a well setled Common-wealth to misery, much more Virginia. Quest. 7. How thinke you it may be rectified? Answ. If his Maiestie would please to intitle [resume] it to his Crowne, and yearely that both the Gouernours here and there may giue their accounts to you, or some that are not ingaged in the businesse, that the common stocke bee. not spent in [167] maintaining one hundred men for the Gouernour, one hundred for two Deputies, fifty for the Treasurer, fiue and twenty for the Secretary, and more for the Marshall and other Officers who were neuer there nor aduentured any thing; but onely preferred by fauour to be Lords ouer them that broke the ice and beat the path, and must teach them what to doe. If any thing happen well, it J. Smith1624.. . LIB. 4. Answer to the Commissioners Questions. 619 is their glory; if ill, the fault of the old directors, that in [1624] all dangers must endure the worst, yet not fiue hundred of them haue so much as one of the others. Also that there bee some present course taken to main- taine a Garrison to suppresse the Saluages, till they be able to subsist, and that his Maiesty would please to remit his custome; or it is to be feared they will lose custome and all, for this cannot be done by promises, hopes, counsels and countenances, but with sufficient workmen and meanes to maintaine them: not such delinquents as here cannot be ruled by all the lawes in England. Yet when the foundation is laid, as I haue said, and a common-wealth established, then such there may better be constrained to labour then here; but to rectifie a common-wealth with debaushed people is impossible, and no wise man would throw himselfe into such a society, that intends. honestly, and knowes what he vndertakes. For there is no Country to pillage as the Romans found: all you expect from thence must be by labour. For the gouernment I thinke there is as much adoe about it as the Kingdomes of Scotland and Ireland, men here con- ceiting Virginia as they are, erecting as many stately Offices as Officers with their attendants, as there are labourers in the Countrey: where a Constable were as good as twenty of their Captaines; and three hundred good Souldiers and labourers better then all the rest, that goe onely to get the fruits of other mens labours by the title of an office. Thus they spend Michaelmas rent in Mid-summer Moone, and would gather their Haruest before they haue planted their Corne. As for the maintenance of the Officers, the first that went neuer demanded any, but aduentured good summes: and it seemes strange to me, the fruits of all their labours, besides the expence of an hundred and fifty thousand pounds, and such multitudes of people, those collaterall Officers could not maintaine themselues so well as the old did; and hauing now such liberty to doe to the Saluages what they will, [which] the others had not. I more then wonder they haue not fiue hundred Saluages. to worke for them towards their generall maintenance; and as many more to returne some content and satisfaction 620 Answer to the Commissioners Questions. LIB. 4. [J. Smith1624. . [1624] to the Aduenturers, that for all their care, charge and diligence, can heare nor see nothing but miserable com- plaints: therefore vnder your correction to rectifie all, [it] is with all expedition to passe the authority to them who will releeue them, lest all bee consumed ere the differences be determined. And except his Maiestie vndertake it, or by Act of Par- lament some small tax may be granted throughout his Dominions, as a Penny vpon euery Poll, called a head- penny; two pence vpon euery Chimney, or some such collection might be raised, and that would be sufficient to giue a good stocke, and many seruants to sufficient men of any facultie, and transport them freely for paying onely homage to the Crowne of England, and such duties to the publike good as their estates increased, [as] reason should require. Were this put in practice, how many people of what quality you please, for all those disasters would yet gladly goe to spend their liues there, and by this meanes more good might be done in one yeere, then all those pe[t]ty particular vndertakings will effect in twenty. For the Patent the King may, if he please, rather take it from them that haue it, then from vs who had it first; pre- tending to his Maiesty what great matters they would doe, and how little we did: and for any thing I can conceiue had we remained still as at first, it is not likely we could haue done much worse; but those oft altering of gouern- ments are not without much charge, hazard and losse. If I be too plaine, I humbly craue your pardon; but you requested me, therefore I doe but my duty. For the Nobility, who knowes not how freely both in their 168] Purses and assistances many of them haue beene to aduance it, com- mitting the managing of the businesse to inferiour persons: amongst whom questionlesse also many haue done their vtmost best, sincerely and truly according to their conceit, opinion and vnderstanding; yet grosse errors haue beene committed, but no man liues without his fault. For my owne part, I haue so much adoe to amend my owne, I haue no leisure to looke into any mans particular [i.e., fault], but those [faults] in generall I conceiue to be true. And so I humbly rest Yours to command, I. S. 621 Hus those discords, not being to be compounded among themselues; nor yet by the extraordinary diligences, care and paines of the noble and right worthy Commissioners, Sir William Iones, Sir Nicholas Fortescue, Sir Francis Goston, Sir Richard Sutton, Sir Henry Bourgchier and Sir William Pit: a Corante was granted against Master Deputy Farrar, and 20. or 30. others of that party, to plead their causes before the right Honourable the Lords of His Maiesties Priuy Councell. Now notwithstanding all the Relations, Examinations, and intercepting of all Letters whatsoeuer [that] came from thence, yet it seemes they were so farre vnsatisfied and desired to know the truth, as well for the preseruation of the Colony, as to giue content and doe all men right, [that] they sent two Commissioners strictly to examine the true estate of the Colony. Vpon whose returne after mature deliberation, it pleased his royall Maiesty to suppresse the course of the Court at Deputy Farrars and that for the present ordering the affaires of Virginia, vntill he should make a more full settlement thereof, the Lord Viscount Mandeuile, Lord President of his Maiesties Priuie Councell, and also other Priuy Councellors, with many vnderstanding Knights and Gentlemen, should euery Thursday in the afternoone meet at Sir Thomas Smiths in Philpot lane where all men whom it should concerne may repaire, to receiue such directions and warrant for their better security; as more at large you may see in the Proclamation to that effect, vnder the great Seale of England, dated the 15. of Iuly, 1624. [1624] The King hath pleased to take it sideration. into his con- 622 . The King takes it into his consideration. LIB. 4. [J. Smith1624. [1624] But as for the relations last returned, what numbers they are, how many Cities, Corporations, townes, and houses, cattle and horse they haue; what fortifications or discoueries they haue made, or reuenge vpon the Saluages; who are their friends or foes; or what commodities they haue more then Tobacco; and their present estate or what is presently to be put in execution: in that the Commissioners are not yet fully satisfied in the one, nor resolued in the other, at this present time when this went to the Presse, I must intreat you pardon me till I be better assured. Thus far I haue trauelled in this Wildernesse of Virginia, not being ignorant [that] for all my paines, this discourse will be wrested, tossed and turned as many waies as there is leaues [The first four Books of this General History, occupy 168 leaves]; that I haue writ too much of some, too little of others, and many such like obiections. To such I must answer, in the Companies name I was requested to doe it, if any haue concealed their approued experiences from my knowledge, they must excuse me as for euery fatherles or stolne relation, or whole volumes of sofisticated rehearsals, I leaue them to the charge of them that desire them. I thanke God I neuer vndertooke any thing yet [wherein] any could tax me of carelesnesse or dishonesty, and what is hee to whom I am indebted or troublesome? Ah! were these my accusers but to change cases and places with me but 2. yeeres, or till they had done but so much as I, it may be they would iudge more charitably of my imperfections. But here I must leaue all to the triall of time, both my selfe, Virginia's preparations, proceedings and good euents; praying to that great God the protector of all goodnesse to send them as good successe as the goodnesse of the action and Country deserueth, and my heart desireth. FINIS. [169] 623 [The Generall Historie of Virginia, New England, & the Summer Isles. THE FIFтн Воок. 1624. The General History of the Bermudas. 1593-1623.] 624 [Captain SMITH was never at Bermuda. This part of the Generall Historie therefore is clearly a compilation. Our Author may have made large use of Sloane MS. 750, in the British Museum; which has been edited by General Sir J. HENRY LEFROY, R.A., C.B., K.C.M.G., for the Hakluyt Society in 1881, under the title of "The History of the Bermudas or Somer Islands. Attributed to Captain JOHN SMITH:" but clearly he was not the Author of that manuscript, which was written apparently by a Governor previous to Governor BUTLER; ? by Governor TUCKER.] St Catherins Redoute Pembroks forte Kings Caftell Devonshire Southampton forte forte F K M L E 8. Smith Hambleton. Vincere est vivers St George Towne 宿 ​Warwicks forte. Sands 3. Warwick, DA E 4 The tribes ar signifyed by thefe Figuns. 5.Pembrok 2. Southampton Padget6. Cauendish 6. Cauendish The Summer Hs. FR Statehouse Thes Letters 10111 A.B.C.Shew the fittuation of the 3 bridges P the Mount.DE. FGHIKLM. N.O. fforts how and by whom they wer made the hifto ry will ſhew you. The difcription of land by Mr Norwood* All contracted into this order by Captaine Iohn Smith. Smiths * 2 3 forte I 8 A Scale of 8 Miles 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 23456 78 DE F 32 Deg25 M G The 3 Bridges 0000 A.B.C. P ON M Pagets forte H Riches Penistons Redoute Mount Charles forte G N Printed by James Reeve 625 The fifth Booke. THE GENERALL HISTORIE OF THE BERMVDAS, NOW called the Summer Iles, from their beginning in the yeere of our Lord 1593. to this present 1624. with their proceedings, accidents and B present estate. Efore we present you the matters of fact, it is fit to offer to your view the Stage whereon they were acted for as Geo- graphy without History seemeth a carkasse without motion; so History without Geography, wandreth as a Vagrant without a certaine habitation. [1593- 1623] Those Ilands lie in the huge maine The Ocean, and two hundred leagues from any continent, description situated in 32. degrees and 25. minutes, of Northerly latitude, and distant from England West South-West, about 3300. miles; some twenty miles in length, and not past two miles and a halfe in breadth, enuironed with Rocks, which to the North-ward, West-ward, and South- East, extend further then they haue bin yet well dis- ENG. SCH. LIB. No. 16. 40 626 . The description of the Summer Iles pLIB. 5. Lee . J. Smith. [1593- 1623] The clime temper, and fertility. 1.623couered: by reason of those Rocks the Country is naturally very strong, for there is but two places, and scar[c]e two vnlesse to them who know them well, where shipping may safely come in, and those now are exceeding well fortified, but within is roome to entertaine a royal Fleet: the Rocks in most places appeare at a low water, neither are they much couered at a high, for it ebbs and flowes not past fiue foot; the shore for most part is a Rocke, so hardened with the sunne, wind and sea, that it is not apt to be worne away with the waues, whose violence is also broke by the Rocks before they can come to the shore. It is very vneuen, distributed into hills and dales; the mold is of diuers colours, neither clay nor sand, but a meane betweene; the red which resembleth clay is the worst, the whitest resembling sand and the blackest is good, but the browne betwixt them both which they call white, because there is mingled with it a white meale is the best: vnder the mould two or three foot deep, and sometimes lesse, is a kinde of white hard substance which they call the Rocke: the trees vsually fasten their roots in it; neither is it indeed rocke or stone, or so hard, though for most part more harder then Chalke; nor so white, but pumish-like and spungy, easily receiuing and containing much water. In some places Clay is found vnder it, it seemes to be ingendred with raine water, draining through the earth, and drawing with it of his substance vnto a certaine depth where it congeales; the hardest kinde of it lies vnder the red ground like quarries, as it were thicke slates one vpon another, through which the water hath his passage, so that in such places there is scarce found any fresh water, for all or the most part of the fresh water commeth out of the Sea draining through the sand, or that substance called the Rocke, leauing the salt behinde, it becomes fresh. Sometimes we digged wells of fresh water which we finde in most places, and but three or foure paces from the Sea side, some further, the most part of them would ebbe and flow as the Sea did, and be leuell or little higher then the superficies of the sea: and in some places [there are] very strange, darke and cumbersome Caues. [170] The aire is most commonly cleere, very temperate, moist, with a moderate heat, very healthfull and apt for J. Smith] LIB. 5. and their naturall Commodities. 627 the generation and nourishing of all things, so as many things transported from hence yeeld a farre greater increase, and if it be any liuing thing it becomes fatter and better. By this meanes the country is so replenished with Hens. and Turkies, within the space of three or foure yeeres, that many of them being neglected, forsake the houses and become wilde, and so liue in great abundance; the like increase there is in Hogs, tame Conies, and other Cattle. according to their kindes. There seemes to be a continuall Spring, which is the cause some things come not to that maturity and perfec- tion as were requisite; and though the trees shed their leaues, yet they are alwaies full of greene. The Corne is the same they haue in Virginia, and the West-Indies: of this and many other things, without plowing or much labour, they haue two Haruests euery yeere. For they set about March, which they gather in Iuly; and againe in August, which they reape in December; and little slips of Fig-trees and Vines doe vsually beare fruit within the yeere, and sometimes in lesse; but we finde not the Grapes. as yet come to any perfection: the like fertility it hath in Oranges and Limons, Pomgranates, and other things. Concerning the serenity and beauty of the skie, it may as truly be said of those Ilands as euer it was said of the Rhodes, that there is no one day throughout the 12. moneths, but that in some houre thereof, the sun lookes singularly and cleere vpon them: for the temperature it is beyond all others most admirable; no cold there is beyond an English Aprill, nor heat much greater then an ordinary Iuly in France. So that frost and snow is neuer seene here, nor stinking and infectious mists very seldome ; by reason of the maine Ocean, there is some wind stirring that cooles the aire: the winter they haue obserues the time with ours, but the longest daies and nights are shorter then ours almost by two houres. [1593- 1623] Fruits. We found it at first all ouergrowne with weeds, and Trees and plants of seuerall kinds, as many tall and goodly Cedars, infinite store of Palmetoes, numbers of Mulberies, wild Oliue-trees store, with diuers others vnknowne both by 628 Smith. 1623. The description of the Summer Iles LIB. 5. [ [1593- 1623] The Prickell Peare. The poison weed. The red weed. The purging Beane. The costiue tree. Red Pepper. name and nature, so that as yet they become lost to many vsefull imployments, which time and industry no doubt will one day discouer. And euen already certaine of the most notorious of them haue gotten them appellations from their apparent effects, as The Prickell-peare which growes like a shrub by the ground, with broad thick leaues, all ouer-armed with long and sharpe dangerous thornes, the fruit being in forme not much vnlike a small greene Peare, and on the outside of the same colour, but within bloud red, and exceeding full of iuice; with graines not much vnlike the Pomgranat, and colcuring after its nature. The poysoned weed is much in shape like our English Iuy, but being but touched, causeth rednesse, itching, and lastly blisters; the which howsoeuer after a while passe away of themselues without further harme : yet because for the time they are somewhat painfull, it hath got it selfe an ill name, although questionlesse of no ill nature. Here is also frequently growing a certaine tall Plant, whose stalke being all ouer couered with a red rinde, is thereupon termed the red weed: the root whereof being soked in any liquor, or but a small quantity of the Iuice drunke alone, procures a very forcible vomit, and yet is generally vsed by the people, and found very effectual against the paines and distempers of the stomacke. A kinde of Wood-bind there is likewise by the Sea very commonly to bee found, which runnes vpon trees, twining it selfe like a Vine: the fruit somewhat resembles a Beane, but somewhat flatter, the which any way eaten worketh excellently in the nature of a purge, and though very vehemently, yet without all perill. Contrary to this, another small tree there is, which causeth costiuenesse. There is also a certaine Plant like a bramble bush, which beares a long yellow fruit, hauing the shell very hard, and within it a hard berry, that beaten and taken inwardly purgeth gently. There is another fruit much like our Barberies, which being beaten or brused betweene the teeth, sets all the mouth on an extreme heat very terrible for the time, to auoid which they are swallowed downe whole, [171] and J. Smith. LIB. 5. ith.] 1623. 629 and their naturall Commodities. found of the same or better operation then the red Pepper, and thence borroweth the name. In the bottome of the Sea there is growing vpon the Rocks a large kinde of Plant in the forme of a Vine leafe, but far more spread with veines in colour of a pale red, very strangely interlaced and wouen one into another, which we call the Feather, but the vertue thereof is altogether vnknowne, but only regarded for the rarity. [1593- 1623] The Sea feather. Now besides these naturall productions, prouidences and Fruits paines since the Plantation, haue offered diuers other seeds transported. and plants, which the soile hath greedily imbraced and cherished: so that at this present 1623.there are great abund- ance of white, red, and yellow coloured Potatoes, Tobacco, Sugarcanes, Indicos, Parsnips, exceeding large Radishes, the American bread, the Cassado root, the Indian Pumpian, the Water-millon, Musk-millon, and the most delicate Pine- apples, Plantans, and Papawes; also the English Artichoke,. Pease, &c.: briefly whatsoeuer else may be expected for the satisfaction either of curiosity, necessity or delight. Neither hath the aire for her part been wanting with Birds: due supplies of many sorts of Fowles, as the gray and white Hearne, the gray and greene Plouer, some wilde Ducks and Malards, Coots and Red-shankes, Sea-wigions, Gray-bitterns, Cormorants, numbers of small Birds like Sparrowes and Robins which haue lately beene destroyed by the wilde Cats, Wood-pickars: very many Crowes, which since this Plantation are kild, the rest fled or seldome seene except in the most vninhabited places, from whence they are obserued to take their flight about sun set, directing their course towards the North-west, which makes many coniecture there are some more Ilands not far off that way. Sometimes are also seene Falcons anờ Iar-falcons, Ospraies, a Bird like a Hobby: but because they come seldome, they are held but as passengers. But aboue all these, most deseruing obseruation and re- spect are those two sorts of Birds, the one for the tune of his voice, the other for the effect, called the Cahow, and Egge- bird: [the latter of] which on the first of May, a day con- Egge-Birds. stantly obserued, fall a laying infinite store of Eggs neere as big as Hens, vpon certaine small sandie baies especially in 630 L The description of the Summer Iles LIB. 5. [ J. Smith, 1623. [|1593- 1623] Cahowes. The Tropicke Pemblicos presage- .ments. Coupers Ile; and although men sit downe amongst them when hundreds haue bin gathered in a morning, yet there is hath stayed amongst them till they haue gathered as many more: they continue this course till Midsummer, and so tame and feareles, you must thrust them off from their Eggs with your hand. Then they grow so faint with laying, they suffer them to breed and take infinite numbers of their yong to eat, which are very excellent meat. The Cahow is a Bird of the night, for all the day she lies hid in holes in the Rocks, where they and their young are also taken with as much ease as may be: but in the night if you but whoop and hollow, they will light vpon you, that with your hands you may chuse the fat and leaue the leane. Those they haue only in winter: their Eggs are as big as hens, but they are speckled, the other white. Master Norwood hath taken twenty dozen of them in three or foure houres, and since there hath beene such hauocke made of them, they were neere all destroyed, till there was a strict inhibition for their preseruation. The Tropicke bird is white, as large as a Pullet, with one Bird and the onely long Feather in her taile, and is seldome seene far distant from other of the Tropicks. Another small Bird there is, because she cries Pemblyco they call her so, she is seldome seene in the day but when she sings, as too oft she doth very clamorously; too true a Prophet she proues of huge winds and boysterous weather. Of Vermine. There were a kinde of small Owles in great abundance, but they are now all slaine or fled: some tame Ducks, Geese and Pigeons there are, but the two latter prosper not. Concerning vermine and noisome creatures, there are not many, but onely Rats and Cats there increased since the Plantation, but how they agree together you shall heare hereafter. The Musketas and Flies are also too busie, with a certaine India Bug, called by the Spaniards a Cacarootch, the which creeping into Chests they eat and defile with their ill-sented dung. Also the little Ants in summer time are so troublesome, they are forced to dry their figs vpon high frames, and anoint their feet with tar, wherein they sticke, else they would spoile them all [172] ere they could be dryed. Wormes in the earth also there J. Smith. LIB. 5. 1623.J 631 and their naturall Commodities. ! [1593- are but too many, so that to keepe them from destroying their Corne and Tobacco, they are forced to worme them euery morning, which is a great labour, else all would be destroyed. Lizards there were many and very large, but now none; and it is said they were destroyed by the Cat. Note. Certaine Spiders also of very large size are found hanging vpon trees, but instead of being any way dangerous as in other places, they are here of a most pleasing aspect, all ouer drest, as it were with Siluer, Gold, and Pearle : and their Webs in the Summer wouen from tree to tree, are generally a perfect raw silke, and that as well in regard of substance as colour; and so strong withall, that diuers Birds bigger than Black-birds, being like Snipes, are often taken and snared in them as a Net. Then what would the Silke-worme doe were shee there to feede vpon the continuall greene Mulbery? 1623] But aboue all the rest of the Elements, the Sea is found Fishes. most abundantly liberall: hence haue they as much excellent Fish, and as much variety as need be desired. The most of which being vnknowne to our Northerne parts, got there new names, either for their shapes or conditions; as the large Rocke-fish from his like hew, and haunting amongst the Rocks; the fat Hog-fish from his swine-like shape and snout, for this is not the old knowne Hog-fish with brussels on his backe; the delicate Amber- fish from his taste and smell; Angell-fish, Cony-fish the small yellow taile from that naturall painting; the great Growper from his odde and strange grunting some of them yet knowne to the Americans, as the Purgoose, the Cauallo, the Gar-fish, Flying-fish and Morerayes; the rest. are common to other Continents, as the Whale in great numbers, the Sharke, the Pilot-fish, the Sea-Breame, the Oyster and Lobster, with diuers others. Twenty Tortoises. haue beene taken in a day, and some of them will affoord halfe a bushell of Egges, and suffice to feed forty men at a meale. And thus haue you briefely epitomized Mother Natures benefits to this little, yet dainty spot of earth; neither were it ingenuity to conceale wherein shee inclineth to the Stepdame, especially since the particulars are so 632 The description of the Summer Iles &c. LIB. 5. [J. Smith. 1623. [1593- 16231 The most hurtfull things in those Iles, few, as rather requisite Antidotes against idlenesse to rouse vp industry, then any great cause of much distaste, much lesse despaire: and of those to speake troth, there are onely two: viz. the Winds, and the Wormes, especially in the Spring and Autumne; and thus conditioned as yet we will let rest these small Ilands, in the midst of this mightie and maine Ocean, so inuironed on euery side, by infinite numbers of vncertaine scattered Rocks, lying shallowly hid vnder the surface of the water, a league, two, three, foure, or fiue, to Sea, to the which aduantagers added by art, as hereafter you shall heare at large, and finde described in the Map. It may well be concluded to be the most impregnable place in the world; and although the Amber Greece, Pearles, nor Tobacco, are of that quantity and certainty to be relied vpon to gaine wealth; yet by practise and experience they finde, by Silke, Saffron, Indico, Madar, Sugar-canes, Wine, Oile, and such like, great profit may be expected. Yet were those hopelesse, in regard of their conueniency to nourish and maintaine themselues, and releeue them shall visit them with wood, water, and other necessaries; besides what an eye-sore they are already becommed to them that haue them not [p. 688], and how deare and pretious to them that haue them, I thinke none will deny but they are well worth the keeping: and so we will proceed to the accidents that befell the first finders; also the proceedings of the first Planters and their successors, Master Norwod, Thomas Sparkes, and diuers others. 633 A briefe relation of the shipwracke of Henry May. 11 1593. supposed called the Ow these Iles came by the name of [1591-3} Bermudas, or the infinite number of How it is blacke Hogs, or so fearefull to the world they were that many called them the Ile of Deuils, Bermudas. that all men did shun as Hell and perdition; I will not expostulate, nor trouble your patiences with those vn- certaine antiquities [173] further then thus; our men found diuers crosses, peeces of Spanish monies here and there. Two or three wracks also they found, by certaine inscriptions to bee some Spanish, some Dutch, some French; but the greatest rumour is, that a Spanish ship called Bermudas was there cast away, carry- ing Hogges to the West-Indies that swam a shore, and there increased: how the Spaniards escaped is vncertaine : but they say, from that ship those Iles were first called Bermudas, which till then for six thousand yeares had beene namelesse. But the first English-man that was euer in them, was one Henry May, a worthy Mariner that went with Captaine Lancaster to the East-Indies 1591. and in their returne by the West-Indies, being in some distresse, [he] sent this Henry May for England by one Mounsier de la Barboticr, to acquaint the Merchants with their estate. The last of Nouember [1591], saith May, we departed from Laguna in Hispaniola, and the seuenteenth of Decem- ber following [1591], we were cast away vpon the North- west of the Bermudas; the Pilots about noone made themselues Southwards of the Iles twelue leagues, and demanded of the Captaine their Wine of hight as out of all danger, which they had: but it seemes they were either drunke, or carelesse of their charge; for through their uegligences a number of good men were cast away. I being but a stranger amongst fiftie and odde French- men, it pleased God to appoint me to be one of them should 634 H. May. 1594. A briefe relation of Henrie May. LIB. 5. [1591-4] be saued. In this extremity we made a raft, which we towed with our Boat, there were but six and twentie of vs saued; and I seeing scarce roome for the one halfe, durst not passe in amongst them till the Captaine called me along with him, leauing the better halfe to the seas mercy. The build- ing and calking That day we rowed till within two houres of night ere we could land, being neere dead with thirst, euery man tooke his way to seeke fresh water; at length, by searching amongst many weeds, we found some raine water: but in the maine are many faire Baies, where we had enough for digging. Now it pleased God before our ship split we saued our Carpenters tooles, some Nailes, Sailes, and Tacklings; their Barke. wherewith we went roundly to worke, and built a Barke of eighty tunnes. In stead of Pitch, we made Lime, mixed with Tortoise oyle; and as the Carpenters calked her, I and another paied the seames with this plaster, which being in Aprill, became quickly dry, and as hard as a stone. His returne for England. In Aprill (1592] it was so hot, we feared our water would faile, two great Chests wee made, which we calked as our ship; those we stowed on each side our maine Mast, filled them with water and thirtie liue Tortoises. Wee found many Hogges, but so leane wee could not eat them. The tops of the Palmeta berries was our bread, and the iuyce we got out of the trees we cut downe our drinke, and of the leaues, which are more then an Ell long, we couered our Cabens, and made our beds, and found many of those prouisions. as is related, but little foule weather. The eleuenth of May [1592] it pleased God to set vs cleere of the Ile, after wee had liued there fiue moneths: and the twentieth wee fell with Cape Britton neere New found Land, where refreshing [we refreshed] our selues with wood and water, and such things as we could get of the Saluages. It seemed a good Countrey, but we staied not past foure houres before we set saile for the banke of New found land: where wee met many ships, but not any would take in a man of vs, vntil it pleased God we met a Barke of Fawmothe, which receiued vs for a little time. And with her we tooke a French ship, wherein I left Captaine de la Barbotier, my deare friend, and all his Company: and in August arriued at Falmouth in this honest English Barke, 1594. Written by me Henry May. [174] 635 The first English ship knowne to haue beene cast away upon the Bermudas, 1609. From the relation of Master Iordan, Master Iohn Euens, Master Henry Shelly, and diuers others. [1609] Ou haue heard, that when Captaine Smith was Gouernor of Virginia, there were nine ships sent with Sir Thomas Gates, and Sir George Somers, and Captaine. Nuport, with fiue hundred people, to take in the old Commission, and rectifie a new gouernment: they set saile in May, and in the height of thirty degrees of Northerly Amost latitude, they were taken with an extreme storme, or rather desperate a part of Hericano, vpon the fiue and twentieth of Iuly [1609], which as they write, did not onely separate them from the Fleet, but with the violent working of the Seas, their ship became so shaken, torne, and leak[i]e, she receiued so much water as couered two tire [teir] of Hogsheads aboue the bailace [ballast], that they stood vp to the middles, with Buckets, Baricos, and Kettles, to baile out the water. Thus bailing and pumping three daies and three nights without intermission, and yet the water seemed rather to increase then diminish, in so much that being all vtterly spent with labour, were euen resolued without any hope to shut vp the hatches, and commit themselues to the mercy of the Sea, which is said to be mercilesse, or rather to the mercy of Almighty God, whose mercy farre exceeds all his estate by a storm. 636 The first English ship , &c. LIB. 5. Mr. Mr. , [1609] The care and iudge- ment of Sir George Somers. An euident token of Gods mercy. JH. ShelleyJordan, J. Evansworkes: seeing no sense or hope in mans apprehension, but presently to sinke; some hauing some good and comfortable waters [spirits], fetched them and dranke one to another, as taking their last leaues vntill a more happy and a more ioyfull meeting in a more blessed world; when it pleased. God out of his most gracious and mercifull prouidence, so to direct and guide their ship for her most aduantage. That Sir George Somers all this time sitting vpon the poupe, scarce taking leisure to eat nor sleepe, couing [coning] the ship to keepe her as vpright as he could, otherwaies she must, long ere that, needs haue foundered, most wishedly and happily descried land: whereupon he most comfort- ably incouraged them to follow their worke, many of them being fast asleepe. This vnlooked for welcome newes, as if it had bin a voice from heauen, hurrieth them all aboue hatches, to looke for that they durst scarce beleeue; so that improuidently forsaking that taske which imported no lesse then their liues, they gaue so dangerous aduantage to their greedy enemy the salt water, which still entred at the large breaches of their poore wooden castle, as that in gaping after life, they had well-nigh swallowed their death. Surely it is impossible any should now be vrged to doe his best, and although they knew it, [to be] that place all men did so shun, yet they spread all the saile they could to attaine them for not long it was before they strucke vpon a rocke, till a surge of the sea cast her from thence; and so from one to another, till most luckily at last [she stuck] So vpright betwixt two, as if she had beene in the stocks. Till this they expected but euery blow a death: But now behold, suddenly the wind giues place to a calme, and the billowes, which each by ouertaking her, would in an instant haue shiuered her in peeces, become peaceable and still; so that with all conueniency and ease, they vnshipped all their goods, victuall, and persons into their Boats, and with extreme ioy, euen almost to amazednesse, arriued in safetie, though more then a league from the shore, without the losse of a man; yet were they in all one hundred and fiftie. Yet their deliuerance was not more strange in falling so happily vpon the land, as their feeding and preseruation was beyond their hopes; for you haue heard, it hath beene Ed. by 637 July 1624 . LIB. 5. cast upon the Bermudas. J. Smithto the Spaniards more fearefull then an Vtopian Purgatory; and to all Sea-men no lesse terrible then an inchanted den of Furies and Deuils; the most dangerous, vnfortunate, and forlorne place in the world: and they found it the richest, healthfullest and pleasantest they euer saw, as is formerly said. Being thus safe on shore, they disposed themselues to search the lles for food [175] and water; others to get a shore what they could from the ship; not long Sir George wandred but [he] found such a fishing, that in halfe an houre with a hooke and line, he tooke so many as sufficed the whole company. In some places they were so thicke in the Coues, and so great, they durst not goe in lest they should bite them, and these rocke fish are so great two will load a man, and fatter nor better fish cannot be. Master Shelly found a Bay neere a quarter of a mile ouer, so full of Mullets, as none of them before had euer seene or heard of the like the next day seeking to kill them with fis-gigs, they strucke so many the water in many places was red with bloud, yet caught not one; but with a net they caught so many as they could draw a shore, with infinite number of Pilchards and diuers other sorts. Great craw-fishes in a night by making a fire they haue taken in great quantity. Sir George had twice his hooke and line broke out of his hand, but the third time he made it so strong he caught the same fish; which had pulled him into the Sea had not his men got hold of him, whereby he had his three hookes againe [that] were found in her belly. At their first hunting. for hogs they found such abundance, they killed 32: and this hunting and fishing was appointed to Captaine Robert Walsingham, and Master Henry Shelly for the company in general: they report they killed at least 500. besides Pigs, and many that were killed by diuers others; for the birds in their seasons, the facility to make their cabens of Palmeta leaues, caused many of them vtterly forget or desire euer to returne from thence, they liued in such plenty, peace and ease. [1609] Sir George Somers his first rang- land. ing the meanes But let vs remember how the Knights began to resolue What in those desperat affaires. Many proiects they had, but they made at last it was concluded, to decke their long boat with to send to their ship hatches; which done, with all expedition they Virginia. 638 How they with 150. lined there 9. moneths. Mr. Jordan. H. Shelley. , J. Evans, &c[1609-10] sent Master Rauen, a very sufficient Mariner, with eight A mariage, and two children borne. more in her to Virginia, to haue shipping from thence to fetch them away. Three weekes or a moneth they expected her returne, but to this day [1624] she was neuer more heard of. All this time was spent in searching the Iles: now although God still fed them with this abundance of plenty, yet such was the malice of enuy or ambition, for all this good seruice done by Sommers, such a great difference fell amongst their Commanders, that they liued asunder in this distresse, rather as meere strangers then distressed friends : but necessity so commanded, patience had the victory. Two ships at this time by those seuerall parties were a building; in the meane time two children were borne, the Boy was called Bermudas, the Girle Bermuda, and amongst all those sorrowes they had a merry English mariage. The forme of those Iles you may see at large in the Map of Master Norwood, where you may plainly see no place knowne hath better walls, nor a broader ditch. But hauing finished and rigged their two new Cedar ships with such prouisions they saued from the Sea-aduenturer they left amongst the Rocks, they called the one the Patience, the other the Deliuerance; they vsed Lime and Oile, as May did, for Pitch and Tar. Sir George Summers had in his Barke no Iron at all but one bolt in her Keele; now hauing made their prouisions of victuall and all things ready, they set saile the tenth of May 1610. onely leauing two men behinde them, called Christopher Carter and Edward Waters, that for their offences, or the suspition they had of their iudgements, fled into the woods: and there rather desired to end their daies then stand to their trials and the euent of Iustice; for one of their consorts was shot to death, and Waters being tied to a tree also to be executed, had by chance a Knife about him, and so secretly cut the Rope, he ran into the woods where they could not finde him [pp. 591, 640, 648, 649, 660]. There were two Saluages also sent from Virginia by Captain Smith, the one called Namuntack [p. 517], the other Matchumps: but some such differences fell betweene them, that Matchumps slew Namuntack, and hauing made a hole to bury him, because it was too short, he cut of[f] his legs Ed. by .. July LIB. 5. The death of Sir George Summers. 639 3 .: J. Smith. 1624and laid them by him; which murder he concealed till he was in Virginia. The foure and twentieth of the same moneth [May 1610] they arriued in Virginia at Iames towne, where they found but threescore persons, as you may reade at large in the History of Virginia [pp. 498, 500], of the fiue hundred left. by Captaine Smith: [as] also of the arriuall [176] of the Lord Laware, that met them thus bound for England, returned them backe [p. 500]; and vnderstanding what plenty there was of hogs and other good things in the Bermudas, was desirous to send thither to supply his necessary occasions. Whereupon Sir George Summers, the best acquainted with the place, whose noble minde euer regarded a generall good more then his owne ends, though aboue threescore yeeres of age, and had meanes in England su[i]table to his ranke, offered himselfe by Gods helpe to performe this dangerous. voyage againe for the Bermudas; which was kindly accepted, so vpon the 19. of Iune [1610], he imbarked in his Cedar ship, about the burthen of thirty tunnes, and so set saile. Much foule and crosse weather he had, and was forced to the North parts of Virginia; where refreshing himselfe vpon this vnknowne coast, he could not bee diuerted from the search of the Bermudas, where at last with his company he safely arriued: but such was his diligence with his extraordinary care, paines and industry to dispatch his businesse, and the strength of his body not answering the euer memorable courage of his minde; hauing liued so long in such honourable seruices the most part of his well beloued and vertuous life, God and nature here determined, should euer remaine a perpetuall memory of his much bewailed sorrow for his death: finding his time but short, after he had taken the best course he could to settle his estate; like a valiant Captaine he exhorted them with all diligence to be constant to those Plantations, and with all expedition to returne to Virginia. In that very place which we now call Saint Georges towne, this noble Knight died, whereof the place taketh the name. But his men, as men amazed, seeing the death of him who was euen as the life of them all, embalmed his body and set saile for England; being the first that euer went to seeke those Ilands: which haue beene euer since called Summers [1610] Their arriuall in irginia. Sir George his returne to the Summers Bermudas. : 640 [The greatest piece of ambergris ever seen]. LIB. 5. [JulSmith J. [1611-12] Iles, in honour of his worthy memory, leauing three men behind them, that voluntarily stayed, whose names were Christopher Carter, Edward Waters, there formerly left as is said [p. 638]; and Edward Chard. His Epitaph. [p. 173.] This Cedar ship at last with his dead body arriued at Whit-Church in Dorsetshire; where by his friends he was honourably buried, with many vollies of shot, and the rites of a Souldier: and vpon his tombe was bestowed this Epitaph. Hei mihi Virginia quod tam cito præterit Estas, Autumnus sequitur, sæuiet inde et hiems; At ver perpetuum nascetur, et Anglia læta, Decerpit flores florida terra tuas. In English thus: Alas Virginia's Summer so soone past, Autumne succeeds and stormy Winters blast, Yet Englands ioyfull Spring with ioyfull showers, O Florida, shall bring thy sweetest flowers. The proceedings of the three men. A peece of Amber- greece of 8o. pound weight. He honour of this resolution belongs principally to Carter: for through his importunity, not to leaue such a place abandoned, Chard and Waters were moued to stay with him, and the rest promised with all the speed they could againe to reuisit them. But the ship once out of sight, those three Lords, the sole inhabitants of all those Ilands, began to erect their little common wealth for a while with brotherly regency, repairing the ground, planting Corne, and such seeds and fruits as they had, building a house, &c. Then making priuy search amongst the creuises and corners of those craggy Rocks, what this maine Ocean since the worlds creation had throwne amongst them; at last they chanced vpon the greatest peece of Amber-greece was euer seene or heard of in one lumpe, being in weight foure- score pound, besides diuers other small peeces. But now being rich, they grew so proud and ambitious, contempt tooke such [177] place, they fell out for supe- ? July J. Smith. Master Richard More sent to make a Plantation.] 641 . 1624riority, though but three forlorne men, more then three [1610-12] thousand miles from their natiue Country, and but small hope euer to see it againe. Notwithstanding, they some- times fell from words to blowes about meere trifles: in one of which fights, one of them was bitten with his owne dog, as if the dumbe beast would reproue them of their folly; at last Chard and Waters, the two greater spirits, must try it out in the field, but Carter wisely stole away their weapons, affecting rather to liue amongst his enemies, then by being rid of them liue alone. And thus those miserable men liued full two yeeres [May 1610-July 1612], so that all their clothes were neere worne cleane from their backs, and their hopes of any forraine releefe as naked as their bodies. At last they began to recouer their wits, yet in a fashion perhaps would haue cost them dearer then when they were mad; for concluding a tripartite peace of their Mata- chin warre, they resolued to frame as good a Boat as they could, and therein to make a desperate attempt for Virginia, or New found Land: but no sooner were they entred into that resolution, but they descried a saile standing in for the shore, though they neither knew what she was, nor what she would, they were so ouer-ioyed; [that] with all possible speed they went to meet her; and according to their hearts desire she proued an English- man, whom they safely conducted into their harbour. were Now you are to vnderstand, that Captaine Matthew How they Somers, Nephew and heire to Sir George, that returned supplied. with his dead body, though both he and his Company did 1611. their vtmost in relating all those passages to their Countrey-men and aduenturers, their relations were beleeued but as trauellers tales, till it came to be apprehended by some of the Virginia Company, how beneficiall it might be, and helpfull to the Plantation in Virginia: so that some one hundred and twentie of them bought the pretended right of all the Company, and had sent this ship to make a triall; but first they had obtained Letters Patents of the Kings most excellent Maiestie. Sir Thomas Smith was elected Treasurer and Gouernor heere, and Master Richard More to be Gouernor of the Iles and Colony there. ENG. SCH. LIB. No. 16. 41 642 [1612] The arriuall of Master More. 1612. Sir Thomas Smith The first beginning of a Colonie in the Somer Iles, vnder the command of Master Richard More, extracted out of a plot of Master Richard Norwood Surueior, and the re- lations of diuers others. M Aster More thus found those three men not onely well and lusty, but well stored with diuers sorts of prouisions, as an Acre of Corne ready to be gathered, number of Pumpions and Indian Beanes, many Tortoises ready taken, good store of hogs flesh salted, and made in flitches of Bacon, [which] were very good: and so Treasurer. presently landed his goods and sixty persons towards the beginning of Iuly 1612. vpon the South side of Smiths Ile. Not long after his arriuall, More hauing some priuate intelligence of this Amber-greece, tooke first Chard in exami- nation, he being one of the three [with] the most masterfull spirit, what Amber-greece, Pearle, Treasure, or other Commodities they had found. Chard no lesse witty then resolute, directly answered; Not any thing at all but the fruits of the Ile: what his fellowes had done he knew not, but if they had, he doubted not but to finde it out, and then hee should know it certainly. Their differences about the Amber- greece. This he spake onely to win time to sweare his Consorts to secrecy, and he would finde the meanes how they should all returne in that ship with it all for England, otherwise they should be deceiued of all. Till this was effected they thought euery houre an age; now for the better conueiance of it aboord, they acquainted it to Captaine Dauis, master of the ship, and one Master Edwin Kendall, that for their secrecy and transportation should participate with them. Without further ceremony the match was accepted, and absolutely concluded, the plot laid, time and place set downe to haue it aboord. But Carter, were it for feare the Gouernor Ed. by 1624. July . LIB. 5. [The planting of the Bermudas.] 643 : J. Smithat last should know of it, to whom so oft they had denied it; or that the [178] rest should deceiue him, is vncertaine ; but most certaine it is, he reuealed all the plot to Master More. To get so much wealth he knew would please them. in England, though it did displease all his Company; and to lose such a prize he would not for hazarding a mutiny. So first hee reuealed himselfe to Kendall in faire tearmes, reprouing his dishonesty; but not being answered accord- ing to his expectation, he committed both Chard and him to person [prison]. The next Sabboath day Dauis comming on shore, More also taxed with very hard language and many threats, to lay him fast also, if he mended not his manners; Dauis for the present replied little, but went with him to the place. of praier: but in the midst of diuine seruice he goeth away, commanding all his Sea-men to follow him presently aboord; where he encourageth them to stand to him like men, and hee would free the Prisoners, haue all the Amber-greece for themselues, and so be gone. : The Gouernor hearing of this resolution, prepares with his company to repulse force with force, so that a generall expectance of a ciuill vnciuill warre possessed euery man; but this threatning gust passed ouer more calmlier then was expected for Dauis hauing better aduised with him- selfe, repented his rashnesse, and desired a reconcilement with the Gouernor. Peace thus concluded, Kendall was set at libertie; but Chard was condemned, and vpon the ladder to be hanged for his obstinacy: yet vpon better consideration More repri[e]ued him, but kept him a prisoner all the time he staied in the Country, which was generally thought a very bad reward for his great desert; and that there was more of this Amber-greece imbeziled, then would haue contented all the finders, that neuer had any consideration at all. The greatest part th[r]ough More [was] thus recouered; yet Dauis and Kendall had so much, either by the ignorance or conniuency of the Gouernors, that arriuing in England, they prepared themselues for a new voiage: at last they two falling out, the Company hauing notice thereof, so tormented them both, they gaue ouer their voiage, and durst not be seene a long time after. [1612] Chard in hanging. danger of + 644 LIB. 5. [R. NorwoodMaster Richard More . ? 1622[1612] Master Mores fortifying and planting. . The Gouernor thus rid of the ship and those discontents, remoued his seat from Smiths Ile to Saint Georges, after he industry in had fitted vp some small Cabbens of Palmata leaues for his wife and family, in that valley where now stands their prime towne called S. Georges, hee began to apply him- selfe to fortifie the Countrey, and training his men in the exercise of armes. For although he was but a Carpenter, he was an excellent Artist, a good Gunner, very witty and industrious: he built and laid the foundation of eight or nine Forts, called the Kings Castle, Charles Fort, Pembrookes Fort, Smiths Fort, Pagits Fort, Gates Fort, Warwicks Castle, Saint Katharines Fort, &c. mounting in them all the Ordnance he had, preparing the ground to build Houses, plant Corne, and such Fruits as they had. A contention of the Minister Gouernor, Being thus busied, and as the necessitie of the time required, keeping his men somewhat hard at worke, against the Master Keath his Minister; were it by the secret prouocation of some drones that grew weary of their taskes, or his affection to popularity is not certaine : But he begins to tax the Gouernor in the Pulpit, hee did grinde the faces of the poore, oppressing his Christian brethren with Pharoahs taxes. More finding this in short time, might breed ill bloud, called the Company together and also the Minister, vrging them plainly, to tell him wherein he had deserued those hard accusations: whereupon, with an vniuersall cry they affirmed the contrary, so that Keath [fell] downe of his knees to aske him forgiuenesse. But Master More kindly tooke him vp, willing him to kneele to God, and hereafter be more modest and charitable in his speeches; notwithstanding two other discontents so vpbraided More with that doctrine, and stood to main- taine it, he impaneled a Iury, with a great deale of seem- ing much adoe he would hang them being condemned, one of them with the very feare, fell into a dead Palsie; so that the other was set at libertie, and proued after a very good labourer. Two pecces weighed out of the Sea Aduenture. Many conclusions he tried about the Sca-venture, the wracke of Sir George Somers, [179] but he got onely for his paines but two peece[s] of Ordnance. Hauing framed a Church of timber, it was blowne downe by a tempest; so that he built another in a more closer place with Palmeta leaues. Ed. by 645 July sent to make a Plantation. LIB. 5. . J. Smith. 1624supply. Before this yeere was expired, the aduenterers sent them [1612-3] an aduiso with thirtie Passengers and good prouisions, to The first prepare with all expedition for their defence against the Spaniard, whom they vnderstood ere long would visit them. This occasioned him to keepe all his men together in that Ile so hard at worke, that wanting libertie to goe abroad for food, liuing onely on that they had, and expected daily to receiue from England, they were so ouer- toiled, [that] many fell sicke, but none died. Very earnest this ship [the Elizabeth] was to haue all the Amber-greece: which Master More perceiuing was the chiefest cause of their comming, and that it was the onely loadstone to draw from England still more supplies; for all the expresse command sent from the Company, he returned this ship but with the one third part; so from thence she went to Virginia, and not long after arriued safely in England. supply. Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer. But before her returne the Company sent the Martha 1613. with sixtie Passengers more, they arriued in Iune [1613] The second with one Master Bartlet to suruey the Iland, and the estate of the Colonie, with expresse command for all the Amber- greece but More perceiuing him not as he would haue him, and that the Company began to mistrust him, would send no more but another third part: wherewith they returned, leauing a French-man to make triall of the Mulberies for Silke, but he did not bring any thing to perfection; excusing himselfe, they were not the right Mulberies he expected. About this time they were in hope of a small crop of Tobacco, but it was most spoiled for want of knowledge to vse it. Now in England Master More became amongst the Merchants maruelous[ly] distastfull, for the detaining so long the Amber-greece; which delaies they so much abhorred, they forthwith dispatched the Elizabeth the second time and forty Passengers, much rebuking More for so long detaining the Amber-greece: for the which, hauing now no more colourable excuses, he deliuered it, wherewith the ship went to Virginia, and thence home. In this ship was brought [i.e., to Bermuda] the first Potata roots; which flourished exceedingly for a time, till by negligence they were almost lost; all but two cast-away A strange Potatoes. increase of 646 . Master More his accidents and proceedings. [R. Norwood? 1622. [1613] The attempt of two Spanish ships. roots, that so wonderfully haue increased, they are a maine releefe to all the Inhabitants. This ship was not long gone but there came two Spanish ships, sounding with their Boat, which attempted to come in: but from the Kings Castle, Master More made but two shot, which caused them presently depart. Marke here the handy-worke of the diuine prouidence, for they had but three quarters of a barrell of powder, and but one shot more; and the powder by carelesnesse was tumbled downe vnder the mussels of the two peeces, [which] were discharged, yet not touched with fire when they were discharged. This feare thus past, appeares another much worse, which was the extremity of famine: in this extremity God sent Captaine Daniel Elfrid with a car[a]uell of meale, which a little relieued them; but brought withall so many Rats, that within two yeeres after neere ruined all. Now though Elfrid had deceiued his friend Fisher of this Caruell in the West-Indies, they reuenged Fishers iniury; for Elfrid had his passage for England, and they made vse of all he had. Some two moneths after, came in the Blessing with an hundred Passengers; and two daies after, the Starre with a hundred and fourescore more, amongst which were many Gentlemen, as Master Lower for Marshall, Master Barret, Master Felgate, and diuers others; but very vnproper for what they vndertooke. Within foureteene daies after, came in the Margaret and two Frygats, and in them one hundred and threescore Passengers; also Master Bartlet came now expresly to diuide the Country into Tribes, and the Tribes into shares. But Master More finding no mention made of any part for himselfe nor all them with him, as he was promised in England, by no meanes would admit of any diuision, nor suffer his men from finishing their fortifications, which was so necessary, [that] it was his maine ambition to see that accomplished: but such vnkindnesse grew betwixt this Master Bartlet and [180] the Gouernour, that the rude multitude, with all the disdaine they could deuise, caused Bartlet [to] returne for England as he came. About this time William Millington was drawne into the Sea by a fish, but neuer after euer seene. The neglect of this diuision was very hardly conceited Ed. by . July Master More his accidents and proceedings. 647 A J. Smith. 1624[1614] famine and Smith A strange being of in England, so that Master More grew more and more in dislike with the company; notwithstanding he followed 1614. the building of these Forts so earnestly, neglecting planting A great of Corne, till their store was neere all consumed, whereby mortalitie. they became so feeble and weake, some would not, others Sir Thomas could not goe abroad to seeke releefe, but starued in their Treasurer. houses, and many that went abroad, through weaknesse were subiect to be suddenly surprized with a disease called the Feauges: which was neither paine nor sicknesse, but as it were the highest degree of weaknesse, depriuing them of power and ability from the execution of any bodily exercises, whether it were working, walking, or what else: being thus taken, if any presently gaue them food many times they straight recouered, yet some after a little rest would bee able to walke; but if they found not present succour, died. About this time or immediatly before, came in a company of Rauens, which continued amongst them all the time of Rauens. this mortality and then departed; which for anything knowne, neither before nor since were euer seene or heard of: this with diuers other reasons caused Master More to goe out to Sea, to see if he could discouer any other Ilands, but he went not farre ere ill weather forced him backe; and it were a noble aduenture of him [that] would vndertake to make more perfect all the dangers [that] are about the Summer Iles. Thus famine and misery caused Gouernour More [to] leaue all his workes, and send them abroad to get what they could. One hundred and fifty of the most weake and sicke he sent to Coupers Ile, where were such infinite numbers of the Birds called Cahowes, which were so fearlesse they might take so many as they would; and that admired. abundance of fish, that the extremity of their hunger, and their gluttony was such, those heauenly blessings they so consumed and wasted by carelesnesse and surfetting, many of them died vpon those silly Birds that offered themselues to the slaughter: which the Gouernour vnder- standing, caused them for change of aire to be remoued to Port-royall, and a Company of Fishers with a Boat to releeue them with fish. But the Gange grew so lazie the poore weaklings still died; they that remained killed the Cattle they found in the Ile, faining the heat caused them to runne into the Sea and so were drowned; so that the All workes to get onely abandoned victuals. 648 Master More his accidents and proceedings. [R. R. Norwood. ? 1622. [1614] A supply, returne. Gouernour sent againe for them home, but some obtained leaue still to liue abroad; one amongst the rest hid himselfe in the Woods, and liued onely on Wilkes and land Crabs, fat and lusty many moneths. But most of them being at Saint Georges, ordinarily was taken one hundred and fifty or two hundred great fishes daily for their food; for want of hookes and lines, the Smith made hookes of old swords, and lines of old ropes. But finding all those poore Engines also decay, they sent one of the two Frigats last left with them for England, to tell them of this misery. All which was now attributed to Master Mores peruers- nesse, who at first when he got the Amber-Greece had not such a generall applause, but now all the worst could pos- sibly be suggested was too good for him; yet not knowing for the present how to send a better, they let him con- tinue still, though his time was neere expired: and with all speed sent the Welcome fraught with prouision, where shee well arriued, and proued her selfe as welcome in deed as in name; for all those extremities, Master Lewes Hues writeth, not one of all those threescore that first beganne this Plantation was dead, which shewes it was not impos- sible, but industry might haue preuented a great part of the others sluggish carelesnesse. This ship much refreshed this miserable Colony, but and Master Master More seeing they sent not for him; his time being now expired, vnderstanding how badly they reputed him in England, and that his imploiment now was more for their owne ends then any good for himselfe, resolued. directly to returne with this ship. Hauing setled all things in the best order he could, [he] left the gouernment to the charge [181] of the counsell of six to succeed each other monethly, till they had further directions from England; whose names were Captaine Miles Kendall, Captaine Iohn Mansfield, Thomas Knight, Charles Caldycot, Edward Waters, and Christopher Carter, with twelue others for their assistances. More thus taking leaue of those Ilands, arriued in England. Much wrangling they had, but at last they con- firmed him according to promise eight shares of Land, and so he was dismissed of his charge, with shew of fauour and much friendship. : The rule of the six Gouernors. 1615. He first thing they did was casting of lots, who should rule first; which lot lighted. vpon Master Caldicot. [1615] Smith Treasurer. This last supply somewhat abated the Sir Thomas extremitie of their miseries, and the better in that their fortifications being finished, they had the more leasure to goe abroad with that meanes [which] was brought to that purpose to fish. ॐ Chard as you haue heard, whom all this while More had kept Prisoner, they set at libertie: now by reason of their former miseries, little or nothing could be done: yet this Gouernor hauing thus concluded his moneth, and prepared a Frigot and two and thirtie men, hee imbarked himselfe with two other of his fellow counsellers; namely Knight and Waters, for the West-Indies, to get Fruits and Plants, Goats, young Cattle, and such like. But this poore vessell, whether through ill weather, or want of Mariners, or both, in stead of the Indies fell with the Canaries; where taking a poore Portugall, the which they manned with ten of their owne people, as soone after separated from her in a storme, and the next day [it] was taken by a French Pickaroune; so that the Frigot, out of hope of her prize, makes a second time for the West-Indies, where she no sooner arriued, but [she] foundred in the sea. But the men in their Boat recouered a desolate Ile, where after some few moneths stay, an English Pyrat tooke them in; and some of them at last got for England, and, some few yeares after, returned to the Somer Iles. Captaine Iohn Mansfield his moneth. HE Frigot thus gone, Captaine Mansfield suc- ceeded. Then was contriued a petition, as from the generalitie, vnto the triumuerat Gouernors; wherein they supplicated, that by no 650 ? 1622. Capt. Iohn Mansfield his moncth. R. Norwood LIB. 5. [R [1615] meanes they should resigne the gouernment to any [that] should come from England, vpon what tearmes soeuer, vntill six moneths after the returne of their ship sent to the West-Indies. About this vnwarrantable action, Master Lewes Hues their Preacher was so violent in suppressing it, that such discontents grew betwixt the Gouernors and him, and diuisions among the Company, he was arraigned, condemned, and imprisoned; but not long detained before released. Then the matter fell so hotly againe to be disputed betwixt him and one Master Keath a Scotch- man, that professed scholarship, that made all the people in a great combustion: much adoe there was, till at last as they sate in the Church and ready to proceed to a iudicary course against Master Hues, suddenly such an extreme gust of wind and weather so ruffled in the trees and Church; some cried out a miracle; others, it was but an accident common in those Iles, but the noise was so terrible it disolued the assembly: notwithstanding, Master Hues was againe imprisoned, and as suddenly discharged; but those factions were so confused, and their relations so variable, that such vnnecessary circumstances were better omitted then any more disputed. Master Carter. Captainc Kendall Captaine Mansfield. His mans moneth thus ended, begins Master Carter, which was altogether spent in quietnesse; and then Captaine Miles Kendall had the rule, whose moneth was also as quietly spent as his Predecessors. Then Captaine Mansfield begins his second moneth, when the ship called the Edwin arriued with good supplies. About this time diuers Boats going to sea were lost, and some men drowned; and [182] many of the Company repaired to Master Hues, that there might bee a Councell according to Master Mores order of sixe Gouernours, and twelue Assistants: whereupon grew as many more such silly brawles as before, which at last concluded with as simple a reconciliation. In the in[t]erim happened to a certaine number of priuate persons as miserable and lamentable an accident, as euer was read or heard of, and thus it was: In the month of March [16151, a time most subiect of all Ed. by 1624. July . LIB. 5. The deliuerance of Andrew Hilliard. 651 : : * J. Smithfull others to such tempests; on a Friday there went seuen [1615] men in a boat of two or three tunnes, to fish. The morn- A wonder ing being faire, so eager they were of their iourney, some accident. went fasting neither carried they either meat or drinke with them, but a few Palmeta berries: but being at their fishing place some foure leagues from the shoare, such a tempest arose, they were quickly driuen from the sight of land in an ouergrowne Sea, despairing of all hope, onely committing themselues to Gods mercy, let the boat driue which way shee would. On Sunday the storme being somewhat abated, they hoysed saile as they thought towards the Island. In the euening it grew starke calme; so that being too weake to vse their oares, they lay a drift that night. The next morning Andrew Hilliard (for now all his com- pan[i]ons were past strength either to helpe him or them- selues), before a small gale of winde, spred his saile againe. On Tuesday one died, whom they threw ouer board. On Wednesday three. And on Thursday at night the sixt[h]. All these but the last were buried by Hilliard in the Sea, for so weake hee was growne hee could not turne him ouer as the rest, whereupon hee stripped him, ripping his belly with his knife, throwing his bowels into the water, hee spread his body abroad tilted open with a sticke, and so lets it lie as a cisterne to receiue some lucky raine- water, and this God sent him presently after, so that in one small shoure hee recouered about foure spoonefuls of raine water to his vnspeakable refreshment; he also pre- serued neere halfe a pint of blood in a shooe, which he did sparingly drinke of to moist his mouth. Two seuerall daies he fed on his flesh, to the quantity of a pound, on the eleuenth day from his loosing the sight of land, two flying fishes fals in his boat, whose warme iucie blood hee sucked to his great comfort. But within an houre after to his greater comfort you will not doubt, he once againe descried the land, and within foure houres after was cast vpon a rocke neere to Port royall, where his boat was presently split in pieces, but himselfe, though extreamly weake, made shift to clamber vp so steepe and high a rocke, as would haue troubled the ablest man in the Ile to haue done that by day [which] hee did by night. 652 LIB. 5. [R. NorwoodThe proceedings of Daniel Tuckar. . ? 1622[1615-6] Treasure found in the Summer Iles. A new Gouernor chosen. . Being thus astride on a rocke, the tumbling Sea had gotten such possession in his braines, that a good while it was before his giddy head would suffer him to venture vpon the forsaking it: towards the morning he craules a shore, and then to his accomplished ioy descernes where hee is, and trauels halfe a day without any refreshment then water; whereof wisely and temperately he stinted himselfe, otherwise certainly hee had drunke his last. In which case hee attaines a friends house: where at the first they tooke him for a ghost, but at last acknowledged and receiued him with ioy; his story, after some houres of recouery of strength to tell it, [they] heard out with admi- ration: he was not long after conueyed to the towne, where he receiued his former health, and was liuing in the yeere 1622. The next newes that happened in this time of ease, was, that a merry fellow hauing found some few Dollars against the Flemish wracke, the bruit went currant the treasure was found, and they all made men. Much adoe there was to preuent the purloining of it, before they had it: vvhere after they had tyred themselues vvith searching, that they found amounted not to aboue twenty pounds starling, vvhich is not vnlike but to be the remainder of some greater store, washed from some wracke not farre from the shore. The company, by the Edwin receiuing newes of the reuels. [that] vvere kept in Somer Iles, resolued to make choice of a new Gouernour, called Master Daniel Tuckar, that a long time had beene a planter [in] Virginia in the gouernment of Captaine [183] Smith [pp. 129, 145]. All things being furnished for his voyage; hee set saile in the George, consorted vvith the Edwin, with many passengers, which being discouered by them in those Iles, they supposed them the Frigot sent to the West Indies; but when they vnderstood vvhat they vvere, much prepa- ration they made to resist the new Gouernour. Many great ostentations appeared on both sides, but vvhen the quondam Gouernour did see his men for most part forsake him, all was very well and quietly compounded; and with much kindnesse [they] receiued and welcomed [him] a shore, where his Commission was no sooner read, then they accepted and acknowledged him for their Gouernour. 653 The Gouernment of Captaine Daniel Tuckar. 1616. Smith 465, 502.] Bout the midst of May [1616] arriued this [1616] Gouernor, where finding the Inhabitants. both abhorring all exacted labour, as also Sir Thomas in a manner disdaining and grudging Treasurer. much to be commanded by him; it could not but passionate any man liuing. But at last, according to the Virginia order, 147. hee set euery one [that] was with him at Saint Georges, to his taske, to cleere grounds, fell trees, set corne, square timber, plant vines and other fruits. brought out of England. These by their taske-Masters. by breake a day repaired to the wharfe, from thence to be imployed to the place of their imployment, till nine of the clocke, and then in the after-noone from three till Sunne- set. Beside meat, drinke and cloaths, they had for a time a certaine kinde of brasse money with a hogge on the one side, in memory of the abundance of hogges [that] was found at their first landing. Tuckars This course thus squared, imitating diuers orders vsed Captaine in Virginia by Sir Thomas Dale: he began by them to looke proceedings, into his instructions giuen by the Company. Whereupon by one Master Richard Norwood a Suruayor, sent ouer for that purpose, in the time of Master Moore, hee began to lay out the eight tribes in the maine, which were to consist of fifty shares to a tribe; and twenty five acers to euery share. He also began to plant some Colony men, on some of the especiall shares. He swore also certaine of the chiefe men of euery tribe to bee Bailiffes thereof; and 654 , &c. Fiue men in a boat of 3. tuns LIB. 5. [N. Mr. , [1616] A Barke sent to the PollardButlerappointed as many men as hee was able for all supplied shares. The goods landed in the store houses hee sent from thence, and dispersed it to his workemen in generall: some Boats also began to be builded; but the pinace. called the Thomas [which it was] suspected might make an escape, was laid vpin a docke, were shee yet [1624] remaineth. In the beginning of the second moneth of his gouernment, West Indies. he directed warrants to all the Bailiffes, for the holding of a generall Assise at Saint Georges, and appointed Master Stokes Lieutenant of the Kings Castle at the Gurnets. head. The Edwin [that] came with him, he sent to the West Indies by directions from England, to trade with the natiues, for cattell, corne, plants, and other commodities. A course of great importance, which had it been pursued, would certainly have produced more hopefull effects for the good of the Colony, then all the supplies Magazines from England hath or will in a long time. [p. 656.] The Assises. The strange aduenture of and Presently after her departure, began the Assises, executed by his Deputy. The chiefe matter handled was the hanging one Iohn Wood a French man, for speaking many distastefull and mutinous speeches against the Gouernour, to shew the rest by that example, the power of his authority: which after with his owne hands he so oft executed with a bastinado amongst the poorer sort; many tearmed it a cruelty, not much lesse then tyranny: but the sequell is more then strange. So it was that fiue of them, seeing by no meanes fiue men in a they could get passage for England, resolued to vndergoe boat. all hazards but they would make an escape from such ser- uitude. The chiefe mariner and plotter of this businesse, was Richard Sanders and his confederates, William Goodwin a ship Carpenter, Thomas Harison a Ioyner, Iames Barker a Gentleman, and Henry Puct. These repairing to the Gouernour, and with pleasing insinuations told him, if hee would allow them but [184] things necessary, they would build him a boat of two or three tunnes, with a close decke, [that] should go a fishing [in] all weathers. The Gouernour halfe proud that hee had brought his men to so good a passe, as he conceiued, to offer themselues to so necessary a worke; instantly with all willingnesse furnished them with Ed. by 655 July 1624. . LIB. 5. sailes ouer the maine Ocean. : J. Smithall things they could desire, and many faire promises to incourage them to performe it with all expedition. Hauing made choise of a place most fit from molestation, they went forward with that expedition, that in a short time. shee was brought to perfection. By this time, the ship that brought the Gouernour, being ready to depart, hee sends a lusty gange to goe [and] fetch his new boat to carry him aboard; but arriuing at the place where she was built, they could heare no more of her, but [that] she was gone the last euening to Sea, to try how shee would saile. Much search and dispute was where this boat should be: but at last they found diuers letters in the cabbins, to this effect, directed to the Gouernour, and other their friends: that their hard and bad vsage was so intollerable, and their hope so smal euer againe to see their Countrey, or be deliuered from such seruitude, they did rather chuse to put themselues to that desperate hazard to goe for England, in which if they miscaried, as it was much to be mis- trusted, their liues and bloods should be required at their hands [who] was the cause. A compasse Diall Barker had borrowed of Master Hues, to whom he writ that as hee had oft perswaded them to patience, and that God would pay them though none did: hee must now bee contented with the losse of his Diall, with his owne doctrine. Such leasure they found to bee merry when in the eye of reason they were marching into a most certaine ruine. The Gouernour being thus satisfied of their escape, extreamly threatned them no lesse then a hanging, but the stormes of the Ocean they now more feared then him; good prouision by bartering they had got from the ship, where Goodwin in a brauado told the Mariners, though he could. not be permitted to goe with them, yet peraduenture hee might be in England before them: whereat the Master and his Mate laughed merrily. But hauing beene now vnder saile three weekes, the winds so fauoured them, they felt nothing of what they had cause to feare: then a blustering gale blowing in their teeth, put them to much extremity for diuers dayes, then becomming more gentle away they past prosperously some eight or ten dayes more, till meeting a French Piccaroune of whom they desired succour, hee like himselfe tooke from [1616] 656 , &c. The proceedings of LIB. 5. [N. , Mr. [1616] Plants from the West Indies. [P. 654.] The exploits of Captain Powell. PollardButlerthem what hee liked, leauing them not so much as a crosse-staffe to obserue withall, and so cast them off: their course still they continued till their victuall began to fall to the lowest ebbe; and the very knees of their small vessell were halfe hewed away for fire wood. At last to their infinit ioy they arriued in Ireland, where the Earle of Tomund honorably entertained them, and caused the boat to be hung vp for a Monument; and well she might, for shee had sailed more then 3300 miles by a right line thorow the maine Sea, without any sight of land and I thinke since God made the world, the like nauigation was neuer done, nor heard of. : This fortunate Sanders going to the East Indies, in the rifling (of) some ships there tooke, it was his chance to buy an old chest for three or foure shillings; but because it wanted a key hee repented his bargaine, and would gladly haue sold it againe for lesse. A certaine time it lay tossed to and fro as a thing hee little regarded, but at last hauing little to doe, hee broke it open, where he found a thousand pounds starling, or so much gold as bought him in England a good estate: which leauing with his wife, he returned againe to the East Indies. The George setting saile three dayes after this escape, the Gouernour seazed and confiscated all that those fugitiues left behinde them. With in a weeke after, returned the Edwin from the West Indies, furnished with figges, pynes, sugar-canes, plantaines, papanes and diuers other plants; which were presently replanted, and since increased into greater numbers: also an Indian and a Negar, and so much ligna vit[a] as defrayed all the charge. The Gouernor thus busied amongst his plants, making hedges of Figtrees, and Pomgranets, and seuerall diuisions by [185] Palizadoes for the defence of their guarding and keeping their cattell, for in such husbandry qualities he well deserued great commendations. The Aduenturers to supply him sent with all speed they could, the Hopewell, a small Barke, but an excellent sailer; and in her one Captaine Powell an excellent Mariner, and well acquainted in the Indies where he was to goe [and] trade, Ed by J. Smith. July 1624 657 LIB. 5. Captaine Daniel Tuckar. : after he had landed his passengers in the Summer Iles: but in his iourney at the Westerne Iles meeting a Brasile man, hee liked the suger and passengers so well, hee man[ne]d the Caruill with his owne men, and continued his course, but bethinking himself how this would be entertained at the Summer Iles, hee found such doubts, hee went directly for the West Indies to take time to resolue what to doe. Arriuing there hee met a French rouer, one euery way as cunning as himselfe, but much more trecherous. A great league of kindnesse is soone made betweene them; vpon confidence whereof, Powell and some of the chiefe with him being inuited aboord him, is easily entised, and in the midst of their cups both hee and his company treacher- ously made prisoners: and thus was forced to giue him their prise, or hang at the yards arme with all his company. Hauing set them a shore, away goes the French man; Powels ship being but hard by, presently fetcht them all a boord: but finding his victuall neere spent, and no hope at all to recouer his prize, [he] set his Portugales on shore, and set saile for the Summer Iles; where safely arriuing, hee declared the whole passage to the Gouernour, lest some other in telling might make it worse, of which the Gouernour seemed well enough to approue. [1616] This Gouernour still spent his time in good husbandry, although some of the snarling sort here in England, whom nothing will please, writ to him hee was fitter to be a Gardiner then a Gouernour: some time he spent in digging of a great pond, but that worke proued altogether vnprofitable. About that time was held the second Assise. The The second greatest matter passed, was a Proclamation against the spoile of Cahowes; but it came too late, for they were most destroyed before: a platforme [battery] hee caused to be erected by Pagits Fort, where a good Fort were very necessary. Captaine Powell not hauing performed his seruice in the West Indies [that] he conditioned with the Company, is sent thither againe by this Gouernour, and thirteene or fourteene of his best men, furnished with all things. necessary. In the meane time the Company vnder- standing, that in Ianuary, February and March, there are many Whales; for which fishing they sent the Neptune, a 42 ENG. SCH. LIB. No. 16. Assise. 658 , The wonderfull increase Mr. LIB. 5. N. Butler, &c. [N? Pollard[1616-7] tall ship well prouided with euery thing fitting for that purpose. But before she arriued, Captaine Tuckar, who had brought also with him most prouisions for that imploi- ment, sent three good Shalops to try what could be done : but whether it was the swiftnes of the Whale in swim- ming, or the condition of the place, certaine it is for all their labour and hazard, they could kill none, though they strucke many. 1617 The third Assise. To begin his second yeere, he called the third Assise, where diuers were punished as their faults deserued: three Sir Thomas were condemned to die; two were repri[e]ued, but the third was hanged: the next day there was also a leuy for the repairing two Forts; but that labour tooke not such effect as was intended, for want of good directions. Smith Treasurer. The countrey neere deuoured with rats. But the great God of heauen being angry at somewhat happened in those proceedings, caused such an increase of silly rats, in the space of two yeeres so to abound, before they regarded them, that they filled not onely those places. where they were first landed, but swimming from place to place, spread themselues into all parts of the Country, insomuch that there was no Iland but it was pestered with them; and some fishes haue beene taken with rats in their bellies, which they caught in swimming from Ile to Ile: their nests they had almost in euery tree, and in most places their burrowes in the ground like conies: they spared not the fruits of the plants, or trees, nor the very plants themselues, but ate them vp. When they had set their corne, the rats would come by troupes in the night and scratch it out of the ground. If by diligent watch any escaped till it came to earing, it should then very hardly escape them: and they became noysome euen to the very persons of men. They vsed all the diligence they could for the destroying of [186] them, nourishing cats both wilde and tame, for that purpose; they vsed ratsbane, and many times set fire on the woods, that oft ran halfe a mile before it was extinct; euery man was enioyned to set twelue traps, and some of their owne accord haue set neere an hundred, which they euer visited twice or thrice in a night; they also trained vp their dogges to hunt them, wherein they became so expert, that a good dog in two or three houres. Smith659 :and confusion of Rats. LIB. 5. ] . Ed. by J. Smith. July 1624. would kil forty or fifty. Many other deuices they vsed to destroy them, but could not preuaile, finding them still increasing against them: nay they so deuoured the fruits. of the earth, that they were destitute of bread for a yeere or two; so that when they had it afterwards, they were so wained [weaned] from it, they easily neglected to eat it with their meat. Besides they endeuoured so much for the planting of Tobacco for present gaine, that they neglected many things [that] might more haue preuailed for their good; which caused amongst them much weaknesse and mortality, since the beginning of this vermine. At last it pleased God, but by what meanes it is not well knowne, to take them away; in so much that the wilde cats and many dogs which liued on them, were famished, and many of them leauing the woods, came downe to their houses, and to such places where they vse to garbish their fish, and became tame. Some haue attributed the destruction of them to the encrease of wild cats, but that is not likely they should be so suddenly encreased rather at that time, then foure yeeres before; and the chiefe occasion of this supposition was, because they saw some companies of them leaue the woods, and slew themselues for want of food. Others by the cold- nesse of winter, which notwithstanding is neuer so great there as with vs in March, except it be in the wind: besides the rats wanted not the fethers of young birds and chickins, which they daily killed, and Palmeta mosse to build themselues warme nests out of the wind, as vsually they did; neither doth it appeare that the cold was so mortall to them, seeing they would ordinarily swimme from place to place, and bee very fat euen in the midst of winter. It remaineth then, that as God doth sometimes effect his will without subordinate and secondary causes, so wee need not doubt, but that in the speedy encrease of this vermine; as also by the preseruation of so many of them by such weake meanes as they then enioyed, and especially in the so sudden remouall of this great annoy- ance, there was ioyned with and besides the ordinary and manifest meanes, a more mediate and secret worke of God. About this time Henry Long, with seuen others in an extreame storme were cast away, but three of them [1617] A strange of rats. confusion 660 . The adventures of Master Powell. LIB. 5. [N. Mr. , [1617] The returne of Master the Indies. PollardButler, &cescaped. One of them being asked what hee thought in the worst of that extremity, answered, he thought [of] nothing but gallowes claime thy right: and it seemes God well heard his prayer, and rewarded his ingratitude; for he was hanged within halfe a yeere after. In that March [1617] also fiue men went to Sea, but as yet was neuer heard of; and three more [were] drowned in a boat. By Hilliards house grew a very faire Cedar, which by a thunder clap was rent almost to small shiuers, and a man [that] stood by him and Samuel Tanton, [was] most fearfully blasted; yet neither they, the house, nor a little childe: yet a paire of racks in the house was all torne to fitters. The Neptune not long after arriuing to fish for whale, her fortune proued no better then the Gouernours; yet some are of opinion, profit might be made by them. In May [1617] they discried foure saile, so that manning Powel from all their Forts, they stood two daies in Armes, expecting what they were: at last they found it Master Powell returned from the West-Indies in the Hopewell, where missing such trade as he expected, these three Frigots comming in his way, he could not chuse but take them. Meale, Hides and Munition was their lading. Faire weather the Gouernor made with Powell, till he had got all the goods into his owne possession, and then called Powell to a strict account for doing such an vnwarrantable act; much a doe then was betwixt the taker and receiuer: but Powell was glad to be excused to answer it in England, leauing all hee had taken behinde him in the Iles. The Neptune also returned with him, but noble Powell lost all his pay and pillage for (187) this yeeres worke. For which the Company sent for to Tuckar, so that he also lost his part as well as Powell. 1 pp. 591, 638, 640, 648, €49.] Notwithstanding, the Gouernour by this meanes being strong in shipping, fitted the Caruill with twelue men, vnder the command of Edward Waters formerly spoken of, and sent them to Virginia about such businesse as hee had conceiued. Arriuing there, they obtained some goates, and hogs, and what they could spare, and so returned for the Summer Iles; but whether they could not finde the Iles for want of skill, or [were] beaten off by ill weather; or the ill will they bare the Gouernor, it matters not much : i : : L Ed. by 1624 July ] The diuision of the Iles by M. R. Norwood. 661 J. Smithbut they bare vp again for Virginia, where they all [1617-8] remained, and would returne no more to Summer Iles. The Gouernour thinking to make some vse of the hides, set some that professed themselues Tanners, to make tryall of their skill; but they lost their labours and spoiled the hides. mutiny by Pollard, and Master Rich. Also he called another Assise concerning a poore A supposed fellow called Gabriel, for concealing some speeches Master Master Pollard and Master Rich should vse, tending to the dis- reputation of the Gouernour, and his iniustice and cruelties; which being brought within the compasse of sedition and mutiny, though a yeere agoe: many were called in ques- tion about it, although euery one ordinarily had spoke as much. Yet Gabriel for example sake was condemned to bee hanged; and was vpon the ladder, but reprieued. The other two Master Pollard, and Master Rich were imprisoned; but vpon better consideration, the fact appeared so small and ridiculous, vpon their submission they were pardoned, and restored to their places. & The diuision of the Summer Iles into Tribes, by Master Richard Norwood, Surueyor. Ccording to the directions of the Councell and Company, as they had determined by lot, Master Norwood tooke a plot of the Ile, and diuided it with as much faithfulnes as he could, assigning to euery Aduenturer his share or proportion, as namely, to lay out a large proportion, to bee called the generall land, and imployed for publike vses, as for the maintenance of the Gouernour, Ministers, Commanders of Forts, souldiers, and such like: and to this end was assigned S. Georges Iland, S. Dauids Iland, Longbridge Iland, Smiths Iland, Coopers Iland, Cony Iland, Nonesuch Iland, part of the maine, and sundry other small Iles. The rest was to be diuided into eight parts, each part to be called a tribe, and to haue his denomina- tion of some principall person that was Aduenturer therein: 1618. The diui- sion of the les into Tribes. Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer. 662 . Mr. [The names and shares of the Adventurers. N. &c, , PollardButler[1618] and accordingly the first Tribe to bee Eastward, was then called Bedfords Tribe, now Hamiltons: the second, Smiths: Tribe the third, Cavendish, now Deuonshires: the fourth, Pembrooks: the fift, Pagits: the sixt, Mansils now Warwicks: the seuenth, Southhampton: the eighth, Sandy's in the honours of the Right honorable the Marquis Hamilton, Sir Thomas Smith, the Earle of Deuonshire, the Earle of Pembrooke, the Lord Pagit, the Earle of Warwicke, the Earle of Southhampton, and Sir Edwin Sandy's. Againe each of those Tribes were to bee diuided into fifty parts, called shares; and euery Aduenturer to haue his shares in these tribes as was determined, by casting lots in England, the manner of it appeares by the Map, and more largely by his Booke of the Suruay of the Countrey, which is in the Records of the Colony. And then began this which was before as you haue heard, but as an vnsetled and confused Chaos, to receiue a a disposition, forme, and order, and become indeed a Plantation. [188] The names of the Aduenturers, and their shares in euery Tribe, according to the suruey, and the best information yet ascertained, of any of their alterations. Hamiltons Tribe. Share[s]. I 2 Master William Web. Master Iohn Bernards as- signes. Master Elias Roberts Iun. I Master Iohn Gearing. Master Cleophas Smith. 2 Robert Earle of Warwick. 4 3 Master Thomas Couell. Master Greenwels assignes. I Master Cley. Ames L. Marquis Hamilton. 6 Sir Edward Harwood. 4 Master Iohn Delbridge. Master Iohn Dike 3 NHH ~ 2 I Master Powlson. I 2 Master Ellis Roberts. Master Robert Phips. Master Ralph King. Master Quicks assignes. Master William Canni[n]g. 4 Master William Canning. I Master Iohn Dike. Common land for con- ueniency. Master Iohn Dike. 3 I 2 I ~ -2 25 ~ I Ed. by 663 July 1624. . The names and shares of the Adventurers.] J. SmithMaster George Thorps as- signes. 2. Smiths Tribe. I Shares. Sir Dudley Digs assignes. 2 Master Richard Edwards. 2 Master William Pane. Master Robert Smith. Master George Barkley as- signes. Sir Samuel Sand[y]s. 4 2 5 на I Master Anthony Pennistone. 4 Sir Edwin Sand[y]s. 5 5+2 4 Sir Thomas Smith. Master Richard More. Master Ad[am] Brumfield. 2 Master Robert Alderman. Iohnson Master Iohn Wroth. Master George Smith. 3. Deuonshire Tribe. 534 Shares. Master Anthony Penistone. 2 Master Iohn Dike. Master Iohn Dike. I I 2 5 Master Iohn Bernards heires.2 Robert Earle of Warwick. 2 Master Francis West. William Lord Cavendish. 5 William Earle ofDeuonshire 5 Master Edward Luckin. Master Edward Ditchfield. I Master Edward Ditchfield. 4 Master William Nicols. Master Edward Ditchfield. I Master Iohn Fletcher. Master Gedion Delawne. Master Anthony Pennistone. 3 2 Master Best. Master Edward Luckin. Master Richard Rogers. Master William Palmer. 4. Pembrookes Tribe. Master George Smith. Gleab land. Master Nicholas Hide. Sir Lawrence Hide. Master Thomas Iudwyn. 2 2 2 4 421 H I I 2 William Earle of Pembroke. 10 Master Richard Edwards. I Master Harding. I I Master Richard Edwards. I Master Elias Roberts. Master Richard Edwards. I Master Iacobsons assignes. I Master Iohn Farrar. I Master Nicholas Farrar. I I Master Nicholas Farrar. 2. 2 I Master William Canning. 2 Master Richard Martin. Master Moris Abbot. Master Richard Caswell. Master Richard Caswell. 2 Master William Caswell. I Master Richard Edwards. 2 Master Richard Caswell. I Master Richard Edwards. I Master George Sandy's assignes. Master William Paine. 2 2 2 2 5. Pagits Tribe. Master Iohn Chamberlaine. 5 Master Thomas Ayres, and) 4 Master Richard Wiseman.) Master Richard Wiseman. I William Lord Pagit. 10 [1618] 664 [The names of the Adventurers, &c.] LIB. 5. [N. Mr. , &c. , PollardButler[1618] Master William Palmer. 4 Master Bagnell. 5 Master Iohn Bale. I Master Wheatley. 4 Master Christopher Barron. 4 Master Iohn Wodall. I Master Iohn Wodall. I Master Lewis. Master Owen Arthors as- signes. H 2 2 42 H Master George Etheridge. 4 7. Southamptons Tribe. Captaine Daniel Tuckar. Master Iohn Britton. Master Richard Chamber- land. Master Leonard Harwods assignes. Master Iohn Banks. Sir Nathanael Rich. Robert Earle of VVar- wicke. 4 I 3 I I 12 3 [189] 6 I Master George Scot. Master Iohn Bernards Master Edward Scot. 6 heires. I Master Anthony Abdy. Sir VVilliam VVade. Master Richard More. 6. Warwicks Tribe. Master VVheatley. Henry Earle of Southampton. 4 Master Andrew Broumfield. 2 Master Henry Timbed. Sir Thomas Hewet. Master Perce. Shares. 2 2 Sir Ralph Winwood. I 5 2 Captaine Daniel Tuckar. Master William Felgate. Robert Earle of Warwicke. 5 Master George Smith. Master Samuel Tickner. Master Francis Mevell. Master Stephen Sparrow I Master Ioseph Man. Captaine Daniel Tuckar. Master Elias More. Doctor Anthony Hunton. Master Francis Moverill. Master Richard Poulson. Master Mathew Shephard. I Master George Tuckar. ΙΟ Master Charles] Clitheroe. I Master George Swinow. 8. Sandys Tribe. +2 ~ ~ H ~ 2 2 I 2 Shares. M. George Barcklies heires. 5 I Sir Edwin Sand[y]s. Master Ierom Hidon. Master Thomas Millin and Master Iohn Cuffe. H 52 H ST H I 5 ΙΟ 2 ст Master Robert Chamberlaine 2 2 Master Abr. Chamberlaine. I I 2 Master George Smith. Master Robert Gore. Sir Edward Sackvile. Sir Iohn Daucrs. Master Robert Gore. Master Iohn Delbridge. Master Richard Tomlings. I Master Iohn VVroth. 2 3 CT H CIMHH ~ H H 2 Master Francis Meverill. Master Iohn Waters. Master Martin Bond. 1 2 2 I Master Iohn VVests heires. Master Richard Chamber- 4 laine. ΙΟ ་་་ !45ཁ་ Ed. by J. Smith. July 1624 The proceedings of Captaine Daniel Tuckar. 665 Touching the common ground in each Tribe, as also the ouer-plus, you may finde that at large in the Booke of Surueyes amongst their Records. Now though the Countrey was small, yet they could not conueniently haue beene disposed and well setled, without a true description and a suruey of it; and againe, euery man being setled where he might constantly abide, they knew their businesse, and fitted their houshold accordingly then they built no more Cabbens, but sub- stantiall houses; they cleered their grounds, and planted not onely such things as would yeeld them their fruits in a few moneths, but also such as would affoord them profit within a few yeares, so that in a short time the Countrey began to aspire, and neerely approach vnto that happi- nesse and prosperitie, wherein now it flourisheth, &c. [1618] But to follow the History; vpon the best plot of ground 1618. [that] could be found, the Gouernor preuailed so much with the generalitie, they built a faire house of Cedar: which being done, he appropriated it to himselfe, which occasioned exceeding much distaste. Magazin. About this time arriued the Diana with a good supply of The first men and prouision, and the first Magazin euer seene in those Iles; which course is not so much commended here, as cursed and abhorred by reason of enhansements of all the Inhabitants there; six or seuen weeks this ship staied, then hauing towards her fraught thirtie thousand [pounds] weight of Tobacco: which prouing good, and comming to a lucky Market, gave great encouragement to the Aduenturers to goe lustily forward in their Plantation; and without such successe, there is nothing but grudging and repining. But about the appropriation of this new built house, many bad discontents grew betwixt the oppressed Colony and the Gouernor; especially betwixt him and the Minister, and Lewes, who would neither be feared with threats nor imprisonment, that their malice continued till they met in England: of which the Minister made the cause so plaine,[that] hee very well and honestly, it seemes, discharged himselfe. Now in those times of these endlesse vnciuill broiles, two desperate men and a proper Gentlewoman got into a 666 Proceedings of Capt. Daniel Tuckar. LIB. 5. [N. Mr. , &c. , PollardButler[1618] Two exploits of desperate Fugitiues. The arriuall of the Blessing. Boat, and thinking to make an escape to Virginia, as appeared by some Letters they left behinde them, were neuer more heard on. The very next moneth after, the like was attempted by six others, so desirous they were to be rid of their seruitude; but their plot being discouered by one of their societie, they were apprehended, arraigned, and condemned to be hanged: the next day being led with halters about their neckes to the place of execution, one was hanged, and the rest repri[e]ued. The Diana arriuing well in England, for all the infinite numbers of complaints, the Tobacco did helpe to sweeten all manner of grieuances; yet it bred a distaste in the opinions of so many, they began to thinke of another Gouernor but for that time it was so qualified by diuers. of his friends, they dispatched away the Blessing, which arriued in the Somer Iles. : Though their generall Letter was faire and courteous to the Gouernor, yet by the report of the Passengers and diuers particular letters from his friends, it was assured him his cruelty and couetousnesse, for all his paines and industry, was much disliked, nor was he like[ly] to enioy his [190] house, and that land he had planted for himselfe by the ex- treme oppression of the Comminalty. This caused so many ielousies to arise in his conceit, that at last he fully resolued to returne by this ship; that no sooner set saile for England, then they proceeded to the nomination of a new Gouernor. Many were presented according to the affections of those. that were to giue in their voices, but it chiefely rested betwixt one Captaine Southwell, and one Master Nathaniel Butler; where wee will leaue them a while to the con- sideration of the Court and Company. Now Captaine Tuckar hauing instituted Captaine Kendall one of the six Gouernors before spoken of, for his substitute, returned with this ship directly for England; as well to excuse himselfe of those obiections he suspected, as to get assured him the house and land he had alotted for himselfe, lest it might otherwise be disposed of in his absence. Collected out of their Records by N.B. and the relations of Master Pollard, and diuers others. 667 . The Gouernment of Captaine Miles Kendall, Deputy for Captaine Tuckar. of two ships. HE vnexpected returne [to England] of [1618] Captaine Tuckar, caused a demurre in The arrivall the election of the new Gouernor; some perswading these oft changes were so troublesome, dangerous, and chargeable, it were best to continue Captaine Ken- dall; others againe stood for Captaine Tuckar but during the time of these opinions, the Gilliflower was dispatched with a supply. Now I should haue remembred, Tuckar was no sooner out of the harbour, but he met Master Elfred in a ship called the Treasurer, sent from Virginia to trade: by her he writ to his Deputy Master Kendall, to haue a care of all things, and beware of too much acquaintance with this ship, which hee suspected was bound for the West- Indies. Notwithstanding, Elfred receiued what kindnesse the Ile could afford; he promised to reuisit them at his returne. This done, because they would not be gouernlesse when his Deputiship was expired, there was a generall assembly, and by that Election Kendall was confirmed to succeed still Gouernor. Now they began to apply themselues to the finishing (of] some plat-forme about Smiths Fort, and laying the foundation of a Church to be built of Cedar, till the Gillyflower arriued with some priuate letters to Kendall, how he was elected Gouernor of those Iles for three yeeres. During her stay, they held their Assises, where for some 668 The Gouernment of Capt. Miles Kendall. LIB. 5. [T. 2. Sparks, [1618-9] few suspected facts three were condemned, and the better to terrifie the rest, led to the place of execution, but reprieued; diuers of the rest had their faults pardoned, and the Gilliflower set saile for New found land. Captaine Butler chosen Gouernor. The loue and kindnesse, honesty and industry of this Captaine Kendall, hath beene very much commended; by others, somewhat disliked: but an Angell in those imploi- ments cannot please all men, yet this consideration bred much ill bloud as well here as there, so that the Company directly concluded, Captaine Butler should with what expedition they could, goe to be their Gouernor : In the Interim they tooke the opportunitie of a ship, called the Sea-flower, bound for Virginia; and by her sent a Preacher and his Family, with diuers Passengers, and newes of a new Gouernor. This bred a great distaste amongst many, that still they should haue new officers and strangers for their Gouernors they neuer heard of, and themselues still kept there whether they would or no, without any preferment, no nor scarce any of them their inhabiting, to haue any land at all of their owne, but liue all as tenants, or as other mens poore seruants. About this time came in Captaine Kerby with a small Barke from the West-Indies: who hauing refreshed him- selfe, was very kindly vsed by the Gouernor; [191] and so departed. Not long after a Dutch Frigot was cast away vpon the Westerne shore; yet by the helpe of the English they saued the men, though the ship perished amongst the Rocks. A little after, one Ensigne Wood being about the loading of a peece, by thrusting a pike into the concauitie, grating vpon the shot, or somewhat about the powder, strucke fire within her and so discharged, but wounded him cruelly and blew him into the Sea: though hee was got out by some that stood by him, yet hee died of those wounds. Within two or three daies after, Captaine Elfred now comes in a second time: but of that we shall say more in the gouernment of Captaine Butler; who presently after arriued with a good supply, and was kindly entertained by Captaine Kendall and all the Colony. From a relation of Thomas Sparks, and diuers others. 669 The Gouernment of Captaine Nathaniel Butler. [1619] burnt, and much hurt Aptaine Butler being arriued the twentieth of October, 1619. some mutterings there. was how to maintaine their election of Captaine Kendall; but better remembring themselues, that conceit quickly dissolued. The next day [20 Oct.], Kendall, the Aplat-forme Ministers, and the Counsell went aboord to salute the new Gouernor, where after they had dined with the best entertainment he could giue 1619. them; they saw the Redout belonging to the Kings Castle by a mischance on fire, whither he repaired with all the meanes he could to quench it; but all the platforme and cariages were consumed before their faces, and they could not helpe it. Two daies after he went vp to the Towne, had his Commission publikely read, made a short speech to the Company, and so tooke vpon him the gouernment. Then presently he began to repaire the most necessary defects. The next moneth, came in the Garland, sent from England six or seuen weekes before him; so that being seuenteene weeks in her voyage, it was so tedious and grieuous to diuers of the Fresh-water Passengers, that such a sicknesse bred amongst them, many died as well Sailers as Passengers. Hauing taken the best order he could for their releefe, [he] passed through all the Tribes, and held his first Assise in Captaine Tuckars house [p. 665] at the ouer-plus [i.e., on the spare land not yet appropriated to any particular share]. Towards the last of this moneth of Nouember [1619] there arose a most terrible storme or Hericano, that blew vp many great trees by the roots: the Warwick that by a Hericano. 670 5. The Gouernment of LIB. 5. 1624. Ed. by . The refortifying the Kings Castle. J. Smith[Ed July [1619-20] brought the Gouernor was cast away, but the Garland [that] rid by her, saued her selfe by cutting downe her Masts; and not long after a second storme, no lesse violent then the first, wherein the Mount (which was a frame of wood built by Master More for a Watch-tower to looke out to Sea) was blowne vp by the roots, and all that Winter crop of corne blasted. And thus was the new Gouernor welcomed. With the beginning of the new yeere [1620] he began his first peece of fortification, vpon a Rocke which flankers the Kings Castle, and finding the ship called the Treasurer starke rotten and vnseruiceable, hee tooke nine peeces of Ordinance from her to serue other vses. The Garland for want of meanes, could not make her voiage to Virginia as she was appointed; wherefore he entertained her to returne to England, with all the Tabacco they had in the Ile. It was Ianuary [1620] before she departed, in which time, shee failed not much to haue beene twice cast away. But those strange and vnauoidable mischances, rather seemed to quicken the Gouernors industry then to dull it. Hauing finished the Church begun by Captaine Kendall, with an infinite toile and labour he got three peeces out .669.674.1 of the wracke VVarwicke. Hauing an excellent Dutch. Carpinter he entertained of them that were cast away in the Dutch Frigot; he imploied him in building of Boats, whereof they were in exceeding great want. Amber- greece found. In February [1620], they discouered a tall ship beating too and againe, as it seemed by her working, being ignorant of the Coast; some thought her a Spaniard to view their Forts, which stand most to [192] that part she so neerely approached; some, English; but the most, some Dutch man of Warre: The wind blew so high, they durst not send out a Boat, though they much doubted she would be foule of their Rocks; but at last she bore vp rommy for the Sea, and we heard of her no more. That euening, a lucky fellow it should seeme he was, that found a peece of Ambergreece of eight ounces, as he had twice before; which bringing to the Gouernor, he had ready money for the one halfe, after three pound an ounce, according to their order of Court, to encourage others to looke out for more, and preuent the mischiefe insueth by concealing of it. Ed. by J. Smith. LIB. 5. July 1624. 671 Captaine Nathaniel Butler. : .. : [1620] of two Dutch Within a few daies after, they descried two Frigots that came close to the shore, and sent a Letter to the Gouernor, The arriuall writ in Italian, that they were Hollanders had beene in the Frigots. West-Indies, and desired but to arriue, refresh themselues with wood and water, and so be gone. The Gouernor forthwith sent them to vnderstand, that being there vnder his Maiestie of England to command those Iles, he was to carrie himselfe a friend to his friends, and an enemy to his enemies; if therefore he could shew a lawfull Com- mission for his being honestly and nobly emploied, he and his should be kindly welcome, otherwise they were to aduenture at their perills. But his Commission was so good, he staied there two moneths, and was so well fitted with Oile and Bacon, they were all glad and happy of this Dutch Captaine Scoutans arriuall; with many thanks to their old friend Captaine Powell that had conducted him thither. The Colony being exceedingly in great want and distresse, bought the most. part of it at reasonable rates; so Captaine Scoutan returned to the West-Indies, and Captaine Powell for his part in the Low-Countries. Whilest these things were in action, the Aduenturers in England made many a long looke for their ships; at last the Garland brought them all the newes, but the Tobacco was so spoiled either in the leaking ship, or the making vp, it caused a great suspicion there could none [that] was good come from those Iles; where (were they but perfit in the cure) questionlesse it would be much better then a great quantitie of that they sell for Verinas, and many a thousand of it in London hath beene bought and sold by that title. The Gouernor being cleere of those distractions, falls vpon the restoring of the burnt Redoubt, where he cuts out a large new plat-forme, and mounts seuen great peece[s] of Ordnance vpon new cariages of Cedar. Now amongst all those troubles, it was not the least to bring the two Ministers to subscribe to the Booke of Common Praier, which all the Bishops in England could not doe. Finding it high time to attempt some conformitie, [he] bethought himselfe of the Liturgie of Garnsey and Iarse, wherein all those particulars they so much stumbled at, were omitted. No sooner was this propounded, but it was gladly imbraced The differences betwixt the Ministers. 672 [E The Gouernment of Ed. by J. Smith. July 1624. LIB. 5. [1620] The rebuilding by them both, whereupon the Gouernor translated it verbatim out of French into English, and caused the eldest Minister vpon Easter day [16 April 1620] to begin the vse thereof at Saint Georges towne; where himselfe, most of the Councell, Officers and Auditorie receiued the Sacrament: the which forme they continued during the time of his gouernment. Much about this time, in such a faire morning that had inuited many Boats farre out to the Sea to fish, did rise such a Hericano that much indangered them all, so that one of them with two Boies were driuen to Sea and neuer more heard of. The Ministers thus agreed, a Proclamation was pub- the Mount. lished for keeping of the Sabbath; and all the defective cariages he endeuoured to haue renewed; [he also] builded a small Boat of Cedar onely to goe with Ores, to be ready vpon any occasion to discouer any shipping, and tooke order euery Fort should haue the like. Also caused num- bers of Cedars to be brought from diuers places in flotes, to rebuild the Mount, which with an vnspeakable toile, was raised seuen foot higher then before, and a Falcon mounted at the foot, to be alwaies discharged for a warning to all the Forts vpon the discouery of any shipping: and this he called Rich Mount. This exceeding toile and labour, hauing no Cattle but onely mens [193] strengths, caused many petitions to the Gouernour, that all those generall works might cease till they had reaped their har- uests, in that they were in great distresse for victuall; which hee so well answered, their owne shames did cause them desist from that importunity, and voluntarily per- forme as much as hee required. The Tombe of Sir George Finding accidentally a little crosse erected in a by place, Summers. amongst a many of bushes, vnderstanding there was buried the heart and intrailes of Sir George Summers, hee resolued to haue a better memory for so worthy a Souldier, then that. So finding also a great Marble stone brought out of England, hee caused it by Masons to bee wrought handsomely and laid ouer the place, which hee inuironed with a square wall of hewen stone, Tombe like; wherein hee caused to bee grauen this Epitaph he had composed, and fixed it vpon the Marble stone; and thus it was, Ed. by J. Smith. LIB. 5. July 1624. 673 Captaine Nathaniel Butler. I 6 I I, 2 ; In the yeere Noble Sir George Summers went hence to heauen Whose well tri'd worth that held him still imploid, Gaue him the knowledge of the world so wide. Hence 't was by heauens decree, that to this place He brought new guests, and name to mutuall grace. At last his soule and body being to part, He here bequeath'd his entrails and his heart. Vpon the sixt of Iune [1620], began the second Assise, that reduced them to the direct forme vsed in England. For besides the Gouernour and Councell: they haue the Bailiffes of the Tribes, in nature of the Deputy Lieu- tenants of the shires in England, for to them are all pre- cepts and warrants directed, and accordingly answered and respected; they performe also the duties of Iustices of Peace, within their limits. The subordinate Officers to these in euery tribe, are the Constables, Head-borowes, and Church-wardens; these are the triers of the Tobacco, which if they allow not to be marchantable, is burnt and these are the executioners of their ciuill and politicke causes. [1620] Their manner of lawes reformed. Officers. For points of warre and martiall affaires, they haue the Martiall Gouernour for Lieutenant generall, the Sergeant maior, Master of Ordinance, Captaines of Companies, Captaines of Forts, with their seuerall officers, to traine and exer- cise those numbers vnder their charge, in martiall discipline. Officers and Concerning their Courts for decision of right and iustice, Cuill the first, though last in constitution, is their generall Courts. assembly; allowed by the state in England, in the nature of a Parliament, consisting of about forty persons; viz. the Gouernour, the Counsell, the Bailiffes of the tribes, and two Burgesses of each tribe chosen by voyces in the tribe, besides such of the Clergie as the Gouernour thinkes most fit, to be held once a yeere, as you shal heare more thereof hereafter. The next Court is the Assise or Iayles of deliuerie, held twice euery yeere, in Christmas, and Whitson weeke, for all criminall offenders, and ciuill causes betwixt party and party; as actions of debt, trespasse, battery, slander, ENG. SCH. LIB. No. 16. 43 674 . The Gouernment of J. SmithLIB. 5. [Ed. by July 1624- [1620] The second Assise. [pp. 669,670.] A generall manner [of] a and the like: and these are determined by a Iury of twelue men, and aboue them is also a grand Iury to examine matters of greater consequence. The last day of the Assise might also well be held a Court, for hearing the trangressions in matters of contempt, mis- behauiour towards any Magistrate, riots, seditious speakers, contemners of warrants, and such like. There are also as occasion shall require, many matters heard by the Gouernor, or his Officers, and oft iustice done in seuerall places; but those are but as daies of hearing, and as preparatiues against their Courts, &c. At this last Assize eighteene were arrained for criminall causes, a number very extraordinary considering the place; but now occasioned by reason of the hard yeere, and the store of ill chosen new commers: of these, some were censured to the whipping post, some burned in the hand, but two were condemned to die, yet the one was reprieued, the other hanged; this done, euery man returned to his home. Many trials they made againe about the Warwicke, but to small purpose, [194] her Ordnance being lashed so fast they could not be vnlcosel, till the ropes and decks were rotten, yet some few buttes of beare being flotie they got, which though it had lien six moneths vnder water was very good: notwithstanding the next yeere [1621], they recouered fiue peeces of Ordnance. Vpon the first of August [1620], according to the Companies assemblie in instructions from England, began the generall assembly at Parliament. the towne of Saint George, which was the first these Iles euer had consisting as is said, of the Gouernour, Councell, Bailiffes, and Burgesses, and a Secretarie to whom all bils were presented, and by him openly read in the house, also a Clerke to record the Acts, being thirty two in all; fif teene of which [Acts] being sent into England, were by a generall consent receiued and enacted, the titles whereof are these following: as for all the reasons for them, they would be too tedious to recite. Their Acts. was The first was against the vniust sale and letting of this other seruants, and apprentises and other especially for the righting the vndertakers in England. The second, concerning the disposing of aged, Ed. by 675 . Captaine Nathaniel Butler. : : J. SmithLib. 5. July 1624] LIB. diseased, and impotent persons: for it being considered. how carelesse many are in preferring their friends, or sending sometimes any they can procure to goe, such vnseruiceable people should be returned back at their charge that sent them, rather then be burdensome to the poore Inhabitants in the Iles. The third, the necessary manning the Kings Castle, being the key of the Ile, that a garison of twelue able men should bee there alwaies resident: and 3000. eares of corne, and 1000. pounds of Tobacco payed them by the generality yeerely, as a pension. The fourth, against the making vnmarchantable Tobacco; and Officers sworne to make true trials, and burne that was naught. The fift, inioyned the erection of certaine publike bridges, and the maintenance of them. The sixt, for a continuall supply of victuall for all the Forts, to bee preserued, till some great occasion to vse it. The seventh was, for two fixed dayes euery yeere for the Assises. The eight, commands the making of high-waies, and prohibiting the passage ouer mens grounds and planted fields; as well to preuent the spoyling of gardens, as conueniencie to answer any alarum. The ninth, for the preseruing young tortoises and birds, that were carelesly destroyed. The tenth prouided against vagabonds, and pro- hibited the entertainement of other mens seruants. The eleuenth compelled the setting of a due quantity of corne for euery family. The twelfth, the care corne being set, enioyned the keeping vp of their poultry till it was past their reaches. The thirteenth, for the preseruation of sufficient fences, and against the felling of marked trees appointed for bounds. The fourteenth, granted to a leuy for a thousand pound weight of Tobacco, towards the payment of publike workes, as the bridges and the mount. The fifteenth, for the enioyning an acknowledgement [1620] 676 The Gouernment of . LIB. 5. [[. by J. Smith. July 1624. E Ed[1620] The arriuall of the Magazin ship. Edand acception of all resident Gouernours, and the warranting him to continue, though his time be expired, till the arriuall of a legitimate successor from England, to preuent all vnmeet and presump- tuous elections: besides it was desired by petition in England, the new Gouernour should liue two months as a priuate man after his arriuall, if his predecessor did stay so long, the better to learne and obserue his course. And these are the contents of those fifteene Acts, applied as you may perceiue: which the lawes of England could not take notice of, because euery climate hath somewhat to it selfe in that kinde in particular; for otherwise as it is conceiued, it had beene a high impu- dency and presumption to haue medled with them, or indeed with any such as these lawes, that had with such great iudgement and iustice alwaies prouided for. No sooner was this businesse ouer, but the Magazin ship is discouered, and that night came into the Harbour; but in a very weake and sickly case, hauing cast ouer board twenty or thirty of her people: and so violent was the infection, that the most part of the sailers, as well as passengers, were so sicke, or dismaid, or both, that the Master confessed, had they stayed at the Sea but a weeke longer, they had all perished. There arriued with this ship diuers Gentlemen of good fashion, with their wiues and families; but many of them crasie by the tediousnesse of the voyage: [195] howsoeuer most of them, by the excellent salubrity of the aire, then which the world hath not a better, soone after recouered; yet some there were that died presently after they got ashore it being certainly the quality of the place, either to kill, or cure quickly, as the bodies are more or lesse corrupted. By this ship the Company sent a supply of ten persons. for the generality, but of such bad condition that it seemed they had picked the Males out of Newgate, the Females from Bridewell: As the Gouernour found it his best course, to grant out the women to such as were so greedy of wiues, and would needs haue them for better for worse; and the men hee placed in the Kings Castle for souldiers. Ed. by 677 July . LIB. 5. Captaine Nathaniel Butler. J. Smith. 1624But this bad, weake, sickly supply being dispersed for their best reliefe, by the much imployment of his boats in remoouing them, many of his owne men became infected, so that for some weekes, they were not able to doe him any seruice at all. Strict instructions also they brought for the planting of Sugar canes, for which the Iland being rockie and dry, is so vnproper, that few as yet haue beene seene to prosper: yet there are others [that] hold the contrary opinion, that there is raine so ordinarily, the Iles are so moist, as pro- duceth all their plants in such infinit abundance: there is no great reason to suspect this, were it rightly vsed, more then the rest. [1620] Seuenty thousand [pounds] weight of Tobacco being 70000. prepared towards her fraught, she returned for England. No sooner was shee gone then came in another, sent by the Company and generalty, well conditioned; but shee failed not much to haue beene cast away amongst those dangerous and terrible rocks. By her came also expresse command, they should entertaine no other ships, then. were directly sent from the Company: this caused much grudging, and indeed a generall distraction and exclamation among the Inhabitants, to be thus constrained to buy what they wanted, and sell what they had at what price the Magazin pleased; and to debarre true men from comming to them for trade or reliefe, that were daily receiued in all the harbours in England. So long this ship stayed going for fraught and wages, the Master not caring how long he lay at that rate in a good harbour, [that] the Gouernour was ready to send her away by Proclamation. Thus ended the first yeere of the gouernment of C[aptaine] Butler. With the first [? days] of the second yeere were held the Assises, where all the Bailiffes were fined for not giuing a beginning to the building of the bridges; there was also an order to restraine the excessiue wages all handicrafts men would haue and that the Church-wardens should meet twice a yeere, to haue all their presentments made perfect. against the Assises. The Assises done, all the ablest men were trained in their armes, and then departed to their owne homes. weight of Tobacco. 1620. ing of three bridges and The build. other works. 678 . The Gouernment of J. SmithLIB. 5. [Ed. by July 1624. י [1621] The generall Assises, and the proceed- ings. The towne thus cleered, he made certaine new carriages for some demy Culuerings, and a large new storehouse of Cedar for the yeerely Magazines goods; finished Warwicks Fort begun by Master More, and made a new platforme at Pagits Fort, also a faire house of lime and stone for the Townes-house. The three bridges appointed by the generall assembly, was followed with such diligence, [that] though they were more then an hundred, or an hundred and twenty foot in length, hauing the foundation and arches in the Sea, [they] were raised and accomplished, so that man or beast with facility might passe them. At Whitsonday [20 May 1621] was held the fourth generall Assise at Saint Georges, where were tryed twenty seuerall causes; foure or fiue were whipped or burnt in the hand, for breaking of houses: also an order was made, that the party cast in the triall of any cause, should pay to euery of the Iurours foure pence: moreouer, that not past ten leaues at the most should grow vpon a plant of Tobacco, and that also in the making it vp, a distinction should diligently be obserued of two kinds, a better and a worse : then they built a strong stone house for the Captaine of the Kings Castle and corps du guard; and repaired what defects they could finde in the platformes and carriages. Captaine Powell so oft mentioned, hauing beene in the West-Indies for the States of Holland, came to an anchor within shot of their Ordnance, desiring admittance for wood and water, of which hee had great need, but the Gouernor [196] would not permit him, so he weighed and departed; whereat the company were so madded, it was not possible to constraine them to cease their exclai- mations against the Companies inhibition, till they were weary with exclaiming. But still for their better defence, not thinking themselues sufficiently secure, hauing finished. two new plat-formes more, arriued the Magazin ship [Sept. 1621]: but her Master was dead, and many of the Passengers; the rest for most part very sicke. And withall, a strange and wonderfull report of much complaint made against the Gouernor to the Company in England, by some of them returned in the last yeeres shipping. But it was eight daies before she could get in by reason of ill weather, being forced againe to Sea; so that time, they kept euery Ed. by 679 July 1624 .] LIB. 5. Captaine Nathaniel Butler. 4. . J. Smithnight continually great fires, [that] she might see the Ile as well by night as day: but at last she arriued, and he plainly vnderstood, he had more cause a great deale to looke for misconstruction of all his seruice then an acknowledg- ment, much lesse a recompence any better then his pre- decessors; but it is no new thing to requite the best desert with the most vildest of ingratitude. The very next daies night after the arriuall of the Magazins ship, newes was brought the Gouernor by a dismaied Messenger from Sand[y]s his Tribe, that one hun- dred Spaniards were landed in that part, and diuers ships discouered at Sea; whereupon he presently manned the Forts, and instantly made thitherward in person with twentie men, determining as he found cause to draw together more strength by the way. Being got thither by the breake of the next day, in stead of an enemy which he expected, he met onely with a company of poore dis- tressed Portugals and Spaniards, who in their passage from Carthagena in the West-Indies, in consort with the Spanish fleet of Plait [the annual Plate Fleet, taking the treasure to Spain]; by the same storme that had in- dangered the Magazin ship, lost theirs vpon those terrible Rocks, being to the number of seuenty persons, [who] were strangely preserued; and the manner was thus. About Sunne-set their ship beating amongst the Rocks, some twenty of the Sailers got into the Boat with what treasure they could; leauing the Captaine, the Master, and all the rest to the mercy of the Sea. But a Boy not past foureteene yeares of age that leaped after, to haue got into the Boat; missing that hope, it pleased God he got vpon a Chest a drift by him: whereon they report he continued two daies, and was driuen neere to the cleane contrary part of the Ile, where he was taken vp neere dead, yet well recouered. All this night the ship sticking fast, the poore distressed in her the next day spying land, made a raft; and were those [that] gaue the alarum first a shore about three of the clocke in the after noone. The morning after, about seuen of the clocke came in the Boat to a place called Mangroue Bay; and the same day their Carpenter was driuen a shore vpon a Planke neere Hog-Bay. There was a Gentlewoman that had stood wet. [1621] A strange deliuerance of a Spanish wracke. 680 The Gouernment of Capt. Nathaniel Butler. [Ed. by J. Smith. July 1624. [1621] vp to the middle vpon the raft from the ship to the shore, being big with childe; and although this was vpon the thirteenth of September, [1621] she tooke no hurt, and was safely deliuered of a Boy within three daies after. The best comfort [that] could be giuen them in those extremities they had, although some of the baser sort had beene rifling some of them before the Gouernors arriuall. Also the Spanish Captaine and the chiefe with him, much complained of the treachery of his men to leaue him in that manner, yet had conueyed with them the most of the money they could come by, which he easily missed; where- upon hee [Butler] suddenly caused all them he accused, to be searched, and recouered to the value of one hundred and fortie pounds starling: which he deliuered into the Cap- taines hands, to be imploied in a generall purse towards their generall charge. During their stay in the Iles, some of the better sort, nine or ten weeks [13 Sept.-? 12 Nov.), dieted at his owne table; the rest were billited amongst the Inhabitants at foure shillings the weeke, till they found shipping for their passage, for which they paied no more then the English paied themselues; and for the passage of diuers of them, the Gouernor was glad to stand bound to the Master. Some others that were not able to procure such friendship, were so constrained to stay in the Iles, till by their labours they had got [197] so much as would transport them and thus they were preserued, releeued, and deliuered. In the moneth insuing [October 1621] arriued the second ship; and she also had lost her Master, and diuers of her Passengers in her came two Virginian Women [these were of the Indian maids that had gone to England in 1616, in attendance on Pocahontas] to be married to some would haue them, that after they were conuerted and had children, they might be sent to their Countrey and kindred to ciuilize them. Towards the end of this moneth [Oct.] came in the third ship with a small Magazin; [she] hauing sold what she could, caried the rest to Virginia: and neuer did any of those Passengers complaine either of their good diet, or too good vsage at sea; but the cleane contrary still occasioned many of those extremities. Ed. by J. Smith. LIB. 5. July 1624.. 681 Their accidents and proceedings. ? [1621] How they the powder solemnized treason, and of two ships. Spaniards in danger The fift of Nouember [1621] the damnable plot of the powder treason was solemnized, with Praiers, Sermons, and a great Feast: whereto the Gouernor inuited the chiefe of the Spaniards, where drinking the Kings health, the arriuall it was honored with a quicke volly of small shot, which was answered from the Forts with the great Ordnance, and then againe concluded with a second volley of small shot; neither was the afternoone without musicke and dancing, and at night many huge bone-fires of sweet-wood. The Spaniards to expresse their thankfulnesse, at their The departure, made a deed of gift to the Gouernor of whatso- returne, and euer he could recouer of the wracked ship; but the ships againe. as they went out came so dangerously vpon a Rock, that 1621. the poore Spaniards were so dismaied, swearing this place was ominous vnto them, especially the women, that desired rather to goe a shore and die howsoeuer, than aduenture any further in such a labyrinth of dangers but at last she got cleere without danger, and well to England. The other went to Virginia, wherein the Gouernor sent two great Chests filled with all such kinds and sorts of Fruits and Plants as their Ilands had; as Figs, Pomgranats, Oranges, Lemons, Sugar-canes, Plantanes, Potatoes, Papawes, Cassado roots, red Pepper, the Prickell Peare, and the like. English Murderers found in the Spanish The ships thus dispatched, hee goeth into the maine, Three and so out to sea to the Spanish wracke. He had beene there before, presently after her ruine; for neuer had ship a more sudden death, being now split in peeces all vnder wracke. water. He found small hope to recouer any thing, saue a Cable and an Anchor, and two good Sacars; but the wind was so high hee was forced to returne, being ten miles from the shore, onely with three Murderers [small cannon], which were knowne to be the same Captaine Kendall had sold to Captaine Kerby: whose ship was taken by two men of warre of Carthagena, the most of his men slaine or hanged, and he being wounded, died in the woods. Now their Pilot being at this seruice, got thus those three Murderers to their ship; and their ship thus to the Bermudas, as the Spaniards remaining related to the Gouernor and others. Hauing raised three small Bulwarkes at Southhamptons 682 The Gouernment of Capt. Nathaniel Butler. [Ed. by 1624. July . J. SmithTheir Assies, and other passages. [1621-2] Fort, with two Curtaines, and two Rauilings, which indeed is onely the true absolute peece of fortification in the Iles. Christmas [1621] being come, and the prefixed day of the Assise; diuers were whipped and burnt in the hand, onely three young boyes for stealing were condemned, and at the very point of hanging repri[e]ued. The Gouernour then sent his Lieutenant all ouer the maine to distribute Armes to those were found most fit to vse them, and to giue order[s] for their randezuous, which were hanged vp in the Church. [A. 676.] About this time it chanced a pretty secret to be discouered to preserue their corne from the fly, or weauell, which did in a manner as much hurt as the rats. For the yeere before [1620] hauing made a Proclamation that all Corne should be gathered by a certaine day; because many lazy persons ranne so after the ships to get Beere and Aquavita, for which they will giue any thing they haue, much had beene lost for want of gathering. This yeare [1621] hauing a very faire crop, some of the Inhabitants, none of the best hus- bands, hastily gathered it for feare of the penaltie, threw it in great heaps into their houses vnhusked, and so let it lie foure or fiue moneths, which was thought would haue spoiled it where the good husbands husked it, and with much labour hung it vp, where the Flies did so blow on it, they increased to so many Weauels, they generally [198] complained of great losse; but those good fellowes that neuer cared but from hand to mouth, made their boasts, that not a graine of theirs had beene touched nor hurt; there being no better way to preserue it then by letting it lie in its huske, and spare an infinite labour formerly [that] had beene vsed. There were also very luckily about this time found out diuers places of fresh water, of which many of the Forts were very destitute; and the Church-wardens and Side-men were very busie in correcting the prophaners of the Sabbath, Drunkards, Gamesters, and such like. There came also from Virginia a small Barke with many thanks for the presents sent them: much Aquauitæ, Oile, Sacke, and Bricks they brought in exchange of more Fruits and Plants, Ducks, Turkies and Limestone; of which she had plenty, and so returned. During the aboad of the stay of this ship, the mariage of Ed. by J. Smith. LIB. 5. July 1624. 683 Their accidents and proceedings. one of the Virginia maides was consummated with a husband fit for her, attended with more then one hundred guests, and all the dainties for their dinner [that] could be prouided. They made also another triall to fish for Whales, but it tooke no more effect then the former: this was done by the Master of the Virginia ship that professed much skill that way, but hauing fraughted his ship with Limestone, with 20000. [pounds] weight of Potatoes, and such things as he desired, [he] returned for Virginia. Aprill and May [1622] were spent in building a strong new Prison, and perfecting some of the Fortifications, and by the labour of twenty men in fourteene daies was got from the Spanish wracke foure excellent good Sacres, and mounted them at the Forts. [1622] Sodomy. Then began the generall Assize (June 1622], where not A strange fewer then fifty ciuill, or rather vnciuill actions were handled, and twenty criminall prisoners brought to the bar; such a multitude of such vild people were sent to this Plantation, that he [Butler] thought himselfe happy his time was so neere expired: three of the foulest acts were these: the first for the rape of a married woman, which was acquitted by a senselesse Iury; the second for buggering a Sow, and the third for Sodomy with a boy, for which they were hanged. During the time of the imprisonment of this Buggerer of the Sow, a Dung-hill Cocke belonging to the same man did continually haunt a Pigge of his also, and to the wonder of all them that saw it, who were many, did so frequently tread the Pigge as if it had beene one of his Hens, that the Pigge languished and died within a while after; and then the Cocke resorted to the very same Sow (that this fellow was accused for) in the very same manner: and as an addition to all this, about the same time two Chickens were hatched, the one whereof had two heads; the other crowed very loud and lustily within twelue houres after it was out of the shell. A desperate fellow being to bee arraigned for stealing a Turky, rather then he would endure his triall, secretly conueighed himselfe to Sea in a little Boat, and neuer since was euer heard of; nor is he euer like to be, without an exceeding wonder, little lesse then a miracle. In Iune [1622] they made another triall about the Spanish 684 The Gouernment of Capt. Nathaniel Butler. [Ed. by . July . J. Smith[1622] More trialls about the wracks. The Planters 1624wracke, and recouered another Sacre and a Murderer: also he caused to be hewed out of the maine Rocke a paire of large staires for the conuenient landing of goods and pas- sengers, a worke much to the beauty and benefit of the towne. With twenty chosen men, and two excellent Divers, the Gouernour went himselfe to the wracke Warwick, but they could recouer but one Murderer [a small cannon]: from thence he went to the Sea-aduenture, the wracke of Sir George Summers, the hull though two or three fathomes in the water, they found vnperished and with much a doe weighed a Sacre, her sheat Anchor, diuers barres of Iron and pigs of Lead, which stood the Plantation in very great stead. Towards the end of Iuly [1622] he went to seeke for a wracke they reported lay vnder water with her hatches spiked vp, but they could not finde her, but from the Spanish wracke [which] lay there by, they weighed three faire Sacres more, and so returned through the Tribes to Saint Georges : some were also imployed to seeke out beds of Oisters for Pearle, some they found, some seed Pearle they got, but out of one little shell aboue all the rest they got about 120. small Pearle, but somewhat defectiue in their colour. [199] The time of Captain Butlers gouernment drawing neere complaints. an end, the Colony presented vnto him diuers grieuances, to intreat him to remember to the Lords and Company in England at his returne: also they appointed two to be ioyned with him, with letters of credence to solicit in their behalfe those grieuances following: First, they were defrauded of the food of their soules for being not fewer then one thousand and fiue hundred people, dispersed in length twenty miles, they had at that present but one Minister, nor neuer had but two; and they [had been] so shortned of their promises, that but onely for meere pity they would haue forsaken them. Secondly, neglected in the safety of their liues by wants of all sorts of munition. Thirdly, they had beene censured contrary to his Maiesties Lawes, and not allowed them the benefit of their booke as they are in England, but by Captaine Butler. LIB685 . 5. Their accidents and proceedings. 3 ܀ Ed. by J. Smith. LIB. July 1624.. Fourthly, they were frustrated of many of their couenants, and most extremely pinched and vndone by the extortion of the Magazine; for although their Tobacco was stinted but at two shillings sixpence the pound, yet they pitched their commodities at what rate they pleased. Fifthly, their fatherlesse children are left in little better condition then slaues; for if their Parents die in debt, their children are made as bondmen till the debt be discharged. These things being perfected, there grew a great question. of one Heriot for plotting of factions and abusing the Gouernour, for which he was condemned to lose his eares, yet he was vsed so fauourably he lost but the part of one in all. [1622] of Captaine By this time it being growne past the wonted season The returne of the comming in of ships from England, after a generall Butler. longing and expectation, especially of the Gouernour, whose Commission being neere vpon expiration, gaue him. cause to wish for a meane of deliuerance from so trouble- some and thanklesse an imploiment as he had hitherto found it; a saile is discouered, and long it was not before shee arriued in the Kings Castle-Harbour. This Barke was set out by two or three priuate men of the Company, and hauing landed her supplies, was to goe for Virginia; by her the Gouernour receiued certaine aduertisements of the carriage and behauiour of the Spaniards, which he had relieued as you haue heard [p. 680] the yeere before: that quite contrary both to his merit, their vow, and his owne expectation, they made clamours against him; the which being seconded by the Spanish Am- bassadour, caused the State to fall in examination about it. Whereupon hauing fully cleared their ingratefulnesse and impudency, and being assured of the choice of a suc- cessor that was to be expected within fiue or six weekes; hee was desirous to take the opportunity of this Barke, and to visit the Colony in Virginia in his returne for England [p. 603]: leauing the gouernment to Captaine Felgat, Captaine Stokes, Master Lewis Hewes, Master Nedom and Master Ginner. 686 The Gouernment of Capt. Nathaniel Butler. [Ed. by 1624. July . J. Smith[1622] But now his time being fully expired, and the fortifi- cations finished, viz. The Kings Castle wherein were mounted vpon suf- ficient Platformes fixteene peece of Ordnances: In Charles Fort two; In Southampton Fort fiue, betwixt which and the Castle passeth the Chanell into the Harbour, secured by three and twenty peeces of good artillery to play vpon it. In Cowpers Ile is Pembrocks Fort, where is two- Peeces. The Chanell of Saint George is guarded by Smiths Fort, and Pagits Fort, in which is eleuen peece of Ordnance. Saint George towne is halfe a league. within the Harbour, commanded by Warwicks Fort, where are three great Peeces: and on the Wharfe before the Gouernours house eight more, besides the warning Peece by the mount, and three in Saint Katharines; So that in all there are ten Fortresses and two and fifty peeces of Ordnance sufficient and seruiceable: their formes and situations you may see more plainlier described in the Map; and to defend those, he left one thousand fiue hundred persons with neere a hundred boats, and the Ile well replenished with store of such fruits, pro- uisions and Poultry, as is formerly related: yet for so departing and other occasions, much difference hath beene betwixt him and some of the Company, as any of his Predecessors; which I rather wish were reconciled, then to be a reporter of such vnprofitable dissentions. [200] For Till trechery and faction, and auarice be gone, Till enuy and ambition, and backbiting be none, Till periury and idlenesse, and iniury be out, And truly till that villany the worst of all that rout; Vnlesse those vises banisht be, what euer Forts you haue, A hundred walls together put will not haue power to saue. Ed. by 687 July The gouernment of Master Iohn Barnard. . 1624. : J. SmithMaster Iohn Barnard sent to be Gouernour. 1622. Cauendish Treasurer. Nicholas O supply this place was sent by the noble [1622-3] aduenturers Iohn Bernard, a Gentleman The Lord both of good meanes and quality, who arriued within eight daies after Butlers Master departure [1622] with two ships, and Farrar about one hundred and forty passengers with armes and all sorts of munition and other prouisions sufficient. During the time of his life which was but six weekes in reforming all things he found defectiue, he shewed. himselfe so iudiciall and industrious as gaue great satis- faction; and did generally promise vice was in great danger to be suppressed, and vertue and the Plantation much aduanced: but so it hapned that both he and his wife died in such short time they were both buried in one day and one graue; and Master Iohn Harrison chosen Gouernour till further order came from England. What hapned in the gouernment of Master Iohn Harrison. Deputy. Sackuil Master Deputy. Hey are still much troubled with a great 1623. short worme that deuours their Plants Sir Edward in the night, but all the day they lie hid Treasurer. in the ground; and though early in the Gabri morning they kill so many, they would Barier thinke there were no more, yet the next morning you shall finde as many. The Caterpillers to their fruits are also as pernicious, and the land Crabs in some places are as thicke in their Borowes as Conies in a Warren, and doe much hurt. Besides all this, there hapned this yeere [1623] a very heauy disaster, for a ship wherein there had beene much swearing and blaspheming vsed all the voyage, and landed what she had to leaue in those Iles, iouially froliking in their Cups and Tobacco, by accident fired the Powder, that at the very instant blew vp the great Cabin, and some one way and some another: it is a wonder to thinke how they could bee so blowne out of the gun-roome into the Sea, 688 [What hapned in the gouernment of M. Harrison. Ed.by 1624. July . J.SmithNote. : [1623-4] where some were taken vp liuing, so pitifully burned [that] their liues were worse then so many deaths, some died, some liued but eighteene were lost at this fatall blast, the ship also immediatly sunke with threescore barrels of meale sent for Virginia, and all the other prouision in her was thus lost. Now to consider how the Spaniards, French, and Dutch haue beene lost and preserued in those inuincible Iles, yet neuer regarded them but as monuments of miseries, though at this present they all desire them; How Sir Thomas Gates, and Sir George Summers being ready to sinke in the sea were saued, what an incredible abundance of victuall they found, how it was first planted by the English, the strange increase of Rats, and their sudden departure, the fiue men came from England in a boat, the escape of Hilliard, and the rest of those accidents there hapned: a man would thinke it a tabernacle of miracles, and the worlds wonder, that from such a Paradise of admiration who would thinke should spring such wonders of afflictions as are onely fit to be sacrificed vpon the highest altars. of sorrow, thus to be set vpon the highest Pinacles of con- tent, and presently throwne downe to the lowest degree of extremity, as you see haue beene the yeerely succeedings. of those Plantations; the which to ouercome, as it is an incomparable honour, so it can be no dishonour if a man doe miscarry by vnfortunate accidents in such honourable ac- tions, the which renowne and vertue to attaine hath [201] caused so many attempts by diuers Nations besides ours, euen to passe through the very amazement of aduentures. 1624. Vpon the relation of this newes the Company hath sent one Captaine Woodhouse, a Gentleman of good repute and great experience in the warres, and no lesse prouident then indus- trious and valiant: then returned report, all goeth well there. It is too true, in the absence of the noble Treasurer, Sir Edward Sackvill, now Earle of Dorset; there haue beene such complaints betwixt the Planters and the Company, Sir Thomas that, by command, the Lords appointed Sir Thomas Smith againe Treasurer, that since then according to their order of Court he is also elected: where now we must leaue them all to their good fortune and successe, till we heare further of their fortunate proceedings. Smith Treasurer, and Master Edwards Deputy. FINIS. 689 2011 To his friend Captaine Smith, vpon his description of New-England. Ir; your Relations I haue read: which shew, Ther's reason I should honour them and you: And if their meaning I haue vnderstood, I dare to censure thus: Your Proiect's good; And may (if follow'd) doubtlesse quit the paine, With honour, pleasure and a trebble gaine ; Beside the benefit that shall arise To make more happy our Posterities. For would we daigne to spare, though 'twere no moře Then what ore-fils, and surfets vs in store, To order Nature's fruitfulnesse a while In that rude Garden, you New-England stile; With present good, ther's hope in after-daies Thence to repaire what Time and Pride decaies In this rich Kingdome. And the spacious West Being still more with English bloud possest, The proud Iberians shall not rule those Seas, To checke our ships from sailing where they please; Nor future times make any forraine power Become so great to force a bound to Our. ENG. SCH. LIB. No. 16. 44 [p. 183.] [1616] 690 G. Wither. R. Gunnell. [Reprint of Complimentary Verses. [1616] [p. 182.] Much good my minde foretels would follow hence With little labour, and with lesse expence. Thriue therefore thy Designe, who cre enuy : England may ioy in England's Colony, Virginia seeke her Virgin sisters good, Be blessed in such happy neighbourhood: Or, whatsoere Fate pleaseth to permit, Be thou still honour'd for first mouing it. George Wither. e societate Lincol. Ove To that worthy and and generous Gentleman, my very good friend, Captaine Smith. Ay Fate thy Proiect, prosper that thy name May be eternized with liuing fame : M Though foule Detraction Honour would peruert, And Enuie euer waits upon desert : [202] In spight of Pelias, when his hate lies cold, Returne as Iason with a fleece of gold. Then after-ages shall record thy praise, That a New-England to this Ile didst raise: And when thou di'st (as all that liue must die) Thy fame liue here; thou, with Eternity. R. Gunnell. 1616. E. Robinson. 1616. *691 Reprint of Complimentary Verses.] To his worthie Captaine, the Author. Ft thou hast led, when I brought up the Rere In bloudy wars, where thousands haue beene slaine. Then giue me leaue in this some part to beare And as thy seruant, here to reade my name. Tis true, long time thou hast my Captaine becne In the fierce warres of Transiluania : Long ere that thou America hadst seene, Or led wast captiu'd in Virginia; Thou that to passe the worlds foure parts dost deeme No more, then t'were to goe to bed, or drinke, And all thou yet hast done, thou dost esteeme As nothing. This doth cause me thinke That thou I'aue seene so oft approu'd in dangers, (And thrice captiu'd, thy valour still hath freed) Art yet preserued, to conuert those strangers: By God thy guide I trust it is decreed. For me: I not commend but much admire Thy England yet unknowne to passers by-her For it will praise it selfe in spight of me; Thou it, it thou, to all posterity. Your true friend and souldier, Ed. Robinson. [p. 230] [1616] 692 T. Carlton. 1616. [Reprint of Complimentary Verses. [p. 231.] [1616] To my honest Captaine, the Author. Alignant Times! What can be said or done, But shall be censur'd and traduc't by some! M This worthy Worke, which thou hast bought so deare, Ne thou, nor it, Detractors need to feare. Thy words by deeds so long thou hast approu'd, Of thousands know thee not thou art belou'd. And this great Plot will make thee ten times more Knowne and belou'd, than ere thou wert before. I neuer knew a Warrier yet, but thee, From wine, Tobacco, debts, dice, oaths, so free. I call thee Warrier: and I make the bolder; For, many a Captaine now, was neuer Souldier. Some such may swell at this: but (to their praise) When they haue done like thee, my Muse shall raise Their due deserts to Worthies yet to come, To liue like thine (admir'd) till day of Doome. Your true friend, sometimes your souldier, Thos. Carlton. [203] 693 > [The Generall Historie of Virginia, New England, & the Summer Isles. THE SIхтн Воок. 1624. The General History of New England. 1606–1624; with a Note on Newfoundland. A 1622.] 694 [This Sixth Book consists of a reprint, with variations, of our Author's own : A Description of New England 1616, pp. 175–232. New Englands Trials, 1620, pp. 233-248. together with extracts from: Dr. J. DEE. British Monarchy, 1577, pp. 245, 773. [G. MOURT]. Relation or Journal, &c., 1622, at pp. 749–760. An abstract of Letters from New Plymouth, 16 July 1622, pp. 760-762. E. W[INSLOW]. Good News from New England, 1624, pp. 762-9. R. WHITBOURNE. A loving Invitation Newfoundland 1622, pp. 777–781.] • • Capt. &: Smiths wics SOIT INOH St John Towne (ang. Scholars lib.) p. 694 CENERAL LIBRARY ITH/ADMIRALL OF NEW ENGLAND 3167 NEW ENGLAND PORTRAITUER OF CAPTAYNE g The most remarqueable parts thus named. by the high and mighty Prince CHARLES, Prince of great Britaine Schooters hill Sandwich- Dartmouth NHẤT NILE Thefe are the Lines that fhew thy Face; but thofe That fhew thy Grace and Glory, brighter bee: Thy Faire-Difcoueries and Fowle-Overthrowes Of Salvages,much Civillied by the Beft fhew thy Spirit; and to it Glory Wyn's So,thou art Braße without, but Golde within. If fo; in Braße too foft Smiths Acts to beare) 43 I fix thy Fame, to make Braße Steele out weare. Thine,as thou art Virtues, South Hampton John Davies. Heref: Jerwhich Snadoun hill Hull Bestouka க் Smith Tes nt Cambridg The Bafe Edenborough The River forth Leth Cape ELIZABETH Harington Bay A Baftable Bristow DA Cape ANNA Talbotts Bay Fullerton Ils о Fawmouth The River CHARLES Cheurot hills 142 Cary Its P. Murry London Oxfords Poynt Sutliff Plimouth Poynt Gorge Cape LAMES est viuere vincere Simon Pajaus feulpsit Robert Clerke exendit. Milford haner STUARDS Bay Barwick 316 ७" 6th M OVI PENSE Norwich 318 bart 319 Aborden Gunnell 44 Re 020 Pravers Pembrocks Bay Gerrards Ils Hoghton s Barty fis Willow by Jls Scale of Leagues Lowmonds Fines Ils + 8 10 Obferved and defibed by Captayn John Smith 16144 18 44 431 London Printed by Geor, Low. 695 1 The sixth Booke. THE GENERALL HISTORIE OF NEW-ENGLAND. Oncerning this History you are to vnder- stand the Letters-Patents granted by his Maiesty in 1606. for the limitation of Virginia, did extend from 34. to 44. which was diuided into two parts; namely, the first Colony and the second: the first was to the honourable City of London, and such as would aduenture with them to discouer and take their choice where they would, betwixt the degrees of 34. and 41. The second was appropriated to the Cities of Bristol, Exeter and Plimoth, &c. and the West parts of England, and all those that would aduenture and ioine with them, and they might make their choise any where betwixt the degrees of 38. and 44.; prouided there should bee at least 100. miles distance betwixt these 2 Colonies: each of which had lawes, priuileges and authoritie, for the gouernment and aduancing their seuerall Plantations alike. [1606] 696 [The Northern Virginia company.] LIB. 6. [E. Harlow, [1607-8] Now this part of America hath formerly beene called Norumbega, Virginia, Nuskoncus, Penaquida, Cannada, and such other names as those that ranged the Coast pleased. But because it was so mountainous, rocky and full of Iles, few haue aduentured much to trouble it, but as is formerly related; notwithstanding, that honourable Patron Sir Francis of vertue, Sir Iohn Popham, Lord chiefe Iustice of Eng- Treasurer. land, in the yeere 1606. procured meanes and men to Popham possesse it, and sent Captaine George Popham for Presi- dent, Captaine Rawley Gilbert for Admirall, Captaine Edward Harlow master of the Ordnance, Captaine Robert Dauis Sargeant-Maior, Captaine Elis Best Marshall, Master Seaman Secretary, Captaine Iames Dauis to be Captaine of the Fort, Master Gome Carew chiefe Searcher: all those were of the Councell, who with some hundred more were to stay in the Country: they set saile from Plimoth the last of May [1607], and fell with Monahigan the eleuenth of August. At Sagadahock 9. or 10. leagues southward, they planted themselues at the mouth of a faire nauigable Riuer, but the coast all thereabouts [being] most extreme stony and rocky : so cold they that extreme frozen Winter [1607-8] was could not range nor search the Country, and their proui- sion so small, they were glad to send all but 45. of their company backe againe. Their noble President Captaine Popham died, and not long after arriued two ships well prouided of all necessaries to supply them; and some small time after another, by whom vnderstanding of the [204] death of the Lorde chiefe Iustice, and also of Sir Iohn Gilbert: whose lands there the President Rawley Gilbert was to possesse according to the aduenturers directions, finding nothing but extreme extremities, they all returned for England in the yeere 1608. and thus this Plantation was begunne and ended in one yeere, and the Country esteemed as a cold, barren, mountainous, rocky Desart. Notwithstanding, the right Honourable Henry Earle of South-hampton and those of the Ile of Wight, imploied Captaine Edward Harlow to discouer an Ile supposed about Cape Cod, but they found their plots had much abused them, for falling with Monahigan, they found onely Cape Cod no • ; Ed. by 697 July . LIB. 6. [Captaine Harlow's Relation.] . J. Smith1624Ile but the maine, there they detained three Saluages [1608] aboord them, called Pechmo, Monopet and Pekenimne, but Pechmo leapt ouer board, and got away; and not long after with his consorts cut their Boat from their sterne, got her on shore, and so filled her with sand, and guarded her with Bowes and Arrowes the English lost her. Not farre from thence they had three men sorely wounded with Arrowes. Anchoring at the Ile of Nohono, the Saluages in their Canowes assaulted the Ship till the English Guns made. them retire; yet here they tooke Sakaweston that, after he had liued many yeeres in England, went a Souldier to the warres of Bohemia. At Capawe they tooke Coneconam and Epenow (pp. 264, 701], but the people at Agawom vsed them kindly. So with fiue Saluages they returned for England. Yet Sir Francis Popham sent diuers times one Captaine Williams to Monahigan onely to trade and make core fish, but for any Plantations there was no more speeches. For all this, as I liked Virginia well, though not their proceedings; so I desired also to see this country, and spend some time in trying what I could finde, for all those ill rumors and disasters. From the relations of Captaine Edward Harlow and diuers others. [My first visit to New England.] voyage to 1614. p. 240, N the month of Aprill 1614. at the charge of . 187.] Captaine Marmaduke Roydon, Captaine George My first Langam, Master Iohn Buley and Master William New- Skelton, with two ships from London, I chanced England. to arriue at Monahigan an Ile of America, 434. [? 43°, 40'], of Northerly latitude: our plot was there to take Whales, for which we had one Samuel Cramton, and diuers others expert in that faculty, and also to make trialls of a Mine of gold and copper; if those failed, Fish and Furs were then our refuge to make our selues sauers howsoeuer. 256, 936.] 698 Captaine Smith his first voiage to Norumbega. [3-16 June J. Smith. . 1616[1614] [ p. 188.] The com- modities I got amounted to 1500. pounds. The trechery of Master Hunt. We found this Whale-fishing a costly conclusion; we saw many and spent much time in chasing them, but could not kill any. They being a kinde of Iubartes, and not the Whale that yeelds Fins and Oile as we expected; for our gold it was rather the Masters deuice to get a voyage that proiected it, then any knowledge he had at all of any such matter. Fish and Furs were now our guard, and by our late arriuall and long lingring about the Whale, the prime of both those seasons were past ere wee perceiued it, wee thinking that their seasons serued at all times: but we found it otherwise, for by the middest of Iune the fishing failed, yet in Iuly and August some were taken, but not sufficient to defray so great a charge as our stay required. Of dry fish we made about forty thousand, of Cor-fish about seuen thousand. Whilest the Sailers fished, my selfe with eight others of them might best bee spared, ranging the Coast in a small Boat, we got for trifles neere eleuen thousand Beuer skinnes, one hundred Martins, as many Otters, and the most of them within the distance of twenty leagues. We ranged the Coast both East and West much further, but Eastward our commodities were not esteemed, they were SO neere the French who afforded them better, with whom the Saluages had such commerce that only by trade they made exceeding great voyages (though they were without the limits of our precincts): during the time we tried those conclusions, not knowing the coast, nor Saluages habitations. With these Furres, the traine Oile and Cor-fish, I returned for England in the Barke, where within six moneths after our departure from the Downes, wee safely arriued backe. The best of this fish was sold for 5. li. the hundred; the rest, by ill vsage, betwixt three pounds and 50. shillings. The other ship stayed to fit her selfe for Spaine with the dry fish which was sold at Maligo, at forty Rialls the Quintall, each hundred [weight] weighing two quintals and a halfe. But one Thomas Hunt [205] the Master of this ship (when I was gone) thinking to preuent that intent I had to make there a Plantation, thereby to keepe this abounding Countrey still in obscuritie, that onely he and some few J. Smith. July 1624. 699 and how it was first called New England. [1614] Merchants more might enioy wholly the benefit of the Trade, and profit of this Countrey, betraied foure and twenty of those poore Saluages aboord his ship: and most [ 754-1 dishonestly, and inhumanely, for their kinde vsage of me and all our men, caried them with him to Maligo, and there for a little priuate gaine sold those silly Saluages for Rials of eight; but this vilde act kept him euer after from any more emploiment in those parts. Now because at this time I had taken a draught of the Coast, and called it New England; yet so long he [i.e., Hunt] and his Consorts drowned that name with the Eccho of Cannaday; and some other ships from other parts also, that vpon this good returne the next yere went thither [June 1615] that at last I presented this Discourse with the Map, to our most gracious Prince Charles, humbly intreating his Highnesse hee would please to change their barbarous names for such English, as posteritie might say Prince. Charles was their God-father; which for your better vnder- standing both of this Discourse and the Map, peruse this Schedule, which will plainly shew you the correspondency of the old names to the new, as his Highnesse named them. The old names. Cape Cod. The Harbor at Cape Cod. Chawum. Accomack. Sagoquas. Massachusets Mount. Massachusits Riuer. Totan. A great Bay by Cape Anne. Cape Tragabigsanda. Naembeck. Aggawom. Smiths Iles. Passataquack. The new names. Cape Iames. Milforth hauen. Barwick. Plimoth. Oxford. Cheui[o]t hills. Charles Riuer. Fa[l]mouth. Bristow. Cape Anne. Bastable. Southampton. Smiths Iles. Hull. How Prince Charles called the most re- markable places in New- England. [p. 232.) Accominticus. Boston. Sassanows Mount. Snowdon hill. Sowocatuck. Ipswich. 700 . The Description of New England LIB. 6. [3-16 JunSibSmith. [1614] Bahanna. A good Harbor within that Bay. Ancociscos Mount. Ancocisco. Anmoughcawgen. Kenebecka. Pemmayquid. Dartmouth. Sandwich. Shuters hill. The Bas[s]e. Cambridge. Edenborow. Leth. S. Iohns towne. Sagadahock. Segocket. Mecadacut. Pennobscot. Nusket. Monahigan. Matinack. Metinacus. Norwich. Dunbarton. Aberden. Low Mounds [i.c., Lomonds]. Those being omitted, I named my selfe. Barties Iles. Willowbies Iles. Haughton Iles. Aspersions against New England. [p. 219.] The rest of the names in the Map, are places that had no names that we did know. But to continue the History succeedingly as neere with the day and yeere as may bee. Returning in the Barke as is said; it was my ill chance to put in at Plimoth, where imparting those my purposes to diuers I thought my friends, whom as I supposed were interested in the dead Patent of this vnregarded Countrey, I was so encouraged and assured to haue the managing [of] their authoritie in those parts during my life, and such large promises, that I ingaged my selfe to vndertake it for them. Arriuing at London, though some malicious persons. suggested there was no such matter to be had in that so bad abandoned Countrey, for if there had, other could haue found it so well as I; therefore it was to be suspected I had robbed the French men in New France or Cannada; and the Merchants set me forth seemed not to regard it : yet I found so many promised me such assistance, that I entertained [contracted with] Michael Cooper the Master of the Barke, that returned with me and others of the Company. How he dealt with others, or others with him, I know not; but my publike proceeding gaue such encouragement, that it became so well apprehended by some few of the Virginia J. Smith. LIB. 6. July 1624. 701 by Captaine Iohn Smith. : Company, as those proiects [206] for fishing onely was so well liked, they furnished Couper with foure good ships to Sea, before they at Plimoth had made any prouision at all for me; but onely a small Barke set out by them of the Ile of Wight. Some of Plimoth, and diuers Gentlemen of the West Countrey, a little before I returned from New England, in search for a Mine of Gold about an Ile called Capawuck, South-wards from the Shoules of Cape Iames, as they were informed by a Saluage called Epenew [p. 697]: that hauing deluded them as it seems thus to get home, seeing they kept him as a prisoner in his owne Countrey, and before his friends: being a man of so great a stature, he was shewed vp and downe London for money as a wonder ; and it seemes of no lesse courage and authoritie, then of wit, strength, and proportion. For so well he had contriued his businesse, as many reported he intended to haue surprised the ship; but seeing it could not be effected to his liking, before them all he leaped ouer-boord. Many shot they made at him, thinking they had slaine him: but so resolute they were to recouer his body, the master of the ship was wounded, and many of his company. And thus they lost him; and not knowing more what to do, returned againe to England with nothing: which so had discouraged all your West Countrey men, they neither regarded much their promises, and as little either me or the Countrey, till they saw the London ships gone and me in Plimoth according to my promise [in Jan. 1615, p. 733], as hereafter shall be related. [1614] Captaine voiage to Hobson his Capawuk. Londoners to New I must confesse I was beholden to the setters forth of The the foure ships that went with Couper, in that they offered send foure me that imploiment if I would accept it; and I finde good ships still my refusall incurred some of their displeasures, whose England. loue and fauour I exceedingly desired; and though they doe censure me opposite to their proceedings, they shall yet still in all my words and deeds finde, it is their error, not my fault that occasions their dislike: for hauing ingaged my selfe in this businesse to the West Countrey, Ï had beene very dishonest to haue broke my promise, nor 702 . The Description of New England LIB. 6. [3-16 June616Smith. 1614] [p. 188.] The situa- England. will I spend more time in discouery or fishing, till I may goe with a Company for a Plantation; for I know my grounds, yet euery one to whom I tell them, or that reads this Booke, cannot put it in practise, though it may helpe any that hath seene or not seene to know much of those parts. And though they endeuour to worke me out of my owne designes, I will not much enuy their fortunes: but I would be sorry their intruding ignorance should by their defailments bring those certainties to doubtfulnesse. So that the businesse prosper I haue my desire, be it by whomsoeuer that are true subiects to our King and Countrey: the good of my Countrey is that I seeke, and there is more then enough for all, if they could be contented. New England is that part of America in the Ocean Sea, tion of New Opposite to Noua Albion [California] in the South Sea, discouered by the most memorable Sir Francis Drake in his Voyage about the world, in regard whereof this is stiled New England, being in the same latitude. New France of it is Northwards, South-wards is Virginia, and all the adioyning continent with new Granado, new Spaine, new Andolosia, and the West-Indies. N Ow because I haue beene so oft asked such strange questions of the goodnesse and great- nesse of those spatious Tracts of Land, how they can be thus long vnknowne, or not pos- sessed by the Spaniards, and many such like demands; I [p. 189.] intreat your pardons if I chance to bee too plaine or tedious in relating my knowledge for plaine mens satisfaction. Notes of Florida. Florida is the next adioyning to the Indies, which vnprosperously was attempted to be planted by the French, a Countrey farre bigger then England, Scotland, France and Ireland, yet little knowne to any Christian, but by the wonderfull endeuours of Ferdinando de Soto, a valiant Spaniard, whose writings in this age is the best guide knowne to search those parts. ] by Captaine Iohn Smith. 703 J. Smith. LIB. 6. July 1624. Notes of Virginia. Virginia is no Ile as many doe imagine, but part of the [1614] Continent adioyning to Florida, whose bounds may be stretched to the magnitude thereof, without offence to any Christian Inhabitant, for from the degrees of thirtie to forty eight, his Maiesty hath now enlarged his Letters Patents. The Coast extending South-west [207] and North-east about sixteene or seuenteene hundred miles, but to follow it aboord the shore may well be three thousand miles at the least of which twentie miles is the most giues entrance into the Bay of Chisapeacke, where is the London Plantation, within which is a Countrey, as you may perceiue by the Map, of that little I discouered, may well suffice three hundred thousand people to inhabit: but of it, and the discoueries of Sir Ralph Laine and Master Heriot, Captaine Gosnold, and Captaine Waymouth, they haue writ so largely, that posteritie may be bettered by the fruits of their labours. But for diuers others that haue ranged those parts since, especially this Countrey now called New England, within a kenning sometimes of the shore; some touching in one place, some in another; I must intreat them pardon me for omitting them, or if I offend in saying, that their true descriptions were concealed, or neuer were well obserued, or died with the Authors, so that the Coast is yet still but euen as a Coast vnknowne and vndiscouered. I haue had six or seuen seuerall plots of those Northerne ³. 190.] parts, so vnlike each to other, or resemblance of the Coun- try, as they did me no more good then so much waste paper, though they cost me more, it may bee it was not my chance to see the best; but lest others may be deceiued as I was, or through dangerous ignorance hazard them- selues as I did, I haue drawne a Map from point to point, Ile to Ile, and Harbour to Harbour, with the Soundings, Sands, Rocks, and Land-markes, as I passed close aboord the shore in a little Boat; although there bee many things. to bee obserued, which the haste of other affaires did cause me to omit: for being sent more to get present Com- modities, then knowledge of any discoueries for any future good, I had not power to search as I would; yet it will serue to direct any [that] shall goe that waies to safe Harbours and the Saluages habitations: what merchandize 704 . The Description of New England LIB. 6. [3-16 June J. Smith. [1614] Obserua- tions for pre- sumptuous ignorant directors. [p. 191.] 1616and Commodities for their labours they may finde, this following discourse shall plainly demonstrate. Thus you may see of these three thousand miles, more then halfe is yet vnknowne to any purpose, no not so much as the borders of the Sea are yet certainly dis- couered as for the goodnesse and true substance of the Land, we are for most part yet altogether ignorant of them, vnlesse it be those parts about the Bay of Chisapeack and Sagadahock, but onely here and there where we haue touched or seene a little, the edges of those large Dominions which doe stretch themselues into the maine, God doth know how many thousand miles, whereof we can yet no more iudge, then a stranger that saileth betwixt England and France, can describe the harbours and dangers by landing here or there in some Riuer or Bay, tell thereby the goodnesse and substance of Spaine, Italy, Germany, Bohemia, Hungaria, and the rest; nay, there are many haue liued fortie yeeres in London, and yet haue scarce beene ten miles out of the Citie: so are there many that haue beene in Virginia many yeeres, and in New England many times, that doe know little more then the place they doe inhabit, or the Port where they fished, and when they come home, they will vndertake they know all Virginia and New Eng. land, as if they were but two Parishes or little Ilands. By this you may perceiue how much they erre, that thinke euery one that hath beene in Virginia or New England, vnder- standeth or knoweth what either of them are; Or that the Spaniards know one halfe quarter of those large Territories they possesse, no not so much as the true circumference of Terra incognita, whose large Dominions may equalize the goodnesse and greatnesse of America for any thing yet knowne. It is strange with what small power he doth range in the East-Indics, and few will vnderstand the truth of his strength in America: where hauing so much to keepe with such a pampered force, they need not greatly feare his fury in Sommer Iles, Virginia, or New England, beyond whose bounds America doth stretch many thousand miles. Into the frozen parts whereof, one Master Hutson [Hudson] an English Mariner, did make the greatest discouerie of any Christian I know, where hee vnfortunately was left by his cowardly Com- J. Smith. July 1624. 705 LIB. 6. by Captaine Iohn Smith. pany, for his exceeeding deserts, to end and die a most miserable death. [208] For Affrica, had not the industrious Portugals ranged her vnknowne parts, who would haue sought for wealth. amongst those fried Regions of blacke brutish Negars where notwithstanding all their wealth and admirable. aduentures and endeuours more then one hundred and fortie yeeres [1476-1616] they know not one third part of those blacke habitations. [1614] But it is not a worke for euery one to manage such an affaire, as make a discouery and plant a Colony, it requires all the best parts of art, iudgement, courage, honesty, constancy, diligence, and industry, to doe but neere well; some are more proper for one thing then another, and therein best to be imploied: and nothing breeds more confusion then misplacing and misimploying. men in their vndertakings. Columbus, Courtes, Pitzara, p. 965.] Zoto, Magilanus, and the rest serued more then a Prenti- ship, to learne how to begin their most memorable attempts in the IVest-Indies, which to the wonder of all ages successefully they effected, when many hundreds of others farre aboue them in the worlds opinion, being instructed but by relation, came to shame and confusion in actions of small moment, who doubtlesse in other matters were both wise, discreet, generous and couragious. I say not this to detract any thing from their incomparable merits, but to answer those questionlesse questions, that keepe vs backe from imitating the worthinesse of their braue spirits, that aduanced themselues from poore Souldiers to great Captaines, their posterity to great Lords, their King to be one of the greatest Potentates on earth, and the fruits of their labours his greatest power, glory, and renowne. ENG. SCH. LIB. No. 16. 45 706 [1614] [pp. 192, 237, 938. The principall gouern- ments. [p. 938.] The Description of New England. Hat part we call New England, is betwixt the degrees of fortie one and fortie fiue, the very meane betwixt the North pole and the line; but that part this Dis- course speaketh of, stretcheth but from Penobscot to Cape Cod, some seuentie fiue leagues by a right line distant each from other; within which bounds I haue seene at least fortie seuerall habitations vpon the Sea Coast, and sounded about fiue and twentie excellent good Harbours, in many whereof there is anchorage for fiue hundred saile of ships of any burden; in some of them for one thousand, and more then two hundred Iles ouer- growne with good Timber of diuers sorts of wood, which doe make so many Harbours, as required a longer time then I had to be well obserued. The principal habitation Northward we were at, was Countries or Penobscot. Southward along the Coast and vp the Riuers, we found Mecadacut, Segocket, Pemaquid, Nuscoucus, Saga- dahock, Aumoughcowgen, and Kenebeke; and to those Countries belong the people of Segotago, Paghhuntanuck, Pocopassum, Taughtanakagnet, Warbigganus, Nassaque, Masherosqueck, Wawrigweck, Moskoquen, Wakcogo, Pashara- nack, &c. To these are alied in confederacy, the Countries. of Ancocisco, Accomynticus, Passataquack, Aggawom, and Naemkeck: All these for any thing I could perceiue, differ little in language, fashion, or gouernment: though most of them be Lords of themselues, yet they hold the Bashabes of Penobscot, the chiefe and greatest amongst them. The next I can remember by name, are Mattahunts, two " J. Smith. July 1624. 707 LIB. 6. The Description of New England. pleasant Iles of Groues, Gardens, and Corne fields a league in the Sea from the maine: Then Totant, Massa- chuset, Topent, Secassaw, Totheet, Nasnocomacack, Accomack, Chawum, Patuxet, Massasoyts, Pakanokick: then Cape Cod, by which is Pawmet and the Ile Nawset, of the language and aliance of them of Chawum; the others are called Massachusets, and differ somewhat in language, custome, and condition. For their Trade and Merchandize, to each of their principal families or habitations, they haue diuers Townes and people belonging, and by their relations and descriptions, more then twentie seuerall habitations and riuers that stretch themselues farre into the Countrey, euen to the Borders of diuers great Lakes, where they kill and take most of their Otters. [1614] From Pennobscot to Sagadahoc. This Coast [209] is [p. 193-】 mountainous, and Iles of huge Rockes, but ouer-growne for most part, with most sorts of excellent good woods, for building Houses, Boats, Barks or Ships, with an incredible abundance of most sorts of Fish, much Fowle, and sundry sorts of good Fruits for mans vse. Betwixt Sagadahock, and Sowocatuck, there is but two or three Sandy Bayes, but betwixt that and Cape Iames very many especially the Coast of the Massachusets is so indifferently mixed with high Clay or Sandy clifts in one place, and the tracts of large long ledges of diuers sorts, and Quaries of stones in other places, so strangely diuided with tinctured veines of diuers colours: as Free-stone for building, Slate for tyling, smooth stone to make Furnasses and Forges for Glasse and Iron, and Iron Ore sufficient conueniently to melt in them; but the most part so resembleth the Coast of Deuonshire, I thinke most of the clifts would make such Lime-stone: if they bee not of these qualities, they are so like they may deceiue a better iudgement then mine: all which are so neere adioyning. to those other aduantages I obserued in these parts, that if the Ore proue as good Iron and Steele in those parts as I know it is within the bounds of the Countrey, I dare ingage my head (hauing but men skilfull to worke the Simples there growing) to haue all things belonging to the building and rigging of ships of any proportion, and good Merchandise for their fraught, within a square of 708 JÚ The Description of New England. LIB. 6. [3-16 [1614] A proofe of an excellent clime. [p. 194.] J. Smith 3-16 June 1616. ten or foureteene leagues, and it were no hard matter to proue it within a lesse limitation. And surely by reason of those sandy clifts, and clifts of rocks, both which we saw so planted with Gardens and Corne fields, and so well inhabited with a goodly, strong, and well proportioned people, besides the greatnesse of the Timber growing on them, the greatnesse of the Fish, and the moderate temper of the aire (for of fiue and forty not a man was sicke, but two that were many yeares diseased before they went, notwithstanding our bad lodging and accidentall diet) who can but approue this a most excellent place, both for health and fertilitie: and of all the foure parts of the world I haue yet seene not inhabited, could I haue but means to transport a Colony, I would rather liue here then any where; and if it did not main- taine it selfe, were we but once indifferently well fitted, let vs starue. Staple Com. modities present. tions of the The maine staple from hence to bee extracted for the present, to produce the rest, is Fish, which howbeit may seeme a meane and a base Commoditie; yet who will but truly take the paines and consider the sequell, I thinke will allow it well worth the labour. It is strange to see, what great aduentures the hopes of setting forth men of warre to rob the industrious innocent would procure, or such massie promises in grosse, though more are choaked Obserua- then well fed with such hastie hopes. But who doth not Hollanders. know that the poore Hollanders chiefely by fishing at a great charge and labour in all weathers in the open Sea, are made a people so hardy and industrious, and by the venting this poore Commoditie to the Easterlings for as meane, which is Wood, Flax, Pitch, Tarre, Rozen, Cordage, and such like; which they exchange againe to the French, Spaniards, Portugals, and English, &c. for what they want, are made so mighty, strong, and rich, as no state but Venice of twice their magnitude is so well furnished, with so many faire Cities, goodly Townes, strong Fortresses, and that abundance of shipping, and all sorts of Merchandize, as well of Gold, Siluer, Pearles, Diamonds, pretious Stones, Silkes, Veluets, and Cloth of July J Smith709 The Description of New England. LIB. 6. ] . i . 1624Gold; as Fish, Pitch, Wood, or such grosse Commodities? What voiages and discoueries, East and West, North and South, yea about the world, make they? What an Army by Sea and Land haue they long maintained, in despight of one of the greatest Princes of the world, and neuer could the Spaniard with all his Mines of Gold and Siluer, pay his debts, his friends, and Army, halfe so truly as the Hollanders still haue done by this contemptible Trade of Fish. Diuers (I know) may alleage many other assist- ances; but this is the chiefest Mine, and [210] the Sea the source of those siluer streames of all their vertue, which hath made them now the very miracle of industry, the onely paterne of perfection for these affaires: and the benefit of fishing is that Primum Mobile that turnes all their spheares to this height, of plentie, strength, honor, and exceeding great admiration. [1614] Herring, Cod, and Ling, is that triplicitie, that makes (p. 195.】 their wealth and shippings multiplicitie such as it is: and Note. from which (few would thinke it) they should draw so many millions yeerely as they doe, as more in particular in the trials of New England [pp. 233-272] you may see; and such an incredible number of ships, that breeds them so many Sailers, Mariners, Souldiers, and Merchants, neuer to be wrought out of that Trade, and fit for any other. I will not deny but others may gaine as well as they that will vse it, though not so certainly, nor so much in quantitie, for want of experience: and this Herring they take vpon the Coast of England and Scotland, their Cod and Ling vpon the Coast of Izeland, and in the North seas, if wee consider what gaines the Hamburgans, the Biskinners, and French make by fishing; nay, but how many thousands this fiftie or sixty yeeres [1564-1614 or 1624] haue beene maintained by New found land, where they take nothing but small Cod, whereof the greatest they make Cor-fish, and the rest is hard dried, which we call Poore-Iohn, would amaze a man with wonder. If then from all those parts such paines is taken for this poore gaines of Fish, especially by the Hollanders, that hath but little of their owne, for building of ships and setting them to sea; but at the second, third, fourth, or fift hand, drawne from so many parts of the world. 710 . The Altitude comparatiuely, J. SmithLIB. 6. [3-16 June 1616. [1614] [p. 196.] Note. Examples of the Altitude compara- tiuely. ere they come together to be vsed in those voiages: If these (I say) can gaine, why should we more doubt then they; but doe much better, that may haue most of all those things at our doores for taking and making, and here are no hard Landlords to racke vs with high rents, or extorting fines, nor tedious pleas in Law to consume vs with their many yeeres disputation for iustice; no multitudes to occasion such impediments to good orders as in popular States: so freely hath God and his Maiestie bestowed those blessings on them [that] will attempt to obtaine them, as here euery man may be master of his owne labour and land, or the greatest part (if his Maiesties royall meaning be not abused) and if he haue nothing but his hands, he may set vp his Trade; and by industry quickly grow rich, spending but halfe that time well, which in England we abuse in idlenesse, worse, or as ill. Here is ground as good as any lieth in the height of forty one, forty two, forty three, &c. which is as temperate, and as fruitfull as any other parallel in the world. As for example, on this side the line, West of it in the South Sea, is Noua Albion, discouered as is said [p. 702] by Sir Francis Drake. East from it is the most temperate part of Portugall, the ancient Kingdomes of Galizia, Bisky, Nauarre, Aragon, Cattilonia, Castillia the old, and the most moderatest of Castillia the new, and Valentia; which In Spaine. is the greatest part of Spaine: which if the Histories be true, in the Romans time abounded no lesse with gold and siluer Mines, then now the West-Indies; the Romans then vsing the Spaniards to worke in those Mines, as now the Spaniards doe the Indians. In France. In France the Prouinces of Gascony, Langadocke, Auignon, Prouince, Dolphine, Pyamont, and Turyne, are in the same parallel; which are the best and richest parts of France. In Italy the Prouinces of Genua, Lumbardy, and Verona, with a great part of the most famous state of Venice, the Dukedomes of Bononia, Mantua, Ferrara, Rauenna, Bolognia, Florence, Pisa, Sienna, Vrbine, Ancona, and the ancient Citie and Countrey of Rome, with a great part of the Kingdome of Naples. In Slauonia, Istria, and Dalmatia, with the In Greece. Kingdomes of Albania. In Grecia those famous Kingdomes J. Smith. LIB. 6. July 1624.J 711 and particular Commodities. of Macedonia, Bullulgaria, Thessalia, Thracia, or Romania, where is seated the most pleasant and plentifull Citie in Europe, Constantinople. [1614] In Asia in the same latitude, are the temperatest parts In Asia. of Natolia, Armenia, [211] Persia, and China; besides diuers [197] other large Countries and Kingdomes in those most milde and temperate Regions of Asia. line. Southward in the same height is the richest of Gold Mines, Beyond the Chily, and Baldinia, and the mouth of the great Riuer of Plate, &c. for all the rest of the world in that height is yet vnknowne. Besides these reasons, mine owne eies that haue seene a great part of those Cities and their Kingdomes (as well as it) can finde no aduantage they haue in Nature but this, they are beautified by the long labour and diligence of industrious people and art; This is onely as God made it when hee created the world. Therefore I conclude, if the heart and intrailes of those. Regions were sought, if their Land were cultured, planted, and manured by men of industry, iudgement, and experi- ence; what hope is there, or what need they doubt, hauing the aduantages of the Sea, but it might equalize any of these famous Kingdomes in all commodities, pleasures, and conditions: seeing euen the very hedges doe naturally affoord vs such plentie, as no ship need returne away emptie, and onely vse but the season of the Sea, Fish will returne an honest gaine, besides all other aduantages; her treasures hauing yet neuer beene opened, nor her originals wasted, consumed, nor abused. that may be And whereas it is said the Hollanders serue the Easter- The particu- lar staple lings themselues, and other parts that want with Herring, commodities Ling, and wet Cod: The Easterlings, a great part of had by Europe, with Sturgion and Cauiare, as the Blacke Sea industry. doth Grecia, Podolia, Sagouia, Natolia, and the IIellespont. Cape Blanke, Spaine, Portugall, and the Leuant, with Mulit and Puttargo. New found land, the most part of the chiefe Southerne Ports in Europe, with a thin Poore- Iohn; which hath beene so long, so much ouer-laied with Fishers, as the fishing decaieth, so that many oft times are constrained to returne with a small fraught. Norway 712 . The seasons and facilitie J. SmithLIB. 6. [3-16 June 1616. [1614] [6. 198.] The nature of the ground and Poland affoords Pitch and Tarre, Masts and Yards. Sweathland and Russia, Iron and Ropes. France and Spaine, Canuase, Wine, Steele, Iron, and Oile. Italy and Greece, Silkes and Fruits. I dare boldly say, because I haue seene naturally growing or breeding in those parts, the same materials that all these are made of, they may as well bee had here, or the most part of them within the distance of seuentie leagues for some few ages, as from all those parts, vsing but the same meanes to haue them that they doe; but surely in Virginia, their most tender and daintiest fruits or commodities, would be as perfit as theirs, by reason of the heat, if not in New England, and with all those aduantages. First, the ground is so fertill, that questionlesse it is approued. capable of producing any Graine, Fruits, or Seeds, you will sow or plant, growing in the Regions aforenamed. But it may be not to that perfection of delicacy, because the Summer is not so hot, and the Winter is more cold in those parts we haue yet tried neere the Sea side, then wee finde in the same height in Europe or Asia: yet I made a Garden vpon the top of a Rocky Ile in three and forty degrees and an halfe, foure leagues from the maine in May, that grew so well, as it serued vs for Sallets in Iune and Iuly. The seasons for fishing approued. All soris of Cattle may here be bred and fed in the Iles or Peninsulaes securely for nothing. In the Interim, till they increase (if need be) obseruing the seasons, I durst vndertake to haue Corne enough from the Saluages for three hundred men, for a few trifles; and if they should be vntowards, as it is most certaine they will, thirtie or fortie good men will be sufficient to bring them all in subiection, and make this prouision, if they vnderstand what to doe: two hundred whereof may eight or nine moneths in the yeere be imploied in helping the Fisher-men, till the rest prouide other necessaries, fit to furnish vs with other Commodities. In March, Aprill, May, and halfe Iune, heere is Cod in abundance; In May, Iune, Iuly, and August, Mullit and Sturgion, whose Roes doe make Cauiare and Puttargo; Herring, if any desire them: I haue taken many out of the bellies of Cods, some in nets; but the Saluages July J. Smith713 . for Trade and Plantations. LIB. 6. 1624. [1614] compare the store in the Sea with the haires of their heads and surely there are an incredible abundance vpon this Coast. [212] In the end of August, September, October, and Nouember, you may haue Cod againe to make Core-fish or Poore-Iohn: Hake you may haue when the Cod failes in Summer, if you will fish in the night, which is better then Cod. Now each hundred you take here, is as good as two or three hundred in New found Land; so that halfe the labour in hooking, splitting and touring, is saued: And you may haue your fish at what market you will, before they haue any in New found land, where their fishing is chiefely but in Iune and Iuly; where[as] it is here in March, Aprill, May, September, October and . 199.1 Nouember, as is said: so that by reason of this Plantation, the Merchants may haue their fraught both out and home, which yeelds an aduantage worth consideration. Your Core-fish you may in like manner transport as you see cause, to serue the Ports in Portugall, as Lisbone, Auera, Porta Port, and diuers others, (or what market you please) before your Ilanders [Icelanders] returne. They being tied to the season in the open Sea, and you hauing a double season, and fishing before your doores, may euery night sleep quietly ashore with good cheere, and what fires you will, or when you please with your wiues and family : they onely and their ships in the maine Ocean, that must carie and containe all they vse, besides their fraught. The Mullits here are in that abundance, you may take them with nets sometimes by hundreds, where at Cape Blanke they hooke them: yet those are but a foot and a halfe in length; these two, three, or foure, as oft I haue measured, which makes me suspect they are some other kinde of fish, though they seeme the same, both in fashion and goodnesse. Much Salmon some haue found vp the Riuers as they haue passed; and here the aire is so temperate, as all these at any time may be preserued. Now, young Boies and Girles, Saluages, or any other bee they neuer such idlers, may turne, carie or returne a fish, without either shame or any great paine. He is very idle that is past twelue yeeres of age and cannot doe so much; and she is very old that cannot spin a threed to make Engins to catch a fish. Imploiment people and for poore fatherlesse children. 714 . The seasons and facilitie J. SmithLIB. 6. [3-16 June 1616. of the [1614] For their transportation, the ships that goe there to The facilitie fish may transport the first: who for their passage will Plantation. spare the charge of double manning their ships, which they must do in New found land to get their fraught; but one third part of that company are onely proper to serue a stage, carie a Barrow, and turne Poore-Iohn; notwithstanding, they must haue meat, drinke, clothes, and passage so well as the rest. [A. 200.] Present Commodi- ties. Now all I desire is but this, That those that voluntarily will send shipping, should make here the best choice they can, or accept such as shall bee presented them to serue them at that rate: and their ships returning leaue such with me, with the value of that they should receiue comming home, in such prouisions and necessarie tooles, armes, bedding, apparell, salt, nets, hookes, lines, and such like, as they spare of the remainings; who till the next returne may keepe their Boats, and doe them many other profitable offices. Prouided, I haue men of abilitie to teach them their functions, and a company fit for Souldiers to be ready vpon any occasion, because of the abuses that haue beene offered the poore Saluages, and the libertie that both French and English, or any that will, haue to deale with them as they please; whose disorders will be hard to reforme, and the longer the worse. Now such order with facilitie might be taken, with euery Port, Towne, or Citie, with free power to conuert the bene- fit of their fraughts to what aduantage they please, and increase their numbers as they see occasion, who euer as they are able to subsist of themselues, may begin the new Townes in New England, in memory of their old which freedome being confined but to the necessitie of the generall good, the euent (with Gods helpe) might produce an honest, a noble, and a profitable emulation. Salt vpon Salt may assuredly be made, if not at the first in ponds, yet till they be prouided this may be vsed: then the ships may transport Kine, Horse, Goats, course Cloth, and such Commodities as we want; by whose arriuall may be made that prouision of fish to fraught the ships that they stay not; and then if the Sailers goe for wages it h715 .] LIB. 6. for Trade and Plantations. J. Smith. 3-16 June 1616. matters not, it is hard if this returne defray not the charge: [213] but care must be had they arriue in the Spring, or else that prouision be made for them against winter. [1614] Of certaine red berries called Kermes, which is worth Kermes. ten shillings the pound, but of these haue beene sold for thirty or forty shillings the pound, may yeerely be gathered a good quantity. Of the Muskrat may be well raised gaines worth their Musquasses. labour, that will endeuour to make triall of their goodnesse. their skinst Of Beuers, Otters and Martins, blacke Foxes, and Beuers [ Furres of price, may yeerely be had six or seuen thousand, and if the trade of the French were preuented, many more: 25000. this yeere [1614] were brought from those northerne parts into France, of which trade we may haue as good part as the French if we take good courses. Of Mines of Gold and Siluer, Copper, and probabilities . 201.] of Lead, Crystall and Allum, I could say much if rela- Mines. tions were good assurances; it is true indeed, I made many trialls according to the instructions I had, which doth perswade me I need not despaire but that there are metals in the Country: but I am no Alcumist, nor will promise more then I know: which is, who will vndertake the rectifying of an iron Forge, if those that buy meat and drinke, coles, ore, and all necessaries at a deare rate, gaine; where all the sethings are to be had for taking vp, in my opinion cannot lose. Of woods, seeing there is such plenty of all sorts, if Woods. those that build ships and boats, buy wood at so great a price as it is in England, Spaine, France and Holland, and all other prouisions for the nourishment of mans life, liue well by their trade; when labour is all [that is] required to take these necessaries without any other tax, what hazard will be here but to doe much better, and what commodity in Europe doth more decay then wood? for the goodnesse of the ground, let vs take it fertill or barren, or as it is, seeing it is certaine it beares fruits to nourish and feed man and beast as well as England, and the Sea those seuerall sorts of fishes I haue related. Thus seeing all good things for mans sustenance may with this facility be had by a little extraordinary labour, 716 Present commodities with the gaines. LIB. 6. [3-16 Juni16Smith. . [1614] An example of the gaines yeere or six inoneths returne. [p. 202.] till that transported be increased, and all necessaries for shipping onely for labour, to which may added the assist- ance of the Saluages which may easily be had, if they be discreetly handled in their kinds, towards fishing, planting, and destroying woods. What gaines might be raised if this were followed (when there is but once men to fill your store houses dwelling there, you may serue all Europe better and farre cheaper then can the Iland Fishers, or the Hollanders, Cape-blanke, or Newfound land, who must be at much more charge then you) may easily be coniectured by this example. Two thousand pounds] will fit out a ship of 200. tunnes, vpon euery and one [ship] of 100. tuns. If of the dry fish they both make, [they] fraught that of 200. and goe for Spaine, sell it but at ten shillings a quintall, but commonly it giues fifteene or twenty, especially when it commeth first, which amounts to 3. or 4000. pound, but say but ten, which is the lowest, allowing the rest for waste, it amounts at that rate to 2000. [pounds] which is the whole charge of your two ships and the equipage: then the returne [by exchange] of the mony and the fraught of the ship for the vintage or any other voyage is cleere gaine; with your ship of one hundred tunnes of traine Oile and Cor-fish, besides the Beuers and other commodities, and that you may haue at home within six moneths if God please to send but an ordinary passage. Then sauing halfe this charge by the not staying of your ships, your victuall, ouerplus of men and wages, with her fraught thither with necessaries for the Planters, the Salt being there made, as also may the nets and lines within a short time; if nothing may be expected but this, it might in time cqualize your Hollanders gaines, if not exceede them: hauing their fraughts alwaies ready against the arriuall of the ships. This would so increase our shipping and sailers, and so incourage and imploy a great part of our Idlers and others that want imployment fitting their qualities at home, where they shame to doe that they would doe abroad, that could they but once taste the sweet fruits of their owne labours, doubtlesse many thousands would be aduised by good discipline to take more pleasure in honest industry, then in their humors of dissolute idleness. [214] 3-16 June J. SmithThe habitations of the Saluages in particular. 717 . . : 1616[1614] A descrip- Countrey tion of the in par- ticular, and their situations. But to returne a little more to the particulars of this Countrey, which I intermingle thus with my proiects and reasons, not being so sufficiently yet acquainted in those parts, to write fully the estate of the Sea, the Aire, the Land, the Fruits, their Rocks, the People, the Gouern- ment, Religion, Territories, Limitations, Friends and Foes: But as I gathered from their niggardly relations in a broken language, during the time I ranged those Countries, &c. The most Northerne part I was at, was the Bay of Pen- [p. 203.] nobscot, which is East and West, North and South, more then ten leagues: but such were my occasions, I was constrained to be satisfied of them I found in the Bay, that the Riuer ranne farre vp into the Land, and was well inhabited with many people; but they were from their habitations, either fishing amongst the Iles, or hunting the Lakes and Woods for Deere and Beuers. The Bay is full of great Iles of one, two, six or eight miles in length, which diuides it into many faire and excellent good Harbours. On the East of it are the Tarrentines, their mortall enemies, where inhabit the French, as they report, that liue with those people as one Nation or Family. And Northwest of Pennobscot is Mecaddacut, at the foot of a high Mountaine, a kinde of fortresse against the Tarren- tines, adioyning to the high Mountaines of Pennobscot, against whose feet doth beat the Sea; but ouer all the Land, Iles, or other impediments, you may well see them foureteene or eighteene leagues from their situation. Segocket is the next, then Nuskoucus, Pemmaquid, and Sagadahock. Vp this Riuer, where was the Westerne Plantation, are Aumoughcawgen, Kinnebeke, and diuers others, where are planted some Corne fields. Along this Riuer thirtie or fortie miles, I saw nothing but great high clifts of barren Rocks ouergrowne with Wood, but where the Saluages dwell there the ground is excellent salt [fat], and fertill. Westward of this Riuer is the Country of Aucocisco, in the bottome of a large deepe Bay, full of many great Iles, which diuides it into many good Harbours. Sawocotuck is the next, in the edge of a large Sandy 718 The habitations of the Saluages in particular. [3-16 June 1616. [1614] [.204.] ĺpp. 204, 206, 232,276,720, 853,855, 866.] pp. 204, 720, 838.] Bay, which hath many Rockes and Iles, but few good Harbours but for Barkes I yet know. But all this Coast to Pennobscot, and as farre as I could see Eastward of it, is nothing but such high craggy clifty Rockes and stony Iles, that I wonder such great Trees could grow vpon so hard foundations. It is a Countrey rather to affright then delight one, and how to describe a more plaine spectacle of desolation, or more barren, I know not; yet are those rocky Iles so furnished with good Woods, Springs, Fruits, Fish and Fowle, and the Sea the strangest Fish-pond I euer saw, that it makes me thinke, though the coast be rocky and thus affrightable, the Vallies and Plaines and interior parts may well not- withstanding be very fertill. But there is no Country so fertill [that] hath not some part barren, and New-England is great enough to make many Kingdomes and Countries, were it all inhabited. As you passe the coast still westward, Accominticus and Passataquack are two conuenient Harbours for small Barkes; and a good Country within their craggy clifts. Augoan is the next: this place might content a right curious iudgement, but there are many sands at the entrance of the Harbour, and the worst is, it is imbayed too farre from the deepe Sea; here are many rising hils, and on their tops and descents are many corne fields and delightfull groues. On the East is an Ile of two or three leagues in length, the one halfe plaine marish ground, fit for pasture or salt Ponds, with many faire high groues of Mulbery trees and Gardens; there is also Okes, Pines, Walnuts, and other wood to make this place an excellent habitation, being a good and safe Harbour. Naiemkeck, though it be more rocky ground, for Augoan is sandy, [is] not much inferiour neither for the harbour, nor any thing I could perceiue but the multitude of people. From hence doth stretch into the Sea the faire headland Tragabigzanda, now called Cape An, fronted with the three Iles wee called the three Turkes heads; to the north of this doth enter a great Bay, where we found some habitations and Corne fields, they report a faire Riuer and at least 30. habitations [215] doth possesse 3-16 J. Smith] The habitations of the Saluages in particular. 719 . . this Country. But because the French had got their trade, I had no leisure to discouer it. The Iles of Mattahunts are on the west side of this Bay, where are many Iles and some Rocks that appeare a great height aboue the water like the Pyramides in Ægypt, and amongst them many good Harbours, and then the country of the Massachusits, which is the Paradice of all those parts; for here are many Iles planted with Corne, Groues, Mulberies, saluage Gardens and good Harbours, the Coast is for the most part high clayie sandy clifts, the sea Coast as you passe shewes you all along large Corne fields, and great troupes of well proportioned people: but the French hauing remained here neere six weekes, left nothing for vs to take occasion to examine the Inhabitants. relations, viz. if there be three thousand people vpon those Iles, and that the Riuer doth pierce many daies iourney the entrailes of that Country. We found the people in those parts very kinde, but in their fury no lesse valiant; for vpon a quarrell we fought with forty or fifty of them, till they had spent all their Arrowes, and then we tooke six or seuen of their Canowes, which towards the euening they ransomed for Beuer skinnes: and at Quonahasit falling out there but with one of them, he with three others crossed the Harbour in a Canow to certaine rockes whereby wee must passe, and there let flie their Arrowes for our shot, till we were out of danger; yet one of them was slaine, and another shot through his thigh. Then come you to Accomacke an excellent good Harbour, good land, and no want of any thing but industrious people after much kindnesse, wee fought also with them, though some were hurt, some slaine, yet within an houre after they became friends. Cape Cod is the next [that] presents it selfe, which is onely a headland of high hils, ouer-growne with shrubby Pines, hurts and such trash; but an excellent harbour for all weathers. This Cape is made by the maine Sea on the one side, and a great Bay on the other in forme of a Sickell; on it doth inhabit the people of Pawmet, and in the bottome of the Bay them of Chawum. Towards the South and South-west of this Cape, is found a long and dangerous shoule of rocks and sand, but so [1614] .205.] pp. 747, 754, 933-1 An Indian slaine, shot. another 720 . The land markes and other notes. J. SmithLIB. 6. [3-16 June 1616. [1614] 【pp. 264, 697, 701, 732.] farre as I incercled it, I found thirty fathome water and a strong currant, which makes mee thinke there is a chanell about this Shoule, where is the best and greatest fish to be had winter and summer in all the Country; but the Saluages say there is no Chanell, but that the Shoales beginne from the maine at Pawmet to the Ile of Nawset, and so extends beyond their knowledge into the Sea. The next to this is Capawucke, and those abounding. Countries of Copper, Corne, Peopie and Mineralls, which I went to discouer this last yeere [1615]; but because I mis- [.206.] carried by the way, I will leaue them till God please I haue The land Markes better acquaintance with them. The Massachusets they report sometimes haue warres with the Bashabes of Pennobscot, and are not alwaies friends with them of Chawum and their alliance; but now they are all friends, and haue each trade with other so farre as they haue society on each others frontiers: for they [the Bashabes] make no such voyages as from Pennobscot to Cape Cod, seldome to Massachuset. In the North as I haue said they haue begun to plant Corne, whereof the south part hath such plenty as they haue what they will from them of the North, and in the Winter much more plenty of fish and fowle; but both Winter and Summer hath it in one part or other all the yeere, being the meane and most indifferent temper betwixt heat and cold, of all the Regions betwixt the Line and the Pole but the Furs Northward are much better, and in much more plenty then Southward. The remarkablest Iles and Mountaines for land Markes are these: the highest Ile is Sorico in the Bay of Pen- nobscot, but the three Iles, and the Iles of Matinack are much further in the Sea: Metynacus is also three plaine Iles, but many great Rocks: Monahigan is a round high Ile, and close by it [is] Monanis, betwixt which is a small Harbour where we rid; in Damerils Iles is such another, Sagadahocke is knowne by Satquin, and foure or fiue Iles in their mouth. Smiths Iles are a heape together, [216] none neere them (pp. 204, 718, against Accomintycus: the three Turkes heads, are three Iles, seene farre to Sea-ward in regard of the Head-land. The chiefe Head-lands, are onely Cape Tragabigzanda, and $53,855,866.1 Cape Cod; now called [p. 232] Cape Iames, and Cape Annc. 838.1 [ƒƒ. 204, 206, 232, 276, 718, 3-16 June J. Smith721 . LIB. 6. The land markes and other notes. . • 1616The chiefe Mountaines, them of Pennobscot, the twinkling Mountaine of Acocisco, the great Mountaine of Sassanow, and the high Mountaine of Massachuset. Each of which you shall finde in the Map, their places, forme, and altitudes. The waters are most pure, proceeding from the intrailes of rocky Mountaines. [1614] Fruits. The Herbs and Fruits are of many sorts and kinds, as Herbs and Alkermes, Currans, Mulberies, Vines, Respises, Gooseberies, [. 207.] Plums, Wall-nuts, Chesse-nuts, Small-nuts, Pumpions, Gourds, Strawberies, Beanes, Pease, and Maize; a kinde or two of Flax, wherewith they make Nets, Lines, and Ropes, both small and great, very strong for their quantities. Õake is the chiefe wood, of which there is great Woods. difference, in regard of the soyle where it groweth, Firre, Pine, Wall-nut, Chesse-nut, Birtch, Ash, Elme, Cipris, Cedar, Mulbery, Plum tree, Hazell, Saxefras, and many other sorts. Eagles, Grips, diuers sorts of Hawkes, Craines, Geese, Birds. Brants, Cormorants, Ducks, Cranes, Swannes, Sheldrakes, Teale, Meawes, Gulls, Turkies, Diue-doppers, and many other sorts whose names I know not. Whales, Grompus, Porkpisces, Turbut, Sturgion, Cod, Fishes. Hake, Haddocke, Cole, Cuske or small Ling, Sharke, Mackarell, Herring, Mullit, Base, Pinnacks, Cunners, Pearch, Eeles, Crabs, Lobsters, Mustels, Wilks, Oisters, Clamps, Periwinkels, and diuers others, &c. Moos, a beast bigger than a Stag, Deare red and fallow, Beasts. Beuers, Wolues, Foxes both blacke and other, Aroughcunds, wilde Cats, Beares, Otters, Martins, Fitches, Musquassus, and diuers other sorts of Vermin whose names I know not. All these and diuers other good things doe here for want of vse still increase and decrease with little diminution, whereby they grow to that abundance, you shall scarce finde any bay, shallow shore or Coue of sand, where you may not take many clamps or Lobsters, or both at your pleasure, and in many places load your Boat if you please; nor Iles where you finde not Fruits, Birds, Crabs, and Mustels, or all of them; for taking at a low water Cod, Cuske, Hollibut, Scate, Turbit, Mackarell, or such like are taken plentifully in diuers sandy Bayes, ENG. SCII. LIB. No. 16. 46 722 . Generall Obseruations. J. SmithLIB. 6. [3-16 June 1616. [1614] .[A. 208.] A note for men that spirits and small meanes. store of Mullit, Bases, and diuers other sorts of such excellent fish as many as their Net can hold: no Riuer where there is not plenty of Sturgion, or Salmon, or both, all which are to be had in abundance obseruing but their seasons: but if a man will goe at Christmas to gather Cherries in Kent, though there be plenty in Summer, he may be deceiued; so here these plenties haue each their seasons, as I haue expressed. We for the most part had little but bread and Vinegar, and though, the most part of Iuly when the fishing decayed, they wrought all day, lay abroad in the Iles all night, and liued on what they found, yet were not sicke. But I would wish none long [to] put himselfe to such plunges, except necessity constraine it: yet worthy is that person to starue that here cannot liue if he haue seuse, strength and health, for there is no such penury of these blessings in any place but that one hundred men may in two or three houres make their prouisions for a day, and he that hath experience to manage these affaires, with forty or thirty honest in- dustrious men, might well vndertake (if they dwell in these parts) to subiect the Saluages, and feed daily two or three hundred men, with as good Corne, Fish, and Flesh as the earth hath of those kinds, and yet make that labour but their pleasure: prouided that they haue Engines that be proper for their purposes. Who can desire more content that hath small meanes, or haue great but onely his merit to aduance his fortunes, then to tread and plant that ground he hath purchased by the hazard of his life; if hee haue but the taste of vertue and magnanimity, what to such a minde can bee more pleasant then planting and building a foundation for his posterity, got from the rude earth by Gods blessing and his [217] owne industry without preiudice to any; if hee haue any graine of faith or zeale in Religion, what can he doe lesse hurtfull to any, or more agreeable to God, then to seeke to conuert those poore Saluages to know Christ and humanity, whose labours with discretion will triple requite thy charge and paine; what so truly su[i]tes with honour and honesty, as the discouering things vnknowne, erecting Townes, peopling Countries, informing the ignorant, reforming things vniust, :723 ] Generall Obseruations. J. Smith. LIB. 6. 3-16 June 1616. teaching vertue and gaine to our natiue mother Country [1616] a Kingdome to attend her, finde imploiment for those that (p. 209.] are idle, because they know not what to doe: so farre from wronging any, as to cause posterity to remember thee; and remembring thee, euer honour that remembrance with praise. Consider what were the beginnings and endings of the Monarchies of the Chaldeans, the Syrians, the Grecians and Romans, but this one rule; what was it they would not doe for the good of their common weale, or their mother City? For example: Rome, what made her such a Monarchesse, but oncly the aduentures of her youth, not in riots at home, but in dangers abroad; and the iustice and iudgement out of their experiences, when they grew aged: what was their ruine and hurt but this, the excesse of idlenesse, the fondnesse of parents, the want of experience in Maiestrates, the admiration of their vn- deserued honours, the contempt of true merit, their vniust iealousies, their politike incredulities, their hypocriticall seeming goodnesse and their deeds of secret lewdnesse; finally in fine, growing onely formall temporists, all that their Predecessors got in many yeeres they lost in a few daies: those by their paines and vertues became Lords of the world, they by their ease and vices became slaues to their seruants; this is the difference betwixt the vse of armes in the field and on the monuments of stones, the golden age and the leaden age, prosperity and misery, iustice and corruption, substance and shadowes, words and deeds, experience and imagination, making common weales. and marring common weales, the fruits of vertue and the conclusions of vice. Then who would liue at home idly, or thinke in himselfe any worth to liue, onely to eat, drinke and sleepe, and so die; or by consuming that carelesly, his friends got worthily; or by vsing that miserably that maintained vertue honestly; or for being descended nobly, and pine with the vaine vaunt of great kindred in penury; or to maintaine a silly shew of brauery, toile out thy heart, soule and time basely, by shifts, tricks, Cards and Dice; or by relating newes of other mens actions, sharke here and there for a dinner or supper; deceiue thy friends by faire promises and dissimulation, in borrowing where thou neuer meanest to 724 1616. Generall Obseruations. LIB. 6. [3-16 June . J. Smith[1616] [p. 210.] An example of secure couetous- nesse. pay; offend the Lawes, surfet with excesse, burthen thy Countrie, abuse thy selfe, despaire in want, and then cousen thy Kindred, yea euen thy owne brother, and wish thy Parents death (I will not say damnation) to haue their estates: though thou seest what honours and rewards the world yet hath for them that will seeke them and worthily deserue them. I would bee sorry to offend, or that any should mistake my honest meaning; for I wish good to all, hurt to none: but rich men for the most part are growne to that dotage through their pride in their wealth, as though there were no accident could end it or their life. And what hellish care doe such take to make it their owne misery and their Countries spoile, especially when there is most need of their imploiment, drawing by all manner of inuentions from the Prince and his honest Sub- iects, euen the vital spirits of their powers and estates: as if their baggs or brags were so powerfull a defence, the malicious could not assault them, when they are the onely bait to cause vs not onely to bee assaulted, but betrayed and murthered in our owne security ere wee will perceiue it. [218] May not the miserable ruine of Constantinople, their im- pregnable walls, riches and pleasures [at] last taken by the Turke, which were then but a bit in comparison of their mightinesse now, remember vs of the effects of priuate couetousnesse; at which time the good Emperour held himselfe rich enough, to haue such rich subiects, so formall in all excesse of vanity, all kinde of delicacy and prodi- gality his pouerty when the Turke besieged the Citizens (whose merchandizing thoughts were onely to get wealth) little conceiuing the desperat resolution of a valiant expert enemy, left the Emperour so long to his conclusions, hauing spent all he had to pay his young raw discontented Souldiers, that suddenly he, they, and their City were all a prey to the deuouring Turke, and what they would not spare for the maintenance of them who aduentured their liues to defend them, did serue onely their enemies to torment them, their friends and Country, and all Christen- dome to this present day. Let this lamentable example remember you that are rich (seeing there are such great theeues in the world to rob you) not [to] grudge to lend some J. Smith. LIB. 6. 3-16 June 1615. J 725 Generall Obseruations. proportion to breed them that haue little, yet willing to [1616] learne how to defend you, for it is too late when the deed [p. 211.] is doing. The Romans estate hath beene worse then this, for the meere couetousnesse and extortion of a few of them so moued the rest, that not hauing any imploiment but con- templation, their great iudgements grew to so great malice, as themselues were sufficient to destroy themselues by faction; let this moue you to imbrace imployment for those whose educations, spirits and iudgements want but your purses, not only to preuent such accustomed dangers, but also to gaine more thereby then you haue. And you fathers that are either so foolishly fond, or so miserably couetous, or so wilfully ignorant, or so negligently carelesse, as that you will rather maintaine your children in idle wantonnesse till they grow your masters; or become so basely vnkinde that they wish nothing but your deaths; so that both sorts grow dissolute; and although you would wish them any where to escape the Gallowes and ease your cares; though they spend you here one, two or three hundred pound[s] a yeere; you would grudge to giue halfe so much in aduenture with them to obtaine an estate, which in a small time, but with a little assistance of your prouidence, might bee better then your owne. But if an Angell should tell you [that] any place yet vnknowne, can affoord such fortunes, you would not beleeue it, no more then Columbus was beleeued there was any such land as is now the well knowne abounding America, might lesse such large Regions as are yet vnknowne, as well in America, as in Africa and Asia, and Terra incognita. Authors I haue not beene so ill bred but I haue tasted of plenty The and pleasure, as well as want and misery; nor doth neces- conditions. sity yet, or occasion of discontent force me to these endeuours; nor am I ignorant what small thankes I shall haue for my paines, or that many would haue the world imagine them to bee of great iudgement, that can but blemish these my designes, by their witty obiections and detractions: yet (I hope) my reasons with my deeds will so [p. 212.] preuaile with some, that I shall not want imploiment in these affaires, to make the most blinde see his owne 726 . The reasons for a Plantation. J. SmithLIB. 6. [3-16 June 1616. [1616] [A. 928.] The Planters pleasures senselesnesse and incredulity, hoping that gaine will make them affect that which Religion, Charity and the common. good cannot. It were but a poore deuice in mee to deceiue my selfe, much more the King and State, my Friends and Country, with these inducements: which seeing his Maiesty hath giuen permission, I wish all sorts of worthy honest industrious spirits would vnderstand, and if they desire any further satisfaction, I will doe my best to giue it, not to perswade them to goe onely, but goe with them; not leaue them there, but liue with them there. I will not say but by ill prouiding and vndue managing, such courses may bee taken [that] may make vs miserable enough: but if I may haue the execution of what I haue proiected, if they [219] want to eat, let them eat or neuer disgest mee. If I performe what I say, I desire but that reward out of the gaines [which] may su[i]te my paines, quality and condition; and if I abuse you with my tongue, take my head for satisfaction. If any dislike at the yeeres end, defraying their charge, by my consent they should freely returne; I feare not want of company sufficient, were it but knowne what I know of these Countries; and by the proofe of that wealth I hope yeerely to returne, if God please to blesse me from such accidents as are beyond my power in reason to preuent; for I am not so simple to thinke that euer any other motiue then wealth will euer erect there a common wealth,ordraw company from their ease and humors at home, to stay in New-England to effect my purposes. And lest any should thinke the toile might be insupport- and profit. able, though these things may bee had by labour and dili- gence; I assure my selfe there are who delight extremely in vaine pleasure, that take much more paines in England to enioy it, then I should doe here [New England] to gaine wealth sufficient, and yet I thinke they should not haue halfe such sweet content: for our pleasure here is still gaines, in England charges and losse; here nature and liberty affords. vs that freely which in England we want, or it costeth vs. deerely. What pleasure can bee more then being tired with any occasion a shore, in planting Vines, Fruits, or Herbes, in contriuing their owne grounds to the pleasure of their owne minds, their Fields, Gardens, Orchards, Buildings, Ships, and other workes, &c. to recreate [p. 213.] J. Smith. LIB. 6. :] 3-16 June 1616. 727 The reasons for a Plantation. themselues before their owne doores in their owne Boats vpon the Sea, where man, woman and childe, with a small hooke and line, by angling may take diuers sorts of excellent Fish at their pleasures; and is it not pretty sport to pull vp two pence, six pence, and twelue pence, as fast as you can ha[u]le and vere a line; hee is a very bad Fisher [that] cannot kill in one day with his hooke and line one, two, or three hundred Cods, which dressed and dryed, if they bee sold there for ten shillings a hundred, though in England they will giue more then twenty, may not both seruant, master and Merchant be well content with this gaine? if a man worke but three daies in seuen, hee may get more then hee can spend vnlesse hee will bee exceedingly excessiue. Now that Carpenter, Mason, Gardiner, Tailer, Smith, Sailer, Forger, or what other, may they not make this a pretty recreation, though they fish but an houre in a day, to take more then they can eat in a weeke; or if they will not eat it, because there is so much better choise, yet sell it or change it with the Fisher-men. or Merchants for any thing you want; and what sport doth yeeld a more pleasing content, and lesse hurt and charge then angling with a hooke, and crossing the sweet aire from Ile to Ile, ouer the silent streames of a calme Sea; wherein the most curious may finde profit, pleasure and content. [1616] ments for Thus though all men be not fishers, yet all men what- soeuer may in other matters doe as well, for necessity doth in these cases so rule a common wealth, and each in their seuerall functions, as their labours in their qualities may be as profitable because there is a necessary mutuall vse of all. For Gentlemen, what exercise should more delight them Imploi- then ranging daily these vnknowne parts, vsing fowling Gentlenen. and fishing for hunting and hawking, and yet you shall see the wilde Hawkes giue you some pleasure in seeing them stoupe six or seuen times after one another an houre or two together, at the skulls of Fish in the faire Harbours, as those a shore at a fowle; and neuer trouble nor torment [p. 214.] your selues with watching, mewing, feeding, and attending them, nor kill horse and man with running and crying, See you not a Hawke: for hunting also, the Woods, Lakes and Riuers affoord not onely chase sufficient for any that delights in that kinde of toile or pleasure, but such beasts. 728 How New England is more proper for the 1616 3-16 June J. Smith. [1616] to hunt, that besides the delicacie of their bodies for food, their skinnes are so rich, as they will recompence thy daily labour with a Captaines pay. [220] Imploi- ments for For Labourers, if those that sow Hempe, Rape, Turnups, Labourers. Parsnips, Carrats, Cabidge, and such like; giue twentie, thirtie, fortie, fiftie shillings yeerely for an Acre of Land; and meat, drinke, and wages to vse it, and yet grow rich: when better, or at least as good ground may bee had and cost nothing but labour; it seemes strange to me any such should grow poore. Examples of the [p. 215.] My purpose is not to perswade children from their parents, men from their wiues, nor seruants from their masters; onely such as with free consent may bee spared: but that each Parish, or Village, in Citie, or Countrey, that will but apparell their fatherlesse children of thirteene or fourteene yeeres of age, or young maried people that haue small wealth to liue on, here by their labour may liue. exceeding well. Prouided alwaies, that first there be a sufficient power to command them, houses to receiue them, meanes to defend them, and meet prouisions for them, for [any] place may be ouer-laine: and it is most necessary to haue a fortresse (ere this grow to practise) and sufficient masters of all necessarie mec[h]anicall qualities, to take ten or twelue of them for Apprentises; the Master by this may quickly grow rich, these may learne their trades them- selues to doe the like, to a generall and an incredible benefit for King and Countrey, Master and Seruant. It would be a History of a large volume, to recite the Spaniards. aduentures of the Spaniards and Portugals, their affronts and defeats, their dangers and miseries; which with such incomparable honor, and constant resolution, so farre beyond beleefe, they haue attempted and indured in their discoueries and plantations, as may well condemne vs of too much imbecillitie, sloth, and negligence: yet the Authors of these new inuentions were held as ridiculous for a long time, as now are others that doe but seeke to imitate their vnparalleld vertues. And though we see daily their mountaines of wealth (sprung from the Plants of their generous indeuours) yet is our sensualitie and vnto- defailments. wardnesse such, and so great, that we either ignorantly The causes of our b] benefit of England, then any other Nation. 729 J. Smith. 3-16 June 1616.. beleeue nothing, or so curiously contest, to preuent we know not what future euents; that we either so neglect, or oppresse and discourage the present, as wee spoile all in the making, crop all in the blooming; and building vpon faire Sand rather then vpon rough Rocks, iudge that we know not, gouerne that wee haue not, feare that which is not; and for feare some should doe too well, force such against their wils to be idle, or as ill. And who is hee [that] hath iudgement, courage, and any industry or quality with vnderstanding, will leaue his Country, his hopes at home, his certaine estate, his friends, pleasures, libertie, and the preferment sweet England doth affoord to all degrees, were it not to aduance his fortunes by enioying his deserts, whose prosperitie once appearing, will encourage others: but it must be cherished as a childe, till it be able to goe and vnderstand it selfe, and not corrected nor oppressed aboue it[s] strength, ere it know wherefore. [1616] A childe can neither performe the office nor deeds of a man of strength, nor endure that affliction he is able: nor can an Apprentise at the first performe the part of a Master. And if twentie yeeres be required to make a childe a man, seuen yeeres limited an Apprentise for his trade: if scarce an age be sufficient to make a wise man a States-man, and commonly a man dies ere he hath learned to be discreet; if perfection be so hard to be obtained, as of necessitie there must be Practice as well as Theoricke: Let no man then condemne this paradox opinion, to say that halfe seuen yeres is scarce sufficient for a good capacitie to learne in these affaires how to carrie himselfe. And who euer shall try in these remote places the erecting of a Colony, shall finde at the end of seuen yeeres occasion enough to vse all his dis- cretion: and in the Interim, all the content, rewards, gaines, p. 216.] and hopes, will be necessarily required, to be giuen to the beginning, till it be able to creepe, to stand, and goe, and to encourage desert by all possible meanes; yet time enough to keepe it from running, for there is no feare it will grow too fast, or euer to any thing, except libertie, profit, honor, and prosperitie there found, more binde the Planters of those affaires in deuotion to effect it; then bondage, violence, tyrannie, ingratitude, and such double dealing, as bindes free men to become slaues, [221] and honest men turne 730 How New England is more proper, &c. LIB. 6. [3-16 Junsmith. [1616] The blisse of Spaine. [0.217-] knaues; which hath euer beene the ruine of the most popular Common-weales, and is very vnlikely euer well to begin anew. Who seeth not what is the greatest good of the Spaniard, but these new conclusions in searching those vnknowne parts of this vnknowne world; by which meanes he diues euen into the very secrets of all his neighbours, and the most part of the world; and when the Portugals and Spaniards had found the East and West-Indies, how many did condemne themselues, that did not accept of that honest offer of Noble Columbus, who vpon our neglect brought them to it, perswading our selues the world had no such places as they had found: and yet euer since we finde, they still (from time to time) haue found new Lands, new Nations, and Trades, and still daily doe finde, both in Asia, Affrica, Terra incognita, and America, so that there is neither Souldier nor Mechanicke, from the Lord to the Beggar, but those parts affoords them all imploiment, and discharges their natiue soile of so many thousands of all sorts, that else by their sloth, pride, and imperfections, would long ere this haue troubled their neighbours, or haue eaten the pride of Spaine it selfe. Now hee knowes little that knowes not England may well spare many more people then Spaine, and is as well able to furnish them with all manner of necessaries; and seeing for all they haue, they cease not still to search for that they haue not, and know not; it is strange we should be so dull, as not [to] maintaine that which we haue, and pursue that we know. Surely, I am sure many would take it ill, to be abridged of the titles and honors of their predecessors; when if but truly they would iudge themselues, looke how inferior they are to their Noble Vertues, so much they are vn- worthy of their honors and liuings, which neuer were ordained for shewes and shadowes, to maintaine idlenesse. and vice; but to make them more able to abound in honor, by Heroicall deeds of action, iudgement, pietie, and vertue. What was it both in their purse and person they would not doe, for the good of their Common-wealth, which might moue them presently to set out their spare children in these generous designes. 3-16 June J. SmithA caucat for the owners, &c., of Shipping. 731 1616. . Religion aboue all things should moue vs, especially the [1615-6] Clergie, if we are religious, to shew our faith by our works, in conuerting those poore Saluages to the knowledge of God, seeing what paines the Spaniards takes to bring them. to their adultered faith. Honour might moue the Gentry, the valiant, and industrious; and the hope and assurance. of wealth, all, if we were that we would seeme, and be accounted: or be we so farre inferior to other Nations, or our spirits so farre deiected from our ancient predicessors, or our mindes so vpon spoile, piracy, and such villany, as to serue the Portugall, Spaniard, Dutch, French, or Turke, (as to the cost of Europe too many doe) rather then our God, our King, our Country, and our selues; excusing our idlenesse and our base complaints by want of imploiment, when here is such choice of all sorts, and for all degrees, in the planting and discouering these North parts of America. My second voyage to New England. Voiage to England. 1615. N the yeere of our Lord 1615. I was imploied My second by many my friends of London, and Sir Ferdin- New ando Gorges, a noble Knight, and a great fauourer of those actions, who perswaded the reuerend Deane of Exeter Doctor Sut[c]liffe, and diuers Merchants of the West, to entertaine this Plantation. Much labour I had taken to bring the Londoners and them to ioyne together, because the Londoners haue most Money, and the Westerne men are most proper for fishing; and it is neere as much trouble, but much more danger, to saile from London to Plimoth, then from Plimoth to New England, so that halfe the voiage would thus be saued: yet by no meanes I could preuaile, so desirous they were both to be Lords of this fishing. Now to make my words more apparant by my deeds, to begin a Plantation [222] for a more ample triall of those conclusions, I was to haue staied there but with sixteene men, whose names were; 732 1616. A caueat for the owners and LIB. 6. [3-16 June . J. Smith[1615] pp. 223, 258, Edw. Stallings. Thos. Dirmer. 736,746,747-] Gent. Daniel Cage. Francis Abbot. Iohn Gosling. Dauid Cooper. p. 218.] The ground and plot for our William Ingram. Souldiers. Iohn Partridge. Thomas Digby. Daniel Baker. Adam Smith. Tho. Watson. Walter Chisell. Robert Miller. And two Boyes were to learne to be Sailers. I confesse I could haue wished them as many thousands, had all other prouisions beene in like proportion; nor would I haue had so few, could I haue had means for more: yet would God haue pleased we had safely arriued, I doubted not but to haue performed more then I promised, and that many thousands ere this would haue bin there ere now. The maine assistance next God I had to this small number, was my acquaintance amongst the Saluages, especially with plantation. Dohoday, one of their greatest Lords, who had liued long in England (and another called Tantum, I [had] caried with mee from England, and set on shore at Cape Cod); by the meanes of this proud Saluage, I did not doubt but quickly to haue got that credit amongst the rest of the Saluages and their alliance, to haue had as many of them as I desired in any designe I intended, and that trade also they had by such a kinde of exchange of their Countrey Commodities, which both with ease and securitie might then haue beene vsed. [pp. 747, 754, 757.] [p. 205.] With him and diuers others, I had concluded to inhabit and defend them against the Tarentines, with a better power then the French did them; whose tyrannie did inforce them to embrace my offer with no small deuotion. And though many may think me more bold then wise, in regard of their power, dexteritie, treachery, and inconstancy, pp. 697,701.] hauing so desperately assaulted and betraied many others; I say but this (because with so many, I haue many times done much more in Virginia then I intended here, when I wanted that experience Virginia taught mee) that to me it seemes no more danger then ordinary: and though I know my selfe [to be] the meanest of many thousands, whose apprehensiue inspection can pierce. beyond the bounds of my abilities, into the hidden things of Nature, Art, and Reason: yet I intreat such, [to] giue J. Smith] LIB. 6. 3-16 June 1616.. 733 setters forth of shipping. mee leaue to excuse my selfe of so much imbecillitie, as to [1614-5] say, that in these eighteene yeeres [1606-1624] which I haue beene conuersant with these affaires, I haue not learned, there is a great difference betwixt the directions and iudge- ment of experimentall knowledge, and the superficiall con- iecture of variable relation: wherein rumour, humour, or misprision haue such power, that oft times one is enough to beguile twentie, but twentie not sufficient to keepe one from being deceiued. Therefore I know no reason but to beleeue my owne eies before any mans imagination, that is but wrested from the conceits of my owne proiects and endeuours, but I honor with all affection, the counsell and instructions of iudiciall directions, or any other honest aduertisement, so farre to obserue, as they tie me not to the crueltie of vnknowne euents. These are the inducements that thus drew me to neglect all other imploiments, and spend my time and best abilities in these aduentures, wherein though I haue had many dis- couragements, by the ingratitude of some, the malicious slanders of others, the falsenesse of friends, the treachery of cowards, and slownesse of Aduenturers. The meanes preuent it and me. vsed to 700.] 219, How I set saile and returned. Now you are to remember, as I returned first from New England at Plimoth, I was promised foure good ships ready prepared to my hand the next Christmas, and what con- ditions and content I would desire, to put this businesse in practise, and arriuing at London, foure more were offered me with the like courtesie. But to ioyne the Londoners and them in one, was most impossible; so that in Ianuary [1615] with two hundred pound in Cash for aduenture, and six Gentlemen well furnished, I went from London to the foure ships were promised me at Plimoth, but I found no such matter: and the most of those that had made such great promises, by the bad returne of the ship [that] went for Gold, [. 701.] and their priuate emulations, were extinct and qualified. Notwithstanding at last, with a labyrinth of trouble, though the [223] greatest of the burden lay on me, and a few of my particular friends, I was furnished with a ship of two [p. 221.) hundred tunnes, and another of fiftie. But ere I had sailed one hundred and twentie leagues, she brake all her Masts, pumping each watch fiue or six thousand strokes; onely her spret-saile remained to spoone before the winde, till 734 LIB. 6. [D. Baker. The examination of [1615] My reim. barkement, encounter with Pirats, and impri- sonment by the French. . 222.] we had re-accommodated a Iury-mast to returne for Plimoth, or founder in the Seas. My Vice-Admirall being lost [i.e., lost sight of], not knowing of this, proceeded [on] her voyage. Now with the remainder of those prouisions, I got out againe in a small Barke of sixtie tuns with thirty men; for this of two hundred [tuns], and prouision for seuentie: which were the sixteene before named (pp. 217, 732], and foureteene other Sailers for the ship. With those I set saile againe the foure and twentieth of Iune [1615]. Where what befell me (because my actions. and writings are so publike to the world) enuy still seeking to scandalize my endeuours, and seeing no power but death can stop the chat of ill tongues, nor imagination of menst minds, lest my owne relations of those hard euents might by some constructors bee made doubtfull, I haue thought it best to insert the examinations of those proceedings, taken by Sir Lewis Stukeley, a worthy Knight, and Vice- Admirall of Deuonshire, which was as followeth. The Examination of Daniel Baker, late Steward to Captaine Iohn Smith, in there turne of Plimoth, taken before Sir Lewis Stukeley Knight, the eighth of December, 1615. HE effect in briefe was this: being chased by one Fry an English Pirat, Edward Chambers the Master, Iohn Miller his Mate, Thomas Digby the Pylot, and diuers others importuned him to yeeld; much swaggering wee had with them, more then the Pirats: who agreed vpon such faire conditions as we desired, which if they broke, he vowed to sinke rather then be abused. Strange they thought it, that a Barke of threescore tuns with foure guns should stand vpon such termes, they being eightie expert Sea-men, in an excellent ship of one hundred and fortie tuns, and thirty six cast Peeces and Murderers. 3-16 June J. Smith735 .. LIB. 6. Captaine Smiths Company. . 1616But when they knew our Captaine, so many of them had beene his Souldiers, and they but lately runne from Tunis, where they had stolne this ship, wanted victuall, and in combustion amongst them- selues, would haue yeelded all to his protection, or wafted vs any whither: but those mutinies occa- sioned vs to reiect their offer, which afterward we all repented. For at Fiall we met two French Pirats, the one of two hundred tuns, the other thirty: no disgrace would cause our mutiners [to] fight, till the Captaine offered to blow vp the ship rather then yeeld, till hee had spent all his powder: so that together by the eares we went, and at last got cleere of them for all their shot. At Flowers we were againe chased with foure French men of warre, the Admirall one hundred and fortie tuns, and ninety men well armed; the rest good ships, and as well prouided: much parly we had, but vowing they were Rochilers, and had a Commission from the King onely to secure true men, and take Portugals, Spaniards, and Pirats, and as they requested, our Captaine went to shew his Commission, which was vnder the broad Seale; but neither it nor their vowes they so much respected, but they kept him, rifled our ship, manned her with French men, and dispersed vs amongst their Fleet. Within fiue or six daies they were increased to eight or nine saile. At last they surrendred vs our ship, and most of our prouisions; the defects they promised the next day to supply, and did. Notwithstanding, there was no way but our mutiners would for England, though we were as neere New England; till the major part resolued with our Captaine to proceed. But the Admirall sending his Boat for our Captaine, they espying a Saile, presently gaue chase; whereby our mutiners finding an opportunitie in the night ran away, and thus left our Captaine in his Cap, Bretches, and Wastcoat, alone among the French men: his clothes, armes, and what he had, our mutiners shared among them, and with a false excuse, faining [224] for feare lest he should turne man of warre, they returned for [1615] 736 . His proceedings among J. SmithLIB. 6. [3-16 June 1616. [1615] [p. 223.] A double treachery. A fleet of nine French and fights with the Spaniard. Plimoth: fifteene of vs being Land-men, not knowing what they did. Daniel Cage, Edward Stalings, Walter Chisell, Dauid Cooper, Robert Miller, and Iohn Partridge, vpon oath affirmes this for truth before the Vice-Admirall. N Ow the cause why the French detained mee againe, was the suspition this Chambers and Minter gaue them, that I would reuenge my selfe vpon the Banke, or in Newfound land, of all the French I could there encounter; and how I would haue fired the ship, had they not ouer-perswaded me: and that if I had but againe my Armes, I would rather sinke by them, then they should haue from me but the value of a Bisket; and many other such like tales to catch but opportunitie in this manner to leaue me, and thus they returned to Plimoth, and perforce with the French men I thus proceeded. Being a fleet of eight or nine saile, we watched for men of war, the West-Indies fleet, till ill weather separated vs from the other eight: still wee spent our time about the Iles of the Assores, where to keepe my perplexed thoughts from too much meditation of my miserable estate, I writ this Discourse, thinking to haue sent it to you of his Maiesties Councell by some ship or other, for I saw their purpose was to take all they could. At last we were chased by one Captaine Barra, an English Pirat in a small ship, with some twelue Peece[s] of Ordnance, about thirty men, and neere all starued. They sought by courtesie releefe of vs, who gaue them such faire promises, as at last they betraied Captaine Wollistone his Lieutenant, and foure or fiue of his men aboord vs, and then prouided to take the rest perforce. Now my part was to be prisoner in the Gun-roome, and not to speake to any of them vpon my life; yet had Barra knowledge what I was. Then Barra perceiuing well those French intents, made ready to fight, and Wollistone as J. Smith. LIB. 6. ] 3-16 June 1616.] 737 the French men of warre. resolutely regarded not their threats, which caused vs [to] demurre vpon the matter longer some sixteene houres, and then returned them againe Captaine Wollistone and all their Prisoners, and some victuall also vpon a small composition. But whilest we were bartering thus with them; a Caruill before our faces got vnder the Castle of Gratiosa, from whence they beat vs with their Ordnance. [1615] Fish. The next wee tooke was a small English man of Poole A prise of from New found land: the great Cabben at this present was my prison, from whence I could see them pillage these poore men of all that they had, and halfe their fish: when hee was gone, they sold his poore clothes at the maine Mast by an out-cry, which scarce gaue each man seuen pence a peece. Not long after, we tooke a Scot fraught from Saint Michaels to Bristow, he had better fortune then the other; for hauing but taken a Boats loading of Sugar, Marmelade, Suckets, and such like, we descried foure saile, after whom we stood: who forling their maine Sailes attended vs to fight, but our French spirits were content onely to perceiue they were English red Crosses. Within a very small time after, wee chased 4. Spanish ships that came from the Indies: we fought with them foure or fiue houres, tore their sailes and sides with many a shot betwixt wind and weather, yet not daring to boord them, lost them; for which, all the Sailers euer after hated the Captaine as a professed coward. A Scotch .225.1 prise. worth 3600c crownes. A poore Caruill of Brasile was the next wee chased; and A prise after a small fight, thirteene or foureteene of her men being wounded, which was the better halfe, we tooke her with three hundred and seuenty chests of Sugar, one hundred hides, thirty thousand Rialls of eight. The next was a ship of Holland, which had lost her Consorts in the Streights of Magilans, going for the South sea. She was put roomy, she also these French men with faire promises, cunningly betraied to come aboord them to shew their Commission, and so made prise of all: the most of the Dutch-men we tooke aboord the Admirall, and manned her [the Dutch ship] with French-men, that within two or three nights after ran away with her for France. The wounded Spaniards we set on shore on the Ile of Tercera, the rest we kept to saile the Caruill. ENG. SCH. LIB. No. 16. 47 [p. 739-1 738 J. Smith How they used him, 1616. LIB. 6. [3-16 June [1615] A prise worth 200000 crownes. [/. 739.] Within a day or two after, we met a West-Indics man of warre, of one hundred [225] and sixtie tuns, a forenoone wee fought with her, and then tooke her with one thousand one hundred Hides, fiftie Chests of Cutchanele, foureteene Coffers of wedges of Siluer, eight thousand Rialls of eight, and six Coffers of the King of Spaines Treasure, besides the good pillage and rich Coffers of many rich Passengers. Two moneths [Aug.-Oct. 1615] they kept me in this manner, to manage their fights against the Spaniards, and bee a Prisoner when they tooke any English. Now though the Captaine had oft broke his promise, which was to put me on shore [on] the Iles [Azores], or the next ship he tooke; yet at the last he was contented I should goe in the Caruill of Sugar for France, himselfe seeming as resolued to keepe the Seas: but the next morning we all set saile for France, and that night we were separated from [p. 739.] the Admirall and the rich prise by a storme. My escape from the French men. [/. 226.] Within two daies after, wee [in the Caravel] were hailed by two West-Indies men: but when they saw vs waife them for the King of France, they gaue vs their broad sides, shot thorow our maine Mast, and so left vs. Hauing liued now this Summer [Aug.-Nov. 1615] amongst those French men of warre, with much adoe we arriued at the Gulion, not farre from Rotchell: where in stead of the great promises they alwaies fed me with, of double satisfaction and full content, and tenne thousand Crownes was generally concluded I should haue; they kept me fiue or six daies Prisoner in the Caruill, accusing me to be he that burnt their Colony in New France, to force me to giue them a discharge before the Iudge of the Admiraltie, and stand to their courtesies for satisfaction, or lie in prison, or a worse mischiefe. Indeed this was in the time of combustion, that the Prince of Cundy was with his Army in the field; and euery poore Lord, or men in authoritie, as little Kings of themselues. For this iniury was done me by them that set out this voyage (not by the Sailers); for they were cheated of all as well as I, by a few Officers aboord, and the owners on shore.. But to preuent this choise, in the end of such a storme that beat them all vnder hatches, I watched my oppor- tunitie to get a shore in their Boat; whereinto in the darke J. Smith. LIB. 6. 3-16 June 1616.] 739 and his desperate escape. night I secretly got, and with a halfe Pike that lay by me, put a drift for Rat Ile: but the currant was so strong, and the Sea so great, I went a drift to Sea, till it pleased God the wind so turned with the tide, that although I was all this fearefull night of gusts and raine in the Sea the space of twelue houres, when many ships were driuen ashore, and diuers split: (and being with skulling and bayling the water tired, I expected each minute would sinke me) at last I arriued in an Oazy Ile by Charowne, where certaine Fowlers found me neere drowned, and halfe dead, with water, cold, and hunger. [1615] My Boat I pawned to finde meanes to get to Rotchell; where I vnderstood our man of war and the rich prize, [Þ.738.] (wherein was the Captaine called Mounsieur Poyrune, and the thirtie thousand Rialls of eight we tooke in the Caruill), Þ. 737.] was split; the Captaine drowned and halfe his Company the same night, within six or seuen leagues of that place, from whence I escaped in the little Boat by the mercy of God, far beyond all mens reason or my expectation. I had. Arriuing at Rotchell: vpon my complaint to the Iudge What law of the Admiraltie, I found many good words and faire. promises; and ere long many of them that escaped drowning, told me the newes they heard of my owne death. These I arresting, their seuerall examinations. did so confirme my complaint, it was held proofe sufficient. All which being performed according to their order of justice, from vnder the Iudges hand, I presented it to Sir Thomas Edmonds, then Ambassadour at Burdeaux; where it was my chance to see the arriuall [21 Nov. 1615] of the Kings great mariage brought from Spaine. Here it was my good fortune to meet my old friend Master Crampton, that no lesse grieued at my losse, then willingly to his power did supply my wants; and I must confesse, I was more beholden to the French men that escaped drowning in the man of warre, Madam Chanoyes 277-1 at Rotchell, and the Lawyers of Burdeaux, then all the rest of my Country-men I met in France. Of the wracke of the [226] rich prize, some three thousand six hundred to. 738.] crownes worth of goods came ashore and was saued, with the Caruill, which I did my best to arrest: the Iudge promised I should haue Iustice, what will be the con- 740 . How he arrested the J. SmithLIB. 6. [3-16 June 1616. [1615-6] clusion as yet [June 1616] I know not. But vnder the couler to take Pirats and the West-Indie men (because the Spaniards will not suffer the French to trade in the West-Indies) any goods from thence, though they take them vpon the Coast of Spaine, are lawfull prize, or from any of his Territories out of the limits of Europe: and as they betraied me, though I had the broad-seale, so did they rob and pillage twentie saile of English men more, besides them I knew not of, the same yeere. My returne [p. 227.] Leauing thus my businesse in France I returned [Dec. for England. 1615] to Plimoth, to finde them [that] had thus buried me amongst the French; and not onely buried me, but with much infamy as such treacherous cowards could suggest to excuse their villanies. [p. 745.] so The Chiefetaines of this mutiny that I could finde, I laid by the heeles; the rest, like themselues, confessed the truth, as you haue heard. Now how I haue or could preuent these accidents, hauing no more meanes, I rest at your censures; but to proceed to the matter; yet must I sigh and say, How oft hath Fortune in the world (thinke I) brought slauery, freedome, and turned all diuersly. The successe of my Vice- Admirall. N Ewfoundland I haue heard, at the first, was held. as desperate a fishing as this I proiect for New England. Placentia, and the Banke, neare also as doubtfull to the French. But for all the disasters hapned [to] me, the businesse is the same it was, and the fiue ships [that] went from London, whereof one was reported more then three hundred tunnes, found fish so much, that neither Izeland man, nor Newfoundland man, [that] I could heare of hath bin there, will go any more to either place, if they may go thither. So that vpon the good returne of my Vice-Admirall; this yeere [1616] are gone 4 or 5 saile from Plimoth, and from London as many, only to make voyages of profit: whereas if all the English had bin there till my returne, put all their returnes together, they would scarce make one a sauour of neere a dozen I could nominate, except one A J. Smith. LIB. 6. French men, and his successe. 741 • 3-16 June 1616.. sent by Sir Francis Popham; though there be fish sufficient, as I am perswaded, to fraught yeerely foure or fiue hundred Saile, or as many as will goe. For this fishing stretcheth along the Sea Coast from Cape Iames to Newfoundland, which is seuen or eight hundred miles at the least; and hath his course in the deepes, and by the shore, all the yere long: keeping their ha[u]nts and feedings, as the beasts of the field, and the birds of the aire. But all men are not such as they should be, that haue vndertaken those voyages: All the Romans were not Scipiocs; nor Carthagenians, Hanibals; nor all the Genweses, Colum- busses; nor all the Spaniards, Courteses: had they diued no deeper in the secrets of their discoueries then we, or stopped at such doubts and poore accidentall chances, they had neuer beene remembered as they are, yet had they no such certainties to begin as we. : [1616] (þ. 228.] 934.] But to conclude, Adam and Euc did first begin this . 228, innocent worke to plant the earth to remaine to posterity, but not without labour, trouble, and industry. Noe and his family began againe the second Plantation; and their seed as it still increased, hath still planted new Countries, and one Countrey another, and so the world to that estate it is but not without much hazard, trauell, mortalities, discontents, and many disasters. Had those worthy Fathers, and their memorable off-spring, not beene more diligent for vs now in these ages, then we are to plant that yet is vnplanted for the after liuers. Had the seed of Abraham, our Sauiour Christ, and his Apostles, exposed themselues to no more dangers to teach the Gospell then we, euen wee our selues had at this present beene as saluage, and as miserable as the most barbarous Saluage, yet vnciuilized. The Hebrewcs and Lacedemonians, the Gothes, the Grecians, the Romanes, and the rest, what was it they would not vndertake to inlarge their Teritories, enrich their subiects, resist their enemies. Those that were the founders of those great Monarchies and their vertues, were no siluered idle golden Pharisfiles, but industrious. Iron steeled Publicans: They regarded more prouisions. 742 1616. [Honour is our life's ambition.] LIB. 6. [3-16 June J. Smith. [1616] [p. 229.] [/p. 229,936.] and necessaries [227] for their people, then Iewels, riches, ease, or delight for themselues; Riches were their Seruants, not their Masters. They ruled (as Fathers, not as Tirants) their people as Children, not as Slaues; there was no disaster could discourage them; and let none thinke they incountred not with all manner of incum- brances. And what hath euer beene the worke of the greatest Princes of the Earth, but planting of Coun- tries, and ciuilizing barbarous and inhumane Nations to ciuilitie and humanitie, whose eternall actions fills our Histories. Lastly, the Portugals and Spaniards, whose euer-liuing actions before our eies will testifie with them our idlenesse, and ingratitude to all posterities, and the neglect of our duties in our pietie and religion. We owe our God, our King and Countrey, and want of Charitie to those poore Saluages, whose Countrey wee challenge, vse and possesse; except wee be but made to vse, and marre what our fore-fathers made, or but onely tell what they did, or esteeme our selues too good to take the like paines. Was it vertue in them to prouide that doth maintaine vs, and basenesse in vs to doe the like for others? Surely no. Then seeing we are not borne for our selues, but each to help other, and our abilities are much alike at the houre of our birth, and the minute of our death: seeing our good deeds or our bad by faith in Christs merits, is all we haue, to carie our soules to heauen or hell. Seeing honor is our liues ambition, and our ambition after death to haue an honorable memory of our life: and seeing by no meanes we would be abated of the dignities and glories of our predecessors, let vs imitate their ver- tues to be worthily their successors: to conclude with Lucretius, Its want of reason, or its reasons want Which doubts the minde and iudgement, so doth dant, That those beginnings makes men not to grant. Iohn Smith writ this with his owne hand. 743 Here followeth a briefe Discourse of the trials of New England, with cer- taine Obseruations of the Hollanders vse and gaine by fishing, and the present estate of that happy Plantation, begun but by sixtie weake men, in the yeere of our Lord 1 620. and how to build a flcet of good ships to make a little Nauy Royall, by the former Author. [p. 749-69.] [b. 773-5.1 • his report. [PA. 238,254.] E saith, that it is more then foure and [1620-2] forty yeeres agoe [i.e., by 1577], and it Master Dee is more then fortie yeeres agoe [1577] since he writ it; that the Herring Busses out of the Low Countries vnder the King of Spaine, were fiue hundred, besides one hundred French men, and three or foure hundred saile of Flemings. The Coast of Wales and Lancashire was vsed by 300 Saile of Strangers. Ireland at Beltamore, fraughted yeerely three hundred saile of Spaniards, where King Edward the sixt intended to haue made a strong Castle, because of the straight, to haue tribute for fishing. Black Rocke was yerely fished by three or foure hundred saile of Spaniards, Portugals, and Biskiners. The Hollanders raise yeerely by Herring, Cod, and Ling, The benefit thirty [or rather three hundred] thousand pounds. of fishing, as Master Gentleman and others English and French, by Salt-fish, Poore-Iohn, Salmons, and Pilchards, three hundred [or rather thirty] thousand report. pounds. .. 744 1620. The benefit of fishing, according Dec. LIB. 6. J. Smith- [1620] The Records of Holland and other learned obseruers. [p. 239.] [A. 255.] Hambrough and the Sound, for Sturgion, Lobsters and Eeles, one hundred thousand pounds. Cape Blanke for Tunny and Mullit, by the Biskiners and Spaniards, thirty thousand pounds. That the Duke of Medina receiueth ycerely tribute of the Fishers, for Tunny, Mullit, and Porgos, more then ten thousand pounds. Lubecke hath seuen hundred [228] ships; Hambrough six hundred; Emden [but] lately a Fisher towne, one thousand foure hundred: whose customes by fishing hath made them so powerfull as they be. Holland and Zeland not much greater then Yorkeshire, hath thirty walled Townes, foure hundred Villages, and twenty thousand saile of Ships and Hoies; three thousand six hundred [ships] are Fisher-men, whereof one hundred are Doggers, seuen hundred Pinkes and Well-Boats, seuen. hundred Fraud-boats, Britters, and Tode-boats, with thirteene hundred Busses; besides three hundred that yeerely fish about Yarmouth, where they sell their fish for Gold: and fifteene yeeres agoe [1605] they had more then an hundred and sixteene thousand Sea-faring men. These fishing ships doe take yeerely two hundred thou- sand last of fish, twelue barrels to a last, which amounts to 300000[0]. pounds by the fisher mens price, that 14. yeeres agoe [1606] did pay for their tenths three hundred thousand pound; which venting in Pumerland, Sprustia, Denmarke, Lefeland, Russia, Swethland, Germany, Netherlands, England, or else where, &c. makes their returnes in a yeere about threescore and ten hundred thousand pounds, which is seuen millions; and yet in Holland there is neither matter to build ships nor merchandize to set them forth, yet by their industry they as much increase as other nations decay. But leauing these vncertainties as they are, of this I am. certaine. That the coast of England, Scotland and Ireland, the North Sea with Island and the Sound, Newfound-land and Cape Blanke, doe serue all Europe, as well the land townes as ports, and all the Christian shipping, with these sorts of staple fish, which is transported from whence it is taken Dec. J. Smith745 . ] LIB. 6. to ancient Authors. .1620many a thousand mile, viz. Herring, salt Fish, Poore-Iohn, [1614-7] Sturgion, Mullit, Tunny, Porgos, Cauiare, Buttargo. Now seeing all these sorts of fish, or the most part of them may be had in a land more fertill, temperate, and plentifull of all necessaries for the building of ships, boats and houses, and the nourishment of man; the seasons are so proper, and the fishings so neere the habitations we may there make, that New-England hath much aduantage of the most of those parts, to serue all Europe farre cheaper then they can, who at home haue neither wood, salt, nor food, but at great rates; at Sea nothing but what they carry in their ships, an hundred or two hundred leagues from the habitation. But New-Englands fishings is neere land, where is helpe of Wood, Water, Fruits, Fowles, Corne or other refreshings needfull, and the I. 240.1 Terceras, Mederas, Canaries, Spaine, Portugall, Prouaues, Sauoy, Sicillia, and all Italy, as conuenient markets for our dry fish, greene fish, Sturgion, Mullit, Cauiare and But- targo, as Norway, Swethland, Littuania or Germany for their Herring, which is heare also in abundance for taking; they returning but Wood, Pitch, Tar, Sope-ashes, Cordage, [p. 256.] Flax, Wax, and such like commodities: wee Wines, Oiles, Sugars, Silkes, and such merchandize as the Straits [i.e., of Gibraltar] offoord [afford]; whereby our profit may equalize theirs, besides the increase of shipping and Marriners and for proofe hereof. : In the yeere of our Lord 1614. you haue read how 1614. I went from London: also the next yeere 1615. how foure 1615. good ships went from London, and I with two more from Plimoth, with all our accidents, successes and returnes : in the yeere 1616. ere I returned [Dec. 1615] from France, the [pp.241, 257-] Londoners for all their losse by the Turkes, sent foure 1616. ships more; foure more also went from Plimoth. After I returned from France, I was perswaded againe to goe to Plimouth, with diuers of my friends with one hun- [. 740.] dred pound for our aduentures besides our charges; but wee found all things as vntoward as before, and all their great promises nothing but aire: yet to prepare the voyage against the next yeere, hauing acquainted a great part of the 1617. 746 . New-Englands trialls. J. SmithLIB. 6. [Dec 626. My sulite to the Country. 941.3 [1617-8] Nobility with it, and ashamed to see the Prince his High- nesse till I had done some what worthy his Princely view; I spent that Summer [1616] in visiting the Cities and Townes of Bristoll, Exeter, Bastable, Bodnam, Perin, Foy, Milborow, Saltash, Dartmouth, Absom, Tattnesse, and the most of the 267, 748, Gentry in Cornewall and Deuonshire, giuing them Bookes and Maps, shewing how in six moneths the most of [229] those ships had made their voyages, and some in lesse, and with what good successe; by which incitation they seemed so well contented, as they promised twenty saile of ships should goe with mee next yeere [1617], and in regard of my paines, charge, and former losses, the westerne Com- missioners in behalfe of themselues and the rest of the Company, and them hereafter that should be ioyned to them, contracted with me by articles indented vnder our hands, to be Admirall of that Country during my life, and in the renewing of their Letters-Patents so to be nomi- nated. Halfe the fruits of our endeuours to be theirs, the rest our owne; being thus ingaged, now the businesse is made plaine and likely to prosper, some of them would not onely forget me and their promises, but also obscure me, as if I had neuer beene acquainted in the businesse: but I am not the first they haue deceiued. 1618. There was foure good ships prepared at Plimoth, but by ¿þþ.241,257.) reason of their disagreement, the season so wasted, as onely two went forward: the one being of two hundred tunnes, returned well fraught to Plimoth, and her men in health, within fiue moneths; the other of fourescore tunnes, went for Bilbow with drie fish and made a good returne. [P. 217, 223, In this voyage Edward Rowcroft, alias Stallings, a valiant 732, 736. Souldier, that had beene with me in Virginia, and was with me also when I was betrayed by the French, was sent againe in those ships, and hauing some wrong offered him there by a French man, he tooke him [i.e., his ship], and as he writ to me, went with him to Virginia with fish, to trade with them for such commodities as they might spare. He had not past ten or twelue men, and knew both those countries well, yet he promised me the next spring to meet me in New-England; but the ship and he both perished in Virginia. Dec. J. Smith747 New-Englands trialls. LIB. 6. . . 1620258.] This yeere againe, diuers ships intending to goe from [1619-20] Plimoth, so disagreed, there went but one of two hundred 1619. tunnes, who stayed in the Country about six weeks, which [242, with eight and thirty men and boies had her fraught, which she sold at the first penny for 2100. [pounds] besides the Furres: so that euery poore Sailer that had but a single share had his charges and sixteene pound ten shillings for his seuen moneths worke. [/. 941.] 732.j 542, 770.] Master Thomas Dirmire an vnderstanding and industrious Gentleman, that was also with me amongst the French 11. 217, men, hauing liued about a yeere in Newfoundland, returning to Plimoth, went for New-England in this ship, so much approued of this Country, that he staied there with fiue or six men in a little Boat; finding two or three French men amongst the Saluages who had lost their ship, [he] aug- mented his company, with whom he ranged the Coast to 259, Virginia: where he was kindly welcommed and well re- freshed [Nov. 1619], thence returned to New-England againe; where hauing beene a yeere, in his backe returne to Virginia [1621] he was so wounded by the Saluages, he died vpon it. Let not men attribute these their great aduentures, and vntimely deaths to vnfortunatenesse, but rather wonder how God did so long preserue them with so small meanes to doe so much; leauing the fruits of their labours to be an incouragement to those our poore vndertakings, and as warnings for vs not to vndertake such great workes with such small meanes: and this for aduantage as they writ vnto me, that God had laid this Country open for vs, and slaine the most part of the inhabitants by ciuill warres and a mortall disease, for where I had seene one hundred or two hundred Saluages, there is scarce ten to be found, and t½½. 719, yet not any one of them [Dermer's crew] touched with any sicknesse hut one poore French man that died. They say this plague vpon them thus sore fell, It was because they pleas'd not Tantum well. 754, 933 1 Lpp. 732, 754, 757-] From the West Country to make triall this yeere onely 1620. to fish, is gone six or seuen saile, three of which I am certainly informed made so good a voyage, that euery Sailer that had a single share had twenty pound for his { 748 . New-Englands trialls. July LIB. 6. [ J. Smith. Dec. 1620. 1624[1620-1] seuen moneths work, which is more then in twenty moneths he should haue gotten, had he gone [230] for wages any where. Now although these former ships haue not made such good voiages as they expected, by sending opinionated vnskilfull men, that had not experienced diligence to saue that they tooke, nor take that there was, which now patience and practice hath brought to a reasonable kinde of perfection; in despight of all detractors and calumnia- 【pp. 242,259.] tions, the Country yet hath satisfied all, the defect hath beene in their vsing or abusing it, not in it selfe nor me: But, My su[i]te to the Citie. [PP. 242, 266, 941.] [p. 746.] Adue desert, for fortune makes prouision For Knaues and Fooles, and men of base condition. N Ow all these proofes and this relation I now called New-Englands triall. I caused two or three thousand of them to be printed: one thou- sand with a great many Maps both of Virginia and New-England, I presented to thirty of the chiefe Com- panies in London at their Halls, desiring either generally or particularly (them that would) to imbrace it, and by the vse of a stocke of fiue thousand pound, to ease them of the superfluity of the most of their companies that had but strength and health to labour. Neere a yeere [1621] I spent to vnderstand their resolu- tions, which was to me a greater toile and torment, then to haue beene in New-England about my businesse but with bread and water, and what I could get there by my labour; but in conclusion, seeing nothing would be effected, I was contented as well with this losse of time and charge, as all the rest. que 749 A Plantation in New-England. ་་་་ 1620. [1620] Pon these inducements some few well disposed Gentlemen, and Merchants of p. 259-1 London and other places, prouided two ships, the one of a hundred and three- score tunnes, the other of threescore and ten. They left the Coast of England the two and thirtieth [twentieth] of August [1620], with about a hundred and twenty persons; but the next day the lesser ship sprung a leake, that forced their returne to Plimoth: where discharging her and t. 260.] twenty passengers; with the greater ship and one hundred passengers besides Sailers, they set saile againe the sixt of September [1620], and the ninth of Nouember fell with Cape Iames. But being pestred nine weekes in this leaking vnwhol some ship, lying wet in their Cabins, most of them grew very weake and weary of the Sea; then for want of experience, ranging two [wecks], and againe six weekes, before they found a place they liked to dwell on; forced to lie on the bare ground without couerture: forty of them died, and threescore were left in very weake estate, at the ships comming away, about the fifth of Aprill following, and [she] arriued in England the sixth of May [1621]. Though the Harbour [at Cape Cod, pp. 205, 719] be good, the shore is so shallow, they were forced to wade a great way vp to the knees in water, and vsed that that did them much hurt; and little fish they found but Whailes, and a great kinde of Mustell so fat, that few did eat of them that were not sicke: these miseries ocasioned some discord, and gaue some appearance of faction; but all was so reconciled, that they vnited themselues by common consent vnder their hands, to a kinde of combination of a body politike, 750 ΙΙ A Plantation in New-England. E. Winslow. 11 Dec. 1621. LIB. 6. ? [1620] Their first iourny by land. Their first iourny by Shallop. and by vertue whereof to inact and constitute lawes ordinances, and Officers from time to time, as should bee thought most conuenient for their generall good. Sixteene or seuenteene daies they could doe little for want of their Shallop which was a mending; yet Captaine Miles Standish, vnto whom was ioyned in Councell, William Bradfor[d], Stephen Hopkins and Edward Tilly, went well armed ashore; and by that time they had gone a mile, [they] met fiue or six Indians that fled into the Woods. We traced them by the footing eight or ten miles, then the night approaching we made a fire, by which we lay that night; and the next morning followed the Saluages by their tract, thinking to finde their habitations, but by [231] the way we found a Deere amongst many faire springs of water, where we refreshed our selues. Then we went a shore and made a fire, that they at the ship might perceiue where we were, and so marched to a place where we supposed was a Riuer; by the way we saw many Vines, Saxefras, haunts of Deere and Fowle, and some fifty Acres of plaine ground [that] had beene planted by the Indians, where were some of their graues: from thence we followed a path that brought vs through three or foure fields that had bin planted that yeere; in one graue we digged, we found a basket or two of Indian Corne, so much as we could carry we tooke with vs, the rest we buried as we found it, and so proceeded to the place we intended, but we found it not such a Harbour as we expected. And so we returned, till the night caused vs [to] take vp our lodging vnder a tree; where it rained six or seuen houres. The next morning, as we wandred, we passed by a tree, where a young sprig was bowed downe ouer a bough, and some Acornes strewed vnder it, which was one of their Gins to catch a Deere; and as we were looking at it, Bradford was suddenly caught by the leg in a noosed Rope, made as artificially as ours. As we passed we see a lease of Bucks, sprung some Partriges, and great flocks of wilde Geese and Ducks; and so we returned well wearied to our ship. Master Iones our Master with foure and thirty men, also went vp and downe in the frost and snow, two or three daies, in the extremity of the cold; but could finde no Ed by J. Smith. Lib. 6. July 1624. 751 A plantation in New-England. harbour only among the old graues we got some ten bushels of Corne, some Beanes, and a bottle of Oile; and had we not thus haply found it, we had had no Corne for seede, so that place we euer called Corne-hill. [1620] The next day, Master Iones with the Corne and our weakest men returned to the Ship: but eighteene of vs quartered there that night, and in the morning following the paths, wee found in the Snow in a field a greater hill or graue then the rest, digging it wee found first a Mat, vnder that a boord three quarters long, painted and carued with three Tyns at the top like a Cronet, betweene the Mats also were Bowles, Traies and Dishes and such trash, at length we found a faire new Mat, and vnder that two bundles, the one biggar the other lesse; in the greater wee found a great quantity of fine red powder like a kinde of imbalme- ment, and yeelded a strong but no offensiue smell, with the bones and skull of a man that had fine yellow haire still on it, and some of the flesh vnconsumed, a Knife, a Pack-needle, and two or three old Iron things was bound vp in a Sailers canuase Cassocke, also a paire of cloth Breeches; in the lesse bundle we found likewise of the same powder, and the bones and head of a little childe; about the legs and other parts of it was bound strings and braslets of white beades, there was also a little Bow, and some other odde knacks, the prettiest we tooke, and couered againe the corps as they were. Not farre from thence were two of their houses, where were a great deale of their miserable houshold stuffe; which we left as wee found, and so returned to our Boat, and lay aboord that night. Many arguments we had to make here our Plantation or Accidents not. In the Int[e]rim, Mistris White was brought to bed of a young sonne, which was called Perigrine: and a Sailer shooting at a Whale, his peece flew in peeces stocke and all, yet he had no hurt. A foolish boy discharging his fathers peece hard by halfe a barrell of Powder, and many people by it; it pleased God it escaped firing, so that no hurt was done. But to make a more certaine discouery where to seat our selues, Captaine Standish, Master Caruer, William Branford [Bradford], Edward Winslo[w]e, Iohn Tilly, Edward Tilly, with diuers others to the number of seuenteene, vpon 752 The description of New-England. LIB. 6. [. ? [1620] E. Winslow1 Dec. 1621- the sixt of December [1620] set saile; and hauing sailed six Their second or seuen leagues, we espied eight or ten Saluages about a dead Grampus: still following the shore we found two or finde a place three more cast vp by the ill weather. Many we see in the water, therefore we called it Grampus Bay. Ships may ride well in it, but all the shore is very shallow flats of sand. journey by water to to plant in. Their first fight with the Saluages. [^. 754.] The descrip- tion of their place to plant in. Another Boy borne in Nero- England. At last seuen or eight of vs went a shore, many fields we saw where the Saluages had inhabited, and a buriall place incompassed with a Palizado, so we returned to our Shallop [232] in the night we heard a hideous cry and howling of Wolues and Foxes. In the morning as we were ready to goe into our Shal- lop, one of our men being in the woods, came running. crying, Indians, Indians; and with all their Arrowes flying amongst vs, some of our men being in the boat, and their Armes a shore: so well it chanced, Captaine Standish with two or three more discharged their peeces till the rest were ready. One Saluage more stout then the rest, kept vnder a tree, till he had shot three or foure Arrowes, and endured three or foure Musket shot; but at last they all fled. This was about breake of day in the morning, when they saw vs, and we not them. Hauing the wind faire, we sailed along the coast 8. or 10. leagues, thinking to haue got to a Harbour where one of our company had beene, within 8. leagues of Cape Cod, for neither cricke nor Harbour in this bay we could finde ; and the wind so increased, our Rudder broke, and our Mast flew ouer-boord, that we were in danger to be cast away: but at last it pleased God we were in a harbor we knew not, thinking it [the] one we were acquainted with; this we found to be an Ile where we rid that night. And hauing well viewed the land about it, and sounded the Bay to be a good Harbour for our ship, compassed with good land, and in it two faire Iles; where there is in their seasons innumerable store of all sorts of fish and fowle, good water, much plaine land, which hath beene planted: with this newes we returned to our ship; and with the next faire wind brought her thither, being but within the sight of Cape Cod. In the meane time Goodwife Alderton was deliuered of a sonne, but dead borne. Vpon the 28. of December [1620], so many as could Ed. by 753 July .. LIB. 6. The description of New-England. J. Smith. 1624Plantation. went to worke vpon the hill, where we purposed to build [1620-1] our Platforme [battery or fort] for our ordnance: which Their first doth command all the Plaine and the Bay, and from whence wee may see far into the Sea; and be easily impailed. So in the afternoone we went to measure out the grounds, and diuided our company into 19. families, alotting to euery person a poule in bredth and three in length: and so we cast lots where euery man should lie, which we staked out; thinking this proportion enough at the first to impale for lodgings and gardens. Lakes. Francis Billington from the top of a tree seeing a great Two faire water some three miles from vs in the land, went with the Masters Mate, and found it two great Lakes of fresh water: the bigger fiue or six miles in circuit, and an Ile in it of a Cables length square; the other three miles in compasse, full of fish and fowle, and two brooks issuing from it; which will be an excellent helpe in time for vs. Where they saw seuen or eight Indian houses, but no people. men lost in the woods. Foure being sent a mile or two from our plantation, two of Two them stragling into the woods was lost, for comming to a themselues Lake of water they found a great Deere, hauing a mastiue Bitch and a Spanell with them, they followed so farre they could not finde the way backe. That afternoone it rained, and did freeze and snow at night: their apparell was very thin, and had no weapons but two sickles, nor any victuals; nor could they finde any of the Saluages habitations. When the night came they were much perplexed that they had no other bed then the earth, nor couerture then the skies; but that they heard, as they thought, two Lions roaring a long time together very nigh them, so not knowing what to doe, they resolued to climbe vp into a tree, though that would be an intollerable cold lodging; expecting their coming they stood at the trees root, and the bitch they held fast by the necke, for shee would haue beene gone to the Lions or what they were, that as it chanced came not nigh them. So they watched the tree that extreme cold night, and in the morning trauelling againe, passing by many lakes, brooks and woods, and in one place where the Saluages had burnt 4. or 5. miles in length, which is a fine champion Country; in the afternoone they discouered the two Iles in their Bay, and so that night, neere famished, ENG. SCH. LIB. No. 16. 48 754 . Their conference and 11 LIB. 6. , ? ['. [1621] Their first conference with a Saluage. (pp. 719, E. WinslowDec. 1621they got to their Plantation: from whence they had sent our men euery way to seeke them. That night the house they [the Pilgrim Fathers] had built and thatched, where lay their armes, bedding, powder, &c. tooke fire and was burnt. The Coast is so shoule, [that] the ship rides more then a mile from the Fort: but God be thanked no man was hurt, though much was burnt. [233] All this time we could not haue conference with a Saluage, though we had many times seene them and had many alarums: so that we drew a Councell, and appointed Captaine Standish to haue the command of all martiall actions; but euen in the time of consultation, the Saluages gaue an alarum. The next day also, as wee were agreeing vpon his [Standish's] orders, came a tall Saluage boldly amongst vs, not fearing any thing, and kindly bad vs welcome in English. He was a Sagamo, towards the North, where the ships vse to fish, and did know the names of most of the Masters that vsed thither: such victual as we had we gaue him, being the first Saluage we yet could speake with. He told vs this place where we were was called Patuxet, 747, 933-1 and that all the people three or foure yeeres agoe [1617-18] there died on the plague. In a day or two we could not be rid of him; then he returned to the Massasoyts from whence he came, where is some sixty people: but the Nawsits are 100. strong, which were they [who] encountred our people at the first. [p. 752.] The second conference. (pp. 732, 747, 757.] Two daies after, this Samoset, for so was his name, came againe, and brought fiue or six of the Massasoyts with him, with certaine skinnes, and certaine tooles they had got that we had left in the woods at their alarums: much friendship they promised, and so departed; but Samoset would not leaue vs, but fained himselfe sicke, yet at last he went to entreat the Saluages [to] come againe to confirme a peace. Now the third time, as we were consulting of our Marshall orders, two Saluages appeared; but when we went to them they vanished: not long after came Samoset, and Squanto, a natiue of Patuxet where we dwell, and one of them carried into Spaine by Hunt [pp. 219, 698], thence brought into England, where a good time he liued: and now Ed. by J. Smith. LIB. 6. conditions with the Saluages. 755 July 1624. with here signified vnto vs, their great Sachem of Massasoyt, Quadaquina his brother, and all their men, was there by to see vs. Not willing to send our Gouernour, we sent Edward Wollisio [Winslow] with presents to them both, to know their minds; making him to vnderstand by his Interpreters how King Iames did salute him and was his friend. After a little conference, with twenty of his men he came ouer the brooke to our Plantation, where we set him vpon a rug; and then [we] brought our Gouernour to him with Drums and Trumpets: where after some cir- cumstances, for they vse few complements, we treated of peace with them to this effect. That neither he nor any of his should iniury or doe hurt to any of vs; if they did, he should send vs the offender, that we might punish him: and wee would doe the like to him. If any did vniustly warre against him, we would aid him, as he should vs against our enemies; and to send to his neighbour confederats to certifie them of this, that they might likewise be comprised in these conditions. That when any of them came to vs, they should leaue their Bow and Arrowes behinde them; as we would our peeces, when we came to them. All which the King seemed to like well of, and was applauded of his followers. In his person hee is a very lusty man, in his best yeeres, an able body, graue of countenance, and spare of speech: in his attire little differing from the rest. After all was done, the Gouernour conducted him to the brooke, but kept our hostage till our messengers returned; in like manner we vsed Quaddaquina: so all departed good friends. Two of his people would haue staied with vs, but wee would not permit them, onely Samoset and Squanto wee entertained kindly; as yet [11 Dec. 1621] wee haue found they intend to keepe promise, for they haue not hurt our men they haue found stragling in the Woods, and are afraid of their powerfull Aduersaries the Narrohiggansets, against whom hee hopes to make vse of our helpe. The next day, Squanto went a fishing for Eeles, and in an houre he did tread as many out of the O[o]se with his [1621] Their conditions of peace. 756 1621. [Their voyage to Pakanoki(ck).] LIB. 6. [?11 E . E. WinslowDec. [1621] feet as he could lift with his hand, not hauing any other instrument. A Sour- ney to But that we might know their habitations so well as Palanoki. they ours, Stephen Hopkins and Edward Winslo[w] had Squantum for their guide and Interpreter, [and were sent] to Packanoki, the habitation of the King of Massasoyt, with a red horsemans coat for a present, to entreat him by reason we had not victuall to entertaine them [234]as we would, he would defend his people so much from visiting vs; and if hee did send, he should alwaies send with the Messenger a copper Chaine theygaue him, that they might know he came from him, and also giue them some of his Corne for seede. A great courage of two old Saluages. How the King vsed them. That night they lodged at Namascet, some fifteene miles off by the way we found ten or twelue women and children that still would pester vs till we were weary of them; perceiuing it is the manner of them, where victuall is to bee gotten with most ease, there they will liue: but on that Riuer of Namaschet haue beene many habitations of the Saluages that are dead, and the land lies waste; and the Riuer abounding with great plenty of fish, and hath beene much frequented by the French. The next day, trauelling with six or seuen Indians, where we were to wade ouer the Riuer, did dwell onely two old men of that Nation then liuing: that thinking vs enemies, sought the best aduantage they could to fight with vs, with a wonderfull shew of courage; but when they knew vs their friends, they kindly welcommed vs. After, we came to a towne of the Massasoits; but at Pakanoki the King was not: towards night he arriued and was very proud, both of our message and presents, making a great oration to all his people. Was not he Massasoit, Commander of the country about him, was not such a towne his, and the people of it, and 20. townes more he named was his? and should they not bring their skins to vs? To which they answered, they were his and they would. Victual they had none, nor any lodging but a poore planke or two, a foot high from the ground, whereon his wife and he lay at the one end, we at the other, but a thin Mat vpon them; two more of his chiefe men pressed by : 757 Their voyage to Nawsit. : : : Ed. by J. Smith. Lib. 6. July 1624 and vpon vs, so that we were worse weary of our lodging then of our iourney. Although there is such plenty of fish and fowle and wild beasts, yet are they so lasie they will not take paines to catch it till meere hunger constraine them; for in two or three daies we had scarce a meales meat, whereby we were so faint, we were glad to be at home: besides what for the fleas, and their howling and singing in the night in their houses, and the Musketas without doores, our heads were as light for want of sleepe, as our bellies empty for want of meat. [1621] Nawsit. The next voiage we made was in a Shallop with ten men to A voyage to Nawsit, sixteene miles from vs, to fetch a Boy [that] was lost in the Woods we heard was there, whom Aspinet their King had bedecked like a saluage: but very kindly he brought him to vs, and so returned well to Patuyet [i.c., Patuxet]. ে Mmediatly after the arriuall of the last ship, they 1621. sent another of fiue and fifty tuns to supply . 260.1 them; with seuen and thirty persons they set saile in the beginning of Iuly [1621], but being crossed by westernly winds, it was the end of August ere they could passe Plimoth, and arriued in New-England at New-Plimoth, now so called, the 11. of Nouember: where they found all the people they left so ill, lusty and well, for all their pouerties, except six that died. A moneththey stayed ere they returned to England, loaded with Clap-boord, Wainscot and Wallnut, with about three hogs-heads of Beuer skinnes, the 13. of December and drawing neere our coast was set on by a French man set out by the Marquesse of Cera, Gouernour of Ile D[i]eu; where they kept the ship, imprisoned the Master and company, tooke from them to the value of 500 pound: and after 14. daies sent them home with a poore supply of victuall, their owne being deuoured by the Marquesse and his hungry seruants. N Ow you are to vnderstand this 37. brought nothing, but relied wholly on vs; to make vs more miserable then before: which the Sachem Couanacus no sooner vnderstood, but [he] sent to Tusquantum our Interpreter, a bundle of new arrowes • [A½. 73²; 747, 754-] ? 758 II The treachery of Coubatant 1621. LIB. 6. [r? . [1621] E. Winslow11 Dec. in a Snakes skinne. Tusquantum being absent, the Messenger departed: but when we vnderstood it was a direct challenge, we returned the skin full of powder and shot, with an absolute defiance; which caused vs [to] finish our fortifi- cation with all expedition. Now betwixt our two Saluages, Tusquantum and Hobbamock, grew such great emulation, we had much adoe to know which best to trust. In a iourney we vndertooke, in our way we met a Saluage of Tusquantums, that had cut his face [235] fresh bleeding, to assure vs Massasoyt our supposed friend, had drawne his forces to Packanokick to assault vs. Hobo- mak as confidently assured vs it was false, and sent his wife as an espy to see; but when she perceiued all was well, shee told the King Massasoyt how Tusquantum had abused him. Diuers Saluages also hee had caused to be- leeue we would destroy them, but he would doe his best to appease vs; this he did onely to make his Country- men beleeue what great power hee had with vs to get bribes on both sides, to make peace or warre when he would and the more to possesse them with feare, he per- swaded many, we had buried the plague in our store house; which wee could send when we listed whither wee would. But at last all his knauery being discouered, Massasowat sent his knife with Messengers for his head or him, being his subiect. With much adoe, we appeased the angry King and the rest of the Saluages, and freely forgaue Tusquantum; because he speaking our language, we could not well be without him. A iourney to the Towne of Namaschet, in defence of the King of Massasoyt, against the Narrohigganses; and the supposed death of Squantum. Great difference there was betwixt the Narro- higganses and the Massasoytes, that had alwaies a iealousie; [and] Coubatant one of their petty Sachems was too conuersant with the Narrolig- ganses. This Coubatant liued much at Namaschet, and much stormed at our peace with his King and others; also at Ed. by J. Smith. Lib 6. July 1624. 759 and honesty of Hobamak. Squantum, and Tokamahamon, and Hobomak our friends, and chiefe occasioners of our peace, for which he sought to mu[r]ther Hobomak. Yet Tokamahamon went to him, vpon a rumour he had taken Masasoyt prisoner, or forced him from his Country; but the other two would not, but in priuat to see if they could heare what was become of their King. Lodging at Namaschet they were discouered to Coubatant, who surprized the house and tooke Squantum; saying, if hee were dead the English had lost their tongue: Hobomak seeing that, and [that] Coubatant held a knife at his brest, being a strong lusty fellow, brake from them; and came to New-Plimoth, full of sorrow for Squantum, whom he thought was slaine. [1621] surprise the The next day, we sent ten men with him armed, to be They reuenged on Coubatant; who conducted vs neere Namaschet, Saluages. where we rested and refreshed our selues til midnight, and then we beset the house as we had resolued. Those that entred the house demanded for Coubatant, but the Saluages were halfe dead with feare: we charged them not to stirre, for we came to hurt none but Coubatant, for killing Squantum. Some of them seeking to escape was wounded; but at last perceiuing our ends, they told vs Coubatant was gone and all his men, and Squantum was yet liuing, and in the towne. In this hurly burly we dis- charged two peeces at randome, which much terrified all the inhabitants except Squantum and Tokamahamon; who though they knew not the end of our comming, yet as- sured themselues of our honesties, that we would not hurt them. The women and children hung about Hobomak, calling him friend; and when they saw we would hurt no women, the young youths cryed we are women. To be short, we kept them all; and whilest we were searching the house for Coubatant, Hobomak had got to the top, and called Squantum and Tokamahamon; which came vnto vs accompanied with others, some armed, others naked. Those that had bowes we tooke them from them, promising them againe when it was day. The house wee tooke for our quarter that night, and discharged the prisoners; and the next morning went to breakfast to Squantums house. Thither came all them that loued vs to welcome vs, but all Coubatants faction was fled. Then we made them plainly know the cause of our comming, and if their King 1 760 [New England trials in 1621 and 1622.] LIB. 6. [16 July ? 1622. [1621-2] Massasoyt were not well, we would be reuenged vpon the [p. 261.] 1622. [p. 262.] Notes and obserua- tions. Narrohiggansets, or any that should doe iniury to Hobomak, Squantum, or any of their friends. As for those [that] were wounded we were sorry for it, and offered our Surgion should heale them: of this offer a man and a woman accepted, that went [236] home with vs, accompanied with Squantum, and many other knowne friends, that offered vs all the kindnesse they could. Rom the West of England there is gone ten or twelue ships to fish, which were all well fraughted; those that came first at Bilbow, made seuenteene pound a single share, besides Beuers, Otters, and Martins skinnes: but some of the rest that came to the same ports, that were all ready furnished, so glutted the market, that the price was abated; yet all returned so well contented, that they are a preparing to goe againe. There is gone from the West Countrey onely to fish, fiue and thirtie ships: and about the last of Aprill [1622] two more from London; the one of one hundred tunnes, the other of thirtie, with some sixtie Passengers to supply the Plantation [i.e., Weston's men, see pp. 762, 764,892,942,946]. Now though the Turke and French hath beene somewhat too busie in taking our ships, would all the Christian Princes be truly at vnitie, as his Royall Maiestie our Soueraigne King Iames desireth, seuentie Saile of good ships were sufficient to fire the most of his Coasts in the Leuant, and make such a guard in the Straights of Hellespont, as would make the great Turke himselfe more affraid in Constantinople, then the smallest Red-Crosse that crosses the Seas would be, either of any French Pickaroun, or the Pirats of Algere. An abstract of diuers Relations sent from the Colony in New England, Iuly 16. 1622. Ince the massacre in Virginia [on 22 Mar. 1622], though the Indians continue their wonted friend- ship, yet wee are more wary of them then before; for their hands hath beene imbrued in much English bloud, onely by too much confidence, but not by force: and we haue had small supplies of any thing but men. Ed. by J. Smith. LIB. 6. [A digression by Captain Smith.] July 1624. 761 H Ere I must intreat a little your fauours to digresse, [[1622] they did not kill the English in Virginia, because they were Christians: but for their weapons and Copper, which were rare nouelties; but now they feare we may beat them out of their dens, which Lions and Tigers will not admit [of] but by force. But must this be an argument for an English man, and discourage any in Virginia or New England: No, for I haue tried them both, as you may reade at large in the Historie of Virginia ; notwithstanding since I came from thence, the Honourable [263] Company hath beene humble suiters to his Maiestie, to get vagabonds and condemned men to goe thither; nay, so the businesse hath beene so abused, that so much scorned was the name of Virginia, some did chuse to be hanged ere they would goe thither, and were. Yet for all the worst of spight, detraction, and discouragement, and this lamentable massacre, there is more honest men now [1622] suiters to goe, then euer hath beene constrained knaues. And it is not vnknowne to most men of vnderstanding, now happy many of those Collumners hath thought themselues that they might be admitted; and yet pay for their passage to goe now to Virginia, and I feare mee there goeth too many of those that hath shifted heere till they could no longer; and they will vse that qualitie there till they hazard all. 698, 719.] To range this Countrey of New England in like manner, t. 264.] I had but eight, as is said, and amongst their bruit con- ditions, I met many of their silly encounters, and I giue . 188, God thankes, without any hurt at all to me, or any with mee. When your West-Countrey men were so wounded and tormented with the Saluages [p. 701]: though they had all the Politicke directions that had beene gathered from all the secret informations [that] could be heard of; yet they found little, and returned with nothing. I speak not this out of vaine- glory, as it may be some gleaners, or some who were neuer there may censure me; but to let all men be assured by those examples, what those Saluages are, that thus strangely doe murder and betray our Countrymen. But to the purpose. He Paragon with thirtie seuen men sent to releeue t. 264, them, miscarried twice vpon [237] our English 766, 941.] Coast, whereby they failed of their supplies. It is true, there hath beene taken one thousand 762 . How the Saluages contriue LIB. 6. [10 E. . [1622] They liued two yeeres without supply. Westons Plantation. [pp. 760, 942.] [p. 764.] WinslowSept. 1623: Bas[s]es at a draught; and in one night twelue Hogsheads of Herrings but when they wanted all necessaries both for fishing and sustinance but what they could get with their naked industry, they indured most extreme wants; hauing beene now neere two yeeres without any supply to any purpose, it is a wonder how they should subsist, much lesse so to resist the Saluages, fortifie themselues, plant sixtie acres of Corne, besides their Gardens that were well replenished with many vsuall fruits. B Ut in the beginning of Iuly [1622], came in two ships of Master Westons; though we much wanted our selues, yet we releeued them what we could: and to requite vs, they destroied our Corne and Fruits then planted, and did what they could to haue done the like to vs. At last they were transported to Wichaguscusset at the Massachusets, where they abused the Saluages worse then vs. Weston left We hauing neither Trade, nor scarce any thing remain- ing, God sent in one Master Iones, and a ship of Westons [that] had beene at Monahigan amongst the Fisher-men, that for Beuer skinnes and such Merchandize as wee had, very well refreshed vs, though at deere rates. also his men a small Barke, and much good prouision; and so set saile for England. Then wee ioyned with them to trade to the Southward of Cape Cod, twice or thrice wee were forced to returne; first by the death of their Gouernor; then the sicknesse of Captaine Standish. At last our Gouernor, Master Bradford, vndertooke it him- selfe to haue found the passage betwixt the Shoules and The death of the Maine. Then Tusquantum our Pilot died, so that we returned to the Massachusets, where we found the trade spoiled; and nothing but complaints betwixt the Saluages and the English. At Nawset we were kindly vsed and had good trade: though we lost our Barge, the Saluages care- fully kept both her wracke, and some ten Ho[g]sheads of Corne three moneths; and so we returned some by land, some in the ship. Tusquan- tum. Captaine Standish being recouered, went to fetch them both, and traded at Namasket and Monomete, where the Ed. by 763 July . LIB. 6. to murder all the English. J. Smith. 1624people had the plague, a place much frequented with Dutch and French. Here the Sachem put a man to death for killing his fellow at play; wherein they are so violent, they will play their coats from their backs, and also their wiues, though many miles from them. [1623] Tusquan- death tum at his desired the English to pray he might go dwell with mens God, the English for theirs was a good God. murder all the English. But our prouision decaying, Standish is sent to Matta- chist, where they pretended their wonted loue; yet it plainly appeared they intended to kill him. Escaping thence, wee went to Monomete, where we found nothing but bad counten- ances. Heare one Vittuwamat a notable villaine, would boast how many French and English hee had slaine. This Champion presenting a Dagger to the Sachem Canacum, he had got from the English, occasioned vs to vnderstand how they had contriued to murder all the English in the Land; They but hauing such a faire opportunitie, they would begin heere contriue to with vs. Their scornfull vsage made the Captaine so pas- sionate, to appease his anger and choler their intent made many faire excuses for satisfaction. Scar a lusty Saluage, alwaies seeming the most to effect vs, bestowed on vs the best presents he had without any recompence, saying; Hee was rich enough to bestow such fauours on his friends: yet had [he] vndertaken to kill the Captaine himselfe, but our vigilencies so preuented the aduantage they expected, we safely returned, little suspecting in him any such treachery. During this time, a Dutch ship was driuen a shore at Massasowat, whose King lay very sicke. Now because it is a generall custome then for all their friends to visit them: Master Winslow, and Master Hamden, with Habamok for their guide, were sent with such Cordialls as they had, to salute him. By the way they so oft heard the King was dead, Habamok would breake forth in those words. My louing Sachem, my louing Sachem, many haue I knowne, but neuer any like thee, nor shall euer see the like amongst the Saluages; for he was no lier, nor bloudy and cruell like other Indians; in anger soone reclaimed, he would be ruled by reason, not scorning the aduice of meane men, and gouerned his men better with a few strokes, then others with many truly louing where he loued, yea he feared wee [238] had not a faithfull friend left amongst all his Countrey-men. Shewing how oft he had restrained their malice, much : The sick- nesse of King Mas- sasowat. 764 LIB. 6. [E. The valour and courage . Sept. [1623] His cure by the English. The Kings thankful- nesse. A bad example. 1623Winslow. more, with much passion, he spoke to this purpose, till at last we arriued, where we found the Dutchmen but newly gone, and the house so full we could hardly get in. By their charmes they distempered vs that were well, much more him that was sicke; women rubbing him to keepe heat in him but their charmes ended, vnderstanding of vs, though he had lost his sight, his vnderstanding failed not; but taking Winslow by the hand, said, Art thou Winslow, Oh Winslow, I shall neuer see thee againe ! Hobamock telling him what restauratiues they had brought, he desired to taste them. With much adoe they got a little Confexion of many comfortable Conserues into his mouth; as it desolued he swallowed it; then desoluing more of it in water, they scraped his tongue, which was al furred and swolne, and washed his mouth, and then gaue him more of it to eat, and in his drinke, that wrought such an alteration in him in two or three houres, his eies opened to our great contents. With this and such brothes as they there prouided for him, it pleased God he recouered and thus the manner of his sicknesse and cure caused no small admiration amongst them. : During the time of their stay to see his recouery, they had sent to New Plimoth for diuers good things for him; which he tooke so kindly, that he fully reuealed all the former conspiracies against vs, to which he had oft beene moued and how that all the people of Powmet, Nawset, Succonct, Mattachist, Manamet, Augawam, and Capawac, were ioyned to murder vs; therefore as we respected our liues, kill them of Massachuset that were the authors; for take away the principals and the plot wil cease. : Thus taking our leaues, and arriuing at our fort, we found our braue liberall friend of Pa[w]met drawing Standish to their Ambuscados; which being thus discouered, we sent him away, as though he knew nor suspected any thing. Them [Weston's Englishmen, pp. 760, 762] at the Massachusets, some were so vilde they serued the Saluages for victuall: the rest sent vs word the Saluages were so insolent, they would assault them though against their Commission; so fearefull they were to breake their Com- mission, so much time was spent in consultations, they all were famished, till Wassapinewat againe came and told them the day of their exccution was at hand. Ed. by 765 . of Captaine Standish. J. SmithLib. 6 July 1624.] LIB. Then they [the Pilgrim Fathers] appointed Standish with eight chosen men, vnder colour of Trade, to catch them in their owne trap at Massachuset, and acquaint it with the English in the Towne: where arriuing he found none in the Barke, and most of the rest without Armes, or scarce clothes, wandering abroad, all so sencelesly secure, he more then wondered they were not all slaine. With much adoe he got the most of them to their Towne. The Saluages suspecting their plots discouered, Pecksnot a great man, and of as great a spirit, came to Habamak, who was then amongst them, saying; Tell Standish we know he is come to kill vs, but let him begin when he dare. Not long after many would come to the Fort and whet their Kniues before him, with many brauing speeches. One amongst the rest was by Wittawamat bragging he had a Knife, that on the handle had the picture of a womans face; but at home I haue one [that] hath killed both French and English, and that hath a mans face on it; and by and by these two must marrie: but this here, by and by shall see, and by and by eat, but not speake. Also Pecksnot being of a greater stature then the Captaine, told him, though he were a great Captaine he was but a little man; and I though no Sachem, yet I am of great strength and courage. [1623] Captaine sent to sup- Saluages. Standish presse the desperate slaine. These things Standish bare patiently for the present; Two but the next day seeing he could not get many of them Saluages together, but these two Roarers and two more; being in a conuenient roome, and his company about him, Standish seased on Pecksnots Knife then hanging about his necke, wherewith he slew him, and the rest slew Wittuwamat and the other Saluage: but the youth they tooke, who being Brother to Vittuwamat, and as villanous as himselfe, was hanged. It is incredible how many wounds they indured, catching at their weapons without any feare or bruit, till the last gasp. Habamack stood by all this time very silent, but all ended, he said, Yesterday Pecksnot bragged of his strength and stature, but I see you are big enough to lay him on the ground. [239] The Towne he left to the guard of Westons people: The three Saluages more were slaine; vpon which rumour they all fled from their houses. The next day, they met with a file of Saluages that let fly their Arrowes, shot for shot, till Hobamack shewed Saluages ouer- commed. 766 LIB. 6. [A wonderfull blessing, . Sept. ΙΟ [1623] 1623. drought. [p. 942.] 941.] 1623E. Winslow. himselfe, and then they fled. For all this, a Saluage Boy to shew his innocency, came boldly vnto vs and told vs : Had the English Fugitiues [Weston's men] but finished the three Canowes they were a making, to haue taken the ship, they would haue done as much to all the English; which was onely the cause they had forborne so long. But now consulting and considering their estates, those that [chose] went in the Pinnace to Barty Iles to get passage for England; the rest to New Plimoth, where they were kindly entertained. The Sachem Obtakeest, and Powas, and diuers other [that] were guilty, the three fugitiues in their fury there slew: but not long after so distracted were those poore scattered people, they left their habi- tations, liuing in swamps; where with cold and infinite diseases they endured much mortalitie, suing for peace, and crying the God of England is angry with them. Thus you see where God pleases, as some flourish, others perish. Now on all hands they prepare their ground, and about An extreme the middest of Aprill [1623], in a faire season they begin to plant till the latter end of May; but so God pleased, that in six weekes after the latter setting there scarce fell any raine; so that the stalke [that] was first set, began to eare ere it came to halfe growth, and the last not like [ly] to yeeld any- thing at all. Our Beanes also seemed so withered, we iudged all vtterly dead, that now all our hopes were ouer- throwne, and our ioy turned into mourning. And more to (pp. 264, 761, our sorrow, we heard of the twice returne of the Paragon, that now the third time was sent vs three moneths agoe, but no newes of her: onely the signes of a wracke we saw on the Coast, which wee iudged [to be] her. This caused not [only} euery of vs to enter into a priuate consideration betwixt God and our consciences; but most solemnly to humble our selues before the Lord by fasting and praying, to releeue our deiected spirits by the comforts of his mercy. In the morning when wee assembled all together, the skies were A wonderfull as cleere, and the drought as like to continue as euer; yet blessing and our exercise continued eight or nine houres. Before our God's loue. departure, the skies were all ouer-cast, and on the next morning distilled such soft, sweet, moderate showers, continuing foureteene daies, mixed with such seasonable weather, as it was hard to say, whether our withered signe of Ed. by 767 June ] :. LIB. 6. and signe of God's loue. J. Smith. 1624Corne, or drooping affections were most quickned and reuiued; such was the bounty and mercy of God. Of this the Indians by the meanes of Hobamock tooke notice, who seeing vs vse this exercise in the midst of the weeke, said; It was but three daies since Sunday, and desired to know the reason: which when hee vnderstood, he and all of them admired the goodnesse of God towards vs, shewing the difference betwixt their coniurations and our praiers, and what stormes and dangers they oft receiue thereby. To expresse our thankfulnesse, we assembled together another day, as before; and either the next morning, or not long after, came in two ships to supply vs; and all their Passengers well except one, and he presently recoucred. For vs, notwithstanding all these wants, there was not a sicke person amongst vs. The greater ship we returned fraught; the other wee sent to the Southward, to trade vnder the command of Captaine Altom. So that God be thanked, we desire nothing but what we will returne Commodities to the value. Thus all men finde our great God he, That neuer wanted nature, To teach his truth, that onely he Of eucry thing is Author. [1623] sent to fish. For this yeere [1623], from England is gone about fortie Forty saile saile of ships, only to fish; and, as I am informed, haue made a farre better voyage then euer. N Their ow some new great obseruers will haue this [to bej an Iland, because I haue writ it is [240] the [p. 933.] Continent: others report, that the people are so bruit, they haue no religion, wherein surely they are deceiued; for my part, I neuer heard of any Nation in the world which had not a Religion, deare, bowes and arrowes. They beleeue as doe the Virginians, Religion. of many diuine powers, yet of one aboue all the rest, as [.939.] the Southerne Virginians call their chiefe God Kewassa [p. 321], and that wee now inhabit Oke [p. 75], but both, their Kings, Werowance. The Massachusets call their great God Kiehtan, and their Kings there abouts Sachems: The Penob- scotes, their greatest power Tantum, and their Kings Sagomos. 768 The Indians Gouernment and Religion. LIB. 6. [1SeptΙΟ . E. Winslow. 1623. [1623] Their Those where is this Plantation [New Plymouth], say Kiehtan made all the other Gods: also one man and one woman, and of them all mankinde, but how they became so dispersed they know not. They say, at first there was no King but Kichtan that dwelleth farre westerly aboue the heauens, whither all good men goe when they die, and haue plentie of all things. The bad men goe thither also and knocke at the doore; but he bids them goe wander in endlesse want and miserie, for they shall not stay there. They neuer saw Kichtan, but they hold it a great charge and dutie, that one age teach another; and to him they make feasts, and cry and sing for plentie and victorie, or any thing [that] is good. They haue another Power they call Hobamock, which wee conceiue the Deuill, and vpon him they call to cure their wounds and diseases: when they are curable he perswades them he sent them, because they haue displeased him; but if they be mortall, then he saith, Kiehtan sent them, which makes them neuer call on him in their sicknesse. They say this Hobamock appeares to them somtimes like a Man, a Deere, or an Eagle, but most commonly like a Snake; not to all, but only to their Powahs to cure diseases, and Vndeses, which is one of the chiefe next the King, and so bold in the warres, that they thinke no weapon can kill them: and those are such as coniure in Virginia, and cause the people to doe what they list. For their Gouernment: euery Sachem is not a King, Gouernment. but their great Sachems haue diuers Sachems vnder their protection, paying them tribute, and [who] dare make no warres without his knowledge; but euery Sachem taketh care for the Widowes, Orphans, the aged and maimed, nor will they take any to first wife, but them in birth equall to themselues (although they haue many inferior Wiues and Concubins that attend on the principall), from whom he neuer parteth, but any of the rest when they list. They inherit by succession, and euery one knowes their owne bounds. To his men, hee giueth them land, also bounded: and what Deere they kill in that circuit, he hath the fore-part; but if in the water, onely the skin. But they account none a man, till hee hath done some notable exploit: the men are most imploied in hunting, Ed. by .. July LIB. 6. Obiections, Answers and Considerations. 769 J. Smith. 1624: the women in slauery; the younger obey the elders: their names are variable: they haue harlots and honest women; the harlots neuer marrie, or else are widowes. They vse diuorcement, and the King commonly punisheth all offenders himselfe when a maid is maried, she cutteth her haire, and keepes her head couered till it be growne againe. Their arts, games, musicke, attire, burials, and such like, differ very little from the Virginians, onely for their Chronicles they make holes in the ground, as the others set vp great stones. Out of the Relations of Master Edward Winslow. [1623] to Ow I know the common question is, For An answer all those miseries, where is the wealth Obiections. they haue got, or the Gold or Siluer Mines? To such greedy vnworthy minds I say once againe: The Sea is better then the richest Mine knowne, and of all the fishing ships that went well prouided, there is no complaint of 942.) losse nor misery, but rather an admiration of wealth, profit, and health. As for the land were it neuer so good, in two [pp. 926, yeeres [1621–1623] so few, of such small experience, liuing without supplies so well, and in health, it was an extra- ordinary blessing from God. But that with such small meanes they should subsist, and doe so much, to any vnder- standing judgement is a wonder. Notwithstanding, the vaine expectation of present gaine in some; ambition in others, that to be great would haue all else slaues; and the carelesnesse in prouiding supplies, hath caused those. defailements in all those Plantations: and how euer some bad conditions will extoll the [241] actions of any Nation. but their owne; yet if we may giue credit to the Spaniards, Portugals, and French writings, they indured as many miseries, and yet not in twenty yeeres effected so much, nay scarce in fortie. Thus you may see plainly the yeerely successe from p. 265.] New England by Virginia, which hath beene so costly to this Kingdome, and so deare to me; which either to see ENG. SCH. LIB. No. 16. 49 i 770 Obiections, Answers and Considerations. LIB. 6. [ . J. Smith. Oct. 1622. July 1624[1622-4] perish, or but bleed; Pardon me though it passionate me " [By some few Rela- tions," is intended beyond the bounds of modesty, to haue beene sufficiently able to fore-see their miseries, and had neither power nor meanes to preuent it. By that acquaintance I haue with them, I call them my children; for they haue beene my Wife, my Hawks, Hounds, my Cards, my Dice, and in totall, my best content, as indifferent to my heart as my left hand [is] to my right. And notwithstanding, all those miracles of disasters [that] haue crossed both them and me, yet were there not an Englishman remaining (as God be thanked notwithstanding the massacre there are some T. Dermer's thousands), I would yet begin againe with as small meanes as I did at first; not that I haue any secret encouragement (I protest) more then lamentable experience: for all their discoueries I haue yet heard of, are but Pigs of my owne Sow, nor more strange to me, then to heare one tell me his Pilgrims, hee hath gone from Billingsgate and discouered Grauesend, Tilbury, Quinborow, Lee, and Margit, which to those [that] did neuer heare of them, though they dwell in England, 265,542, 732, might bee made some rare secrets and great Countries. vnknowne; except some few Relations of Master Dirmer letter from Virginia, dated 27 Dec. 1619, to Rev. S. Purchas; which will be found in iv. p. 1778, Ed. 1625.] [ph. 217, 258, 747, 770.] The ordinary voyage to goe to Virginia or New- England. [p. 266.] In England, some are held great trauellers that haue seene Venice, and Rome, Madrill, Toledo, Siuill, Algcre, Prague, or Ragonsa, Constantinople, or Ierusalem, and the Piramides of Egypt; that thinke it nothing to goe to Summer Iles, or Virginia, which is as far as any of them; and I hope in time will proue a more profitable and a more laudable iourney: as for the danger, you see our Ladies and Gentlewomen account it nothing now to goe thither; and therefore I hope all good men will better apprehend it, and not suffer them to languish in despaire, whom God so wonderfully and oft hath preserued. What here I haue writ by Relation, if it be not right I humbly intreat your pardons; but I haue not spared any diligence to learne the truth of them that haue beene actors, or sharers in those voyages. In some particulars they might deceiue mee, but in the substance they could not for few could tell me anything, except where they fished. But seeing all those [that] haue liued there, doe confirme more then I haue writ, I doubt not but all those testimonies with these new begun examples of Plantation, Oct. J. Smith1622. . LIB. 6. Obiections, Answers and Considerations. 771 July 1624. will moue both Citie and Country, freely to aduenture with [1622-4] me more then promises. obiections But because some Fortune-tellers say, I am vnfortunate; The had they spent their time as I haue done, they would against me. rather beleeue in God then their calculations, and perad- uenture haue giuen as bad an account of their actions; and therefore I intreat leaue to answer those obiecters, that thinke it strange, if this be true, I haue made no more vse of it, rest so long without imploiment, nor haue no more reward nor preferment. To which I say; I thinke it more strange they should tax me, before they My answer. haue tried as much as I haue, both by land and sea, as well in Asia and Affrica, as Europe and America; where my Commanders were actors or spectators, they alwaies so freely rewarded me, I neuer needed [to] bee importunate, [n]or could I euer learne to beg. What there I got, I haue spent; yet in Virginia I staied, till I left fiue hundred behinde me better prouided then euer I was; from which [. 243-1 blessed Virgin (ere I returned) sprung the fortunate habi- tation of Summer Iles. tions. This Virgins Sister, now called New England, at my .267.] humble sute, by our most gracious Prince Charles, hath beene [232] neere as chargeable to me and my friends: for all which, although I neuer got shilling but it cost mee a pound, yet I would thinke my selfe happy could I see their prosperities. But if it yet trouble a multitude to proceed vpon these Considera- certainties, what thinke you I vndertooke when nothing was knowne but that there was a vast land? I [242] neuer had power and meanes to doe any thing, though more hath beene spent in formall delaies then would haue done the businesse; but in such a penurious and miserable manner, as if I had gone a begging to build an Vniuersitie: where had men beene as forward to aduenture their purses, and performe the conditions they promised mee, as to crop the fruits of my labours, thousands ere this had beene bettered by these designes. Thus betwixt the spur of desire and the bridle of reason, I am neere ridden to death in a ring of despaire; the reines are in your hands, therefore I intreat you [to] ease me, and those that thinke I am either idle or vnfortunate, may see the cause and know: vnlesse I did see better dealing, I haue had warn- 772 J. Smith. Oct. 1622. The order, charge and LIB. 6. June 1624- [1622-4] ing enough not to be so forward againe at euery motion vpon their promises, vnlesse I intended nothing but to carie newes; for now they dare aduenture a ship, that when I went first would not aduenture a groat, so they may be at home againe by Michaelmas: which makes me remember and say with Master Hackluit; Oh incredulitie the wit of fooles, that slouingly doe spit at all things faire, a sluggards Cradle, a Cowards Castle, how easie it is to be an Infidell. But to the matter. By this all men may perceiue, the ordinary performance of this voyage in fiue or six moneths, the plentie of fish is most certainly approued; and it is certaine, from Cannada and New England, within these six yeeres [1615–1620] hath come neere twenty thousand Beuer skinnes. Now had each of these ships transported but some small quantitie of the most increasing Beasts, Fowles, Fruits, Plants, and Seeds, as I proiected; by this time their increase might haue beene sufficient for more then one thousand men: But the desire of present gaine (in many) is so violent, and the endeuours of many vndertakers so negligent, euery one so regarding their priuate gaine, that [pp. 244, 268.] it is hard to effect any publike good, and impossible to bring them into a body, rule, or order; vnlesse both honesty, as well as authoritie and money, assist expe- rience. But your home-bred ingrossing Proiectors will at last finde, there is a great difference betwixt saying and doing, or those that thinks their directions can be as soone and easily performed, as they can conceit them; or that their conceits are the fittest things to bee put in practise, or [that] their countenances maintaine Plantations. The charge. [p. 732.] But to conclude, the fishing will goe forward whether you plant it or no ; whereby a Colony may be then transported with no great charge, that in short time might prouide such fraughts, to buy on vs their dwelling, as I would hope no ship should goe or come emptie from New England. The charge of this is onely Salt, Nets, Hookes, Lines, Kniues, Irish-rugges, course cloth, Beads, Glasse, and such trash, onely for fishing and trade with the Saluages, besides our owne necessarie prouisions; whose endeuours would quickly defray all this charge, and the Saluages did intreat me to inhabit where I would. J. Smith. Oct. 1622. 773 LIB. 6. gaines to be expected. June 1624. Now all those ships till these last two yeeres [i.e., till 1621], [1615-23] haue beene fishing within a square of two or three leagues, and scarce any one yet will goe any further in the Port they fish in, where questionlesse fiue hundred may haue their fraught as well as elsewhere, and be in the market ere others can haue the fish in their ships: because New Englands fishing begins in February, in Newfoundland not till the midst of May; the progression hereof tends much to the aduance- ment of Virginia and Summer Iles, whose empty ships may take in their fraughts there; and would be also in time of need a good friend to the Inhabitants of Newfoundland. The returnes made by the Westerne men, are commonly diuided in three parts; one for the owner of the ship; another for the Master and his Company; the third for the victualers: which course being still permitted, will be no hinderance to the Plantation as yet goe there neuer so many, but a meanes of transporting that yeerely for little or nothing, which otherwise wil cost many hundreds of pounds. The order of the westerne men. . 801.] If a ship can gaine twenty, thirty, fifty in the hundred; The gaines. nay three hundred for one hundred in seuen or ten moneths; as you see they haue done, spending twice so much time in comming and going as in staying there: were [ƒƒ. 245,269.] I there planted, seeing the variety of the fishings serue the most part of the yeere, and with a little labour we might make all the Salt we need vse, as is formerly said, and can [243] conceiue no reason to distrust of good successe by Gods assistance; besides for the building of ships, no place hath more conuenient Harbours, ebbe nor floud, nor better timber; and no Commoditie in Europe doth more decay then wood. Master Dee his opinion for the building of ships. M of shipping. Aster Dee recordeth in his Brittish Monarchy, The effects that King Edgar had a Nauy of foure thousand saile, with which he yeerely made his progresse, about this famous Monarchy of Great Britaine, largely declaring the benefit thereof; whereupon hee pro- iected to our most memorable Queene Elizabeth, the erecting of a Fleet of sixty Saile, he called a little Nauy 774 LIB. 6. [J. Dec. How to build a fleet, [1620-4] Royall: imitating that admired Pericles Prince of Athens, that could neuer secure that tormented estate, vntill he was Lord and Captaine of the Sea. The Popes order for the East and West Indies. At this none need wonder, for who knowes not her Royall Maiestie during her life, by the incredible aduentures of her Royall Nauy, and valiant Souldiers and Sea-men, notwithstanding all treacheries at home, the protecting and defending [of] France and Holland, and reconquering Ireland; yet all the world by Sea and Land, both feared or loued, and admired good Queene Elizabeth. Both to maintaine and increase that incomparable honour (God be thanked) to her incomparable Successor, our most Royall Lord and Soueraigne King Iames, this great Philo- sopher hath left this to his Maiestie and his Kingdomes consideration. That if the tenths of the earth be proper to God, it is also due by Sea. The Kings high waies are common to passe, but not to dig for Mines or any thing. So Englands Coasts are free to passe but not to fish, but by his Maiesties Prerogatiue. His Maiesty of Spaine permits none to passe the Popes order, for the East and West Indies but by his permission, or at their perils; if all that world be so iustly theirs, it is [ƒp. 246,270.] no iniustice for England to make as much vse of her owne shores as strangers doe, that pay to their owne Lords the tenth, and not to the owner of those liberties any thing to speake of, whose subiects may neither take nor sell any in their Teritories: which small tribute would maintaine this. little Nauy Royall, and not cost his Maiesty a peny, and yet maintaine peace with all Forrainers, and allow them more courtesie then any Nation in the world affords to England. How to money to build this get It were ashame to alleage, that Holland is more worthy to enjoy our fishing as Lords thereof, because they haue more skill to handle it then we, as they can our wooll and vndressed Cloth, notwithstanding all their warres and troublesome disorders. To get money to build this Nauy, he saith, who would. not spare the one hundreth penny of his rents, and the fiue little Nauy hundreth penny of his goods; each seruant that taketh forty shillings wages, foure pence; and euery forrainer of seuen yeeres of age foure pence, for seuen yeeres; not any J. Smith. Oct. 1622. July 1624775 :. to make a little Nauy royall. LIB. 6. ] of these but they will spend three times so much in pride, [1620-4] wantonnesse, or some superfluitie. And doe any men loue the securitie of their estates, that of themselues would not bee humble su[i]ters to his Maiesty to doe this of free will as a voluntary beneuolence, or but the one halfe of this (or some such other course as I haue pro[po]unded to diuers of the Companies) free from any constraint, tax, lottery, or imposition; so it may be as honestly and truly implied, as it is proiected, the poorest Mechanicke in this Kingdom would gaine by it. Hen you might build ships of any proportion and numbers you please, fiue times cheaper then you can doe here, and haue good merchandize for their fraught in this vnknowne Land, to the aduance- ment of Gods glory, his Church and Gospel; and the strengthning and releefe of a great part of Christendome without hurt to any; to the terror of Pirats, the amazement of enemies, the assistance of friends, the securing [of] Merchants, p. 247-1 and so much increase of Nauigation, to make Englands trade and shipping as much as any Nations in the world: besides a hundred other benefits, to the generall good of all true subiects, and would cause thousands yet vnborne to blesse [p. 271.] the time, and all them that first put it in practise. [244] for New- Englands ergood. goods, not 247, 266. 748. 941.] Now lest it should be obscured as it hath beene to Contention priuat ends, or so weakely vndertaken by our ouerweening incredulity, that strangers may possesse it whilest we contend for New-Englands goods, but not Englands good; I haue presented it [i.c., New-Englands trials] as I haue said, to the Prince and Nobility, the Gentry and Commonalty, hoping at last it will moue the whole land to know it and consider of it; since I can finde them wood and halfe victuall, with the foresaid aduantages: were this Country planted, with what facility they may build and maintaine this little Nauy Royall, both with honour, profit and content, and inhabit as good a Country as any in the world within that paralell: which with my life and what I haue, I will endeuour to effect, if God please and you permit. But no man will goe from hence to haue lesse freedome there then here, nor aduenture all they haue to prepare the way for them will scarce thanke them for it; and it is too 776 [That most generous Prince Sigismundus.] LIB. 6. J. uly 24. . Smith[1620-4] well knowne there haue beene so many vndertakers The necessity of martiall power. + (p. 272.] of Patents, and such sharing of them, as hath bred no lesse discouragement then wonder, to heare such great promises and so little performance; in the Interim, you see the French and Dutch already frequent it, and God forbid they in Virginia, or any of his Maiesties subiects, should not haue as free liberty as they. To conclude, were it not for Master Cherley and a few priuate aduenturers with them, what haue we there, for all these inducements ? As for them whom pride or couetousnesse lulleth asleepe in a Cradle of slothfull carelesnesse, would they but con- sider how all the great Monarchies of the earth haue beene brought to confusion, or but remember the late lamentable experiences of Constantinople, and how many Cities, Townes and Prouinces in the faire rich Kingdoms of Hungaria, Transiluania, Wallachia and Moldauia, and how many thousands of Princes, Earles, Barons, Knights, Merchants, and others haue in one day lost goods, liues and honours, or sold for slaues like beasts in a market place; their wiues, children and seruants slaine, or wandring they knew not whither, dying or liuing in all extremities of extreme miseries and calamities: surely they would not onely doe this, but giue all they haue to enioy peace and liberty at home, or but aduenture their persons abroad to preuent the conclusions of a conquering Foe, who commonly assaulteth and best preuaileth where he findeth wealth and plenty most armed with ignorance and security. Though the true condition of warre is onely to suppresse the proud and defend the innocent, as did that most generous Prince Sigismundus, Prince of those Countries, against them whom vnder the colour of iustice and piety, to maintaine their superfluity of ambitious pride, thought all the world too little to maintaine their vice; and vndoe them, or keepe them from ability to doe any thing, that would not admire and adore their honours, fortunes, couetousnesse, falshood, bribery, cruelty, extortion, and ingratitude: which is worse then cowardize or ignorance, and all manner of vildnesse, cleane contrary to all honour, vertue, and noblenesse. John Smith writ this with his owne hand. 777 [The Observations &c. of Captaine Richard Whitbourne.] Ere follow certaine notes and obseruations. of Captaine Charles [or rather Richard] Whitbourne concerning New-found land: which although euery master trained vp in fishing, can make their proportions of necessaries according to their custome, yet it is not much amisse here to insert them, that euery one which desires the good of those actions [may] know them also. Besides in his Booke intituled, A discouery of New-found land, and the commodities thereof, you shall finde many excellent good aduertisements for a Plantation; and how that most yeeres this Coast hath beene frequented with 250. saile of his Maiesties subiects, which supposing but 60. tunnes a peece, one with another, they amount to 15000. tunnes; and allowing 25. men and boies to euery Barke, they will make 5000. persons, whose labours returne yeerely to about 135000. pound sterling: besides the great numbers of Brewers, Bakers, Coupers, Ship-Carpenters, Net-makers, Rope-makers, Hooke-makers, and the most. of all other mec[h]anicall trades in England. [245] [1622] 778 April 1622 The charge of setting forth a Ship. LIB. 6. [R. Whitbourne. [1622] [This is not an accurate reprint of R. Whit- bourne's specifica- tion.] The charge of setting forth a ship of 100. tuns with 40. persons, both to make a fishing voyage, and increase the Plantation. Nprimis, 10000. [or rather 11000] weight of Bisket at 15. s. a 100. weight [i.e., 112lbs.] 26 Tun of Beere and Sider at 53.s.4.d.a Tun. 2 Hogsheads of English Beefe. 2 Hogsheads of Irish Beefe. 10 Fat Hogs salted with Salt, and Caske. 30 Bushels of Pease. 2 Ferkins of Butter. 200 Waight [= 224lbs.] of Cheese. I Bushell of Mustard-seed. 1. 5. d. 82. IO. 7. 69. IO. 5. IO. IO. 6. 3. 2. IO. 6. I. 5. I Hogshead of Vinegar. Wood to dresse meat withall. I. 1 Great Copper Kettle. 2. 2 Small Kettles. 2. 2 Frying-Pans. 3. 4. Platters, Ladles and Cans. I. a paire of Bellowes for the Cooke. Taps, Boriers and Funnels. Locks for the Bread roomes. 100 weight [=112lbs.] of Candles. 130 quarters of Salt at 2. s. the Bushell Mats and dinnage to lie under it. Salt Shouels. Particulars for the 40. persons to keepe 8. fishing boats at Sea, with 3. men in euery boat, imploies 24.; and 500. foot of Elme boords of an inch thicke, 8. s. each one. 2000 Nailes for the 8. Boats, at 13. s. 4d. a 1000. 4000 Nailes at 6. s. 8. d. [a] 1000. 2000 Nailes at 5. d. [a] 100. 500 weight [= 560lbs.] of pitch at 8.s. 100. 2000 of good orlop nailes. More for other small necessaries. 2. 6. 2. 2. 6. 2. IO. 104. 2. IO. 2. IO. I. 6. 8. I. 6. 8. 8. 2. 2. 5. W N N Ed. by ] July :. LIB. 6. The charge of setting forth a Ship. 779 J. Smith. 1624A barrell of Tar. 200 weight [=224lbs.] of black Ocome. Thrums for pitch Maps. Bolls, Buckets and Pumps. 2 brazen Crocks. Canuas to make Boat sailes and small ropes, at 25. s. for each saile, 10 rode Ropes which containe 600. weight [=672lbs.] at 30. s. the 100. 12 dozen of fishing lines. I. S. D. [1622] IO. I. I. 6. I. 2. E G 12. IO. IO. 24 dozen of fishing hookes. for Squid line. For Pots and liuer maunds. Ironworks for the boats ruthers. 10 Kipnet Irons Twine to make kipnets and gagging hooks. 10 good Nets at 26. s. a net. 2 Saynes, a great and a lesse. 200 weight [=224lbs.] of Sow-lead. 2 couple of ropes for the Saynes. Dry-fats to keepe them in. 6. 2. 3. 18. 2. IO. 6. 13. I2. I. I. 6. 5. Twine for store. Flaskets and bread Baskets. For hairc cloth. 3. Tuns of vinegar caske, for water. I douzen of Deale Bourds. 2 Barrels of Oatmeale. 100 weight [=112 lbs.] of Spikes. 2 good Axes, 4. hand Hatchets, 4 Drawers, 2. drawing Irons. 3 yards of wollen cloth for cuffs. 8 yards of good Canuasse. A Grind-stone or two. IO. 15. I. 6. 8. IO. 1. 6. 2. 5. 16. IO. IO. 6. 2000 of poore Iohn to spend [i.e.in eating]ingoing 6. 10. I Hogshead of Aquauita. 4 arme Sawes, 4. Handsawes, 4. thwart Sawes, 3. Augers, 2. Crowes of Iron, 3. Sledges, 4. shod Shouels, 2. Picaxes, 4. Matocks, and 4· Hammers. 4. 5. The totall summe is 420. 11. 0. 780 . The obseruations of Captaine LIB. 6. R. Whitbourne. [1622] April 1622All these prouisions the Master or Purser is to be accountable what is spent, and what is left with those which shall continue there to plant: and of the 40. thus prouided for the voyage, ten may well be spared to leaue behind them, with 500. weight of Bisket, 5. hogsheads of Sider or beere, halfe a hogshead of Beefe, 4 sides of dry Bakon, 4. bushell of Pease, halfe a ferkin of Butter, halfe 100. weight of Cheese, a pecke of Mustard-seed, a barrell of Vinegar, 12. pound of Candles, 2. pecks of Oatmeale, halfe a hogshead of Aquauitæ, 2. copper Kettles, 1. brasse Crock, 1. Frying-pan, a Grindstone, and all the Hatchets, Wood-hooks, Sawes, Augers, &c. and all other iron tooles, with the 8. Boats and their implements, [246] and spare salt; and what else they vse not in a readinesse from yeere to yeere, and in the meane time serued them to helpe to build their houses, cleanse land, and further their fishing whilst the ships are wanting [absent]. By his estimation and calculation, these 8. Boats with 22 [or rather 24]. men in a Summer doe vsually kill 25000. fish for euery Boat, which may amount to 200000. allowing 120. fishes to the 100: sometimes they haue taken aboue 35000. for a Boat, so that they load not onely their owne ship, but prouide great quantities for Sacks or other spare ships, which come thither onely to buy the ouerplus. If such ships come not, they giue ouer taking any more, when sometimes there hath beene great abundance; because there the fishers off is no fit houses to lay them in till another yeere. [Sacks, the English name for victualling &c., ships trafficking for cod with Newfound- land, as the Dutch Jagers did off the English coast.] Now most of those Sacks goeth empty thither, which might as well transport mens prouision and cattle at an for herrings, casie rate as nothing, either to New-England or New-found land: but either to transport them for nothing, or pay any great matter for their liberty to fish, will hardly effect so much as freedome as yet; nor can this be put in practice as before I said, till there be a power there well planted and setled to entertaine and defend them, assist and releeue them as occasion shall require: otherwaies those small diuisions will effect little, but such miserable conclusions. as both the French and we too long haue tried to our costs. Now commonly 200000. fish will load a ship of 100. tunnes in New-found land, but halfe so many will neere doe it in New England: which carried to Toloune or Merselus Ed. by J. Smith. LIB. 6. July 1624. Charles [i.e., Richard] Whitborne. 781 [Marseilles], where the custome [import duty] is small, and [1622–4] the Kintall lesse then 90. English pounds weight, and the prise when least, 12. shillings the Kintall, which at that rate amounts to 1320.l. starling: and the ship may either there be discharged, or imployed as hath beene said to pþ.202,716.] refraught for England; so that the next yeere she may be ready to goe her fishing voyage againe, at a farre cheaper rate then before. To this adde but 12. tuns of traine oile, which deliuered in New-found land, is 10. l. the tun, makes 120.1. Then it is hard if there be not 10000. of Cor-fish, which also sold there at 5. l. the 1000. makes 50. l.: which brought to England, in some places yeelds neere halfe so much more; but if at Merselus it be sold for 16. s. the Kentall, as commonly it is, and much dearer, it amounts to 1760. l. SOI.] And if the Boats follow the fishing till the 15. of October, they may take 80000. more, which with their traine in New-found land at 4. 1. the 1000. will amount to 320. 1.: which added to 1320. . with 120. l. for Oile, and 10000. of Corfish 50. l. and the ouerplus at Merselus, which will be 440. l. make the totall 2250. l.; which diuided in three 244,268, parts according to their custome, the Victualer hath for the former particulars (amounting to 420. l.), 751. ., so all the charge defraied, hee gaines 331. l. II. S.; then for the fraught of the ship there is 751. l.; and so much for the Master and his company; which comparing with the voiages [that] hath beene made to New-England, you may easily finde which is the better, though both bee good. B ut now experience hath taught them at New- Plimoth, that in Aprill there is a fish much like a Herring that comes vp into the small Brookes to spawne, and where the water is not knee deepe, they will presse vp through your hands, yea though you beat at them with Cudgels, and in such abundance as is incre- dible: which they take with that facility, they manure their land with them when they haue occasion. After those, the Cod also presseth in such plenty, euen into the very Harbours, they haue caught some in their armes, and hooke them so fast [that], three men oft loadeth a Boat of two tuns in two houres, where before they vsed most [ly] to fish in deepe water. [247] of the The facility fishing lately obserued. . 782 1624. [1624] The present estate of the plantation at Nerv- Plimoth. Their crder of gouernment. The present estate of New-Plimoth. T New-Plimoth there is [1624] about 180 persons, some cattell and goats, but many swine and poultry; 32 dwelling houses, whereof 7 were burnt the last win- ter [1623], and the value of fiue hundred pounds in other goods; the Towne is impailed about halfe a mile [in] compasse. In the towne vpon a high Mount they haue a Fort well built with wood, lome, and stone, where is planted their Ordnance: Also a faire Watch-tower, partly framed, for the Sentinell. The place it seemes is healthfull, for in these last three yeeres [1621-4], notwithstanding their great want of most necessaries, there hath not one died of the first planters. They haue made a saltworke, and with that salt preserue the fish they take; and this yeare [1624] hath fraughted a ship of 180. tunnes. The Gouernour is one Master William Bradford; their Captaine Miles Standish, a bred Souldier in Holland; the chiefe men for their assistance is Master Isaak Alderton, and diuers others as occasion serueth; their Preachers are Master William Bruster and Master Iohn Layford. The most of them liue together as one family or hous- hold, yet euery man followeth his trade and profession both by sea and land, and all for a generall stocke: out of which they haue all their maintenance, vntill there be a diuident betwixt the Planters and the Aduenturers. Those Planters are not seruants to the Aduenturers here, but haue onely councells of directions from them, but no in- iunctions or command; and all the masters of families are partners in land or whatsoeuer, setting their labours J. Smith. LIB. 6. July 1624. 783 The present estate of New-Plimoth. against the stocke, till certaine yeeres be expired for the diuision they haue young men and boies for their Ap- prentises and seruants, and some of them speciall families, as Ship-carpenters, Salt-makers, Fish-masters, yet as seruants vpon great wages. [1624] The Aduenturers which raised the stocke to begin and (1.943-] supply this Plantation were about 70.: some Gentlemen, some Merchants, some handy-crafts men, some aduenturing great summes, some small, as their estates and affection serued. The generall stocke already imploied is about 7000. l.; by reason of which charge and many crosses, many of them would aduenture no more: but others that knowes so great a designe cannot bee effected without both charge, losse and crosses, are resolued to goe forward with it to their powers; which deserue no small commendations and encouragement. These [the Adventurers generally] dwell mostly] about London. They are not a corporation, but [are] knit together by a voluntary combination in a society without constraint or penalty, aiming to doe good and to plant Religion; they haue a President and Treasurer, euery yeere newly chosen by the most voices, who ordereth the affaires of their Courts and meetings, and with the assent of the most of them, vndertaketh all ordinary businesses: but in more weighty affaires, the assent of the whole Company is required. here hath beene a fishing this yeere [1624] vpon the Coast about 50. English ships: and by Cape Anne, [pp.892,946.] there is a Plantation a beginning by the Dor- chester men, which they hold of those of New- Plimoth, who also by them haue set vp a fishing worke: some talke there is some other pretended Plantations, all whose good proceedings the eternal God protect and preserue. And these haue beene the true proceedings and acci- dents in those Plantations. N Pow to make a particular relation of all the acts and orders in the Courts belonging vnto them, of the anihilating old Patents and procuring new; with the charge, paines and arguments, the reasons. } 784 Sh The present estate of New-Plimoth. LIB. 6. [[1624] [pp. 248, 272.] J. Smith. July 1624. of such changes, all the treaties, consultations, orations, and dissentions about the sharing and diuiding those large terri- tories, confirming of Counsailers, electing all sorts of Officers, directions, Letters of aduice, and their answers, disputations. about the Magazines and Impositions, su[i]ters for Patents, positions for Freedomes, and confirmations with complaints. of iniuries here, and also the mutinies, examinations, arraignements, executions, and the cause of the so oft reuolt of the Saluages at large, as many [248] would haue had, and it may be some doe expect it would make more quarrels then any of them would willingly answer, and such a volume as would tire any wise man but to read the contents. For my owne part I rather feare the vnpartiall Reader will thinke this rather more tedious then necessary: but he that would be a practitioner in those affaires, I hope will allow them not only needfull but expedient: but how euer, if you please to beare with those errors I haue committed, if God please I liue, my care and paines shall endeuour to be thankfull: if I die, accept my good will. If any desire to be further satisfied, what defect is found. in this, they shall finde supplied in me; that thus freely haue throwne my selfe with my mite into the Treasury of my Countries good, not doubting but God will stirre vp some noble spirits to consider and examine if worthy Columbus could giue the Spaniards any such certainties for his designe, when Queene Isabel of Spaine set him forth with 15. saile: and though I promise no Mines of gold, yet the warlike Hollanders let vs imitate but not hate, whose wealth and strength are good testimonies of their treasury gotten by fishing; and New-England hath yeelded already [up to 1624] by generall computation one hundred thousand pounds at the least. Therefore honourable and worthy Country men, let not the meannesse of the word fish distaste you, for it will afford as good gold as the Mines of Guiana or Potassic, with lesse hazard and charge, and more certainty and facility. I. S. FINIS. ΑΝ ACCIDENCE OR The Path-way to EXPERIENCE. Necessary for all Young Sea-men, or those that are desirous to goe to Sea, briefly shewing the Phrases, Offices, and Words of Command, Belonging to the Building, Ridging, and Sayling, a Man of Warre; And how to manage a Fight at Sea. Together with the Charge and Duty of every Officer, and their Shares: Also the Names, VVeight, Charge, Shot, and Powder, of all sorts of great Ordnance. With the use of the Petty Tally. Written by Captaine Io HN SMITH Some- times Governour of Virginia, and Admirall of New ENGLAND. LONDON: Printed for Jonas Man, and Benjamin Fisher, and are to be sold at the signe of the Talbot, in Aldersgate streete. 1626. 50 ENG. SCH. LIB. No. 16. 786 [This Tract was a new departure in our Literature, being the first printed book on seamanship, naval gunnery, and of nautical terms; and was besides written by an Army Captain. It was thus entered for publication at Stationers' Hall: Jonas Man Beniamin ffisher 23° Octobris 1626. Entred for their Copie vnder the handes of master Doctor WORRALL and both the wardens A booke Called An Accidence or pathwaye to experience necessarye for all young sea men &c. by Captaine JOHN SMITH. vjd. A Transcript of the Registers of the Company of Stationers of London, 1554-1640 A.D., Ed. by E. ARBER, iv. 169, 1877. For the bibliography of this Tract, see p. cxxxi.] 787 .. : TO ALL THE RIGHT HON- ourable and most Generous Lords in Englana, and Others Especially of his Majesties : Priuy Councell, and Councell of Warre. IGHT HONORABLE: In regard of the Present occasion, for the [1626] Arte of Navigation, and many young Gentlemen and Valiant spirits of all sorts, do desire to try their Fortunes at sea: I haue beene per- swaded [pp. 809, 970] to Print this discourse, being subject I never see writ before. Not as an in- struction to Marriners nor Sailors, whom I intreate rather amend it, then condemne it, confessing it might be a taske for a most excellent Sea-man; But as an intraduction for such as wants experience, and are desirous to learne what belongs to a Seaman. For the advansing of that incomparable faculty, seeing you are in place, both of power and Authoritie; I most humblie present it to Your Honors Consider- ations. No more but sacring all my best abilities to the exquisite Iudgement of your renowned Vertues, I ever rest Your Worships ever most humbly deuoted, IOHN SMITH. 788 [1626] TO THE READER; AND ALL Generous and Noble Adventurers by Sea; and Well-Wishers to Nauigation. Especially the Masters, Wardens, and Assistance of the TRINITY-HOUSE. Worthy Readers: H OW ever your perfections may censure my imperfec- 이 ​tions, I know not: my greatest error in this is but a desire to do good; which disease hath ever haunted mce since my child-hood; and all the miseries and ingratitudes I haue indured, cannot yet diuert me from that resolution. As both Europe, Asia, Affrica and America can partly witnesse, if all their extremities hath taught me any thing, I haue not kept it for my owne particuler. I know well I am blamed for not concealing that, that time and occasion hath taught mee to reueale; as at large you may read in the life of Sigismundus Bathor Prince of Transiluania, writ by his Secretary Francisco Fernezsa, New Englands Trialls, With the Generall History of Virginia, New England, and the Summer Isles. That the most of those faire plantations did spring from the fruites of my aduenters and discoucries is euident, although their returnes as yet doth not answere the worlds expectation, nor my desire: yet how they haue proceeded euery yeare since their first originall to this present; by the Maps therein, you may plainly see the Descriptions of the Countries; by the Story, what they are, what good they might be to this Kingdome, how they haue bin vsed and abused, how the defects might be amended, the Planters made happy, God and the King well pleased and serued, and all the Honorable and worthy Aduen- turers contented: whatsoeuer malice or ignorance can feigne to the contrary. For this small Pamphlet, if I find you kindly and friendly accept it, I meane ere long, more largely to explaine the par- ticulers: So I rest, To Christ and my Country a true Souldier, and faithfull Servant, John Smith. 789 AN ACCIDENCE FOR YOUNG SEA-MEN: OR Their Path-way to Experience. HE Captaines charge is to commaund all, [1626] charge. and tell the Maister to what Port he The will go, or to what height [latitude]. In Captains a fight he is to giue direction for the managing thereof, and the Maister is to see to the cunning [of] the Ship, and trimming [2] the sailes. and his The Maister and his Mate is to direct The Maister the course, commaund all the Saylors, for steering, trim- Mates. ming, and sayling the Ship: his Mates are onely his Seconds, allowed sometimes for the two Midships men, that ought to take charge of the first prize. The Pilot when they make land, doth take the charge of the Ship till he bring her to Harbour. The Cape-merchant and Purser hath the charge of all the Caragasoune or Merchandize, and the Purser doth keepe an Account of all that is receiued and deliuered: but a Man of Warre hath onely a Purser. The Maister Gunner hath the charge of the Ordinances, Shot, Powder, Match, Ladles, Spunges, Cartrages, Armes, and Fire-workes; and the rest euery one to receiue his charge from him according to directions, and to giue an account of his store. [3] The Carpenter and his Mate is to haue the Nayles, Clinches, roue and clinch-nailes, spikes, plates, The Pilot. The Cape- and Purser. merchant The Gunner Mate, and unter with his Gunner. ter and his The Carpen- rudder- Mate. # 790 . 1626. An Accidence for yo[u]ng Sea-men. Loct. [ J. Smith[1626] The Bote- swaine and his Mate. The Chyrur- gion and his Mate. The Marshall. The Corporall. The Steward and his Mate. The quarter Maisters. The Cowper and his Mate. irons called pintels and gudgions, pumpe-nailes, skupper- nailes, and leather, sawes, files, hatchets, and such like: and [be] euer ready for calking, breaming, stopping leakes, fishing or spliceing the Masts or Yards; as occasion requireth, and to giue an account of his store. The Boteswaine is to haue the charge of all the Cordage, tackling, sailes, fids, and marling spikes, needles, twine, and saile-cloth, and rigging [of] the shippe: his Mate the command of the long boate, for the setting forth of Anchors, waying and fetching home an Anchor, warping, towing, and moreing, and to giue an account of his store. The Chirurgion is exempted from all duty but to attend. the sicke, and cure the wounded: and good care would be [4] had, [that] he haue a certificate from the Barber-surgions Hall of his sufficiency; and also that his Chest bee well furnished both for Physicke, and Chyurgery, and so neere as may be proper for that clime you goe for, which neglect hath beene the losse of many a mans life. The Marshall is to punish offendors, and to see Iustice executed according to directions, as ducking at Yards arme, hawling vnder the Keele, bound to the Capsterne or maine. Mast with a basket of shot about his necke, setting in the bilbowes, and to pay the Cobty or the Morryoune. But the Boyes, the Boteswaine is to see euery Munday at the chist to say their Compasse; which done, they are to haue a quarter can [? of beer], and a basket of bread. The Corporall is to see the setting and releeuing the watch: and see all the souldiers and saylors keepe their Armes cleane, neate and yare; and teach them their vse. [5] The Steward is to deliuer out the victuall, according to the Captaines directions; and messe them 4, 5, or 6, a there is occasion. The quarter Maisters hath the charge of the hold for stowage, rommageing, and trimming the shippe; and of their squadrons for their Watch. A Sayne, a Fisgigg, a Harping iron, Fish-hookes, for Porgos, Bonetos, or Dora- dos, &c. and rayling lines for Mackerell. The Cowper is to looke to the caske, hoopes and twig- ges, to staue or repaire the buckets, Baricoes, Cans, steepetubs, runlets, hogsheads, pipes, buts, &c. for wine, beere, syder, beuerage, fresh water, or any liquor. Oct. J. Smith791 . An Accidence for yo[u]ng Sea-men. . 1626The Coxswaine is to haue a choyce gang to attend the Skiffe, to go to and againe as occasion commandeth. The Cooke is to dresse and deliuer out the Victuall. He hath his store of quarter cans, small cannes, platters, spoones, lanthornes, &c. and is to giue [6] his account of the remainder. [1626] The Coxe- swaine and his Mate. The Cooke and his Mate. The Swabber is to wash and keepe cleane the ship and The maps. The Lyer is to holde his place but for a weeke; and hee that is first taken with a lye, euery Monday is so pro- claimed at the maine Mast by a generall cry, A lyer, a lyer, a lyer. He is vnder the Swabber, and onely to keepe cleane the beake head and chaines. Swabber. The Lyer. Saylers. The Saylers are the antient men for hoysing the sailes, The getting the tackes aboord, hawling the Bow-lines, and steering the ship. Yonkers. The Younkers are the yong men called Fore-mast men, The to take in the Topsayles, or Top and yeard; Furle, and Sling the maine Saile; Bousing or Trysing; and take their turne at Helme. Lieuet- enant. The Lieutenant is to associate[with] the Captaine, and in his The absence to execute his place. He is to see the Marshall and Corporal doe their duties, and assist them in instructing the Souldiers: and [7] in a fight the Forecastle is his place, to make good; as the Captaine doth the halfe decke; and the quarter Maisters the midships. But in the States men of Warre he is allowed as necessary as a Lieuetenant on shore. When you set sayle and put to sea, the Captaine is to call vp the company; and the one halfe is to goe to the Starreboord, the other to the Larboord, as they are chosen the Maister chusing first one, then his Mate another, and so forward till they bee diuided in two parts. Then each man is to chuse his Mate, Consort, or Comrado. Then diuide them into squadrons according to your num- bers and burthen of your ship; but care would be had, that there be not two Comorados vpon one watch, because they may haue the more roome in the Cabons to rest. To giue a true Arithmeticall and Geometricall proportion How to Company. dinide the 792 . An Accidence for yo[u]ng Sea-men. Loct[1626] The Princi- pall names of about the building a ship. J. Smith. Oct. 1626. for the building of ships; were they all built after one [8] mould, as also of their Yeards, Masts, Cables, Cordage and Sayles were all the stuffe of like goodnesse, a metho- dicall rule might bee Proiected: but it would bee too curious for this Discourse, and as much too troublesome either for the Reader or Author; but the principall names of the timbers about the building of a ship, according to his vnder- standing followeth, and how, being framed, they are fixed. First lay the Keele, the Stemme, and Starne in a the timbers dry docke, or vppon the stockes, and binde them with good knees; then lay all the Flore timbers, and cut your Limber holes aboue the keele, to bring the water to the well for the pumpe. Next your Nauell timbers, and bind them all with sixe foote Skarfe at the least. The Garbell strake is the outside plancke next the keele. Be sure you haue a good sufficient Kelson: and then plancke your out- side and inside vp, with your Top timbers; but the [9] lengths, breadthes, depthes, rakes, and burdens are so variable and different that nothing but experience can possibly teach it. Notes of a Couenant Carpenter A Shippe of 400. Tunnes requires a planke of foure betweene the inches; 300. Tunnes, three inch; small Ships, two inch: but none lesse. For clamps, middle bands and sleepers, they be all of 6. inch planke for binding within. The rest for the sparring vp of the workes of square 3. inch planke. and the Owner. Lay the beames of the Orlope, if she be 400. Tunnes at ten foote deepe in howle, and all the beames to be bound with two knees at each ende, and a stardard knee at euery beames end vpon the Orlope: all the Orlope to be layd with square three inch plancke, and all the planckes to be treenailed to the beames. Sixe foote would bee betweene the beames of the Decke and Orlope, and ten ports on each side vpon the lower Orlope: all the binding betweene them [10] should be with three inch, or two inch plancke, and the vpper Decke should be layd with so many beames as are fitting with knees to bind them; laying that Decke with spruce deale of 30. foot long, the sap cut off, and two inches thicke, for it is better then any other. Then for the Captaines Cabben or great Cabben, the stearage, the halfe Decke, the round house, the Fore- J. 793 Oct. . An Accidence for yo[u]ng Sea-men. . Smith1626castle, and to binde an ende with a Capsterne and all things fitting for the Sea (the Smiths worke, the caruing, ioyning, and painting excepted) are the principal things I remember to be obserued. For a Charter-party betwixt the Merchant, the Maister, and the Owner, you haue Presidents of all sorts in most Scriueners shops. A dry Docke, the stockes, the keele, the steme, the sterne, the starne-port, the flowre, the sleepers, rising timbers, garble strake, her rake, the fore reach, plankes, bindings, knees, boults, trunions, [11] brasers, riders, the Orlope, the ports, the bend, the bowe, the hawse, the hawses, the decke, the partners, a flush decke, fore and aft, the ram heads, the Knights, a halfe decke, a quarter decke, the bulke, the bulkes-head, the skuttle, the hatches, the hatches way, the holes in the commings, pitch, tarre, rosen, okum, calking. In the stearage roome, the whip, the bittakell, the trauas boord, the Compasse, the Fly, the needle, the lanthorne, the socket. About the Gun-roome, the Tiller, the rudder, the pintels, the gudgions, the bread-roome, the ships runne. The powder-roome, the Stewards roome, the cooke roome, the great cabbon, the gallery, a cabben, a hanging cabben, a Hamacke, the lockers, the round-house, the counter, the wayst, the wayst-boords, the gunwayle, stations for the nettings, a chaine through the stations, or brest-ropes. The Pumpe, the pumpes-well, the [12] pumpes brake, the pumpes can, the pumpes chaine, the spindle, the boxe, the clap. The pumpe is choaked, the pumpe suckes, the ship is stanche. The forecastle, or prow, the beake head, the bits, the fish-hooke, a loufe-hooke, and the blocke at the Dauids ende, the Cat, Cats head and Cats holes, the ships draught. The boule spret, the pillow, the sturrop, the spret sayle, the spret sayle yeard, the spret sayle top mast, the spret sayle top sayle yard: the fore mast, the fore yard, the fore top, the fore top mast, the fore top sayle yard, the fore top gallant mast, the fore top gallant sayle yeard. Coates and wouldings for all masts and yeards, grummets, and staples for all yeards. [1626] General sea terms be- longing to ships. What the Pumpe. belongs to What the fore belongs to castle. The Masts, Yeards. Caps, and 794 [3 An Accidence for yo[u]ng Sea-men. J. Smith. Oct. 1626. [1626] The capsterne and other generall phrases. The ropes names in a ship. Concerning the tackling [of] a ship. The trussell trees or crosse trees, the maine mast, the step in the kelson where it puts its heele, as doth also the fore mast; the maine yard, the maine top, the main top mast, the maine top sayle yeard, the top gallant [13] mast, the maine top gallant sayle yeard, the trucke or flagge staffe. The misen, the misen yeard, the misen top mast, the misen top sayle yeard. In great ships they haue two misens, the latter is called the boncauentuer misen. Then the poope, Lanthorne, and flagge staffe. When a mast is borne by the boord, they make a Iury-mast; which is made with yards, rouftrees, or what they can, splised or fished together. The Capsterne, the pawle, the whelps, the capsterne bars. A Ieare capsterne is only in great ships to hoyse their sayles. The canhookes, slings, and parbunkels, ports and ringbolts and hooks, the skuppers, the skupper holes, the chaines, the steepe tubs, an entring ladder or cleats, a boy, a can boy. A ship cranke sided, Iron sicke, spewes her okum, a leak[i]e ship. The sheathing, furring, carrying, washing, and breaming, lanching, caruing, guilding, and painting a ship. Ballast, kintlage, canting [14] coynes, standing coynes, roufe trees, a grating, netting or false. decke for your close fights. The entring rope, the boate rope, the bucket rope, the boy rope, guest rope, the cat rope, the port ropes, the heele rope, the rudder rope, the top ropes, the bolt ropes. The brest ropes are now out of vse, the water line is [i.e., in use]. The tacklings are the fore stay, the maine stay. The and rigging tackles, the mison stay, the collers, the maine shrouds. and chaines, the maine top shroudes, the fore shroud, the fore top shroud, the swifters, the mison shroudes, the mison top shroudes and their ratlings, and the parels to all masts. The maine hallyards, the maine top sayle hallyards, the top gallant saile hal [l]yards, the fore hallyards, the fore top sayle hallyard, the misen hallyard, and the spret sayle hallyeard, the horse, the maine sheats, the maine top sayle sheats, the maine braces, the maine top sayle [15] braces, the maine bowling and bridles, the maine top sayle bowlin[e], the bunt lines, the trusses, the lifts, the earring, the cat harpings, a leare, leatch lines; the Robins, garnit, Clew garnits, tyes, martlits. The most of all these are also belonging to the fore mast, misen and bowlespret, J. Smith. Oct. 1626. 795 An Accidence for yo[u]ng Sea-mcn. and hath the same denomination after their masts; onely the boulespret hath no bow lines, and the misen sheats, are called the starne sheats. They haue all of them pullies, blockes, shiuers and dead mens eyes, Lanyeards, caskets, and crowes feete. A snap blocke is seldom vsed but in heauing of goods and ordnances. There is also diuerse other small cordage, as head lines, the knaulings, gassits or furling lines, marlines, rop[e] yearne, Caburne, Sinnet, paunches, and such like. The Cables, hawsers or streame cables, are most vsed in the water by the Anchors. When they are too short, [16] they shoote one into another. When they are galled or breake, they splice them. When that way vnseruiceable, they serue for Iunkes, fendors and braded plackets for brests of defence; and then, as the rest of the ouerworne tackling, for rope yarne, caburne, sinnit, an[d] okum. Sheeps feet is a stay in setling a top mast, and a guie in staying the tackles when they are charged with goods. [1626] Anchors. The Anchor hath a stocke, a ring, a shanke, a flouke. Tearmes for The greatest in euery ship is called the sheat Anchor, the rest Anchors. The streame Anchor, graplings or kedgers. Bend your cables to your Anchors. of the sailes. The maine saile, the fore sayle called sometimes the The names fore course; the maine course or a paire of courses, each of them hath a bonnet and a drabler; the maine top sayle, the top gallant sayle, and in a faire gaile your studding sayles; then your mison, your misen [17] top sayle, your spret sayle, and spret sayle top sayle, a drift sayle, a crosiack, a netting sayle. Twyne, a munke seame, a round seame, a suit of sayles, a shift of sayles, top Armours, wayst clothes, pendants and colours. A channell, a bay, a rode, a sound, an offen, a cone, a crike, a riuer; cleere ground, very fast ground or good anchoring; foule ground, osie ground, sandy ground, clay ground; a headland, a furland, a reatch, a land marke. The tearmes harbor. for the winds. A calme, a brese, a fresh gaile, a pleasant gayle, a stiffe For the gayle. It ouerblowes. A gust, a storme, a spoute, a loume gaile, an eddy wind, a flake of wind, a Turnado, a mounth- soune, a Herycano. Tearmes A calme sea, becalmed, a rough sea, an ouergrowne sea, for the sea. λ 796 [Oct. An Accidence for yo[u]ng Sea-men. J. Smith. Oct. 1626. [1626] Tearmes for stearing. Warre. the rut of the sea, the roaring of the sea. It flowes quarter floud, high water, or a still water. A full sea, a spring tide, ebbe, a quarter ebbe, halfe ebbe, three quarters ebbe, a lowe water, a dead low water, a nepe tide, a [18] shoule, a ledge of rockes, a breach, a shallow water, deepe water, soundings, fadome by the marke, 3 od and a shaftment left. 4 od. Disimboage, a gulph, the froth of the sea. Starbord is the right hand, Larbord is the left. Starboord the helme, right your helme a loufe, keepe your loufe, come no neere, keepe full, stidy, so you goe well, port, warre, no more; beare vp the helme, goe roumy, be yare at the helme, a fresh man at the helme. Tearmes of A sayle, how stands she, to windward or leyward, set him by the Compasse, he stands right a-head; or on the weather bow, or ley bow: out with all your sayles, a stydy man to the helme, sit close to keep her stydie. Giue chase or fetch him vp, he holds his owne, nowe [we] gather on him, out goeth his flag and pendance or streames, also his Colours, his wast-clothes and top armings, he furles and slings his maine saile, in goes his spret sayle and misen, he makes ready [19] his close fights fore and after. Well, we shall reach him by and bye. : What is all ready? Yea, yea. Euery man to his charge, Dowse your top sayle, salute him for the sea; Ha[i]le him whence your ship? Of Spayne, whence is yours? Of England. Are you Merchants or Men of Warre. We are of the Sea. He wayses vs to leyward for the King of Spaine, and keeps his loufe. Giue him a chase peece, a broad side, and runne ahead, make ready to tacke about, giue him your sterne peeces, be yare at helme, ha[i]le him with a noyse of Trumpets. We are shot through and through, and betweene winde and water, trye the pumpe. Maister let vs breathe and refreshe a little. Sling a man ouerboord to stop the leake. Done, done. Is all ready againe, Yea, yea: beare vp close with him, with all your great and small shot charge him. Boord him on his weather quarter, lash fast your graplins and sheare off, then run stemlins the [24] mid ships. Boord and boord, or thwart the hawse, we are foule on each other. ŎctJ. Smith797 . An Accidence for yo[u]ng Sea-men. . . 1626The ships on fire. Cut any thing to get cleere, and smother the fire with wet clothes. We are cleere, and the fire is out, God be thanked. The day is spent, let vs consult. Surgion looke to the wounded. Wind vp the slaine, with each a waight or bullet at his head and feete, giue three peeces for their funerals. Swabber make cleane the shippe. Purser record their names. Watch bee vigilant to keepe your berth to wind- ward: and that wee loose him not in the night. Gunners spunge your Ordinances. Souldiers skower your peeces. Carpenters about your leakes. Boteson and the rest, repaire the sayles and shrouds. Cooke see you obserue your directions against the morning watch. Boy. Holla Maister. Holla, Is the kettle boyled? Yea, yea. Boteswaine call vp the men to Prayer and Breakfast. [25] Boy fetch my celler of Bottles. A health to you all fore and afte, courage my hearts for a fresh charge: Maister lay him a bord loufe for loufe; Midships men see the tops and yeards well maned with stones and brasse bals, to enter them in the shrouds, and every squadron. else at their best aduantage. Sound Drums and Trumpets, and St. George for England. They hang out a flag of truse, stand in with him, ha[i]le him a mayne, [to] abase or take in his flagge, strike their sayles and come aboard, with the Captaine, Purser, and Gunner, with your Commission, Cocket, or bills of loading. Out goes their Boate, they are lanched from the Ship side. Entertayne them with a generall cry, God saue the Captayne, and all the Company, with the Trumpets sounding. Examine them in particuler; and then conclude your conditions with feasting, freedome, or punishment, as you finde occasion. [26] Other wayes if you surprize him or enter perforce; you may stow the men, rifle, pillage, or sacke, and crye a prize. To call a Councell in a Fleete: there is the Councell of Warre, and the common Councell, which hangs their flags out in the mayne shrouds, and the misen. Now, betweene two Navies they use often, especially in a Harbour or rode, where they are at anchor, to fill olde [1626] 798 [J An Accidence for yo[ung Sea-men. J. Smith. Oct. 1626. [1626] Concerning sayling or working of a Ship. Barkes with pitch, tar, trayne oyle, linsed oyle, brimstone, rosen, reedes, and dry wood, and such combustable things sometimes they linke three or foure together, towed to- gether in the night, and put a drift as they finde occasion. To passe a Fort, some will make both shippe and sayles all blacke: but if the Fort keepe but a fire on the other side, and all their peeces poynt blanke with fire, if they discharge, what is betwixt them and the fire the shot will [27] hit, if the rule be truely obserued. To conclude, there is as many stratagims, advantages, and inventions to be vsed, as you finde occasions; and there fore experiences must be the best Tutor. Bend your passerado to the mayne-sayle, git the sailes. to the yeards, about your geare on all hands, hoyse your sayles halfe mast high, make ready to set sayle, crosse your yeards, bring your Cable to the Capsterne. Boat- swaine fetch an Anchor aboord, break ground or way Anchor, heaue a head, men into the tops, men vpon the yeards. Come is the Anchor a pike, heaue out your top- sayles, hawle your sheates. What's the Anchor away: Yea, yea. Let fall your fore sayle, whose at the helme there, coyle your cable in small slakes, hawle the cat, a bitter, belay, loufe, fast your Anchor with your shanke painter, stow the boate. Let falle your maine saile, on with your bonnets and drablers, steare study before the wind. [28] The wind veares, git your star-boord tacks aboord, hawle off your ley sheats, ouerhawle the ley bowlin, ease your mayne brases, out with your spret-saile, flat the fore sheat, pike vp the misen or brade it. The ship will not wayer, loure the maine top saile, veare a fadome of your sheat. A flown sheate, a faire winde and a boune voyage, the wind shrinks, get your tacks close aboord, make ready your loufe howks and ley fagnes, to take off your bonnits and drablers, hawle close your maine bowline. It ouercasts, we shall haue winde, sattle your top sailes, take in the spret sayle, in with your topsayles, lower your maine sayles, tallow vnder the parrels, in with your maine sayle, lower the fore sayle. The sayle is split, brade vp close all your sayles, lash sure the Ordinances, strike your top masts to the cap, make them sure with Smith. 799 An Accidence for yo[u]ng Sea-men. ] J. Smith. Oct. 1626.your sheepes feete. A storme, hull, lash sure the helme a ley, lye to try out drift. How capes the ship? cun the ship [29] spoune before the winde, she lusts, she lyes vnder the Sea, trie her with a crose jacke, bowse it vp with the out- looker. She will founder in the Sea, runne on shore, split or billage on a Rocke, a wracke, put out a goose-winge, or a hullocke of a sayle. A Faire weather, set your fore sayle. Out with all your sailes, get your Larboard tackes aboord, hawle off your Starboord sheats, goe large, laske, ware yawning, the ships at stayes, at backe-stayes, ouer-set the ship, flat about, handle your Sayles, or trim your sayles, let rise your tacks, hawle of your sheats. Rocke-weede, adrift, or flotes. One to the top to looke out for Land. ships wake, the water way, the weather bow, weather coyle, lay the ship by the Ley, and heaue the lead, try the dipsie line, bring the ship to rights, fetch the log-line to try what way shee makes, turne vp the minute glasse, obserue the hight. Land, to make Land, how beares it, set it by the Compasse [30] cleare your leach-lines, beare in, beare off, or stand off, or sheare off, beare vp. Outward bound, homeward bound, shorten your Sailes, take in your Sailes, come to an Anchor vnder the Ley of the weather shore, the Ley shore, nealed too, looke to your stoppers, your Anchor comes home, the ships a drift, vere out more Cable, let fall your sheat Anchor, land locked, mo[o]re the ship. A good Voyage, Armes, arme a skiffe, a frigot, a pinnace, a ship, a squadron, a fleete. When you ride amongst many ships, pike your yards. [1626] of the boate. To the boate or skiffe belongs oares, a mast, a saile, a The tearmes stay, a halyard, sheats, a boat-hook, thoughts, thoules, rudder, irons, bailes, a trar-pawling or yawning, carlings, carling-knees, for the Dauid, the boates-wayles, a dridge. To row a spell, hold-water, trim the boate, vea, vea, vea, vea, vea, who saies Amen, one and all, for a dram of the bottle. [31] of great Ordinance A Basillisco, double Cannon, Cannon Pedrea, demy The names Cannon, Culvering, Sakar, Minion, Falcon, Falconet, of all sorts Rabbenet, Murderers, slings, Chambers, Curriors, Harga- busacrock, Musquets, bastard Musquets, Coliners, Carbines, Crabuts, long Pistols, short Pistols, Charges, Cartrages, and their appurten- ances. Soo [oct An Accidence for yo[u]ng Sea-men. J. Smith. Oct. 1626. [1626] Concerning the shooting of great Match, Spunges, Ladles, Rammers, Rammers heads, tom- kins, a worme, a bore, a barrell, taper bore, hunicomed, lint stockes, carrages, trukes, linch-pins, trunions, axell-trees, beds, coynings. The peeces in the prow, the chase peeces in the sterne, the quarter peeces, the mid-ships; the vpper tyre, the middle tyre, their fids and leads to keepe dry the touch hole. Travers a peece, dispeart a peece. Com- passe Calipers, a gunners quadrant, a hand spike, a crow of iron, to mount a peece, to dismount a peece, a darke Lanthorne, a budge barrell, a horne, a priming iron. Wyer, round shot, crosse-[32]-barre-shot, chayne-shot, langrill-shot, a case, case-shot, lead, melting ladles, moulds, bullet bagges, Musquet shot, Colyuer shot, quartred shot, Pistol shot, poysoned bullets, brasse bals, iron bals, granadoes, trunkes of wilde fire, pikes of wild fire, arrowes of wild fire, pots of wild fire or dragouns. To cloye a peece: To loade a peece: To poyson a peece. Hookes for gunners or tacklings. Concerning the particuler theor[e]mes, or tearmes, for great Ordnances, as the concaue, trunke, cylinder, the Ordinance. soule or bore of a peece: To know whether she be equally bored, camber, taper, or bel bored; the severall names of her mettle, the thinnesse and thicknesse, her carnooze or base ring at her britch, her shaft or chase, her trunnions, mousell rings at her mouth, to dispart her, know her leuell poynt blanke and best at randome, her fortification, the differences of powder, be it serpentine or corned powder; if she be well mounted, [33] vpon a leuell plot- forme or no besides there are so many vncertaine acci- dents, both in the peece, shot, and powder, the ground the ayre and differences in proportion, they can no cer- taine artificiall rules be proscribed. Those proportions following are neere the matter, but for your better satisfaction, read Master Digs his Pantry- metria, Master Smith, or Master Burnes Arte of gun[ne]ry, or Master Robert Nortons expositions vpon maister Digs: any of these will shew you the Theoricke; but to be a good Gunner, you must learn it by practise. The Gunners scale is made in brasse at Tower Hill, with prospectiue glasses, and many other instruments by Master Bates. [34] Oct. 801 J. Smith. An Accidence for yo[u]ng Sea-men. ] 1626.A Table of Proportions for the use of great Ordinance. [1626] The The The length The The weight weight Circum- height ference of the The bredth weight of the of the Ladle powder in [Names.] of the Peeces of the of the shot of the shot Ladle in in shot in in in in The Skores of paces at poynt pounds. pounds. pounds. inches. inches. inches. pounds. blanke. A Cannon... Sooo 63 245 73 23 15 46 26 Demy Cannon ... 6000 32 18/1 6 22 111 24 30 A Culuering ... 5500 18 15/09/ 5 22 9 14 33 Demy Culuering 4500 9 124 4 20 со 9 39 A Sacar ... ... 3500 51 10+ 31 161 611 51 26 i A Minion ... ... 1500 4 92 3 15 6 4 25 A Falcon 1100 ... 21 ㄛ ​7/ 2}} سرت 123 5 21 14 A Falconct 5c0 1} 6/ 2 ΙΟ 4 11 со S Note that seldome in any Ships they vse any Ordinance greater then a demy Cannon. [35] The Ship hath one third part; the Victualler the other third; the other third part is for the Company, and this is subdivided thus. How the shares in a devide thir Man of Warre. Shares The Captaine hath 9. The Master hath 7. The Mates hath 5. The Gunners hath 5. The Carpenter hath 5. The Boatswaine hath 4. ENG, SCH. LIB. No. 16. 51 802 An Accidence for yo[u]ng Sea-men. Lo't T. Smith. Oct. 1626. [1626] The Marshall hath The Corporal hath The Chyrugion hath The quarter Masters hath The Steward The Cooke The Coxon The Trumpeter hath hath hath hath : : : : : : : 1 : : : Shares. 4. 3. 3.. 4. 3. 3. 3. 4. The Sailers, two or one and a halfe. The Boyes a single share. The Licuetenant what the Captaine will giue him, or as they can agree. [36] They vse to appoint a certaine reward extraordinary to him that first discries a Sayle if they take her, and to him that first enters her. For to learne to obserue the Altitude, Latitude, Longi- tude, Amplitude, the variation of the Compasse, the Sunnes Azimuth and Almicanter, to shift the Sunne and Moone, and to know the tydes, your roomes, pricke your card, and say your Compasse, get some of those bookes: but practise is the best. Master [E.] Wrights errors of Nauigation. Master [J] Taps Sea-mans Kallender. [M. Cortes.] The Art of Nauigation. [W. Bourne.] Regiment. The Sea [J. Davis.] The Sea-mans Secrets. Wagganour [i.e., J. S. Wag-| henaer's The Marinours Mirrour, translated by A. Ashley. 1588.] Master [E.] Gunters workes. The Sca-mans glasse for skale. Thenew attracter for variation. Master Wright for the use of the Globe. Master Hewes for the same. [37] Good Sea Cards [i.e., Charts.] Two paire of Compasecs. An Astralobe quadrant. A Crosse staffé. A backe staffe. An Astrolobe. An Nocturnall. If you haue a Divine, his pay is most commonly both from the Aduenturers and the Saylors; so also is the Chyrurgion. Oct. J. SmithAn Accidence for yo[u]ng Sea-men. 803 . 1626. [1626] Advertisc- ments for yong Com- manders, Captaines and Young Gentlemen that desires commaund ought well to consider, the condition of his ship, victuall, and Com- pany; for if there be more learners then Saylers, how sleightly soeuer many esteeme Saylers, all the worke to saue Ship, goods, and liues, must lye vpon them, espe- Officers. cially in foule weather, the labour, hazard, wet and cold is so incredible I cannot expresse it. It is not then the number of them that here will say at home, what I cannot [38] doe, I can quickly learne, and what a great matter it is to sayle a Ship, or goe to Sea. Surely those for a good time will doe most trouble then good. I con- fesse it is more necessary such should go, but not too many in one ship; for if the labour of sixty should lye vpon thirty, as many times it doth; they are so ouer-charged with labour, bru[i]ses, and ouer-strayning themselues: (for there is no dallying nor excuses with stormes, gusts, overgrowne seas, and ley shores), they fall sicke of one disease or other, and then if their Victuals be putrified, it indangers all. Men of all other professions, in lightning, thunder, stormes and tempests, with raine and snow, may shelter themselues in dry houses, by good fires, and good cheere; but those are the chief times, that Sea-men must stand to their tackelings, and attend with all diligence their greatest labour vpon the Deckes. Many supposeth any thing is good enough [39] to serue men at sea, and yet nothing sufficient for them a shore, either for their healthes, for their ease, or estates, or state. A Commaunder at Sea should do well to thinke the contrary, and prouide for himselfe and company in like manner; also seriously to consider what will be his charge, to furnish himselfe at sea, with bedding, linnen, armes, and apparell; how to keepe his table aboord, his expences on shore, and his Petty Tally, which is a competent proportion according to your number, of these particulars following. Fine wheat flower, close and well packed, Risc, Cur- rands, Sugar, Prunes, Cinamon, Ginger, Pepper, Cloucs, Greene-ginger, Oyle, Butter, Olde Cheese, or Holland, Wine, vinegar, Canary Sacke, Aqua vita, the best Wines, the best Waters, the inyce of Lemons for the Scurvey, white Bisket, Oate meale, Gammons of Bacon, dried neates tongues, Rosted Beefe packed vp in vineger. [40] Legges of Mutton minced 804 [oct An Accidence for yo[u]ng Sea-men. J. Smith. Oct. 1626 [1626] and stewed, and close packed vp with butter in earthen pots. To entertaine strangers, Marmelet, Suckets, Almonds, Comfits, and such like. Some it may bee will say, I would haue men rather to feast then fight. But I say the want of those necessaries, occasions the losse of more men, then in any English fleet hath bin slaine in any fight since [15]88: for when a man is ill sicke, or at the poynt of death, I would know whether a dish of buttered Rice, with a little Cinamon and Sugar, a little minced meate, or roast beefe, a few stewed Prunes, a race of greene-ginger, a flap Iacke, a can of fresh water brued with a little Cinamon, Ginger, and Sugar, be not better then a little poore Iohn, or salt fish, with oyle and mustard, or bisket, butter, cheese or oatemeale pottage on fish dayes, salt beefe, porke and pease, and sixe shillings beere. This is your ordinary ships allow- ance, and good for [41] them are well, if well conditioned; which is not alwayes, as sea-men can too well witnesse: and after a storme, when poore men are all wet, and some not so much a cloth to shift him, shaking with cold, few of those but will tell you, a little Sacke or Aquvitæ, is much better to keepe them in health, then a little small Now that euery beere or cold water, although it be sweete. one should prouide those things for himselfe, few of them And there is haue either that prouidence or meanes. neither Alehouse, Tauerne, nor Inne to burne a faggot in; neither Grocer, Poulterie, Apothocary, nor Butchers shop : and therefore the vse of this petty tally is necessary, and thus to be imployed as there is occasion, to entertaine strangers, as they are in quality, euery Commander should shewe himselfe as like himselfe as he can, as well for the credit of the ship and his settors forth as himselfe. But in that heerein euery one [42] may moderate themselues, according to their owne pleasures, therefore I leaue it to their owne discretions. And this breefe Discourse, and my selfe, to their friendly construction and good opinion. JOHN SMITH Writ this with his owne Hand. FINIS. THE TRUE TRAVELS, ADVENTVRES, AND OBSERVATIONS OF Captaine IOHN SMITH, In Europe, Asia, Affrica, and America, from Anno Domini 1 593 to 16 29. His Accidents and Sea-fights in the Straights; his Service and Stratagems of warre in Hungaria, Transilvania, Wallachia, and Moldavia, against the Turks, and Tartars; his three single. combats betwixt the Christian Armie and the Turkes. After how he was taken prisoner by the Turks, sold for a Slave, scnt into Tartaria; his description of the Tartars, their strange manners and customes of Religions, Diets, Buildings, Warres, Feasts, Cere- monies, and Living; how hee slew the Bashaw of Nalbrits in Cambia, and escaped from the Turkes and Tartars. Together with a continuation of his generall History of Virginia, Summer-Iles, New England, and their proceedings, since 1624. to this present 1629; as also of the new Plantations of the great River of the Amazons, the Iles of St. Christopher, Mevis, and Barbados in the West Indies. All written by actuall Authours, whose names you shall finde along the History. LONDON, Printed by J. H. for Thomas Slater, and are to bee sold at the Blew Bible in Greene Arbour. 1630. 806 [On the 18th April 1884, we personally inspected, at the College of Arms, Queen Victoria Street, London, E.C., Sir WILLIAM SEGAR'S registration of the Coat of Arms on the opposite page; see p. xxiv. It may be well to repeat what we have already said at . xxiii, that most of what is here recorded by SMITH of his doings in Hungary, Transylvania, &c., in Chapters iv.-x., pp. 829--850, is but a reprint of PURCHAS's translated Extracts from the Italian History or Biography of FRANCISCO FARNESE, the Secretary to Prince SIGISMUNDUS BÁTORI, pp. 788, 852: and is therefore not SMITH's own account of his own doings, but chiefly the narrative of a foreigner with no possible motive for his laudation. This Work was thus entered for publication at Stationers' Hall, London: 29 August 1629. Thomas Slaughter Entred for his Copie vnder the handes of master Doctor JEFFERAY and master Purfoote Warden The true travells aduentures and observacions of Captaine JOHN SMITH in Europe Asia &c. from Anno Domini 1593 to 1629. vjd. A Transcript of the Registers of the Company of Stationers of London, 1554-1640 A.D., Ed. by E. ARDER, iv. 218, 1877. The Travels, however, come no later than 1604, see p. 880: the Observations comprise the carrying on of the story of our colonizing efforts from 1624, where the General History left off at p. 784, down to the year 1629. There seems to have been some delay in the publication of this book, for though registered in August 1629, it came out with the date 1630. For the bibliography of this Work see p. cxxxi.] 807 Vincere est (Viuere. Accordamus 808 [1629] To the Right Honourable WILLIAM, Earle of PEMBROKE, Lord Steward of his Majesties most Honourable Houshold. ROBERT, Earle of LINDSEY, Great Chamberlaine of ENGLAND. HENRIE, Lord HUNS DON, Vicount ROCHFORD, Earle of Dover. And all your Honourable Friends My Lords: and Well-willers. IR Robert Cotton, that most learned Trea- surer of Antiquitie, having by perusal of my General Historie, and others [i.e., his other earlier publications], found that I had likewise undergone divers other as hard hazards in the other parts of the world, requested me to fix the whole course of my passages in a booke by it selfe: whose noble desire I could not but in part satisfie; the Aug. J. Smith809 The Epistle Dedicatory. . 1629.J rather, because they have acted my fatall Tragedies [1629] upon the Stage, and racked my Relations at their pleasure. To prevent therefore all future misprisons, I have compiled this true discourse. Envie hath taxed me to have writ too much, and done too little but that such should know, how little I esteeme them, I have writ this; more for the satisfaction of my friends, and all generous and well disposed Readers. To speake only of my selfe were intolerable in- gratitude; because, having had so many co-partners with me; I cannot make a Monument for my selfe, and leave them unburied in the fields, whose lives begot me the title of a Souldier; for as they were companions with me in my dangers, so shall they be partakers with me in this Tombe. For my Sea Grammar (caused to bee printed by my worthy friend, Sir Samuel Saltonstall [p. 787]) hath found such good entertainment abroad, that I have beene importuned by many noble persons, to let this also passe the Presse. Many of the most eminent Warriers, and others; what their swords did, their penns writ. Though I bee never so much their inferiour, yet I hold it no great errour, to follow good examples; nor repine at them, [who] will doe the like. And now my most Honourable good Lords, I know not to whom I may better present it, than to your Lordships, whose friendships, as I conceive, 810 [Aug The Epistle Dedicatory. J. Smith. Aug. 1629. [1629] are as much to each others, as my duty is to you all: and because you are acquainted both with my endevours, and writings, I doubt not, but your honours will as well accept of this, as of the rest; and Patronize it under the shadow of your most noble vertues, which I am ever bound in all duty to reverence, and under which I hope to have shelter, against all stormes that dare threaten. Your Honours to be commanded, IOHN SMIT 1. 3(x SII The Contents of the severall CHAP. I. H Chapters. Is birth; apprentiship; going into France; his beginning with ten shillings and three- pence, his service in Nether- lands; his bad passage into Scotland; his returne to Willoughby; and how he lived in the woods. 2. The notable villany of foure French Gal- lants, and his revenge; Smith throwne over-boord, Captaine La Roche of Saint Malo relceves him. page 1. p. 821] ... 3. [p. 823] ... 5. [p. S26} 3. A desperate Sea-fight in the Straights; his passage to Rome, Naples, and the view of Italy. 4. The Siege of Olumpagh; an excellent stratagem by Smith; another not much worse. ... 6. [þ. 829] 5. The siege of Stowlle - Wesenburg; the effects of Smiths Fire-workes; a worthy exploit of the Earle Rosworme; Earle Meldritch takes the Bashaw prisoner. 8. [p. 831] 6. A brave encounter of the Turks armie with the Christians; Duke Mercury overthroweth Assan Bashaw; He divides the Christian armie; his noblenesse and death. 9. [p. 833] 812 . The Contents. [Aug. . J. SmithCHAP. 7. The unhappy siege of Caniza; Earle Meldritch serveth Prince Sigismundus; Prince Moyses besiegeth Regall; Smiths three single combats. ... 162911. [p. 836] 8. Georgio Busca an Albane his ingratitude to Prince Sigismundus; Prince Moyses. his Lieutenant, is overthrowne by Busca, Generall for the Emperour Rodulphus; Smiths Patent from Sigismundus, and reward. 14. [p. 840] 9. Sigismundus sends Ambassadours unto the Emperour; the conditions re-assured; he yieldeth up all to Busca, and returneth to Prague.... 18. [þ. 845] 10. The Battell of Rottenton; a pretty strata- gem of fire-workes by Smith. 20. [p. 848] 21. [p. 851] II. The names of the English that were slaine in the battle of Rottenton; and how Cap- taine Smith was taken prisoner; and sold for a slave.... 12. How Captaine Smith was sent prisoner thorow the Blacke and Dissabacca Sca in Tartaria; the description of those Seas, and his usage. 23. [p. 853] 13. The Turks diet; the Slaves dict; the attire of the Tartars; and manner of Warres and Religions, &c. 24. [p. 855] 14. The description of the Crym-Tartars; their houses and carts; their idolatry in their lodgings. ... 26. [p. 857] 27. [p. 859] 15. Their feasts; common diet; Princes estate; buildings; lowes; slaves; entertainment of Ambassaaours. ... 16. How he levieth an Armie; their Armes and Provision; how he divideth the spoile; and his service to the Great Turke. ….. 29. [p. 862] Aug. J. Smith813 . The Contents. . 1633CHAP. 17. How Captaine Smith escaped his cap- tivity; slew the Bashaw of Nalbrits in Cambia; his passage to Russia, Transil- vania, and the middest of Europe to Affrica. ... 31. [p. 866] Smith; 18. The obscrvations of Captaine Master Henry Archer, and others in Barbary. ... 34. [p. 869] 19. The strange discoveries and observations of the Portugals in Affrica. 37. [p. 874) ... · 39. [p. 878} 20. A brave Sea-fight betwixt two Spanish men of warre, and Captaine Merham, with Smith. ... 21. The continuation of the generall History of Virginia; the Summer Iles; and New England; with their present cstate from 1624. to this present 1629. 41. [p. 883] 45. [p. 889] 22. The proceedings and present estate of the Summer Iles, from An. Dom. 1624. to this present 1629. ... 23. The proceedings and present estate of New England, since 1624. to this present 1629.... ... 46. [p. 891] 24. A briefe discourse of divers voyages made unto the goodly Country of Guiana, and the great River of the Amazons; relating also the present Plantation there. 48. [p. 895] 25. The beginning and proceedings of the new plantation of St. Christopher by Captaine Warner. 51. [þ. 900] 26. The first planting of the Barbados. ... 55. [p. 906] 27. The first plantation of the Ile of Mevis. 56. [p. 909] 28. The bad life, qualities and conditions of Pyrats; and how they taught the Turks and Moores to become men of warre. 58. [p. 913] 814 R. Brathwait. A. Fereby. [Complimentary Verses. [1629] 1629. To my worthy friend, Captaine JOHN SMITH. Wo greatest Shires of England did thee beare, Renowned Yorkshire, Gaunt-stild Lancashire ; But what's all this? even Earth, Sea, Heaven above, Tragabigzanda, Callamata's love, Deare Pocahontas, Madam Shanoi's too, Who did what love with modesty could doe: Record thy worth, thy birth, which as I live, Even in thy reading such choice solace give, As I could wish (such wishes would doe well) Many such Smiths in this our Israel. R. BRATH WAIT. To my noble brother and friend, Captaine Io HN SMITH. Hou hast a course so full of honour runne, Envy may snarle, as dogges against the Sunne May barke, not bite: for what deservedly With thy lifes danger, valour, pollicy, Quaint warlike stratagems, abillity And judgement, thou hast got, fame sets so high Detraction cannot reach: thy worth shall stand A patterne to succeeding ages, and Cloth'd in thy owne lines, ever shall adde grace, Vnto thy native Country and thy race; And when dissolv'd, laid in thy mothers wombe, These, Cæsar-like, Smiths Epitaph and tombe. ANTHONY FERE BY. E. Jorden. 1629. 815 Complimentary Verses.] To his valiant and deserving friend, Captaine IO HN SMITH. Ongst Frenchmen, Spanyards, Hungars, Tartars, Turks, M And wilde Virginians too, this tells thy works: Now some will aske, what benefit? what gaine? Is added to thy store for all this paine? Th'art then content to say, content is all, Th'ast got content for perils, paine and thrall; Tis lost to looke for more: for few men now Regard Wit, Learning, Valour; but allow The quintessence of praise to him that can Number his owne got gold, and riches, than Th'art Valiant, Learned, Wise; Pauls counsell will, Admire thy merits, magnifie thy skill. The last of thinc to which I set my hand Was a Sea Grammar; this by Sea and Land, Serves us for imitation: I know none, That like thy selfe hast come, and runne, and gone, To such praise-worthy actions: bee't approued, Th'ast well deserv'd of best men to be loued: If France, Spaine, or any forren soile Could claire thee theirs, for these thy paines and toile, Th' adst got reward and honour: now adayes, What our owne natives doc, we seldom praise. Good men will yecld thee praise; then sleight the rest; Tis best praise-worthy to have pleased the best. Tuissimus ED. I ORDEN. : [1629] 816 R. James. M. Hawkins. 1629. [Complimentary Verses. [1629] To my worthy friend, Captaine IOHN SMITH. Eare noble Captaine, who by Sca and Land, To act the earnest of thy name hast hand And heart; who canst with skill designe the Fort, The Leaguer, Harbour, City, Shore, and Port: Whose sword and pen in bold, ruffe, Martiall wise, Put forth to try and beare away the prize, From Cæsar and Blaize Monluc: Can it be, That Men alone in Gonnels fortune see Thy worth advanc'd? no wonder since our age, Is now at large a Bedlem or a Stage. RICH. I AMES. བརྩྭ་་ To his worthy friend, Captaine IOHN SMITH. Hou that hast had a spirit to flie like thunder, Without thy Countries charge through those strange dangers, Doth make my muse amazed, and more to wonder That thy deserts should shared be by strangers, And thou neglected; (ah miracle !) most lamented, At thy great patience thus to rest contented. AI. Hawkins. R. Mead. 817 Complimentary Verses.] 1629. For none can truly say thou didst deceive, [1629] Thy Souldiers, Sailers, Merchants, nor thy friends, But all from thee a true account receive, Yet nought to thee all these thy vertues brings; Is none so noble to advance thy merit, If any be, let him thy praise inherit. MA. HAWKINS. To my worthy friend, Captaine IOHN SMITH. O combate with three Turks in single du'le, Before two Armies, who the like hath done? Slaine thy great Iailor; found a common wcale In faire America where; thou hast wonne No lesse renowne amongst their Savage Kings, Than Turkish warres, that thus thy honour sings. Could not those tyrants daunt thy matchlesse spirit, Nor all the cruelty of envies spight : Will not thy Country yet reward thy merit, Nor in thy acts and writings take delight? Which here in so few sheets doth more expresse Than volumes great, this is thy happinesse. ENG, SCH. LIB. No. 16. RICHARD MEAD E. 52 818 1620 [Complimentary Verses. * i.e., Bard.] [1629] To my well deserving friend, Captaine IOHN SMITH. Hou hast no need to covet new applause, E. Ingham. M. Cartner. Nor doe I thinke vaine-glory moves thee to it; But since it is thy will (though without cause) To move a needlesse thing, yet will I doe it : Doe it in briefe I will, or else I doc the[e] wrong, And say, rend or'e Captaine Smiths former song; His first then will invite thee to his latter: Reader 'tis true; I am not brib'd to flatter. EDW. INGHAM. To his approved friend, the Authour; Captaine IO HN SMITH. He old Greeke Beard,* counts him the onely man, Who knowes strange Countries, like his Ithacan, And wise, as valiant, by his observation, Can tell the severall customes of each Nation: All these are met in thee, who will not then Repute thee in the ranke of worthiest men? To th' Westerne world to former times unknowne, Thy active spirit hath thy valour showne : The Turks and Tartars both can testifie, Thee t'have deserv'd a Captaines dignity; But verse thou need'st not to expresse thy worth, Thy acts, this booke doe plainly set it forth. M. CARTNER. } I. 819 B. C. P. Complimentary Verses.] . C. and O. Pourke1629. To the Valourous and truly-vertuous souldier, Captaine IO HN SMITH. N O* Faith in Campe? tis false: see pious Smith Hath brought stragling Astræa backe, and with An all outdaring spirit made Valour stand Vpheld by Vertue in bold Mars his land : If Valourous, be praise; how great's his Name? Whose Valour joynd with Vertue laud's his Fame. T'was Homers boast of wise Laertes sonne, Well-read in men and Cities: than thou none (Great Smith) of these can more true tales rehearse; What want thy praises then, but Homers verse? Fn Smithum Distichon. [1629] * Nulla fides lietasque viris, qui castra sequ- untur. † πολλῶν δ᾽ ἀνθρώ πων ἴδεν ὥστεα καὶ νόον ἔγνω Hom. Odyss a. * Quisque suæ sortis* Faber: an Faber exstitit unquam Appius. Te (Smithe) fortunæ verior usque suæ ? I. C. C. P. T To his noble friend, Captaine IOHN SMITH. O see bright honour sparkled all in gore, Would steele a spirit that ne're fought before: And that's the height of Fame, when our best bloud, Is nobly spilt in actions great and good: So thou hast taught the world to purchase Fame, Rearing thy story on a glorious frame, And such foundation doth thy merits make it, As all detractions rage shall never shake it; Thy actions crowne themselves, and thy owne pen, Gives them the best and truest Epiphonem. BRIAN O ROVRK E. S20 1629. [Complimentary Verses. . S. Tanner[1629] To his his truly deserving friend Captaine IO HN SMITH. An one please all? there's none from Censure free, To looke for it then it were absurd in thee; It's easie worke to censure sweetest Layes, Where Ignorance is Iudge thou'd have no praise: Wisdome I know will mildly judge of all, Envious hearts, tongues, pennes, are dippt in Gall. Proud malignant times will you now bring forth Monsters at least to snarle at others worth; O doe not so, but wisely looke on him That wrought such Honours for his Countries King: ·Of Turks and Tartars thou hast wonne the field, The great Bashaw his Courage thou hast quel'd; In the Hungarian warre thou'st shewd thy Arts, Proued thy Selfe a Souldier true in all parts: Thy Armes are deckt with that thy Sword hath wonne, Which mallice can't out-weare till day be done : For three proud Turks in single fight thou'st slue, Their Heads adorne thy Armes, for witnesse true; Let Mars and Neptune both with Pregnant wit, Extoll thy due deserts, Ile pray for it. SALO. TANNER OECCCCCS בבבבב Part of the Trauels of Capt JOHN SMITH,a mongst TVRKES Cap* SMITH thromne into the Sea gott fafe to Shore, and was TARTARS and others extracted out of the HISTORY by 1OHN PAYN releeued Chap How heereleeued OLVMPAGH by a stratagem of Lights Chap. 6 The Coast of Junis க Bugia BARBARIES Algere B S'Martes le The Coast of SAVOY NICE His three fingle Combats Chap 7. His Encounter with TVRBASHAW Chap 7. ว Tallown Capt SMITH led Captive to the BASHAW of NÁLBRITS in TARTARIA.Chap 12. Drub. m man Smith Basham The Siege of REGALL in Transiluania Chap Chap 7 His Combat with GRVALGO.Capt of three hundred horfmen How he flew BONNY MVL GRO Chap 7 7 + + C pro Chrifto et Patrya Three TVRKS heads in a banner given him for Armes Chap P.Sigmundu Capt SMITH Killeth the BASHAW of Nalbrits and on his efcapeth Chap horfe 17. P-Moyses MRten Dr. Sculptor How he was prefented to Prince SIGISMVNDVS. Chap. 8 London Printed by Iames Recue S2i THE TRVE TRAVELS, ADVENTVRES, AND OBSERVATIONS OF CAPTAINE IOHN SMITH, in Europe, Asia, Africke, and America: beginning about the yeere 1593. and continued to this present 1629. CHAPTER I. His birth; Apprentiship; Going into France; His beginning with ten shillings and three pence; His Service in Netherlands; His bad passage into Scotland; His returne to Willoughby; And how he lived in the Woods. E was borne [1579] in Willoughby in [1579-92] Lincolne-shire, and a Scholler in the two Free-schooles of Alford and Louth. His father anciently descended from the ancient Smiths of Crudley in Lancashire; his mother from the Rickands at great Heck in York-shire. His parents dying [1592] when he was about thirteene yeeres of age, left him a competent meanes, which hee not being capable to manage, little regarded; 822 . 1629. The Travells and Adventures of LAug. Smith[1592–9] his minde being even then set upon brave adventures, [he] sould his Satchell, bookes, and all he had, intending secretly to [2] get to Sea, but that his fathers death [Aug. 1592] stayed him. But now the Guardians of his estate more regarding it than him, he had libertie enough, though no meanes, to get beyond the Sea. About the age of fifteene yeeres [1594] hee was bound an Apprentice to Master Thomas Sendall of Linne, the greatest Merchant of all those parts; but because hee would not presently send him to Sea, he never saw his master in eight yeeres after [1595-1603]. At last, he found meanes to attend Master Perigrine Barty into France, second sonne to the Right Honourable Peri- grine, that generous Lord Willoughby and famous Souldier; where comming to his brother Robert, then at Orleans, now Earle of Linsey, and Lord great Chamberlaine of England; being then but little youths under Tutorage: his service being needlesse, within a moneth or six weeks they sent him backe againe to his friends. Who when he came from London, they liberally gave him (but out of his owne estate) ten shillings to be rid of him; such oft is the share of fatherlesse children: but those two Honourable Brethren gave him sufficient to returne for England. But it was the least thought of his determination, for now being freely at libertie in Paris, growing acquainted with one Master David Hume; who making some use of his purse, gave him Letters to his friends in Scotland to preferre him to King Iames. Arriving at Roane, he better bethinkes himselfe, seeing his money neere spent, downe the River he went to Haver de grace, where he first began to learne the life of a souldier. Peace being concluded in France [1596], he went with Captaine Ioseph Duxbury into the Low-countries, under whose Colours having served three or foure yeeres [1596–9}, he tooke his journey for Scotland, to deliver his Letters. At Ancusan he imbarked himselfe for Lethe, but as - much danger as shipwracke and sicknesse could endure, hee had at the holy Ile in Northumberland neere Bar- wicke: (being recovered) into Scotland he went to deliver his Letters. J. Smith. Aug. 1629. 823 Captaine IOHN SMITH. After much kinde usage amongst those honest Scots at Ripweth and Broxmoth,but neither money nor meanes to make him a Courtier; he returned to Willoughby in Lincoln-shire. Where within a short time being glutted with too much company, wherein he took small delight; he retired himselfe into a little wooddie pasture, a good way from any towne, invironed with many hundred Acres of other woods: Here by a faire brook he built a Pavillion of boughes, where only in his cloaths he lay. His studie was Machiavills Art of warre, and Marcus Aurelius; his exercise a good horse, with his lance and Ring; his food was thought to be more of venison than any thing else; what he wanted, his man brought him. The countrey wondering at such an Hermite; His friends perswaded one Seignior Theadora Polaloga, Rider to Henry Earle of Lincolne, an excellent Horse-man, and a noble Italian Gentleman, to insinuate into his wooddish acquaintances; whose Languages and good discourse, and exercise of riding, drew him to stay with him at Tattersall. Long these pleasures could not content him, but hee returned againe to the Low-Countreyes. [3] [1600] CHAPTER II. The notable villany of foure French Gallants, and his revenge; Smith throwne over-board; Captaine La Roche of Saint Malo relecves him. Hus when France and Netherlands had taught him to ride a Horse and use his Armes, with such rudiments of warre as his tender yeeres [at. 16–20] in those martiall Schooles could attaine unto; he was desirous to see more of the world, and trie his fortune against the Turkes: both lamenting and repenting to have seene so many Christians slaughter one another. Opportunitie casting him [in the Low Countries] into the company of foure French Gallants well attended, faining to him the one to be a great Lord, the rest his Gentlemen, and that they were all devoted that way; over-perswaded him to A notable foure villany of French Gallants. 1 824 J. Smith. Aug. 1620 The Travells and Adventures of [1600] A Carralue is in value a penny. goe with them into France, to the Dutchesse of Mercury [de Mercaur], from whom they should not only have meanes, but also Letters of favour to her noble Duke, then Generall [since Sept. 1598] for the Emperour Rodolphus in Hungary: which he did, with such ill weather as winter affordeth. In the darke night, they arrived in the broad shallow In-let of Saint Valleries sur Some in Picardie; his French Lord knowing he had good apparell, and [was] better fur- nished with money than themselves, so plotted with the Master of the ship to set his and their owne trunckes a shore, leaving Smith aboard till the boat could returne, which was the next day after towards evening: the reason hee alleaged was the sea went so high hee could come no sooner, and that his Lord was gone to Amiens where they would stay his comming. Which treacherous villany, when divers other souldiers and passengers understood, they had like to have slaine the Master; and had they knowne how, would have runne away with the ship. Comming on shore hee had but one Carralue, [and] was forced to sell his cloake to pay for his passage. One of the souldiers, called Curzianvere, compassionating his injury, assured him this great Lord Depreau was only the sonne of a Lawyer of Mortaigne in base Britany; and his Attend- ants Cursell, La Nelie, and Monferrat, three young citizens, as arrant cheats as himselfe but if he would accompany him, he would bring him to their friends; but in the interim [he] supplied his wants. Thus travelling by Decpe, Codebeck, Humphla, Pount- demer in Normandie, they came to Cane in base Normandie: where both this noble Curzianvere, and the great Prior of the great Abbey of S. Steven (where is the ruinous Tombe of William the Conquerour,) and many other of his friends kindly welcomed him, and brought him to Mortaigne; where hee found Depreau and the rest, but to small purpose. For Master Curianvere was a banished man, and durst not be seene, but to his friends: yet the bruit of their cosenage occasioned the Lady Collumber, the Baron Larshan, the Lord Shasghe, and divers other honourable persons, to supply his wants; and with them to recreate himselfe so long as hee would: but such pleasant pleasures. suited little with his poore estate, and his restlesse spirit, J. Smith. Aug. 1629. 825 Captaine IO HN SMITII. that could neuer finde content, to receiue such noble favours, as he could neither deserve nor requite. [4] But wandring from Port to Port to finde some man of war, [he] spent that he had; and in a Forest, neere dead with griefe and cold, a rich Farmer found him by a faire Fountaine under a tree. This kinde Pesant releeved him againe to his content, to follow his intent. [1600] incountred one of the theeves. Not long after, as he passed thorow a great grove of trees, Here he betweene Pounterson and Dina in Britaine, it was his chance to meet Cursell, more miserable than himselfe. His piercing injuries had so small patience, as without any word they both drew, and in a short time Cursell fell to the ground; where from an old ruinated Tower the inhabitants seeing them, were satisfied, when they heard Cursell confesse what had formerly passed; and that how in the dividing that they had stolne from him, they fell by the ears amongst themselves, that were actors in it: but for his part, he excused himselfe to be innocent as well of the one, as of the other. In regard of his hurt, Smith was glad to be so rid of him, directing his course to an honourable Lord, the Earle of Ployer; who during the warre in France [1590-6], with his two brethren, Viscount Poomory, and Baron d'Mercy, who had beene brought up in England: by him he was better refurnished than ever. When they had shewed him Saint Malo Mount, Saint Michael, Lambal, Simbreack, Lanion, and their owne faire Castle of Tuncadeck, Gingan, and divers other places in Britanny (and their Brittish Cornwaile), taking his leave, he tooke his way to Raynes, the Britaines chiefe Citie, and so to Nantes, Poyters, Rochell, and Burdeaux. The rumour of the strength of Bayon in Biskay, caused him to see it; and from thence [he] tooke his way from Leskar in Bicarne, and Paw in the kingdom of Navar to Tolouza in Gascoigne, Bezers and Carcassone, Narbone, Mont- pellier, Nimes in Languedock, and thorow the Country of Avignion, by Arles to Marcellos in Province. There imbarking himselfe for Italy, the ship was enforced to Tolonne; and putting againe to sea, ill weather so grew upon them, they anchored close aboard the shore, under the little Isle of S. Mary, against Neice in Savoy. The noble- Earle of nesse of the j · 1 826 J. Smith. Aug. 1629. The Travells and Adventures of [1600-1] An inhumane act of the Provincialls in casting him over- board. Captaine La Roche releeves him. A desperate sea-fight. Here the inhumane Provincialls, with a rabble of Pilgrimes of divers Nations going to Rome, hourely cursing him, not only for a Hugonoit, but his Nation they swore were all Pyrats, and so vildly railed on his dread Soveraigne Queene Elizabeth, and that they never should have faire weather so long as hee was aboard them; their disputations grew to that passion, that they threw him over-board: yet God brought him to that little Isle, where was no inhabitants, but a few kine and goats. The next morning, he espied two ships more riding by them, put in by the storme; that fetched him aboard, well refreshed him, and so kindly used him, that he was well contented to trie the rest of his fortune with them. After he had related unto them his former discourse, what for pitie, and the love of the Honourable Earle of Ployer, this noble Britaine his neighbour, Captaine la Roche of Saint Malo, regarded and entertained him for his well respected friend. With the next faire wind they sailed along by the Coast of Corsica and Sardinia; and crossing the gulfe of Tunis, passed by Cape Bona to the Isle of Lampadosa, leaving the coast of Barbary till they came at Cape Rosata, and so along the African shore, for Alexandria in Ægypt. There delivering their fraught, they went to Scandaroone ; rather to view what ships was in the Roade, than any thing else: keeping their [5] course by Cypres and the coast of Asia, sayling by Rhodes, the Archipellagans, Candia, and the coast of Gretia, and the Isle of Zaffalonia. They lay to and againe a few days betwixt the Isle of Corfue and the Cape of Otranto in the Kingdome of Naples, in the Entrance of the Adriatike sea. CHAPTER II I. A desperate Sea-fight in the Straights; His passage to Rome, Naples, and the view of Italy. B Etwixt the two Capes [at the entrance of the Adriatic] they meet with an Argosie of Venice. It seemed the Captaine desired to speake with them, whose untoward answer was such, Aug. J. Smith827 . Captaine IOHN SMITH. . 1629as slew them a man; whereupon the Britaine presently [1600-1] gave them the broad-side, then his Sterne, and his other broad-side also, and continued the chase, with his chase peeces, till he gave them so many broad-sides one after another, that the Argosies sayles and tackling was so torne, she stood to her defence, and made shot for shot. Twice in one houre and a halfe the Britaine boarded her, yet they cleared themselves: but clapping her aboard againe, the Argosie fired him, which, with much danger to them both, was presently quenched. This rather augmented the Britaines rage, than abated his courage: for having reaccommodated himselfe againe, [he] shot her so oft betweene wind and water, shee was readie to sinke; then they yeelded; the Britaine lost fifteene men, she twentie, besides divers were hurt. The rest went to worke on all hands; some to stop the leakes, others to guard the prisoners that were chained, the rest to rifle her. The Silkes, Velvets, Cloth of gold and Tissue, Pyasters Chicqueenes and Sultanies, which is gold and silver, they unloaded in foure and twentie houres, was wonderfull: whereof having sufficient, and tired with toile, they cast her off with her company, with as much good merchandize as would haue fraughted such another Britaine, that was but two hundred Tunnes, she foure or five hundred. To repaire his defects, hee stood for the coast of Calabria, but hearing there was six or seven Galleyes at Mesina, hee departed thence for Malta: but the wind comming faire, he kept his course along the coast of the Kingdome of Sicilia by Sardinia and Corsica, till he came to the Road of Antibo [Antibes] in Peamon [Piedmont], where he set Smith on shore with fiue hundred chicqueenes [= about £225], and a little box God sent him worth neere as much more. Here he left this noble Britaine, and embarked himselfe for Lygorne, being glad to have such opportunitie and meanes to better his experience by the view of Italy; and having passed Tuskany, and the Countrey of Sicana (where hee found his deare friends, the two Honourable Brethren, the Lord Willoughby and his Brother cruelly wounded, in a desperate fray, yet to their exceeding great honour), then to Viterbo and many other Cities, he came to Rome: where it was his chance to see Pope Clement the eight, with many 828 Alis The Travells and Adventures of [[1601] The Popes holy Staires brought from Ierusalem, whereon (they say) J. Smith. LAug. 1629. Cardinalls, creepe up the holy Stayres, which they say are those our Saviour Christ went up to Pontius Pilate, where bloud falling from his head, being pricked with his crowne of thornes, the drops [6] are marked with nailes of steele. Upon them none dare goe but in that manner, saying so Christ went many Ave-Maries and Paternosters, as is their devotion, and to kisse the nailes of steele. But on each side is a paire of such like staires, up which you may goe, stand, or kneele; but divided from the holy Staires by two walls: right against them is a Chappell, where hangs a great silver Lampe, which burneth continually, yet they say the oyle neither increaseth nor diminisheth. up to Pontius Pilate. A little distant is the ancient Church of Saint Iohn de Laterane, where he saw him [Pope Clement VIII.] say Masse, which commonly he doth upon some Friday once a moneth. Having saluted Father Parsons, that famous English Iesuite, and satisfied himselfe with the rarities of Rome, he went downe the River of Tiber to Civita Vechia; where he embarked himselfe to satisfie his eye with the faire Citie of Naples, and her Kingdomes nobilitie. Returning by Capua, Rome and Seana, he passed by that admired Citie of Florence, the Cities and Countries of Bolonia, Ferrara, Mantua, Padua, and Venice, whose Gulfe he passed from Malamoco and the Adriatike Sea for Ragouza, spending some time to see that barren broken coast of Albania and Dalmatia, to Capo de Istria, travelling the maine [i.e., main- land] of poore Slavonia by Lubbiano, till he came to Grates in Steria, the Seat of Ferdinando Arch-duke of Austria, now [1629] Emperour of Almania [from 1619 to 1637]: where he met an English man, and an Irish Iesuite; who acquainted him [made him acquainted] with many brave Gentlemen of good qualitie, especially with the Lord Ebersbaught. With whom trying such conclusions, as he projected to undertake; [he] preferred him to Baron Kisell, Generall of the Artillery; and he to a worthy Collonell, [Henry Volda] the Earle of Meldritch: with whom going to Vienne in Austria, under whose Regiment, in what service, and how he spent his time, this ensuing Discourse will declare. J. Smith. Aug. 1629. 829 Captaine IoHN SMITII. CHAPTER IV. The Siege of Olumpagh; An excellent Stratagem by Smith; Another not much worse. A Fter the losse of Caniza, the Turkes with twentie thousand besieged the strong Towne of Olum- pagh so straightly, as they were cut off from all intelligence and hope of succour; till Iohn Smith, this English Gentleman, acquainted Baron Kisell, General of the Archdukes Artillery, he had taught the Governour, his worthy friend, such a Rule, that he would undertake to make him know any thing he intended, and have his answer, would they bring him but to some place where he might make the flame of a Torch seene to the Towne. Kisell inflamed with this strange invention; Smith made it so plaine, that forthwith hee gave him guides, who in the darke night brought him to a mountaine, where he shewed three Torches equidistant from other, which plainly appearing to the Towne; the Governour presently apprehended, and answered againe with three other fires in like manner; each knowing the others being and intent; Smith, though distant seven miles, signified to him these words: On Thursday at night I will charge on the East, at the [7] Alarum, salley you. Ebersbaught answered he would: and thus it was done. First he writ his message as briefe, you see, as could be, then divided the Alphabet in two parts thus ; A. b. c. d. e. f. g. h. i. k. l. I. I. I. I. I. I. I. I. I. I. I. 12. o. p. q. 1'. S. t. v. lil. 2. ii 2. 2. 2. 2. 2. 2. ci 2. 2. Z. w. x. 2. Si [1601] The siege of Olumfagh. 2. Stratagem. The first part from A. to L. is signified by shewing and An excellent hiding one linke, so oft as there is letters from A. to that letter you meane; the other part from M. to Z. is men- 830 [Al The Travells and Adventures of J. Smith. Aug. 1629. [1601] Another Stratagem. tioned by two lights in like manner. The end of a word is signified by shewing of three lights: ever staying your light at that letter you meane, till the other may write it in a paper, and answer by his signall, which is one light, it is done; beginning to count the letters by the lights, every time from A. to M: by this meanes also the other re- turned his answer, whereby each did understand other. The Guides all this time having well viewed the Campe, returned to Kisell, who, doubting of his power being but ten thousand, was animated by the Guides, how the Turkes were so divided by the River in two parts, they could not easily second each other. To which Smith added this con- clusion; that two or three thousand pieces of match fastened to divers small lines of an hundred fathome in length being armed with powder, might all be fired and stretched at an instant before the Alarum, upon the Plaine of Hysnaburg, supported by two staves, at each lines end, in that manner would seeme like so many Musketteers; which was put in practice: and being discovered by the Turkes, they prepared to encounter these false fires, thinking there had beene some great Armie : whilest Kisell with his ten thousand being entred the Turks quarter, who ranne up and downe as men amazed. It was not long ere Ebersbaught was pell-mell with them in their Trenches; in which distracted confusion, a third part of the Turkes, that besieged that side towards Knousbruck, were slaine; many of the rest drowned: but all fled. The other part of the Armie was so busied to resist the false fires, that Kisell before the morning put two thousand good souldiers in the Towne, and with small losse was retired. The Garrison was well releeved with that they found in the Turkes quarter, which caused the Turkes to raise their siege and returne to Caniza: and Kisell with much honour was received at Kerment; and occasioned the Author a good reward and preferment, to be Captaine of two hundred and fiftie Horse-men, under the Conduct of Colonell Voldo, Earle of Meldritch. [8] Aug. J. Smith831 . Captaine I OHN SMITH. . 1629CHAPTER V. The siege of Stowlle-wesenburg; The effects of Smiths Fireworkes; A worthy exploit of Earle Rosworme; Earle Meldritch A takes the Bashaw prisoner. Generall rumour of a generall peace, now spred it selfe over all the face of those tor- mented Countries: but the Turke intended no such matter, but levied souldiers from all parts he could. The Emperour also, by the assistance of the Christian Princes, provided three Armies: the one led by the Arch-duke Mathias, the Emperours brother, and his Lieutenant Duke Mercury [i.e., Philippe Emmanuel de Lorraine, Duke de Mercœur] to defend Low Hungary; the second, by Ferdinando the Arch-duke of Steria, and the Duke of Mantua his Lieutenant to regaine Caniza; the third by Gonzago, Governour of High Hungary, to joyne with Georgia Busca, to make an absolute conquest of Transilvania. Alba [1601] Duke Mercury with an Armie of thirtie thousand, The siege of whereof neere ten thousand were French, besieged Stowlle- Regalis. wesenburg, otherwise called Alba Regalis; a place so strong by Art and Nature, that it was thought impregnable. At his first comming, the Turkes sallied upon the Germane quarter, slew neere five hundred, and returned before they were thought on. The next night, in like manner they did neere as much to the Bemers, and Hungarians; of which fortune still presuming, thinking to have found the French quarter as carelesse, eight or nine hundred of them were cut in pieces and taken prisoners. In this encounter Monsieur Grandvile, a brave French Colonell, received seven or eight cruell wounds, yet followed the enemie to the Ports; he came off alive, but within three or foure dayes died. Earle Meldritch, by the information of three or foure Christians (escaped out of the Towne), [of] upon every Alarum, where there was greatest assemblies and throng of C $32 J. Smith. Aug. 1629. The Travells and Adventures of [1601] The effect of good fire- works. A worthy exploit of Earle Rosworme. people, caused Captaine Smith to put in practice his ñery Dragons, [which] hee had demonstrated unto him, and the Earle Von Sulch at Comora: which hee thus performed. Having prepared fortie or fiftie round-bellied earthen pots, and filled them with hand Gunpowder, then covered them with Pitch, mingled with Brimstone and Turpentine; and quartering as many Musket-bullets, that hung together but only at the Center of the division, stucke them round in the mixture about the pots, and covered them againe with the same mixture; over that a strong Searcloth, then over all a good thicknesse of Towze-match well tempered with oyle of Lin-seed, Campheer, and powder of Brimstone these he fitly placed in Slings, graduated so neere as they could, to the places of these Assemblies. At midnight upon the Alarum, it was a fearfull sight to see the short flaming course of their flight in the aire: but presently after their fall, the lamentable noise of the most wonderfull to miserable slaughtered Turkes was heare. Besides, they had fired that Suburbe at the Port of Buda, in two or three places; which so troubled the Turkes to quench, that had there beene any meanes to have assaulted [9] them, they could hardly have resisted the fire, and their enemies. The Earle Rosworme, contrary to the opinion of all men, would needs undertake to finde meanes to surprize the Segeth and Suburbe of the Citie, strongly defended by a muddie Lake, which was thought unpassable. The Duke [de Mercour] having planted his Ordnance, battered the other side, whilest Rosworme, in the darke night, with every man a bundle of sedge and bavins still throwne before them, so laded up the Lake, as they surprized that unregarded Suburbe before they were discovered: upon which unexpected Alarum, the Turkes fled into the Citie; and the other Suburbe not knowing the matter, got into the Citie also, leaving their Suburbe for the Duke, who with no great resistance, tooke it, with many peeces of Ordnance. The Citie, being of no such strength as the Suburbs, with their owne Ordnance was so battered, that it was taken perforce, with such a mercilesse execution, as was most pitifull to behold. Aug. J. Smith833 . Captaine IO HN SMITII. . 1629[1601] Earle Meldritch Bashar The Bashaw notwithstanding drew together a partie of five hundred before his owne Pallace, where he intended to die; but seeing most of his men slaine before him, by takes the the valiant Captaine Earl Meldritch, who tooke him prisoner prisoner. with his owne hands; and with the hazard of himselfe saved him from the fury of other troopes, that did pull downe his Pallace, and would have rent him in peeces, had he not beene thus preserved. The Duke thought his victory much honoured with such a Prisoner; tooke order hee should bee used like a Prince : and with all expedition gave charge presently to repaire the breaches, and the ruines of this famous Citie, that had beene in the possession of the Turkes neere threescore yeares. CHAPTER VI. A brave encounter of the Turkes Armie with the Christians; Duke Mercury overthroweth Assan Bashaw; Hee divides the Christian Armie; M His noblenesse and death. AHOMET, the great Turke, during the siege, had raised an Armie of sixtie thousand men to have releeved it; but hearing it was lost, he sent Assan Bashaw Generall of his Armie, the Bashaw of Buda Bashaw Amaroz, to see if it were possible to regaine it; The Duke understanding there could be no great experience in such a new levied Armie as Assan had; having put a strong Garrison into it: and with the brave Colonell Rosworme, Culnits, Meldritch, the Rhine- Grave, Vahan and many others; [and] with twenty thou- sand good souldiers, set forward to meet the Turke in the Plaines of Girke. encounter of Those two Armies encountred as they marched, where A brave began a hot and bloudy Skirmish betwixt them, Regiment the Turkes against Regiment, as they came in order, till the night parted them. Here Earle Meldritch was so invironed Christians. ENG. SCH LIB. No. 16. 53 Armie with 834 J. Smith. Aug. 1629. The Travells and Adventures of [Ai [1601] Duke Mercury over- throweth Assan Bassa. amongst those halfe circuler Regiments of Turkes, they supposed him their Prisoner, and his Regiment lost; but his two most couragious friends, Vahan and Culnits, [10] made such a passage amongst them, that it was a terror to see how horse and man lay sprawling and tumbling, some one way, some another on the ground. The Earle there at that time made his valour shine more bright than his armour, which seemed then painted with Turkish bloud. He slew the brave Zanzack Bugola, and made his passage to his friends; but neere halfe his Regiment was slaine. Captain Smith [who was a Captain in this Cavalry Regiment] had his horse slaine under him, and himselfe [was] sore wounded; but he was not long unmounted, for there was choice enough of horses that wanted masters. The Turke thinking the victory sure against the Duke, whose Armie, by the Siege, and the Garrison he had left. behind him, was much weakened, would not be content with one, but he would have all; and lest the Duke should returne to Alba Regalis, he sent that night twenty thousand to besiege the Citie, assuring them he would keepe the Duke or any other from releeving them. Two or three dayes they lay each by other, entrenching themselves; the Turkes daring the Duke daily to a sett battell, who at length drew out his Army, led by the Rhine-Grave, Culnits and Meldritch: who upon their first encounter, charged with that resolute and valiant courage, as disordered not only the formost squadrons of the Turkes, but enforced all the whole Armie to retire to the Campe, with the losse of five or six thousand, with the Bashaw of Buda, and foure or five Zanzacks, with divers other great Commanders, two hundred Prisoners, and nine peeces of Ordnance. At that instant appeared, as it were, another Armie com- ming out of a valley over a plaine hill, that caused the Duke at that time to be contented, and to retire to his Trenches; which gave time to Assan to reorder his disordered squadrons. Here they lay nine or ten dayes, and more supplies repaired to them, expecting to try the event in a sett battell; but the souldiers on both parties, by reason of Aug. J. Smith835 Captaine IoHN SMITH. . 1629. their great wants and [the] approach of winter, grew so [1601-2] discontented, that they were ready of themselves to breake up the Leager: the Bashaw retiring himselfe to Buda, had some of the Reare Troopes cut off. Amaroz Bashaw hearing of this, found such bad welcome at Alba Regalis, and the Towne so strongly repaired, with so brave a Garrison, [that he] raised his siege and retired to Zigetum. Duke Mercury Armie. The Duke [de Mercaur] understanding that the Arch-duke Ferdinando had so resolutely besieged Caniza, as what by the losse of Alba Regalis, and the Turks retreat to Buda, being void of hope of any reliefe, [he] doubted not but it would become againe the Christians. To the furtherance whereof, the Duke divided his Armie into three parts. The Earle of divideth his Rosworne went with seven thousand to Caniza; the Earle of Meldritch with six thousand he sent to assist Georgio Busca against the Transilvanians; the rest went with himselfe to the Garrisons of Strigonium and Komara: having thus worthily behaved himselfe, he arrived at Vienne, where the Arch-dukes and the Nobilitie with as much honour received him, as if he had conquered all Hungaria; his very Picture they esteemed would make them fortunate, which thousands kept as curiously as a precious relique. To requite this honour, preparing himselfe to returne into Duke France, to raise new Forces against the next yeare, with the two Arch-dukes Mathias and Maximilian and divers others of the Nobilitie, [he] was with great magnificence [11] conducted to Nurenburg, there by them royally feasted: (how it chanced is not knowne ;) but the next morning [19 Feb. 1602] he was found dead, and his brother in law died two dayes after; whose hearts, after this great triumph, with much sorrow were carried into France. Mercury and his brother suddenly. in law die 836 [Alig The Travells and Adventures of J. Smith. Aug. 1629. [1601-2] The unhappie siege of Caniza. Earle Meldritch serveth Prince Sigis. mundus. CHAPTER VII. The unhappie Siege of Caniza; Earle Meldritcn scrveth Prince Sigismundus; Prince Moyses hesiegeth Regall; Smiths three single combats; His Patent from Sigismundus, and reward. He worthy Lord Rosworme had not a worse journey to the miserable Seige of Caniza, (where by the extremitie of an extraordinary continuing tempest of haile, wind, frost and snow, in so much that the Christians were forced to leave their Tents and Artillery, and what they had; it being so cold that three or foure hundred of them were frozen to death in a night, and two or three thousand lost in that miserable flight in the snowie tempest, though they did know no enemie at all to follow them :) than the noble Earle of Meldritch had to Transilvania: where hearing of the death of Michael [Vayvode of Wallachia, see p. 847] and the brave Duke Mercury, and knowing the policie of Busca, and the Prince his Roialtie, being now beyond all beleefe of men, in possession of the best part of Transilvania; perswaded his troopes, in so honest a cause, to assist the Prince [Sigismun- dus] against the Turke, rather than Busca against the Prince. The souldiers being worne out with those hard payes and travells, upon hope to have free libertie to make bootie upon what they could get possession of from the Turkes, was easily perswaded to follow him whithersoever. Now this noble Earle [Mcldritch] was a Transilvanian borne, and his fathers Countrey [was] yet inhabited by the Turkes; for Transilvania was yet in three divisions, though the Prince had the hearts both of Country and people; yet the Fron- tiers had a Garrison amongst the unpassable mountaines, some for the Emperour, some for the Prince, and some for the Turke: to regaine which small estate, hee desired leave of the Prince [Sigismundus Bátori] to trie his fortunes, and to make use of that experience, the time of twentie yeares :837 ] Captaine IO HN SMITII. T. Sinith. Aug. 1629.J [1582-1602] had taught him in the Emperours service, promising to spend the rest of his dayes for his countries defence in his Excellencies service. The Prince glad of so brave a Commander, and so many expert and ancient souldiers, made him Campe-master of his Armie, gave him all necessary releefe for his troopes, and what freedome they desired to plunder the Turkes. [1602] Meldritch incursions The Earle having made many incursions into the Land Earle of Zarkam among those rockie mountains, where were maketh some Turks, some Tartars, but most Bandittoes, Rennega- to discover does, and such like; which sometimes hee forced into the Regall. Plaines of Regall where is a Citie not only of men and fortifications, strong of it selfe; but so environed with. mountaines, that made the passages so difficult, that in all these warres no attempt had beene made upon it to any purpose. Having satisfied himselfe with the Situation, [12] and the most convenient passages to bring his Armie unto it: The earth no sooner put on her greene habit, than the Earle overspread her with his armed troopes. To pos- sesse himselfe first of the most convenient passage, which was a narrow valley betwixt two high mountaines; he sent Colonell Veltus with his Regiment, dispersed in com- panies to lye in Ambuscado, as he had directed them; and in the morning to driue all the cattell they could finde before a Fort in that passage, whom he supposed would sally, seeing but some small partie, to recover their prey: which tooke such good successe, that the Garrison was cut off by the Ambuscado, and Veltus seized on the Skonces, which was abandoned. Meldritch glad of so fortunate a beginning, it was six dayes ere he could with six thousand Pioners make a passage for his Ordnance. The Turkes having such warning, strengthned the Towne so with men and provision, that they made a scorne of so small a number as Meldritch brought with him before the Citie, which was but eight thousand. Before they had pitched their Tents, the Turkes sallied in such abundance, as for an houre they had rather a bloudy battell than a skirmish; but with the losse of neere fifteene hundred on both sides. The Turkes were chased till the Cities Ordnance caused the Earle to retire. + 838 1620. The Travells and Adventures of [Aug. . Smith[1602] Moyses besiegeth Regall. Three single Combates. 1. The next day Zachel Moyses, Generall of the Armie, pitched also his tents with nine thousand foot and horse, and six and twenty peeces of Ordnance; but in regard of the situation of this strong Fortresse, they did neither feare them nor hurt them: being upon the point of a faire promontory, environed on the one side within halfe a mile with an un-usefull mountaine; and on the other side with a faire Plaine, where the Christians encamped, but so commanded by their Ordnance, [that] they spent neere a month in entrenching themselves, and raising their mounts to plant their batteries. Which slow proceedings the Turkes oft derided, that the Ordnance were at pawne, and how they grew fat for want of exercise; and fearing lest they should depart ere they could assault their Citie, sent this Challenge to any Captaine in the Armie. That to delight the Ladies, who did long to see some court-like pastime, the Lord Turbashaw did defie any Captaine, that had the command of a Company, who durst combate with him for his head. The matter being discussed, it was accepted; but so many questions grew for the undertaking, it was decided by lots: which fell upon Captaine Smith, before spoken of. Truce being made for that time, the Rampiers all beset with faire Dames, and men in Armes, the Christians in Battalio; Turbashaw with a noise of Howboyes entred the fields well mounted and armed; on his shoulders were fixed a paire of great wings, compacted of Eagles feathers within a ridge of silver, richly garnished with gold and precious stones; a Ianizary before him, bearing his Lance; on each side, another leading his horse: where long hee stayed not, ere Smith with a noise of Trumpets, only a Page bearing his Lance, passing by him with a courteous. salute, tooke his ground with such good successe, that at the sound of the charge, he passed the Turke throw the sight of his Beaver, face, head, and all, that he fell dead to the ground; where alighting and unbracing [13] his Helmet, [he] cut off his head, and the Turkes tooke his body; and so returned without any hurt at all. The head hee presented to the Lord Moses, the Generall, J. Smith. Aug. 1629. 839 Captaine IoHN SMITH. who kindly accepted it; and with joy to the whole armie [1602] he was generally welcomed. The death of this Captaine so swelled in the heart of 2. one Grualgo, his vowed friend, as, rather inraged with mad- nesse than choller, he directed a particular challenge to the Conquerour, to regaine his friends head, or lose his owne, with his horse and Armour for advantage: which according to his desire, was the next day undertaken. As before, upon the sound of the Trumpets, their Lances flew in peeces upon a cleare passage; but the Turke was neere unhorsed. Their Pistolls was the next, which marked Smith upon the placard; but the next shot the Turke was so wounded in the left arme, that being not able to rule his horse, and defend himselfe, he was throwne to the ground; and so bruised with the fall, that he lost his head, as his friend before him; with his horse and Armour: but his body and his rich apparell was sent backe to the Towne. Every day the Turkes made some sallies, but few skir- mishes would they endure to any purpose. Our workes and approaches being not yet advanced to that height and effect which was of necessitie to be performed; to delude time, Smith, with so many incontradictible perswading reasons, obtained leave that the Ladies might know he was not so much enamoured of their servants heads, but if any Turke of their ranke would come to the place of combate to redeeme them, [he] should have his also upon the like conditions, if he could winne it. The challenge presently was accepted by Bonny Mulgro. 3. The next day both the Champions entring the field as before, each discharging their Pistoll (having no Lances, but such martiall weapons as the defendant appointed), no hurt was done; their Battle-axes was the next, whose piercing bils made sometime the one, sometime the other to have scarce sense to keepe their saddles: specially the Christian received such a blow that he lost his Battle- axe, and failed not much to have fallen after it; whereat the supposing conquering Turk, had a great shout from the Rampiers. The Turk prosecuted his advantage to the uttermost of his power; yet the other, what by the readinesse of his horse, and his judgement and dexterity in such a businesse, beyond all mens expectation, by 840 1629. The Travells and Adventures of [Aug. J. Smith [1602] Gods assistance, not onely avoided the Turkes violence, but having drawne his Faulchion, pierced the Turke so under the Culets thorow backe and body, that although he alighted from his horse, he stood not long ere hee lost his head, as the rest had done. [14] CHAPTER VII I. Georgio Busca an Albane his ingratitude to Prince Sigismundus; Prince Moyses, his Lieutenant, is overthrowne by Busca, Generall for the Emperour Rodolphus; Sigismundus yecldeth his Coun- trey to Rodolphus; Busca assisteth Prince Rodoll in Wallachia. 50 His good successe gave such great encourage- ment to the whole Armie, that with a guard of six thousand, three spare horses, before each a Turkes head upon a Lance, he was conducted to the Generalls Pavillion with his Presents. Moyses received both him and them with as much respect as the occasion deserved, embracing him in his armes, gave him a faire Horse richly furnished, a Semitere and belt worth three hundred ducats; and Meldritch made him Sergeant major [our modern Major] of his Regiment. But now to the siege. Having mounted six and twenty peeces of Ordnance fifty or sixty foot above the Plaine, made them so plainly tell his meaning, that within fifteene dayes two breaches were made, which the Turkes as valiantly defended as men could. That day was made a darksome night, but by the light that proceeded from the murdering Muskets, and peace- making Canon; whilest their slothfull Governour lay in a Castle on the top of a high mountaine, and like a valiant Prince asketh what's the matter, when horrour and death Aug. J. Smith841 . Captaine IO HN SMITH. . 1629stood amazed each at other, to see who should prevaile to make him victorious. [1602] assaulted Moyses commanding a generall assault upon the sloping Regall front of the high Promontory, where the Barons of and taken. Budendorfe and Oberwin lost neere halfe their Regiments, by logs, bags of powder, and such like, tumbling downe the hill they were to mount ere they could come to the breach; notwithstanding with an incredible courage they advanced to the push of the Pike with the defendants, that with the like courage repulsed, till the Earle Meldritch, Becklefield and Zarvana, with their fresh Regiments se- conded them with that fury, that the Turks retired and fled into the Castle, from whence by a flag of truce they desired composition. The Earle [Meldri] remembring his fathers death, bat- tered it with all the Ordnance in the Towne, and the next day tooke it; all he found [that] could beare Armes he put to the sword, and set their heads upon stakes round about the walles, in the same manner they had used the Christians, when they tooke it. Moyses having repaired the Rampiers, and throwne downe the worke in his Campe, he put in it a strong Garrison, though the pillage he had gotten in the Towne was much, having beene for a long time an impregnable den of theeves: yet the losse of the Armie so intermingled the sowre with the sweet, as forced Moyses to seek a further revenge, that he sacked Veratio, Solmos, and Kupronka, and with two thousand prisoners, most [ly] women and children, came to Esenberg, not farre from the Princes Palace, where he there Encamped. Sigismundus comming to view his Armie, was presented with the Prisoners [15], and six and thirtie Ensignes; where celebrating thankes to Almightie God in triumph of those victories, hee was made acquainted with the service Smith had done at Olumpagh, Stowlc-Wesenburg and Regall: for which with great honour hee gave him three Turkes heads in a Shield for his Armes, by Patent, under his hand and Seale, with an Oath ever to weare them in his Colours, his Picture [i.c., Sigismund's portrait] in Gould, and three hundred Ducats, yearely for a Pension. * 842 [Aus The Travells and Adventures of J. Smith. Aug. 1629. [1603] The Patent. IGISMVNDVS BATHORI, Dei gratia Dux Tran- silvaniæ, Wallachiæ, et Vandalorum; Comes Anchard, Salford, Growenda; Cunctis his literis significamus qui cas lecturi aut audituri sunt, concessam licen- tiam aut facultatem Iohanni Smith, na- tione Anglo Generoso, 250. militum Capitanco sub Illustrissimi et Gra- vissimi Henrici Volda, Comitis de Meldri, Salmariæ, et Peldoiæ primario, et 1000 equitibus et 1500. peditibus bello Vngarico conductione in Provincias suprascriptas sub Authori- tate nostra: cui servituti omni laude, perpetuaque memoria dignum præbuit sese erga nos, ut virum strenuum pugnantem pro aris et focis decet. Quare è favore nostro militario ipsum Collectrica, ordine condonavimus, et in Sigillum illius tria Turcia Capita designare et deprimere concessimus, quæ ipsc gladio suo ad Vrbem Regalem in singulari prælio vicit, mactavit, atque decollavit in Transilvaniæ Provincia. [Variations in VINCENT'Ss in the Heralds College, see p. xxiv.] 8vo. Sed fortuna cum variabilis ancepsque sit idem forte fortuito in Wallachia Provincia, Anno Domini 1602. die Mensis * Augusti Novembris 18.* cum multis aliis etiam Nobilibus et aliis quibus.. dam militibus captus est à Domino Bascha electo ex Cambia regionis Tartariæ, cujus severitate adductus salutem quantam potuit quesivit, tantumque effecit, Deo omnipotente adjuvante, ut deliberavit se, et ad suos Commilitones revertit; ex quibus ipsum liberavimus, et hæc nobis testimonia habuit ut majori licentia frueretur qua dignus esset, jam tendet in patriam suam dulcissimam. Aug. J. Smith843 Captaine IO HN SMITH. . 1629. Rogamus ergo omnes nostros charissimos, confinitimos, Duces, [1603-25] Principes, Comites, Barones, Gubernatores [16] Vrbium et Navium in cadem Regione et cæterarum Provinciarum in quibus ille residere conatus fuerit ut idem permittatur Capitaneus libere sine obstaculo omni versari. Hæc facientes pergraium nobis feceritis. SIGISM VNDVS Signatum Lesprizia in Misnia die Mensis Decembris 9. Anno Domini 1603. Cum Pri- vilegio pro- pria Ma- jestatis. NIE÷WAL• * SIGISMVĄ BATHORI. FTRANSILVAN NONO 康 ​NIVERSIS, et singulis, cujuscunque loci, status, gradus, ordinis, ac conditionis ad quos hoc præsens scriptum * pervenerit, Guilielmus Segar Eques auratus alias dictus dominus addem Garterus Principalis Rex Armorum Anglicorum, Salutem. Sciatis, quod Ego prædictus Garterus, notum, testatumque facio,quod Patentem suprascriptum†, cum manu propria prædicti ↑ super- Ducis Transilvaniæ subsignatum, et Sigillo suo affixum, Vidi: et Copiam veram ejusdem (in perpetuam rei memoriam) tran- scripsi, et recordavi in Archivis, et Registris Officii Armorum. Datum Londini 19. die Augusti, Anno Domini 1625. Annoque Regni Domini nostri CAROLI Dei gratia Magne Britanniæ, Franciæ, ct Hiberniæ Regis, Fidei Defensoris, &c. Primo. GVILIELM VS SEGA R, Garterus. S44 . The Travells and Adventures of [Aug. . Smith[1603] The same in English. 1629 IGISMVNDVS BATHOR, by the Grace of God, Duke of Transilvania, Wallachia, and Moldavia, Earle of Anchard, Salford and Growenda; to whom this Writing may come or appeare. Know that We have given leave and licence to Iohn Smith an English Gentleman, Captaine of 250. Souldiers, under the most Generous and Honourable Henry [17] Volda, Earle of Meldritch, Salmaria, and Peldoia, Colonell of a thousand horse, and fifteene hundred foot, in the warres of Hungary and in the Provinces aforesaid under our authority; whose service doth deserve all praise and perpetuall memory towards us, as a man that did for God and his Country overcome his enemies: Wherefore out of Our love and favour, according to the law of Armes, We have or- dained and given him in his shield of Armes, the figure and description of three Turks heads, which with his sword, before the towne of Regall, in single combat he did overcome, kill, and cut off, in the Province of Transilvania. But fortune, as she is very variable, so it chanced and happened to him in the Province of Wallachia, in the yeare of our Lord, 1602. the 18. day of November, [when he] with many others, as well Noble men, as also divers other Souldiers, were taken prisoners by the Lord Bashaw of Cambia, a Country of Tartaria: whose cruelty brought him such good fortune, by the helpe and power of Almighty God, that hee delivered himselfe, and returned againe to his company and fellow souldiers; of whom We doe discharge him, and this hee hath in witnesse thereof, being much more worthy of a better reward; and now intends to returne to his owne sweet Country. We desire therefore all our loving and kinde kinsmen, Dukes, Princes, Earles, Barons, Governours of Townes, Cities, or Ships, in this Kingdome, or any other Provinces he shall come in, that you freely let passe this the aforesaid Captaine, without any hinderance or molestation: and this doing, with all kindnesse we are alwayes ready to doe the like for you. :845 ] Captaine IoHN SMITH. J. Smith. Aug. 1629. Sealed at Lipswick in Misenland, the ninth of December, [1603-25] in the yeare of our Lord, 1603. With the proper privilege of his Majestie. SIGISM V N D V S BATHOR. O all and singular, in what place, state, degree, order, or condition whatsoever, to whom this pre- sent writing shall come: I William Segar Knight, otherwise Garter, and principall King of Armes of Eng- land, with health. Know that I the aforesaid Garter, do witnesse and approve, that this aforesaid Patent, I have seene, signed and sealed under the proper hand [18] and Seale Manual of the said Duke of Transilvania; and a true coppy of the same, as a thing for perpetuall memory, I have subscribed and recorded in the Register and office of the Heralds of Armes. Dated at London the nineteenth day of August, in the yeare of our Lord 1625. and in the first yeare of our Soueraigne Lord Charles by the grace of God, King of great Britaine, France, and Ireland, Defender of the faith, &c. WILLIAM SEGA R. CHAPTER IX. Sigismundus sends Ambassadours unto the Emperour; the conditions re-assured, He yeeldeth up all to Busca, and returneth to Prague. Tru B Vsca having all this time beene raising new forces, was commanded from the Emperour againe to invade Transilvania, which being one of the fruitfullest and strongest Countries in those parts, was now rather a desart, or the very spectacle of desolation; their fruits and fields overgrowne with weeds, their Churches and battered Palaces and best 346 . The Travells and Adventures of [Aug. . J. Smith[1602] Busca in Transil- vania over. throweth Moyses. 1629buildings, as for feare, hid with Mosse and Ivy: being the very Bulwarke and Rampire of a great part of Europe, most fit by all Christians to have beene supplyed and maintained, was thus brought to ruine by them it most concerned to support it. But alas, what is it, when the power of Majestie pampered in all delights of pleasant vanity, neither knowing nor considering the labour of the Ploughman, the hazard of the Merchant, the oppression of Statesmen; nor feeling the piercing torments of broken limbes, and inveterated wounds, the toilsome marches, the bad lodging, the hungry diet, and the extreme misery that Souldiers. endure to secure all those estates, and yet by the spight of malicious detraction, starves for want of their reward and recompences; whilst the politique Courtier, that commonly aimes more at his owne honors and ends than his Countries good, or his Princes glory, honour, or security, as this worthy Prince too well could testifie. But the Emperor being certified how weak and desperate his estate was, sent Busca againe with a great Army, to trie his fortune once more in Transilvania. The Prince considering how his Country and subjects were consumed; the small means he had any longer to defend his estate, both against the cruelty of the Turke, and the power of the Emperor, and the small care the Polanders had in supplying him, as they had promised; sent to Busca to have truce, till messengers might be sent to the Em- perour for some better agreement: wherewith Busca was contented. The Ambassadours so prevailed, that the Emperour re-assured vnto them the conditions he had. promised the Prince at their confederacie, for the lands in Silesia, with 60000. ducats presently in hand, and 50000. ducats yearely as a pension. When this conclusion was [19] knowne to Moyses his Lieftenant then in the field with the Army, that would doe anything rather than come in subjection to the Germans; he encouraged his Souldiers, and without any more adoe marched to encounter Busca, whom he found much better provided than he expected: so that betwixt them in six or seven houres, more than five or six thou- sand on both sides lay dead in the field. Moyses thus Aug. J. Smith847 . Captaine IOHN SMITH. . 1629overthrowne, fled to the Turks at Temesware; and his scattered troopes some one way, some another. The Prince vnderstanding of this so sudden and un- expected accident, onely accompanied with an hundred of his Gentry and Nobility, went into the campe to Busca, to let him know how ignorant he was of his Lieftenants errour, that had done it without his direction or know- ledge, freely offering to performe what was concluded by his Ambassadours with the Emperour; and so causing all his Garrisons to come out of their strong holds, he deli- vered all to Busca for the Emperour, and so went to Prague: where he was honcurably receiued, and established in his possessions, as his Emperiall Majestie had promised. Busca assembling all the Nobility, tooke their oaths of allegeance and fidelity; and thus their Prince being gone, Transilvania became againe subject to the Emperour. [1602] Sigismun deth his dus yeel- to Busca. country assisteth Now after the death of Michael, Vavoyd of Wallachia Busca [p. 836], the Turke sent one Ieremie to be their Vavoyd or Rodoll in Prince; whose insulting tyranny caused the people to take Wallachia. Armes against him, so that he was forced to flie into the confines of Moldavia; and Busca in the behalfe of the Emperour, proclaimed the Lord Rodoll in his stead. But Ieremy having assembled an Army of forty thousand Turks, Tartars, and Moldavians, returned into Wallachia. Rodoll not yet able to raise such a power, fled into Transilvania to Busca, his ancient friend; who considering well of the matter, and how good it would be for his owne security to have Wallachia subject to the Emperour, or at least such an employment for the remainders of the old Regiments of Sigismundus, (of whose greatnesse and true affection hee was very suspitious,) sent them with Rodoll to recover Wallachia, conducted by the valiant Captaines, the Earle Meldritch, Earle Veltus, Earle Nederspolt, Earle Zarvana, the Lord Bechlefield, the Lord Budendorfe, with their Regi- ments, and divers others of great ranke and quality, the greatest friends and alliances the Prince had; who with thirty thousand, marched along by the river Altus, to the streights [pass] of Rebrinke, where they entred Wallachia, encamping at Raza 848 [AL The Travells and Adventures of J. Smith. Aug. 1629. [1602] Ieremie lying at Argish, drew his Army into his old campe, in the plaines of Peteske, and with his best dili- gence fortified it; intending to defend himselfe till more power came to him from the Crym-Tartar. Many small parties that came to his campe, Rodoll cut off; and in the nights would cause their heads to be throwne vp and downe before the trenches. Seven of their Porters were taken, whom Ieremie commanded to be flayed quicke; and after hung their skinnes vpon poles, and their carkasses and heads on stakes by them. [20] A battell betwixt Ieremie. CHAPTER X. The battell of Rotenton; a pretty stratagem of fire-works by Smith. Odoll not knowing how to draw the enemie to battell, raised his Armie, burning and spoyling all where he came, and returned againe to- wards Rebrinke in the night, as if he had fled vpon the generall rumour of the Crym-Tartars comming; which so inflamed the Turkes of a happy victory, they vrged Ieremy against his will to follow them. Rodoll seeing his plot fell out as he desired, so ordered Rodoll and the matter, that having regained the streights, he put his Army in order, that had beene neere two dayes pursued, with continuall skirmishes in his Reare, which now making head against the enemie, that followed with their whole Armie in the best manner they could, was furiously charged with six thousand Hydukes, Wallachians, and Moldavians, led by three Colonells, Oversall, Dubras, and Calab, to Veltus and entertaine the time till the rest came up. Nederspolt with their Regiments, entertained them with the like courage, till the Zanzacke Hamesbeg, with six thousand more, came with a fresh charge: which Meldritch and Budendorfe, rather like enraged lions than men, so bravely encountred, as if in them only had consisted the J. Smith. Aug. 1629. 849 Captaine ION SMITH. victory; Meldritchs horse being slaine vnder him. The Turks pressed what they could to have taken him prisoner; but being remounted, it was thought with his owne hand he slew the valiant Zanzache: whereupon his troopes retyring, the two proud Bashawes, Aladin and Zizimmus, brought up the front of the body of their battell. Veltus and Nederspolt having breathed, and joyning their troopes with Becklefield and Zarvana, with such an incredible courage charged the left flancke of Zizimmus, as put them all in disorder; where Zizimmus the Bashaw was taken prisoner, but died presently upon his wounds. Ieremie seeing now the maine battell of Rodoll advance, being thus constrained, like a valiant Prince in his front of the Vantgard, by his example so brauely encouraged his souldiers, that Rodoll found no great assuranee of the victorie. Thus being joyned in this bloudy massacre, that there was scarce ground to stand upon, but upon the dead carkasses; which in lesse than an hower were so mingled, as if each Regiment had singled out [the] other. The admired Aladin that day did leave behinde him a glorious name for his valour; whose death many of his enemies did lament after the victory, which at that instant fell to Rodoll. It was reported Ieremie was also slaine, but it was not so; but [he] fled with the remainder of his Armie to Moldavia, leaving five and twenty thousand dead in the field, of both Armies. [1602] And thus Rodoll was seated againe in his Soueraignty, Wallachia and Wallachia became subject to the Emperour. But long he rested not to settle his new estate, but there came newes, that certaine Regiments of stragling Tartars, were forraging those parts towards Moldavia. Meldritch with thirteene thousand men was sent against them, but when they heard it was the Crym-Tartar and his two [21] sonnes, with an Armie of thirty thousand; and [that] Ieremic, that had escaped with fourteene or fifteene thousand, lay in ambush for them about Langanaw; he retired towards Rottenton, a strong garrison for Rodoll : but they were so invironed with these hellish numbers, ENG. SCH. LIB. No. 16. 54 subjected to the Emperour. : 850 Aus The Travells and Adventures of [[1602] J. Smith. Aug. 1629. they could make no great haste, for skirmishing with their scouts, forragers, and small parties that still encountred them. But one night amongst the rest, having made a passage through a wood, with an incredible expedition, cutting trees thwart each other to hinder their passage, in a thicke fogge early in the morning, unexpectedly they met two thousand loaded with pillage, and two or three hundred horse and cattell; the most of them were slaine and taken prisoners, who told them where Ieremie lay in the passage, expecting the Crym-Tartar that was not farre from him. Meldritch intending to make his passage perforce, was advised of a pretty stratagem by the English Smith, which presently he thus accomplished; for having accommodated two or three hundred truncks with wilde fire, vpon the heads of lances, and charging the enemie in the night, gave fire to the truncks, which blazed forth such flames and sparkles, that it so amazed not onely their horses, but their foot also; that by the meanes of this flaming encounter, their owne horses turned tailes with such fury, as by their violence overthrew Ieremy and his Army, without any losse at all to speak of to Meldritch. But of this victory long they triumphed not; for being within three leagues of Rottenton, the Tartar with neere forty thousand so beset them, that they must either fight, or be cut in peeces flying. Here Busca and the Emperour had their desire; for the Sunne no sooner displayed his beames, than the Tartar his colours; where at midday he stayed a while, to see the passage of a tyrannicall and treacherous imposture, till the earth did blush with the bloud of honesty, that the Sunne for shame did hide himselfe from so monstrous sight of a cowardly calamity. It was a most brave sight to see the banners and ensignes streaming in the aire, the glittering of Armour, the variety of colours, the motion of plumes, the forrests of lances, and the thicknesse of shorter weapons, till the silent expedition of the bloudy blast from the murdering Ordnance, whose roaring voice is not so soone heard, as felt by the aymed at object, which made among them a most lamentable slaughter. J. Smith. Aug. 1629.J 851 Captaine IO IN SMITH. . : { CHAPTER XI. The names of the English that were slaine in the battell of Rottenton; and how Captaine Smith is taken prisoner; and sold for a slave. [1602] The battell N the valley of Veristhorne, betwixt the riuer of Altus, and the mountaine of Rottenton, was this bloudy encounter, where the most of the dearest of Rotten- friends of the noble Prince Sigismundus perished [on 18 Nov. 1602, see p. 842]. Meldritch having ordered his eleuen thousand in the best manner he could: at the foot of the mountaine upon his flancks, and before his front, he had pitched [22] sharpe stakes, their heads hardned in the fire, and bent against the enemie, as three battalion of Pikes; amongst the which also there was digged many small holes. Amongst those stakes was ranged his footmen, that upon the charge was to retire, as there was occasion. The Tartar having ordered his 40000. for his best ad- vantage, appointed Mustapha Bashaw to beginne the battell, with a generall shout, all their Ensignes displaying, Drummes beating, Trumpets and Howboyes sounding. Nederspolt and Mavazo with their Regiments of horse most valiantly encountred, and forced them to retire. The Tartar Begolgi with his Squadrons, darkening the skies with their flights of numberless arrowes, who was as bravely encountred by Veltus and Oberwin; which bloudie slaughter continued more than an houre, till the match- lesse multitude of the Tartars so increased, that they retired within their Squadrons of stakes, as was directed. The bloudy Tartar, as scorning he should stay so long for the victorie, with his massie troopes prosecuted the charge : but it was a wonder to see how horse and man came to the ground among the stakes, whose disordered troopes were there so mangled, that the Christians with a loud shout cryed Victoria; and with five or six field peeces, planted vpon the rising of the mountaine, did much hurt to the enemy that still continued the battell with that furie, that Meldritch ton. 852 J. Smith. Aug. 1629. The Travells and Adventures of [1602] seeing there was no possibilitie long to preuaile, ioyned his small troopes in one body, resolued directly to make his passage or die in the conclusion; and thus in grosse gaue a generall charge, and for more than halfe an houre made his way plaine before him, till the maine battel of the Crym-Tartar with two Regiments of Turkes and Ianizaries so overmatched them, that they were overthrowen. The night approaching, the Earle with some thirteene or !/p. 842,869.] foureteene hundred horse, swamme the River; some were drowned, all the rest slaine or taken prisoners. Extracted out of a tuled, The warres of Hungary, Wallachia, and Mol- davia, written by Francisco Ferneza, a learned Italian, the Princes And thus in this bloudy field, neere 30000. lay; some head- lesse, armlesse, and leglesse, all cut and mangled: where breathing their last, they gaue this knowledge to the world, that for the liues of so few, the Crym-Tartar neuer paid dearer. But now the Countreyes of Transilvania and Wallachia, Booke inti (subjected to the Emperour) and Sigismundus that brave. Prince his Subject and Pensioner, the most of his Nobilitie, brave Captaines and Souldiers, became a prey to the cruell devouring Turke: where[as] had the Emperor been as ready to have assisted him, and those three Armies led by three such worthy Captaines, as Michael, Busca, and Himselfe; and had those three Armies joyned together against the Turke, let all men judge, how happie it might have beene for all Christendome: and have either regained Bulgaria; or at least have beat him out of Hun- garia, where hee hath taken much more from the Emperour, than hath the Emperour from Transilvania. and translated by Master Purchas. The English men in this Battell. In this dismall battell, where Nederspolt, Veltus, Zarvana, Mavazo, Bavell, and many other Earles, Barons, Colonels, Captaines, brave Gentlemen and Souldiers were slaine, Give mee leave to remember the names of our owne Country-men with him in those exploits, that as resolutely as the best, in the defence of Christ and his Gospell, ended their dayes, as Baskerfield, Hardwicke, Thomas Milemer, Robert Mullineux, [23] Thomas Bishop, Francis Compton, George Davison, Nicholas Williams, and one John a Scot, did what men could doe, and when they could doe no more, left there their bodies, in testimonie of their mindes; only Ensigne Carleton [pp. 231, 692], and Sergeant Robinson (pp. 230, 691] escaped. } Aug. J. Smith853 Captaine IO HN SMITII. . 1629. But Smith among the slaughtered dead bodies, and many [1602-3] a gasping soule, with toile and wounds lay groaning among the rest, till being found by the Pillagers hee was able to live; and perceiving by his armor and habit, his ransome might be better to them than his death, they led him prisoner with many others. Well they used him till his wounds were cured, and at Axopolis they were all sold for slaves, like beasts in a market-place; where everie Merchant, viewing their limbs and wounds, caused other slaves to struggle with them, to trie their strength. Hee fell to the share of Bashaw Bogall, who sent him forthwith to Adri[a]nopolis, so for Constantinople to his faire. Mistresse for a slave. By twentie and twentie chained by the neckes, they marched in file to this great Citie; where they were delivered to their severall Masters, and he to the young Charatza Tragabigzanda (pp. 204, 206, 232, 276, 720,855, 866]. CHAPTER XII. How Captaine Smith was sent prisoner thorow the Blacke and Dissabacca Sea in Tartaria; the description of those Seas, and his usage. His Noble Gentlewoman tooke sometime occa- sion to shew him to some friends; or rather to speake with him; because shee could speake Italian, would feigne her selfe sick when she should goe to the Banians, or weepe over the graves, to know how Bogall tooke him prisoner; and if he were, as the Bashaw writ to her, a Bohemian Lord conquered by his hand, as hee had many others; which ere long hee would present her, whose ransomes should adorne her with the glorie of his conquests. But when she heard him protest he knew no such matter, nor ever saw Bogall till he bought him at Axopolis; and that hee was an English-man, onely by his adventures made a Captaine in those Countreyes. To trie the truth, 43 854 CAR The Travells and Adventures of J. Smith. Aug. 1629. [1603] How he was sent into Tartaria. shee found means to finde out many [who] could speake English, French, Dutch, and Italian, to whom relating most part of these former passages [as] he thought neces- sarie, which they so honestly reported to her, she tooke (as it seemed) much compassion on him; but having no use for him, lest her mother should sell him, she sent him to her brother, the Tymor Bashaw of Nalbrits, in the Countrey of Cambia, a Province in Tartaria. Here now let us remember his passing in this specula- tive course from Constantinople by Sander, Screwe, Panassa, Musa, Lastilla, to Varna, an ancient Citie upon the Blacke Sea. In all which journey, having little more libertie than his eyes judgement since his captivitie, he might see the Townes with their short Towers, and a most plaine, fertile, and delicate [24] Countrey, especially that most admired place of Greece, now called Romania; but from Varna nothing but the Blacke Sea water, till he came to the two Capes of Taur and Pergilos, where hee passed the Straight of Niger, which (as he conjectured) is some ten leagues long, and three broad, betwixt two low lands. The Channell is The descrip- deepe, but at the entrance of the Sea Dissabacca, their are Dissabacca many great Osie-shoulds, and many great blacke rockes: which the Turkes said were trees, weeds, and mud, throwen from the in-land Countryes, by the inundations and violence. of the Current; and cast there by the Eddy. They sayled by many low Iles, and saw many more of those muddy rockes, and nothing else but salt water, till they came betwixt Susax and Curuske, only two white townes at the entrance of the river Bruapo appeared. tion of the Sea. In six or seven dayes saile, he saw foure or five seeming strong castles of stone, with flat tops and battlements about them; but arriving at Cambia, he was (according to their custome) well used. The river was there more than halfe a mile broad. The Castle was of a large circum- ference, foureteene or fifteene foot thicke, in the foundation some six foot from the wall, is a Paliizado, and then a Ditch of about fortie foot broad full of water. On the west side of it, is a Towne all of low flat houses; which as he conceived could bee of no. great strength, yet it keepes all them bar- barous Countreyes about it in admiration and subjection. J. Smith. Aug. 1629. 855 Captaine IOHN SMITH. After he had stayed there three dayes; it was two dayes more before his guides brought him to Nalbrits, where the Tymor then was resident, in a great vast stonie Castle with many great Courts about it, invironed with high stone wals, where was quartered their Armes, when they first subjected those Countreyes: which onely live to labour for those tyrannicall Turkes. [1603] usage in Tartaria. To her unkinde brother, this kinde Ladie writ so much Smith his for his good usage, that hee halfe suspected, as much as she intended; for shee told him, he should there but sojourne to learne the language, and what it was to be a Turke, till time made her Master of her selfe. But the Tymor, her brother, diverted all this to the worst of crueltie, for within an houre after his arrivall, he caused his Drub-man to strip him naked, and shave his head and beard so bare as his hand: a great ring of iron, with a long stalke bowed like a sickle, [was] rivetted about his necke, and a coat [put on him] made of Vlgries haire, guarded about with a peece of an undrest skinne. There were many more Christian slaves, and neere an hundred Forsados of Turkes and Moores; and he [i.e., Smith] being the last, was slave of slaves to them all. Among these slavish fortunes there was no great choice; for the best was so bad, a dog could hardly have lived to endure: and yet for all their paines and labours [they were] no more regarded than a beast. p.204, 206, 83, 866.1 232, 276, 720, CHAPTER XII I. The Turkes dict; the Slaves diet; the attire of the Tartars; and manner of Warres and Religions, &c. The diet of Tymors Cambia is He Tymor and his friends fed upon Pillav., which is boiled Rice and Garnances, with little bits of mutton or Buckones (which is rosted [25] peeces of Horse, Bull, Vlgrie, or any beasts). Turkes. Samboyses and Muselbits are great dainties, and yet but round as the 856 J. Smith. Aug. 1629. The Travells and Adventures of " [1603] diet. pies, full of all sorts of flesh they can get chopped with varietie of herbs. Their best drinke is Coffa, of a graine they call Coava, boiled with water; and Sherbecke which is only honey and water: Mares milke, or the milke of any beast, they hold restorative; but all the Comminaltie drinke pure water. Their bread is made of this Coava, which is a kinde of blacke wheat, and Cuskus a small white. The Slaves seed like Millya in Biskay: but our common victuall, [was] the entrailes of Horse and Vlgries. Of this, cut in small peeces, they will fill a great Cauldron, and being boiled with Cuskus, and put in great bowles in the forme of chaf- fing-dishes; they sit round about it on the ground, after they haue raked it thorow so oft as they please with their foule fists: the remainder was for the Christian slaves. Some of this broth they would temper with Cuskus pounded, and putting the fire off from the hearth, powre there a bowle full, then cover it with coales till it be baked; which stewed with the remainder of the broth, and some small peeces of flesh, was an extraordinarie daintie. The Attire of those Tartars. The Tartars of Nagi and their manners. The better sort are attired like Turkes, but the plaine Tartar hath a blacke sheepe skinne over his backe, and two of the legs tied about his necke; the other two about his middle, with another over his belly, and the legs tied in the like manner behinde him: then two more made like a paire of bases, serveth him for breeches; with a little close cap to his skull, of blacke felt; and they use exceeding much of this felt, for carpets, for bedding, for Coats, and Idols. Their houses are much worse than your Irish, but the In-land Countreyes have none but Carts and Tents, which they ever remove from Countrey to Countrey, as they see occasion: driving with them infinite troopes of blacke sheepe, Cattell and Vlgries, eating all vp before them as they goe. For the Tartars of Nagi, they have neither Towne, nor house, corne, nor drinke; but flesh and milke. The milke they keepe in great skinnes like Burracho's; which though it be never so sower, it agreeth well with their strong stomackes. They live all in Hordias, as doth the Crim- Tartars, three or foure hundred in a company, in great Carts fifteene or sixteene foot broad; which is covered with Aug. J. Smith857 Captaine IoHN SMITH. . 1629. small rods, wattled together in the forme of a birds nest [1603] turned upwards: and with the ashes of bones tempered with oile, Camels haire, and a clay [that] they have; they lome them so well, that no weather will pierce them, and yet [they are] verie light. Each Hordia hath a Murse, which they obey as their King. Their Gods are infinite. One or two thousand of those glittering white Carts drawen with Camels, Deere, Buls, and Vlgries, they bring round in a ring, where they pitch their Campe; and the Murse, with his chiefe alliances, are placed in the midst. They doe much hurt when they can get any Stroggs, which are great boats used upon the river Volga, (which they call Edle) to them that dwell in the Countrey of Perolog; and would doe much more, were it not for the Muscovites Garrisons that there inhabit. [26] CHAPTER XIIII. The description of the Crym-Tartars; their houses and carts; their Idolatry in their lodgings. N Ow you are to understand, Tartary and Scythia are all one; but so large and spacious, few or none could ever perfectly describe it; nor all the severall kinds of those most barbarous people that inhabit it. Those we call the Crym-Tartars, [which] border upon Moldavia, Podolia, Lituania, and Russia, are much more regular than the interior parts of Sethia. This great Tartarian Prince, that hath so troubled all his neighbours, they always call Chan, which signifieth Emperour; but we, the Crym-Tartar. He liveth for most part in the best champion plaines of many Provinces; and his removing Court is like a great Citie of houses and tents, drawne on Carts, all so orderly placed East and West, on the right and left hand of the Prince his house, which is alwayes in the midst towards the South: before which none may pitch their houses, every one knowing their order and quarter, as in an Armie. The Princes The descrip Crym tion of the artar Court. 858 . The Travells and Adventures of Aug. [AJ. [1603] His houses and carts. Baskets. Their idolatrie in their lodgings. Cossmos is Mares milke. . Smith1629houses are very artificially wrought, both the foundation, sides, and roofe of wickers, ascending round to the top like a Dove-coat; this they cover with white felt, or white earth tempered with the powder of bones, that it may shine the whiter; sometimes with blacke felt, curiously painted with vines, trees, birds, and beasts. The breadth of the Carts are eighteene or twenty foot, but the house stretcheth foure or five foot over each side, and is drawne with ten or twelve, or for more state, twenty Camels and Oxen. They have also great baskets, made of smaller wickers like great chests, with a covering of the same, all covered over with blacke felt, rubbed over with tallow and sheeps milke to keepe out the raine; prettily bedecked with painting or feathers: in those they put their house- hold stuffe and treasure, drawne upon other carts for that purpose. When they take downe their houses, they set the doore alwayes towards the South; and their carts thirtie or fortie foot distant on each side, East and West, as if they were two walls: the women also have most curious carts; every one of his wives hath a great one for herselfe, and so many other for her attendants, that they seeme many Courts, as he hath wives. One great Tartar or Nobleman, will have for his particular, more than an hundred of those houses and carts, for his severall offices and uses; but set so farre from each other, they will seeme like a great village. as Having taken their houses from the carts, they place the Master alwayes towards the North; over whose head is alwayes an Image like a Puppet, made of felt, which they call his brother; the women on his left hand, and over the chiefe Mistris her head, such another brother; and betweene them a little one, which is the keeper of the house; at the good wives beds-feet is a kids skinne, stuffed with wooll, and neere it a Puppet looking towards the Maids; next the doore another, with a dried cowes udder, for the women that milke the kine, because only the men milke mares. Every morning, those [27] Images in their orders they besprinkle with that they drinke, bee it Cossmos, or what- soever; but all the white mares milke is reserved for the J. Smith. Aug. 1629. 859 Captaine IOHN SMITH. Prince. Then without the doore, thrice to the South, every one bowing his knee in honour of the fire; then the like to the East, in honour of the aire; then to the West, in honour of the water; and lastly to the North, in behalfe of the dead. After the servant hath done this duty to the foure quarters of the world, he returnes into the house; where his fellowes stand waiting, ready with two cups and two basons to give their master, and his wife that lay with him that night, to wash and drinke, who must keepe him company all the day following: and all his other wives come thither to drinke, where hee keepes his house that day; and all the gifts presented him till night, are laid vp in her chests; and at the doore a bench full of cups, and drinke for any of them to make merry. [1603] CHAPTER XV. Their feasts; common diet; Princes estate; buildings; tributes; lawes; slaves; entertainment of Ambassadours. Or their feasts they have all sorts of beasts, Their feasts. birds, fish, fruits, and hearbs they can get, but the more variety of wilde ones is the best; to which they have excellent drinke made of rice, millit, and honey, like wine; they have also wine, but in Summer they drinke mostly] Cossmos, that standeth ready alwayes at the entrance of the doore, and by it a fidler. When the master of the house beginneth to drinke, they all cry, ha, ha, and the fidler playes; then they all clap their hands and dance, the men before their Masters, the women before their Mistresses: and ever when he drinks, they cry as before; then the fidler stayeth till they drinke all round. Sometimes they will drinke for the victory; and to provoke one to drinke, they will pull him by the ears, and lugge and draw him, to stretch and heat him, clapping their hands, stamping with their feet, and dancing before 860 J. Smritha LAug. 1629. The Travells and Adventures of [1603] Their com- mon diet. How they become populous. Their Princes state. the champions, offering them cups, then draw them backe againe to increase their appetite: and thus continue till they be drunke, or their drinke done, which they hold an honour, and no infirmity. Though the ground be fertile, they sow little corne, yet the Gentlemen have bread and hony-wine; grapes they have plenty, and wine privately, and good flesh and fish; but the common sort [drink] stamped millit, mingled with milke and water. They call Cassa for meat, and drinke any thing; also any beast unprofitable for service they kill, when they are like to die, or however they die, they will eat them, guts liver and all: but the most fleshy parts they cut in thinne slices, and hang it up in the Sunne and wind without salting, where it will dry so hard, it will not putrifie in a long time. A Ramme they esteeme a great feast among forty or fiftie, which they cut in peeces boiled or roast; puts it in a great bowle with salt and water, for other sauce they have none: the master of the feast [28] giveth every one a peece; which he eateth by himselfe, or carrieth away with him. Thus their hard fare makes them so infinite in Cattell; and their great number of captived women to breed vpon, makes them so populous. But neere the Christian frontiers, the baser sort make little cottages of wood, called Vlusi, daubed over with durt and beasts dung, covered with sedge. Yet in Summer they leave them, beginning their progresse in Aprill, with their wives, children, and slaves, in their carted houses, scarce convenient for foure or five persons; driving their flocks towards Perccopya, and sometimes into Taurica, or Osow, a towne upon the river Tanais, which is great and swift, where the Turke hath a garrison: and in October returne againe to their Cottages. Their Clothes are the skinnes of dogges, goats, and sheepe, lined with cotten cloath, made of their finest wooll: for of their worst they make their felt, which they use in aboundance, as well for shooes and caps, as houses, beds, and Idolls; also of the coarse wooll mingled with horse haire, they make all their cordage. Notwithstanding this wandring life, their Princes sit in great state upon beds, or carpits; and with great reverence Aug. J. Smith861 . Captaine IHN SMITH. . 1629are attended both by men and women, and richly served in plate, and great silver cups, delivered upon the knee, attired in rich furres, lined with plush, or taffity, or robes of tissue. These Tartars possesse many large and goodly plaines, wherein feed innumerable herds of horse and cattell, as well wilde as tame; which are Elkes, Bisones, Horses, Deere, Sheepe, Goates, Swine, Beares, and divers others. [1603] In those countries are the ruines of many faire Monas- Ancient teries, Castles, and Cities, as Bacasaray, Salutium, Almas- buildings. sary, Perecopya, Cremum, Sedacom, Capha, and divers others. by the Sea, but all kept with strong garrisons for the great Turke, who yearely by trade or trafficke, receiveth the chiefe commodities those fertile countries afford, as Bezer, Commodi- Rice, Furres, Hides, Butter, Salt, Cattell, and Slaves; yet tribute to by the spoiles they get from the secure and idle Christians, the Turke. they maintaine themselves in this Pompe. Also their wives, of whom they have as many as they will, very costly, yet in a constant custome with decency. ties for J'et no They are Mahometans, as are the Turks, from whom also Good lawes. they have their Lawes; but no Lawyers, nor Attournies, lawyers. onely Iudges, and Iustices in every Village, or Hordia: but capitall criminalls, or matters of moment, before the Chan himselfe, or Priuie Counsells, of whom they are. alwayes heard, and speedily discharged. For any may have accesse at any time to them, before whom they appeare with great reverence, adoring their Princes as Gods, and their spirituall Iudges as Saints; for Iustice is with such integrity and expedition executed, without covetousnesse, bribery, partiality, and brawling, that in six moneths they have sometimes scarce six causes to heare. About the Princes court none but his guard weares any weapon; but abroad they goe very strong, because there are many bandytos, and Theeves. slaves. They use the Hungarians, Russians, Wallachians, and Their Moldavian slaves (whereof they have plenty) as beasts to every worke: and those Tartars that serve the Chan, or noblemen, have only victuall and apparell; the rest are generally nasty, and idle, naturally miserable, and in their warres, better theeves than souldiers. [29] This Chan hath yeerely a Donative from the King of 862 Aug The Travells and Adventures of [[1603] His enter- tainment of Ambassa- dours. J. Smith. LAug. 1629. Poland, the Dukes of Lituania, Moldavia, and Nagagon Tartars; their Messengers commonly he useth bountifully, and verie nobly, but sometimes most cruelly. When any of them doth bring their Presents, by his houshold Officers they are entertained in a plaine field, with a moderate proportion of flesh, bread and wine, for once; but when they come before him, the Sultaines, Tuians, Vlans, Markies, his chiefe Officers and Councellors attend. One man only bringeth the Ambassadour to the Court gate, but to the Chan he is led betweene two Councellors; where saluting him upon their bended knees, declaring their message, [they] are admitted to eat with him, and presented with a great silver cup full of Mead from his owne hand, but they drinke it upon their knees. When they are dispatched, he invites them againe. The feast ended, they go backe a little from the Palace doore; and [are] rewarded with silke vestures wrought with gold downe to their anckles, with an horse or two, and sometimes a slave of their owne Nation. In them [those] robes presently they come to him againe, to give him thankes, take their leave, and so depart. How he levieth ar Armie. CHAPTER XVI. How he levieth an Armie; their Armes and Pro- vision; how he divideth the spoile; and his service to the Great Turke. Hen he intends any warres, he must first have leave of the Great Turke, whom hee is bound to assist when hee commandeth; receiving daily for himselfe and chiefe of his Nobilitie, pensions from the Turke, that holds all Kings but slaves that pay tribute or are subject to any signifying his intent to all his subjects, within a moneth commonly he raiseth his Armie, and everie man is to furnish himselfe for three moneths victuals; which is parched Millit, or grownd to Aug. J. Smith863 Captaine IO IN SMITII. . 1629. • meale, which they ordinarily mingle with water (as is said), hard cheese or cruds dried and beaten to powder, a little will make much water like milke, and dried flesh, this they put also up in sackes. The Chan and his Nobles have some bread and Aquavitæ, and quicke [live] cattell to kill when they please, wherewith verie sparingly they are contented. Being provided with expert Guides, and got into the Countrey he intends to invade; he sends forth his Scouts to bring in what prisoners they can, from whom he will wrest the utmost of their knowledge fit for his purpose having advised with his Councell, what is most fit to be done, the Nobilitie, according to their antiquitie, doth march; then moves he with his whole Armie. If hee finde there is no enemie to oppose him, he adviseth how farre they shall invade: commanding everie man (upon paine of his life) to kill all the obvious Rusticks; but not to hurt any women, or children. [1603] of his Ten, or fifteene thousand, he commonly placeth, where The manner hee findeth most convenient for his standing Campe; the rest of his Armie hee divides [30] in several troops, bearing ten or twelve miles square before them, and ever within three or foure dayes [they] returne to their Campe, putting all to fire and sword but that they carrie with them backe to their Campe; and in this scattering manner he will invade a Countrey, and be gone with his prey, with an incredible expedition. But if he understand of an enemie, he will either fight in Ambuscado, or flie; for he will never fight any battel if he can chuse, but upon treble advantage: yet by his innumerable flights of arrowes, I have seene flie from his flying troopes, we could not well judge, whether his fighting or flying was most dangerous, so good is his horse, and so expert his bow-men. But if they be so intangled. they must fight, there is none can bee more hardy, or resolute in their defences. Regaining his owne borders, he takes the tenth of the principall captives, man, woman, childe, or beast (but his captaines that take them, will accept of some particular person they best like for themselves): the rest are divided amongst the whole Armie, according to every mans desert, How he spoile. divides the 864 [Alg The Travells and Adventures of J. Smith. Aug. 1629. [1603] How the Chan doth serve the and quality; that they keepe them, or sell them to who[m] will give most. But they will not forget to use all the meanes they can, to know their estates, friends, and quality; and the better they finde you, the worse they will use you, till you doe agree agree to pay such a ransome, as they will impose upon you: therefore many great persons have endured much misery to conceale themselves, because their ransomes are so intolerable. Their best hope is of some Christian Agent, that many times commeth to re- deeme slaves, either with mony, or man for man: those Agents knowing so well the extreme covetousnesse of the Tartars, doe use to bribe some Iew or Merchant, that feigning they will sell them againe to some other nation, are oft redeemed for a very small ransome. But to this Tartarian Armie, when the Turke commands, he goeth with some small artillery; and the Nagagians, great Turke. Perecopens, Crimes, Osovens, and Cersessians, are his tribu- taries; but the Petigorves, Oczaconians, Byalogordens, and Dobrueen Tartars, the Turke by covenant commands to follow him; so that from all those Tartars he hath had an Army of an hundred and twenty thousand excellent, swift, stomackfull Tartarian horse; for foot they have none. Their Aimes. Now the Chan, his Sultaines and nobility, use Turkish, Caramanian, Arabian, Parthian, and other strange Tartarian horses; the swiftest they esteeme the best: seldome they feede any more at home, than they have present use for; but upon their plaines is a short wodde like heath, in some countries like gaile, full of berries, farre much better than any grasse. Their Armes are such as they have surprised or got from the Christians or Persians, both brest-plates, swords, semiteres, and helmets; bowes and arrowes they make mostly] themselves, also their bridles and saddles are indif- ferent: but the nobility are very handsome[ly], and well armed like the Turkes, in whom consisteth their greatest glory. The ordinary sort have little armor, some a plaine young pole unshaven, headed with a peece of iron for a lance; some an old Christian pike, or a Turks cavatine: yet those tattertimallions will have two or three horses, some [31] foure, or five, as well for service, as for to eat; which makes their Armies seem thrice so many as there are souldiers. J. Smith. Aug. 1629.J 865 Captaine IOHN SMITH. The Chan himselfe hath about his person ten thousand chosen Tartars and Ianizaries, some small Ordnance and a white mares taile with a peece of greene taffity, on a great Pike, is carried before him for a standard; because they hold no beast so precious as a white mare; whose milke is onely for the King and nobility, and to sacrifice to their Idolls; but the rest have ensignes of divers colours. For all this miserable knowledge, furniture, and equi- page, the mischiefe they doe in Christendome is wonderfull: by reason of their hardnesse of life and constitution, obe- dience, agilitie, and their Emperours bountie, honours, grace, and dignities he ever bestoweth upon those that have done him any memorable service in the face of his enemies. [1603] A descrip- tion of the Sea. The Caspian Sea, most men agree that have passed it, to be in length about 200. leagues, and in breadth an Caspian hundred and fifty: environed to the East, with the great desarts of the Tartars of Turkamane; to the West, by the Circasses, and the mountaine Caucasus; to the North, by the river Volga, and the land of Nagay; and to the South, by Media, and Persia. This sea is fresh water in many places, in others as salt as the great Ocean. It hath many great rivers which fall into it, as the mighty river of Volga, which is like a sea, running neere two thousand miles, through many great and large Countries, that send into it many other great rivers: also out of Saberya, Yaick, and Yem, out of the great mountaine Caucasus, the river Sirus, Arash, and divers others; yet no Sea neerer it than the blacke Sea, which is at least an hundred leagues distant. In which Country live the Georgians, now part Armenians, part Nestorians. It is neither found to increase or diminish, or empty it selfe any way, except it be under ground; and in some places they can finde no ground at two hundred fadome. Many other most strange and wonderfull things are in the land of Cathay towards the North-east, and Chyna to- wards the South-east: where are many of the most famous. Kingdomes in the world; where most arts, plenty, and curiosities are in such abundance, as might seeme incre- dible, which hereafter I will relate, as I have briefly gathered from such authors as have lived there. ENG. SCH. LIB. No. 16. 55 866 . The Travells and Adventures of J. Smith[Aug. . 1629[1603] How Smith escaped his captivity. CHAPTER XVII. How captaine Smith escaped his captivity; slew the Bashaw of Nalbrits in Cambia; his passage to Russia, Transilvania, and the middest of Europe to Affrica. LL the hope he had ever to be delivered from this thraldome was only the love of Tragabig- zanda, who surely was ignorant of his bad usage for although he had often debated the [pp.276,854.] matter with some Christians, that had beene there a long time slaves, they could not finde how to make an escape, by any reason or possibility; but God beyond [32] mans expectation or imagination helpeth his servants, when they least thinke of helpe, as it hapned to him. Their guides in those Countries. So long he lived in this miserable estate, as he became a thresher at a grange in a great field, more than a league from the Tymors house [at Nalbrits]. The Bashaw as he oft used to visit his granges, visited him; and tooke occasion so to beat, spurne, and revile him, that [Smith] forgetting all reason, he beat out the Tymors braines with his thresh- ing bat, for they have no flailes : and seeing his estate could be no worse than it was, clothed himselfe in his clothes, hid his body under the straw, filled his knapsacke with corne, shut the doores, mounted his horse, and ranne into the desart at all adventure. Two or three dayes thus fearfully wandring he knew not whither, and well it was he met not any to aske the way. Being even as taking leave of this miserable world, God did direct him to the great way or Castragan, as they call it, which doth crosse these large territories, and [is] generally knowne among them by these markes. In every crossing of this great way is planted a post, and in it so many bobs with broad ends, as there be wayes, and every bob the figure painted on it, that demonstrateth to what part that way leadeth; as that which pointeth towards the Cryms Country, is marked with a halfe Moone, J. Smith. Aug. 1629. 867 Captaine IOHN SMITII. if towards the Georgians and Persia, a blacke man, full of white spots; if towards China, the picture of the Sunne; if towards Muscovia, the signe of a Crosse; if towards the habitation of any other Prince, the figure whereby his standard is knowne. To his dying spirits, thus God added some comfort in this melancholy journey: wherein if he had met any of that vilde generation, they had made him their slave; or knowing the figure engraven in the iron about his necke, (as all slaves have) he had beene sent backe againe to his master. Sixteene dayes he travelled in this feare and torment, after the Crosse, till he arrived at Ecopolis, upon the river Don, a garrison of the Muscovites. The governour after due examination of those his hard events, tooke off his irons, and so kindly used him, he thought himselfe new risen from death; and the good Lady Callamata, largely supplied all his wants. [1603] [P. 275.] description and his passage to This is as much as he could learne of those wilde The Countries, that the Country of Cambia is two dayes of Cambia journ[e]y from the head of the great river Bruapo, which springeth from many places of the mountaines of Inna- Russia. gachi, that joyne themselves together in the Poole Kerkas; which they account for the head, and falleth into the Sea Dissabacca, called by some the lake Meotis, which receiveth also the river Tanais, and all the rivers that fall from the great Countries of the Circassi, the Cartaches, and many from the Tauricaes, Precopes, Cummani, Cossunka, and the Cryme. Through which Sea he sailed, and up the river Bruapo to Nalbrits, and thence through the desarts of Circassi to Ecoplis, as is related; where he stayed with the Governour, till the Convoy went to Coragnaw. Then with his certificate how hee found him, and had examined [him], with his friendly letters [he] sent him by Zumalacke to Caragnaw: whose Governour in like manner so kindly use him, that by this meanes he went with a safe conduct to Letch, and Donka, in Cologoske, and thence to Berniske, and Newgrod in Seberia, by Rezechica, upon the river Niper in the confines [33] of Littuania. From whence with as much kindnesse he was convoyed in like manner 868 [Alig The Travells and Adventures of J. Smith. Aug. 1629. [1603] by Coroski, Duberesko, Duzihell, Drohobus, and Ostroge in Volonia Saslaw and Lasco in Podolia; Halico and Collonia in Polonia; and so to Hermonstat in Transilvania. In all his life he seldome met with more respect, mirth, content, and entertainment: and not any Governour where he came, but gave him somewhat as a present, besides his charges; seeing themselves as subject to the like calamity. His observa- tions in his journey to Transil- vania, midst of Europe Through those poore continually forraged Countries. there is no passage, but with the Carravans or Convoyes; for they are Countries rather to be pitied, than envied; through the and it is a wonder any should make warres for them. The Villages are onely here and there a few houses of straight Firre trees, laid heads and points above one another, made fast by notches at the ends more than a mans height, and with broad split boards, pinned together In ten with woodden pinnes, as thatched for coverture. Villages you shall scarce finde ten iron nailes, except it be in some extraordinary mans house. For their Townes, Ecopolis, Letch, and Donko, have rampiers made of that woodden walled fashion, double, and betwixt them earth and stones; but so latched with crosse timber, they are very strong against any thing but fire; and about them a deepe ditch, and a Palizado of young Firre trees: but most of the rest have only a great ditch cast about them, and the ditches earth is all their rampier; but round well environed with Palizadoes. Some have some few small peeces of small Ordnance, and slings, calievers, and muskets; but their generallest weapons are the Russe bowes and arrowes. You shall find pavements over bogges, onely of young Firre trees laid crosse one over another, for two or three houres journey, or as the passage requires: and yet in two dayes travell you shall scarce see six habitations. Notwithstanding, to see how their Lords, Governours, and Captaines are civilized, well attired and acoutred with Iewells, Sables, and Horses, and after their manner with. curious furniture, it is wonderfull: but they are all Lords. or slaves, which makes them so subject to every invasion. In Transilvania he [i.c., Smith] found so many good friends, Aug. J. Smith869 . Captaine IoHN SMITH. .. 1629that but to see and rejoyce himselfe (after all those [1603-4] encounters) in his native Country, he would ever hardly have left them; though the mirrour of vertue, their Prince, was absent. Being thus glutted with content, and neere drowned with joy; he passed high Hungaria by Fileck, Tocka, Cassovia, and Vnderoroway, by Vlmicht, in Moravia, to Prague in Bohemia: at last he found the most gracious Prince Sigismundus, with his Colonell [Henry Volda, Earl of Meldritch, pp. 842, 852], at Lipswick in Misenland: who gave him his Passe (9 Dec. 1603, see p. 845], intimating the service he had done, and the honours he had received, with fifteene hundred ducats [=about £500] of gold to repaire his losses. With this, he spent some time to visit the faire Cities and Countries of Drasdon in Saxonie, Magdaburg and Brunswicke; Cassell in Hessen; Wittenberg, Vllum, and Minikin in Bavaria; Aughsbrough, and her Vniversities; Hama, Franckford, Mentz, the Palatinate; Wormes, Speyre, and Strausborough; passing Nancie in Loraine, and France by Paris to Orleans, hee went down the river of Loyer, to Angiers, and imbarked himselfe at Nantz in Britanny, for Bilbao in Biskay, to see Burgos, [34] Valiadolid, the admired monasterie of the Escuriall, Madrill, Toledo, Cordua, Cuedyriall, Civill, Cheryes, Cales, and Saint Lucas in Spaine. k CHAPTER XVIII. The observations of Captaine Smith, Master Henrie Archer and others in Barbarie. B Eing thus satisfied with Europe and Asia; under- standing of the warres in Barbaric, hee went from Gibralter to Guta and Tanger, thence to Saffee: where growing into acquaintance with a French man of warre, the Captaine and some twelve more went to Morocco, to see the ancient monuments of that large renowned Citie. It was once the principall 870 Ali The Travells and Adventures of [[1604] The three golden Bals of Affrica. J. Smith. Aug. 1529. Citie in Barbarie, situated in a goodly plaine Countrey, 14 miles from the great Mount Atlas, and sixtie miles from the Atlanticke Sea; but now little remaining, but the Kings Palace, which is like a Citie of it selfe, and the Christian Church, on whose flat square steeple is a great brouch of iron, whereon is placed the three golden Bals of Affrica: the first is neere three Ells in circum- ference, the next above it somewhat lesse, the uppermost the least over them, as it were an halfe Ball, and over all a prettie guilded Pyramides. Against those golden. Bals hath been shot many a shot. Their weight is recorded 700.weight [784 lbs.] of pure gold, hollow within, yet no shot did ever hit them, nor could ever any Conspirator attaine that honor as to get them downe. They report the Prince of Morocco betrothed himselfe to the Kings Daughter of Ethiopia, he dying before their marriage, she caused those three golden Balls to be set up for his Monument, and The descrip- vowed virginitie all her life. The Alfantica is also a place of note, because it is invironed with a great wall, wherein lye the goods of all the Merchants securely guarded. The Iuderea is also (as it were) a Citie of it selfe, where dwell the Iewes: the rest for the most part is defaced: but by the many pinnacles and towers, with Balls on their tops, hath much appearance of much sumptuousnesse and curiositie. There have been many famous Universities, which are now but stables for Fowles and Beasts, and the houses in most parts lye tumbled one above another. The walls of Earth are with the great fresh flouds washed to the ground; nor is there any village in it, but tents for Strangers, Larbes [Mountainers, p. 873] and Moores. tion of Morocco. A bloudie Empresse. Strange tales they will tell of a great Garden, wherein were all sorts of Birds, Fishes, Beasts, Fruits and Foun- taines, which for beautie, Art, and pleasure, exceeded any place knowne in the world; though now nothing but. dung-hils, Pigeon-houses, shrubs and bushes. There are yet many excellent fountaines adorned with marble, and many arches, pillers, towers, ports and Temples; but most only reliques of lamentable ruines and sad desolation. When Mully Hamet reigned in Barbarie, he had three sonnes, Mully Shecke, Mully Sidan, and Mully Befferres. He a most good and noble King, that governed well with J. Smith. Aug. 1629. 871 Captaine IOHN SMITH. peace and plentie, till his Empresse, more cruell [35] than any beast in Affrica, poysoned him, her owne daughter, Mully Shecke his eldest sonne borne of a Portugall Ladie, and his daughter; to bring Mully Sidan to the Crowne now reigning: which was the cause of all those brawles and warres that followed betwixt those Brothers, their children, and a Saint that start[ed] up (but he played the Devill). King Mully Hamet was not blacke, as many suppose, but Molata, or tawnie, as are the most of his subjects; everie way noble, kinde and friendly, verie rich and pompous in State and Majestie: though hee sitteth not upon a Throne nor Chaire of Estate, but crosse legged upon a rich Carpet, as doth the Turke; whose Religion of Mahomet, with an incredible miserable curiositie they observe. His Ordinarie Guard is at least 5000; but in progresse he goeth not with lesse than 20000. horsemen: himselfe as rich in all his Equipage, as any Prince in Christendome, and yet a Contributor to the Turke. In all his Kingdome were so few good Artificers, that hee entertained from England, Gold-smiths, Plummers, Carvers, and Polishers of stone, and Watch-makers: so much hee delighted in the reformation of workmanship, hee allowed each of them ten shillings a day standing fee, linnen, woollen, silkes, and what they would for diet and apparell; and custome-free to transport, or import what they would; for there were scarce any of those qualities in his King- domes but those, of which there are divers of them living at this present [1629] in London. Amongst the rest, one Master Henry Archer, a Watch- maker, walking in Morocco, from the Alfantica to the Iuderea, the way being verie foule, met a great Priest, or a Sante (as they call all great Clergy-men) who would have thrust him into the durt for the way; but Archer, not knowing what he was, gave him a box on the eare: presently he was apprehended, and condemned to have his tongue cut out, and his hand cut off; but no sooner it was knowen at the Kings Court, but 300. of his Guard came, and broke open the Prison, and delivered him, although the fact was next degree to Treason. Concerning this Archer, there is one thing more worth [1604] King Mully the Great Zertilf of Hamet, or Barbarie. His great love to English- men. 872 [Alig The Travells and Adventures of J. Smith. Aug. 1629. [1604] love of a Lyon. noting: Not farre from Mount Atlas, a great Lionesse in The strange the heat of the day, did use to bathe her selfe, and teach her young Puppies to swimme in the river Cauzeff, of a good bredth; yet she would carrie them one after another over the river: which some Moores perceiving watched their opportunitie, and when the river was betweene her and them, stole foure of her whelps; which she perceiving, with all the speed shee could passed the river, and comming neere them they let fall a whelpe (and fled with the rest) which she tooke in her mouth, and so returned to the rest. A Male and a Female of those they gave Master Archer, who kept them in the Kings Garden, till the Male killed. the Female; then he brought it up as a Puppy-dog lying upon his bed, till it grew so great as a Mastiffe, and no dog more tame or gentle to them hee knew: but being to returne for England, at Saffee he gave him to a Merchant of Marsellis, that presented him to the French King, who sent him to King Iames, where it was kept in the Tower seven yeeres. Another kinde Lyon After, one Master Iohn Bull, then servant to Master Archer, with divers of his friends, went to see the Lyons, not knowing any thing at all of him; yet this rare beast smelled him before hee [36] saw him, whining, groaning, and tumbling, with such an expression of acquaintance; that being informed by the Keepers how hee came thither, Master Bull so prevailed, the Keeper opened the grate, and Bull went in: But no Dogge could fawne more on his Master, than the Lyon on him, licking his feet, hands, and face, skipping and tumbling to and fro, to the wonder of all the beholders; being satisfied with his acquaintance, he made shift to get out of the grate. But when the Lyon saw his friend gone; no beast by bellowing, roaring, scratch- ing, and howling, could expresse more rage and sorrow: nor in foure dayes after would he either eat or drinke. In Morocco, the Kings Lyons are all together in a Court, in Morocco. invironed with a great high wall; to those they put a young Puppy-dogge: the greatest Lyon had a sore upon his necke, which this Dogge so licked that he was healed: the Lyon defended him from the furie of all the rest, nor durst they eat till the Dogge and he had fed; this Dog grew great, and lived amongst them many yeeres after. · Aug. J. Smith873 . Captaine IOHN SMITH. . 1629[1604] scription of Fez also is a most large and plentifull Country, the chiefe Citie is called Fez, divided into two parts; old Fez The de- containing about 80. thousand housholds, the other 4000. Fez. pleasantly situated vpon a River in the heart of Barbarie, part upon hils, part upon plaines, full of people, and all sorts of Merchandise. The great Temple is called Carucen, in bredth seventeene Arches, in length 120. borne up with 2500. white marble pillars under the chiefe Arch, where the Tribunall is kept, hangeth a most huge lampe, compassed with 110. lesser, under the other also hang great lamps, and about some are burning fifteene hundred lights. They say they were all made of the bels the Arabians brought from Spaine. It hath three gates of notable height, Priests and Officers so many, that the circuit of the Church, the Yard, and other houses, is little lesse than a mile and an halfe in compasse. There are in this Citie 200. Schooles, 200. Innes, 400. water-mils, 600. water-Conduits; 700. Temples and Oratories; but fiftie of them most stately and richly furnished. Their Alcazar or Burse is walled about, it hath twelve gates, and fifteen walks covered with tents to keepe the Sun from the Merchants, and them that come there. The Kings Palace, both for strength and beautie is excellent, and the Citizens have many great privileges. Those two Countreyes of Fez and Morocco, are the best part of all Barbarie, abounding with people, cattell, and all good necessaries for mans use. Forthe rest, as the Larbes or Mountainers, the Kingdomes of Cocow, Algier, Tripoly, Tunis, and Egypt; there are many large histories of them in divers languages, especially that writ by that most excellent Statesman, John de Leo, who afterward turned Christian. The unknowen Countries of Ginny and Binne, this six and twentie yeeres [1603–1629] have beene frequented with a few English ships only to trade, especially the river of Senega, by Captaine Brimstead, Captaine Brockit, Master Crump, and divers others. Also the great river of Gambra, by Captaine Iobson, who is returned in thither againe in the yeere 1626. with Master William Grent, and thirteene or fourteene others, to stay in A briefe of the most parts of Africa. description unknowen t 1 1 î 874 [Ali The Travells and Adventures of J. Smitn. Aug. 1629. [1479- 1629] the Countrey, to discover some way to those rich mines of Gago or Tumbatu, from whence is supposed the Moores of [37 Barbarie have their gold; and the certaintie of those supposed descriptions and relations of those interiour parts, which daily the more they are sought into, the more. they are corrected. For surely, those interiour parts of Affrica are little knowen to either English, French, or Dutch, though they use much the Coast; therefore wee will make a little bold with the observations of the Portugalls. How the Portugalls coasted to the East Indies. Or Edward CHAPTER XIX. The strange discoveries and observations of the Portugalls in Affrica. He Portugalls on those par[t]s have the glorie, who first coasting along this Westerne shore of Affrica, to finde passage to the East Indies, within this hundred and fiftie yeeres [1479-1629], even from the Streights of Gibralter, about the Cape of Bone Esperance to the Persian Gulfe, and thence all along the Asian Coast to the Moluccas, have subjected many great King- domes, erected many Common-wealths, built many great and strong Cities; and where is it they have not beene by trade or force? no not so much as Cape de Verd, and Sermleone; but most Bayes or Rivers, where there is any trade to bee had, especially gold, or conveniencie for re- freshment, but they are scattered; living so amongst those Blacks, by time and cunning they seeme to bee naturalized amongst them. As for the Isles of the Canaries, they have faire Townes, many Villages, and many thousands of people rich in commodities. Ordoardo Lopez, a noble Portugall, Anno Dom 1578. im- barquing himselfe for Congo to trade, where he found such entertainment, finding the King much oppressed with enemies, hee found meanes to bring in the Portugalls to assist him, whereby he planted there Christian Religion, and spent most of his life to bring those Countreyes to J. Smith. Aug. 1629. 875 Captaine IOIIN SMITH. the Crowne of Portugall, which he describeth in this [1578] manner. Kingdome The Kingdome of Congo is about 600. miles diameter any The way; the chiefe Citie called St. Savadore, [is] seated upon of Congo. an exceeding high mountaine, 150. miles from the Sea, verie fertile, and inhabited with more than 100000. persons, where is an excellent prospect over all the plaine Countreyes about it, well watered, lying (as it were) in the Center of this Kingdome: over all which the Portugalls now com- mand, though but an handfull in comparison of Negroes. They have flesh and fruits verie plentifull of divers sorts. This Kingdom is divided into five Provinces, viz. Bamba, Sundi, Pango, Bacca, and Pembo; but Bamba is the prin- cipall, and can affoord 400000. men of warre. Elephants wilde are bred over all those Provinces, and of wonderfull great- Elephants. nesse; though some report they cannot kneele, nor lye downe, they can doe both, and have their joynts as other creatures for use: with their fore-feet they will leape upon trees to pull downe the boughes, and are of that strength, they will shake a great Cocar tree for [38] the nuts, and pull downe a good tree with their tuskes, to get the leaves to eat, as well as sedge and long grasse, Cocar nuts and berries, &c. which with their trunke they put in their mouth, and chew it with their smaller teeth. In most of those Provinces, are many rich mines, but the Negars opposed the Portugalls for working in them. The Kingdome of Angola is wonderfull populous, and rich in mines of silver, copper, and most other mettalls; fruitfull in all manner of food, and [with] sundry sorts of cattell, but dogges flesh they love better than any other meat: they use few clothes, and no Armour; bowes, arrowes, and clubs, are their weapons. But the Portugalls are well armed against those engines; and doe buy yearely of those Blacks more than five thousand slaves, and many are people exceeding well proportioned. The of Angola Kingdome The Anchicos are a most valiant nation, but most strange The to all about them. Their Armes are Bowes, short and Kingdome small, wrapped about with serpents skinnes, of divers of Anchicos colours; but so smooth you would thinke them all one with the wood, and it makes them very strong: their strings little twigs, but exceeding tough and flexible; their arrowes 876 J. Smith. Aug. 1629. The Travells and Adventures of [1578] A strange mony. A shambles of mans flesh. Their Religions and Idols. Divers and the wonders of Africa. short, which they shoot with an incredible quicknesse. They have short axes of brasse and copper for swords; [are] wonderfull loyall and faithfull, and exceeding simple, yet so active, they skip amongst the rockes like goats. They trade with them of Nubea, and Congo, for Lamache, which is a small kinde of shell fish, of an excellent azure colour, male and female, but the female they hold most pure; they value them at divers prices, because they are of divers sorts: and those they use for coine, to buy and sell, as we doe gold and silver; nor will they have any other money in all those Countries, for which they give Elephants teeth; and slaves for salt, silke, linnen cloth, glasse-beads, and such like Portugall commodities. They circumcise themselves, and marke their faces with sundry slashes from their infancie. They keepe a shambles of mans flesh, as if it were beefe or other victuall: for when they cannot have a good market for their slaves; or their enemies they take, they kill and sell them in this manner. Some are so resolute in shewing how much they scorne death, they will offer themselves and slaves to this butchery to their Prince and friends; and though there be many nations will eat their enemies, in America and Asia, yet none but those are knowne to be so mad, as to eat their slaves and friends also. Religions and idolls they have as many, as nations and humours; but the devill hath the greatest part of their devotions, whom all those Blacks doe say is white; for there are no Saints but Blacks. But besides those great Kingdomes of Congo, Angola, unknowne, and Azichi in those unfrequented parts are the Kingdomes of Lango, Matania, Buttua, Sofola, Mozambeche, Quivola, the Isle of Saint Lawrence, Mombasa, Melinda, the Empires. of Monomatopa, Monemugi, and Presbiter John, with whom they have a kinde of trade; and their rites, customes, climates, temperatures, and commodities by relation. Also of great Lakes, that deserve the names of Seas, and huge mountaines of divers [39] sorts, as some scorched with heat, some covered with snow; the mountaines of the Sunne, also of the Moone, some of crystall, some of iron, some of silver, and mountaines of gold, with the originall J. Smith. Aug. 1629. 877 Captaine IOHN SMITII. of Nilus; likewise sundry sorts of cattell, fishes, Fowles, strange beasts, and monstrous serpents; for Affrica was alwayes noted to be a fruitfull mother of such terrible creatures who meeting at their watering places, which are but Ponds in desart places, in regard of the heat of the Country, and their extremities of nature, make strange copulations, and so ingender those extraordinary monsters. Of all these you may reade in the history of this Edward Lopez, translated into English by Abraham Hartwell, and dedicated to Iohn Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, 1597. But because the particulars are most concerning the conversion of those Pagans, by a good poore Priest that first converted a Noble man, to convert the King, and the rest of the Nobility; [then] sent for so many Priests and orna- ments into Portugall, to solemnize their baptismes with such magnificence, which was performed with such strange curiosities, that those poore Negros adored them as Gods, till the Priests grew to that wealth, a Bishop was sent to rule over them: which they would not endure, which endangered to spoile all before they could bee reconciled. But not to trouble you too long with those rarities of uncertainties: let us returne againe to Barbary, where the warres being ended, and Befferres possessed of Morocco, and his fathers treasure; a new bruit arose amongst them, that Muly Sidan, was raising an Armie against him, who after tooke his brother Befferres prisoner. But by reason of the uncertainty, and the perfidious, treacherous, bloudy murthers rather than warre, amongst those perfidious, barbarous Moores; Smith returned with Merham, [or rather the French Captain, see p. 869] and the rest to Saffc[e], and so aboard his Ship, to try some other conclusions at Sea. [1604] 878 J. Smith. Aug. 1629. The Travells and Adventures of [1604] CHAPTER XX. A brave Sea fight betwixt two Spanish men of warre, and Captaine M Merham with Smith. Erham a captaine of a man of war then in the Road, invited captaine Smith, and two or three more of them aboord with him; where he spared not any thing he had to expresse his kindnesse, to bid them welcome, till it was too late to goe on shore, so that necessitie constrained them to stay aboord. A fairer Evening could not bee: yet ere midnight such a storme did arise, they were forced to let slip Cable and Anchor, and put to Sea; spooning before the wind, till they were driven to the Canaries. In the calmes they accommo- dated themselves, hoping this strange accident might yet produce some good event. Not long it was before they tooke a small Barke com- ming from Teneryf, loaded with Wine. Three or foure more they chased, two they tooke, but found little in them, save a few passengers, that told them of five Dutch men of warre, about the Isles: so that they stood for Boyadora, [40] upon the Affrican shore; betwixt which and Cape Noa, they descried t[w]o saile. Merham intending to know what they were, hailed them: very civilly they dansed their topsailes, and desired the man of warre to come aboord them, and take what he would; for they were but two poore distressed Biskiners. But Merham, the old fox, seeing himselfe in the lions pawes, sprung his loufe; the other tacked after him, and came close up to his nether quarter, gave his broad side, and so loufed up to windward; the Vice-Admirall did the like; and at the next bout, the Admirall with a noise of Trumpets, and all his Ordnance, murtherers, and muskets, boorded him on his broad side; the other in like manner on his ley quarter, that it was so darke, there was little light, but fire and smoake. Long he stayed not, Ali J. Smith879 . Captaine IoHN SMITH. ] Smith.before he fell off, leaving 4. or 5. of his men sprawling [1604] over the grating. After they had battered Merham about an houre, they boorded him againe as before; and threw foure kedgers or grapnalls in iron chaines, then shearing off they thought so to have torne downe the grating; but the Admiralls yard was so intangled in their shrouds, Merham had time to discharge two crosse barre shot amongst them, and divers bolts of iron made for that purpose, against his bow, that made such a breach, he feared they both should have sunke for company. So that the Spaniard was as yare in slipping his chained Grapnalls, as Merham was in cutting the tackling, [that] kept fast their yards in his shrouds. The Vice-admirall presently cleared himselfe, but spared neither his Ordnance nor Muskets to keepe Merham from getting away, till the Admirall had repaired his leake. From twelve at noone, till six at night, they thus inter- changed one volly for another; then the Vice-admirall fell on starne, staying for the Admirall that came up againe to him, and all that night stood after Merham, that shaped his course for Mamora, but such small way they made, the next morning they were not three leagues off from Cape Noa. The two Spanish men of warre, for so they were, and well appointed: taking it in scorne as it seemed, with their chase, broad side, and starne, the one after the other, within Musket shot, plying their ordnance; and after an houres worke commanded Merham a maine for the King of Spaine upon faire quarter. Merham dranke to them, and so discharged his quarter peeces. Which pride the Spaniard to revenge, [they] boorded him. againe, and many of them were got to the top to unsling the maine saile; which the Master and some others from the round house, caused to their cost to come tumbling downe. About the round house the Spaniards so pestered, that they were forced to the great Cabben and blew it up; the smoake and fire was so vehement, as they thought the Ship on fire. They in the fore castle were no lesse assaulted, that blew up a peece of the grating, with a great many of Spaniards more; then they cleared them- selves with all speed, and Merham with as much expedition 880 The Travells and Adventures of Capt. SMITII. [A J. Smith. Aug. 1629. [1604] to quench the fire with wet clothes and water, which beganne to grow too fast. The Spaniard still playing upon him with all the shot they could; the open places presently they covered with old sailes, and prepared themselves to fight to the last man. The angry Spaniard seeing the fire quenched, hung out a flagge of truce to have but a parley; but that desperate [41] Merham knew there was but one way with him, and would have none but the report of his Ordnance, which hee did know well how to use for his best advantage. Thus they spent the next after-noone, and halfe that night; when the Spaniards either lost them, or left them. Seven and twentie men Mcrham had slaine, and sixteene wounded; and could finde they [i.e., the ship] had received 140. great shot. A wounded Spanyard they kept alive, confessed they had lost 100. men in the Admirall, which they did feare would sinke, ere she could recover a Port. Thus reaccomm dating their sailes, they sailed for Sancta Cruse, Cape Goa, and Magadore, till they came againe to Saffee; and then he [i.c., Smith] returned into England. 881 [The second part of The True Travels, Adventures, and Observations &c. 1630. The Observations &c. A Continuation of The Generall His- torie of Virginia, the Summer Islands, and New England, 1624–1629. The English voyages to Guiana, and the river Amazon, 1595–1629. The English beginnings at St. Chris- topher, Barbadoes, and Nevis, 1623- 1629. A short view of English pirates, 1588-1629.] ENG. SCH. LIB. No. 16. 56 1 882 [In the original edition, while the headline of the foriner part of this Work is The Travels and Adventures &c., that over what follows is (but not uniformly) The Travels and Observations &c. With the exception of the Eye-witness description of Nevis, at pp. 909-10; this latter part is simply a compilation by our Author, out of such Relations as came to his hands.] 883 CHAPTER XXI. The continuation of the generall Historie of Virginia; the Summer Iles; and New England; with their present estate from 1624. to this present 1629. Oncerning these Countreyes, I would be sorrie to trouble you with repeating one thing twice, as with their Maps, Com- modities, People, Government and Re- ligion yet knowen, the beginning of those plantations, their numbers and names, with the names of the Adven- turers, the yeerely proceedings of everie Governour both here and there. As for the misprisions, neglect, grievances, and the causes of all those rumours, losses and crosses that have happened; I referre you to the General Historie, where you shall finde all this at large; especially to those pages, where you may read my letter of advice to the Councell and Company, what of necessitie must be done, or lose all and leave the Countrey, pag. 70. [þ. 442] what commodities I sent home, pag. 163. [p. 610j my opinion and offer to the Company, to feed and defend the Colonies, pag. 150. [þ. 588] my account to them here of my actions there, pag. 163. [p. 610] my seven answers to his Majesties Commissioners: seven questions what hath hindered Virginia, and the remedie, pag. 165 [p. 615]. How those noble Gentlemen spent neere two yeares in perusing all letters [that] came from thence; and the differ- ences betwixt many factions, both here and there, with their [1629] 884 The Travells and Observations of Capt. I. SMITH. [1. Aug. . Ed. by J. 1629Smith. [1622-5] complaints; especially about the Sallerie, which should have beene a new office in London, for the well ordering [of] the sale of Tobacco, that 2500. pounds should yearely have beene raised out of it, to pay foure or five hundred pounds yearly to the Governor of that Companie; two or three hundred to his Deputie; the rest into stipends of thirtie or fiftie pounds yearely for their Clerks and under Officers which were never there, pag. 153 [þþ. 590, 591), but but not one hundred pounds for all them in Virginia, or any thing for the most part of the Adventurers in England, except the undertakers for the Lotteries, Setters out of ships, Adventurers of commodities, also their Factors and many other Officers, there imployed only by friendship to raise their fortunes out of the labours of the true industrious planters by the title of their office, who [42] under the colour of sinceritie, did pillage and deceive all the rest most cunningly. For more than 150000. pounds have beene spent out of the common stocke, besides many thousands have beene there consumed, and neere 7000. people that there died, only for want of good order and government: otherwise long ere this there would have beene more than 20000. people; where after twentie yeeres spent onely in complement, and trying new conclusions, was remaining scarce 1500. with some few cattell. Then the Company dissolved, but no account of any thing; so that his Majestie appointed Commissioners to oversee, and give order for their proceedings. Being thus in a manner left to themselves, since then within these foure yeeres [1625–1629], you shall see how wonderfully they have increased beyond expectation: but For al- so exactly as I desired, I cannot relate unto you. though I have tired my selfe in seeking and discoursing with those returned thence, more than would a voyage to Vir- ginia; few can tell me any thing, but of that place or places they have inhabited: and he is a great traveller that hath gone up and downe the river of James Towne, been at Pamaunke, Smiths Isles, or Accomack; wherein for the most part they keepe one tune of their now particular abun- dance, and their former wants, having beene there, some sixteene yeeres, some twelve, some six, some neere twentie, Ed. by J. Smith. Continuation of the General History of Virginia.] 885 Aug. 1629. &c. But of their generall estate, or any thing of worth, the most of them doth know verie little to any purpose. [1627] Now the most I could understand in generall, was from Their estate. the relation of Master Nathaniel Cawsey, that lived there with mee [pp. 410, 575], and returned Anno Dom. 1627.; and 1627. [of some others [who] affirme: Sir George Yerley was Governour, Captaine Francis West, Doctor Iohn Poot, Captaine Roger Smith, Captaine Matthewes, Captaine Tucker, Master Clabourne and Master Farrer of the Councell: their habitations many. The Governour, with two or three of the Councell, are for most part at Iames Towne; the rest repaire thither as there is occasion: but everie three moneths they have a generall meeting, to consider of their publike affaires. numbers. Their numbers then [1627] were about 1500. some say Their rather 2000. divided into seventeene or eighteene severall Plantations; the greatest part thereof towards the falls, are . 927-1 so inclosed with Pallizadoes they regard not the Salvages: and amongst those Plantations above Iames Towne, they have now found meanes to take plentie of fish, as well with lines as nets, and where the waters are the largest; having meanes, they need not want. Upon this River they seldome see any Salvages; but in the woods, many times their fires: yet some few there are, that upon their opportunitie have slaine some few stragglers, which have beene revenged with the death of so many of themselves; but no other attempt hath beene made upon them this two or three yeares [1624-7]. Their condition with the Salvages. Their Cattle and Poultrie. Their Cattle, namely Oxen, Kine, Buls, they imagine increase of to be about 2000. Goats great store and great increase; the wilde Hogs, which were infinite, are destroyed and eaten by the Salvages: but no family is so poore, that hath not tame Swine sufficient; and for Poultrie, he is a verie [43] bad husband [that] breedeth not an hundred in a yeere, and the richer sort doth daily feed on them. Corne. For bread they have plentie, and so good, that those Plenty of that make it well, better cannot be: divers have much English corne, especially Master Abraham Perce, which pre- pared this yeere [1627] to sow two hundred acres of English wheat, and as much with barley; feeding daily about the number of sixtie persons at his owne charges. 886 The Travells and Observations of Capt. I. SMITH. [. EdAug. by . . J. Smith[1627-9] Their drinke. Their servants diet. Their exercise. Their health and 1629For drinke, some malt the Indian corne, others barley of which they make good Ale, both strong and small, and such plentie thereof, few of the upper Planters drinke any water: but the better sort are well furnished with Sacke, Aquavite, and good English Beere. Their servants commonly feed upon Milke Homini, which is bruized Indian corne pounded, and boiled thicke, and milke for the sauce; but boiled with milke the best of all will oft feed on it, and leave their flesh: with milke, butter and cheese; with fish, Bulls flesh, for they seldome kill any other; &c. And everie one is so applyed to his labour about Tobacco and Corne, which doth yeeld them such profit, they never regard any food from the Salvages; nor have they any trade or conference with them, but upon meere accidents and defiances: and now the Merchants have left it, there have gone so many voluntarie ships within this two yeeres [1625-7], as have furnished them with Apparell, Sacke, Aquavitæ, and all necessaries, much better than ever before. For Armes, there is scarce any man but he is furnished Armes and with a Peece, a Jacke, a Coat of Maile, a Sword, or Rapier; and euerie Holy-day, everie Plantation doth exercise their men in Armes, by which meanes, [and] hunting and fowling, the most part of them are most excellent markmen. For Discoveries they have made none; nor [to] any other discoveries. commoditie than Tobacco doe they apply themselves unto, though never any was planted at first. And whereas the Countrey was heretofore held most intemperate and con- tagious by many: now they have houses, lodgings and victuall, and the Sunne hath power to exhale up the moyst vapours of the earth, where they have cut downe the wood, which before it could not, being covered with spreading tops of high trees; they finde it much more healthfull than before; nor for their numbers, few Countreyes are lesse troubled with death, sicknesse, or any other disease, nor where overgrowne women become more fruitfull. The present estate of Since this, Sir George Yerley died 1628. Captaine West Virginia, succeeded him; but about a yeere after returned for England [in 1629]: Now Doctor Poot is Governour, and the rest of the Councell as before. 1629. J. Ed. by Continuation of the General History of Virginia.] 887 Aug. 1629. Iames Towne is yet their chiefe seat, most of the wood [1629] destroyed, little corne there planted, but all converted into pasture and gardens; wherein doth grow all manner of herbs and roots we have in England in abundance, and as good grasse as can be. Here most of their Cattle doe feed, their Owners being most some one way, some another, about their plantations; and returne againe when they please, or any shipping comes into trade. Here in winter they have hay for their Cattell: but in other places they browze upon wood, and the great huskes of their corne, with some corne in [44] them, doth keepe them well. Hutchins. thousand thousand Master Hutchins saith, they have 2000 Cattle, and about Master 5000. people; but Master Floud, John Davis, William Emerson, and divers others, say, about five thousand Five people, and five thousand kine, calves, oxen, and bulls; people. for goats, hogs, and poultry; corne, fish, deere, and many Five sorts of other wilde beasts; and fowle in their season, they cattell. have so much more than they spend, they are able to feed Goats, three or foure hundred men more than they have; and Poultry, doe oft much releeve many ships, both there, and for their returne; and this last yeare [1628] was there at least two or three and twenty saile. They have oft much salt fish from New England; but fresh fish enough, when they will take it; Peaches in abundance at Kecoughtan. Apples, Peares, Apricocks, Vines, figges, and other fruits some have planted, that prospered exceedingly; but their diligence about Tobacco left them to be spoiled by the cattell; yet now they beginne to revive. Hogs, and infinite. Mistresse Pearce, an honest industrious woman, hath beene there neere twentie yeares [1610-1629], and now returned saith, shee hath a Garden at Iames towne, containing three or foure acres; where in one yeare shee hath gathered neere an hundred bushels of excellent figges: and that of her owne provision she can keepe a better house in Good Virginia, than here in Lon lon for 3. or 400. pounds a yeare; yet went thither with little or nothing. They have some tame geese, ducks, and turkies. The masters now do so traine up their servants and youth in shooting deere, and fowle, that the youths will kill them as well as their Masters. They have two brew-houses, but they Hospitality. 888 The Travells and Observations of Capt. I. SMITH. . ୮ . [1. Smith[1629] Commodities worth mak- Walnut, Ash for Pikes, Ed. by J. Aug. 1629finde the Indian corne so much better than ours, they beginne to leave sowing it [i.e., wheat]. Their Cities and Townes are onely scattered houses, they call plantations, as are our Country Villages, but no Ordnance mounted. The Forts Captaine Smith left a building, [are] so ruined, there is scarce mention where they were. No discoveries of any thing more than the curing of Tobacco, by which hitherto, being so present a commodity of gaine, it hath brought them to this abundance; but that they are so disjoynted, and every one commander of himselfe, to plant what he will. They are now so well provided that they are able to ing, Blacke subsist; and if they would joine together now to worke upon Sope-ashes, Iron, Rape-oile, Mader, Pitch and Tarre, Flax and Hempe; as for their Tobacco; there comes from many places such abundance, and the charge so great, it is not worth the bringing home. Oke for planks, knees for Ships, Cipresse for Chests, &c. There is gone, and now a going, divers Ships, as Cap- taine Perse, Captaine Prine, and Sir John Harvy to be their governour, with two or three hundred people: there is also some from Bristow, and other parts of the West Country a preparing: which I heartily pray to God to blesse, and send them a happy and prosperous voyage. Nathaniel Causie, Master Hutchins, Master Floud, Iohn Davis, William Emerson, Master William Barnet, Master Cooper, and others. [45] 889 . : CHAPTER XXII. The proceedings and present estate of the Summer Iles, from An. Dom. 1624 to this present 1629. Rom the Summer Iles, Master Ireland, [1622-9] and divers others report, their Forts, Ordnance, and proceedings, are much as they were in the yeare 1622. as you may read in the generall History, page 199 [þ. 686]. Captaine Woodhouse [is] governour. There are few sorts of any fruits in the West Indies, but they grow there in abundance; yet the fertility of the soile in many places decayeth, being planted every yeare. For their Plan- taines, which is a most delicate fruit, they have lately found a way by pickling or drying them, to bring them over into England, there being no such fruit in Europe, and won- derfull for increase. For fish, flesh, figs, wine, and all sorts of most excellent hearbs, fruits, and rootes they have in abundance. In this Governours time, a kinde of IVhale, or rather a Iubarta, was driven on shore in Southampton tribe from the west, over an infinite number of rocks, so bruised, that the water in the Bay where she lay, was all oily, and the rocks about it all bedasht with Parmacitty, congealed like ice: a good quantity we gathered, with which we commonly cured any byle, hurt, or bruise; some burnt it in their lamps, which blowing out, the very snuffe will burne, so long as there is any of the oile remaining, for two or three dayes together. The next Governour, was Captaine Philip Bell, whose 890 [The proceedings &c. of the Summer Islands. Ed. by . Aug. . J. Smith1629[1629] time being expired, Captaine Roger Wood possessed his place, a worthy Gentleman of good desert, and hath lived a long time in the Country. The present estate of the Summer Isles. 1629. Lpp. 629,630.] An evill mischance. Their numbers are about two or three thousand, men, women, and children, who increase there exceedingly; their greatest complaint, is want of apparell, and too much custome [import dutics], and too many officers; the pity is, there are more men than women, yet no great mischiefe, because there is so much lesse pride; the cattell they have increase exceedingly; their forts are well maintained by the Merchants here, and Planters there; to be briefe, this isle is an excellent bit, to rule a great horse. All the Cohow birds and Egbirds are gone; seldome any wilde cats seene; no Rats to speake of; but the wormes are yet very troublesome; the people very health- full; and the Ravens gone; fish enough but not so neere the shore as it used, by the much beating [of] it. It is an Ile that hath such a rampire and a ditch, and for the quantity so manned, victualled, and fortified, as few in the world doe exceed it, or is like it. The 22. of March[1629], two ships came from thence; the Peter Bonaventure, neere two hundred tunnes, and sixteene peeces of Ordnance; the Captaine, Thomas Sherwin; the Master, Master Edward Some, like him in condition, a goodly, lusty, proper, valiant man: the Lydia, wherein was Master Anthony Thorne, a smaller ship. [They] were chased by eleuen ships of Dunkerk; being thus overmatched, Captaine Sherwin was taken by them in Turbay, only his valiant Master was slaine. The ship with about seventy English men, they carried betwixt Dover and Callis, to Dunkerk; but the Lydia safely recovered Dartmouth. These noble adventurers for all those losses, patiently doe beare them; but they hope the King and state will understand it is worth keeping, though it afford nothing but Tobacco, and that now worth little or nothing, custome and fraught payed: yet it is worth keeping, and not sup- planting; though great men feele not those losses, yet Gardiners, Carpenters, and Smiths doe pay for it. From the relation of Robert Chesteven, and others. S91 : CHAPTER XXIII. The proceedings and present estate of New England, since 1624. to this present 1629. Hen I went first [1614] to the North part [1606-14] of Virginia, where the Westerly Colony had beene planted, it had dissolved it selfe within a yeare [1606-7], and there was not one Christian in all the land. 240, 256, I was set forth at the sole charge of [p.187, foure Merchants of London; the Country 697.936.1 being then reputed by your westerlings, a most rockie, barren, desolate desart; but the good returne I brought from thence, with the maps and relations I made of the Country, which I made so manifest, some of them did beleeve me ; and they were well embraced, both by the Londoners, and Westerlings: for whom I had promised to undertake it, thinking to have joined them all together; but that might well have beene a worke for Hercules. Considera- the losse of tions about Betwixt them long there was much contention; the Lon- doners indeed went bravely forward; but in three or foure yeares, I and my friends consumed many hundred pounds time, amongst the Plimothians; who only fed me with delayes, promises, and excuses, but no performance of any thing to any purpose. In the interim, many particular ships went thither, and finding my relations true; and that I had not taken that I brought home from the French men, as had beene re- ported yet further for my paines to discredit me, and my calling it New England, they obscured it, and shadowed it, with the title of Canada; till at my humble suit, it 892 The Travells and Observations of Capt. I. SMITH.J. Ed. 1629. by . Smith[1614] pleased our most Royall King Charles, whom God long keepe, blesse, and preserve, then Prince of Wales, to confirme it with my map and booke, by the title of New England. The gaine thence returning did make the fame thereof so increase, that thirty, forty, or fifty saile went yearly only to trade and fish; but nothing would bee done for a plantation, till about some hundred of your Brownists. of England, Amsterdam, and Leyden, went to New Plimouth, The effect of whose humorous ignorances caused them, for more than a yeare [1620-1621], to endure a wonderfull deale of misery, with an infinite patience; saying my books and maps were much better cheape to teach them, than my selfe: 941,943-] many other have used the [47] like good husbandry, that have payed soundly in trying their selfe-willed conclusions. niggardli- nesse, [p. 947.] A new plan. tation. 1629. But those [the Pilgrim Fathers] in time doing well, divers others have in small handfulls undertaken to goe there, to be severall Lords and Kings of themselves; but most vanished to nothing. Notwithstanding, the fishing ships made such good returnes, at last it was ingrossed by twenty Pattenties, that divided my map into twenty parts, and cast lots for their shares; but money not comming in as they expected, [they] procured a Proclamation, none should goe thither without their licences to fish; but for every thirty tunnes of ship- ping, to pay them five pounds: besides, upon great penal- ties, neither to trade with the natives, cut downe wood for their stages, without giving satisfaction; though all the Country is nothing but wood, and none to make use of it. With many such other pretences, for to make this Country plant it selfe, by its owne wealth: hereupon most men grew so discontented, that few or none would goe; so that the Pattenties, who never one of them had beene there, seeing those projects would not prevaile, have since not hindred any to goe that would, [so] that within these few last yeares, more have gone thither than ever. Now this yeare 1629. a great company of people of good ranke, zeale, meanes, and quality, have made a great stocke, and with six good ships in the moneths of Aprill and May [1629], they set saile from Thames, for the Bay of the Massachusetts, otherwise called Charles River; viz. the Ed. by J. Smith. Aug. 1629. 893 The proceedings &c. of New England.] George Bonaventure, of twenty peeces of Ordnance, the Talbot nineteene, the Lions-whelpe eight, the May-flower fourteene, the Foure Sisters, foureteene, the Pilgrim foure, with three hundred and fifty, men, women, and children; alsoan hundred and fifteene head of Cattell, as horse, mares, and neat beast; one and forty goats, some Conies, with all provision for houshold, and apparell; six peeces of great Ordnance for a Fort, with Muskets, Pikes, Corselets, Drums, Colours, with all provisions necessary for a plantation, for the good of man. Other particulars I understand of no more, than is writ in the generall historie of those Countries. [1629] But you are to understand, that the noble Lord chiefe [6.932.] Justice Popham, Judge Doderege; the Right Honourable Earles of Pembroke, Southampton, Salesbury, and the rest, as I take it, they did all thinke, as I and them [that] went with me did : us. That had those two Countries beene planted, as it was intended, that no other nation should come plant betwixt If ever the King of Spaine and we should fall foule, those Countries being so capable of all materialls for shipping, by this [they] might have beene owners of a good Fleet of ships, and to have releeved a whole Navy from England upon occasion ; yea, and to have furnished England with the most Easterly [i.e., Baltic] commodities and now since, seeing how conveniently the Summer Iles fell to our shares, so neere the West Indies, wee might with much more facility than the Dutchmen have invaded the IVest Indies; that doth now put in practice, what so long hath beene advised on, by many an honest English States-man. incon. Those Countries Captaine Smith oft times used to call Notes of his children that never had mother; and well he might, veniencie. for few fathers ever payed dearer for so little content; and t• 770.] for those that would truly understand, how [48] many strange accidents hath befallen them and him; how oft up, how oft downe, sometimes neere desperate, and ere long flourishing, cannot but conceive Gods infinite mercies and favours towards them. Had his designes beene to have ( 945.] perswaded men to a mine of gold, though few doth con- 894 Ed. by J. Smith. Aug. 1629. [The proceedings &c. of New England. [1629] ceive either the charge or paines in refining it, nor the power nor care to defend it; or some new Invention to passe to the South Sea; or some strange plot to invade some strange Monastery: or some portable Countrie; or some chargeable Fleet to take some rich Carocks in the East Indies; or Letters of Mart to rob some poore Mer- chants; what multitudes of both people and mony, would contend to be first imployed: but in those noble en- devours (now) how few of quality, unlesse it be to beg some Monopolie; and those seldome seeke the common good, but the commons goods; as you may reade at large in his generall history, page 217, 218, 219. [pp. 722-727] his generall observations and reasons for this plantation. For yet those Countries are not so forward but they may become as miserable as ever, if better courses be not taken than is; as this Smith will plainly demonstrate to his Majesty; or any other noble person of ability, liable generously to undertake it: how within a short time to make Virginia able to resist any enemy, that as yet lieth open to all; and yeeld the King more custome within these few yeares, in certaine staple commodities, than ever it did in Tobacco; which now not being worth bringing home, the custome will bee as uncertaine to the King, as dangerous to the plantations. 895 CHAPTER XXIIII. A briefe discourse of divers voyages made unto the goodly Countrey of Guiana, and the great River of the Amazons; relating also the present Plantation there. T is not unknowen how that most indus- trious and honourable Knight Sir Walter Rauleigh, in the yeare of our Lord 1595. taking the Ile of Trinidado, fell with the Coast of Guiana Northward of the Line ten degrees, and coasted the Coast; and searched up the River Oranoca; where understanding that twentie severall voyages had beene made by the Spanyards, in discovering, this Coast and River; to finde a passage to the great Citie of Mano[a], called by them the Eldorado, or the Golden Citie: he did his utmost to have found some better satisfaction than relations. But meanes failing him, hee left his trustie scrvant Francis Sparrow to seeke it, who wandring up and downe those Countreyes, some foureteene or fifteene yeares [1595- 1610] unexpectedly returned. I [i.c., Smith] have heard him [Sparrow] say [in 1611], he was led blinded into this Citie by Indians; but little discourse of any purpose touching the largenesse of the report of it; his body seeming as a man of an uncurable consumption, [he] shortly dyed hereafter in England. There are above thirtie faire rivers that fall into the [1595– 1610] Sparrow the great Alano[a]. left to seeke Citie of 896 Ed. by J. Smith. Aug. 1629. [A brief Discourse of divers [1605-17] Sea, betweene the River of Amazons and Oranoca, which are some nine degrees asunder. [49] Captaine Charle Ley. Sir Thomas Roe. Captain Morton. Captaine White. Captain Harcote. In the yeare 1605. Captaine Ley, brother to that noble. Knight Sir Oliver Ley, with divers others, planted himselfe in the River Weapoco, wherein I should have beene a partie; but hee dyed, and there lyes buried: and the supply miscarrying, the rest escaped as they could. Sir Thomas Roe, well knowen to be a most noble Gen- tlemen, before he went Lord Ambassadour to the Great Magoll, or the Great Turke, spent a yeare or two upon this Coast, and about the River of the Amazones; wherein he most imployed Captaine Matthew Morton [pp. 5, 91], an expert Sea-man in the discoverie of this famous River: a Gentleman that was the first shot and mortally supposed wounded to death with me in Virginia, yet since hath beene twice with command in the East Indies. Also Captaine William White, and divers others worthy and industrious Gentlemen, both before and since, hath spent much time and charge to discover it more perfitly; but nothing more effected for a Plantation, till it was undertaken by Captaine Robert Harcote, 1609. This worthy Gentleman, after he had by Commission. made a discoverie to his minde, left his brother Michael Harcote, with some fiftie or sixtie men in the River Weapoco, and so presently returned to England, where he obtained by the favour of Prince Henrie, a large Patent for all that Coast called Guiana, together with the famous River of Amazones, to him and his heires: but so many troubles here surprized him, though he did his best to supply them, he was not able; only some few hee sent over as passengers with certaine Dutch-men, but to small purpose. Thus this businesse lay dead for divers yeeres, till Sir Walter Rauleigh, accompanied with many valiant Souldiers and brave Gentlemen, went his last voyage to Guiana [1617], amongst the which was Captaine Roger North, brother to the Right Honourable the Lord Dudley North, who upon this voyage having stayed and seene divers Rivers upon this Coast, tooke such a liking to those Countreyes: having had before this voyage more perfect and particular information of the excellencie of the great River of the Amazones above any of the rest, by certaine Englishmen Ed. by J. Smith. Aug. 1629. 8.97 voyages made into Guiana.] returned so rich from thence in good commodities, they [1617-26] would not goe with Sir Walter Rauleigh in search of gold; that after his returne for England, he endevoured by his best abilities to interest his Countrey and state in those faire Regions, which by the way of Letters Patents unto divers Noblemen and Gentlemen of qualitie, erected into a company and perpetuitie for trade and plantation, not knowing of the Interest of Captaine Harcote. Roger Whereupon accompanied with 120. Gentlemen and Captaine others, with a ship, a pinnace, and two shallops, to remaine North. in the Countrey, hee set saile from Plimouth the last of April 1620; and within seven weekes after hee arrived well in the Amazones, only with the losse of one old man: some hundred leagues they ran up the River to settle his men, where the sight of the Countrey and people so contented. them, that never men thought themselves more happie. Some English and Irish that had lived there some eight yeeres [1612-1620], only supplyed by the Dutch; hee re- duced [joined] to his company and to leave the Dutch. Having made a good voyage, to the value of more than the charge, he returned to England with divers good [50] commodities, besides Tobacco. So that it may well be conceived, that if this action had not beene thus crossed, the Generalitie of England had by this time beene wonne and encouraged therein. But the time was not yet come, that God would have this great businesse effected, by reason of the great power the Lord Gundamore, Ambassadour for the King of Spaine, had in England, to crosse and ruine those proceedings: and so un- fortunate Captaine North was in this businesse, hee was twice committed prisoner to the Tower, and the goods detained till they were spoiled; who beyond all others was by much the greatest Adventurer and Loser. Notwithstanding all this, those that he had left in the Nota bene Amazons would not abandon the Countrey. Captaine Thomas Painton, a worthy Gentleman, his Lieutenant, [being] dead: Captaine Charles Parker, brother to the Right Honourable the Lord Morley, lived there six yeares after ; Master Iohn Christmas, five yeares; so well, they would not returne, although they might, with divers other Gentle- men of qualitie and others: all thus destitute of any ENG. SCH. LIB. No. 16. 57 898 Ed. by J. Smith Aug. 1629. [A brief Discourse of divers [1626-9] supplyes from England. But all authoritie being dissolved, want of government did more wrong their proceedings, than all other crosses whatsoever. Some releefe they had sometime from the Dutch; who knowing their estates, gave what they pleased and tooke what they list. [p. 900.] Two brothers, Gentlemen, Thomas and William Hixon, who stayed three yeares there, are now gone to stay in the Amazons, in the ships lately sent thither. The businesse thus remaining in this sort, three private men left of that Company, named Master Thomas Warriner, Iohn Rhodes, and Robert Bims, having lived there about two yeares, came for England: and to be free from the disorders that did grow in the Amazons for want of Government amongst their Countrey-men, and to be quiet amongst themselves, made meanes to set themselves out for St. Christophers; their whole number being but fifteene persons, that payed for their passage in a ship going for Virginia: where they remained a yeare [28 Jan. 1623 to 18 Mar. 1624, see p. 900] before they were supplyed, and then that was but foure or five men. Thus this Ile, by this small beginning, having no inter- ruption by their owne Countrey, hath now got the start of the Continent and maine Land of Guiana, which hath beene layd apart and let alone untill that Captaine North, ever watching his best opportunitie and advantage of time in the state, hath now againe pursued and set on foot his former designe. Captaine Harcote being now willing to surrender his grant, and to joyne with Captaine North in passing a new Patent, and to erect a company for trade and plantation in the Amazons, and all the Coast and Countrey of Guiana for ever. Whereupon they have sent this present yeare in Ianuarie [1629], and since 1628. foure ships with neere two hundred persons; [of] the first ship with 112 men, not one miscarried; the rest went since, [and are] not yet heard of, and [that] are preparing another with their best expedition. And since. Ianuarie [1629] is gone from Holland, 100. English and Irish, conducted by the old Planters. This great River lieth under the Line, the two chiefe. Ed. by J. Smith. Aug. 1629.J 899 voyages made into Guiana.] head lands North and South, are about three degrees [1628-9] asunder, the mouth of it is [51] so full of many great and small Iles, it is an easie matter for an unexperienced Pilot to lose his way. It is held one of the greatest rivers in America, and as most men thinke, in the world: and commeth downe with such a fresh, it maketh the Sea fresh more than thirtie miles from the shore. Captaine North having seated his men about an hundred leagues in the Maine, sent Captaine William White, with thirtie Gentlemen and others, in a pinnace of thirtie tun, to discover further: which they did some two hundred leagues, where they found the River to divide it selfe in two parts, till then all full of Ilands, and a Countrey most healthfull, pleasant and fruitful; for they found food enough, and all returned safe and in good health. In this discoverie, they saw many Townes well inhabited, some with three hundred people, some with five, six, or seven hundred; and of some they understood to be of so many thousands, most differing verie much, especially in their languages: whereof they suppose by those Indians they understand, are many hundreds more, unfrequented. till then by any Christian; most of them starke naked, both men, women and children, but they saw not any such giant-like women as the Rivers name importeth. But for those where Captaine North hath seated his company, it is not knowen where Indians were ever so kinde to any Nation; not sparing any paines, danger or labour, to feed and maintaine them. The English follow- ing their buildings, fortifications and sugar-workes; for which they have sent most expert men, and with them all things necessarie for that purpose: to effect which, they want not the helpe of those kinde Indians to produce; and many other good commodities, which (God willing) will ere long make plaine and apparent to this Kingdome, and all the Adventurers and Well-willers to this Plan- tation, to bee well worthy the cherishing and following with all alacritie. 900 1623. [1623-4] A Heri- сано. 1621. CHAPTER XXV. The beginning and proceedings of the new plantation of St. Christopher by Captaine Warner. Aster Ralfe Merifield and others, having furnished this worthy industrious. M Gentleman, hee arrived at St. Chris- tophers, as is said, with fifteene men, the 28. of Ianuarie, 1623. viz. William Tested, Iohn Rhodes, Robert Bims, Mas- ter Benifield, Sergeant Iones, Master Ware, William Royle, Rowland Grascocke, Master Bond, Master Langley, Master Weaver, Edward Warner their Captaines sonne (and now Deputy-Governour till his fathers returne), Sergeant Aplon, one Sailor and a Cooke. At their arrivall they found three French-men, who sought to oppose Captaine Warner, and to set the Indians upon us; but at last we all became friends, and lived with the Indians a moneth. Then we built a Fort, and a house: and planting fruits, by September [1623] we made a crop of Tobacco; but upon the nineteenth of September came. a Hericano and blew it away: all this while wee lived upon Cassada bread, Potatoes, Plantines, Pines, [52] Turtels, Guanes [lizards, p. 904], and fish plentie; for drinke wee had Nicnobbie. The 18. of March 1624. arrived Captaine Jefferson with three men passengers in the Hope-well of London, with some trade for the Indians, and then we had another crop of Tobacco. In the meane time the French had planted themselves in the other end of the Ile; with this Ed. by Beginning &c. of plantation of St. Christopher.] 901 Aug169. J. Smith. crop Captaine Warner returned for England in September, [1625-7] 1625. In his absence came in a French pinnace, under the 1625. command of Monsieur de Nombe, that told us the Indians had slaine some French-men in other of the Charybes Iles, and that there were six Peryagoes, which are huge great trees formed as your Canowes, but so laid out on the sides with boords, they will seeme like a little Gally. Six of those, with about foure or five hundred strange Indians, came unto us. We bade them be gone, but they would not; whereupon we and the French joyned together, and upon the fifth of November [1625] set upon them, and put them to flight. Upon New-yeares Even [31 Dec. 1625] they came againe, found three English going about the Ile, whom they slue. Their fight Indians. with the Untill the fourth of August [1626], we stood upon our 1626. guard, living upon the spoile and did nothing. But now Captaine Warner arriving againe with neere an hundred people, then we fell to worke and planting as before; but upon the fourth of September, came such a Hericano, as blewe downe all our houses, Tobacco, and A Hericano. two Drums into the aire we know not whither, [and] drove two ships on shore that were both split. All our provision thus lost, we were very miserable, living onely on what we could get in the wilde woods. We made a small party of French and English to goe aboord for provision: but in their returning home, eight Fight French men were slaine in the harbour. French slaine. Thus wee continued till neere Iune that the Tortels 1627. came in, 1627.: but the French being like [ly] to starve, sought to surprize us, and all the Cassado, Potato[e]s, and Tobacco we had planted, but we did prevent them. The 26. of October [1627], came in Captaine William Smith, in the Hopewell, with some Ordnance, shot and pow- der, from the Earle of Carlile; with Captaine Pelham and thirty men. About that time also came the Plow; also a small ship of Bristow, with Captaine Warners wife, and six or seven women more. Three Indians Vpon the 25. of November [1627], the Indians set upon the French, for some injury about their women; and slew six slaine. and twentie French men, five English, and three Indians. 902 Ed. by J. Smith. Aug. 1629. [The beginning and proceedings of the [1627-9] Their weapons are bowes and arrowes; their bowes are never bent, but the string lies flat to the bow; their arrowes [are] a small reed, foure or five foot long, headed some with the poysoned sting of the taile of a Stingray, some with iron, some with wood, but all so poysoned, that if they draw but bloud, the hurt is incurable. The arrivall of many English ships. The next day [26 Nov. 1627] came in Captaine Charles Saltonstall, a young Gentleman, son of Sir Samuell Salton- stall, who brought with him good store of all commodities to releeve the plantation; but by reason some Hollanders, and others, had bin there lately before him, who carried away with them all the Tobacco, he was forced to put away all his commodities upon trust till the next crop; in the meane time hee resolved there to stay, and imploy him- selfe and his company in planting Tobacco, hoping [53] thereby to make a voyage. But before he could be ready to returne for England, a Hericano hapning, his ship was split, to his great losse, being sole Merchant and owner himselfe, notwithstanding forced to pay to the Governour, the fift part of his Tobacco, and for fraught to England, three pence a pound, and nine pence a pound custome, which amounts together to more than threescore pound in the hundred pound, to the great discouragement of him and many others, that intended well to those plan- tations. Neverthelesse he is gone againe this present yeare 1629. with a ship of about three hundred tunnes, and very neere two hundred people, with Sir William Tuffton Governour for the Barbados, and divers gentlemen, and ali manner of commodities fit for a plantation. Captaine Prinne, Captaine Stone, and divers others, came in about Christmas [1628]; so that this last yeare [1628] there hath beene about thirtie saile of English, French, and Dutch ships; and all the Indians [are] forced out of the Ile: for they had done much mischiefe amongst the French, in cutting their throats, burning their houses, and spoyling their Tobacco. Amongst the rest Tegramund, a little childe the Kings sonne, his parents being slaine or fled, was by great chance saved, and carefully brought to England by Master Merifield, who brought him from thence, and bringeth him up as his owne children. Ed. by J. Smith. Aug. 1629. 903 new plantation of St. Christopher.] description It lyeth seventeene degrees Northward of the line, about [1629] an hundred and twenty leagues from the Cape de tres The Puntas, the neerest maine land in America. It is about eight of the Ile. leagues in length, and foure in bredth; an Iland amongst 100. Iles in the West Indies, called the Caribes, where ordi- narily all them that frequent the West Indies, refresh themselves. Those most of them are rocky, little, and mountainous, yet frequented with the Canibals; many of them inhabited, as Saint Domingo, Saint Mattalin, Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent, Granada and Margarita, to the South- ward; Northward, none but Saint Christophers, and it but lately yet they will be ranging Marigalanta, Guardalupo, Deceado, Monserat, Antigua, Mevis, Bernardo, Saint Martin, Saint Bartholomew. But the worst of the foure Iles pos- sessed by the Spanyard, as Portorico, or Iam[a]ica, is better than them all; as for Hispaniola, and Cuba, they are worthy the title of two rich Kingdomes: the rest [are] not respected by the Spanyards, for want of harbors; and their better choice of good land, and profit in the maine [Mainland]. But Captaine Warner, having beene very familiar with Captain Painton in the Amazon, hearing his information. of this St. Christophers; and having made a yeares tryall, as it is said, returned for England, joyning with Master Merifield, and his friends, got Letters Pattents, from King Iames, to plant and possesse it. Since then, the Right Honourable the Earle of Carlile, hath got Letters Pattents also, not only of that, but all the Caribes Iles about it, who is now chiefe Lord of them, and the English his tenants, that doe possesse them; over whom he appointeth such Governours and Officers, as their affaires require; and although there be a great custome imposed upon them, considering their other charges, both to feed and maintaine themselves; yet there is there, and now a going, neere upon the number of three thousand people: where by reason of the rockinesse and thicknesse of the woods in the Ile, it is [54] difficult to passe, and such a snuffe [breakers] of the Sea goeth on the shore, ten may better defend than fifty assault. In this Ile The springs, are many springs, but yet water is scarce againe in many seasons. places; the valleyes and sides of the hills very fertile, but the temper, and i 904 Ed. by J. Smith. Aug. 1629. [The beginning and proceedings of the [1629] A strange hatching of egges for beasts. Fish. Birds. Roots. mountaines harsh, and of a sulphurous composition; all overgrowne with Palmetas, Cotten trees, Lignum vita, and divers other sorts, but none like any in Christendome, except those carried thither. The aire [is] very pleasant and healthfull, but exceeding hot, yet so tempered with coole breaths, it seemes very temperate to them that are a little used to it; the trees being alwaies greene, the daies and nights alwayes very neere equall in length, alwayes Summer; only they have in their seasons great gusts and raines, and sometimes a Hericano, which is an over- growne and a most violent storme. In some of those Iles, are cattell, goats, and hogges, but here none but what they must carry; Gwanes they have, which is a little harmlesse beast, like a Crokadell, or Aligator, very fat and good meat. She layes egges in the sand, as doth the land Crabs, which live here in abundance, like Conies in Boroughs, unlesse about May, when they come downe to the Sea side, to lay in the sand, as the other; and all their egges are hatched by the heat of the Sunne. From May to September they have good store of Tor- tasses, that come out of the Sea to lay their egges in the sand, and are hatched as the other; they will lay halfe a pecke at a time, and neere a bushell ere they have done ; and are round like Tenis-balls: this fish is like veale in taste, the fat of a brownish colour very good and whol- some. We seeke them in the nights, where we finde them on shore, we turne them upon their backs, till the next day we fetch them home. For they can never returne them- selves, being so hard a cart may goe over them; and so bigge, one will suffice forty or fifty men to dinner. Divers sorts of other fish they have in abundance, and Prawnes most great and excellent, but none will keepe sweet scarce twelve houres. The best and greatest is a Passer Flaminga, which walking at her length is as tall as a man; Pigeons and Turtle Doves in abundance; some Parrots, wilde Hawkes, but divers other sorts of good Sea fowle, whose names we know not. Cassado is a root planted in the ground, of a wonderfull increase, and will make very good white bread: but the Ed. by J. Smith. Aug. 1629. 905 new plantation of St. Christopher.] juyce ranke poyson, yet boyled, better than wine; Potatos, Cabbages, and Radish plenty. Mayes, like the Virginia wheat; we have Pine-apples, neere so bigge as an Hartichocke, but the most daintiest taste of any fruit; Plantains, an excellent, and a most. increasing fruit; Apples, Prickell Peares, and Pease but differing all from ours. There is Pepper that groweth in a little red huske, as bigge as a Walnut, about foure inches in length, but the long cods are small, and much stronger, and better for use, than that from the East Indies. There is two sorts of Cotten, the silke Cotten as in the East Indies, groweth upon a small stalke, as good for beds. as downe; the other upon a shrub, and beareth a cod bigger than a Walnut, full of Cotten wooll. Anotto also groweth upon a shrub, with a cod like the other, and nine. or ten on a bunch, full of Anotto, very [55] good for Dyers, though wilde. Sugar Canes, not tame, 4. or 5. foot high; also Masticke, and Locus trees; great and hard timber, Gourds, Muske Melons, Water Melons, Lettice, Parsly; all places naturally beare purslaine of it selfe; Sope-berries like a Musket-bullet, that washeth as white as Sope; in the middle of the root is a thing like a sedge, a very good fruit, we call Pengromes. A Pappaw is as great as an apple, coloured like an Orange, and good to eat. A small hard nut, like a hazell nut, growes close to the ground, and like this growes on the Palmetas, which we call a Mucca nut. Mustard-seed will grow to a great tree, but beares no seed, yet the leaves will make good mustard. The Mancinell tree the fruit is poyson; good figs in abun- dance but the Palmeta serveth to build Forts and houses, the leaves to cover them, and many other uses; the juyce we draw from them (till we sucke them to death) is held restorative: and the top for meat doth serve us as Cabbage. But oft we want poudered [salted] Beefe, and Bacon, and many other needfull necessaries. : By Thomas Simons, Rowland Grascocke, Nicholas Burgh, and others. [1629] 906 [1627] A descrip- *ion of the Ile. Fruits and trees. CHAPTER XXVI. The first planting of the Barbados. He Barbados lies South-west and by South, an hundred leagues from Saint Chris- tophers, threescore leagues West and South from Trinidado, and some foure- score leagues from Cape de Salinos, the next part of the maine. The first planters brought thither by Captaine Henry Powel, were forty Eng- lish with seven or eight Negros: then he went to Disacuba in the maine, where he got thirty Indians, men, women, and children, of the Arawacos, enemies both to the Caribes, and the Spaniards. The Ile is most like a triangle, each side forty or fifty miles square; some exceeding great rocks, but the most part exceeding good ground; abounding with an infinite number of Swine, some Turtles, and many sorts of excel- lent fish; many great ponds wherein is Ducke and Mal- lard; excellent clay for pots, wood and stone for building, and a spring neere the middest of the Ile, of Bitume: which is a liquid mixture like Tarre, that by the great raines falls from the tops of the mountaines; it floats upon the water in such abundance, that drying up, it remaines like great rocks of pitch, and as good as pitch for any use. The Mancinell apple, is of a most pleasant sweet smell, of the bignesse of a Crab, but ranke poyson, yet the Swine and Birds have wit to shun it; great store of exceeding great Locus trees, two or three fadome about, of a great 1 Ed. by J. Smith. Aug. 1629. 907 The first planting of the Barbadoes.] height, that beareth a cod full of meale, [that] will make bread in time of necessity. A tree like a Pine, beareth a fruit. so great as a Muske Melon, which hath alwayes ripe fruit, flowers, or greene fruit, which will refresh two or three men, and very comfortable; Plumb trees [56] many, the fruit great and yellow, which but strained into water in foure and twenty houres will be very good drinke; wilde figge trees there are many. All those fruits doe fat the hogges; yet at some times of the yeare they are so leane, as carrion; Gwane trees beare a fruit so bigge as a Peare, good and wholsome; Palmetaes of three severall sorts; Papawes, Prickle Peares good to eat or make drinke; Cedar trees very tall and great; Fusticke trees are very great and the wood yellow, good for dying; sope berries, the kernell so bigge as a sloe, and good to eat; Pumpeons in abundance; Goads [gourds] so great as will make good great bottles, and, cut in two peeces, good dishes and platters; many small brooks of very good water; Ginni wheat, Cassado, Pines and Plantaines. All things we there plant doe grow exceedingly, so well as Tobacco. The corne, pease, and beanes, cut but away the stalke, young sprigs will grow, and so beare fruit for many yeares together, without any more planting. The Ile is overgrowne with wod or great reeds, those wods which are soft are exceed- ing light and full of pitch; and those that are hard, are so hard and great, they are as hard to cut as stone. [1627] numbers. Master Iohn Powell came thither the fourth of August Their 1627. with forty five men, where we stayed three weeks, and then returning, left behind us about an hundred people, and his sonne Iohn Powell for his Deputy, as Governour. But there have beene so many factions amongst them, I cannot from so many variable relations give you any certainty for their orderly Government: for all those plenties, much misery they have endured, in regard of their weaknesse at their landing, and long stay without supplies; therefore those that goe thither, it were good they carry good provision with them; but the Ile is most healthfull, and all things planted doe increase abundantly: and by this time there is, and now a going, about the number of fifteene or sixteene hundred people. 908 Ed. by J. Smith, Aug. 1629. [The first planting of the Barbadoes.] [1627-9] Sir William Curtine, and Captaine Iohn Powell, were the first and chiefe adventurers to the planting this fortunate Ile; which had beene oft frequented by men of Warre to refresh themselves, and set up their shallops; being so farre remote from the rest of the Iles, they never were troubled with any of the Indies. Harbours they have none, but exceeding good Rodes; which with a small charge might bee very well fortified. It doth ebbe and flow foure or five foot, and they cannot perceive there hath ever beene any Hericano in that Ile. From the relations of Captaine Iohn White, and Captaine Wolverstone. 909 CHAPTER XXVII. The first plantation of the Ile of Mevis. B Ecause I have ranged and lived amongst those Ilands; what my authours cannot tell me, I think it no great errour in helping them to tell it my selfe. [1607] The of the Ile. description In this little Ile of Mevis, more than twenty yeares [57] agoe [28 Mar.-2 Apr. 1607; see pp. lix, 90, 386]. I have remained a good time together, to wo[o]d, and water and refresh my men. It is all woddy, but by the Sea side Southward there are sands like downes, where a thousand men may quarter themselves conveniently; but in most places the wod groweth close to the water side, at a high water marke, and in some places so thicke of a soft spungy wood like a wilde figge tree, you cannot get through it, but by making your way with hatchets, or fauchions. Whether it was the dew of those trees, or of some others, I am not certain, but many of our men became so The Bath. tormented with a burning swelling all over their bodies, they seemed like scalded men, and neere mad with paine. Here we found a great Poole, wherein bathing them- selves, they found much ease; and finding it fed with a pleasant small streame that came out of the woods, we found the head halfe a mile within the land, distilling from a many of rocks, by which they were well cured in two or three dayes. . Ed. by J. Smith910 The Travells and Observations of Capt. I. SMITH. Aug. 1629. [ [1607-28] Such factions here we had, as commonly attend such voyages, that a paire of gallowes was made; but Captaine [xxii. Smith, for whom they were intended, could not be per- swaded to use them but not any one of the inventers but their lives by justice fell into his power to determine of at his pleasure; whom with much mercy he favoured, that most basely and unjustly would have betrayed him. A great misprison. .. 892, 941, 943.] Their numbers. The last yeare, 1628., Master Littleton, with some others got a Pattent of the Earle of Carlile, to plant the Ile called the Barbados, thirty leagues Northward of Saint Christophers; which by report of their informers, and undertakers, for the excellencie and pleasantnesse thereof, they called Dulcina, but when they came there, they found it such a barren rocke, they left it. Although they were told as much before, they would not beleeve it, perswading themselves, those contradicters would get it for themselves, was thus by their cunning opinion, the deceiver of themselves; for seeing it lie con- veniently for their purpose in a map, they had not patience to know the goodnesse or badnesse, the inconvenience nor probabilities of the quality, nor quantity; which errour doth predominate in most of our homebred adventurers, that will have all things as they conceit and would have it; and the more they contradicted, the more hot they are. But you may see, by many examples in the generall his- tory, how difficult a matter it is, to gather the truth from amongst so many forren and severall relations, except you have exceeding good experience both of the Countries, people, and their conditions: and those ignorant under- takings, have beene the greatest hinderance of all those plantations. At last because they would be absolute, they came to Mevis, a little Ile by Saint Christophers; where they seated themselves, well furnished with all necessaries: being about the number of an hundred, and since increased to an hundred and fifty persons; whereof many were old planters of Saint Christophers, especially Master Anthony Hinton, and Master Edward Thompson. But because all those Iles for most part are so capab'e Ed. by 911 Aug. . The first planting of the Isle of Mevis.] . J. Smith1629to produce, and in nature like each other, let this discourse [1607-29] serve for the description of them all. Hus much concerning those plantations, which now after all this time, losse, and charge, should they be abandoned, suppressed, and dissolved, were most lamentable; and surely seeing they all strive so much about this Tobacco, and that the fraught thereof, and other charges are so great, and so open to any enemie; by that commodity they cannot long subsist. And it is a wonder to me to see such miracles of mis- chiefes in men; how [58] greedily they persue to dispossesse the planters of the Name of Christ Iesus, yet say they are Christians, when so much of the world is unpossessed; yea, and better land than they so much strive for, mur- thering so many Christians, burning and spoiling so many cities, villages, and Countries, and subverting so many kingdomes, when so much lieth [v]vast[e], or only possessed by a few poore Savages, that more serve the Devil for feare, than God for love: whose ignorance we pretend to reforme, but couetousnesse, humours, ambition, faction, and pride, hath so many instruments, we performe very little to any purpose; nor is there either honour or profit to be got by any that are so vile, to undertake the sub- version, or hinderance of any honest intended christian plantation. N exploits of Smith. Ow to conclude the travels and adventures Certaine of Captaine Smith; how first he planted Vir- Captaine ginia, and was set ashore with about an hun- dred men in the wilde woods; how he was taken prisoner by the Savages, by the King of Pamaunke tied to a tree to be shot to death, led up and downe their Country to be shewed for a wonder; fatted as he thought, for a sacrifice for their Idoll; before whom they conjured him three dayes, with strange dances and invocations; then brought him before their Emperor Powhatan, that commanded him to be slaine; how his daughter Pocahontas 912 The Travells and Observations of Capt. I. SMITH. [ Ed. by J. Smith. Aug. 1623. [1608-16] saved his life, returned him to James towne, releeved him and his famished company, which was but eight and thirty to possesse those large dominions; how he discovered all the severall nations upon the rivers falling into the Bay of Chisapeacke; stung neere to death with a most poysoned taile of a fish called Stingray: how [he drave] Powhatan out of his Country, tooke the Kings of Pamaunke and Paspahegh prisoners, forced thirty nine of those Kings to pay him contribution, [and] subjected all the Savages: how Smith was blowne up with gunpowder, and returned for England to be cured: Also how hee brought our new England to the subjec- tion of the Kingdome of great Britaine; his fights with the Pirats, left alone amongst a many French men of Warre, and his ship ran from him; his Sea-fights for the French against the Spaniards, their bad usage of him, how in France in a little boat he escaped them; was adrift all such a stormy night at Sea by himselfe, when thirteene French ships were split, or driven on shore by the Ile of Ree, the generall and most of his men drowned, when God to whom be all honour and praise, brought him safe on shore to all their admirations that escaped: you may read at large in his generall history of Virginia, the Summer Iles, and New England. 913 CHAPTER XXVIII. The bad life, qualities and conditions of Pyrats; and how they taught the Turks and Moores to become men of warre. S in all lands where there are many people, there are some theeves, so in all Seas much frequented, there are some pyrats; the most ancient within the memory of threescore yeares was one Callis, who most refreshed himselfe upon the Coast of Wales; Clinton and Pursser his companions, who grew famous, till Queene Elizabeth of blessed memory, hanged [59] them at Wapping; Flemming was as expert and as much sought for as they, yet such a friend to his Country, that discovering the Spanish Armado, he voluntarily came to Plimouth, yeelded himselfe freely to my Lord Admirall, and gave him notice of the Spaniards comming; which good warning came so happily and unexpectedly, that he had his pardon, and a good reward. [1588- 1603] Some few Pirats there then remained; notwithstanding it is incredible how many great and rich prizes the little barques of the West Country daily brought home, in regard of their small charge; for there are so many difficulties in a great Navy, by wind and weather, victuall, The sicknesse, losing and finding one another, they seldome of a great defray halfe the charge: but for the grace, state, and Navie. defence of the Coast and narrow Seas, a great Navy is most necessary, but not to attempt any farre voyage, ENG. SCH. LIB. No. 16. 58 difficulties 914 [The bad life, qualities, and conditions of Pyrats. Aug. J. Smith. 1629. [1603-29] except there be such a competent stocke, [that] the want not wherewith to furnish and supply all things with expedition. But to the purpose. What orensioneth l'irats. Their chiefc rendevouz. After the death of our most gracious Queene Elizabeth, of blessed memory, our Royall King Iames, who from his infancie had reigned in peace with all Nations, had no imployment for those men of warre, so that those that were rich rested with that they had; those that were poore and had nothing but from hand to mouth, turned Pirats; some, because they became sleighted of those for whom they had got much wealth; some, for that they could not get their due; some, that had lived bravely, would not abase themselves to poverty; some vainly, only to get a name; others for revenge, covetousnesse, or as ill; and as they found themselves more and more op- pressed, their passions increasing with discontent, made them turne Pirats. Now because they grew hatefull to all Christian Princes, they retired to Barbary, where although there be not many good Harbours but Tunis, Argier, Sally, Mamora, and Tituane, there are many convenient Rodes, or the open Sea, which is theire chiefe Lordship. For their best har- bours Massalqucber, the townes of Oran, Mellila, Tanger, and Cuta, within the Streights, are possessed by the Spaniards; without the Streights they have also Arzella, and Mazagan; Mamora likewise they [the Spaniards] have lately taken, and fortified. Ward, a poore English sailer, and Dansker a Dutchman, made first here their Marts, when the Moores knew scarce how to saile a ship; Bishop was Ancient, and did little hurt; but Easton got so much, as made himselfe a Marquesse in Savoy; and Ward lived like a Bashaw in Barbary; those were the first that taught the Moores to be men of warre. Gennings, Harris, T[h]ompson, and divers others, were taken in Ireland, a Coast they much frequented, and died [i.c., were hanged at Wapping. Hewes, Bough, Smith, Walsingam, Ellis, Collins, Sawkwell, Wollistone, Barrow, Wilson, Sayres, and divers others, all these were Captaines amongst the Pirats; whom King James mercifully pardoned: and was Aug. J. Smith. The bad life, qualities, and conditions of Pyrats.] 915 * . 1629it not strange, a few of these should command the Seas. [1629] Notwithstanding the Malteses, the Pope, Florentines, Geno- eses, Dutch, and English, Gallies and Men of Warre; they would rob before their faces, and even at their owne Ports, yet seldome more than three, foure, five or six in a Fleet : many times they had very good ships, and well manned, but commonly in such factions amongst themselves, and Their so riotous, quarrellous, treacherous, blasphemous, and vil- lanous, [that] it is more than a wonder they could so long continue, to doe so much mischiefe; and all they got, they basely consumed it amongst fewes, Turks, Moores, and whores. conditions. The best was, they would seldome goe to Sea, so long as they could [60] possibly live on shore, being compiled of English, French, Dutch, and Moores, (but very few Span- yards, or Italians) commonly running one from another, till they became so disjoynted, disordered, debawched, and miserable, that the Turks and Moores beganne to command them as slaves, and force them to instruct them in their best skill which many an accursed runnagado or Christian Runna- turned Turke, did, till they have made those Sally men, or gados. Moores of Barbary so powerfull as they be, to the terror of all the Straights, and many times they take purchase [prizes] in the maine Ocean, yea sometimes even in the narrow Seas in England, and those are the most cruell villaines in Turkic, or Barbarie; whose natives are very noble, and of good natures, in comparison of them. To conclude, the misery of a Pirate (although many are as sufficient Sea-men as any) yet in regard of his super- fluity, you shall finde it such, that any wise man would rather live amongst wilde beasts than them; therefore let all unadvised persons take heed, how they entertaine that quality and I could wish Merchants, Gentlemen, and all setters forth of ships, not to bee sparing of a competent. pay, nor true payment; for neither Souldiers nor Sea-men can live without meanes, but necessity will force them to steale; and when they are once entered into that trade, they are hardly reclaimed. : Those titles of Sea-men and Souldiers, have beene most Advertise- wilde ments for heads. 916 [The bad life, qualities and conditions of Pyrats. Aug. J. 1629- [1629] worthily honoured and esteemed, but now regarded for most part, but as the scumme of the world; regaine therefore your wonted reputations, and endevour rather to adventure to those faire plantations of our English Nation; which however in the beginning were scorned and contemned, yet now you see how many rich and gallant people come from thence, who went thither as poore as any Souldier or Sailer, and gets more in one yeare, than you by Piracie in seven. I intreat you there- fore to consider how many thousands yearely goe thither; also how many Ships and Sailers are imployed to transport them, and what custome they yearely payto our most Royall King Charles; whose prosperity and his Kingdomes good, I humbly beseech the immortall God ever to preserve and increase. FINIS. ADVERTISEMENTS 7 For the unexperienced Planters of New-England, or any where. OR The Path-way to experience to erect a PLANTATION. With the yearely proceedings of this Country in Fishing and Planting, since the yeare 1614. to the yeare 1630. and their present estate. Also how to prevent the greatest inconveniences, by their proceedings in Virginia, and other Plantations, by approved examples. With the Countries Armes, a description of the Coast, Harbours, Habitations, Land-markes, Latitude and Longitude: with the Map, allowed by our Royal King CHARLES. By Captaine IoHN SMITH, sometimes Governour of VIRGINIA, and Admirall of N E VV - ENGLAND. LONDON, Printed by IoHN HAVILAN D, and are to be sold by ROBERT MILBOVRNE, at the Grey-hound in Pauls Church-yard. 1631. 918 [This Work, the last one completed by our Author, was evidently written as a mark of good will to the Massachusetts Planters under Governor WINTHROP, who founded Boston in 1630. It was evidently written in October 1630, as the passage on p. 955 shews; though it bears 1631 on the title page. We even know where it was written. "The high grove or tuft of trees upon the high hill by the house of that worthy Knight Sir Humphrey Mildmay, so remarkable in Essex in the Parish of Danbery, where I writ this discourse, but much taller and greater." p. 950. Though stated on the title page to be for sale, it was not entered for publication at Stationers' Hall, London. For the bibliography of this Work see p. cxxxii. "To the prevention whereof, I have not beene more willing, at the request of my friends to print this discourse, than I am ready to live and dye among you, upon conditions_su[i]ting my calling and pro- fession to make good; and [to make] Virginia and New-England, my heires, executors, administrators and assignes." pp. 963-4.] : 919 GENS IN COGNITAMIHI SERVIET Ginny 920 J. Smith. Oct. 1630. The Epistle Dedicatorie. [1630] To the Most Reverend Father in God, GEORGE Lord Arch-Bishop of CANTERBVRIE bis Grace, Primate and Metrapolitan of all ENGLAND: AND The Right Reverend Father in God, SAMVEL Lord Arch-Bishop of YORKE his Grace, Primate and Metrapoliten of M ENGLAND. Y most Gracious Good Lords, I desire to leave testimony to the world, how highly I honour as well the Miter as the Lance: therefore where my last Booke presented three most honourable Earles with a subject of Warre [p. SoS], and received from them favourable acceptance: the worke I now prosecute, concerning the Plantation of New England, for the increase of Gods Church, converting Salvages, and enlarging the Kings Dominions, prostrates it selfe humbly to your Graces; who as you are in the name of Prelacy to this Kingdome, so you are to mee in goodnesse, both Fathers and Protectors unexpectedly. God long preserve your Gracious lives, and continue favour Vnto both your Graces most devoted servant, IOIN SMIT II. 921 To the Reader. HONEST READER. A Pelles by the proportion of a foot, could make the whole proportion of a man: were hee now living, he might goe to schoole, for now are thousands can by opinion proportion Kingdomes, Cities, and Lordships, that never durst adventure to see them. Malignancy, I expect from those, [that] have lived 10. or 12. yeares in those actions, and returne as wise as they went, claiming time and experience for their tutor, that can neither shift Sun nor Moone, nor say their Compasse, yet will tell you of more than all the world, betwixt the Exchange, Pauls and Westminster: so it be newes, it matters not what, that will passe currant when truth must be stayed with an army of conceits that can make or marre anything, and tell as well what all England is by seeing but Milford haven, as what Apelles was by the picture of his great toe. Now because examples give a quicker impression than argu- ments, I have writ this discourse to satisfie understanding, wisdome, and honesty; and not such as can doe nothing but finde fault with what they neither know nor can amend. So I rest [1630] Your friend Iohn Smith. 922 [1630] The Sea Marke. Aloofe, aloofe; and come no neare, the dangers doe appeare; Which if my ruine had not beene you had not scene: I onely lie upon this shelfe to be a marke to all which on the same might fall, That none may perish but my selfe. If in or outward you be bound, doe not forget to sound; Neglect of that was cause of this to steare amisse. The Seas were calme, the wind was faire that made me so secure, that now I must indure All weathers be they foule or faire. The Winters cold, the Summers heat alternatively beat Upon my bruised sides, that rue because too true That no releefe can ever coine. But why should I despaire being promised so faire That there shall be a day of Dome. 923 СПАР. CHAP. I. The Contents. W Hat people they are that begin this plantation, the bane of Virginia strange misprisions of wise men. • • • 2. Needlesse custome, effect of faltery, cause of misery, factions, carelesse government, · [p. 925] the dissolving [of] the Company and Patent [p. 930] 3. A great comfort to new England, it is no Iland, a strange plague. ... ... 4. Our right to those Countries, true reasons for plantations, rare examples. · [p. 931] ... [Þ. 934] [p. 936] 5. My first voyage to new England, my returne and profit. ... ... ... 6. A description of the Coast, Harbours, Habitations, Landmarks, Latitude, Lon- gitude, with the map. ... [p. 938] 7. New Englands yearely trials, the flanting [of] new Plimoth, suprisals prevented, their wonderfull industry and fishing. [p 940] 924 . 1630. The Contents. Loct. SmithJ CHAP. 8. Extremity next despaire, Gods great mercy, their estate, they make good salt, an unknowne rich myne. ... 9. Notes worth observation, miserablenesse no good husbandry. ... [p. 942] [p. 944] [p. 946] 10. The mistaking of Patents, strange effects, incouragements for servants. II. The planting [of] Bastable or Salem and Charlton, a description of the Mas- sachusetts. [p. 948] 12. Extraordinary meanes for building, many caveats, increase of corne, how to spoyle the woods for any thing, their healths.... [p. 951] 13. Their great supplics, present estate and accidents, advantage. [p. 953] 14. Ecclesiasticall government in Virginia, authority from the Arch Bishop, their beginning at Bastable now called Salem. [p. 957] 15. The true modell of a plantation, tenure, incrcase of trade, truc examples, necessity of expert Souldiers, the names of all the first discoverers for plantations and their actions, what is requisite to be in the Governour of a plantation, the expedition[s] of Queene Elizabeths Sca Captaines. ... [р. 960] 925 NIE WAL•† SIGISMVND TRANSILVAN N ON Q BATHORDD ADVERTISEMENTS: OR, The Path-way to Experience to erect a Plantation. CHAPTER I. What people they are that beginne this plantation: the bane of Virginia: strange misprisions of wise men. G He Warres in Europe, Asia, and Affrica, taught me how to subdue the wilde Salvages in Virginia and New-England, in America; which now after many a stormy blast of ignorant contradictors, projectors, and undertakers, both they and I have beene so tossed and tortured into so many extremities, as despaire [1630) 926 J. Smith. Oct. 1630. Advertisements for the unexperienced, [1629-30] was the next wee both [2] expected, till it pleased God now at. last to stirre up some good mindes, that I hope will produce glory to God, honour to his Majesty, and profit to his Kingdomes: although all our Plantations have beene so foyled and abused, their best good willers have beene for the most part discouraged, and their good intents disgraced, as the generall History of them will at large truly relate [to] No Brownist nor Sepa- ratist you. Pardon me if I offend in loving that I have cherished truly, by the losse of my prime fortunes, meanes, and admitted. youth: If it over-glad me to see Industry her selfe ad- venture now to make use of my aged ende[a]vours, not by such (I hope) as rumour doth report, a many of discon- tented Brownists, Anabaptists, Papists, Puritans, Separa- tists, and such factious Humorists: for no such they will suffer among them, if knowne, as many of the chiefe of them [John Winthrop &c.] have assured mee; and the much conferences I have had with many of them, doth confidently perswade me to write thus much in their behalfe. are that I meane not the Brownists of Leyden and Amsterdam at New-Plimoth, who although by accident, ignorance, and wilfulnesse, [they] have endured, with a wonderfull patience. many losses and extremities; yet they subsist and prosper so well, not any of them will abandon the Country, but to the utmost of their powers increase their numbers. But What they of those which are gone within this eighteene moneths April beginne this 1629-Oct. 1630] for Cape Anne, and the Bay of the Massa- Plantation. chusets. Those which are their chiefe Vndertakers are Gen- tlemen of good estate, some of 500, some a thousand pound land a yeere, all which they say they will sell for the advancing [of this harmlesse and pious worke; men of good credit and well-beloved in their Country [district], not such as flye for debt, or any scandall at home; and are good Catholike Protestants according to the reformed Church of England, if not, it is well they are gone. The rest of them men of good meanes, or Arts, Occupations, and Qualities, much more fit for such a businesse, and better furnished of all necessaries if they arrive well, than was ever any Plantation went out of England. I will not say but some of them may be more precise than needs, nor that they all be so good as they should be; [3] Oct. J. Smith927 or the Path-way to erect a Plantation. . 1630. for Christ had but twelve apostles, and one was a traitor :[1622-30] and if there be no dissemblers among them, it is more than a wonder; therefore doe not condemne all for some. But however they have as good authority from his Majesty as they could desire: if they doe ill, the losse is but their owne; if well, a great glory and exceeding good to this. Kingdome, to make good at last what all our former con- clusions have disgraced. Virginia. Now they take not that course the Virginia company The bane of did for the Planters there, their purses and lives were subject to some few here in London who were never there, that consumed all in Arguments, Projects, and their owne conceits: every yeare trying new conclusions, altering every thing yearely as they altered opinions, till they had consumed more than two hundred thousand pounds, and neere eight thousand mens lives. It is true, in the yeere of our Lord 1622. they were, the Company in England say 7. or 8. thousand: the Counsell in Virginia say but 2200. or thereabouts, English in- differently well furnished with most necessaries, and many of them grew to that height of bravery, living in that plenty and excesse, that went thither not worth any thing, [that] made the Company here thinke all the world was Oatmeale there; and all this proceeded by surviving those that died: nor were they ignorant to use as curious tricks there as here, and out of the juice of Tabacco, which at first they sold at such good rates, they regarded nothing but Tabacco; a commodity then so vendable, it provided them all things. And the loving Salvages their kinde friends, they trained so well up to shoot in a Peece, to hunt and kill them fowle, they became more expert than our owne Country-men; whose labours were more profitable to their Masters in planting Tabacco and other businesse. This superfluity caused my poore beginnings[to be] scorned, or to be spoken of but with much derision, that never sent Ship from thence fraught, but onely some small quantities of Wainscot, Clap-board, Pitch, Tar, Rosin, Sope-ashes, Glasse, Cedar, Cypresse, Blacke Walnut, Knees for Ships, Ash for Pikes, Iron Ore none better, some Silver Ore but so poore it was not regarded; better there may be, for I The differences betwixt my l'irginia, beginning in dings and the proceedings of my successors. [A. 932.] 928 Loct Advertisements for the unexperienced, J. Smith. Oct. 1630. [Smith's scription of the mali- cious charges against his in Virginia.] [1607-9] was no Mineralist; [4] some Sturgicn, but it was too tart of the Vinegar (which was of my owne store, for little came from them which was good); and Wine of the Countries wilde Grapes, but it was too sowre; yet better than they sent us any, [which was] in two or three years but one ironical de Hogshead of Claret. Onely spending my time to revenge my imprisonment upon the harmlesse innocent Salvages, who by my cruelty I forced to feed me with their contribu- gouernment tion; and to send any [who] offended my idle humour to Iames towne to punish at mine owne discretion; or keepe their Kings and subjects in chaines, and make them worke. Things cleane contrary to my Commission; whilst I and my company tooke our needlesse pleasures in dis- covering the Countries about us, building of Forts, and such unnecessary fooleries, where an Egge-shell (as they writ) had beene sufficient against such enemies; neglecting to answer the Merchants expectations with profit, feeding the Company onely with Letters and tastes of such com- modities as we writ the Country would afford in time by industry, as Silke, Wines, Oyles of Olives, Rape, and Linsed, Rasons, Prunes, Flax, Hempe, and Iron. As for Tobacco, wee never then dreamt of it. A strange mistake in wise men. Now because I sent not their ships full fraught home with those commodities; they kindly writ to me, if we 【p. 442.] failed the next returne, they would leave us there as banished men, as if houses and all those commodities did grow naturally, only for us to take at our pleasure; with such tedious Letters, directions, and instructions, and most contrary to that was fitting, we did admire [wonder] how it was possible such wise men could so torment themselves and us with such strange absurdities and impossibilities: making Religion their colour, when all their aime was nothing but present profit, as most plainly appeared, by sending us so many Refiners, Gold-smiths, Iewellers, Lapidaries, Stone-cutters, Tobacco-pipe-makers, Imbroderers, Perfumers, Silkemen, with [not only] all their appurtenances but materialls, and all those had great summes out of the common stocke; and [were] so many spies and super-intendents over us, as if they supposed we would turne Rebels, all striving [5] to suppresse and advance they knew not what. J. Smith.7 Oct. 1630.j 929 or a Path-way to erect the Plantation. . At last [they] got a Commission in their owne names, [1609 24] promising the King custome within seven yeares, where [as] we were free for one and twenty; appointing the Lord De-la-ware for Governour, with as many great and stately officers, and offices under him, as doth belong to a great Kingdome, with good summes for their extraordinary expences; also privileges for Cities; Charters for Corpora- tions, Universities, Free-scholes, and Glebe-land; putting all those in practice before there was either people, students, or schollers to build or use them, or provision or victuall to feed them [that] were then there and to amend this, most of the Tradesmen in London that would adventure but twelue pounds ten shillings, had the furnishing [of] the Company of all such things as belonged to his trade, such jug[g]ling there was betwixt them, and such intru- ding Committies [Committee men] their associats, that all the trash they could get in London was sent us to Virginia, they being well payed [as] for that [which] was good. Much they blamed us for not converting the Salvages, when those they sent us were little better, if not worse; nor did they all, convert any of those [natives] we sent them to England for that purpose. So doating of Mines of gold, and the South Sea; that all the world could not have devised better courses to bring us to ruine than they did themselves, with many more such like strange conceits. By this you may avoid the like inconveniences, and take heed by those examples, you have not too many irons in the fire at once; neither such change of Governours, nor such a multitude of Officers; neither more Masters, Gentle- men, Gentlewomen, and children, than you have men to worke, which idle charge you will finde very troublesome, and the effects dangerous: and one hundred good labourers 155, better than a thousand such Gallants as were sent me, that would doe nothing but complaine, curse, and despaire, when they saw our miseries and all things so clean contrary to the report in England; yet must I provide as well for them as for my selfe. [6] • 472 487.1 ENG. SCH. LIB. No. 16. 59 930 J. Smith. Oct. 1630. Advertisements for the unexperienced, [i [1607-9] The effect of flattery, the cause of wisery. CHAPTER II. Needlesse custome, effect of flattery, cause of misery, factions, carelesse government, the dissolving the Company and Patent. His the Mariners and Saylers did ever all they could to conceale; who had alwayes good fare, and good pay for the most part, and part out of our owne purses: never caring how long they stayed upon their voyage, daily feasting before our faces; when wee lived upon a little corne and water, and not halfe enough of that, the most of which we had from amongst the Salvages. Now although there be Deere in the woods, Fish in the rivers, and Fowles in abundance in their seasons: yet the woods are so wide, the rivers so broad, and the beasts so wild, and wee so unskilfull to catch them, wee little troubled them nor they us. For all this, our letters that still signified unto them the plaine truth, would not be beleeved, because they required such things as was most necessary: but their opinion was otherwayes, for they desired but to packe over so many as they could, saying necessity would make them get victuals for themselves, as for good labourers they were more usefull here in England. But they found it otherwayes; the charge was all one to [⁄p. 487,616.] send a workman as a roarer; whose clamors to appease, we had much adoe to get fish and corne to maintaine them from one supply till another came with more loyterers without victuals still to make us worse and worse, for the most of them would rather starve than worke: yet had it not beene [p.155, 472.1 for some few that were Gentlemen, both by birth, industry, and discretion, we could not possibly have subsisted. Take heed of factions bred in England. Many did urge I might have forced them to it, having authority that extended so farre as death: but I say, having neither meat, drinke, lodging, pay, nor hope of any thing or preferment; and seeing the Merchants onely did what they listed with all they wrought for, I know not what punishment could be greater than that they indured; Oct. J. Smith.7 931 or the Path-way to erect a Plantation. 1630.j which miseries caused us alwaies to be in factions: the[1609-30] most part striving [7] by any meanes to abandon the Country, and I with my party to prevent them and cause. them stay. But indeed the cause of our factions was bred here in England, and grew to that maturity among them- selves that spoyled all, as all the Kingdome and other Nations can too well testifie. Yet in the yeare 1622. there were about seven or eight thousand English, as hath beene said [see p. 927], so well trained, secure, and well furnished, as they reported and conceited. These simple Salvages, their bosome friends, I so much oppressed, had laid their plot how to cut all their throats in a morning: and upon the 22. of March [1622], The so innocently attempted it, they slew three hundred forty Virginia seven, set their houses on fire, slew their cattell, and brought them to that distraction and confusion [that] within lesse than a yeare, there were not many more than two thousand remaining. Massacre in The which losse to repaire the company did what they could, till they had consumed all their stocke [capital] as is said: then they broke [became bankrupt], not making any account, nor giving satisfaction to the Lords, Planters, Adventurers, nor any; whose noble intents had referred the managing of this intricate businesse to a few that lost not by it. So that his Majesty recalled their Commission How the [June 1624] and [that] by more iust cause then they company perswaded King Iames to call in ours [in 1609], which were the first beginners, without our knowledge or consent, disposing of us and all our indevours at their pleasures. : dissolved. CHAPTER III. A great comfort to new England, it is no Iland: a strange plague. Otwithstanding since they have beene left in a manner, as it were, to themselves, they have increased [by Oct. 1630] their numbers to foure or five thousand (pp. 885-7], and neere as The of victuals Virginia. abundance now in 932 [oct Advertisements for the unexperienced, J. Smith. Oct. 1630. [1606-3 many catell, with plenty of Goats: abundance of Swine Poultry and Corne, that as they report, they have suffi- cient and to spare, to entertaine three or foure hundred people, which is much better than to have many people more than provision. ¡/ 927.] A great New comfort for England by Virginia. 1.893-1 The differences Now having glutted the world with their too [8] much overabounding Tabacco: Reason, or necessity, or both, will cause them, I hope, [to] learne in time better to fortifie themselves, and make better use of the trials of their grosse commodities that I have propounded, and at the first sent over: and were it not a lamentable dishonour so goodly a Countrey after so much cost, losse, and trouble, should now in this estate not bee regarded and supplied. And to those of New-England may it not be a great comfort to have so neare a neighbour of their owne Nation, that may furnish them with their spare cattell, swine, poultry, and other roots and fruits, much better than from England. But I feare the seed of envy, and the rust of covetousnesse doth grow too fast, for some would have all men advance Virginia to the ruine of New-England; and others the losse of Virginia to sustaine New-England, which God of his mercy forbid : for at first it was intended by that most memorable Judge Sir Iohn Popham, then Lord chiefe Justice of England, and the Lords of his Majesties Privy Councel, with divers others, that two Colonies should be planted, as now they be, for the better strengthening each other against all occurrences; the which to performe, shall ever be my hearty prayers to Almighty God, to increase and continue that mutuall love betwixt them for ever. By this you may perceive somewhat, what unexpected text the inconveniences are incident to a plantation, especially beginning of in such a multitude of voluntary contributers, superfluity and them of of officers, and unexperienced Commissioners. But it is Virginia, Salem. not so, as yet, with those for New-England; for they will neither beleeve nor use such officers, in that they are overseers of their owne estates, and so well bred in labour and good husbandry as any in England: where as few as I say was sent me to Virginia, but those [that] were naught here and worse there. "Now when these shall have laid the foundations, and Oct. J. Smith933 or the Path-way to crect a Plantation. . 1630. 66 66 CC considera- England is provided meanes beforehand; they may entertain all the [1614–21] poore artificers and laborers in England, and their A necessary families which are burthensome to their Parishes and tion. Countries [counties] where they live upon almes and "benevolence for want of worke: which if they would "but pay for their transportation, they should never be “troubled with them more. For there is vast land enough New "for all the people in England, Scotland, and Ireland: no land "and it seemes God hath provided this Country for our Nation, destroying the natives by the plague, it not continent.. "touching one Englishman, though many traded and were "conversant amongst them; for they had three plagues in "three yeares successively neere two hundred miles along "the Sea coast, that in some places there scarce remained "five of a hundred, and as they report thus it began: (6 A fishing ship being cast away upon the coast, two of the men escaped on shore; one of them died, the other lived among the natives till he had learned their language; then he perswaded them to become Christians, shewing them a Testament, some parts thereof expounding so well as he could, but they so much derided him, that he told them hee feared his God would destroy them: whereat the King assembled all his people about a hill, him- selfe with the Christian standing on the top, demanded if his God had so many people and able to kill all those? but the maine among the He answered yes, and surely would, and bring in Astrange strangers to possesse their land: but so long they mocked plague him and his God, that not long after such a sicknesse Salvages. came, that of five or six hundred about the Massachusets there remained but thirty, on whom their neighbours fell and slew twenty-eight: the two [p. 754] remaining fled the Country till the English came, then they returned and surrendered their Country and title to the English. If this be not true in every particular, excuse me, I pray you, for I am not the Author: but it is most certaine there was an exceeding great plague amongst them; for where I have seene [in 1614] two or three hundred, within three yeares after [1617] remained scarce thirty (pp. 747, 754]. But what disease it was the Salvages knew not till the English told them; never having seene, nor heard of the like before. [10] 934 . Advertisements for the unexperienced, [uctJ. Smith. Oct. 1630. [1630] By what right wee may pos- sesse those Countries lawfully. True reasons for those CHAPTER IV. Our right to those Countries, true reasons for plantations, rare examples. M Any good religious devout men have made it a great question, as a matter in conscience, by what warrant they might goe to possesse those Countries, which are none of theirs, but the poore Salvages. Which poore curiosity will answer it selfe; for God did make the world to be inhabited with mankind, and to have his name knowne to all Nations, and from gene- ration to generation: as the people increased they dis- persed themselves into such Countries as they found most convenient. And here in Florida, Virginia, New- England, and Cannada, is more land than all the people in Christendome can manure [cultivate], and yet more to spare than all the natives of those Countries can use and culturate. And shall we here keepe such a coyle for land, and at such great rents and rates, when there is so much of the world uninhabited, and as much more in other places, and as good or rather better than any wee possesse, were it manured and used accordingly. If this be not a reason sufficient to such tender consciences; for a copper knife and a few toyes, as beads and hatchets, they will sell you a whole Countrey [district]; and for a small matter, their houses and the ground they dwell upon; but those of the Massachusets have resigned theirs freely. Now the reasons for plantations are many. Adam and Eve did first begin this innocent worke to plant the earth plantations. to remaine to posterity; but not without labour, trouble, 228,741) and industry. Noah and his family began againe the second plantation, and their seed as it still increased, hath still planted new Countries, and one Country another, and so the world to that estate it is; but not without much hazard, travell, mortalities, discontents, and many disas- ters had those worthy Fathers and their memorable off- spring not beene more diligent for us now in those ages, Oct. J. Smith935 . or the Path-way to crect a Plantation. . 1630than wee are to plant that yet unplanted for after-livers: Had the seed of Abraham, our [11] Saviour Christ Jesus and his Apostles, exposed themselves to no more dangers to plant the Gospell wee so much professe; than we, even we our selves had at this present beene as Salvages, and as miserable as the most barbarous Salvage, yet uncivilized. The Hebrewes, Lacedemonians, the Goths, Grecians, Romans, and the rest; what was it they would not under- take to inlarge their Territories, inrich their subjects, and resist their enemies. Those that were the founders of those great Monarchies and their vertues, were no silvered idle golden Pharisees, but industrious honest hearted Publicans; they regarded more provisions and necessaries for their people, than jewels, ease and delight for themselves; riches was their servants, not their masters; they ruled as fathers, not as tyrants; their people as children, not as slaves; there was no disaster could discourage them; and let none thinke they incountered not with all manner of incumbrances: and what hath ever beene the worke of the best great Princes of the world, but planting of Countries, and civilizing bar- barous and inhumane Nations to civility and humanity; whose eternall actions fils our histories with more honour than those that have wasted and consumed them by warres. [1630] of the Portugals, Ancients. Lastly, the Portugals and Spaniards that first began Rare plantations in this unknowne world of America till within examples this 140. yeares [1476-1616], whose everlasting actions Spaniards, before our eyes, will testifie our idlenesse and ingratitude and the to all posterity, and neglect of our duty and religion we owe our God, our King, and Countrey, and want of charity to those poore Salvages, whose Countries we challenge, use, and possesse: except wee be but made to marre what our forefathers made; or but only tell what they did; or esteeme our selves too good to take the like paines where there is so much reason, liberty, and action offers it selfe. Having as much power and meanes as others, why should English men despaire, and not doe so much as any? Was it vertue in those Hero[e]s to provide that [which] doth maintaine us, and basenesse in us to doe the like for others to come? Surely no; then seeing wee are not borne for ourselves 936 J Smith. Oct. 1630, Advertisements for the unexperienced, [1614] but each to helpe other; and our abilities are much alike at p. 229,742.1 the [12] howre of our birth and minute of our death: see- ing our good deeds or bad, by faith in Christs merits, is all wee have to carry our soules to heaven or hell: Seeing honour is our lives ambition, and our ambition after death, to have an honourable memory of our life: and seeing by no meanes we would be abated of the dignitie and glory of our predecessors, let us imitate their vertues to be worthily their successors; or at least not hinder, if not further, them that would and doe their utmost and best endevour. My first voyage to Norumbega now called New- Ergland. 1614. CHAPTER V. My first voyage to new England, my returne desart. and profit. O begin with the originals of the voyages to those coasts, I referre you to my generall his- tory [pp. 696-7]; for New England by the most. of them was esteemed a most barren rocky Notwithstanding at the sole charges of four Marchants [187,240, of London and my selfe, 1614. within eight weekes sayling 256,697,891.] I arrived at Monahigan, an Ile in America in 43. degrees 39. minutes of Northerly latitude. Had the fishing for Whale proved as we expected, I had stayed in the Country: but we found the plots [charts] wee had, so false; and the seasons for fishing and trade by the unskilfulnesse of our Pylot so much mistaken; I was con- tented, having taken by hookes and lines, with fifteene or eighteene men at most, more than 60000 Cod in lesse than a moneth: whilst my selfe and eight others of them [that] might best be spared, by an houre glasse of three moneths, ranging the coast in a small boat, got for trifles eleven hundred Bever skins besides Otters and Martins We get 1500. [skins]; all amounting to the value of fifteene hundred six months. pound, and arrived in England with all my men in health, in six or seven months. pound in 1 Oct. J. Smith937 or the Path-way to erect a Plantation. . 1630. But Northward the French returned this yeare [1614] to [1614-16] France five and twenty thousand bevers [skins] and good 25,000 furres; whilest we were contending about Patents and to France. Commissions, with such fearefull incredulity that more. dazeled our eyes than opened them. Bevers sent In this voyage I tooke the description of the coast as [ƒ½.188,699.) well by map as writing, and called [13] it New-England: but malicious mindes amongst Sailers and others, drowned that name with the eccho of Nusconcus, Canaday, and Penaquid; till, at my humble su[i]te, our most gracious King Charles, then Princes of Wales, was pleased to con- firme it by that title, and did change [p. 232] the bar- barous names of their principal Harbours and habitations for such English, that posterity may say, King Charles was their Godfather: and in my opinion it should seeme an unmannerly presumption in any that doth alter them. without his leave. and third voyage[s]. My second voyage was to beginne a Plantation, and to My second doe what else I could, but by extreme tempests that tore neare all my Masts by the boord, being more than two hundred leagues at Sea, [I] was forced to returne to Plimoth with a Jury-Mast. 1615. . 220-222; 731-736.] The third was intercepted by English and French 1616. Pyrats, by my trecherous company that betrayed me to them; who ran away with my Ship and all that I had: such enemies the Sailers were to a Plantation, and the greatest losse being mine, [they] did easily excuse them- selves to the Merchants in England, that still provided to follow the fishing. Much difference there was betwixt the Londoners and the Westerlings to ingrosse it, who now would adventure thousands, that when I went first would not adventure a groat; yet there went foure or five good Ships: but what by their dissention, and the Turkes men of warre that tooke the best of them in the Straits, they scarce saved themselves this yeare. At my returne from France [Dec. 1615], I did my best to [¿½. 227, 740.} have united them; but that had beene more than a worke for Hercules, so violent is the folly of greedy covetousnesse. 938 J. Smith. Oct. 1630. Advertisements for the unexperienced, [ [1614] (pp. 192, 706.] A descrip- tion of the Country. CHAPTER VI. A description of the Coast, Harbours, Habitations, Landmarks, Latitude, Longitude, with the map. His Country wee now speake of, lyeth betwixt 41. and 441, the very meane for heat and cold betwixt the Equinoctiall and the North Pole, in which I have sounded about five and twenty very good Harbors; in many [14] whereof is Anc [h]orage for fiue hundred good ships of any burden, in some of them for a thousand: and more than three hundred Iles overgrowne with good timber, or divers sorts of other woods; in most of them (in their seasons) plenty of wilde fruits, Fish, and Fowle, and pure springs of most excellent water pleasantly distilling from their rockie foundations. The principal habitations I was at North-ward, was Pennobscot, who are in warres with the Terentines, their next Northerly neighbours. Southerly up the Rivers, and along the Coast, wee found Mecadacut, Segocket, Pemmaquid, Nusconcus, Sagadahock, Satquin, Aumughcawgen, and Kenabeca: to those belong the Countries and people of Segotago, Pauhuntanuck, Poco- passum, Taughtanakagnet, Wabigganus, Nassaque, Masher- osqueck, Wawrigwick, Moshoquen, Waccogo, Pasharanack, &c. To these are alied in confederacy, the Countries of Aucocisco, Accominticus, Passataquak,. Augawoam and Naemkeck. All these for any thing I could perceive differ little in language or any thing, though most of them be Sagamos, and Lords of themselves; yet they hold the Bashabes of Pennobscot the chiefe and greatest amongst them. The next is Mattahunt, Totunt, Massachuset, Paconekick, pp. 192,707-3 then Cape Cod, by which is Pawmet, the Iles of Nawset and Capawuck: neere which are the shoules of Rocks and sands that stretch themselves into the maine Sea twenty leagues; and [are] very dangerous betwixt the degrees of 40. and 41. Now beyond Cape Cod, the land extendeth it selfe Oct. J. Smith939 . or the Path-way to erect a Plantation. . 1630Under the tall, twelve and twelve night. Equinoc- houres day, Southward to Virginia, Florida, the West Indies, the [1614-16] Amazons and Brasele, to the straits of Magelanus, two and fifty degrees Southward beyond the Line; all those great Countries, differing as they are in distance North or South from the Equinoctiall, in temper, heat, cold, Woods, Fruits, Fishes, Beasts, Birds, the increase and decrease of the night and day, to six moneths day and six moneths night. Some say, many of those Nations are so brute [brutish] they have no Religion, wherein surely they may be deceived; for my part I never saw nor heard of any Nation in the world which had not Religion, Deare, [15] Bowes, and Arrowes. Those in New-England, I take it, beleeve much alike as those in Virginia, of many divine Powers, yet of one above the rest; as the Southerly Virginians call their chiefe p. 75, 321, God Kewassa, and that we now inhabit Okee: but all their Kings Werowances. The Massachusets call their great God Kichian, and their Kings Sachemes; and that we suppose their Devill, they call Habamouk. The Pennobscots, their God, Tantum; their Kings, Sagamos. About those Coun- tries are abundance of severall Nations and languages, but much alike in their simple curiosities, living and worke- manship, except the wilde estate of their chiefe Kings, &c. Their Religion. 767.) Of whose particular miserable magnificence (yet most [p. 721.) happy in this, that they neuer trouble themselues with such variety of Apparell, Drinkes, Viands, Sawses, Perfumes, Perservatives, and niceties as we; yet live as long, and much more healthfull and hardy) : also the deities of their chiefest Gods, Priests, Conjurers, Religion, Temples, Triumphs, Physicke, and Chirurgerie; their births, educations, duty of their women, exercise for their men; how they make all their Instruments and Engines to cut downe Trees, make their Cloaths, Boats, Lines, Nets, Fish-hooks, Weji]res, and Traps, Mats, Houses, Pots, Platters, Morters, Bowes, Arrowes, Targets, Swords, Clubs, Jewels, and Hatchets. Their severall sorts of Woods, Serpents, Beasts, Fish, Fowle, Roots, Berries, Fruits, Stones, and Clay. Their best trade, what is most fit to trade with them. With the particulars of the charge of a fishing voyage, and all the necessaries belonging to it, their best countries to vent it for their best returnes; also the particulars for every private man or family that goeth + 940 1630. Advertisements for the unexperienced, [Oct. . J. Smith[1616-17] to plant, and the best seasons to goe or returne thence; with the particular description of the Salvages, Habita- tions, Harbours, and Land-markes, their Latitude, Longi- tude, or severall distance, with their old names and the new by the Map augmented. Lastly, the power of their Kings, obedience of their subjects, Lawes, executions, planting their Fields, Huntings, Fishings, the manner of their warres and treacheries yet knowne; and in generall, their lives and conversation, and how to bridle their brute, .695, 767.) barbarous, [16] and salvage dispositions: of all these par- ticulars you may reade at large in the general History of Virginia, New-England, and the Summer Iles, with many more such strange actions and accidents that to an ordinary capacity might rather seeme miracles than wonders possibly to bee effected; which though they are but wound up as bottoms of fine silke, which with a good needle might be flourished into a far larger worke, yet the Images of great things are best discerned, contracted into smaller glasses. 1617. Eight ships to fish. CHAPTER VII. New Englands yearely trials, the planting of New Plimoth, suprisals prevented, their wonderful industry and fishing. Or all those differences there went eight tall ships before I arrived in Dec. 1615] in England, from France, so that I spent that yeare [1617] in the West Country, to perswade the Cities, pp. 241,257, Townes, and Gentrie for a Plantation; which the Merchants very little liked, because they would have the coast free only for themselves, and the Gentlemen were doubtfull of their true accounts. 745-1 Oft and much it was so disputed, that at last they promised me the next yeere [1618] twenty saile well furnished, made me Admirall of the Country for my life under their hands Oct. J. Smith941 or the Path-way to erect a Plantation. . 1630 and the Colonels [Colony's] Seale for New-England; and in [1617-22] renewing their Letters Patents, to be a Patentee for my paines; yet nothing but a voluntary fishing was effected, for all this aire. Eight and six weeks thirty men tooke two thousand one hundred worth of In those yeares many Ships made exceeding good 1618. voyages, some in six moneths, others in five but one of 1619. two hundred tunne in six weekes, with eight and thirty 1620. men and boyes had her fraught, which shee sold at the first penny for one and twenty hundred pounds, besides her Furres. Six or seven more went out of the West, and some Sailers that had but a single share, had twenty pounds [£80 now] and at home againe in seven moneths; pounds which was more than such a one should have got in twenty moneths, had he gone for wages any where: yet for all this, in all this time, though I had divulged to my great labour, [17] cost, and losse, more than seven thousand Bookes and Maps, and moved the particular Companies . 242, 256, in London, as also Noblemen, Gentlemen, and Merchants 743.] for a Plantation, all availed no more than to hew Rocks with Oister-shels; so fresh were the living abuses of Virginia and the Summer Iles in their memories. fish. At last, upon those inducements, some well disposed Brownists, as they are termed, with some Gentlemen and Merchants of Layden and Amsterdam, to save charges [i.e., the expense of employing Captain Smith (pp. 892, 943)], would try their owne conclusions, though with great losse and much miserie till time had taught them to see their (½½. 243, 267, owne error; for such humorists [fanatics] will never beleeve 771.] well, till they bee beaten with their owne rod. They were supplied [reinforced] with a small Ship with 1621. seven and thirty passengers, who found all them [that] were left after they were seated, well all but six that died, 26-11 for all their poverties: in this ship they returned, the value of five hundred pounds [=£2,000 now], which was taken by a French-man upon the coast of England. There is gone from the West to fish five and thirty saile; two from London with sixty passengers for them at New-Plimoth: and all made good voyages. 1622. Seven and thirty sail to fish. Now you are to understand, the seven and thirty pas- sengers miscarrying twice upon the coast of England, came so ill provided, they onely relyed upon that poore (pp. 261,761.] 942 J. Smith. Oct. 1630. Advertisements for the unexperienced, [1622-3] company they found [i.e., the Pilgrim Fathers], that had lived two yeares by their naked [simple] industry, and what the Country naturally afforded. It is true, at first, there hath beene taken a thousand Bayses [bass] at a draught, and more than twelve hogsheads of Herrings in a night; of other fish when and what they would, when they had meanes; but wanting most necessaries for fishing and fowling, it is a wonder how they could subsist, fortifie themselves, resist their enemies, and plant their plants. In Iuly [1622], a many of stragling forlorne Englishmen, whose wants they releeved, though [they] wanted them- selves; the which to requite [them], destroyed their Corne and Fruits, and would have done the like to them, and have surprised what they had. The salvages also intended the like, but wisely they slew the salvage [18] Captaines; and revenged those injuries upon the fugitive English, that would have done the like to them. 1623. CHAPTER VIII. Extremity next despaire, Gods great mercy, their estate; they make good salt, an unknowne rich myne. T New-Plimoth, having planted the[i]re Fields and Gardens, such an extraordinary drought insued, all things withered, that they expected no harvest; and having long expected a supply, they heard no newes, but [of] a wracke split upon their Coast, they supposed their Ship: thus in the very labyrinth of despaire, they solemnly assembled themselves together nine houres in prayer. At their departure, the parching faire skies [were] all overcast with blacke clouds; and the next morning, such a pleasant moderate raine continued fourteene daies, that it was hard to say, whether their withered fruits or drooping affections were most revived. Not long after came two Ships to supply [reinforce] them, with all their Passengers well, except one, and he pre- sently recovered: for themselves, for all their wants, there ! - : : Oct. J. Smith943 . or the Path-way to erect a Plantation. ] 1630.was not one sicke person amongst them. The greater [1623-4] Ship they returned fraught with commodities. This yeare went from England, onely to fish, five and Five and forty saile, and have all made a better voyage than euer. forty saile to fish. In this Plantation there is about an hundred and foure- 1624. score persons, some Cattell, but many Swine and Poultry: their Towne containes two and thirty houses, whereof. 782.] seven were burnt, with the value of five or six hundred pounds [£2,000 or £2,400 now] in other goods; impailed about halfe a mile, within which within a high Mount, a Fort, with a Watch-tower, well built of stone, lo[a]me, and wood, their Ordnance well mounted: and so healthfull, that of the first Planters not one hath died this three yeares [1621-1624]: yet at the first landing at Cape Cod, being an hundred passengers, besides twenty they had left behind at Plimoth, for want of good take heed, thinking to finde all things better than I advised them, spent six or seven weekes (A. 250,941.] in [19] wandring up and downe in frost and snow, wind. and raine, among the woods, cricks [creeks] and swamps, forty of them died; and threescore were left in most miserable estate at New-Plimoth where their Ship left them, and but nine leagues by Sea from where they landed: whose misery and variable opinions for want of experience, oc- casioned much faction, till necessity agreed them. These disasters, losses, and uncertain ties, made such disagreement among the Adventurers in England, who beganne to repent, and [would] rather lose all than longer continue the charge, being out of purse six or seven (p. 892, 910 thousand pounds; accounting my bookes and their rela- 941.] tions as old Almanacks. But the Planters, rather than leave the Country, con- cluded absolutely to supply themselves, and to all their adventurers [to] pay them for nine years two hundred pounds yearely without any other account: where more than six hundred Adventurers for Virginia, for more than two hundred thousand pounds, had not six pence. Since they have made a salt worke, wherewith they preserve all the fish they take; and have fraughted this yeare a ship of an hundred and foure score tun: living so They make good salt. store of 944 J. Smith Oct. 1639. Advertisements for the unexperienced, [ Jo [1614-30] well they desire nothing but more company; and what ever they take, [they] returne commodities to the value. An incredible rich mine. Thus you may plainly see, although many envying [that] I should bring so much from thence, where many others had beene; and some, the same yeare, returned with nothing, reported the Fish and Bevers I brought home, I had taken from the French men of Canada, to discourage any from beleeving me, and excuse their owne misprisions: some onely to have concealed this good Country (as is said) to their private use; others taxed me as much of indiscretion, to make my discoveries and designes so publike for nothing, which might have beene so well managed by some concealers, to have beene all rich ere any had knowne of it. Those, and many such like wise rewards, have beene my recompences: for which I am contented, so the Country prosper, and Gods Name bee there praised by my Country- men, I have my desire: and the benefit of this salt and fish, for breeding Mariners and building [20] ships, will make so many fit men to raise a Common-wealth, if but managed, as my general history will shew you, it might well by this have beene as profitable as the best Mine the King of Spaine hath in his West Indies. Notes worthy observation. CHAPTER IX. Notes worth observation: miserableness no good N husbandry. Ow if you but truly consider how many strange accidents have befallen those plantations and my selfe; how oft up, how oft downe, sometimes neere despaire, and ere long flourishing; how many scandals and Spanolized English have sought to disgrace them, bring them to ruine, or at least hinder them all they could; how many have shaven and couzened both them and me, and their most honourable supporters and well-willers: [you] cannot but conceive Gods infinite mercy both to them and me. : Oct. J. Smith945 or the Path-way to erect a Plantation. . 1630. Having beene a slave to the Turks, prisoner amongst the most barbarous Salvages, after my deliverance com- monly discovering and ranging those large rivers and unknowne Nations with such a handfull of ignorant companions that the wiser sort often gave mee [up] for lost, alwayes in mutinies [i.e., of others] wants and miseries, blowne up with gunpowder; A long time [a] prisoner among the French Pyrats, from whom escaping in a little boat by my selfe, and adrift all such a stormy winter night, when their ships were split, more than a hundred thousand pound [= £400,000 now] lost [which] they had taken at sea, and most of them drowned upon the Ile of Ree, not farre from whence I was driven on shore in my little boat &c. And many a score of the worst of winter moneths: [have] lived in the fields: yet to have lived neere 37. yeares [1593-1630] in the midst of wars, pestilence and famine, by which many an hundred thousand have died about mee, and scarce five living of them [that] went first with me to Virginia: and [yet to] see the fruits of my labours thus well begin to prosper: though I have but. my labour for my paines, have I not much reason both privately and publikely to acknowledge it and give God thankes, whose omnipotent power onely delivered me, [21] to doe the utmost of my best to make his name knowne in those remote parts of the world, and his loving mercy to such a miserable sinner. [1593- 1630] Goods ill- spent. gotten ill Had my designes beene to have perswaded men to a mine of gold, as I know many have done that knew no such matter; though few doe conceive either the charge or paines in refining it, nor the power nor care to defend .893-4-1 it or some new invention to passe to the South sea: or some strange plot to invade some strange Monastery; or some chargeable Fleet to take some rich Charaques [carracks]: or letters of mart [marque] to rob some poore Merchant or honest fisher men: what multitudes of both people and money would contend to be first imployed. But in those noble indevours now, how few, unlesse it bee to begge them as Monopolies, and those seldome seeke the common good, but the commons goods. as the 217. the 218. and the 219. pages in the generall history [see [pp. 722-728] will shew. But only those noble Gentlemen ENG. SCH. LIB. No. 16. бо 946 1630. Advertisements for the unexperienced, [Oct. . J. Smith[1620-8] and their associates, for whose better incouragements I have recollected those [? these] experienced memorandums, as an Apologie against all calumniating detracters, as well for my selfe as them. Miserable- nesse no good 941, 943.] Now since them called Brownists went (some few husbandry before them also having my bookes and maps, presumed they 【pp. 243, 267, knew as much as they desired); many other directers they 771,892,910, had as wise as themselves, but that was best, that liked their owne conceits: for indeed they would not be knowne to have any knowledge of any but themselves, pretending onely Religion their governour, and frugality their coun- sell, when indeed it was onely their pride, and singularity, and contempt of authority; because they could not be equals, they would have no superiors. In this fooles Paradise, they so long used that good husbandry, they have payed soundly in trying their owne follies: who undertaking in small handfuls to make many plantations, and to bee severall Lords and Kings of themselves, most vanished to nothing; to the great disparagement of the generall businesse, therefore let them take heed that doe follow their example. [22] 1625. 1628. 1627. 1628, CHAPTER X. The mistaking of Patents, strange effects, incouragements for servants. Ho would not thinke that all those certainties should not have made both me and this Countrey have prospered well by this? but it fell out otherwayes. For by the instigation of some, whose policy had long watched their op[p]ortunity by the assurance of those profitable returnes, procured new Letters Patents from King Iames; drawing in many Noble- men and others to the number of twenty, for Patentees; dividing my map and that tract of land from the North Oct. J. Smith947 or the Path-way to erect a Plantation. . 1630. of the last Patent. A Procla mation for New England. Sea to the South Sea, East and West, which is supposed [1628-30] by most Cosmographers [to be] at least more than two The effect thousand miles; and from 41. degrees to 48. of Northerly great latitude about 560 miles; the bounds Virginia to the South, and South Sea [Pacific Ocean] to the West, Canada to the North, and the maine Ocean to the East; all this they divided into twenty parts, for which they cast lots: but no lot for me but Smiths Iles, which are a many of barren rocks, the most overgrowne with such shrubs and sharpe whins you can hardly passe them; without either grasse or wood but three or foure short shrubby old Cedars. Those Patentees procured a Proclamation, that no ship should goe thither to fish but pay them for the publike, as it was pretended, five pound upon every thirty tuns of shipping; neither trade with the natives, cut downe wood, throw their balast over boord, nor plant without commission, leave and content to the Lord of that division or Manor; some of which for some of them I beleeve will be tenant- lesse this thousand yeare. Thus whereas this Country, as the contrivers of those projects, should have planted it selfe of it selfe; especially all the chiefe parts along the coast the first year, as they have oft told me: and chiefly by the fishing ships and some small helpe of their owne, thinking men would be glad upon any termes to be admitted under their protections: but it proved so contrary, none would [23] goe at all. So, for feare to make a contempt. against the Proclamation, it hath ever since beene little frequented to any purpose: nor would they doe anything, but left it to it selfe. dums for Thus it lay againe in a manner vast [waste], till those Memorar. noble Gentlemen [J. Winthrop, &c.] thus voluntarily under- Masters. tooke it, whom I intreat to take this as a memorandum of my love, to make your plantations so neere and great as you can; for many hands make light worke, whereas yet your small parties can doe nothing availeable; nor stand too much upon the letting, setting, or selling those wild. Countries, nor impose too much upon the commonalty either by your maggazines [victualling ships or stores, sce pp. 665, 676-7] which commonly eat out all poore mens labours; nor any other too hard imposition for present gaine; but let every man so it bee by order allotted him, 948 [oct Advertisements for the unexperienced, J. Smith. Oct. 1630 [1629-30] plant freely without limitation so much as hee can, bee it by the halfes or otherwayes. And at the end of five or six yeares, or when you make a division, for every acre he hath planted, let him have twenty, thirty, forty, or an hundred; or as you finde hee hath extraordinarily deserved, by it selfe to him and his heires for ever; all his charges being defrayed to his lord or master, and publike good. Incourage In so doing, a servant that will labour, within foure or ments for five yeares may live as well there as his master did here: for where there is so much land lie waste, it were a madnesse in a man at the first to buy, or hire, or pay any thing more than an acknowledgement to whom it shall be due; and hee is double mad that will leave his friends, meanes, and freedome in England, to be worse there than here. Therefore let all men have as much freedome in reason as may be, and true dealing; for it is the greatest comfort you can give them, where the very name of servitude will breed much ill bloud, and become odious to God and man but mildly temper correction with mercy, for I know well you will have occasion enough to use both; and in thus doing, doubtlesse God will blesse you, and quickly triple and multiply your numbers; the which to my utmost I will doe my best indevour. [24] 1€29. The planting [f] Salem. CHAPTER XI. The planting [of] Bastable or Salem and Charlton, a description of the Massachusets. N all those plantations, yea, of those that have done least, yet the most will say, we were the first; and so every next supply, still the next beginner: But seeing history is the memory of time, the life of the dead, and the happinesse of the living; because I have more plainly discovered, and described, and discoursed of those Countries than any as yet I know, I am the bolder to continue the story, and J. Smith. Oct. 1630. 949 or the Path-way to erect a Plantation. doe all men right so neere as I can in those new beginnings, which hereafter perhaps may bee in better request than a forest of nine dayes pamphlets. [1629] provisions In the yeare 1629. about March, six good ships are gone Their with 350. men, women, and children; people professing for Salem. themselves of good ranke, zeale, meanes and quality: also 150. head of cattell, as horse, mares, and neat beasts; 41. goats, some conies, with all provision for houshold and apparell; six peeces of great Ordnance for a Fort, with Muskets, Pikes, Corslets, Drums and Colours, with all provisions necessary for the good of man. They are seated about 42. degrees and 38. minutes, at a place called by the natives Naemkecke, by our Royall King Charles, Bastable; but now by the planters, Salem: where they arrived for most part exceeding well, their cattell and all things else prospering exceedingly, farre beyond their expectation. Salem and Charlton. At this place they found some reasonable good pro- The vision and houses built by some few of Dorchester, with planting whom they are joyned in society with two hundred men. An hundred and fifty more they have sent to the Massa- chusets, which they call Charlton, or Charles Towne. I tooke the fairest reach in this Bay for a river, whereupon I called it Charles river, after the name of our Royall King Charles; but they find that faire Channell to divide it selfe into so many faire branches as make forty or fifty pleasant. Ilands within that excellent Bay, [25] where the land is of divers and sundry sorts, in some places very blacke and fat, in others good clay, sand and gravell, the superficies neither too flat in plaines, nor too high in hils. In the Iles you may keepe your hogs, horse, cattell, conies or poultry, and secure for little or nothing, and to command. when you list; onely having a care of provision for some extraordinary cold winter. In those Iles, as in the maine, you may make your nurseries for fruits and plants where you put no cattell; in the maine [Mainland) you may shape. your Orchards, Vineyards, Pastures, Gardens, Walkes, Parkes, and Corne fields out of the whole peece as you please into such plots, one adjoining to another, leaving every of a descrip Massa- tion of the chusets Bay. 950 . 1630. Advertisements for the unexperienced, Loct. J. Smith[1629-30]them invironed with two, three, foure, or six, or so many rowes of well growne trees as you will, ready growne to your hands, to defend them from ill weather, which in a champion you could not in many ages; and this at first you may doe with as much facility, as carelesly or igno- rantly cut downe all before you, and then after better con- sideration make ditches, pales, plant young trees with an excessive charge and labour, seeing you may have so many great and small growing trees for your maineposts, to fix hedges, palisados, houses, rales, or what you will. Which order in Virginia hath not beene so well observed as it might where all the woods for many an hundred mile for the most part grow sleight, like unto the high grove or tuft of trees upon the high hill by the house of that worthy Knight Sir Humphrey Mildmay, so remarkable in Essex in the Parish of Danbery, where I writ this discourse, but much taller and greater; neither grow they so thicke together by the halfe, and much good ground betweene them without shrubs, and the best is ever knowne by the greatnesse of the trees and the vesture it beareth. : Now in New-England the trees are commonly lower, but much thicker and firmer wood, and more proper for shipping, of which I will speake a little, [it] being the chiefe engine wee are to use in this worke; and the rather for that within a [pp.193,708.] square of twenty leagues, you may have all, or most of the chiefe materials belonging to them, were they wrought to their perfection as in other places. [26] The master- peece of workman- ship. Of all fabricks a ship is the most excellent, requiring more art in building, rigging, sayling, trimming, defending, and moaring, with such a number of severall termes and names in continuall motion, not understood of any land- man, as none would thinke of, but some few that know them; for whose better instruction I writ my Sea-Grammar [pp. 785-804]: a booke most necessary for those plantations, because there is scarce any thing belonging to a ship, but the Sea-termes, charge and duty of every officer is plainly expressed, and also any indifferent capacity may conceive. how to direct an unskilfull Carpenter, or Sailer to build Boats and Barkes sufficient to saile those coasts and rivers, and put a good workman in minde of many things in this businesse hee may easily mistake or forget. J. Smith. Oct. 1630. 951 or the Path-way to erect a Plantation. But to be excellent in this faculty is the master-peece of all most necessary workmen in the world. The first rule or modell thereof being directed by God himselfe to Noah for his Arke; which he never did to any other building but his Temple which is tossed and turned up and downe the world with the like dangers, miseries, and extremities as a ship, sometimes tasting the fury of the foure Elements, as well as shee, by unlimited tyrants in their cruelty for tortures, that it is hard to conceive whether those in humanes exceed the beasts of the Forrest, the birds of the Aire, the fishes of the Sea, either in numbers, greatnesse, swiftnesse, fiercenesse, or cruelty: whose actions and varieties, with such memorable observations as I have collected, you shall finde with admiration in my history of the Sea, if God be pleased I live to finish it. [1629] CHAPTER XII. Extraordinary meanes for building, many caveats, increase of corne, how to spoyle the woods for any thing, their healths. dinary meanes for buildings. Or the building [of] houses, townes, and fortresses, Extrac where shall a man finde the like conveniency, as stones of most sorts, as well lime stone, if I be not much deceived, as Iron stone, smooth stone, blew slate for covering houses, and great 193, rockes we supposed Marble, so that one place is called [27] the marble harbour. : • 707.] There is grasse plenty, though very long and thicke stalked, which being neither mowne nor eaten, is very ranke; yet all their cattell like and prosper well there- with but indeed it is weeds, herbs, and grasse growing together, which although they be good and sweet in the Summer, they will deceive your cattell in winter. There- fore be carefull in the Spring to mow the swamps, and Caveats for the low Ilands of Auguan, where you may have harsh cattell. 952 J. Smith. Oct. 1630. Advertisements for the unexperienced, [1629] How to spoyle the woods for pasture and corne. A silly complaint reason and remedy. sheare-grasse enough to make hay of, till you can cleare ground to make pasture; which will beare as good grasse as can grow any where, as now it doth in Virginia: and unlesse you make this provision, if there come an extra- ordinary winter, you will lose many of them and hazard the rest; especially if you bring them in the latter end of Summer, or before the grasse bee growne in the Spring, comming weake from Sea. All things they plant prosper exceedingly: but one man of 13. gallons of Indian corne, reaped that yeare 364. bushels London measure, as they confidently report, at which I much wonder, having planted many bushels, but no such increase. The best way wee found in Virginia to spoile the woods, was first to cut a notch in the barke a hand broad round about the tree, which pill off and the tree will sprout no more, and all the small boughs in a yeare or two will decay: the greatest branches in the root they spoyle with fire, but you with more ease may cut them from the body and they will quickly rot. Betwixt those trees they plant their corne, whose great bodies doe much defend it from extreme gusts, and heat of the Sunne; where that in the plaines, where the trees by time they have consumed, is subject to both: and this is the most easie way to have pasture and corne fields, which is much more fertile than the other. In Virginia they never manure their overworne fields, which is very few, the ground for most part is so fertile : but in New-England they doe, sticking at every plant of corne, a herring or two; which commeth in that season in such abundance, they may take more than they know what to doe with. Some infirmed bodies, or tender educats, complaine of of cold, the the piercing cold, especially in January and February ; yet the [28] French in Canada, the Russians, Swethlanders, Polanders, Germans, and our neighbour Hollanders, are much colder and farre more Northward; [and] for all that, rich Countreyes and live well. Now they have wood enough if they will but cut it, at their doores to make fires; and traine oyle with the splinters of the roots of firre trees for candles: where [as] in Holland they have little or none to Oct. J. Smith953 or the Path-way to erect a Plantation. . 1630.J for passen- build ships, houses, or anything but what they fetch from [1629-30] forren Countries, yet they dwell but in the latitude of Yorkshire; and New-England is in the heighth of the North cape of Spaine, which is 10. degrees, 200. leagues, or 600. miles nearer the Sunne than wee, where upon the mountaines of Bisky I have felt [in 1604, p. 869] as much cold, frost, and snow as in England. And of this I am sure, a good part of the best Countries and kingdomes of the world, both Northward and Southward of the line, lie in the same paralels of Virginia and New-England, as at large you may finde in the 210. page of the generall history [p. 710]. [p. 196.] Thus you may see how prosperously thus farre they Provisoes have proceeded, in which course by Gods grace they may gers and continue; but great care would be had they pester not saylers at their ships too much with cattell nor passengers, and to make good conditions for your peoples diet, for therein is used much legerdemaine: therefore in that you cannot be too carefull to keepe your men well, and in health at Sea. In this case some masters are very provident, but the most part so they can get fraught enough, care not much whether the passengers live or die; for a common sailer regards not a landman, especially a poore passenger; as I have seene too oft approved by lamentable ex- perience, although we have victualled them all at our owne charges. sea. CHAPTER XIII. Their great supplies, present estate and accidents, W advantage. a Their present Ho would not thinke but that all those trials 1630. had beene sufficient to lay a foundation for plantation; but we see many men many mindes, estate. and still new Lords, new lawes: for those 350 men with all their cattell [29] that so well arived and promised so much, not being of one body, but severall mens servants, few could command and fewer obey, lived 954 [Oct Advertisements for the unexperienced, J. Smith. Oct. 1630. [1630] The fruits of counterfeits. merrily of that they had, neither planting or building any thing to any purpose, but one faire house for the Governour, till all was spent and the winter approached; then they grew into many diseases, and as many incon- veniences, depending only of a. supply from England, which expected Houses, Gardens, and Corne fields ready planted by them for their entertainment. It is true, that Master Iohn Wynthrop, their now Governour, a worthy Gentleman both in estate and esteeme, went so well provided (for six or seven hundred people went with him) as could be devised; but at Sea, such an extraordinarie storme encountred his Fleet, con- tinuing ten daies, that of two hundred Cattell which were so tossed and bruised, threescore and ten died, many of their people fell sicke, and in this perplexed estate, after ten weekes, they arrived [in June-July 1630] in New- England at severall times: where they found threescore of their people dead, the rest sicke, nothing done; but all complaining, and all things so contrary to their expectation, that now every monstrous humor began to shew it selfe. And to second this, neare as many more came after them, but so ill provided, with such multitudes of women and children, as redoubled their necessities. This small triall of their patience caused among them. no small confusion, and put the Governour and his Councell to their utmost wits. Some could not endure the name of a Bishop, others not the sight of a Crosse nor Surplesse, others by no meanes the booke of common Prayer. This absolute crue, only of the Elect, holding all (but such as themselves) reprobates and cast-awaies, now make more haste to returne to Babel as they tearmed England, than stay to enjoy the land they called Canaan: somewhat they must say to excuse themselves. Those he found Brownists, hee let goe for New-Plimoth; who are now betwixt foure or five hundred, and live well without want. Some two hundred of the rest he was content to returne for England, whose clamors are as variable as their [30] humours and Auditors. Some say they could see no timber of two feet diameter, some the Country is all Woods; others they drunke all the Springs and i Oct. J. Smith955 or the Path-way to erect a Plantation. . 1630. Ponds dry, yet like to famish for want of fresh water; some of the danger of the rattell Snake; and that others sold their provisions at what rates they pleased to them that wanted, and so returned to England great gainers out of others miseries: yet all that returned are not of those humors. Notwithstanding all this, the noble Governour was no way disanimated, neither repents him of his enterprise for all those mistakes: but did order all things with that tem- perance and discretion, and so releeved those that wanted with his owne provision, that there is six or seven hundred remained with him; and more than 1600. English in all the Country, with three or foure hundred head of Cattell. As for Corne they are very ignorant, if upon the coast of America, they doe not before the end of this October [1630. This fixes the date of the writing of these Advertise- ments] (for toies) furnish themselves with two or three thousand bushels of Indian Corne, which is better than ours; and in a short time cause the Salvages to doe them as good service as their owne men, as I did in Virginia; and yet neither use cruelty nor tyranny amongst them: a consequence well worth putting in practice; and till it be effected, they will hardly doe well. [1630] I know ignorance will say it is impossible, but this impossible taske, ever since the massacre in Virginia [22 Mar. 1622], I have been a su[i]ter to have undertaken but with 150. men, to have got Corne, fortified the Country, and discovered them more land than they all yet know or have demonstrated [p. 588]: but the Merchants common answer was, necessity in time would force the Planters [to] doe it (p. 590.) themselves; and rather thus husbandly to lose ten sheepe, than be at the charge of a halfe penny worth of Tarre. Who is it that knowes not what a small handfull of Note well. Spaniards in the West Indies, subdued millions of the inhabitants, so depopulating those Countries they con- quered, that they are glad to buy Negrocs in Affrica at a great rate, in Countries farre remote from them; which although they bee as idle and as devilish people as any in the world, yet they cause them quickly to bee their best servants. Notwithstanding, [31] there is for every foure or five naturall Spaniards, two or three hundred Indians and 956 J. Smith. Oct. 1630. Advertisements for the unexperienced, [1630] Negros; and in Virginia and New-England more English than Salvages that can assemble themselves to assault or hurt them, and it is much better to helpe to plant a country than unplant it and then replant it: but there Indians were in such multitudes, the Spaniards had no other remedy; and ours such a few, and so dispersed, it were nothing in a short time to bring them to labour and obedience. It is strange to me, that English men should not doe as much as any; but upon every sleight affront, in stead to amend it, we make it worse. Notwithstanding the worst of all those rumours, the better sort there are constant in their resolutions, and so are the most of their best friends here; and making provision to supply them, many conceit they make a dearth here, which is nothing so; for they would spend more here than they transport thither. One Ship this Summer [1630] with twenty cattell, and forty or fifty passengers, arived all well; and the Ship at home againe in nine weekes: another for all this exclama- tion of want, is returned with 10000. Corfish, and fourescore Kegs of Sturgion; which they did take and save when the season was neare past, and in the very heat of Summer; yet as good as can be. Since another ship is gone from Bristow, and many more a providing to follow them with all speed. Thus you may plainly see for all these rumours, they are in no such distresse as is supposed: as for their mis- chances, misprisions, or what accidents may befall them, I hope none is so malicious, as attribute the fault to the Country nor mee: yet if some blame us not both, it were more than a wonder. For I am not ignorant that ignorance. and too curious spectators, make it a great part of their profession to censure (however) any mans actions, who having lost the path to vertue, will make most excellent shifts to mount up any way; such incomparable connivency is in the Devils most punctuall cheaters, they will hazard a joint, but where God hath his Church they wil have a Chapel; a mischiefe so hard to be prevented, that I have thus plainly adventured to shew my affection, [32] through the weaknesse of my abilitie. You may easily know them by their absolutenesse in opinions, holding experience but Oct. J. Smith957 or the Path-way to erect a Plantation. . 1630.J the mother of fooles, which indeed is the very ground of reason; and he that contemnes her in those actions, may finde occasion enough to use all the wit and wisdome hee hath to correct his owne folly, that thinkes to finde amongst those salvages such Churches, Palaces, Monuments, and Buildings as are in England. [1630] CHAPTER XIV. Ecclesiasticall government in Virginia, authority from the Arch Bishop, their beginning N at Bastable now called Salem. Ecclesiasti- call govern Virginia. Ow because I have spoke so much for the body, give me leave to say somewhat of the soule; ment in and the rather because I have beene demanded by so many, how we beganne to preach the Gospell in Virginia, and by what authority; what Churches we had, our order of service, and maintenance for our Ministers; therefore I thinke it not amisse to satisfie their demands, it being the mother of all our Plantations, intreat- ing pride to spare laughter, to understand her simple beginning and proceedings. When I went first to Virginia, I well remember wee did hang an awning (which is an old saile) to three or foure trees to shadow us from the Sunne, our walles were rales of wood, our seats unhewed trees till we cut plankes, our Pulpit a bar of wood nailed to two neighbouring trees. In foule weather we shifted into an old rotten tent; for we had few better, and this came by the way of adventure for new. This was our Church, till wee built a homely thing like a barne, set upon Cratchets, covered with rafts, sedge, and earth; so was also the walls: the best of our houses [were] of the like curiosity; but the most part farre much worse workmanship, that could neither well defend [from] wind nor raine. Yet wee had daily Common Prayer morning and evening, .5 2.] every Sunday two Sermons, and every three moneths the • 1 958 Loc Advertisements for the unexperienced, J. Smith' Oct. 1630. [1630] holy Communion, till our Minister died but our Prayers. daily, with an Homily on Sundaies, we continued two or three yeares after, till more Preachers [33] came: and surely God did most mercifully heare us, till the continuall inundations of mistaking directions, factions, and numbers pp. 161-169, of unprovided Libertines neere consumed us all, as the Israelites in the wildernesse. 478-485.] Their estates at this day. Their order of teaching in Salem. Notwithstanding, out of the relicks of our miseries, time. and experience had brought that Country to a great happi- nesse; had they not so much doated on their Tabacco, on whose fumish foundation there is small stability: there being so many good commodities besides. Yet by it they have builded many pretty Villages, faire houses, and Chapels, which are growne good Benefices of 120. pounds a yeare, besides their owne mundall industry. But Iames towne was 500. pounds a yeare, as they say, appointed by the Councell here, allowed by the Councell there, and confirmed by the Archbishop of Canterbury his Grace, Primate and Metrapolitan of all England, An. 1605. to master Richard Hacluit Prebend of Westminster: who by his authority sent master Robert Hunt, an honest, religious, and couragious Divine; during whose life our factions were oft qualified, our wants and greatest extremities so comforted, that they seemed easie in comparison of what we endured after his memorable death. Now in New-England they have all our examples to teach them how to beware, and choice [choose] men, wee [being] most ignorant in all things, or little better; therfore presage not the event of all such actions by our defailments: For they write, they doubt not ere long to be able to defend themselves against any indifferent enemy; in the interim, they have Preachers erected among themselves, and Gods. true Religion (they say) taught amongst them, the Sabbath day observed, the common Prayer (as I understand) and Sermons performed, and diligent catechizing, with strict and carefull exercise, and commendable good orders to bring those people with whom they have to deale withall into a Christian conversation, to live well, to feare God, serve the King, and love the Country; which done, in time from both those Plantations may grow a good addition to the Church of England: but Rome was not built in one Oct. J. Smith959 . or the Path-way to erect a Plantation. . 1630day, whose beginnings was once as unhopefull as theirs; and to make them as eminent shall be my humble and hearty prayers. [34] [1630] miserable Religion. But as yet it is not well understood of any authority The they have sought for the government and tranquillity of effects of the Church, which doth cause those suspicions of factions faction in in Religion; wherein although I be no Divine, yet I hope without offence I may speake my opinion as well in this, as I have done in the rest. He that will but truly consider the greatnesse of the Turks Empire and power here in Christendome, shall finde the naturall Turkes are generally of one religion, and the Christians in so many divisions and opinions, that they are among themselves worse enemies than the Turkes whose disjoyntednesse hath given him that opportunity to command so many hundred thousand of Christians as he doth; where had they beene constant to one God, one Christ, and one Church, Christians might have beene more able to have commanded as many Turkes, as now the Turkes doe poore miserable Christians. Let this example remember you to beware of faction in that nature: for my owne part, I have seene many of you here in London goe to Church as orderly as any. Therefore I doubt not but you will seeke to the prime authority of the Church of England, for such an orderly authority as in most mens opinions is fit for you both to intreat for and to have, which I thinke will not be denied; and you have good reason, seeing you have such liberty to transport so many of his Majesties subjects, with all sorts of cattell, armes, and provision as you please, and can provide means to accomplish: nor can you have any certaine releefe, nor long subsist, without more supplies from England. Besides, this might prevent many incon- veniences may insue, and would clearely take away all those idle and malicious rumours, and occasion you many good and great friends and assistance you yet dreame no of; for you know better than I can tell, that the maintainers of good Orders and Lawes is the best preservation next God of a Kingdome: but when they are stuffed with hypocrisie and corruption, that state is not doubtfull but The necessity of order and authority. 960 [Oct Advertisements for the unexperienced, J. Smith Oct. 1630. [1630] lamentable in a well setled Common-wealth, much more. in such as yours, which is but a beginning, for as the Lawes corrupt, the state consumes. [35] The effect of a Cittadell, or the true modell of a Plantation. CHAPTER XV. The true modell of a plantation, tenure, increase of trade, true examples, necessity of expert Souldiers, the names of all the first discoverers for plan- tations, and their actions, what is requisite to be in the Governour of a plantation, the expedition of Queene Elizabeths Sea Captaines. N regard of all that is past, it is better of those slow proceedings than lose all, and better to amend late than never. I know how hatefull it is to envy, pride, flattery, and greatnesse to be advised, but I hope my true meaning wise men will excuse, for making my opinion plaine: I have beene so often and by so many honest men intreated for the rest, the more they mislike it, the better I like it my selfe. Concerning this point of a Cittadell, it is not the least, though the last remembred: therefore seeing you have such good meanes and power of your owne I never had, with the best convenient speed may be erect a Fort, a Castle or Cittadell, which in a manner is all one. Towards the building, provision, and maintenance thereof, every man for every acre he doth culturate to pay foure pence yearely, and some small matter out of every hundred of Oct. J. Smith961 or the Path-way to erect a Plantation. . 1630. fish taken or used within five or ten miles, or as you please about it; it being the Center as a Fortresse for ever belonging to the State, and when the charge shall be defrayed to the chiefe undertaker (in reason) let him be Governour for his life: the overplus to goe forward to the erecting another in like manner in a most convenient place; and so one after another, as your abilities can accomplish, by benevolences, forfeitures, fines, and imposi- tions, as reason and the necessitie of the common good requireth; all men holding their lands on those manners as they doe of Churches, Universities, and Hospitals, but all depending upon one principall, and this would avoid all faction among the Superiours, extremities from the comminalty, and none would repine at such payments, when they shall see it justly imployed for their owne defence and security. As for corruption in so small a Government; you may quickly perceive, and punish it accordingly. (36) [1630] conditions and Now as his Majesty hath made you custome-free for The seven yeares, have a care that all your Country men [that] of trade shall come to trade with you, be not troubled with Pilatage, freedome Boyage. Anc[h]orage, Wharfage, Custome, or any such tricks as hath beene lately used in most of new Plantations, where they would be Kings before their folly; to the discouragement of many, and a scorne to them of under- standing for Dutch, French, Biskin, or any will as yet use freely the Coast without controule, and why not English as well as they. : Therefore use all commers with that respect, courtesie, and liberty [that] is fitting; which in a short time will much increase your trade, and shipping to fetch it from you: for as yet it were not good to adventure any more abroad with factors till you bee better provided. Now there is nothing more inricheth a Common-wealth than much. trade: nor no meanes better to increase than small custome, as Holland, Genua, Ligorne, and divers other those places can well tell you; and doth most beggar places where they take most custome, as Turkie, the Archipelagan Iles, Cicilia, the Spanish ports, but that their ENG. SCH. LIB. No. 16. бл 962 J. Smith. Oct. 1630. Advertisements for the unexperienced, [J [1630] officers will connive to inrich themselves, though undoe the State. The Spaniards glory. In this your infancy, imagine you have many eyes attending your actions, some for one end, and some onely to finde fault; neglect therefore no opportunity, to informe his Majesty truly your [of] orderly proceedings, which if it be to his liking, and contrary to the common rumour here in England, doubtlesse his Majesty will continue you custome free, till you have recovered your selves, and are able to subsist. For till such time, to take any custome from a Plantation is not the way to make them prosper; nor is it likely those Patentees shall accomplish any thing, that will neither maintaine them nor defend them, but with Countenances, Councells, and advice, which any reasonable man there may better advise himselfe, than one thousand of them here who were never there: nor will any man, that hath any wit, throw himselfe into such a kinde of subjection, especially at his owne cost and charges; but it is too oft seene that sometimes one is enough to deceive one hundred, but two hundred not sufficient to keepe one from being deceived. [37] I speak not this to discourage any with vaine feares, but could wish every English man to carry alwaies this Motto in his heart; Why should the brave Spanish Souldiers brag; The Sunne never sets in the Spanish dominions, but ever shineth on one part or other we have conquered for our King: who within these few hundred of yeares, was one of the least of most of his neighbours; but to animate us to doe the like for ours, who is no way his inferior. And truly there is no pleasure comparable to [that of] a generous spirit; as good imploiment in noble actions, especially amongst Turks, Heathens, and Infidels; to see daily new Countries, people, fashions, governments, strata- gems; [to] releeve the oppressed, comfort his friends, passe miseries, subdue enemies, adventure upon any feazable danger for God and his Country. It is true, it is a happy thing to be borne to strength, wealth, and honour; but that which is got by prowesse and magnanimity is the J. Smith. Oct. 1639. 963 or the Path-way to erect a Plantation. : truest lustre and those can the best distinguish content, that have escaped most honourable dangers; as if, out of every extremity, he found himselfe now [? new] borne to a new life, to learne how to amend and maintaine his age. [1630] for exercise Those harsh conclusions have so oft plundered me in Provisoes those perplexed actions, that if I could not freely expresse of Armes. my selfe to them [who] doth second them, I should thinke my selfe guilty of a most damnable crime worse than ingra- titude; however some over-weining capricious conceits may attribute it to vaine-glory, ambition, or what other idle Epithete such pleased to bestow on me. But such trash I so much scorne, that I presume further to advise those, lesse advised than my selfe, that as your fish and trade increaseth, so let your forts and exercise of armes ; drilling your men at your most convenient times, to ranke, file, march, skirmish, and retire, in file, manaples, battalia, or ambuskados, which service there is most proper; also how to assault and defend your forts, and be not sparing of a little extraordinary shot and powder to make them mark-men, especially your Gentlemen, and those you finde most capable, for shot must be your best weapon: yet all this will not doe unlesse you have at least 100. or as many as you can, of expert, blouded, approved good Soul- diers, who dare boldly lead them; not to shoot a ducke, a goose or a dead marke, but at men, from whom you must expect such as you send. The want of [38] this, and the presumptuous assurance of literall Captaines, was the losse of the French and Spaniards in Florida, each surprising other; and lately neare the ruine of Mevis, and Saint Christophers in the Indies [pp. 901, 910]: also the French at Port Riall [þ. 517], and those at Canada, now your next English neighbours: Lastly, Cape Britton not far from you, called New-Scotland. Questionlesse there were some good Souldiers among them, yet somewhat was the cause they were undone by those that watched the advantage of opportunity: for as rich preyes make true men theeves; so you must not expect, if you be once worth taking and unprovided, but by some to bee attempted in the like manner: to the 964 J. Smith. Oct. 1630. Advertisements for the unexperienced, [1630] A reference to the action of all our coverers and planters. prevention whereof, I have not beene more willing, at the request of my friends to print this discourse, than I am ready to live and dye among you, upon conditions su[i]ting my calling and profession to make good; and [to make]] Virginia and New-England, my heires, executors, adminis- trators and assignes. Now because I cannot expresse halfe that which is necessary for your full satisfaction and instruction prime dis belonging to this businesse in this small pamphlet, I referre you to the generall history of Virginia, the Summer Iles, and New-England; wherein you may plainly see all the discoveries, plantations, accidents, the misprisions and causes of defailments of all those noble and worthy Cap- taines; Captaine Philip Amadas, and Barlow; that most 303-340. renowned Knight Sir Richard Greenvile, worthy Sir Ralph Layne, and learned Master Hariot, Captaine Iohn White, Captaine Bartholomew Gosnold, Captaine Martin Pring, and George Waymouth; with mine owne observations by sea, rivers and land, and all the governours that yearely suc- 【PP. 625–688.] ceeded mee in Virginia. Also those most industrious Captaines, Sir George Summers, and Sir Thomas Gates; with all the governours that succeeded them in the Summer Iles. Likewise the plantation of Sagadahock, by those noble Captaines, George Popham, Rawley Gilbert, Edward Harlow, Robert Davis, Iames Davis, Iohn Davis, and divers others; with the maps of those Countries. (pp. 696–7.] With it [or rather in The true Travels &c.] also you pp. 895-912.] may finde the plantations of Saint Christophers, Mevis, the Berbados, and the great river of the Amazons; whose greatest defects, and the best meanes to amend them are there yearely recorded, to be warnings and examples to them that are not too wise to learne to understand. [39] What is requisite to be in a Governour of a plantation. ipp. 191, 705.] This great worke, though small in conceit, is not a worke for every one to mannage such an affaire, as make a discovery, and plant a Colony, it requires all the best parts. of art, judgement, courage, honesty, constancy, diligence, and industry, to doe but neere well; some are more proper for one thing than another, and therein best to be imployed, Oct. J. Smith965 or the Path-way to erect a Plantation. . 1630.J and nothing breeds more confusion than misplacing and misimploying men in their undertakings. Columbus, Curtes, Pitzara, Zotto, Magellanus, and the rest, served more than an apprentiship to learne how to begin their most memor- able attempts in the West Indies, which to the wonder of all ages, successfully they effected; when many hundreds farre above them in the worlds opinion, being instructed but by relation, scoining to follow their blunt examples, but in great state, with new inventions, came to shame and confusion in actions of small moment, who doubtlesse in other matters, were both wise, discreet, generous and couragious. I say not this to detract any thing from their noblenesse, state, nor greatnesse; but to answer those questionlesse questions that keepe us from imitating the others brave spirits, that advanced themselves from poore Souldiers to great Captaines, their posterity to great Lords, and their King to be one of the greatest potentates on earth, and the fruits of their labours his greatest glory, power, and renowne. [1630] expeditions Elizabeths Till his greatnesse and security made his so rich remote The and dispersed plantations such great booties and honours, Queene to the incomparable Sir Fr. Drake, the renowned Captain Candish, Sir Richard Luson, Sir Iohn Hawkins, Captaine Captaines. Carlile, and Sir Martin Furbisher, &c. and the most memorable and right honourable Earles, Cumberland, Essex, Southampton, and Nottingham that good L[ord]. Admirall; with many hundreds of brave English Souldiers, Cap- taines and Gentlemen, that have taught the Hollanders to doe the like. Those would never stand upon a demurre who should give the first blow, when they see [saw] peace was onely but an empty name, and no sure league, but impuissance to doe hurt; found it better to buy peace by warre, than take it up at interest of those [that] could better guide penknives than use swords. And there is no misery worse than [to] be conducted by a foole, or commanded by a coward; for who can indure to be assaulted by any, see his men and selfe imbrued in their owne bloud, for feare of a checke, [40] when it is so contrary to nature and necessity, and yet as obedient to government and their Soveraigne, as duty required. 966 . 1630. Advertisements for the unexperienced. Loct. J. Smith[1630] Now your best plea is to stand upon your guard, and provide to defend as they did offend, especially at landing. If you be forced to retire, you have the advantage five for one in your retreat, wherein there is more discipline, than in a brave charge: and though it seeme lesse in fortune, it is as much in valour to defend as to get; but it is more easie to defend than assault, especially in woods. where an enemy is ignorant. Lastly, remember as faction, pride, and security, pro- duces nothing but confusion, miserie, and dissolution; so the contraries well practised will in short time make you happy, and the most admired people of all our plantations for your time in the world. Ichn Smith writ this with his owne hand. 2 967 [Captain John Smith's last Will, and Epitaph. 1631.] 969 Captain John Smith's last Will and Epitaph. E have printed the following from the original Will in the Will Office of the Prerogative Court at Somerset House, London. It is numbered St. John 89. It would seem from the wording of this Will, as if our Author died in the house of Sir SAMUEL SALTONSTALL, in St. Sephulchre's parish. THE WILL. In the name of God Amen. The one and twentieth daie of June in the seaventh yeare of the reigne of our soveraigne lord Charles by the grace of God King of England Scotland France and Ireland Defendour of the faith &c. I Captain Iohn Smith of the parish of St. Sepulchers London Esquiour, being sicke in body, but of perfect mynde and memory, thankes be given vnto Allmightie God therefore, Revoking all former wills by me heretofore made, Doe make and ordeine this my last will and testament in manner fol- lowing. First I commend my soule into the handes of Allmightie God my maker hoping through the merites of Christ Iesus my Redeemer to receave full remission of all my sinnes, and to inherit a place in the euerlasting kingdome. My body I committ to the earth from whence it came, to be interred according to the discrecion of myne Executours here- under named. And of suche worldly goodes whereof it hath pleased God in his mercie to make me an vnworthie Re- ceaver, I giue and bequeath them as hereafter followeth. 970 [Last Will and Epitaph of Captain John Smith. 21 June 1631. First I give and bequeath vnto Thomas Packer Esquiour one of the Clerkes of His Maiesties Privy Seale, and to his heires for euer, all my houses landes tenementes and hereditamentes whatsoeuer scituate lyenge and being in the parishes of Lowthe and greate Carleton [p. xx] in the Countie of Lincolne together with my Coate of Armes. Item my Will and mean- inge is, that in consideracion thereof the sayd Thomas Packer shall disburse and pay all such sommes of money and legacies as hereafter in this my Will are giuen bequeathed and reserued not exceeding the somme of fowerscore poundes of Lawfull mony of England, That is to saie: First I reserue vnto my self to be disposed as I shall thynke good in my life. tyme, the somme of twentie pounds. Item he shall disburse about my funerall the somme of twentie poundes. Item I give and bequeath out of the residue of the fourscore poundes as followeth, vizt I give and bequeath unto my much honored and most worthie friend Sir Samuel Saltonstall Knight the somme of fyve poundes. Item to Mistris Tredway the somme of fyve poundes. Item to my sister Smith the Widowe of my brother the some of tenn poundes. Item to my cousin Steven Smith and his sister the somme [of] six poundes thirteene shillinges and fower pence betweene them. Item to the said Thomas Packer, Ioan his wife and Eleanour his Daughter the somme of Tenne poundes among them. Item to Master Reynoldes the Saymaster [Assay Master] of the Gouldsmiths Hall, the somme of fortie shillinges. All which legacies my meaning and Will is shall be paid by the said Thomas Packer his heires executours or administratours within one yeare after my Decease. Item, I give vnto Thomas Packer, sonne of the above sayd Thomas Packer, my trunck standing in my chamber at Sir Samuell Saltonstalls house in St Sepulchers parish, together with my best suite of aparrell, of a tawney color, vizt hose doublet ierkin and cloake. Item I give unto him my trunke bound with iron barres standing in the house of Richard Hinde in Lambeth, togeather with halfe the bookes therein, to be chosen by the said Thomas Packer and allowed by myne Executours; and the other halfe parte of the bookes I giue unto Master Iohn Tredeskyn [? Tra- descant] and the said Richard Hynde to be divided betweene them. 21 June 1631. Last Will and Epitaph of Captain John Smith.] 971 Item, I nominate apointe and ordeine my said much honored friend Sir Samuel Saltonstall and the said Thomas Packer the elder, ioynt executours of this my last Will and testament. the marke of the + sayd Iohn Smithe. Read acknowledged, sealed and deliuered by the said Captain Iohn Smith to be his last Will and testament in the presence of us who have subscribed our names per me Willelmum Keble Senior civitatis London, William Packer Elizabeth Sewster Wytnes. Marmaduke Walker, + his marke. Probate issued to THOMAS PARKER on 1 July, 1631. THE EPITAPH. Two years after our Author's death, appeared MUNDAY and DYSON's enlarged edition of STOw's Survey of London, 1633; in which, at p. 779, will be found the following Epitaph : This Table is on the South side of the Quire in Saint Sepulchers, with this Inscription. To the living Memory of his deceased Friend, Captaine IOHN SMITH, who departed this mortall life on the 21. day of Iune, 1631. With his Armes, and this Motto, Accordamus. Vincere est vivere. Here lies one conquer'd that hath conquer'd Kings, Subdu'd large Territories, and done things Which to the World impossible would seeme, But that the truth is held in more esteeme. 972 [Last Will and Epitaph of Captain John Smith. 1631. Shall I report his former service done. In honour of his God and Christendome: How that he did divide from Pagans three, Their Heads and Lives, Types of his Chivalry: For which great service in that Climate done, Brave Sigismundus (King of Hungarion) Did give him as a Coat of Armes to weare, Those conquer'd heads got by his Sword and Speare? Or shall I tell of his adventures since, Done in Virginia, that large Continence: How that he subdu'd Kings unto his yoke, And made those Heathen flie, as wind doth smoke; And made their Land, being of so large a Station, A habitation for our Christian Nation: Where God is glorifi'd, their wants suppli'd, Which else for necessaries might have di'd? But what availes his Conquest, now he lyes Inter'd in earth, a prey for Wormes and Flies? O may his soule in sweet Elizium sleepe, Vntill the Keeper that all soules doth keepe, Returne to Iudgement, and that after thence, With Angels he may have his recompence. Captaine Iohn Smith, sometime Governour of Virginia, and Admirall of New England. 973 1. INDEX OF All personal Names (except in the Titles and Contents pages, and the List of Adventurers at pp. 549-560), and also of all names of places in the New World. The following abbreviations have been used:-Pres., President; Gov., Governor; Bp., Bishop; Rev., Reverend; Maj., Major; Capt., Captain; Licut., Lieutenant; Eus., Ensign; Serg., Sergeant; Corp. Corporal; (?) signifies that the Christian name is not given. The spelling of the Indian names in the text is often inconsistent, c and k, i and y, u and frequently interchanging, and vowels being occasionally dropped out: therefore references have been given to words that seem to be the same, regardless of variations of spelling. The same word, as indexed, may therefore signify chief, tribe, wigwam, district, or river. Possibly, also, two persons of the same name are occasionally indexed as one. Where places are well known, they are given in the modern spelling. Most of the Old World names in the text, will also be found in the Itineraries at pp. xxv-xxviii. A Alicock, Ens. J., lxxi, xc, 93, 390, Appamatuck, Chieftainess of Aaron Abbay, T. Abbot; Archbishop of Canter- bury, George Abbot, F. • • Allen, (?) · • • xci Amalgro, (?) SII 580 xlix, lv, 7, 25, 400 42, 86, 88, 129 Amazon river ► 920 • 217, 732 Amadas, Capt. P. America, passim. Ames, J. • 897-8, 939 305-10, 319 Aquascogoc Aquohanock 311, 327 • 567 Arahatec xliii-l, lii, lv, 6, 7, 79 42 Amocis • 448, 465, 476, 508 Amoris. Amoroleck 38 833 428-9 232, 700 Amphion 55, 192, 205, Ancocisco • J Abbot, J. 108, 131, 159, 411, Aberdeen in New England, Accomack 232, 351, 365, 413, 567, 694, 294 • 192, 204, 206, 232, 699, 706, 718, 720, 938 Accominticus Acohanock Acquintanacksuak Acrig, G. Acton, (?) 55, 351 53, 349 • 448 • 311 Anchanachuck XCI 19 192, 203, 206, 232, 700, 706, 717 Ancocisco's Mount 232, 700 Angoam 204 Anmoughcawgen, 232, 700,706,938 Anne, Cape, xxii, 232, 718, Adam, a Dutchman. 139, 456, 487 | Anone Adam and Eve. 228, 568, 741, 934 Adams, Capt. (?) Adams, H. B. Adling, H.. • Antigua . XCV Apalatsi • cxviii Apamatecoh • Agamatack or Appamatuck . Aggawom Alberton, R. • 192, 232, 697, Alderton, Mrs. Alexander, Sir W. 390 Apanaock 7 Ap Hugh, D. Aplon, Serg. (?) 699, 706, 938 | Apocant. 108, 412 Appamatuck • • 752 CXXXII • Arahatecoh . xliii Arahatec's Joy xliii, xlv, xlvii Archer, Capt. G. . xxxii, xl-i, lxii, lxxix, lxxx-i, lxxxii-iii, lxxxv-vii, xc, xciv-viii, 5, 10, 22, 93, 105, 161, 164, 166, 389, 394, 408, 444, 479, 971 Archer, H. 871 Archer's Hope, 8 miles from James town . lxvi Argal, Capt., afterwards Sir S., xcvi, xcviii, ci, civ, cix, cxviii, cxxix, 159, 166, 171, 172, 173, 476, 503, 506, 511, 512, 515, 517 Argent, Dr. (?) Argent, J. xli Arrohateck . • • 720, 783, 926 • 20 · 903 lv Arrowhatocks . 12 Arsabattock 129, 445 Arsatecke, Arsetecke, Arahatec xlix, lv, lxv, 18, 25, 50-2, 79, 130, 346, 348, 375, 400, 447, 510, 583 900 14 Arsek. t Arseek • Arundell, J. Asbie, J.. • • • 603 603-5 79 51, 347 • 508 or • 6,7 III, 415 • 415 310 .lxxi • 974 Ascacap. Callicut. INDEX. Attamuspincke Augoam • Auguan • • • • • 951 Aumughcawgen, 192, 203, 706, 717, 938 Ayres, T. 663 B Bernardo cxxi • • 132 Bernard's assigns, J. Bernard's heirs, J. 664 232, 700 Smith, D.. • Baldivia • Baldwine, (?) Bale, J. Bancroft; Richard, Archbishop of Canterbury Banke, The Banks, J. • Barbadoes • • 197, 711 Beverley, R. · Ascacap Asher, G. M. Aspinet • Assacomoco Assan, Pasha Atquacke Atquanachukes Atquanahucke Atquanchuck • • 13 | Baskerfield, (?) cxix Basse [i.e., Bass] in New Eng- бог 55, 351 • Bastable [i.e., Barnstable] in • 757 land, The • • 568 Basse, Lieut. (?) 833 New England Bates, (?) • · I 19 Bavell, (?) Bayley, R.. 35, 423, 437 Bayley, W. Attanoughkomouch,the Indian name for Virginia Attoughcomoco Augawoam • 13 Beadle, G. • • Beadle, J. • • cxxxvi Beast, B. • 567 Becam 55, 119, 124, 764, 938 | Becklefield • 718 | Beckwith, W. Bedford's Tribe 852 Bradshaw, H. Braithwait, R. • 232, 699 Brandon xvii 814 · 283 576 Branford [i.e., Bradford, W) 751 Branford [i.e., Brentford in 232, 699 Middlesex] 800 Brazil 852 Bremige, (?) • 329 Breton, Cape • 108, 411 126, 129, 439, 445 Prewster, W. [Ruling Elder of the Pilgrim Fathers]. • 533 Iviii, 737, 939 310 • 634 782 • 129, 445 Brickley Hundred • • 582-83 Ixxii, 390 Brierton, J. • · 335 1x 841, 847, 849 Brimstead, Capt. (?) Brinsley, Rev. J. • 873 CXXXIII • 412 Brinton, E. 94, 123, 131, 662 • 139, 390, 436, 448, 456 • 232, 699 108, 412 Beheathland, R. . . 93, 101, 131, 139, 142-3, 390, 404, 488 Belfield, R. Bell, H.. Benifield. (?) • • Bentley, W., 108, 158, 411, 448, 475 Berkley's plantation, Capt (?) 582 Bermondas Bermondoes • Bermuda. xciv, cxxii, cxxix, 48, 171, 191, 244, 268, 344, 499, 501, 503, 510, 625, 635, Bacon, Sir F.; Baron Veru- lam Baggly [? Bagnall], A. Bagnall, Surg. A., 116, 421, 432, 449 Bagnell. Bahanna Bahoma, Gulf of Baker; Steward to Captain XCV Bertie, afterwards Lord Wil- loughby d' Eresby, and created on 26 Nov. 1626 Earl of Lindsey; the Hon. Peregrine Best 217, 221, 732, 734 Bristow [i.e., Bristol] in New • • 664 xvii 873 lx, 94, 390 xli, 93, 390 • 590 664 • 310 CXXXI, 2 . lxxi xli 663-4 .94, 390 • 539 lxxi, xc, 93, 390 England • 108, 412 Bristow, R. • 129, 446 Britton, J. • • 900 | • 172 Brock, R. A. Brocket, Capt. (?) Brookes, E. Brookes, J. 171 Brookes, Sir J. Broumfield, A. Browewich, J. Brown, J. C. • 638, 639, 681 | Browne, E. • 903 Browne, (). • • 662 Brumfield, A. • 663-4 Brumfield, J. • Bruster, Capt (?) Bruster, W. Buckler, A. • 123, 436 Buley, J. 822, 827 Bull, J. 663 Burgh, N. • • • • cxxxiii Burk, J. 256, 697 872 905 cxxxiii 575-6 | 664 Bickar's house, W. Bicque • 583 Burke, H. F. • • lx Burket, W. or R. Bishop (?), a pirate • 914 Burras, J. • xxiv 108, 412 129, 446 • xci, 958 Billington, F. • 753 • 227 Bims, R. • 900 Burras [or Burrowes], Anne. 129, 130, 446, 447 664 Bishop, T. . • . 852 Burre, J. • 412 • 906 Blasco • 580 Burrowes [or Burras] • • • 130 633-4 Blount, Capt. (?) • 566 Bockner, T. • 540 • 654 Bodnam Bogall Pasha • . 663 Bohun, Dr. · 2 305-10 Bolus river. 48, 344 | Bond, (?) • Bond, M. • Barbotier, De la Bargrave, Rev. T. Bargraves, Capt. (?) Barker, J. Barkley's assigns, G. Barlow, Capt. A. Barlow, (?). Barmadas Barnes, J. Barnes, R. • • • • • 853 • 506, 548 • 53 664 900 42 Bonit's Plantation, E. 583 • 108, 411 Bonniel, J. CXXXIII Barra, Capt. 224, 736 Boothe, Serg. W. 529 Barret, (?) • 646 Boston in New England Barret, Serg. T. • • 542 cxxxiv, 232, 699 C. Barron, C. • 664 Bourchier, Sir H. 621 • Bartlet, (?) 645-6 B[0]urne • • . 800 C. W. Barty [i.e., Berty's Isles, see Lindsey] Isles in New Eng- land Bourne, J. • • 109, 116, 131, 421 Bouth, J. • • • 232, 700 Barwicke, Capt. (?) . Barwick [i.e., Berwick] in New England 232, 699 Bashabes of Pennobscot 571 Box, W. Boyse's wife • 108, 412 • 479 593 Cabot, J. Cadmus Cæsar, J. Cage, A. • • 192, 206, 339-40, 720 | Bradley, T. Bradford [Second Governor of the Pilgrim Fathers], W., cxxxii, 750, 762, 782 129, 445 Cage, D. Caldicot, C. 217, 223, 732, 736 648-9 Callamata, The Lady, 276,814, 867 Callicut, W. 125, 438 311 Busca, M. • 561 Burton, G.. 852, 859 746 Butler, Capt. N., 603-4, 666, 669-86 129, 131, 445 cxxxiii 280, 283, 304 XC1 • 460 • 329 Cambridge. INDEX. 975 Cuskarawok. Cambridge in New England, Campbell, C. Canaan • • Canada. cxxi, 243, 253, 267, 423, 772, 891, 934, 937, 944, 232, 700 cxxxiii Cecocawone Cedar Isle Cekacawone • 954 Chamberlain, A. 947, 952 Canning, W. 662-3 Canterbury; George Abbot, Archbishop of Canterbury; Richard Ban- • 920 • croft, Archbishop of xci, 958 Cantrell, Point • • • 113, 417 Claudius 566 • 50, 346 417, 581 664 Clement VII., Pope Clinton (?), a pirate Clitheroe, C. Clovill, E. • 827 • 913 • 664 • liii-iv, 93, 390 • 664 • · 50+ 664 Chamberlain, J., lvi, xcii, xci i, 663 Chamberlain, R. Chamberland, R. Chambers, E., Master of Cap- tain Smith's ship. 221-3, 734-6 Chanoyes, Madame . 277, 739 Charatza Tragabigzanda, sce Tragabigzanda. • 424 Chard, E. Charitie Fort Cantrill, W., 107, 109, 411, 413, 529 Capahowosick Capawack Capawe • • 20, 401 205, 764 697 Capawucke, cxxiii, 205, 697, 720, 764, 938 Cape Anne, 232, 718, 720, 783, 926 Cape Charles in Virginia. 48, 109, 177, 344, 413 Cape Cod. cxx, 192-3, 205-6, 228, 232, 696, 706-7, 719- 20, 752, 762, 938 Cape Comfort, see Comfort Point Cape de Salinos Cape de tres Puntas Cape Fear. . lxiii • 906 • 903 Cape Henrick, see Cape Henry. Cape Henry in Virginia, Ixiii, Cloyburne (?) Surgeon Coderington, I., cxxviii, 129, 181, 443, 445, 476 Coe, T. IOI, 108, 131, 168, 404, 411, 448, 463 Cokayne, G. E. Columbus, C. • • • 640, 641, 642 510 • Charles city in Virginia 582 Charles Fort, Bermuda. 644, 686 644, 686 Charles Fort at Kecoughton. 507 Charles Prince of Wales; after- wards Charles I. Charlton in New England Chaunis Temoatan Chawonests • • Chawonock 20, 32, 55, 132, 158, 309, 312, 314, 351, 449, 310 Chawonocks • Chawopoweanccke Chawum 205, 206, 232, 699, • XVII, xxiv 43, 211, 216, 228, 272, 580, 705, 784 Collier, S., Capt. Smith's page, 94, 123, 390, 436, 449, 599 Collings, H. Collins (?), a pirate Collson, J. 129, 445 • 914 xli 824 Collumber, The Lady Comfort Point, lxiii, xcix, 155, 430, 442, 497 • 71 37 852 . 661 • 329, 330 390 Cooper, D. . 217,223,732,736, 888 xvii lvi, 661 cxxxiii • 476 600, 705, 741 • xxxi, 263 Charles river in New England, 232, 699, 949 Charles town in New England Charlton 949 Commada • • 924 Comouodos. 949 Compton, F. • • • 314 Cony Isle, Bermuda 313 Cooke (?) Captain Cooke, R. • 474, 570 Coote, C. H. • 313 Cope, Sir W. • • 130 Copland, Rev. P. Cornelius, (?) 707, 719, 720 | Cortes Hernando Ixxxv Cotson, J. Cape James Cape Tragbizanda • 206, 232 Capper, J. lxxxiv, 94 Careless Point, on the James river. Carew, G. • li Cheisc Chepanoc Cherley, (?) Chesapeacks 31, 50, 51, 55, 312, 346, 347, xliv Cotton, R. • • 312 Cotton, Rev. J. • 776 Cotton, Sir R. cxxvii, 5, 19, Coubatant 113, 189, 190, Couper, C. 430, 431, 432, Couper, M. 696 570, 604, 704, 912 Caribes • 906 Chescaik lv • 219, 701 Coupers Isle, Bermuda. 647, 661, 686 Caribes Iles Carleton, D. • Carlton, Ens. T. • 903, 905 Chester, A. 544 lvi, xcii, xciii | . xxiii, Chester, Capt. A. Chesseian bay Chessipians Chesupioc bay. • 548 xli • Covell, T. Cowper, T. Coxendale • • • ci, cii, 5, 24, 31-2, 48, 91, 100, 109, 387, 413 232, 260, 699, 707, 720, 741, 749 Chechohomynies . liv 108, 412 cxxxiii xxi-ii, 808 758-9 • 329 • 662 Carli[s]le; James Hay, Earl of 901, 903, 910 cxxviii, 231, 692, 852 Carter, C.. 638, 640, 641, 648, 650 Carthagena Cartner, M. 679, 681 • 818 • • 751 • 568 Carver, W. (First Governor of the Pilgrim Fathers) Cassatowap Cassen, G. • Cassen, T. Cassen, W. Castutia Caswell, R. · cxv, 82, 94, 98, 377, 390, 395 94, 390 • xliv, 1| Crampton, (?) Ixi, lxiii, 50 | Crashaw, R. • 232, 699 37 Chevilo]t Hill in New Eng- land. Chicahamanya Chickahamania, 11, 13, 27, 37, 38, 50, 51, 70, So, 97, 98, 127, 152, 346, 366, 375, 394-6, 440, 468, 469, 514-15, 538, Chickahamaniar Chickahamaniens Chickahaminos 94, 390 Chickahominy • lx Chili. 663 Chippanum Chiskiack Chissell, W. Chissiapiacke Bay Chissick, W. Catataugh, brother to Wahun- sonacock or Powhatan 17, 81 Causey, N. 108, 411, 575, 885 • 94, 390 cxix, cxxviii, 129, 131, 139, 143, 145, 174, 445, 448, 456, 586, 591-3, 596-7, 601, 602 • 510 • 739 Crashaw, Rev. W. . cxxxii-iii Croatan lxxvi, 317, 326-7, • Crofts, R., Ixxxii-iv, lxxxviii, 329, 330- 93, 390 • • xli 873 • 517 Cuardly, Family of xix, xxiv • 609 37 • 27 Crookdeck, J. • 153 Crump. (?) lxxxv, cxv Crux, Santa • 711 • 315 Cuba. • 903 • • 50, 52, 347, 585 Cuderington, see Codrington. 223, 732, 736 5, 19 Cuffe, J. Culnits, (?) • 664 • 833 • 217 662 cxx, 663 Chrashow, R., see Crashaw. Christmas, J. • Cundy, i.e., Condee, Prince de, 738 Cursell, (?) 824-5 897 Curtine, Sir W. of the Chroshaw, R., see Crashaw. Cinquoateck 908 30-1 Curzianvere. (?) Cuscarawaoke. 824 • 310 51, 347 Clarke, C. Clarke, J. • • • • xli • 129, 310, 445 Cushman, R. Cuskarawok • Cavendish, altered (from 1618) to Devonshire, Tribe. Cavendish, Baron Ca[ve]ndish, T. (The Third Circumnavigator · • Globe) Caw-cawwassoughes • • • • 414, 418 cxxxiii 414 976 Cutler. Gower. INDEX. Cutler, R.. 108, 411 | Drake, Sir F., ix, 188, 196, 280, Fitch, M. Cuttawomen, two districts on the Topahanock river 18, 287, 315, 318, 702 Dulcina. 910 52, 348, 426 | Dumbarton in New England, 232, 700 Duxbury, Capt. E. • 822 D Dale, Sir T. CXXV, 172, 506-10, 512, 514, 518, 525, 527, xli, liv, xcv Fittiplace, see Phettiplace. Fleming (?), a pirate. Fletcher, J. Florida 913 . 663 xxxiv, 47, 189, 343 Flowerda [i.e., Florida] Hun- • dred. Flower, G.. Ford, R. Forest, G. • Forest, Mrs. • • 583 • lxxi, 389 93, 131, 139, 145, 389, 448, 456, 462 Forest, T. • E 536, 616, 653 Damerils Isles. 206, 720 Daniel xli • Dans[e]ker (?), a pirate. Each, Capt. (?) Ebersbaught, the Lord. Edenborough in New Fortescue, Sir N. Fox, Capt. L. • 570-1 828, 830 Fox, T. Eng- Francis, a Dutchman • 914 land. Dare, A. . 328-9 232, 700 Frith, R. Edgar, King • Dare, E. 328 269 Edmonds, Sir T. 226, 739 | • 232, 700 316-7, 327 Edward, Old Edwards, R. Elfred, Capt. Fry (?), a pirate • Fuller, M. • · Elfrid, Capt. D. Dartmouth in New England, Dasamonpeack Dauxe, J. Davers, Sir J.. Davies ? • • 129, 445 664 • XCV Davies, of Hereford, J. 181, 491 XCV, 181, 491 170, 497 Elizabeth fort in Virginia 94, 390 663 667-8 • 646 • 510 Elizabeth Isles, 189, 332, 334, 338 Elizabeth, Queen. 269, 304-5, Frobisher, Sir M. 108, 411, 481 • 446 129, 445 • 621 cxxxiii 129, 446 139, 456, 467, 487 · 390 280, 304 • 221 603-5 Falling.crick Falls on the James river, Vir- ginia, The . xliv, cii, 17, 19, ship · 217, 221-2, 732, 734-6 Davis, Capt. (?) Davis, Capt. (?) Davis, J. Davison, G. • Dawse, T. · Dawson, W. Deale, J. 129, 158, 446, 475-6 129, 131, 446, 448 * 642-3 696, 887 852 Elizabeths city Ellis, a pirate • • 108, 412 xli Ellis, D. Elwin, P. Emry, T. • • cxxxiv-v Deane, C., xvii, cxviii, cxxx, • Dee, J., 238, 245, 253, 269, 773 De la Warr; Thomas West, Baron, xcvii, cxx, cxxv, 131, 161, 171-2, 497, 503, 616, 929 Delawne, G. Delbridge, J. Depreau, the Lord • 663 662, 664 824 Dermer, T.. cxxiv, 217, 258, 265, 542, 732, 747, 770 Devonshire Tribe Devonshire; William Caven- dish, Lord Cavendish,created in 1618 Earl of • 662 663 101, 168, 404 Digby, T., Pilot of Smith's Dier, W. • • CXXXVi ixxxvi, cxv, 15, 16. 94, 399, 396, 401 • • Gage, T. | Galthorpe, S.. G 336, 773-4, 826 586-7 • • 914 Gany, W. Gardiner, (?) • • Carret, W. • Gates fort 283 · • 664 • 326 228, 568, 741, 934 Gearing, J.. Genoway, R. England, New, 937, and passim. Estotiland Etheridge, G. Euripides Eve • F cxxxiii xxxii, lxxi, xc • 603 311 94, 390 • 644 Gates, Sir T., xciv-v, xcvii- viii, cii, cxxv, 161, 171, 172, 478, 501, 503-4, 506, 509, 517, 615, 616, 635, 688 Gayangos, Don P. de • Gilbert, Capt. R. • Gibs, Lieut. (?) plantation. · xxiii 662 . xli • 696 • 583 446, 569 • 332 280, 304 685 129, 448 Gibson, T. Gilbert, Capt. B. • Gilbert, Sir H. · 582 Ginner, (?) Gipson, T. Gittnat, P. · • • 108, 412 82, 91, 105, 125 Digges, (?) • 800 Dig's Hundred • Dike, J.. • • • Ditchfield, E. Dixon, R. • • • Dods, J. Dohannida Dohoday Dole, R. Donne, Rev. J. • Diggles, Sir D. Dirmir, T., see Dermer, T. Discuba Farrar, J. Farrar, N. 906! Fawmouth [i.e., 6631 in New England 94, 390 Felgate, W. 94, 131, 390, 448 | Fenton, R. . Dominica, xxxii, lviii, 5, 90, • 663 Farfax, (?) Farnese, Francisco, xxii, xxiii, • 538 SIO 788, 852 662-3 • • 51º, 544, 561, 663 Falmouth] | Goade, (?) Godward, T. Goodwin, W. Goodyson, R. Gookin, (?) 234, 274 xli • • 654 108, 412 • 543 Gore, R.. Gore, T.. · 218 732 108, 412 • 310, 329, 386 • cxxxiii, 285 232, 699 605, 646, 664 389, 403 Ferdinand of Austria, Arch- duke. 828, 831, 834 Ferdinando, S. 310, 326, 328-9 Fereby, A. Fernezsa, see Farnese. Fetherstone bay Gorges, F. • | Gorges, Sir F. Gosling, J. . • • • • • 814 119, 426 Dover; Henry Carey, Dowse, T. Dowman, W. · • • Earl of, So8 158, 475-6 129, 445 Fetherstone, R., 109, 116, 411, F[i]eld, T. • 421, 426 | 108, 412 | 565, 584 • 664 .94, 390 cxxxiii 219-29, 256 217, 732 Gosnold, A., 93, 94, 101, 143, 389-90, 404, 460 Gosnold, Capt. B., xxxv, lxxi, lxxv-vi, lxxviii, lxxxix, xc, cxxix, 6, 8, 89, 91, 93, 189, 21 280, 332-3, 336, 385, 387, 389 Goughland Go[u]lding, G.. Gower, T. . • • • 94, 390 . Ixxi Gradon. 977 INDEX. Killingbeck. : Gradon, R. Grampus Bay Granganameo Grasscocke, R. • • 900, 905 108, 412 752 307-8, 311, • 313, 315 Hening, W. W. cxxxiii Henrico island (ie., penin- sula] · Henry, Cape, lxiii, ci, cii, 5, 24, 31, 32, 48, 100, 109, 387, 413 J · 582 Graves, T. 129, 445, 569 Henry, Fort 507 G[ray], R. • • cxxxii Henry, Prince Xxxviii Jackson, R. Jacob, Serg. T. Facobopolis. Jacobson's assigns (?) JACOBUS Rex Greene, H. • 310 Henry, W. W. • cxviii James City • Greenwel's assigns (?) • 662 Herd, J. · 94 James Fort • • Grent, W. • xlvi 582-3 xl, xli, lvi, lxix xli • lxxii, 390 Ivi • 663 • 288, 873 Hewes, (?) • 802 James I. • • Grenvill, W. . 310 Hewes, J. · 310| Grenville, Sir R., 280, 305, 310, 325-6, 327 Hewes, Rev. L., 648, 650, 655, 685 Hewet, Sir T. James Port . James, R. • 269 lxx • • 816 • 664 Griffin, O. Grivill, W. • • 339 Hide, N. • • 663 · 108, 411 Hide, Sir L. 663 Groonland • Guadaloupe, lviii, 90, 386, 544, 903 Gudderington, J. see Coder- ington, J. Guiana, cxxxiii, 248, 272, 784, Gundamore, i.e., Gondomar, James River xxxix and passim James Town, situated in the district of Paspahegh, xxxix, 283 Hidon, J. • 664 Higginson, Rev. F. Ivi, and passim cxxxiii Jansen cxxxvi Hill, E. 596 Jefferies, Capt. J. cxxxiii Hill, G.. 108, 411 Jefferson, Capt. (?) • 900 Hilliard, A. · 651 Jennens, Abr.. 264 896, 897 Hilliard, N. cxxxvi Jennens, Abr. • Hillyard, (?) 129, 446 Jenness, J. S. The Lord. Gunter, (?) Gunnell, R. • 897 Hilton, W. • 261 Jobson, Capt. • • • 802 Hinton, A. • 910 Johnson, Alderman R. • • • 182, 690 Hispaniola. 331, 633 Johnson, E. • • Gurganay, E. • H., I... Hagthorpe, G. H • + Hobamock. 108, 411, 529 Hixon, T. Hixon, W. Hog bay, Bermuda · Hog Island Hondius, J. Hope, T. • CXX Houlcroft, Capt. (?) Hakluyt, Rev. R. 148, 267, Hall, J.. • 898 Johnson, W. 898 Johnson, W. • 764 679 143, 5CO cxxxiii, cxxxV 101, 108, 412| • 750 . xvii, cxix New Eng- Hopkins, S. Hotchkiss, Maj. J. Houghton Isles in land Cxxxiii Houlgrave, N. • • Hoult, J. 305, 336, 465, 772, 958 | How, G. • 217 Hubbard, Gov. W. 390 • 763 Hull in New England Hulsius, L. Hume, D. Hunnewell, J. F. Hunt, (?) Halthrop, or rather Galthorp, Hamden, (?) Hamilton; James Marquis of, 662 Hamor, Capt. R. cxxxiii, 520, 535, 576, 592, 598 Hancocke, N., 129, 132, 446, 448 Hanno • • 304 Harcourt, Capt. R.,cxxxiii, 896-8 Hardwin, (?) Harford, J. • • 129, 446 108, 412 575 654 696-7 Harper, J. 108, 411 • 55, 189, 310, Harison, (?) Harison, T. • Harlow, Capt. E. Harriot, T. • 311, 315, 317, 319, 325, 703 Harrington, E. lxxii, 390, 403 • • , 914 687 • 877 • • • 232, 700 500 • . 94, 390 129, 445 326-7, 329 cxxxiii 232, 699 cxxxii 822 xviii, ci 129, 445 Hunt, Rev. R.,lxxxviii, xc-xci, 90, 93, 99, 103, 264, 385-6, 389, 402, 407, 698, 958 Hutson [i.e., Hudson] H. cxix, 191, 704 Harwood's assigns, L. 311, 329 561 I., R. | · 264 CXXXV • 873 cxx, 663 cxxxiii 94, 390 108, 412 Jones, Capt. (?) [The Captain of the Mayflower, when she took out the Pilgrim Fathers in 1620]. Jones, Serg. (?) Jones, Sir W.. Jones, Mrs. H. Jorden, S. Jorden, E. Judwyn, T. • 750-1, 762 900 • 621 xvii, cxxxvi 584 • • 635, 815 663 • Keale, R.. Keath, Rev. (?) Kecoughtan 51, 96, 114, K 109, 116, 413, 421 644, 650 Ixiii, 9, 19, 50, 116, 117, 132, 346-7, 393, 419, 422, 449, 507, 511, 538, 585, 592, 599, 603, Keffer, P. Kekataugh, brother to Wahun- sonacock or Powhatan Kemps 610, 887 108, 412 · 17, 30, 81, 135, 451 • 151 Kendall, Capt. G., lxxii,lxxvii, lxxxii, lxxxiv-v, 8, 13, 91, 93, Harris (?), a pirate Harrison, J. Hartwell, A. • I Harvie, D. Harwood • 664 Iapazous Harwood, Sir E. Haryson, H. • 662 129, 445 Ingham, E. Ingram, W. Hassinnunga Hatorask Hawkins, Ma. Hayman, Gov. R. ENG. SCH. LIB. No. 16. 71, 367, 427, 428 311, 317, 325-7, 330 • 817 cxxxii-iii . 542 286, 818 217, 732 Ipswich in New England, 232, 699 Irrohatock 52, 348 Isabellaf Spain, Queen, 43, 387, 389 Kendall, Capt. M., 648, 650, 666-70, 681 | Kendall, E. Kendall, (?) Kennebec Kewasowok • CxXxiii 272, 784 Killingbeck, R. 62 • 642-3 311 700, 706, 938 321 .108, 108, 411, 538 978 Mexico. Kind. INDEX. Kind woman's care King, Bp. J. King, Capt. (?) King, R. King's River Kingston, E. Kinsock • • Kiptop[ek]e Kisell, Baron • • • • cxxxiii, cxxxvi XCV, 479 Kiskiack [? also Chesiack] 24, Kiskirk Kissanacomen Knight, T.. Kuskarawaock • • • • • • 528 648-9 55, III, 351 • xlix • 662 lxix, xcvi lxxiii, 390 Lowick, M. Lowmonds [i.e., New England Lownes, Capt. Lownes, (?) Love, W. • 129, 445 Lomonds] in Lomonds] 232, 700 • • . 151 567, 569 Luckin, E. Luddington, T. 828-30 Massachets Mount . 540 Massachewset • 2, 234, 274 | Massachusets River • 192, 706, 938 • 311 232, 699 . 206 232, 699 94, 13r, 390, 448 | Massachusett . 192, 699, 79, • 663 311 720, 721, 754, 762, 765, 767, 926, 938-9, 949 Masherosqueck Mason, J. 31, 37, 449 21 • Massachusit Massasowat 206 • • 758, 763 Massasoyt 754, 756, 760 Massasoyts 707, 754, 756 M Massinacake • Macanoe • Macar, O. Macarnesse, T. Machiav[e][i] 38 Massinnacacks 583 Matapoll • Massawomekes, cxiv, 54, 55, 71, 72, III, 117, 118, 119, 349, 350-1, 367, 415-6, 421-2, 423, Massawteck 424, 428 · 426 438 71, 366 • · lv • 284 Matchopeak • • 823 Matchqueon • L. Macock's Divident Macock, Capt. S. • • 583 Matcumps • Lambert, T. 132, 448 • Lancaster, Capt. Lane, Sir R. 55, III, 189, 310-11, 319, 326, 416, 703 Langam, Capt. G. • 633 256, 697 Langley (?) La Roche, Capt. Laudonnière Lavander, T. 900 826-7 Madyson, Capt. Magalhaens Malgo Mallard, T. Mamanahunt Man, J. Mathias, Archduke Madock, Prince of Wales. 303 Matinack 426 418 638 540, 583 • • 835 • • 720 • 593, 596-8, 602 | Matinnack 191, 705, 737, 939 • • Matoake, see Pocahontas. cxxxvi . 303 Mattachusits 129, 158, 446 Mattachust 12, 527 | Mattahunt 206, 232, 700 • • • 719 763-4 • 13, 192, 706, 719, 938 · 664 Mattanenio lvii • xii Manacam • • • • • La Warr, Lady de 129, 446 | Manamet La Warr, Thomas West, Baron de, cxx, cxxv, ċxxxiii, 448, 476, 478, 487, 500-1, 506-7, 25 Mattapamient, 13, 17, 37, 51, 764 • 534 Manapacumter Manchester, Duke of 21 53, 72, 79, 146, 347, 349, 367, 375, 398, 463, 569, 601 Cxx Mavazo, (?). • · 852 Mandeville; Henry Montagu, Maxes, T. Lawrence, B. Lawson, Capt. Laydon, J. Viscount 537, 639 Mangoacks XX • 500 Mangoags Mangoge • 621 May, C. • 312, 314 May, H. • 55, 475 May, W. 20 · 782 108, 411 CXXXIV-V • • • Leigh, H. Leo, John Lescarbot, M. • • Levett, C. • Laxon, Ens. W., 94, 155, 390, 472 Mangrove Bay, Bermuda | • Layford, Rev. J. Le[e]ds, T. Lenox, J. 94, 130, 390, 447 | Mannahoacks, 52, 55, 71, 348, 129, 157, 445, 473 Leith in New England Manosquosick Mansa Mansils Tribe 679 366, 427, 429 Meade, Bp. W. Meade, R. Mecaddacut Meca[d]dacut 129, 445 603 633-4 108, 412 cxxxiii • • • 817 203 • I I 12 Mecuppom · • 662 • 232, 700 Manteo 873 Mantivas 310, 328 cxxxii • cxxxiii Lewes, J. Lewis, (?) Ley, Capt. 108, 412 Mantoack • Mantua, Duke of Marcum, R. 29 • 321 831 192, 232, 700, 706, 717, 938 Medina, Duke of, 238, 254, 744 Meldri or Meldritch; Henry Volda, Earl of, xxii-xxiv, 828, 831, 833, 835-6, 842, • · 568 Melindus • 844, 847-8 xxxiv · 664 • xxviii, 896 Marcus Aurelius. Margarita • • 823 Menapacant • 30 • 903 Menapacute • • 17 Ley, Sir O xxviii, 896 Lilly, J. ci Lincoln; Henry de Clinton, Mari[a]galante Markham, R. . Marraugh tacum, 18, 52, 348, lviii, 903 Menatonon. 309, 313-14, 316, 328 · xli Mercœur, Duke de • 832 Mercury, see Mercœur. Earl of. 823 Lindsey; Peregrine Bertie, • 822 • Earl of . Lindsey; Robert Bertie, Earl of Littleton, (?) Locker, N. 822 • 910 CXXXVi London or Southern Virginia Co., xxii, xxxiii, cxx, cxxii- iii, cxxv, and passim Longbridge Isle, Bermuda 661 Long, H. Lopez, O. Lower, (?) • . 659 874, 877 424-5, 429-30 Martin Brandon's Hundred Martin, Capt. J., xxxii, lxxiv, lxxvii, lxxix, lxxx, lxxxv, lxxxvi, lxxxix, xcv, xcviii, 8, 9-11, 13, 22, 23, 35, 36, 38, 91, 93, 104, 105, 106, 107, 387, 389-90, 408, 409, 479, 481 Martin, J. (? his son, lxxxix) • • 646 Martin, G. Martin, R. Martin's Hundred Marvyn, (?) • • • • Meronocomoco, or rather Werowocomoco Meteren, E. van. Metinnicus • 20 315, 600 Mercy, Baron de . 825 • 583 Merham, Capt. · xxii, 878-880 Merifield, (?) • 902-3 399 CXIX • 206, 232, 700, 720 Mettalina • • Mettham, G. • Ixxi, 94, 390 Mevell, F. 94 Meverill, F. • 664 • 663 Mevis, see Nevis lix, lx, 90 • 583 Meworames 311 Mexico Bay 544 XX 664 Michael. 979 INDEX. Painton. Michael, Vayvode of Wal- Moyaones 417, 586, 596 North, Capt. R. 896-9 lachia 836, 847 Moyowance * Michaell, (?) 108, 412 Moyses, Z. . • 52, 348 838-847 North; Dudley North, Baron, 896 Northumberland; Henry Middleton, Capt. • 561 Midwinter, F. Ixxi, 94, 390 Mildmay, Sir H. 950 Milemer, T. • 852 Moysonicke or Moysenock 13 Mulberry Isle. Mulberry Point Mulberry shade • Percy, Earle of. · 583 Norton, Capt. (?) • • • 500 Norton, R.. • 586 286, 800 448 • • xlviii-ix Norton, T. . • 129, 445 Milford Haven in New Eng- Mullineux, R. • 852 Norumbega land. • 232, 699 Mully Shah • Miller, R. • • 223, 732, 736 Mully Sedan xxviii, 870-7 xxviii, 870-7 Norwich in New Miller, T. Millington, W. 221, 734 Mustapha, Pasha • 851 Norwood, R. • • 646 Mutton, R. 94, 390 Millin, T. Milman, (?). Mil[m]er, R. Minter, J. • · 664 129, 446 Nova Francia Miter, or Miller, R., 217, 223, Mohaskahod • Molyneux, R. • Momford Point • • • 108, 412 221-4, 734-6 732, 736 427 108, 411 • 424 Ix, 90 Momford, T. 109, 116, 413, 421 Mona. Monacans, xlvi-vii, 1, 25, 29, 50, 55, 71, 72-3, 105, 124, 125, 163, 427, 437-8, 443, 451, 463, 481, 482, 612 Monacum Monahassanuggs . Monahassanughs. Monahigan, cxxi, 187, 206, 232, 541, 696-7, 700, 720, Monanacah Rahowacah Monanacans Monanis Moneta Monica Monomete Montalvo • Montserrat • • • Moone, Capt. • • • N • Nacotchtant, 52, 113, 417, 586, 592 Nahapassumkeck 192 Namaschet . 757-8, 759, 762 Namenacus 567-8 Namikeck, 192, 204, 232, 699, 706, 718, 938, 949 Namontack, 24, 37, 102, 124, 128, 405, 437-8, 441, 517, 638 Nandtaughtacund • 52, 348, • 398, 426-7, 429 Nansamunds 31, 33, 50, 51, 129, 135, 162-3, 346-7, 430, 431-2, 446, 452, 481, 508, 29 71 366 762, 936 • . xlvi 1 • 720 Nantaugs tacum Nantaquak. Nantaquans • • Ixi Nantaquond 90 Narrohiggansets Nasnocomacack II, 314, 416 Moraughtacunds, 52, 348, 424- • • • CXX, 242 England, 232, 700 630, 632, 638, 642, 653, 661 Nuport, Capt., see Newport. Nuports-newes 47 • 584 Nusconcus, 203, 696, 706, 717. 937 Nuse, Capt. (?) 561, 586, 592-3 Nusket Ocamahowan, O • 232, 700 Ocanahonan, • Occam • | O'Conor, D. Ocoughtanamnis Ohanock. • Okanin[d]g[e] • • • 591-2, 599 Oke 18 Onianimo III, 415 530 401 755, 758, 760 192, 707 192, 706, 938 xlv-lii • 24 Onaucoke Onawmanient • 17, 20, 508 • 308-9 129, 445 58, 354 • 312 152, 469 75-6, 78 · 569 567 52, 112, 348, 398, 417, 601 Opechancanough, xxx, 1, cxvii, 8, 15, 16, 19, 29-30, 39, 81, 103, 135, 139, 140, 141, 144, 262, 376, 396, 399, 406, 451, 456-7, 458, 461, 514, 529, 539-40, 562, 565, 569, 572-3, 586-7, 591, 593, 596–7 Opitchapan, 30, 81, 135, 376, Opposians Oraniocke • 399, 451, 591 312 I2 • 762 xxiii Nassaque lix, 903 XCV, 479, 482 Nauirans or Nauiraus Naukaquawis · • Moratico Nausit • Moratocks 312-3, 315 Nautaughtacund. 205 52 5, 429-30 Nawset, 192, 205, 720, 762, 764, 938 Nederspolt, Earl. More, E. • 664 More, Gov. R. 641-9, 670, 678 Nedom, (?) . Nechanichock • More, R. • Morinogh · 663-4 13 Morish, Corp. E. Morley; Henry Parker, Ixxi, 390 Baron, 897 847-9, 851-2 685 13 Neill, E. D., xxiv, xxxiii, cxx, Orapakes, civ-v civ-v, 51, 80, 376, 396 CXXV, cxxxiii | ORPHEUSjunior,see Vaughan, cxxxiii Cxvii, 33-40, 100, 105, 403 • XCV, 409 108, 412 587 • • • Osocon Outponcas Oxford in New England, 232, 699 Ozinieke. Ozinies • 317 71 601 • 55, 351, 585 Morrell, (?) Morrell, Rev. W. Morton, M. Morton, N. Morton, R. Morton, T. Mosco • • Moses · • lxii, • 129 Cxxxiii 5, 91, 896 Cxxxiii 107, 109, 411, 413 Cxxxiii 424, 430 xci, 812, 836, 838, 840 . 192, 706, 938 71, 438 Moshoquen Mouhemenchughes Moutapass Mounslic, T. Mourt, G. Mouton, T. Moverill, F. Mowhemenchughes Mowhemenschouch Moyaoncer. • • · 586 . Ixxi cxxxiii • Nelson, Capt. F., xli, xcii, Nelson, (?) Nelstrop, R. Nemattanow Nevis xxxii, lix-lx, 90, 909-10 New England, xxxi, and passim Newfoundland, cxxii, 197-9, 223-4, 227, 228, 241, 244, 255, 268, 501, 541, 634, 641, 668, 711, 713, 716, 744, 747, 773, 777, 780-1 188 New Granado. New-Plymouth, 757. 759, 764, 766, 781-3, 943, 954 Newport, Capt. C., passim. 664 Newport, Father. Nicols, W. lxxiii, 390 · • • · 366 438 20 North, Capt. (?) • • Nonesuch Island. • P 707, 758, 938 . 662 Paget; William Paget, Baron, 663 Pagit's Fort, Bermuda. 644, Paconekick Paget's Tribe • • 124 • 663 657, 678, 686 661 Pa[i]ne, W. Capt. T... 663 897, 903 • 897 Painton, Capt. T.. 980 Pakanoki. Queen's. INDEX. • Pakanoki Palfrey, J. G. Palmer, W. Pamacacack • 756 xxiii-iv 663-4 52, 348 Pamaunkee 1, lv, lxx, lxxvi, lxxxvi-vii,civ,cxi,cxv, cxxvii, 17, 18, 20, 21, 23, 29, 30, 33, 37, 51, 65, 75, 79, 103, 114, 123, 131, 138-9, 142, 347, 360, 375, 371, 395-6, 398, 419, 424, 436, 448, 455-6, 459, 596-7, Perce, W. • 412 Percy, Lieut., alterwards Capt., afterwards Gov., the Hon. G., xxx, xl, xli, lvi, lvii, lxxii, lxxxiv, xc, xcvii- viii, cii, 93, 127, 130, 131, 139, 142, 144, 150, 155, 162, 166, 170, 262, 389, 404, 434, 438, 440, 447, 448, 456, 458, 461, 468, 476, 481, 485, 488, 497-8, 503, 505-6, 888 269, 774 108, 412 108, 411 599, 601, 602, 611, 884, 912 | Pericles Pamaunche's palace. Panawicke Paquipe • Parker, Capt. C. Parker, W.. Parsons, Father R. Partridge Pasharnack. • li Perkins, F. 23 Perkins, F. . 311 Perse, T. • • 897 Peryman, N. 519 Pett, (?) . • 828 217, 223, 732, 736 192, 706, 938 Paspahegh xxx, xli, lxiv, Ixvi, lxvii, lxviii, lxxv, lxxvii, lxxxii, cxxvii, 7, 11, 12, 16,17, 19, 20, 22, 25, 30, 33, 37, 38, 51, 107, 152, 263, 347, 542, 585, 611, 912 Paspaheghans. xli, 11, 26, 38, 39 Paspahegs Paspelough, see Paspahegh. Paspeiouh, Paspeiouk Pasptanzie • • Passataquack, 192, 204, 699, Passe, Simon de • • • Pewhatan, or Powhatan Pewhatan, or Powhatan. Phelps, T. Phettiplace, M., xxx, cxxviií, • • • • • 583 310 XCV 17 19 129, 445 Pory, J. Pory, P.. Potapaco Pot, Dr. (?) lvi, 540, 567 108, 411 52 · 564 Pots, R., cxvii-viii, 41, 86, 87, 89, 108, 169, 411, 488 Poughwaton, or Powhatan, lxxv Poulson, (?). Pountas, J.. 662, 664 Powatah (ie., Pmuhatan], the Under Chief living at the place of this name (xliii, 1, Ixix); the Little Powhatan (cii) as distinguished from the supreme chief Wahunsona- cock or Powhatan, who lived at Werowocomoco, 12 miles (lxxvi) from James town, and afterwards at Orapakes, 50 miles (151) by land. Powetan or Powhatan Powel, Capt. H. Powel, Capt. W. Powell, (?) 107, 131, 262, 404, 411, 448, 463 | Powel brook Phettiplace, W., xxx, cxvii, cxviii, cxxviii, 86, 89, 101, 107, 131, 140, 148, 262, 404, 411, 448, 457, 465 129 445 662 • 309 lxxi, xc CXX • • • 561 ciii 583 906 594, 603 129, 446 657-78 907-8 131, 448 • Powell, Capt. N.. 41, 86, 93, 101, 116, 131, 142, 158, 390, 404, 421, 433, 456, 458-9, 4751 • • • 503 xli, lv Philpot, H. | Phips, R. Pickhouse, D. Piemacum • • Powell, Capt. (?) Powell, Capt. J. Powell, H. . • • • • lxxi, xc, 93, 390 | ciii-xiv 706, 718, 938 CXxxvi • 20 Pissassack Pit, Sir W.. · Pitzaro Piggase, D. Pike, L. O.. Pising's Point 424 Pising, Serg. E., 94, 116, 131, 132, 390, 421, 448, 449 426, 429 621 191 · • 529, 540, 575, 583 Powell, J., . 108, 109, 412, 413 Powell's Isles Powhatan, a place, 51, 52, 91, • · 424 Ployer [? Plouha], 510 • 707, 754 Earl of xxii, 825 110, 414 Pataromerke Patawomeke, ciii-xiv, 52, 71, 112, 113, 116, 119, 146, 172, 192, 348, 398, 416-8, 421, 424, 428, 463, 503, 511, 596, 600, 606 Patience Fort. Patuxet • • Patuyet [i.e., Patuxet]. Pau[g]huntanuck . • 757 192, 938 • • xliii xliii-v, lxix • CV Pawatah, or Powhatan. Pawatahs Tower Pawetan, see Powhatan Pawmet. 192, 205, 707, 764, 938 Pawtuxunt. 53, 71, 119, 146, 348-9, 367, 424, 463 Payankatank, 18, 52, 81, 82, 114, 119, 292, 348, 378, 419, 430 94, 131, 390, 448 Peacock, N. Pelham, Capt. Pembrocks Fort • Pembroke's tribe. • | 901 644, 686 Pembroke; William Herbert, Earl of . • Pembrocks Bay Pemissapan • • 662 663, 808, 893 4 259 313, 315-6, 317 Pemmaquid, 189, 192, 203, 232, 700, 706, 717, 937-8 Pentecost harbour Penington, J. Pennington, R. Pennistonne, A. • Ployer Point Plimouth in New England, 232, 699 Pocahontas. xxx, cxv-cxviii, cxxvii, cxxxvi, 38-9, 86, 107, 169, 263, 276, 400−1, 403, 410, 436, 455, 460, 498, 512, 514, 525, 529-30, 814, 911 Pocapawmet Pocopassum Pocoughtronack Pohatans Towre Point Comfort. Polaloga, T. Pollard, (?) Pollison, M. Pomeiok • Pontauncat. Poole, (?) • • • • • . 192 192, 938 • 165, 483 Powhatan or Wahunsonacock, 18 and passim Powhatan or James river. 32, 50 Powhatans, lxxvi, lxxxvi, 7, 26, 34, 71-3, 75, 124, 134, 156, 366, 387, 427, 451, 470, 513 Po[w]hatan River | of, or lxviii, cii Fames river. Powmet, or Pawmet Prat, J. • 764 • 129, 131, 445, 448 Prat, R. | Predeox (?) Pretty, G. 20 . lxix xcix Prince, Rev. T. Pring, Capt. M. Prinne, Capt. Proctor, Mrs. • • 666 Profit, J.. • 311 • • 823 Prodger, R. 309, 311, 327 | Profit's Pool • 329 311 108, 411 94, 109, 116, 131, 596 Purchas, Rev. S., xxii, xxiii, xli 336 • 902 584 xxviii, lvii, cxxxiii, 282 Popham side of the James river, as distinguished from the Salisbury side • 145 Puet, H. • Poole, J. Poomory, Viscount • • 338 Poor Cottage 825 xlii, lxviii · 390 lxxi 663 xlii-iii 717-8, 721, 767, 938 Popogusso • 938-9 Port Cotage 583 Porto Rico. • Ix, 903 Pennobscot, cxx, 192, 193, 203, 206, 232, 700, 706, 707, Pennobscots Perce, (?) • Popham, Sir F., 188, 227, 697, 741 Popham, Capt. G. • • 696 321 Ixviii Quaddaquina Queen's bower • 108, 411 390, 413, 421, 448 · 424 654 Q · 755 xlix-l Quioquascacke. 981 INDEX. Snarsbrough. Quioquascacke Quick assigns, (?). Quiranh, Quiranck, Quirank, Quiyough Quiyoughcohanocks, 50-51,77, CV cv 662 Ro[o]ds, W. Roonock 20 Rose, (?). xlii, xlvi-vii, li Rosier, J. • 52, 348, 418 129, 446 340 Rosworme, see Russwurm 832-3 Rowcroft, alias Stallings, E., Ixxii, 94, 390 | Scrivener, M., lxxxvii, 23, 27, 28, 29, 30, 32, 34-5, 37, 38, 105, 107, 119, 122, 127-31, 143, 404, 407, 411, 420-1, 435, 438, 440-2, 446-7, 460 Secassaw . 707 79, 346-7, 373, 374, 475 Quiyoughcosughes • • 78, 374 Quiyoughkasoucks 393, 395 Roydon, Capt. M. 217, 223, 258, 539-40, 732, 736, 746| Secotan Royde, W.. • 900 256, 697 • · 309 Secowocomoco Sedan, T. 52, 348 • 476 Quiyoughquosick 22 Quonahassit 192, 205, 719 Rudolph II. of Germany, Emperor Segar, Sir W., xvii, xix, xxiv, 824 843, 845 Russawmeake. • 71 Segocket. 192, 203, 232, 700, Russe, A. • • 311 Russell, Dr. W., 86, 89, 108–9, Russell, J., 126, 129, 131, 133, 139-40, 144, 439, 445, 448 706, 717 Segotago • • 192, 706, 938 114, 411, 413, 420 Sekawone 52, 348 Shackaconias • R xlvi Russell, W. Russel's Isles Russwurm, Earl • Rahowacah, Monanacah Raleigh, Sir W., cxxv, cxxxiii, 121, 132, 158, 189, 305, 310, 434, 443, 449, 474, 895, 897 Ransacke, A. Rapahannos Towne 108, 412 lxv • Rappahanock river, lxiv-lxv, lxxi, 55, 348, 351, 398, 419, • 424, 429, 430, 463 16-17, 21, 142, 459 | Saba 459 71 Rasawrack Rassaweak Rassawmeake, chief town of Monacans • Ratcliffe, alias Sicklemore, Capt. J., xxxii, lxxiii-iv,lxxix, lxxxiii, lxxxv, lxxxix, xc, xcv, xcviii-ix, ci, civ, cxxix, 8-9, 10, 91, 93, 114, 119, 170, 337, 387, 389, 432, 440, 444, 497 Rat Isle. Raven, (?) Rawhunt S • • CV, 129 • 413 .832-3,835-6 Ix • Sackville, Sir E. Cxx, 664 Sagadahock 172, 189, 190, 192-3, 203, 206, 232, 696, 700, 704, 706, 717, 720, 938 Sagoquas 192, 232, 699 Salisbury; Robert Cecil, Earl of . xcviii, c, 442, 893 Salisbury side of the James river, as distinguished from • • Shakahonea Shasghe, The Lord Sheffield's plantation Sheffield, T. Shelly, H. Shephard, M. Short, J. • • Shortridge, J. • • 71, 367 357, 427 824 • · • 582 582 635-7 664 • 390 129, 131, 445, 448 Shuter's [i.e., Shooter's] Hill in New England 232, 700 Sicklemore, M., 108, 109, 116, 131-2, 158, 411-3, 421, 448-9, 474 Sicklemore, see Ratcliffe, lxxxv, xcix Sigismundus Bátori, xxiii, xxiv, 272, 776, 836-852, 869 Simmonds, D.D., Rev. W., cxix, cxxxii, 42, 89-174, 385- 488, 497-500 lxxiii, 390 . 905 Simons, R. • Simons T. the Popham side li, lv, lxxvi | Simons, W. • 108, 412 226, 739 Salter, D. • 311 638 Salterne, R. • • 336 Skelton, W. Skicoak • • 256, 697 • 308 38, 401 Saltonstall, Capt. C. Saltonstall, Sir S. 902 Skot, N. Read, J., lxxxiv, 94, 109, 132, 390, 413, 448 • 802, 970 cxxxiii, CXXXV Saltonstall, W. Salvage, Ens. T., cii, ciii, 27, 31, 37, 38, 102, 108, 412, 567, 569 Salvage, R., 108, 132, 139,412, 448, 456 Smith, A.,our Author's mother, 94, 390 Skynner, T. Small, R. Smethes, W. Smith, A. • • xli 94, 109, 390, 413 Rhodes, J. 898, 900 Riccard's Cliffes, 111, 415, 419 • • 390 217, 732 Rich, (?) . • Rich, R. Rich, Sir N. Rickahake • Righkahauck 661 схххії cxx, 664 Sambage, W. 570 Samoset xix-xx • 129, 445 Smith, A., our Author's sister, • • 754-5 xx-i 13 Samson, J. 329 Smith, Capt. J., passim. Rio Grande • 340 Roanoke, 20, 23, 311-2, 314-5, 317 Roberts, E. Samuel, (?) a Dutchman Sanderson, W. • ciii Smith, Capt. R. 885 305 Smith, Capt. W. + 901 • 663 Sands, T. • 93, 390 Smith, C. • 662 662 • 543 Roberts, jun., E. Robinson, J., lxxxiii, lxxxvi, Smith, G. CXV, 15-16, 93, 390, 396 Robinson, Mistress M. Robinson, Serg. E., xxiii, Cxxviii, 230, 691, 852 Sandwich in New England, Smith, F., our Author's brother, Sandys, G. (the poet) Sandys, Sir E. Sandys, Sir S. Sarapinagh . • 232, 700 564, 663 Cxx, 663-4 xx-i • 663-4 Smith, G., our Author's father, 663-4 xix-xxi 415 Smith, Grace xxi • Rochdale Hundred . Rodes, C. Rodoll, Prince Rogers, (?) Rogers, R. Rolfe, A. • 510 108, 412 840, 847-9 • • 311 663 CXXXVI Rolfe, John [or Thomas, þ. cxxxvi (also spelt Wroth), cxxxvi, 514, 520, 529, 539-40, 543 Sasanow. Sasquesahanocks, 53, 55, 65, 71, 118, 351, 361, 422, 424 • Sassanow's Mount Satquin Sawocatuck. Scarborough, T. Scot, (?) Scot, E. • Smith, R.,our Author's brother xxi Smith, R., our Author's kins- 206, 721 Smith, R. • 663 • 232, 699 man. XX • · 206, 720, 938 193, 717 Smith, Sir T. Smith, T. • cxx, 663 • 329 • XX 129, 446 • 664 Smith's Fort, Bermuda (Sir T.) 686 Smith's Isles in New England, cxxxiv, 232, 699 Rolfe, Thomas, his son, by Pocahontas Scot, G.. 535 Scoutan, Capt. 664 Smith's Isles in Virginia, 884, 947 • 671 Snarsbrough, F. • 94, 390 982 Snelling. Waghenaer. İNDEX. Snelling, (?) Snowdon hill in New England, New England, 311 Somer, (?) Somer, Capt. M. 232, 699 • xcv 641 Stockham, Rev. J. Stokes, Capt. (?) Stokes, (?) Stingray Isle. 114, 116, 419, 421 | Topmanahocks Stith, W. cxxxiii Toppohanock . lv, lxxxii, 563, 579, 584 lxxxv-vi, 7, 10, 18, 52, 71, • lv, 18 • 685 113, 119, 146, 348, 366, 419, 601 • > Somer Isles, xxxi, 243, 265, 285, 625, 666, 940, 941 Somers, Sir G., xciv-v, xcviii, ciì, cxxv, 161, 171-2, 499, 503, 635-6, 638-9, 644, 672, 673, 684, 688 Soraphanigh Sorico Soto, F. de Southampton Fort, Bermuda, 681 Southampton; Henry Wrio- thesley, Earl of, c, cxx, 664, 893 Southampton Hundred, Vir ginia Southampton in New Eng- land • Southampton Tribe, Bermuda, 662 • Stoodie, T., see Studley Strachey, W. Studley, T. 554 Toprent · • 192 • Ixxii Totant in New England, 232, Cxviii lxxii, 41, 86, 93, • • III | Stukley, Sir L. Stukley, (?). • 390, 403, 411 221, 535, 734 • 310 206 • xii, cxxxii, 189 Succonet. Sutcliffe, Dean of Exeter, Dr. 764 699, 707, 938 108, 412 Towtales, L. Tragbigzanda, Cape. Tragbigzanda, Charatza, xxii, 204, 206, 232, 276, 699, 718, Trinidado xxii 720, 814, 853, 855, 866 M. Swan, J. Swinhow, (?) Swinow, G.. • • 906 • 220, 731 Tucker, D., 129, 445, 653-67, • XIX 664, 885 • • 583 Tucker, G. • 664 664 Tufton, Sir W. 902 583 Turkey Island. 232, 699 Southwell, Capt. . 666 • Sowocatuck 232, 699, 707 xli, xlii, lv Turks' heads, The three, 204, Turnbrydge, T. Tusquantum [or Squantum], 757-8 720, 838 xli Sparks, T. 668 Sparrow, F. [who went to Manoa (?)] 895 Sparrow, S. 664 Speareman, J. . Spelman, Capt. H. 108, 412 ci-cxiv, 172, 498, 503, 528, 606 T Tankard, W., 94, 131, 390, 448 Spelman, Sir H. ci • • • Tanner, S. 820 U Spence, Ens. W. • 108, 411, 583 Tanton, S. 660 • Spencer, Sir R. Ivi Tants Wighcocomoco • Spilman, Capt. H., see Spel- man. Tap, J. 55, 351 2, 802 Unger, W. Uttamatomakkin Tappahanah, lxxv, lxxvi-vii, ixxi v Squanto . • 755 lxxxii Squantum 758-60 St. Bartholomew. . 903 St. Catherine's fort, Bermuda, 686 St. Christopher lix, 906 Tappahanauk Tappanhanock Tarrentines Tassore Uttamussack in Pamaunkee,75,371 Uttasantasough 94, 390 533-4 • • 430 lv • • . 7, 18, 52, 71 203, 717, 938 St. David's Island, Bermuda, 661 St. Eustatia • • • • • • St. Domingo Taughtanakagnet Tauxanias 1x Tauxenent St. George's Island, Bermuda, 661 St. George's Isles St. George's Town, Bermuda, 674 St. John de Porto Rico, see Porto Rico St. John's Town in New England St. Lucia St. Martin St. Mattalin St. Vincent · • • 903 • • 340 1x 232, 700 Tauxuntanias Taverner, J. Tavin, H. Ta[y]ler, W. Tegninateos Tegoneaes Tegramund • 468, 471, 474 92, 706, 938 · 366 52, 348 71, 427 101, 108, 404, 411 V • • 94, 390 · • 129, 446 Vandyck . • • • 367 Va[u]ghan, Capt. Vaughan, Sir W. • • 71 Veltus, Col. • • • 903 Tested, W. . 902 cxxxvi 311, 315 cxxxiii 837, 847-8 Ven, N. • • 900 . 903 T[h]omond, Earl of • 656 Vere, Sir H. 903 Thompson, E. Villiaco • 910 • 903 Thorp, G., 561, 565, 572, 574, Vincent, (?) 108, 412 xcii • lvi 310 Stafford, Capt. • 311, 317, 326-7 Staffordton, Capt. 318 Stalling, D. 108, 412 Stallings, alias Rowcroft, E., 217, 223, 258, 539-40, 732, Standish, Capt. M., 750-2, 754, Ticknor, S. . Tilly, E. Throgmorton, K., lxxii, 93, 390 582-3, 663 • • 664 Virgins, Isle of Virginia, passim. Vincent's Collectanea, xxiv, 842-3 Volda Earl of Meldri or Mel- 4 • • 750-I Tilly, J. dritch, Henry • • 751 736, 746 Timbed, H. • 664 Volday, W. • lx 830-52 158, 475 Stevens, T. Stegarakes. Sterling; Sir W. Alexander, Earl of . Stevens, H., F.S.A. xiv, xvii, ci Stevens, H. N. . xvii 762, 782 • 71 cxxxiii • Stevenson, J. • • Stephen • · 329 390 Tokamahamon xli Tomlings, F. Timor, Pasha of Nalbrits. Tindall, R. xxxviii, xli, xcvi Tockwoughs, 55, 68, 71, 117-8, 155, 349, 351, 367, 423-4 • 311 Tocokon Todkill, A., 86, 94, 107, 109, 115-6, 120, 131, 148, 158, 404, 413, 421, 448, 465, 475 xxii • * W 759 664 Wade, Sir W. Waghenaer, J. S. • • • 664 802 Wahunsonacock. Zuchelli. 983 INDEX. Wahunsonacock, the personal name of the Powhatan of Virginian story, see Pow- hatan • Waiman, F. Wainman, Sir F., 171, 478, 500, 616 Wakcogo 192, 706, 938 Waldo, Capt. R., 122-3, 127, 129-30, 143, 435, 438, 440, 443, Werowocomoco, lxxvi, cxviii, 18, 21, 22, 24, 31, 51, 79, 82, Winne, H. 79, 375 Ivi 133, 347, 378, 437 West Indies, passim. West, J. . Weston's colony, 760, 762,764, Winsor, J. • 583 Winthrop, Gov. J. Winwood, Sir R. Wither, G.. • 129, 445 Winslow, E., cxxxiii, 751, 756, 769 • 954 • 664 183, 690 xvii, cxxxiv-v 765, 942, 946 Wittawamat Weston, T.. • 760, 764 Wocohon Westover 583 Wodall, J. • • • 763, 765 • 310, 329 • 664 445, 447, 460 West's heirs, J. 664 Woddiffe, Capt. Walker, G. • Walker, (?) Waller, J. lxxii, 390 129, 446 lxxxiv, 94, 390 West, The Hon. F., xxx, xcvii-viii, cii, 129, 131, 162-3, 165, 170, 262, 438, 445, 448, Wollisio (ie., Winslow] Wolverstone, Capt. • • • Wood, B. • Wallistone (?), a pirate Wallistone, Capt. Walsing[h]am (?), a pirate. Walsingham, Capt. R. Wamanato Waranacomoco • • Warbigganus Ward, Capt. • • • 914 540, 663, 885 Wood, Capt. 542 755 • 908 • 310 XCV • 224, 736 • 914 Wheatley, (?) Whitaker, Rev. A., cxxxiii, • 664 | Wood, J. • 310 637 510, 521, 579 Wood, J., a Frenchman Wood, W. • 654 • 567-8 • • 18 Whitbourne, Capt. C. Whitbourne, Capt. R., cxxxiii, 777 • 777 • 192, 706, 938 White, B. xli Ward (?), a pirate. Ward, W., 108, 116, 131, 412, 914 White, Capt. W. Woodhouse, Capt. Worley, R. Worseley, E. . 688 .. 108, 131, 411, 448 • 285 • * 896, 899 Wotton, T., Surgeon, xli, xc, • 542 White, J. . 329, 331, 482 94, 390 White, Mrs. • 421, 448 White, Rev. J. • 900 Ivi 900-1, 903 White, W. . Whitson, J.. Whankenteaes Ware, (?) Warner, (?) Warner, E., his son • Warner, Capt. • 900 | Wichaguscusset Wiffin, D. Warraskoyack. 10, 23, 50-1, 96, 132, 346, 393, 420, 448, 540, 575 Warriner, T. Warwick; Robert Rich, Earl • • · 336 71, 367 101, · 762 • 287 404, 411 Wiffing, R., cxxviii, 86, 108, 144, 146, 148, 159, Wighcocomoco 52, 65, 110, 348, 361, 414-5, 424, 586 · Wyat, S. F., 562, 564, 570, 573, 603 751 cxxxiii Wright, E. 802 D Wroth, J. [? also Rolfe] 663-4 Ixxiii, 94, 390 • • 898 of Warwick's Tribe. cxx, 662, 664 Y 662, 664 | Wassador 314 Wassapinewat. • 764 Wiles, B. 108, 412 Wilkinson, W., Surgeon, 94, 390 Williams, (?) 129, 446 Waterhouse, E. • cxxxiii Williams, Capt. 697 Waters, E., 583, 591, 638, 640, Williams, N. 852 648, 660 Waters, J. • • 664 Willoughby d'Eresby, Pere- grine Bertie xix Watkins, J., 108-109, 116, 132, 412-3, 421, 448 Watson, Th. Watson, T. Wawigweek 3 • 217, 732 • 192, 706, 938 • Waymouth, Capt. G. Weanock • 189, 337 7, 37-8, 51, 583 Weapoco, or Oyapok. xxviii, 896 Weapomeiok Weaver, (?) Web, W. Webb, Capt. (?) Webbe, T. Welby, W.. Werawahone • • • • 311, 312, 316 4 900 662 XCV Willoughby d'Eresby; Robert Bertie, Lord, see Lindsey, xxii, 424, 822, 827 Willoughby Isles in New Eng- land. Wilson, a pirate Wilson, (?) • Winauh, Winhauk xli, li-ii, lv Wingandacoa 309-10, 306 Wingfield, Capt. E. M., xxviii, xxxii, xl, liii, lxxiii-xci, cxviii, Ꮓ 6, 9, 89, 91, 93, 387, 389, 394, 408 | Zarvana, Earl. 841, 847, 849, 852 94, 390 Winne, Capt. P., . 2 12 122, 127, 129-30, 152, 157, 435, 438, 440, Zoto [i.e., Soto] Zucchero 705 • CXXXVI 443, 445, 456, 467-8, 469, 473 | Zuchelli, Madame • cxxxvi Yarington, G. 129, 131, 448 Yearley, Sir G., 525, 526, 529, 535, 538, 540, 562, 567, 583, 594-5, 599, 885-6 Youghtanund, lv, ciii, 17, 21, 37, 51, 79, 80, Young, W. 146, 347, 375, 398, 463, 585, 601 108, 412 232, 700 • 914 2 Finis coronat opus. $ 575 984 UNWIN BROThers, the Gresham press, chilworth and lonDON,' : 4 : -- * 3210 The English Scholar's Library. Edited by EDWARD ARBER, LONDON; F.S.A., GE, BIRMINGHAM. ETC., PROFESSOR OF ENGLISH LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE, FELLOW OF KING'S COLLEGE, SIR JOSIAH MASON'S COLL Capt. JOHN SMITH, President of Virginia, and Admiral of New England. WORKS. 1608-1631. I, No. 16. UNWIN BROS., IMPI E MONTAGUE ROAD, 10 June, 1881. BIRMINGHAM. Twelve Shillings and Sixpence. [CHILWORTH & LONDON. To my Godfathe´s in English Literature, HENRY MORLEY, ESQ., LL.D. PROFESSOR OF ENGLISH LITERATURE, UNIVERSITY COLLEGE, LONDON, AND HENRY PYNE, ESQ., Late ASSISTANT TITHE COMMISSIONER, ST. JAMES's SQUARE, LONDON. this Series is, with blended admiration and gratitude, filially Inscribed. 1 ; Į 1 1 ! i ! ARY UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN i F 3 9015 02705 7887 i