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GENERAL LIBRARY
t
Ay
HISTORY
GRE
E C E.
}
THE
HISTORY
GR
OF
*
É É C ·E,
FROM THE
ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER OF MACEDON,
TILL ITS
FINAL SUBJECTION TO THE ROMAN POWER ;
IN EIGHT BOOK S.
A
BY JOHN GAST, D. D.
ARCH DEACON OF GLANDELA G H.
LONDON:
PRINTED FOR J. MURRAY, N° 32, FLEET STREET;
AND
ND SOLD BY R. MONCRIEF, T. T. FAULKNER, L. WHITE, AND
THE REST OF THE BOOKSELLERS AT DUBLIN.
M.DCC.LXXXII.
1
Un
Dunning
Steivart
2-19-46
54447
}
PREFACE.
HE annals of Greece include, perhaps, the
TH
moſt intereſting and inftructive portion of
the Hiſtory of Man. They exhibit the gradual
progrefs of a people, from the rudeness of favage
life to the perfection of refinement and civility.
They mark the fteps by which this illuſtrious part
of mankind advanced to the firſt rank among the
families of the earth; although they were incon-
fiderable in numbers, in riches, and in the extent
or fertility of territory. Surmounting the difad-
vantages of their fituation, they difputed the prize
of empire with the great powers of Afia; and
bore away the palm of arts as well as arms from
the nations of the Eaft, who for ages had poffeffed
it unrivalled and uncontrolled. But while we ad-
mire the Greeks as diftinguiſhed by ſignal atchieve-
ments, and dignified by every noble exertion of
the human mind, we remark with pain, even in
3
the
}
vi
PREFACE.
the zenith of their glory, the approaching decline
of public virtue, and are led to contemplate the
bold encroachments of venality and diſcord, which
reduced by degrees this extraordinary people to the
moſt abject ſtate of fervitude and infignificance.
STRUCK with thefe revolutions of fortune, we
cannot fail to derive from them an ample fource
of inftruction. They point out and illuſtrate the
fure means of advancing the profperity and hap-
pinefs of nations. The
The age of glory to Greece:
was the age of virtuous manners. Corrupted by
fuccefs, her profperity departed from her. The
diverſities of her ſtory, amidſt the paffions they ex-
cite, befpeak forcibly the fuperintendency of a
Divine Providence, and inculcate the important
truth, that happineſs is the reward of virtue, and
mifery the confequence of vice.
WHEN furveyed in a proper light, the hiſtory of
antient times is the ſchool of wisdom. To form
a juſt eſtimate of the manners and inftitutions of
nations now ſubfifting, is a taſk which is always
difficult, and often invidious. In judging of events
too near the preſent day, we are apt to be miſled
by
PREFACE.
vii
1
1
by our prejudices. The fprings of action are, in
general, hid from our obſervation; and we are
under the neceffity of reafoning from views that
are confined and partial. The tranfient operation
of fome incidental circumftance is often miſtaken
for a firſt cauſe; and we praiſe or condemn mea-
fures of which we know not the principle, and
cannot aſcertain the tendency. The cafe, how-
ever, of nations who have run their career is very
different. We have before us the whole line of
their hiſtory. We behold the riſe, the progreſs,
and the termination of their fortunes. We dif-
cover the advantages and the defects of their polity,
and can unfold the miſtakes of their rulers. We
obferve the coincidence of conduct and fuccefs
which exalted them to power; and can trace the
degeneracy and misfortunes which haftened their
decline. Unbiaſſed by connection, and undiſtracted
by oppofition of intereſts, truth alone becomes the
object of our curiofity and ſearch. Unawed by
ſtation, we call to account the proudeſt prince; aud
unfufpected of flattery, we beftow upon every
gallant deed the full portion of glory which it
merits.
9
}
BUT
1
viii
PREFACE.
1
BUT while theſe advantages apply to the tranf-
actions of the Greeks, there is another favourable
circumftance which attended them.
attended them.
Greece a
bounded in excellent writers; in generals, philo-
fophers, and ſtateſmen; and by theſe the memo-
rials of her hiſtory have been tranfmitted to pof
terity. Of fuch men the compofitions cannot. be
fufficiently eſteemed. They enjoyed a fhare in
the councils of their country; they acted a part
in the fcenes they defcribe; they were fully in-
formed concerning the laws and the conftitutions of
the ſtates whofe fates they record; they had the
honeſty and the boldneſs to detect and expoſe the
errors from which any public misfortune had ariſen;
and often, at the peril of their lives, they refifted
and repreffed the paffionate exceffes of a capricious
and mifguided multitude..
THERE are five periods into which the Hiftory of
Greece may be divided..
I. THE firſt period, during which Greece may
be confidered as emerging into life, extends from
the earlieſt accounts of the foundation of its ſtates
to the expulfion of the Pifiſtratidae; and includes
a ſpace
1
1
{
1
PREFACE.
ix
+
a ſpace of about fix hundred years. In this period,
independently of the Argonautic expedition, and
of many heroic atchievements which are in-
volved in the darkneſs of fable, there are compre-
hended the inſtitution of the Amphictyonic council,
the Trojan war, the legiſlations of Minos, of Lycur-
gus, of Solon, and what chiefly contributed to
form the Grecian character, the eſtabliſhment of
the liberties of Athens..
II. THE fecond period is properly the age of
glory of the Grecian people; and takes in about
fixty years. It commences with the ejection of the
Pifiſtratidae, and cloſes with the death of Cimon.
It is adorned with the noble exertions of the Greeks
againſt the Perfian power, at Marathon, Thermopy-
lae, Salamis, Plateae, and Eurymedon.
III. THE third period compriſes about one hun-
dred and fourteen years, from the death of Cimon
to that of Philip of Macedon. Here the profpect
is obfcured. The power and opulence which
Greece had purchaſed by her victories, introduced
oftentation, luxury, and infolence. Her ſtates,
relieved from the terror of a foreign enemy, di-
b
vided
X
PREFACE.
vided againſt each other; and, inſtead of being
animated with a generous zeal for the public hap-
pineſs, were pervaded and difgraced by diffolute
pleaſures, an oppreffive fpirit, and the luft of do-
minion. It was now that Greece began to decline.
But her wealth, her magnificence, the arts in which
ſhe excelled, the perfection of her drama, her ſkill
and advancement in philofophy, in eloquence, and
in literature, the poliſh of her manners, and the
elegance of her taſte, continued to give her the ap-
pearance of importance and of vigour. Her real
ftrength, however, was decayed; and the diſaſters
that enſued, firft in the courſe of the Pelopon-
nefian war; afterwards at Leuctra and Mantinea;
and at length at Chaeronea; were the natural cala-
mities which a people might expect, who had
given way to ruinous diffipations, who were broken
into factions, and who were falfe to themſelves.
IV. THE fourth period extends from the accef-
fion of Alexander the Great, the founder of the
empire of the Greeks, as it is fometimes called, to
the firft interference of the Romans in the affairs
of Greece. In this eventful period a total revo-
lution of intereſts was produced. The overthrow
5
of
PRE FAC E、
of the Perfian empire by the arms of Macedon,
which the Prophets had announced, gave a begin-
ning to the buſy ſcene; and Alexander's fortunes,
as it had been foretold, terminated here; his kin-
dred and poſterity having perifhed. Inſtead of
enjoying any advantage from his conquefts, they
were perhaps undone by them. Nor did his at-
chievements operate to the proſperity of Greece, or
even of Macedon. Depopulation, a diſputed
throne, and the repeated inroads of enemies,
brought Macedon to the brink of deftruction.
Inteftine divifions, and a general decay of virtue
reduced Greece from a ſtate of ſplendour to a con-
dition the most contemptible.. One common-
wealth, that of Achaia, was all that remained;
and though it had formerly been little known, its
improved polity, and unbroken manners, might
have rendered it the bulwark of Greece. This,
however, was prevented by the jealouſy of its tur--
bulent neighbours. Envious of its growing power,
they provoked a war in which all Greece was foon.
involved, and which at laſt invited the Roman
ambition, and effected the ruin of this unhappy
country. From the acceffion of Alexander to the
•
b. 2.
entry
4
xii
PREFACE.
entry of the Romans into Greece, there elapfed
one hundred and twenty-four years.
V. THE period which cloſes the melancholy
profpect of the Grecian decline, comprehends the
ſeveral plans of avowed hoftility and of diſguiſed
perfidiouſneſs, which the Romans employed in
order to ſubject and accustom this illuftrious
people to the yoke of fervitude. It includes their
wars, affected lenity, and infidious conventions
with the princes of Macedon, until they had
brought that kingdom to a final fubmiffion; their
treatment of the Aetolians, and of the Epirots; their
memorable treachery to Achaia; the burning of
Corinth; the utter extinction of liberty in Greece;
the various calamities which flowed from Roman
oppreffion, or the incurfions of barbarians, during
the long period of fixteen hundred years, till the
taking of Conſtantinople by the Othmans de-
livered this unfortunate country into the hands of
other tyrants; and finally, the condition in which
the abject race, who now bear the name of Greeks,
are to be found at this day, under the cruel and
humiliating ſcourge of defpotiſm.
+
9
THE
PREFACE.
xiii
}
THE two laſt of theſe periods compofe the
fubject of the prefent undertaking, upon which
the Author has employed the pains and the induſtry
that correſpond with its importance. It does not,
however, become him to affirm, that his abilities
were equal to the taſk in which he has been en-
gaged; and while he fubmits himſelf with dif-
fidence to the judgment of the public, he knows
and reſpects its impartiality. During the courſe
of his labours, he has pleaſed himſelf with the
reflection, that a fincere defire of contributing
to the proſperity of his country was impreffed
upon his mind; and he felt himſelf to be ani-
mated with the hope, that the errors and mif-
fortunes of other nations and other times might
induce his fellow-citizens to ſet the higher value
upon a conftitution which has freedom for its ob-
ject, and which protects and ſupports the natural
and inherent rights of mankind.
?
CONTENTS.
CONTENT S.
во о O K I.
SECTION I.
Character and death of Philip of Macedon-State of Macedo-
nian affairs, foreign and domeſtic, at the acceffion of Alexan-
der--His activity and vigour in furmounting the difficulties
with which he was furrounded-Appointed Captain-general of
Greece against the Perfians--Humbles the northern borderers-
Executes exemplary vengeance on the Thebans, who had revolted
upon a report of his death-Settles his European affairs-Paffes
the Hellefpont-Defeats the Perfians on the banks of the Gra-
nicus-Reduces the lower Afia--Advances into Silicia-Is de-
tained at Tarfus by a dangerous illneſs-Recovers-Meets Darius
in battle at Iffus-Defeats him-Takes the Perfian camp, with
the wife and daughters of Darius-Behaves nobly to the captive
princeffes-Damafcus furrenders to him, with the Embaffadors,
formerly fent by fome of the Grecian States to Darius-His
treatment of them-Lays fiege to Tyre-Takes it-Spares
Jerufalem-Takes Gaza-Enters and reduces Egypt-Vifits
the temple of Jupiter Ammon-Tampers with the priests of the
Oracle, and pretends to be a God-Gives battle to Darius
at Gaugamela-Defeats him with great flaughter. Page 1
SECTION
xvi
CONTENT S.
2
Į
it
SECTION II.
ز
Surrender of Babylon; of Sufa; of Perfepolis; and of Pafargadae;
with their treaſures-The effects of this rich plunder-
Darius treated perfidiouſly by Beſſus; and murdered by the
afſociates of that traitor-Change in the manners of Alex-
and Parmenio-Kills
ander-He puts to death Philotas
Clitus-Feels compunction-Is corrupted by flatterers-Seeks to
obtain divine honours-Is oppofed by Callisthenes-Refents
Callifthenes charged with encouraging a confpiracy
against Alexander-Is put to death-Alexander finds it ne-
ceffary to divert the attention of his army to other ſcenes-
Reduces feveral of the Indian tribes-Is oppofed by Porus-
Defeats him-Spreads devaftation to the Hyphafis—Propoſes
to pass on to the Ganges-And to conquer the whole world-
His foldiers refuse to proceed-He is highly difpleafed
Obliged to yield to their wishes-His vanity. Page 56
SECTION III.
Alexander vifits the Indian ocean-Returns by the inhospitable tract
of Gadrofia-The lofs be fuftains-Iniquitous conduct and punish-
ment of the governors he had appointed-His army mutinies-
He reduces them to obedience-Hephaeftion dies-Alexander's
exceffes on that occafion-Returns to Babylon—Is diſtreſſed by
ill-boding omens-Has recourfe to intemperance-Dies-His
character-The judgment to be formed of his atchievements;
and the benefits of which they have been productive.
99
ΒΟΟΚ
着
​}
">
xvii
}
CONTI
CONTENT S.
во ок
ŚECTION
I.
II.
Alterations, from Philip's acceffion, in the political fyftem of the
Several Grecian ſtates-with regard to Perfia-and of Ma-
cedon—from what caufes-Agis of Lacedaemon attempts to
vindicate the Grecian liberties against Macedon-bis fpirited
conduct—defeat—a nddeath-Character of Demofthenes, con-
fidered as a patriot-bis unjust condemnation and baniſhment—.
The Athenians exasperated by Alexander's control of their
liberties, prepare for war-upon Alexander's death take up
arms-recall Demofthenes-march against Antipater—their
imprudent confidence-defeated-forced to fubmit to the Ma-
cedonians.-Demofthenes flies to Calauria—dies—in what man-
ner—abaſement of Athens after his death.
Page 133
!
SECTION
II.
General state of affairs in Afia, from Alexander's death to the
battle of Ipfus-Alexander's generals deftroy his family, and
divide his dominions among themfelves-Antigonus, and De-
metrius his fon, kings of Syria, provoke the other chiefs by
their haughty and ambitious claims-are defeated at Ipfus-
Antigonus is fain-Demetrius faves himself by flight—is
Stripped of most of his dominions—endeavours to recover them—
in vain-is forced to yield himself a priſoner to Seleucus-dies
in confinement-his character-and various fortunes.
157
C
BOOK
*
xviii
CONTENTS.
}
A
BOOK
SECTION
III.
I.
View of the domeftic ftate of the kingdom of Macedon, under
the administration of Antipater-Polyperchon-Caffander-
and Demetrius Poliorcetes-Misfortunes-and final overthrow
of Alexander's whole family.
Page 193
SECTION II.
Lyfimachus gets poffeffion of the throne of Macedon-his character-
is flain by Seleucus-Seleucus, by Ptolemy Ceraunus-Ptolemy Ce-
raunus, by the Gauls.—The Gauls lay wafte Macedon―attempt
Delphi-are repulſed—and retire.—Antigonus, fon to Deme-
trius Poliorcetes, lays claim to the kingdom of Macedon—and
obtains it—is attacked by another body of Gauls-defeats them.
-Pyrrhus of Epire invades Macedon—defeats and difpoffeffes
Antigonus-attacks Sparta—is repulſed-marches to Argos-
is flain—his character.
220
во о к IV.
SECTION I.
Macedonian and Grecian affairs under Antigonus-his fon Deme-
trius-and Antigonus the fecond, kings of Macedon.-Origin of
the republic of Achaia-it's decay-re-eſtabliſhment-aġgran-
diſement, and profperity-from what cauſes.
ΙΟ
251
SECTIO Ni
}
CONTENTS.
xix
SECTION
II.
The Aetolians-their character-jealous of Achaia-excite Cleo-
menes, king of Sparta, against the Achaeans-character of
Cleomenes-bis abilities and fuccefs-the Achaeans diftreffed
by Cleomenes-call in the aid of Antigonus king of Mace-
don-Antigonus marches against Cleomenes-defeats him-
Cleomenes eſcapes to Egypt-Antigonus returns to Macedon-
fights the barbarians-obtains a complete victory-dies-bis
character.
Page 277
воо к
V.
SECTION I.
Philip, the last of the Macedonian kings of that name, fucceeds
to the kingdom upon the death of the Second Antigonus-
profperous ftate of Macedon at his acceffion-he enters into a
confederacy with the ſtates of Achaia againſt the Aetolians
entertains thoughts of reducing the feveral Greek republics-
prevented by Aratus-endeavours to weaken the influence of
Aratus-fails-affects to treat him with confidence—his mini-
fters grow jealous of Aratus—and ſeek his deftruction, though
to the ruin of their master's affairs-Philip difcovers their trea-
fonable practices-proceeds with feverity against them.
319
C 2
SECTION
1
1
}
}
CONTENT S
SECTION II.
Philip treats Aratus with diffimulation-forms a connection with
Demetrius of Pharos.—The hiſtory and character of Deme--
trius-he prevails on Philip to aim at the ſubjection of all
Greece; and to join Hannibal against the Romans-Philip
finds his fchemes oppofed by Aratus-bas him taken off by
poiſon—and behaves to his fon in a manner ftill more cruel
and flagitious-prepares a confiderable force to act against the
Romans—his pufillanimity—defeat—and flight.-The Romans
ftir up the Aetolians againſt him—the fatal confequences of this
meaſure to Greece.-Philip makes peace with the Aetolians;
-and with Rome-with what view-confpires with Anti-.
ochus to deprive the infant king of Egypt of his paternal
kingdom-befieges Abydos-is reproved and threatened by an
embaſſador from Rome-bis haughty anfwer-dreadful ruin of
Abydos...
Page 349
BOO
K
VI..
I..
SECTION.
Second Macedonian war- Sulpicius the conful enters Greece-
Villius fucceeds him-Flamininus is appointed to the confulship,.
and conduct of the war-his abilities-vigour fuccefs-de-·
taches the most confiderable of the Grecian ftates, particularly·
the Aetolians and Achaeans, from their connection with Mace-
don-draws Philip into an engagement-defeats him-compels :
bim:
с
xxi
ONTENT S.
bim to accept of peace on terms highly disadvantageous-ingra-
tiates himſelf with the Grecian ftates, by making a pompous pro-
clamation of their freedom, at the Ifthmian and Nemaean games
--infidiouſneſs of this grant-the Aetolians avow their jealoufy;
condemn the peace with Macedon; and charge the proconful
with entertaining unfriendly defigns against Greece-under a
pretence of a zeal for liberty, he propoſes making war on Na-
bis tyrant of Sparta, lately his confederate againſt Philip-
the Aetolians object to this war-the other Grecian ftates co-
operate with Flamininus.-Nabis attacked, and reduced to ex-
tremity-Flamininus, against the opinion of his Greek confede-
rates, concludes a treaty with him; and by artifice extorts their
confent-his motives-he returns to Rome, having first obtained
the freedom of all the Romans who were in flavery throughout
Greece..
Page 383
SECTION
II.
Antiochus king of Syria-his profperity-the Romans, jealous of
his power, feek to reduce it-which he refents-refolves to at-
tack the Romans-enters into alliance with the Aetolians-in-
vades Greece-meets the Romans in battle-is defeated at Ther-
mopylae—and afterwards at Magnefia.-The Romans turn
their arms against the Aetolians-compel them to fubmit to
what conditions they are pleafed to impofe—Achaia and Mace-
on active in behalf of Rome.-The treacherous manner in.
which the Romans requite their fervices. Rome endea--
vours to break the ſtrength of the commonwealth of Achaia,
by feducing it's confederate ſtates-by the intrigues of Roman
emillaries, a party of Meſſenians take up arms against the
Achaeans-Philopoemen haftens to fuppress the infurgents.
2
falls
xxii
CONTENTS.
1
falls into their hands-is put to death-Flamininus ſuſpect-
ed of having encouraged this flagitious action-grounds for
this fufpicion.--Flamininus's conduct to Cato.
Page 430
SECTION
III.
Injurious conduct of the Romans to Philip of Macedon-be is
required to evacuate Aenos and Maronea his violent re-
fentment-causes the Maronites to be maſſacred-is threat-
ened by the Romans-fends his fon Demetrius to Rome-
his fuccefs.-Philip's fufpicions of the connections Demetrius
had formed in Rome-encouraged in his fufpicions by Perfeus
-is impofed upon by a forgery-believes Demetrius guilty
of defigns against his crown and life-cauſes him to be put
to death-diſcovers his innocence-dies of a broken heart.-
His character.
475
BOOK
SECTION I.
VII.
Perfeus afcends the throne of Macedon-begins his reign with
Some appearance of vigour-courts the affections of the Ma-
cedonian people, and the friendſhip of the neighbouring ſtates.
-The Romans jealous-prefer fundry complaints against him,
and invade Greece.-Perfeus, with advantages in his favour,
lofes the benefit of them by his avarice and pufillanimity.
Suffers himſelf to be over-reached by the Romans--neglects
to improve the repeated opportunities, which, during the space
of three years, the incapacity or the corruption of the Roman
commanders prefented to him.
507
SECTION
}
CONTENT S.
xxiii
SECTION II.
Lucius Aemilius Paulus elected conful, and appointed to conduct
the Macedonian war-reftores and improves the difcipline of
the Roman army, which had fuffered from the mismanagement of
the preceding commanders-advances against Perfeus-forces
him from his entrenchments on the Peneus-engages, and
defeats him at Pydna.-Perfeus flies to Pella-to Amphipo-
lis-to Samothrace-furrenders himself to the Roman admi-
ral-is brought to Rome-produced before the triumphal car
of the victorious Roman, and dies in wretchedness.-Humi-
liation of Macedon under the Romans-their inhuman treat-
ment of the people of Epire-the people of Aetolia-and moft
of the other Grecian ſtates.-Cruel defigns entertained by them
again Achaia, not carried into execution--for what reaſons.
Page 556
K
воо к
SECTION I.
VIII.
Infidious defigns of the Romans against Achaia.--The Achaean
chiefs tranfported into Italy--with what views and how
treated.--Perplexed ſtate of the Achaean councils--the per-
plexity encreaſed by the policy of Rome.-Affairs of Oropus.--
The Achaeans take up arms against Sparta.--The Roman com-
miſſioners attempt to diſunite Achaia from the ſeveral ſtates not
originally belonging to the Achaean body.—An infurrection is
made at Corinth.-The Romans diffemble-and from what
reafons.-New war in Macedon. Andrifcus pretends to be
the Son of Philip his fuccefs-and the termination of his
fortunes.
xxiv
CONT
NTENT S.
fortunes. Another pretender afcends the throne of Macedon-
is overthrown-and efcapes into Dardania.-A third preten-
der appears-is defeated-and flain.
Page 593
1
SECTION II.
The Achaeans, provoked by the perfidioufness of Rome, take up
Arms - Metellus marches against them-defeats them-is
Superfeded by Mummius-who continues the war-obtains a
decifive victory-takes, and burns Corinth-puts an end to
the Achaean Commonwealth, and to the liberties of Greece.
The principal causes that produced the decline and final over-
throw of the Grecian ſtates.
$
SECTION III,
620
Greece threatened by the Cimbri-joins Mithridates.—Character
and views of that prince.-Siege and ruin of Athens by Sylla.
-Sylla overthrows the armies of Mithridates-clofe of the for-
tunes of Mithridates.-Greece ravaged by the Cilician corfairs
-involved in the civil wars between Caefar and Pompey;
between the republican party and the avengers of Caefar's
death;
between Octavius and Mark Antony.-Abject con-
dition of Greece under the Roman Emperors.-Irruption of
the Goths.-Reigns of Conftantine-Conftantius- Julian-
Jovian-Valentinian-Valens-Gratian-Theodofius-Arca-
dius, and Honorius.-Overthrow of the Roman empire in the
Weft.-Ruin of Greece by the Barbarians.—Decline and fall
of the empire of Conftantinople.-Prefent ftate of Greece. 646
→
HISTORY
}
1
f
{
HISTORY OF GREECE.
角
​BỌ оок K
}
I..
M
}
SECTION I.
$
CONTENTS.
Character and death of Philip of Macedon-State of Macedo-
nian affairs, foreign and domeftic, at the acceffion of Alexan-
der His activity and vigour in furmounting the difficulties
with which he was furrounded-Appointed Captain-general of
Greece against the Perfians-Humbles the northern borderers—
Executes exemplary vengeance on the Thebans, who had revolted
upon a report of his death- Settles his European affairs-Paffes
-the Hellefpont-Defeats the Perfians on the banks of the Gra-
nicus-Reduces the lower Afia-Advances into Silicia-Is de-
tained at Tarfus by a dangerous illness-Recovers-Meets Darius
in battle at Illus-Defeats him-Takes the Perfian camp, with
the wife and daughters of Darius-Behaves nobly to the captive
princeffes-Damafcus furrenders to him, with the Embajadors,
formerly fent by fome of the Grecian States to Darius-His
treatment of them-Lays hiege to Tyre Takes it-Spares
Jerufalem
to
ww
HISTORY OF GREECE
BOOK I.
Sect. I.
Abilities of
cedon.
Ferufalem-Takes Gaza-Enters and reduces Egypt-Vifits
the temple of Jupiter Ammon-Tampers with the priefs of the
Oracle, and pretends to be a God-Gives battle to Darius
at. Gaugamela-Defeats him with great faughter.
T
HE deep policy of Philip of Macedon, and the
artful uſe he made of the mutual jealoufies and con-
tefts of the feveral Grecian States, of the venality of
Philip of Ma- their orators and leaders, and of that decay of public fpirit.
which was become general throughout Greece, had, during
the courſe of his reign', raiſed the Macedonian kingdom
to a degree of power far beyond what its late humility of for-
tune ſeemed to promife. His military character was little
inferior to his political. And if, to the fagacity of the ſtateſ
man and the vigour of the warrior, he had joined thoſe.
virtues which give to the regal dignity its brighteſt luſtre,
all remains of independence had probably been loft to the.
Grecian people..
His private
character.
•
PHILIP'S Own misconduct prevented it. Intemperate in
the purſuit of fenfual gratifications, he had, for fome time
before his death, rendered. his court a fcene of ftrife and.
diſtraction. In order to wed Cleopatra, a young Princeſs of
whom he happened to be enamoured, he had endeavoured to
throw fufpicions on his wife Olympias. His fon Alexan-
der, impatient of his mother's wrongs, he had driven.
from his prefence,, and forced him to feek for refuge among.
the enemies of his country. From his partiality to the crea
tures of his young queen,, he had treated with neglect fome
*› He reigned about twenty-four years.
of
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
3
!
Sect. 1.
of his moſt faithful fervants; and at laft, by his iniquitous Book I.
protection of one of his new favourites, he provoked the
blow which put an end to his life. Paufanias, a young
Macedonian of noble birth, had been injured in a moſt ſen-
fible manner by one of Cleopatra's kinfmen, and upon ap-
plying to the king for juſtice, had found his complaint difre-
garded. Pride, mortification, and refentment, rendered him
defperate. He marked his opportunity; and as Philip, on a day His death.
of public feſtivity, was entering into the theatre, he plunged
a dagger into his heart. There are hiſtorians who pretend,
that he was encouraged to this deed of violence by ſome of the
king's own family; and that his accomplices were numerous*.
But neither the one nor the other ſeems to be true. Poffibly
ſome perſons, obnoxious on other accounts, may have been
The death of Philip feems to have furniſhed much matter of accuſation, which
the voice of faction, of private animofity, and even of ambition, occafionally
employed againſt whatever perfons they thought it was their intereft to deftroy,
or to blacken. When Alexander invaded Afia, he charged (Arrian, 1. ii. c. 14.)
the Perſian court with the guilt of it, alledging it as one of the injuries that had
called him forth against Darius. At the fame time, Alexander himſelf did
not eſcape; and, in the treatment he had received from his father, and the fpirit
with which he had refented it, his enemies diſcovered reafons fufficient for fufpect-
ing, that he had ſhared in a crime, to which he owed his fecurity, and the throne
he was in poffeffion of. The like fufpicions had place againſt Olympias;
and her paffionate exceffes ftrengthened them. Severely injured by the late
king, and of a temper violent and vindictive, ſhe ſaw, with exultation, in Philip's
death, the overthrow of a faction which had infulted her, and of a rival whom ſhe
abhorred. His fall was her triumph, and the indulged it. With her own hands ſhe
placed a golden crown on the head of his affaffin, when hanging on the gibbet,
and confecrated the very dagger which had drank his blood in the temple of one
of her gods. Hiftorians have often pronounced from flighter proofs. Such a decided
conduct was conſidered as an unquestionable argument of her having directed the
blow ſhe rejoiced in; of which, however, had she been really guilty, probably ſhe
had been more artful in difguifing her fentiments.-See Juft. 1. ix. c. 7.
B 2
involved
}
HISTORY OF GREECE.
}
Sect. I.
Book I. involved in the fufpicion; and, to have rejoiced at the fuc
cefs of the crime, which, doubtlefs, was the cafe with
many, may have been confidered as an argument of their
having fhared in the guilt...
Temper of
the nations
bordering on
Macedon, at
the time of
Alexander's
acceffion.
State of af
fairs in Ma-
sedon.
2
'
THE abilities and enterprizing ſpirit of Philip, had render-
ed him the terror of his neighbours. They haſted to avail.
themſelves of the favourable change of circumſtances, which
his death, the defenceless: ftate of Macedon, the embarraff-
ments and the fuppofed inexperience of his fucceffor, pre-
ſented to their view. The Thracian borderers, who had been-
lately reduced, threw off the yoke. Illyricum followed the
example. In Theffaly, all: was in commotion: and fuch:
was the ferment throughout the reſt of Greece, as ſeemed
evidently to forebode a total revolution of intereſts..
+
+
{E ›
*
Ar home alfo, the Macedonian affairs were in much con-
fufion; moſt of the chief men being either fufpected of trea-
fonable practices, or profecuting private animofities one againſt
another. The blow which had proved fatal. to Philip, was
ſuppoſed to have come from a formidable party, of which
Paufanias was only the inftrument.. The princes of the.
blood had each their pretenfions. Olympias had her adherents ::
And the uncle of the
the young queen Cleopatra hers.
latter, Attalus, who, together with Parmenio, had the com-
mand of the forces in Afia, was faid to entertain the moſt
ambitious and criminal views:
ર
3. See Arrian, 1. i. c... & feq. Diod. Sic. 1. xvii. Júftin, f. xi. Plutarch
in Alexand. et Demofthene.
*
1
t
ALEXANDER
i
}
}
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
5
ALEXANDER perceived the dangers that threatened him Book I.
without being difmayed. He began his reign with revenging his Sect. 1.
father's death; he ſuppreſſed different factions that threatened Vigorous
the domeſtic peace of his kingdom; and contrived to have meaſures
purfued by
Attalus taken off, before he could carry his defigns, whatever Alexander.
they were, into execution,
}
Greece.
GREECE employed his attention next. The Theffalians had Baffes the
poffeffed themſelves of the defiles, which lay between their people of
Theffaly,
country and Macedon. He eluded them, by paffing over and enters
the craggy top of mount Offa; and was already in Theffaly,
before it was imagined he had entered upon his march. With-
out lofs of time, he proceeded to the Corinthian ifthmus,
where the general convention of the States of Greece was
held, and laid before them. his claim, requiring, that they
ſhould appoint him. Captain-general againſt the Perfians, with
the fame powers they had granted to his father.. Moſt of the
Grecian States were fecretly, inimical to his intereſt.. The
deputies of Sparta, nevertheleſs, were the only perfons in this
affembly who had the firmneſs to avow their fentiments.
"The Lacedæmonians," faid they, "are accuſtomed to lead the
"way to glorious exploits, not to follow the lead of others."
Their repreſentations, however, had little weight. The pre- Is appointed
Captain-ge-
fence of the young King, the activity and vigour he had
neral againſt
difplayed, together with his infinuating addreſs,. made all the Perfians.
oppofition fall before him ...
ALEXANDER returned with expedition to the north, in order
to fecure his frontier on the fide of Thrace.
་
Reduces the
The Thracians
Barbarian
tribes to the
north of Ma-
cedon.
1
A
Olymp. cxi. 1. Before Chrift 336..
1
1
were
HISTORY OF GREECE
?
Book I. were a fierce people, of remarkable ftrength of body, whofe
Sect. 1. dwellings were in faſtneffes and mountains exceedingly high,
and difficult of acceſs. Alexander attacked and difpoffef-
fed them of their ſtrong holds; and reduced them to the
neceffity of fubmitting to what terms he was pleaſed to
impoſe. Theſe terms, in appearance void of ſeverity, fhew,
that, to the fpirit of the young warrior, Alexander had
already joined the profound policy of the old chieftain. He
required, that their principal leaders, with a chofen body of
their braveſt men, ſhould attend his banners; thus ſtrengthen-
ing himſelf with the acceffion of the moſt warlike people then
known, and at the fame time taking with him the ſureſt pledges
of their future fealty". The adjacent nations, the Triballi,
the Getæ, and the feveral Celtic tribes on both fides of the
Danube, he attacked in the fame vigorous manner, and with
the like fuccefs". Thence he moved on to Illyricum.
Illyrians had affembled a powerful force, and ſtood prepared
to meet him; they were nevertheleſs totally defeated, and
Clytus, their King, who had encouraged the defection, was
obliged to abandon his kingdom, and take refuge among the
neighbouring Barbarians.
Report of his
death.
The
DURING thefe tranfactions, a report prevailed, that Alexan-
der had fallen in battle againſt the Illyrians. The Greeks in
general, the Thebans and Athenians efpecially, received the
6
Frontin. Stratagem. 1. ii. c. 11.
Alexander aſked the Celtes, What they feared moſt ?" He expected, it
feems, a compliment; but theſe rough fons of freedom made anfwer, "They had
no fear but one, left the ſky ſhould fall on them." Pleafed with their ſpirit, he
pronounced them his friends and confederates ; adding, however, “the Celtes are
"an haughty people." Arrian, 1. i. c. 4.
"
I
tidings
1
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
7
1
tidings with an eager credulity, and the most intemperate joy. Book I.
At Athens, the event was celebrated as the reſtoration of Sect. I.
public liberty; the moſt ſpirited decrees were propoſed; and
the Macedonian name was treated with great indignity. At
Thebes, they proceeded ftill farther. Cadmea, the citadel,
was garrifoned by Macedonians. The Thebans put immedi-
ately to the fword all the Macedonian officers they could,
feize; and having fummoned the garrifon to furrender, upon:
refufal, laid siege to the citadel..
marches to
Thebes ;.
ALEXANDER had not left Illyricum, when the news of this Alexander
revolt reached him. He inftantly marched with the utmoſt
expedition; and was within fight of Thebes before the The-
hans would believe that he was alive. At first, he was un-
willing to proceed to extremities, in hopes, that a ſenſe of
danger might induce the Thebans to adopt. more moderate
councils, and only demanded, that the promoters of the re-
volt ſhould be delivered up. But perceiving that,, inſtead of
being reformed by this lenity, they treated him with greater
infult, he at length gave a looſe to his refentment; and having takes it by
taken the city by, ftorm, abandoned. to military execution
all thoſe who were found in arms. The rest of the inha-
bitants he fold for flaves; the priests excepted, with thoſe to
whom the Macedonians were bound by the ties of hoſpitality;
the deſcendents of Pindar, and fuch as had oppoſed the late
tumultuous meafures.. It is faid, that the number of Thebans
thus doomed to flavery, amounted to thirty thousand.. The
city alſo the victor levelled with the ground, not ſuffering and levels it.
one building to be preſerved, but the temples, and the houſe
where Pindar had been born.
ſtorm,
THE
}
8
Book I.
Sect. I.
Generous
conduct of
the Atheni-
ans.
The impref-
fion it makes
on Alexan.
der.
HISTORY OF GREECE
4
THE manner in which the Athenians acted on this occa-
fion, does them great honour. They were guilty, as well
as the Thebans, and had every thing to fear from the
victorious Macedonian. They nevertheleſs made public la-
mentations for the overthrow of Thebes, fufpending on that
account, even the celebration of the Eleufinian myſteries, the
moſt highly revered feſtival at Athens; and afforded protection
to all the Thebans that fled to them, notwithſtanding Alexan-
der's expreſs injunction, "that no Grecian iftate ſhould.
preſume to give them ſhelter."
66
JI.
It is probable, the generous compaffion which Athens ex-
hibited to this unfortunate people, made an impreffion on
the mind of Alexander himſelf. Hiftorians obferve, that,
though at firſt he appeared much diſpleaſed, he afterwards
received the embaffy,. which they fent to apologize for their
diſobedience, with marks of fingular efteem. "Your Athe-
"nians," faid he to Phocion, "ſhould look to themſelves;
"for, were any misfortune to befall me, they alone, of all the
"Greeks, are worthy to command 7.” The only puniſh-
ment he inflicted, on them, was, that they ſhould banish
Charidemus, and feven other orators, who had been moſt
active in ſtirring up the people.. Upon a fecond appli-
cation, he remitted much even of this, contenting himſelf
Charidemus with the exile of Charidemus, the ſharpneſs of whofe invec-
baniſhed. tives had given him particular offence. Charidemus ac-
cordingly left Athens, and fled to the court of Perfia. We
ſhall have occafion to mention him hereafter.
the orator is
7 Plutarch in Phocion.
$
• Plutarch in Demofthene.
THE
+
+
1
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
9
THE extreme feverity with which the Thebans were treat-
ed, is not to be juſtified upon any ground, perhaps, but that
of political neceffity. As an intimidating example, it un-
doubtedly had its uſe. Greece was thereby completely
humbled: for whatever might be the fecret inclinations of
the different States, they faw it was not now the time to
affert their liberties againſt a Prince, whofe power was not to
be refifted, and at whofe hands no mercy was to be ex-
pected.
THE affairs of Greece being thus compofed, and the fecu-
rity of his kingdom provided for, Alexander found leifure
to purſue his favourite plan of carrying his arms into Afia.
Little more than a year had elapfed fince Philip's death, and
already had his fon, though but twenty years old when he
afcended the throne, ftruck terror into the moſt formidable of
the furrounding nations, and diffipated every league that had
been formed againſt him. Upon his return to Macedon, he
declared his intention of entering on the Perfian war the en-
fuing fpring. Parmenio and Antipater would have perſuaded
him to defer it, until he was married, and had male off-
Ypring; but Alexander was too eager for military glory to
brook delay. It is alſo probable, that his fituation did not
admit of it. His forces were ripe for action; they had
been formed by a fucceffion of hardy atchievements; and
ſhould they now be fuffered to fink into inactivity, they
might loſe much of their prefent vigour. His finances, be-
fides, were nearly exhaufted; and the very means of fup-
porting fuch an army were only to be derived from the con-
quefts he had in contemplation.
C
THE
Book I.
Sect. 1.
The fate of
Thebes terri
fies Greece.
Alexander
prepares to
pafs into
Afta.
IO
HISTORY OF GREECE
1
Book I.
Sect. I.
Settles the
affairs of his
kingdom.
THE intervening winter was employed in making the ne-
ceffary arrangements previous to his departure, and in fettling
the internal concerns of his kingdom. The attention he
beſtowed on theſe domeſtic matters, and the wifdom of his
meaſures, fpeak him not lefs intelligent in the arts of peace.
than in the bufinefs of war, He had reaſon to fear, that ſome
remains of difaffection were yet lurking in many parts of his
dominions; and that the feuds, which had diſturbed the begin-
ning of his reign, might burft out afresh. He, therefore, made
it his ſtudy to eſtabliſh himſelf in the hearts of his people,
to efface, if poffible, every remembrance of party-diſtinction
from among them, and to make them all confpire in advanc-
ing the public happineſs and tranquillity. With this view,
he appointed folemn feftivals to be held at Aegae, which
were celebrated with great magnificence, and. to which all
Macedon was invited. He afterwards diftributed his whole
patrimony among his friends and principal fubjects.;, giving
to one a village, to another a diſtrict of land, to a third a
portion of the royal revenues. "What then. do you reſerve
"for yourſelf?" faid Parmenio to him. My hopes," an-
fwered the Prince. "Permit us then,, who mean to, ſhare
"in your dangers," replied Parmenio, to ſhare alſo in
"your hopes," and refuſed to accept the estate which
Alexander would have beftowed on him.
魄
​others who followed the example of Parmenio.
r
There were
Or Aegeae, the city of the goats; ſo called in memory of an old tradition, that
Caranus, a prince of the houſe of Hercules, who firſt led a colony of Greeks into
this country, and was the founder of the kingdom of Macedon, was conducted
thither by a flock of goats, which the oracle had commanded him to follow. Juftin..
L. vii. c. 1..
ALEXANDER
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
II
1
1
ALEXANDER next committed the regency of his kingdom to Book I.
Antipater, an aged nobleman of diſtinguiſhed abilities, who Sect. 1.
had been one of his father's chief counſellors; and provided a
fufficient body of troops to anſwer any ſudden emergency.
ALL things being now in readineſs, he prepared, upon Paffes the
the firſt opening of the fpring, to pass the Hellefpont. Hellefpont.
His whole army amounted to about thirty thouſand foot and
five thouſand horfe, with provifions only for one month, and
in the military cheft there was no more than ſeventy talents.
Agreeable to this flender proviſion was his naval equipment,
confiſting moſtly of tranſports, with a few ſhips of ſtrength:
the Macedonians having never had a powerful navy, the ex-
pence of which, indeed, they were not able to maintain.
Yet from fo inconfiderable a force as we have defcribed, was
the greateſt empire of Afia to receive its overthrow.
UPON Alexander's paffing into Afia, all Greece ſeemed to
have paffed over with him, ſuch an univerſal inactivity fuc-
ceeded to the ufual bustle of this bufy nation; the hopes
or fears of the feveral Grecian States turning to that im-
pòrtant field, where their fortunes were now to be decided.
If Alexander fuffered diſcomfiture, Greece had ftill a chance
for her liberties; if he proved victorious, her fubjection was
inevitable. The hiſtory of Alexander at this period, is the
hiſtory of Greece. ·
The effect
this expedi-
tion had in
Greece.
It ſeems amazing, that the Perfians, who could not but Inattention
have intelligence of his defigns, and might eafily have covered
* £. 13,562. 10 s. od.-Arbuthnot.
C 2
the
of the Per-
fians.
1
1
}
12
HISTORY OF GREECE
Book I. the fea with fleets, made no attempt to interrupt him in his
Sect. 1. paffage. But this devoted people were infatuated; of which
their hiſtory, at this period, affords frequent inftances..
Alexander
1
ALEXANDER, having landed without oppofition, made it his
lands in Afia.. firſt buſineſs to vifit the ruins of Troy, and the monuments
yet remaining of thoſe heroes whom Homer had' fung ;· as
if to pleaſe his imagination with a view of the feat where:
Greece, in antient days, had. triumphed over the powers of
Afia. In the fame fpirit, he caufed games to be celebrated,.
and extraordinary honours to be paid, at the tombs of ſeve--
ral of thoſe illuftrious Greeks who had fallen in that me--
morable war; particularly at the tomb of Achilles, whom
he numbered among his progenitors, and whoſe. military.
character he affected to imitate.. His fituation, it might be.
imagined, called for other thoughts. But to a mind of fuch:
a temper as Alexander's, theſe ſcenes afforded allurements
too powerful to be refifted..
Darius's ge-
nerals are di- -
MEAN while, Darius's generals: were divided in opinion?
vided about about their plan of operations. Memnon of Rhodes, the ableft:
their plan of and most faithful officer in the. Perfian fervice, counfelled to
operations,
avoid battle with the Macedonians; and to lay wafte. the:
country,, in order to deprive them of fubfiftence.. Had
this wiſe meaſure been adopted, Alexander had foon found
himſelf in great perplexity. But the vain confidence of the
other commanders, and their jealouſy of Memnon, faved the :
Macedonians. Arfites,, fatrap of the lower Phrygia, vaunted i
that, "not the ſmalleſt village in his government fhould.
"fuffer inconvenience on account of this contemptible band...
"of adventurers."
IT
A
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
13`
t
Sect. 1.
Refolve to
diſpute the
paffage of the
Granicus.
IT was accordingly determined to wait for the Macedonians Book I.
at the paffage of the Granicus. And, if a battle was to be
fought, it muſt be owned, the Perfians could hardly have
chofen their ground more advantageously. The Granicus is a
deep and rapid river; its banks are ſteep; the foil crumbling;
and its bottom, from the nature of the mud that covers it,
exceedingly flippery". Across this river lay the way in-
to Upper Phrygia.. The Perfians, befides, were far fuperior
to Alexander in horfe; and it was not fuppoſed, that the
Macedonian infantry could perform much ſervice, from the
unavoidable delay that muſt be incurred in their paffing the
river.
A
A
ALEXANDER, who had exact intelligence of the motions of
his enemy, nevertheleſs held on his march 12: On fight of
the enemy drawn up on the oppofite bank, and of the difficul--
ties to be furmounted before he could clofe with them, his
generals began to be apprehenfive of the iffue, and would
have diffuaded him from the attempt; beſeeching him, at:
leaſt to delay the attack till next day.. But Alexander faw,,
how difreputable to his arms, and, therefore, how prejudiciał :
to his affairs, any appearance of hefitation must prove at this
juncture; and moving forward with his cavalry, he imme--
diately commanded the forlorn hope to enter the river; he
himſelf, amidſt the acclamations of his army, following at:
the head of the right wing, whilſt Parmenio, at the fame time,,
advanced at the head of the left.. That his men, however,
might not have both the rapidity of the current and the weight:
of the enemy to contend with, he, with great judgment,,
+
·
r
" 'See Tournefort Voyage au Levant, Let. 27.
12 OLYMP. cxi. 3., BEFORE CHRIST 334…
inſtructed i
14
HISTORY OF GREECE
Sect. 1.
Book I. inftructed them not to go directly acrofs, but to march ob-
liquely down the ſtream, in order to have leiſure to form,
before they reached the oppofite bank.
Battle of the
Granicus.
THE Perfians were not wanting to themſelves; and, af-
fifted by their fituation, preffed on the Macedonians with
fuch vigour, that the foremoſt ranks of the latter, found it
impoffible to carry the bank, and were falling back in con-
fufión. Alexander obferved their diftrefs, and rushing
amidſt the thickeſt of the enemy, reſtored the battle, notwith-
ſtanding the utmoſt efforts of the Perfians; who difputed the
ground inch by inch, oppofing man to man, and horſe to
horſe; and having marked where the King fought, poured
their bravest troops towards that quarter. Accordingly,
ſeveral of the King's guards, and thoſe neareſt his perſon,
were flain; and he himſelf, had it not been for the quickneſs
and addrefs of Clitus, had loft his life. For Rhoefaces, a
Perfian officer of diſtinction, having diſcharged his faulchion
on the King's helmet, and cut off part of his creft; as Alex-
ander turned upon him, Spithridates, another noble Perſian,
came up behind, which Clitus perceiving, he ſprung forward,
and with one blow fevered the Perfian's arm from his body,
at the inftant it was raiſed to ftrike the King. "The perils to
which Alexander had been expofed, ferved only to inſpire
him and his Macedonians with fresh ardour. They were
now irreſiſtible; and, bearing down all before them, ob-
liged the Perfians, who were breaking on every fide, to be-
take themſelves to flight. One body of infantry only
remained, of about ten thouſand Greek mercenaries; who,
whether through amazement at the fudden difcomfiture of
their friends, or in hopes of obtaining favourable terms, con-
tinued
I
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
15
3
defeated.
tinued on the field of battle. But Alexander, having com- Book I.
Sect. I.
manded his troops to furround them, put moſt of them to
the ſword, after they had, for ſome time, made a gallant The Perfians
refiftance. Two thouſand were taken prifoners, whom
Alexander condemned to flavery and tranfported into Ma-
cedon to be employed in the public works; to intimidate
by this act of ſeverity the Greeks from ferving in the
armies of the Perfian King; whoſe beſt troops he knew
were compofed of fuch mercenaries.
WHAT the numbers of the Perfians were, upon this occafion, Their
hiſtorians are not agreed; fome making them, amount to an ftrength.
hundred thouſand; fome to fix hundred thouſand. Arrian,
whoſe relation feems to deſerve moſt credit, makes the account
much lower. According to him, the Perfian cavalry amounted
to twenty thoufand, and their infantry nearly to the fame
number of whom were flain two thouſand five hundred of
the cavalry; and of the infantry, ten thouſand.
ON the fide of Alexander, there were five thousand horfe,
who, together with a few of the light-armed infantry, were
the only part of the Grecian army that engaged;; for the
battle appears to have been over before the Macedonian
phalanx had croffed the river.
་
The number.
donians.
of the Mace--
ALEXANDER took care, that his troops fhould fee the Alexander's
gratitude.
fenſe he had of their gallant behaviour. One hundred and
fifteen Macedonians had fallen. Orders were iffued, that
their families fhould enjoy the moſt ample privileges, and
be for ever exempt from ſervice and tribute. Of this num-
ber, twenty-five were of the King's guards,
who fell`in the
beginning
!
ན
14
1
1
16
Sect. I.
Honours paid
HISTORY OF GREECE
Book I. beginning of the action, fighting around his perfon. Their
memory he honoured in a particular manner. Their fta-
tues were caft in brafs, and placed at Dium in Macedon;
where Metellus, when the Romans fubdued that country,
found them, and removed them to Rome.
to the Greeks
who had fal-
¡len.
Recompenfes
the living.
Sends tro-
phies to
Greece.
Gallant be
of
haviour the
fome of
Perfian
chiefs.
1
THE reſt of the army were not forgotten. They received
every recompence, which a victorious and grateful general could
beſtow; public acknowledgments, military honours, pecu-
niary rewards. He even vifited in perſon the wounded,
taking care that they fhould be treated with great attention
and tenderneſs.
He was alſo ambitious, that Greece fhould be fully in-
formed of the ſucceſs of his arms. Prefents of the richeſt
of the fpoils were fent to Olympias and his Macedonian
friends; and three hundred complete fuits of armour to
Athens, with fuitable infcriptions, to be hung up in the
temple of Minerva.
In juſtice to Alexander, it muſt be confeffed, that to his
conduct and ſpirited example, this victory is chiefly to be
afcribed. It appears alſo, that many of the Perfian chiefs
acquitted themſelves with great courage, and might have
turned the fortune of the day, had they been properly fup-
ported. Memnon and his fons diftinguiſhed themſelves
among the foremoſt combatants, and for a time rendered
the iffue doubtful. That gallant commander, though the
action had been brought on contrary to his fentiments and
opinion, did what valour could perform, and retired only
when he ſaw that all was loft. Arfites, by whofe counſel
5
the
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER,
17
จ
the battle had been fought, was fo deeply affected at the Book I.
unfortunate event, that he laid violent hands on him- Sect. 1.
felf.
provinces of
THIS victory was attended with important confequences. Several of the
Sardis, the chief city of Lycia, and once the royal feat of Lower Afia
the Lydian kings, fubmitted immediately. The feveral fubmit.
cities likewiſe of Phrygia, Lydia, Pamphylia, Caria, Ionia,
opened their gates to the conqueror, Miletus and Halicar-
naffus excepted; and of theſe alfo he foon made himſelf
maſter, though vigorously defended, the latter even by Mem-
non. Within the courfe of a few months, therefore, from
his paffing the Hellefpont, he had reduced moſt of the
provinces of the Lower Afia.
Soon after the reduction of Miletus, he difmiffed his
fleet; a meaſure ſeemingly raſh, but the reſult, nevertheleſs,
of mature deliberation. A naval armament required an ex-
pence, which he could not well defray; with the utmoſt
pains, he would, after all, have found it impoffible to main-
tain a ſuperiority at ſea againſt the powerful navies of
Phoenicia and Cyprus: and to have attempted an engage-
ment, and been defeated, though nothing worſe had followed,
would probably have encouraged the Greeks to riſe againſt
him. His only road to victory was, therefore, by land; and,
if all the fea-ports were once fubdued, the fhipping muft,
in the end, be his alfo.
ye
13
The wiſdom
His wiſdom, in improving the advantages which his of Alexander,
arms had obtained, was not lefs confpicuous than his valour
13 See Chandler's Travels in Lower Afia, chap. ix.
D
had
in improving
the advan-
tages obtain
ed.
18
1
HISTORY OF GREECE
}
BOOK I.
Sect. I.
Gordian
knot.
had been in obtaining them. He took care that agricul
ture and civil government fhould fucceed to the devafta-
tions of war. Thofe Macedonians in whom he could beſt
confide, he appointed governors over the feveral provinces;
inftructing them to ftrengthen the new eſtabliſhments by the
lenity of their adminiſtration; and to make the nations over
whom they were to rule, feel the difference between the Gre-
cian laws, and the arbitrary oppreffions under which they
had recently groaned. In the Greek cities, he reſtored the
democratical form of government, to which the citizens
were fondly attached, recommending it to them, that,
whatever wrongs they had fuffered under the late admini-
ftration, they ſhould not feek for revenge. At the fame
time he viſited in perfon thofe places which ſeemed to
demand his prefence, attentive to what the circumſtances of
each people required, and ftudious to heal the breaches that
yet remained; impofing no new tribute, and even lighten-
ing the burden of thoſe who appeared to want relief г4.
Theſe noble cares employed him until the return of the fea-
fon fitted for military operations.
1 5
$
I
It was in the courfe of this progrefs, that he is faid to have
performed the famed achievement of the Gordian knot. At
Gordium in Phrygia, the capital city of old Midas, in one
of the temples was the yoke of a chariot, fufpended to
a beam, the knot of which was contrived with fuch
14 At Epheſus particularly, he applied the tribute which the citizens were wont to
pay, to the rebuilding of the temple of Diana, the favourite Goddeſs of the Ephe-
ſian people, which had been confumed with fire on the night on which he was
born.
15 See Arrian, L. ii. c. 3. Quint. Cur. L. iii. c. I.
art,
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
19
1
}
art, that it was not poffible to diſcover the ends. And, “to
"the perſon who fhould unlooſe it," ſaid the Barbarians,
*the oracles had deſtined the empire of the world." Alex-
ander, according to ſome hiſtorians, cut the knot; determined,
if he could not fulfil the oracle, that no other perſon ſhould.
But Ariftobulus, who accompanied the King, relates the
ſtory in a different manner. The pin which faſtened the
yoke to the beam, was paffed through the knot: the pin,
therefore, taken out, the charm was diffolved, and Alexan-
der drew out the yoke without difficulty. If the incident
is true, it is plain Alexander did not difdain to avail him-
ſelf of the ſuperſtition of the vulgar, as well as of the ar-
tifice of the prieſts, from whom, doubtléfs, he had received
inſtructions before he ventured on an attempt in which it
had been dangerous for him to have failed.
Book I.
Sect. 1.
This was the fevereft lofs Memnon
dies.
Previous to his death, that Ge-
the only one that could have
Darius.
པ་
MEAN while, Memnon died.
Darius had yet ſuſtained **.
neral had formed a plan,
faved the Perfian empire, and of which his royal maſter had
approved, to remove the war into Greece. In order to His advice te
effect this, he had already begun to reduce thoſe iſlands,
which had revolted to the Macedonians, and was before
Mitylene at the time of his death. From thence he was
to have paffed into Euboea, and from Euboea into Pelopon-
nefus, where having formed a confederacy with the feveral
Grecian States to whom the Macedonian was become for-
midable, he was to have poured the war into Macedon, and
16 See Arrian, L. ii. c. 1. Diod. Sic. L. xvii.
D 2
have
20
HISTORY OF GREECE
'ટ્
Sect. I.
BOOK I. have obliged Alexander to attend to the defence of his here-
ditary dominions. But the fupreme Arbiter of events had
pronounced, that the empire of the Medes and Perfians
ſhould be no more; and removed from Darius the only re-
ſource he had left to avert the blow..
The confe-
quence of his
death.
Darius
marches
againſt Alex-
ander.
WHILE Memnon. lived, Alexander had confined his at
tention to the ſecurity of the Lower Afia. Upon his death,.
as if relieved from all farther apprehenfions, on that fide, he
declared his refolution of penetrating into the upper provinces.
What enabled him the better to attempt it, was, that the
returning ſpring had brought him large reinforcements. At
the clofe of the former campaign, he had granted to his
army an indulgence, from which he now derived confider-
able benefit. In the ſpirit of the Jewish law (of which,
probably, he had information from Ariftotle, who could
not but have ſome acquaintance with the facred Writ-
ings) he had given his Macedonian foldiers, who were
lately married, permiffion to return home, and fpend the
winter with their wives 17. In the effufion of their grati-
tude, they had reported the King in ſo advantageous a man-
ner, and ſpread fuch fplendid accounts of the exploits.
achieved, and the rich conqueſts made, that numbers.crowded
to a fervice, in which fuch noble rewards were to be ob-
tained.
1
AT the fame time Darius, who had no general whom he
could employ in the place of Memnon, had determined to
17
*7 Arrian. L. ii. c. 25.
march
!
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
21
march in perſon againſt the enemy, and prepared to leave Book I.
Sufa.
Sect. I.
his march.
THE fplendor, or rather pageantry, that Darius affected on Pageantry of
this occafion, gives us the higheſt idea of the wealth and of
the folly of the Perfian monarch. His army numbered fix
hundred thouſand men. Their drefs, the trappings of their
horſes, the ornaments of their elephants, their very armour,
exhibited, we are told, the moft coftly diſplay of filver,
gold, and precious ftones.. The chariot of Darius, its
materials and curious workmanship, the richneſs of his
royal mantle, veſt, and tiara, and the profufion of jewels with
which he was covered, were fuch, that hiſtory has not dif-
dained to record them particularly 18. The retinue by which
he was attended, was fuitable to this ſtate. He carried in his
train, in the greateſt abundance, all thoſe miniſters and im-
plements of luxury, in which the Afiatics have been always
known to delight. Their women made part of their military
train; and befides Darius's mother, wife, and children, he
had with him three hundred and fixty concubines.
It may
be ſuppoſed, that the officers of his army but too faith-
fully copied their maſter's example..
CHARIDEMUS was among the attendants of the Perfian King.
He had been obliged, as we have ſeen, to leave Athens, and
enjoyed a confiderable ſhare of the royal favour. Darius,
full of confidence in his numbers, and who beheld, with
great complacency, the gay appearance they made, aſked him,
"What he thought would now become of Alexander and his
See Quint. Cur. L. iii. c. 3.
Charidemus
adviſe Da-
ventures to
rius.
{
3
handful
}
}
22
HISTORY OF GREECE
Book I.
Sect. 1.
Darius's hif-
tory;
handful of men?" The generous Greek, though an exile,
though feverely injured by the King of Macedon, and a
daily witneſs of the abject fervility with which, whatever
fell from Darius, was received, could not ſuppreſs his honeſt
indignation. He told him, "He was much mistaken, if
he imagined, that this vain parade could avail againſt the
men whom he was marching to attack; the rough Thra-
cians, the hardy Illyrians, the refolute and well-diſciplined
Greeks; men, to whom no dangers were new, and who
had been long inured to every kind of toil-that, if he hoped
for victory, inſtead of laviſhing his vaft treaſures in the fup-
port of this effeminate multitude, he had better fend to
Thrace, to Illyricum, to Greece, for forces which he might
fafely oppoſe to thoſe of Alexander, as they had the fame
hardiness, the fame vigour, the fame expertnefs in arms-that,
would he vouchſafe to intruft him, he was ready to under-
take the charge; and, if he was only enabled to raiſe among
thoſe valiant nations, an army equal to one fixth part of the
numbers which the King had with him, he would chear-
fully ſtake his life on the iffue." Darius, it is ſaid, hefi-
tated. He felt the truth of Charidemus's obfervations. But
his courtiers got the afcendant over him. They reprefented
Charidemus as a dangerous perfon, who had perfidious views.
He was weak enough to believe them; and was at laſt pre-
vailed on to have him put to death". Darius, like moſt
unfortunate princes of his character, perceived his miſtake
when it was no longer to be repaired.
DARIUS was, nevertheless, accounted a fenfible, brave,
and generous Prince, at the time he afcended the throne of
19 Quint. Cur. L. iii. c. 2.
Perfia;
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
23
Perfia; and this was only the fourth year of his reign 20. Book I.
His name, before he was King, was Codomannus. He was
Se&t. 1.
defcended originally from a diftant branch of the royal
family, and for fome years in a very humble ſtation, having
been reduced to accept of the office of Iftanda, or royal
courier. His life was even, for fome time, in great danger,
Ochus, the king then reigning, having put to death the fa-
ther of Codomannus, with moſt of his family. How Co-
domannus eſcaped, hiftorians do not fay. He afterwards ob-
tained the government of Armenia for his gallant behaviour
againſt the Cadufians, with whom Ochus was at war: A
champion belonging to the enemy had challenged any Per-
fian to fingle combat ; and Codomannus engaged and flew him.
Soon after this, Ochus was taken off by Bagoas, his favorite
eunuch; and Arfes, his youngeſt fon, was placed on the
throne, Bagoas having put all his other fons to death. But
Bagoas, who thought to govern the young King, finding
himſelf in danger of being difappointed, caufed him to be
murdered, and advanced Codomannus to the throne, in
hopes that the favour which he had conferred on him,
would fix him his dependent. Codomannus, nevertheleſs,
apprized of his guilt, held him in abhorrence; and judging
from his former treafons what he had to expect, watched
him fo narrowly, that he detected him in the very act of
attempting his life by poiſon, and compelled him to fwal-
low the potion he had prepared.
}
ter.
BUT, whatever had been the virtues of Codomannus, or and charac
Darius, as we ſhall now call him, in a private ſtation, the
** Diod. Sic. L. xvii. Juft. L. x. c. 3..
9
corrupted
24
HISTORY OF GREECE
{
Book I.
Sect. I.
Suborns a
traitor to kill
Alexander
L
corrupted manners of the Perfian court, and the feductions
of flattery, had foon taught him other fentiments. Hiftory
has even charged him with practices, that ſpeak great
bafeneſs of mind. He fcrupled not to fuborn trai-
tors againſt Alexander, offering large rewards to the perfon
who ſhould kill him; and he had nearly fucceeded. The
affaffin was Alexander, the fon of Aeropus. He owed his
life to his maſter's clemency, having lain under the fufpi-
cion of being privy to the confpiracy againſt Philip, for
which his two brothers had fuffered. The King had con-
ferred many favours on him, and had lately appointed him to
the command of the Theffalian horſe, an office of great
truſt and dignity. But it would appear, that the offers
which Darius had caufed to be made to him, of ten thou-
fand talents (near two millions fterling) and the kingdom
who is difco- of Macedon, had feduced him from his allegiance. And the
treaſon was on the point of being carried into execution,
when it was diſcovered by the fagacity of Parmenio ¹¹.
་
vered.
Alexander
21
WHILST Darius was on his march through Affyria, Alex-
advances into ander had advanced into Cilicia as far as -Tarfus. Cilicia
- Cilicia,
forms a large plain, extending itſelf from the foot of Mount
Taurus to the fea; on the fouth, it is waſhed by the Aegean ;
its other fides are bounded by mountains, which have three
openings or narrow paffes, named by hiftorians The gates of
Cilicia. One paſs, to the north-weft, opens into Cappado-
cia; the other, to the eaft, into Syria; and the third, to
the north-eaft, into Affyria, by the fide of the moun-
tain Amanus, and it is therefore known by the name
a Arrian, L.i. c. 26.
1
of
Į
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
25
1
of the gate or pafs of Amanus. Alexander had marched Book I.
through this pafs, which leads from Cappadocia. A fmall Sect. 1.
body of men might have interrupted him; and a fufficient
force had been placed there accordingly. But his very name
defeated all oppofition. As foon as they heard that Alexan-
der was approaching, they fled. Entering Cilicia, he gave
orders to Parmenio to feize the pafs on the Syrian fide,
purpoſing to march on with all poffible expedition in queſt
of Darius.
ly ill at Tar-
:
An accident delayed him at Tarſus. Through this diftrict Is dangerous-
runs the river Cydnus, remarkable for its beauty and exceeding fus.
coldneſs. Alexander, to whom, as to all the Greeks, it was
customary to throw himſelf, however warm, into whatever
river was neareſt, had, immediately upon his arrival, when
in a glow of heat, promoted by his march and the fultry ſea-
fon, plunged into the Cydnus, the cold of which ſtruck
through him in fuch a manner, that his life was deſpaired
of. The whole army remained in the deepeft confternation;
and what rendered their fituation the more alarming, advice
had been received, that Darius was approaching.
Philip of
offers to re-
Acarnania
lieve him ;
AMONG the attendants of Alexander was Philip of Acar-
nania, a phyſician of eminence. In the general perplexity,
he offered to prepare a potion, exceedingly violent in its ope-
ration, but from which he had reafon to expect the moſt
falutary and ſpeedy effects. Alexander, impatient of confine-
ment, defired the experiment might inſtantly be made and
already was the medicine prepared, when diſpatches arrived is fuſpected,
from Parmenio to the King, "not on any account to truft
Philip, for he had fold himſelf to the Perfians."
E
;
ALEXANDER
26
HISTORY OF GREECE
Book I.
Sect. 1.
Magnanim-
ity of Alex-
ander.
Recovers.
Confidence
of Darius.
ALEXANDER, with magnanimity fuperior to all praiſe, con-
cealed the
cealed the pacquet under his pillow; and the potion being
brought him, ſwallowed it without emotion, delivering at
the fame time, Parmenio's diſpatch into the hands of Philip,
marking his countenance as he read it. The firmneſs
and honeft indignation with which he perufed it, fully fa-
tisfied the King; he embraced him, affuring him in the
warmeſt terms, of the entire confidence he had in his fidelity.
Whilſt Philip, with the moſt ardent proteſtations of his un-
alterable attachment, conjured the King to affift the opera-
tion of the medicine, by keeping up his fpirits, and baniſhing
every gloomy doubt 22.
THE ftrength of the medicine, notwithſtanding, having
overpowered him, he remained for ſome time ſpeechlefs, dif-
covering ſcarcely any figns of life. But the faithful Philip,
who watched every change, foon relieved him, and in three
days he was enabled to fhew himfelf to the Macedonians,
whoſe diſtreſs did not abate until the King appeared before
them.
ALEXANDER's illneſs had encreaſed the confidence of Da-
rius 23. His courtiers had affured him, that the Macedo-
nians would not dare to meet him in battle; and their
not appearing, confirmed him in this vain belief. He now
looked upon it as certain, that the Greeks were flying; ac-
cordingly, he prepared to purſue them through Cilicia, and
had entered the pafs of Amanus at the fame time Alexander
22 Arian, L. ii. c. 4. Juft., L. xi. c. 8. Quint. Cur. L. iii. c. 6. Plutarch.
in Alexand..
23 Arrian, L. ii, c. 7 & feq.
J
had
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
27
had ftruck off by that of Syria, and was thus leaving Darius be- Book I.
hind him. When advice of the enemy's motions was brought Sect. 1.
to Alexander, he would ſcarcely give credit to the report. But
finding it fufficiently authenticated, he began with thanking
the Gods, who had confounded the counfels of Darius, and by
ſhutting him up in theſe defiles, had delivered him into his
hands. He then commanded his troops to march back into
Cilicia, and to prepare for battle.
DARIUS had already croffed the Pinarus, which divides His terror.
Cilicia, and was encamped near the city of Iffus. When the
Perfians found that Alexander, of whoſe flight they entertained
not the leaſt doubt, was advancing againſt them, they were in
the utmoſt confufion. Pent up within narrow defiles, they
found themſelves deprived of all the advantages which they ex-
pected to derive from their multitudes, and in a manner reduced
to fight upon an equality with the enemy. Darius particularly,
who fome hours before was elated with confidence, was now
ftruck with fuch terror, that he commanded the banks of the
river to be fortified with ſtakes, left the Greeks fhould break
in upon him. This cowardly precaution, Arrian tells us, pro-
voked the fcorn of the Macedonian foldiers; "He has al-
ready," ſaid they, "the ſpirit of a ſlave in him**!" But,
whatever cauſe Alexander might have to hold the Perfians
in contempt, it did not make him negligent of any one of
the duties of a general. With confummate ſkill he extended
his front from the foot of the mountain to the fea; fo that
the Perfians fhould not have it in their power, by their fupe-
riority of numbers, to furround him: fome of their detached
66
24 Tň práμn dedovλwμéros. Arrian, L. ii. c. 10.
E 2
parties
28
HISTORY OF GREECE
}
Sect. I.
Book I. parties had occupied the heights above him; he fent a body
of archers to diflodge them previous to the engagement: he
examined attentively every difpofition the enemy had made;
and wherever he ſaw their beſt troops placed, he added to the
ftrength of that part of his line which was to oppoſe them.
He then rode through the ranks, reminding thofe, who had
diftinguiſhed themſelves by any former exploit, of what
atchievements they had performed, and calling by name upon
every brave ſoldier, to fupport, on that day, the glory he had.
already acquired.
Battle of
Ifus.
THE command of the left wing, which reached to the
fea, he affigned to Parmenio; and began 25 himſelf the at-
tack at the head of the right, directing his men to move up
flowly, until within a certain diſtance of the enemy, and then
to ruſh vigorously on, before the Perfians fhould have time
to diſcharge their miflile weapons. This manœuvre had the
defired effect. The foremost ranks of the enemy, finding
their arms, in which they were moſt expert, rendered uſeleſs,
and preffed by the violent onſet of the Greeks, who charged
them fword in hand, fell back on the ranks behind them;
thefe likewife on thoſe next to them, until the confufion
fpread throughout the whole left wing; the Macedonians
ftill urging on with dreadful execution. Darius, who was
only confpicuous by the height of his fplendid chariot and
the richneſs of his dreſs, ſeeing his left wing broken, and
that the flaughter began to threaten the fpot where he was
ftationed, turned from the field of battle, and fled with the
foremoft..
25 OLYMP. CXi. 4 BEFORE CHRIST 333,
·
THE
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
29
THE Greek mercenaries, who compoſed the main body of Book I.
the Perfian army, ftill bravely maintained their ground, Sect. 1.
though againſt the Macedonian phalanx.
But Alex- Greek mer-
ander, after routing the enemy's left wing, having taken cenaries.
them in flank, they were at length worſted with great
flaughter.
On the right wing the Perfians had confiderably the ad-
vantage at the beginning of the engagement, their cavalry on
that fide being much ſtronger than the Greeks, until a feaſon-
able reinforcement of Theffalian horfe enabled Parmenio to
turn the fortune of the day againſt them; when ſeeing the
general difperfion, they confulted their fafety by flight.
?
Total dif-
comfiture of
the Perfians.
purfues them.
THE purfuit which Alexander, though wounded in the Alexander
thigh, continued till the clofe of day, proved not lefs
fatal to the Perfians than the battle, on account of their
multitudes, and of the narrow defiles and rugged mountai-
nous paths through which they had to paſs. So that Ptole-
my, the ſon of Lagus, who accompanied Alexander on this
occafion, declared, that through the whole way they had
trodden on nothing but dead carcaffes. As for Darius, he
remained in his chariot for fome time; but his fears fuggeft- Darius e-
fcapes.
ing to him, that this method was not fufficiently expeditious,
he alighted, and relinquishing his royal mantle, mounted
on horſe-back, and fled with the utmoſt precipitation, hardly
ſtopping for refreſhment, until he had got beyond the Eu--
phrates.
Of the Perfians there fell, according to Arrian, ninety thou- The Perfian
camp, and
fand foot. and ten thouſand horſe.. Of the Greeks, if Dio- Darius's fa-
dorus mily, taken.
30
HISTORY OF GREECE
}
1
Sect. I.
of Darius's
tent.
Book I. dorus may be depended on, only four hundred and fifty.
The Perfian camp was taken; in which were found the mo-
ther and wife of Darius, with his fon and two daughters.
The greater part of the baggage and treaſure of the enemy
had been left at Damafcus. The plunder, however, was
very confiderable, every part of the camp affording proofs of
Magnificence Afiatic luxury and opulence. The tent of Darius, eſpecially,
the Macedonians beheld with amazement. Its fpacious apart-
ments were laid out in the moſt elegant manner, adorned
with coftly furniture, and on every fide were placed vaſes of
gold, from whence the richeſt odours iflued; fumptuous
preparations alfo for bathing and for the royal banquet;
awaited Darius's return from the battle; and the officers of
the houſehold, fplendidly attired, attended in their reſpective
ftations.
Alexander's
opinion of it.
It was thought proper to referve this piece of magnifi-
cence for Alexander himſelf. He viewed it with much in-
difference, and having ſmelled the rich effences, turning to
his followers, "This then," ſaid he, "it was to be a king26!"
Out of all the precious things he ſelected only a caſket, or-
namented with jewels and of curious workmanſhip, in which
Darius was wont to keep perfumes. "I uſe no perfumes,'
faid he, "but I will apply it to a nobler purpofe;" and
accordingly uſed it as a cafe for Homer's Iliad, a copy of
which, corrected by Ariftotle and Callifthenes, he always
>>
26 Dacier and others underſtand Alexander's words, as if ſpoken in admiration of
what he ſaw. Dr. Langhorne confiders them as the words of indignation. And this
idea, which feems the most natural, and gives to the paffage a peculiar beauty, is
accordingly the one here adopted. See Langhorne's Plutarch.
:
carried
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
31
carried about with him. Hence is this copy of Homer, Book I.
which appears to have been in high eſtimation among the
ancients, known by the name of the copy of the caſket *7.
37
The
Sect. 1.
HISTORICAL writers make the moſt honourable mention His noble
conduct.
of the temperate manner in which Alexander enjoyed his
victory. 'To Darius's family he behaved with fingular mag-
nanimity. He took care, that their perfons, and whatever be-
longed to them, ſhould be faved and fecured from infult.
night fucceeding the battle, hearing of their diſtreſs
upon the
fuppofed death of Darius, whofe mantle one of the eunuchs
had ſeen in the hands of a foldier, he immediately fent Leon-
natus to affure them, that Darius was living, and that
themſelves, though now captives, fhould enjoy the fame
royal ſtate to which they had been accuſtomed in their
higheſt ſplendor. The enfuing day he vifited them in per-
fon, his friend Hephaeftion only accompanying him. As
they entered, Syfigambis, the mother of Darius, fell at He-
phaeftion's feet, fuppofing him to be the king; but one of
the attendants having informed her of the miſtake, ſhe in
great confufion, turning to Alexander began to excuſe her-
felf. "You are not greatly miſtaken, madam,” replied he,
raiſing her up, with great affection, "for be alfo is Alex-
"ander.'
FROM that day, to avoid every injurious fufpicion, he
laid it down as a law, never to vifit the wife of Darius
who, it is faid, was the moſt beautiful woman of her
So that, as Plutarch obferves, fhe and the reft of the
more;
time.
-27 “H ix Tou vagenxos. Strab. L. xiii. Plutarch in Alexand,
His generous
the family of
Darius.
demeanor to
10
princeffes
32
HISTORY OF GREECE
罷
​Sect. I.
Book I. princeffes "lived, though in an enemy's camp, as if they
"had been in fome holy temple, unfeen and unapproached,
in the moſt facred privacy." Syfigambis particularly, was
treated by him with a reſpect and attention not leſs than fhe
could have expected from Darius himſelf. He permitted her
to order the funeral honours that ſhould be paid to thoſe of
the royal family who had fallen in the action; and often
afterwards granted favours at her requeft, even forgiving,
upon her interceffion, fome Perfian lords, who had deferv-
edly incurred his diſpleaſure.
Damafcus
furrenders.
Grecian em-
baffadors
found there.
Alexander's
treatment of
them.
{
THE victory of Iffus was followed by the furrender of
Damaſcus 28; the governor, without waiting to be attacked,
having delivered up to Parmenio the city, and the treaſures
it contained, to a vaſt amount; together with thirty thouſand
priſoners, among whom were the wives and daughters of the
first nobles of Perfia; and, what is worthy of notice, embaffa-
dors, deputed from Thebes, Athens, and Sparta, to Darius, who
had taken up their refidence here, as in a place of fecurity.
ALEXANDER commanded the embaffadors to be imme-
diately fent to him. Two of them, Thebans, he treated
with remarkable lenity. "He wondered not," he ſaid,
"that they ſhould be found among the enemies of
"Greece, deprived, as they had been, of their native home,
"and driven to feek for refuge in a foreign land." From
this and other inftances it is evident, that Alexander re-
pented of his ſeverity to the Theban people, and fought to
remove the unfavourable impreffions which that rigorous
28 Arrian, L. ii. c. 15.
procedure
3
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
33
}
procedure had left on the minds of moft of the Greeks. Book I.
Another of the embaffadors was Iphicrates of Athens, fon to Sect. 1.
the illuftrious general of the name. He forgave him alſo.
"He had known," he ſaid, "and honoured his father. The
reſpect, beſides, that he had for Athens, would not permit him
"to fhew refentment to her citizen, though employed in fo
improper a buſineſs."
But the fourth, Euthycles, the
"The
66
Spartan, he ordered immediately into confinement.
Spartans were his profeffed enemies, and deſerved no favour
"at his hands." In a little time, however, he releafed
him 29. The truth is, Alexander was fenfible, that he was
far from enjoying the affections of the ſeveral States of Greece;
and was cautious of exafperating them. He well knew,
that it muſt be a matter of much difficulty to make that re-
publican ſpirit, with which they were animated, ſubmit to
the chains to which he had deftined them. And ſhould he
declare his purpoſe at once, and avow himſelf for their lord
and maſter, it might be the means of forcing them to unite
in defence of their common liberties, and of provoking an
oppofition, with which he was not yet in a condition
to contend. We ſhall ſee him affume a very different deport-
ment after the final deftruction of Darius.
ALEXANDER had now the prize of empire before him,
and reſolved to employ his utmoſt vigour in puſhing on the
purfuit. He proceeded first to reduce the maritime nations
of Syria, Phoenicia, and the islands adjacent. This was an
object to him of confiderable moment. They were powerful
at ſea; he wanted a navy to fecure and to extend his con-
29 Arrian, loc. cit.
F
queſts;
Alexander
maritime na-
reduces the
tions of Sy-
ria, &c.
34
HISTORY OF GREECE
?
Book I. quefts;; and by reducing them into ſubjection, he cut off from.
Sect. I.
Darius many important refources he derived from them.
The ſucceſs correſponded to his expectations. Byblus, Ma-
rathus, the prince of Aradus on the Phoenician coaſt; and, of
more moment ſtill, the people of Sidon, revolted to him..
The Sidonians particularly hated the Perfian yoke; they had
fuffered much oppreffion in the days of Ochus; and hailed
Alexander as their deliverer.
The Tyrians
refufe to ad-
mit Alexan-
der.
Strength of
Tyre.
!
THE Tyrians alfo made a fhew 3° of fubmitting, and pre-
fented him with a golden crown.. But he found they
meant to preſerve their independence.. Confiding in their
fituation and naval ftrength, they thought they had little,
to fear, and, refuſed to admit any Macedonians within their
walls, whilft the fate of the Perfian empire was yet in
fufpence.. Alexander,, on the contrary, was determined, that
the proudeft power of Afia ſhould not defy him with im-.
punity..
To reduce Tyre was, nevertheless, a work of difficulty..
It was feated on an iſland at the diſtance of four furlongs.
from the Phoenician fhore; it was furrounded with walls,
remarkable for their height and folidity; and the fea,, where:
it waſhed the foot of thefe walls, was of the depth of three:
fathoms.. The Tyrians befides were ftrong in men,, hardy,
experienced, well-appointed; they were the boldeft, mari-
t
30 The King of Tyre, Azelmicus, was at this very time on board the Perfian
fleet with Autophradates, one of Darius's admirals. Arrian, L. ii. c. 15.
31 Arrian, L. ii. c. 17 & feq. Plutarch in Alex.
Diod. Sic. L. xvii. c. 4,
5
Quint. Cur. L. iv. c. z..
ners-
3
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
35
ners then known, and poffeffed immenfe wealth from the Book I.
Sect. I.
extenfive commerce they had long enjoyed; from their nu-
merous fleets, they had the means both of annoying at plea-
ſure the enemies that ſhould attack them, and of receiving
conſtant ſupplies of whatever was neceſſary for their defence:
And they had a right to expect powerful fuccours from their
feveral colonies.
Liv
ALEXANDER was not to be intimidated. He began by Siege of
running a mole from the continent to Tyre, in order to have Tyre.
firm ground on which to raiſe machines and carry on his
works. Laborious as the undertaking was, the foldiers,
inſpired by the prefence and example of their Sovereign,
thought no fatigue too fevere; earth, timber, and every ne-
ceffary material, were collected in abundance; and the mole
foon appeared above the furface of the fea. Whilft the Ma-
cedonians wrought near the fhore, they met with no
obſtruction; but as they approached towards Tyre, they
found themſelves ſo much expoſed to attacks from the enemy,
and fo fharply galled by the ftones and miffile weapons,
which their engines diſcharged againſt them, that Alexander
was obliged to raiſe wooden towers to protect his work, and
to cover the workmen. The Tyrians, on their part, loft no
time. They prepared a fhip filled with combuſtible ſtores,
and towing her to the place where the towers were reared,
fet them on fire with the other machines which the Mace-
donians had conftructed, whilft armed men from the city,
in ſmall boats, attacked the mole on every fide, and laid it in
ruins.
F&
BAFFLED
36
HISTORY OF GREECE.
+
Book I.
Alexander
fummons the
maritime
affiftance.
BAFFLED in this attempt, Alexander found it neceffary to
Sect. I. alter his plan. He determined to give his mole more
breadth, that, by having it in his power to raiſe a greater num-
ber of towers on it, he might provide the more effectually
powers to his for its defence. Obferving, that without a fufficient naval
force, it muſt be impoffible to keep the Tyrian fleet in awe,
he fummoned the ſeveral maritime powers which had lately
fubmitted, to furnish him with fhips. They obeyed..
Even Cyprus joined him. That iſland had hitherto followed
the fortunes of Darius; but, deterred by the fuccefs of the
Macedonian arms, declared now for Alexander.
The Tyri-
ans, who had been preparing for a naval engagement, were
aftoniſhed to behold the fea covered with the veffels of the
enemy, and retired within their ports.
Obftinate de-
fence of
Tyre.
THE Macedonians, thus reinforced, completed their mole;
and urged on the fiege with great activity. But the more
vigour they exhibited, the more fpirited was the defence
which the Tyrians made, as if refolved to preſerve their li-
berties or perish. A continual diſcharge of deſtructive and
deadly weapons poured from every part of their walls upon
the ſhips or men that dared to approach them. And what-
ever inſtruments of offence the enemy invented, the Tyrians
ftraitway contrived others to diſappoint their effect. The
Greeks had conſtructed towers of wood equal in heighth to
the battlements of the city, which they moved clofe to the
walls, fo as to fight the befieged hand to hand, and ſome-
times, by throwing fpontoons acroſs, paffed on to the very
battlements. The Tyrians prepared hooks and grappling
irons, with which they caught hold of the foldiers that ap-
peared
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
37
peared on theſe towers, and dragged them off. Thofe, who Book I,
attempted ſcaling-ladders, had poured on them veffels of Sect. 1.
fcalding fand, which penetrated to the bone. Againſt
whatever place the battering engines were directed, green
hides or coverlets of wool were inſtantly ſpread, to render in-
effectual the blow. And if in any part of the walls an
opening was made, a number of combatants immediately
ruſhed forward to guard the breach..
employed to
the Macedo❤-
nians.
THE flege had now continued feven months. And it is The aids of
likely the Macedonians began to be tired out; if we may
fuperftition
judge from the extraordinary artifices, which it appears encourage
were made uſe of to raiſe their drooping fpirits. One while,
an account had been received, that Apollo was about to leave
Tyre, and that the Tyrians had faſtened him to his pedeſtal
with golden chains, to prevent his elopement. At another,
it was faid, that Hercules had appeared to Alexander, and
invited him to paſs into Tyre. And again, the King
dreamed, that a Satyr 2 was playing before him, and, as he
endeavoured to lay hold of him, eluded his grafp; but that
at laft, won by his folicitations, he furrendered to him.
The Augurs, in whom the Macedonian army had been taught.
to place implicit faith, and who were, therefore, Alexan--
der's general reſource in his difficulties, affirmed, that theſe
*
32 One can hardly forbear fmiling at the paltry equivoque, with which we are
told the Augurs fatisfied their employers on this occafion. The Greek word --
Tugos, a Satyr, may be divided into two fyllables, Eà Túgos, Tyre is thine. <<'Tis the
"very interpretation of the King's dream ;" pronounced the Augurs.
.. The ap-
pearing of the Satyr fays, that the gods have delivered Tyre into thy hands." Plu-
tarch (in Alexand.) relates this ſolution as a notable piece of ingenuity. Probably,
both the dream and the interpretation were the contrivance of the Augurs them-
felves.
were
38
HISTORY OF GREECE
Book I. were all notices from Heaven, that Tyre was on the point
of falling into his hands.
Se&t. I.
A general
affault.
Tyre taken.
Cruel treat-
ment of the
Tyrians.
Ir was thought adviſeable to take advantage of the con-
fidence which theſe affurances produced in the minds of the
foldiery. Large breaches had been made in the walls. And
it was natural to fuppofe, that the long fatigue, and many
fharp engagements, which the Tyrians had ſuſtained, muſt
have diminiſhed their numbers confiderably. Alexander ac-
cordingly determined to make another effort, and gave orders
for a general affault by fea and land; the Macedonians to
penetrate the breaches, and the fleet at the fame time to at-
tempt the different ports, of which Tyre had two, the one
opening towards Egypt, the other towards Sidon.
Ir is difficult to fay which deferves moft the warrior's
praiſe, the ſkill exhibited in planning the feveral attacks, or
the ſpirit with which they were executed; and the Tyrians,
notwithſtanding a refiftance to which they feem to have
been animated by defpair, were at laft overpowered on every
fide.
The gallant defence of the befieged had exasperated
Alexander. He
He gave orders, that all who were found in
arms, ſhould be put to the fword, and the reſt of the inha-
bitants fold for flaves 4, thofe excepted who had taken
refuge
33 OLYMP. cxii. 1. BEFORE CHRIST 332.
34 There was the Old Tyre and the New. The Old Tyre, known by the name
of Palactyrus, was fituate on the continent of Phoenicia, and by means of its exten-
five trade, roſe to ſuch power, that it held out a fiege of five years againſt Salma-
nefer, king of Affyria, who was at laſt obliged to raife it. It was again befieged
by Nebuchadnezzar, who took it, after a fiege of thirteen years, and overthrew it.
Upon
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
39.
1
refuge in the temple of Hercules, the patron god of Tyre;
in gratitude, doubtlefs, for the vifion with which he wifhed
to have it believed the god had honoured him. The Sido-
nians, however, in compaffion to their kindred city (for
Tyre was originally a Sidonian colony, and is therefore call-
ed by the prophet the daughter of Sidon 35) fecreted a number
of the inhabitants, to the amount of fifteen thouſand, and,
carried them off in their fhips. By thefe, Tyre was afterwards
raiſed from her ruins 36. Some hiftorians have recorded,
that Alexander's cruelty went beyond what we have related,
and that he crucified two thouſand of this unhappy people..
If ſo, Ariſtobulus and Ptolemy, from whofe memoirs Arrian
compiled his hiſtory, choſe to paſs this action over in filence;
for there is no mention of it in Arrian.. Probably they
were aſhamed of ſuch horrid barbarity 37.
DARIUS found,. that Alexander was becoming every day
more formidable, and fought to engage him to an accommo-
Upon which, the Tyrians built them a new city, that which we now treat of, on
an iſland oppofite to old Tyre.
Commentators are not agreed, whether the prophefies of Iſaiah xxiii. and of
Ezekiel xxvi. and xxvii. relate to the calamities they fuffered from Salmanefer and
Nebuchadnezzar, or to thofe which Alexander brought on them. Grotius fupports
the former opinion. Prideaux the latter. Biſhop Newton (Differtat. xi.) thinks
that theſe prophefies relate both to the one and to the other.
35 Ifaiah, xxiii..12.
36 Tyre foon recovered; for in about nineteen years after, it was able to with.
ftand the fleets and armies of Antigonus, and to fuftain a fiege of fifteen months >
before it was taken. It owed this wonderful encreaſe of ftrength to its commerce,,
and chiefly to its purple trade; the purple ſhell-fish being found on this coaft in
great abundance.-See Strabo. Cafaub. L. vi. p. 521.
37 See Quint. Cur. L. iv. c. 4,-
Book I.
Sect. 1.
Darius ap--
plies to Alex--
ander.
1
dation..
40
HISTORY OF GREECE
Book I.
Sect. I.
Alexander's
anſwer.
Darius ap-
plies again.
dation. He had applied to him foon after the battle of Iffus;
but the manner was fuch, that Alexander thought himſelf
-rather infulted by it. He fummoned him, "to behave to
the Princeſſes he held captive, as it became a King to behave
to a King, and to deliver them up immediately to Darius."-
He reproached him with " having undertaken the preſent
war, unprovoked by any wrongs; whereas Darius had armed
in defence of his hereditary realms ;-adding, that "he
nevertheleſs offered Alex..nder his friendſhip, and was ready
to accept of his, whenever it was properly tendered."
ALEXANDER replied, by
ennumerating all the griev-
ances, real or imputed, which Greece had at any period of
time fuffered from the Perfian Kings, demanding reparation
at the hands of Darius for them all ;-that, if he had any
boon to aſk of Alexander, he fhould come in perfon, and
folicit it ;-that, if he entertained any doubt, there ſhould be
given fufficient hoſtages for his fecurity; and his wife and
children ſhould no longer be withheld from him;"-he
concluded with "requiring, that, fhould he henceforth
write to him, to remember he was writing, not to
his equal, but to the lord of Afia and of Darius; that, if
he was unwilling to admit the claim, Alexander was ready to
ſupport it by force of arms.'
3
DARIUS now uſed an humbler ſtyle ** He offered him
"his daughter in marriage; a ranfom of ten thouſand talents
for the reſt of the Princeffes; and the ceffion of all the pro-
vinces of Afia, from the Hellefpont to the Euphrates."
239
*
3º Arrian, L. ii. c. 25ª
Parmenio,
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
4.I
}
"C were I
cefs.
Parmenio, we are told, adviſed Alexander to accept of Book I.
theſe terms: "I would," added he, " were I Alexan- Sect. 1.
"der"-"And fo would I," replied Alexander,
"Parmenio." Alexander anſwered Darius,
Alexander anſwered Darius, "That he ftood without fuc-
not in want of any treaſures Darius had to give; that the
provinces which he propoſed to cede, were no longer his to
offer; that nothing lefs could now be accepted of, than the
ceffion of the whole empire. With reſpect to marrying
his daughter, Alexander, regardleſs of the confent of
Darius, would confult only his own inclination; and that
the laſt reſource of the Perfian King was, to furrender himſelf
to Alexander, and make trial of his clemency."
FROM Tyre Alexander directed his march towards Je-
rufalem. The Jews had offended him. Under pretence of
fealty to Darius, they had excufed themſelves from furniſh-
ing him with provifions during the late fiege, and at the fame
time had fent ſupplies to the Tyrians. When they heard,
that Alexander was approaching, Jaddua, the high-prieft,
inſtructed by an heavenly vifion, arrayed himſelf in the facer-
dotal veſtments; and, together with the other prieſts in
their facred habits, and the rest of the people clothed in
white, went forth to meet Alexander. The Macedonians
beheld them, in earnest expectation of what would follow;
39 Jofephus, in whofe writings the account of the high-prieft Jaddua is found,
fuppofes, that Alexander did not fet out for Jerufalem till after the taking.
of Gaza; but Eufebius, in his Chronicon, fays, he went thither from Tyre.
Archbishop Ufsher (confult Ufferii Annal. p. 301.) is of the fame opinion. And
this is entirely confonant with what Arrian exprefsly fays, that, before he fet out
for Gaza, on his way to Egypt, he had brought into fubjection all Paleſtine;
αυτῷ τὰ μὲν ἄλλα της Παλαιστίνης καλουμένης Συρίας προσκεχωρηκότα ήδη. Arrian, L. ii.
c. 25.
G
they
Alexander
advances to-
wards Jeru-
falem, with
hoſtile pur-
poſes;
is pacified at
the high-
the fight of
prieſt;
4
42
HISTORY OF GREECE
Book I.
Sect. I.
why.
Shews favour
they knew the King to be violent in his reſentments
sand ima-
gined this humiliation would avail little. When, all at once,
Alexander ſtepping forth, proftrated himſelf before Jaddua.
Parmenio, amazed, would have ſtopped him. "What !”
faid he, "ſhall you, whom all hold in veneration, proftrate
yourſelf before a man !"-" Not before a man," replied
the King,
"but before the God whofe minifter he is.
"When at Dium in Macedonia, the fame venerable perfon-
age whom I now fee, appeared to me, and commanded
me to paſs into Afia, promifing, that the God whom he
"ferved fhould be my conductor **.”
<<
!”.
EMBRACING then the high-prieft, he held on his way
to the Jews; towards Jerufalem, where he ſpent fome days, fhewing him-
felf exceedingly gracious to the Jewiſh nation, and granting
them a confirmation of their ſeveral privileges; particularly,
of their exemption from all tribute on every ſeventh year,
or year of the Sabbath, on which, according to their law,
they were neither to ſow nor reap、
Sees the pro-
phefies of
Daniel.
JOSEPHUS, from whom we have taken this account, tells
us, that the Macedonian faw at Jerufalem the prophecies
of Daniel 42, in which was foretold,
in which was foretold, "the overthrow of
"the Perfian empire, by a Prince of Greece," which the
high-prieſt took care to explain to him 43.
THE
40 See the authenticity of this whole account fully vindicated in Biſhop Newton's
Differtations on the Prophecies. Differt. xv.
41 Confult Jofephi Antiq. L. ii, c. 8. Sect. v. p. 504. Edit. Hudſ.
42 Dan. viii. 7. 20, 21.
43 It may feem ftrange to fome, that Alexander, after having had fuch convincing
proof of the power of the True God, ſhould have continued an idolater, and efpe-
cially
}
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
43
of the Sama-
THE Samaritans, whofe jealouſy and hatred of the Jewish Book I.
people are well known, and who had diftinguiſhed them- Sect. 1.
felves in the fervice of Alexander, applied for the fame Histreatment
favours as the Jews had received; but he declined ritans.
liftening to the requeſt, excufing himſelf for want of leiſure,
on account of Egyptian affairs, which occupied his at-
tention.
ON the road to Egypt, at the entrance of the defart Takes Gaza
that divides it from Phoenicia, ftood Gaza, a city ſtrong by form.
and well garrifoned, of which Batis was governor. The
cowardice or infidelity of other Perfian governors were no
examples to him. He defended the city againſt the whole
Macedonian army for the ſpace of two months; and when at
laft it was taken by ftorm, he and his men continued fight-
ing to the laſt gaſp of life, not a man furviving 44.
}
Alex-
ander,
cially have purfued his vifionary plan of having himſelf acknowledged for the fon
of Hammon. But, in the first place, the incompatibility of the worship of the True
God with that of the gods of the nations, was a doctrine which few of the Pagans
could be brought to apprehend rightly, and from which even the better-informed
nations of Ifrael and Judah were but too apt to depart, debafing often the
worſhip of the Almighty with the mixture of heathenish rites. And, in the fecond
place, Alexander's real motive for claiming divine honours, was not any idolatrous
principle (for it was an impious violation of the very religion of his own country)
but merely the luft of conqueft, which in him was ſo ſtrong, as to abſorb all other
confiderations. It was not poffible he fhould ever have brought himſelf to believe
fincerely, that he was a god. But it is very poffible he might wish, that others
fhould believe him one; becauſe fuch a belief was an uſeful inftrument for the eſta-
bliſhing of that empire which he had in view.
44 Quintus Curtius (iv. 6.) in expreſs contradiction to Arrian, tells us, that Batis
(Betis, he calls him) was yet alive when taken, though grievously wounded; and
that Alexander, after loading him with reproaches for the gallant defence he had
made, faſtened him to his chariot by cords paffed through his feet, and, in imi-
G 2
tation
:
1
44
HISTORY OF GREECE.
1
Sect. I.
Book I. ander, however, provoked partly by this obftinate defence,
and partly by fome flight wound he had received in the
courfe of the fiege, wreaked his vengeance on the women.
and children, all of whom he condemned to flavery.
Egypt fub..
mits.
EGYPT was foon reduced. Even before Alexander's arrival,
the Perfians were held in abhorrence there, on account
of their late oppreffions and profane treatment of the Egyp-
tian gods, in the reign of Ochus 45. Alexander cultivated
theſe favourable difpofitions; he fhewed particular attention
to the profperity of the country; and laid the foundation of
a great city, to be called after his own name; the fituation
of which, he ſaid, had been pointed out to him by Homer 46,
and which proved the principal fource of that immenfe opu-
tation of what Achilles is faid to have done to the dead body of Hector, dragged
him, while life yet remained, round the walls of Gaza. Probably this is fabu-
lous.
45 He had profaned the moſt revered rites of their national religion, and had even
flain their god Apis. See Bishop Lowth on Ifaiah xix. 1.
46 According to Plutarch, a perfonage of venerable afpect appeared to him (fo at
leaſt reported the voice of Flattery) and repeated the following lines (Odyff. iv.)
ivì
Νῆσος επειτά τις͵ ἐστὶ πολυκλύστῳ ἐνὶ πόντῳ,
*Αιγύπλου προπάροιθε (Φάρον δέ ἑ κικλήσκουσι.)
Ε
High o'er a gulphy fea, the Pharian ifle
Fronts the deep roar of diſemboguing Nile.-POPE.
The difficulty is, in the lines that follów, Homer places the Pharos at the diſtance
of a day's fail from the continent; and, on the contrary, it is generally allowed
that the Pharos is only ſeven ſtadia, fcarcely a mile, diſtant from Alexandria. To
reconcile the matter, Mr. Pope would fuppofe, that the Poet meant to ſpecify the
ufian mouth of the. Nile, from which the Pharos ftands a day's fail.
-
•
**
lence,
$
t
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
45.
2
か
​*
lence, of which the Egyptians became poffeffed in fucceeding Book I.
Sect..I..
ages.
mon.
His next atchievement was of a different kind. In the Temple of
Jupiter Ham-
depths of Lybia was fituated the oracular temple of Jupiter
Hammon. What was the origin of this fuperftition, is an
enquiry foreign to the prefent purpoſe. It is fufficient to
notice, that the antiquity of the eſtabliſhment, which ſeems
to have had its beginning in very remote and ignorant ages,
together with the fituation of the place, where the prieſts
were fecured from obfervation and controul, and where every
circumftance promoted the amazement and reverence of thoſe
votaries who reſorted thither to worſhip, naturally contributed
to the propagating of the many ſtrange fictions concerning
it which hiſtory has recorded..
47
refolves to
vifit it;
ALEXANDER formed the plan of rendering theſe fictions Alexander"
fubfervient to his views.
The way to the oracle lay
through a vaſt defart, inhoſpitable and pathlefs; where the
intenſe heat of the climate was rendered tenfold more violent.
by burning fands,. the only footing the traveller had; and
where none but perfons well acquainted with the dreary.
wild, could find out the line by which they were to march :
From the entrance of the defart to the temple, it was
two hundred and thirty miles. Through this defart
Alexander undertook to march his army. The very, attempt.
for what pur
pofe.
had in it ſomewhat of prodigy. To give it more ftrongly The artifice
this, appearance, he with great art concealed from his employed
men, that he had employed any guides to conduct him;
47 Arrian, L. iii. c. 3. 4. Quint. Cur. L. iv. c. 79-
f
L
in
46
HISTORY OF GREECE
Book I. in order to difpofe them the better to believe that his in-
Sect. I.
ftructions came from heaven, and that the gods them-
felves appointed fupernatural guides; "two dragons,"
according to Ptolemy, "two ravens," according to Ariſto-
bulus 48; the difference between whofe accounts may be
conſidered as a proof, that Alexander kept the matter even
from thofe in whom he confided moft on other occafions.
Probably his trufty Augurs were the only perfons in the
fecret.
in confultíng
the oracle.
BEFORE he reached the temple, he had in like manner pre-
pared every thing for his reception. The prieſts had received
their leffons; and the oracle pronounced what Alexander
wifhed it fhould. Moſt hiſtorians 49 agree, that the mini-
ſter of Hammon faluted him as the fon of the god; that when
he enquired, whether any of the murderers of his father
had eſcaped, the oracle replied, that his father was not mor-
tal, but that the death of Philip was fully avenged. Upon
his enquiring again, whether he was deſtined to conquer
the world, the anfwer was, that Jupiter granted him that
glory. Arrian omits theſe particular reſponſes, and tells us
in general, that Alexander declared, "the god had left him
nothing more to defire "." Ptolemy and Ariftobulus were
perhaps unwilling to difgrace themſelves, by recording what
they knew to be impious forgeries. It certainly appears,
that from this period, Alexander began to diſcover to what
a chimerical height his ambitious thoughts were foaring.
45 A flock of crows, fays Plutarch (in Alexand.)
49 Plutarch in Alexand. Diod. Sic. L. xvii.
50 Ακούσας ὅσα ἀντω πρὸς θυμοῦ ην, ὡς ἔλεγεν.
9
Quint. Curt. ubi fup.
Arrian, L. iii. c. 4.
With
ļ
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
47
Sect. I.
With the Greeks, however, for fome time at leaft, he ufed Book I.
more caution, not daring to expofe his favourite claim to
divine honours to the ſeverity of their ridicule.
WHILST Alexander was thus employed, Statira, wife to Statira dies.
Darius, died. His demeanor towards her had been always
noble. He paid her memory every honour in his power;
expreffed the deepeſt concern at her death, and commanded,
that her obfequies fhould be folemnized with as much mag-
nificence as they could have been, had fhe died in full pof-
feffion of royal fplendor.
་
to Darius.
TIRCUS ", one of Statira's eunuchs, upon her death The tidings
made his eſcape from the camp, and brought Darius the are brought
account. The King, who loved her tenderly, broke out
into the moſt paffionate lamentations, bewailing her
lofs, that the fhould have ended her days in fuch an
abject ſtate oppreffed with the miſeries of captivity,
and that after death fhe was likely to be deprived of thoſe
honours, which fhould have graced her obfequies.
6. La-
"ment not for theſe things, O King!" faid the eunuch; "for
neither did Statira, while ſhe lived, nor do any of the royal
captives, feel the leaſt diminution of their former fortune,
except it be the having loft the light of thy countenance,.
"which the great Oromafdes will again caufe to fhine upon
"them and, far from being deprived of her due obfequies,
"Statira was honoured with the tears of her very enemies;
"for, terrible as Alexander is in battle, he is equally mild
"in ufing his victories."
5¹ Plut. in Alexand. Quint. Cur. L. iv. c. 10. Arrian, L. iv. c. 20.
THE
78
HISTORY OF GREÈCE
1
BOOK I.
Sect. I.
His fufpi-
cions;
emoved.
Darius's ad-
miration of
Alexander.
THE eunuch's words `excited the darkeſt fufpicions in the
mind of Darius. "Tell me then," faid he, taking the
eunuch aſide, if thou haft not yet revolted to the Mace-
"donians, as the fortune of Perfia has; tell me, as thou re-
"vereſt the light of Mithra, and this right hand of thy
King, is not the death of Statira the leaft of what I have
"to lament? and, amidst all our calamities, had not our
diſgrace been lefs, if we had met with a more ſavage foe?
"For, what but the tendereft engagement could induce a
young Prince thus to honour the wife of his enemy !"
166
66
66
TIRCUS, humbling his face to the earth, entreated Da-
rius not to harbour a thought ſo unworthy of himſelf, fo
injurious to Alexander, and fo diſreſpectful to the memory
of his excellent Queen; nor to deprive himſelf of that re-
flection, which muft adminifter the higheſt confolation to
him, that Alexander, whofe fuperiority in arms he had felt,
was fuperior alfo to human nature; affuring him with the
moft folemn oaths, that Alexander was even more to be
admired for the propriety of his behaviour to the
the cap-
tive Princeffes, than for the valour he exerted againſt
Darius.
GC
66
$
DARIUS, lifting up his eyes to heaven, is faid to have
thus expreſſed himſelf: "Ye gods, the guardians of our
births, and who watch over the fortunes of kingdoms,
grant me to re-eſtabliſh the State of Perfia, and to leave
"it profperous as I found it, that, bleffed with victory, I
may have it in my power to return to Alexander the
"kindneffes which my dearest pledges have experienced from
"him. But if the fated term of this Empire is now come, and
"the
1
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
49
A
1
"the glory of the Perfians muſt have an end, may none but Book I.
"Alexander fit on the throne of Cyrus!"
WHEN We meet with theſe ſentiments, we can ſcarcely
forbear wiſhing, that the prince capable of having uttered
them, had never known the baneful influence of abfolute
power.
SOME hiftorians tell us, that upon this event the Perfian
King fent a third embaſſy to Alexander, with much larger
offers than before. But neither Arrian nor Plutarch make
mention of that particular.
I
DARIUS, who faw no other decifion than that of arms
was to be expected, and ſtill poffeffing the fond notion,
that the ſtrength of an army conſiſted in its numbers, ſent
to levy forces through all his provinces. There affembled,
accordingly, a prodigious multitude; a million of foot, fays
Arrian, and forty thouſand horfe, with fome elephants, and
two hundred arined chariots. And as the fucceffor of Cy-
rus had been encouraged to believe, that the defeat at Iffus
was altogether owing to his having been fhut up within
narrow defiles, where he could not avail himſelf of his ſupe-
riority, he now choſe for his ground a plain of great extent,
near the village of Gaugamela 52 in Aturia, a province of
Affyria; having given directions, that every hillock ſhould
be levelled, for his army and chariots to have room to act
without interruption.
52 The name fignifies the house or body of the camel; fo called, becaufe Darius
Hyftafpis appointed this district for the maintenance of the camel, to which he owed
his preſervation in his flight out of Scythia. Strab. xvi. Plut. in Alex.
Sect. I.
Darius pre-
pares again
for battle.
H
ALEXANDER
50
HISTORY OF GREECE
BOOK I.
Sect. I.
Formidable
appearance
army.
ALEXANDER was on his march through the Upper Aſia ¹³,
and had paſſed the Tigris in ſearch of Darius, when advice
was brought him, that the Perfians were near. At fight of
of the Perfiam them, the Greeks, accuſtomed as they had been to engage
with numerous armies, were in fome degree aſtoniſhed. As
far as the eye could reach, nothing was to be feen but arms,
military enfigns, chariots, and all the parade of war. And
from every part of the plain below, arofe a deep murmur,.
hoarfe as the furges of a tempeftuous fea. Alexander had
advanced in order of battle. He thought it nevertheleſs
adviſeable to encamp, and to poftpone the engagement till
the enfuing morning, that his men might have an opportu-
nity of viewing the enemy at leifure, and of recovering
from the impreffion which, it appeared, the fight had at
firft made on them The remainder of the day, befides per-
forming the proper facrifices ", he employed with Par-
33 Aftian. L. iii. c. 7 & feq.
Quint, Cur. L. iv. c. 12 & feq.
Diod. Sic. L. xvii. Plutarch in Alexand
** Plutarch fays, that, after the Macedonian army were gone to repofe, Alexan-
dor, attended by Ariftander the Augur only, went through certain private rites, and
performed a facrifice poi to Apollo, as it ſtands in the printed text; but Amyot,
as Xylander informs us, inftead of ice, found in feveral manufcripts pól to fear.
If this is the true reading, as there is reaſon to believe it is, it fhews what Alexan-
der himself thought of the confternation of his army, and what induced Parmenio
to give the advice, which we find he afterwards gave.
See Plut. Xylandri in Alex.
53 It was perhaps on this occafion, that Alexander employed the artifice men-
tioned by Frontinus (L. 1. c. 11.) by means of fome medicated liquor, he infcribed
the hand of the Arufpex with certain characters, inverted, importing a promife of
victory, which being laid on the warm liver of the victim, left there a legible im-
preffion. The miracle was immediately communicated to the army with great fuc-
cefs.-See alfo Polyacni Stratagem. L. iv. c. 3.
3
menio
.
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
*5*
menio in reconnoitring the fituation of the oppofite army, Book I.
and in examining the ground on which the battle was to Sect. 1.
be fought.
3
anſwer:
WHEN he had retired to his tent, Parmenio came to him Parmenio's
advice.
again, and counſelled him to take advantage of the night to
attack the enemy. Parmenio himſelf was doubtful of the
event, and thought the boldeſt heart muſt be appalled at
encountering fuch an hoſt of foes in open day. "No, Par-
"menio," replied Alexander, "I will not fteal a victory." Alexander's
This ſpirited anſwer, hiftorians obſerve, though in appear-
ance that of a young man, was the refult of cool and judi-
cious thought. The
The enemy, he reflected, might be appre- wiſdom of it.
henſive of ſuch a defign, and therefore on their guard againſt
it; many diſaſters might befall his own men in the dark;
they might miſtake friends for foes; they might loſe each other
amidſt ſuch a confufed multitude, and be overpowered;
the enemy could not have before their eyes the bold onfet
and dreadful execution of his troops; and therefore the
darkneſs would be void of terror, which would otherwiſe
operate on them with full force; the Macedonians, befides,
were ignorant of the country; and, if fucceſsful, could
not purſue the enemy; if unfucceſsful, they could not
eſcape.
It appeared afterwards ", that Alexander had conjectured
rightly. The Perfians, apprehenſive of a furprize, had re-
mained under arms until morning, which very circumſtance
was of confiderable detriment to them. Wafted with fa-
36 Arrian. L. iii. c. 10, 11.
H 2
tigue,
52
HISTORY OF GREECE
4
L
3
Book I,
Sect. I.
Battle of
Gaugamela.
Darius's
plan.
Alexander's
judicious ar-
rangements,
tigue, and, fubdued by repeated alarms in the night,
they were leſs able to execute the buſineſs of the enfuing
day; whereas the Macedonians, to whofe refreſhment Alex-
ander had paid particular attention, approached in full vigour
of mind and body.
57
A MINUTE detail of this battle belongs rather to the
military ſcience. It will be fufficient to mention the more
remarkable incidents.
DARIUS's defign was, to incloſe the Greeks by his fupe-
riority of numbers; and by means of his armed chariots, to.
penetrate the Macedonian phalanx, in which Alexander's
principal ſtrength was fuppofed to conſiſt.
ALEXANDER was aware of this intention. He placed,
therefore a number of flingers and bowmen in the front of
his line, with orders, that as the chariots moved towards
them, they fhould, by frightening the horſes, and plying
them with ftones and darts, endeavour to drive them back
on the enemy. If this failed, they were to aim at difabling
the horſes, or to kill the drivers, in order to get poffeffion-
of the chariots; but in cafe any of them ftill efcaped, and
reached the phalanx, then the Macedonians were to open to
right and left, and permit them to paſs to the rear, where there
was a corps of reſerve appointed to take care of them.
He had alſo diſpoſed a number of detached parties, whoſe
inſtructions were, to obſerve the enemy's flying ſquadrons, and
prevent their taking him in flank.
57 OLYMP. cxii. 2. BEFORE CHRIST 331.
IF
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
53
IF the Perfians fhould carry their point, and inclofe him,
in that cafe the extreme ranks, flank and rear, were to face
about inſtantly, to front the enemy on every fide.
Book I.
Sect. 1.
fuccefs.
I.
His orders were punctually executed. The chariots bore attended with
down on the Macedonians, and they were foon rendered
uſeleſs. Repeated attempts were made to take him in flank.
without effect. Whilſt Alexander, at the head of the right
wing, after having broken the left wing of the enemy,
though compoſed of the Scythian horfe, by far the beſt
corps Darius had, turned directly on the main body of the
Perfian army; and drawing up his men in the form of a
wedges, upon a ſmall front, fupported by a great depth,
opened to himſelf a way into the midſt of them, pufhing on
to the center, with loud fhoutings and great flaughter;
probably with a view of taking the King prifoner, who,
according to the Perſian cuſtom, had his ſtation there, and
was, as ufual, eaſily diſtinguiſhed by his magnificent drefs
and ſtately chariot.
WA
rius.
DARIUS had hitherto preferved 59 fome appearance of Flight of Da
firmneſs; but as foon as he faw this torrent of war ruſhing
towards him, his ftrength of mind forfook him, aud. he be-
took himſelf to flight; which completed the defeat of his
army in this part,. every man following the King's example.
58 Ὥσπερ έμβολον.
Arrian Gronov. L. iii. c. xiv. p. 124.
59 According to Diodorus, Darius for fome time fhewed both conduct and va-
lour; but his charioteer having been flain, and a report prevailing, that the King
himſelf had fallen, the Perfians fled, and Darius was obliged to follow their ex-
ample.
}
f
ALEXANDER
54
HISTORY OF GREECE
Book I.
Sect. I.
Alexander
purſues, but
is recalled by
Parmenio.
Renews the
purſuit in
vain.
The Mace-
rior in num-
ALEXANDER immediately purſued, and had probably ſoon
come up with Darius, if a courier from his left wing had
not brought him back to the field of battle. This wing,
of which Parmenio had the command, had been forely
preſſed by the enemy, and was giving way. Alexander flew to
his general's affiſtance; but that movement was unneceffary;
the difpute was already decided, and a total diſcomfiture of
the Perfians had taken place.
INTENT on overtaking Darius, as foon as he faw the vic-
tory ſecure, he allowed his men but a few hours repofe, and
fet off again at midnight, continuing the purſuit as far as
Arbela, upward of ſeventy miles from the field of battle
but was at length obliged to defiſt, Darius having outſtrip-
ped him.
By the best accounts, the Macedonians had only forty
donians infe thouſand foot, and feven thouſand horfe, not a twentieth
of the enemy. But on the one fide, were a tumultuary mul-
titude, on the other, was experience, and difcipline, and
valour.
bers.
1
60 Gaugamela being only an inconfiderable village, and Arbela a place of fome
note, hiftorians have thought proper to name the battle from the latter, though
fought at fuch a diſtance from it. Arrian (vi. 11.) ridicules this affectation.
"well," fays he, "might they, call the battle of Salamis the battle of the Corinthian
"Ifthmus.'
" As
Archbiſhop Ufsher (Annal 312.) thinks, that the distance could not be more than
about thirteen or fourteen miles, fomewhat beyond an hundred ftadia. Arrian, who
feems to have been well informed, and with whom the feveral antient writers agree,
affirms exprefsly, that the diſtance was not less than from five to fix hundred fur-
longs.
ALEXANDER
}
誊
​i
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
55
difcernment
ALEXANDER himſelf certainly deſerves great praife, not Book I.
Sect. I.
merely for his perfonal courage, in which he ſeems generally
to have exceeded, but for his difcernment and judicious Alexander's
precautions before the engagement began; and eſpecially for and intrepi-
that admirable preſence of mind, the natural companion of dity.
intrepidity, which he appears to have preferved through
the whole action. His anfwer to Parmenio deferves particu-
larly to be remembered: during the heat of the battle,
when appriſed by Parmenio, that the enemy had fallen on the
camp, and were pillaging it, "Bid him not mind them,"
replied Alexander, "let us make fure of victory; the pil-
lage will of courſe be ours."-
the fide of the
Perfians, and
on that of the
Macedoni
WHAT the lofs was on either fidè, antient writers are not The lofs on
agreed. Arrian relates,: that of the Perfians there fell three
hundred thoufand, and that the number of priſoners was
greater. Whereas Alexander, he fays,, loft only an hundred
men and a thouſand horſes; moſt of the latter being deſtroyed
in purſuing the enemy.. But this account feems to be incre-
dible.
ans.
3
1
BOOK
3
[ 56 ]"
}
.
во о · K ·
!
I.
*
}
SECTION II.
+
Book I.
Sect. 2.
CONTENT S.
Beſſus
Surrender of Babylon; of Sufa; of Perfepolis; and of Pafargadae;
with their treaſures-The effects of this rich plunder-
Darius treated perfidiously by Beffus; and murdered by the
afſociates of that traitor-Change in the manners of Alex-
ander-He puts to death Philotas; and Parmenio-Kills
Clitus-Feels compunction-Is corrupted by flatterers-Seeks to
obtain divine bonours-Is oppofed by Callifthenes-Refents
it Callifthenes charged with encouraging a confpiracy
against Alexander-Is put to death-Alexander finds it ne-
ceſſary to divert the attention of his army to other Scenes-
Reduces feveral of the Indian tribes-Is oppoſed by Porus-
Defeats him-Spreads devaftation to the Hyphafis-Propofes
to pass on to the Ganges-And to conquer the whole world-
His foldiers refuse to proceed-He is highly diſpleaſed-
Obliged to yield to their wishes-His vanity.
T¹
•
HE victory of Gaugamela put an end to the empire"
of Darius. The feveral nations of Afia', who´had
Coniequen- hitherto followed his fortunes, now confidered him as a loſt
Prince, to whom allegiance was no longer due; and moſt
ces of the de- '
feat of Da-
rius.
1 Quint. Cur. L. v. c. I.
Diod. Sic. L. xvii. c. 7.
Arrian, L. iii. c. 16 & feq. Plutarch in Alexand.
10
of
1
}
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
Babylon :
57
of them prepared to pay their homage to the conqueror. Book I.
Among other perfons of diftinction, Mazaeus, a Perfian Sect. 2.
fatrap of high rank, who, by his gallant behaviour in the
late battle, had nearly wrefted the victory from Parmenio,
made his fubmiffion, inviting the King to Babylon, of which
he was governor. The peaceable furrender of fuch a city, Surrender of
the capital of Affyria, the fiege of which might have re-
tarded the progrefs of his arms confiderably, and whofe
example promiſed to be of extenfive influence, could not but
be exceedingly flattering to Alexander. He made his entrance
into it, in all the magnificence of triumphal pomp, attended
by the magi and great men of Babylon, amidſt loud accla-
mations of joy from the inhabitants, who had long borne
impatiently the Perfian yoke. He ſpent fome days among
his new ſubjects, to whom he made himſelf highly accept-
able, by commanding, that their temples fhould be re-
built; particularly that of Belus, which Xerxes had laid in
ruins.
defeats the
•
He then paffed on to Sufa, which in like manner open- of Sufa.
ed its gates to him. And from Sufa he advanced towards
Perſepolis. The way into Perfia lay through narrow ſtreights,
formed by the mountains that encompass it. The Uxii, a Alexander
nation of mountaineers, who had preſerved their independence Uxii.
even under the Perfian monarchs, had poffeffed themſelves of
one of theſe defiles. The Macedonians foon diflodged them,
and would have put every man to the fword, had not
Syfigambis interceded in their favour. At her intercef-
fion, Alexander contented himſelf with impofing on them
an annual tribute of cattle, all the wealth known among
them. At the pafs called the gates of Perfia, Ariobarzanes, gates of Per-
with
I
Forces the
fia.
1
}
58
HISTORY OF GREECE
}
Book I. with a confiderable force, had intrenched himſelf. But this
Sect. 2. difficulty the fon of Philip alſo furmounted, and, without
further oppofition, reached Perfepolis.
Enters Perfe-
polis.
Takes Pafar-
gadae.
Treafures
found:
their effect on
Alexander
SOME hiftorians tell us of Alexander's being met here
by certain Greeks, whom the Perfians, in the courfe of
former wars, had carried into captivity, and had disfigured
and maimed with a favage barbarity. But there is reafon
to believe this account to be fabulous, Arrian not making
the leaſt mention of it. Probably it was invented as an
apology for thoſe cruel executions of the Afiatics, of which
Alexander appears to have been afterwards frequently
guilty.
have been
THE treaſures which he found here, and at Pafargadae, a
city not far from Perfepolis, where the Perfian Kings were
wont to be inaugurated, together with the riches of Sufa
and Babylon, furpaffed what his moft fanguine hopes could
have promiſed him. The filver and gold alone amounted to
upwards of thirty millions fterling; befides jewels and pre-
cious things of inestimable value, in fo vaft a quantity, that,
if Plutarch may be believed, there was fufficient to load.
twenty thousand mules and five thouſand camels. He alſo
found at Sufa the brazen ftatues of Harmodius and Arifto-
giton, which had been carried away from Athens by Xerxes:
Alexander took care to have them ſent back to that city.
3
THIS exceffive opulence had been a fource of corruption
and the Ma- and ruin to the Perfians; and it now proved fatal alfo to the
cedonians.
+ Diod. Sic, Quint. Cur.
3 In Alexand.
Greeks.
*
จ
FROM THE; ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
59
Greeks. The rough Macedonians began to have a relish for Book I.
Afiatic luxuries; and many of them, in the 'fumptuoufnefs Sect. 2.
of their dreſs, the delicacy of their tables, the elegance and
number of their attendants, and the profufion and richneſs
of their perfumes, had already affumed more of the appearance
of effeminate fatraps, than of the leaders of a warlike na-
tion. Alexander himſelf, however he may be faid to
have cenfured thefe exceffes, had given but too much
occafion for them; the profufe manner in which he had
beſtowed thoſe treaſures among his fervants, furniſhing
them with temptations to voluptuous indulgences, and with
the means of enjoying them; thus making wealth the re-
ward of military merit, which muſt always, in the end, prove
deftructive of it.
721
>
His own conduct alfo, after fome time, was far from
difplaying an example, which a good Prince ſhould ex-
hibit to his people; and, whether from natural inclina-
tion, or corrupted by Afiatic manners, he appears to have
been too often fond of mixing in fcenes of revelry and in-
temperance.
>
burnt,
It was on fuch an occafion, as Plutarch informs us, that The palace
he was prevailed on by Thais, the courtezan, to fet fire of Perſepolis
to the royal palace of Perſepolis; a ftructure held in uni-
verfal admiration for its beauty and magnificence, even in
that country, where the eye was familiarized to fuch objects.
Σ
+ See Plutarch's Alexander.
+
I 2
THE
60
HISTORY OF GREECE
BOOK I.
Sect. 2.
at the infti-
gation of
Thais.
Alexander
refumes the
purfuit of
Darius.
"f
66
THE King, on a certain day, had made a great entertain-
ment for his friends, to which, fuch was the indelicacy of
manners, women of Thais's character were admitted. When,
fluſhed with wine, "This day," cried Thais, "has made
me amends for all my toilfome travels through Afia, by
putting it in my power to trample on the proud courts of
"Perfia's Kings. But how much more glorious would it
"be, to fire the palace of Xerxes, who laid Athens in
" ruins; and to have it faid in future times, that the women
" of Alexander's train have more fignally avenged the cauſe
"of Greece againſt the Perfians, than all the generals before
" him have been able to do !”
THE propofal was received with loud applaufe, and car-
ried into immediate execution; the King himſelf ſnatching
up the first torch, and leading the way. Arrian 5 makes no
mention of Thais. He only tells us, that Alexander laid
the palace of Perſepolis in afhes, in revenge of what Xerxes
had an hundred and fifty years before done to Greece. Par-
menio endeavoured to prevent this act of phrenzy. But
Alexander would not be controuled; though he afterwards,
it is faid, repented of it.
It was now time for him to turn his thoughts to Darius,
who, affifted by able and faithful fervants, might have im-
proved to uſeful purpofe the long interval which Alexan-
der's diffipation afforded him. A report, that the Perfian
monarch had raiſed numerous forces, and was preparing to
10
• L. iii, c. 18,
renew
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
61
renew the war, called the Macedonian from Perfepolis; Book I.
poffibly the artifice of fome honeſt Macedonian, who faw Sect. 2.
with concern his prefent inactivity.
THE unhappy Darius had the fate which all defpotic Beffus's pere
princes in their fall generally meet with. Beffus, who at-
tended him in his flight, under a femblance of zeal, con-
cealed the most treacherous defigns. He had adviſed him
to take refuge in Bactriana, of which he was governor,
where he promiſed powerful refources, that would enable
him to diſpute the prize of empire once more. His real
defign was, to keep poffeffion of his perfon, and, under fanc-
tion of his name, to ufurp the regal authority, fecure of
removing him out of the way, when no longer neceffary.
Darius foon found reafon, in the infolence with which he
was treated, to fufpect Beffus, and refufed to follow him.
Provoked at which, the villain, throwing off all difguife,
had the affurance to put his fovereign in chains, and to force
him along with him.
SUCH was the ſtate of things, at the time Alexander re-
fumed the thought of purſuing Darius'. Before he had
proceeded far, he received information of the treafon of
Beffus; and, immediately taking with him a body of light
horſe, gave directions for the rest of his army to haften
after him, and preffed the purfuit with the utmoſt expedition.
He had proceeded in this manner fome days, when a
Macedonian, named Polyftratus, found Darius in his chariot
at a ſmall diſtance from the road, pierced with wounds and
Ibid. Quint. Cur. L. v. e. 13. Plut in Alexand.
bathed
Arrian, ubi fup.
fidy.
62
HISTORY OF GREECE
BOOK I.
Sect. 2.
Darius mur-
dered by his
fubjects.
Fate of Bef-
.fus :
bathed in his blood. It ſeems Satifbarzanes and Barzaentes,
two Perſian lords of Beffus's party, had ſhot him through
with their darts, becauſe he did not haften on with that
precipitation which their fears made them think neceſſary;
and had diſabled the cattle, and killed the ſervants that drove
them. The only attendant he had left was a favourite dog,
whom he had bred'. He had juft ftrength enough to aſk
for fome drink to quench his thirſt. And Polyftratus hav-
ing brought water from a neighbouring fpring; "Now
"indeed," faid the unfortunate Prince, "do I feel myſelf
66
completely wretched, fince I am not able to reward thee
"for this act of kindneſs. But Alexander will not let thee
"go unrewarded. The gods alfo will recompenfe Alexander
"for his humanity to my mother, my wife, and my children.
"Tell him, I give him my hand, for I give it to thee in
"his ftead;" ſo ſaying, he expired. When Alexander came
up, he lamented affectionately over him; and, covering the
body with his robe, commanded it to be removed to Perfia,
and interred in the royal fepulchre.
ALEXANDER continued his purfuit of Beffus, who had
affumed the enfigns of royalty, together with the name of
Artaxerxes; a circumſtance which probably made him ap-
pear ftill more guilty. It may be fufficient here to obſerve,
that vengeance at length overtook this perfidious traitor, and
in a manner worthy of his crime. After flying from pro-
vince to province, and ufing every artifice to elude his
purſuers, his aſſociates in guilt delivered him into the hands
of Ptolemy, by whom he was brought to Alexander; who
Aelian. hift. animal. L. vi. c. 25.
3
9 Arrian, L. iii. c. 25.
t
1
took
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
63
•
took care to vindicate the majefty of kings by the exemplary Book I.
puniſhment inflicted on him 1°. It is, however, matter of Sect. 2.
furpriſe, that Satifbarzanes, who had imbrued his hands in
the blood of his fovereign, was, upon his fubmiffion, par-
doned and promoted. Are we to think, it was not ſo much
the ſhedding of Darius's blood, as the ufurpation of fove-
reignty, that Alexander thought himſelf intereſted in puniſh-
ing?—The reader will, doubtleſs, have pleaſure in being in- of Satiſbar-
formed, that, notwithſtanding this favour, Satiſbarzanes did
not eſcape unpunished. He proved as perfidious to Alexan-
der, as he had been to his own prince; and fell, as he de-
ferved ".
I
zanes:
mercenaries
fervice.
THERE is one circumftance 12 in the clofe of Darius's of Greek
fortunes, which deferves notice.. At the battle of Gua- in Darius's
gamela, he had near him a body of Greek mercenaries,
moſtly Phocians. When, urged by his fears, he fled from
the field of battle, this faithful band continued to attend
him;
and not only rejected the propoſals, with which
Beffus and his accomplices endeavoured to gain them
over to their party, but even made offer to Darius, if he
would intruſt his perfon to them, to defend him, at the
hazard of their lives, againſt the violence which they per-
ceived was in agitation; but that unfortunate and too gene-
rous prince refuſed to be indebted to ftrangers for a pro-
tection, which he could not obtain from his own fubjects;
TO
་
To Arrian, L. iii. c. 30. Ariftobulus and Ptolemy, from whofe memoirs Arrian
wrote, relate his death differently. Plutarch alfo, and Quintus Curtius, give us a
circumſtantial account, but altogether different, of the manner of his death.
** See Arrian, L. iii. c. 25 & 28.
12 Quint. Cur. L. v. c. 12.
'
thinking,
1
64
HISTORY OF GREECE
J
1
BOOK I.
Sect. 2.
Fidelity of
Artabazus
thinking, perhaps, that to avow his diftruft of Beffus would
only precipitate matters, and ſerve as an excuſe for the trea-
fon he meditated. When theſe gallant Greeks perceived that
Darius's fate was not to be prevented, they declined to have
farther connection with the traitors, and ftruck into another
road 13. They proceeded afterwards to Alexander, who, in
confideration of their noble ſpirit, forgave them, and employ-
ed most of them in his fervice.
It is alſo remarkable, that of all the Perfians, none pre-
and his fons. ferved their allegiance inviolate to Darius in his misfortunes,
but Artabazus and his fons. Their fidelity had its recom-
pence. Alexander received them at his court, and held them
ever after in the higheſt eſteem.
Alexander
reduces a
number of
extenfive
provinces.
In
BESSUS ſeemed to be the principal object of the expedi
tion in which Alexander was now engaged, the important
purpoſes of conqueft 14 were, however, not forgotten.
the courſe of his progreſs, Alexander faw a fucceffion of
extenfive provinces ftill opening before him; and he took
care, as he paffed through them, either to accept the fub-
miffion of the ſeveral nations, or to reduce them to obedi-
ence ". Of this number were the inhabitants of Hyrcania,
Bactriana,
#3 Arrian, L. iii. c. 18.
*4 See Arrian, L. iii. c. 23 & feq.
15 It was in the courfe of this expedition, when he was at Zadracanta in Hyr-
cania, that he is faid by certain romantic writers of his hiſtory, (See Quint. Cur.
L. vi. c. 5.) to have had an interview with Thaleftris, queen of the Amazons, who,
drawn by the fame of his exploits, came with a numerous retinue from the banks
of the Thermodon, to vifit him, in hopes of having lineage by him. But, be-
fides that neither Ariftobulus nor Ptolemy make mention of fuch an adventure,
there
1
•
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
65
Bactriana, Ariana, Drangiana, Arachofia, Sogdiana, and, in Book I.
general, of all the countries from the Cafpian fea to Sect. 2.
the Indus, as far northward as
as far northward as the river Jaxartes 16,
which, in thoſe days, was the Scythian boundary on this
fide. Some of theſe nations, nevertheleſs, feem not to
have been wanting in natural courage, and to have had
the advantage of ftrong holds, which might have bidden
their enemies defiance. The rock of Sogdiana, particularly,
and that of Chorienes, in the country of the Paraetacae, (if
the accounts of antient hiſtorians may be depended on) ſeem
to have been nearly impregnable. They were both of an
amazing height, and of ſo ſteep an aſcent, that (even when
there was no enemy) the foot could ſcarcely find a ſtep to reſt
and being ſurrounded alſo by rapid torrents and by vaſt pre-
cipices, in which the winter fnow remained collected to an
immenſe depth, whofoever flipped in attempting the dan-
gerous path, fell, never to rife again. Theſe rocks, befides,
were well garriſoned, and ſupplied with proviſions for a
length of
years. Alexander, however, partly by ftratagem,
partly by the terror of his arms, got theſe and every other
place of ſtrength into his power; the wretched inhabitants,
wherever he met with refiftance, being put to the ſword
without mercy.
It were of little ufe to follow him
on;
there is good reafon to doubt, whether fuch a people ever exifted. The fable, it
feems, was the invention of Oneficritus, who ſerved in theſe very wars, but was
fond of the embelliſhments of fiction. One day, when he was reading this part of his
hiſtory to Lyfimachus, one of Alexander's chief captains, at that time King of
Thrace, "Where was I," faid he, fmiling, "when all this happened?"-See
Plutarch in Alexand. Confult alſo Arrian, L. vii. c. 13; and Strabo Caſaub.
Ł. xỉ. p. 348.
16 The Greeks miftook it for the Tanais.
Strabo, L. xi. p. 356, 357.
K
Arrian, L. iii. c. 30.-Confult
through
66
HISTORY OF GREECE
*
BOOK I. through all the ſcenes of carnage and defolation, of which his
Sect. 2. plan of operations was productive. It may be ſufficient to ſay,
that not only thoſe, who might be ſuppoſed to have ſhared
in Beffus's crime, but alfo every people, who appeared to
be in poffeffion of any portion of liberty, and had the
fpirit to defend it, felt the utmoſt ſeverity of relentleſs
Attempts the
Scythians:
baffled by
them.
war 17
THE Scythians, famed as they were for their poverty
and fimplicity of manners, could not efcape. This people,
known fince by the name of Tartars, occupied, as ſome of
their defcendents ftill do, a vaft tract of country to the
north and north-west of Europe and Afia; and were faid to
have been victorious over every nation, that had attempted
to fubdue them. And, what might have induced the Ma-
cedonian the more to peace, their adjoining tribes had ſent
him an embaffy with a tender of friendship. In return, he
commiffioned certain perſons to paſs into Scythia, and to re-
port their manner of living, and in what way he might moſt
effectually reduce them into fubjection. With this view, he
built a city on the Jaxartes, by means of which he might
have commanded, at pleaſure, a paſſage into their country.
But his wonted fuccefs failed him here. After making re-
peated inroads into their borders, and deftroying a few of
their towns, he faw it availed nothing. They drew him in-
to fituations, where he and his troops were in danger of.
periſhing: they harraffed him by the abruptneſs of their
attacks, and the quickneſs of their retreats: they furrounded
parties of his men, when they leaft expected it, and cut
17 Arrian, L. iv. c., 1 & feq..
them
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
67
Sect. 2.
them in pieces without mercy18: and if ever he joined battle Book I.
with them, though victorious, he found it impracticable to pe-
netrate thoſe deep defarts, of which none but Scythians could
tell the extent, and in which they were always fecure of finding
refuge. Arrian 19 fays, they at laſt offered peace, which
Alexander accepted. If fuch an offer was ever made, there
is reaſon to believe, that a few only of the leaft confiderable
of their tribes, were concerned in it. Probably Alexander
was not diſpleaſed to have a pretence, whatever it might
be, for turning his arms against other nations, lefs capable
of refiftance.
WHILST the ſon of Olympias was employed in adding to Becomes
the number of his conquefts, he was lofing ground in the haughty, fuf
affections of his people. Many cauſes contributed to this; tyrannical,
the haughty port he affumed; his abfurd ambition of being
accounted a god; the contempt he affected to have for Ma-
cedonian manners; the pleaſure, which he ſeemed to take in
the fervile honours he received from the Afiatics; and,
above all, that fufpicious and cruel difpofition, which now
began to appear ſtrongly in him, and of which he had lately
given fatal proofs in the cafe of the unhappy Philotas, and
eſpecially in that of Parmenio. This melancholy tranfaction
happened ſoon after Darius's death, when Alexander was on
his expedition in purſuit of Beffus; and was then omitted,
18 In one action, it appears from Curtius (vii. 7.) he ſuſtained fuch loſs, that it
was made death to thoſe who furvived, to divulge what had happened. Probably,
this is the action ſpoken of (Arrian, iv. 6.) in which he tells us, only forty horfe
and three hundred foot eſcaped.
19 Arrian, L. iv. c. 15.
K 2
that
68
HISTORY OF GREECE
Book I. that it might not break in upon the narrative of the opera-
tions depending on that expedition. It may, not improperly,
have its place here.
Sect. 2.
Character of
Parmenio:
of his fon
Philotas.
PHILOTAS was fon to Parmenio, who had ferved with
great diſtinction under Philip, and had been always honour-
ed with particular marks of confidence by his royal mafter..
When Alexander paffed into Afia, Parmenio, in like manner,
continued on every occafion to approve himſelf a faithful
and zealous fervant; and he enjoyed fo large a fhare of con-
fidence, that in the three great battles, which completed the
overthrow of the Perfian empire, it was to him the command of
the left wing was intrufted, whilft the King himſelf charged
at the head of the other. In all theſe actions, the only im-.
putation that ever lay againſt him was, that his anxiety for
his maſter's ſafety ſometimes betrayed him into over-cautious
counfels. He was at this time upwards of feventy years of
age; of three fons, he had only Philotas left (the two
others having fallen in the fervice of Alexander ;) and he
had been lately fent to command in Media, which office he
diſcharged with the ftricteft vigilance and moſt unblemiſhed
integrity.
WHAT Parmenio had been in his days of vigour, Philotas.
was now; of acknowledged courage; generous; poliſhed; per-
haps ſomewhat too magnificent in his manner of living; be-
loved by the foldiers; and highly in favour with Alex-.
ander, who had advanced him to the firft military ho-
nours.
1
1
A CERTAIN
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
69
રે
A 20 CERTAIN Macedonian, named Cebalinus, had in- Book I.
formed Philotas of fome defign carried on againſt Alexan- Sect. 2.
ander's life by one Dymnus 21, and other perſons unknown, Philotas fuf-
pected
defiring he would acquaint the King with the particulars. Phi-
lotas promiſed he would; but whether he thought the informa- on flight
grounds :
tion frivolous, or whether, as his enemies pretended, from
worſe motives, he neglected to perform that promiſe. Cebali-
nus, diſcovering this neglect, contrived to have his information
conveyed to the King through another channel; at the fame
time acquainting Alexander, that he had firſt made his appli-
cation to Philotas, but without effect.
THIS account had already raiſed doubts of Philotas in
Alexander's mind, when an unlucky incident added to them.
Dymnus, the accuſed perſon, was fent for; who, to pre-
vent the extorting any confeffion from him, laid violent
hands on himſelf. This indication of guilt convinced the
King, that ſome dark purpoſe had been in agitation; and
not knowing on whom to fix his fufpicions, he turned them
on Philotas, whofe motive for concealing the information
was now interpreted into an argument of his being privy to
the treafon. Philotas had nevertheleſs owned his fault to
the King, with the ſtrongeſt proteftations, that his impru-
dence aroſe altogether from his mean opinion of the in-
former; and, in appearance, had fatisfied Alexander of his
innocence.
20
Arrian, L. iii. c. 26. Quint. Cur..L. vi. c. 7 & feq. Plutarch in Alexand.
Diod. Sic. L. xvii. c. 8.
ཝ་
Quintus Curtius, according to custom, has fet off this ftory with many roman-
tic circumftances.
IT
70
HISTORY OF GREECE
Book I.
Sect. 2.
tortured,
and put to
death.
Parmenio
It was exceedingly improbable, that a perfon, with fuch
means in his power as Philotas poffeffed, fhould, during two
whole days (for this time had elapfed between the firft and
fecond information) have remained altogether indifferent
about the matter, had he really been engaged in fuch a con-
fpiracy; and ſhould have taken no ftep either to remove
Cebalinus, or to apprize Dymnus and his accomplices of the
danger that threatened them.
BUT his fervices and merit were too confpicuous, to be
feen without attracting envy. Some officious counfellors,
among, whom hiſtory mentions even Craterus, under pretence
of concern for Alexander's perfonal fafety, took advantage of the
King's weak moments, and prevailed on him to have Philo-
tas examined by torture. He bore this cruelty at firft with
great fortitude, and perfifted in afferting his innocence. His
enemies, nevertheleſs, were too much intereſted in his de-
ftruction, to permit him to eſcape. They renewed the
queſtion, with every circumftance of barbarity, which that
inhuman mode of examination admits of: exhauſted by an-
guiſh, he confeffed whatever they would have him confeſs,
and probably what never had exiſted, and was inſtantly ſhot to
death.
PARMENIO, Philotas's aged father, ftill remained.
remained. It
put to death. was thought expedient to involve him alfo in his fon's guilt.
Some hiſtorians 22 relate, that Philotas had criminated his
parent when in the agonies of torture; but the falſehood of
this appears from Arrian 23.
There were, however, power-
22 See Quint. Cur. L. vi. c. 11.
23 See Arrian, L. iii. c. 26; and Plutarch in Alexand.
រ
ful
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
7T
1
I
Sect. 2.
ful reaſons why Parmenio fhould not efcape.. He was a Book I.
man of exalted character; adored by the army; and had
been injured in fuch a manner, that it was not to be ima-
gined he could ever forgive it..
THE mean ftratagem, indeed, made ufe of in order to
haften his deſtruction, proves abundantly, that the King him-
felf was confcious of his innocence. The perfon pitched
upon to go into Media on this errand, where Parmenio
commanded, was Polydamas, Parmenio's friend! of whom
the old general could not entertain fufpicion. To effect his
purpoſe the more fecurely, he received directions to arrive at
an hour when Parmenio might be ſuppoſed to have retired to
reft; and, before he faw him, to communicate his inftruc--
tions to certain trufty perfons,
perfons, who might be eafily
who
wrought upon to affift in the bloody buſineſs which was
meditated..
THUS prepared, in the morning he waited on Parme-
nio, as if juſt arrived, and delivered him a letter from the
King, and another as from his fon, the King having fealed
it with Philotas's fignet.. The King's letter Parmenio, from
reſpect, opened firft, which, being written in his ufual
ſtyle of regard and confidence, he read with much pleaſure;
and, turning to Polydamas, "Will the King," faid he,
never put an end to his toils! he tells me, he purpoſes
sc
66
marching againſt the Arachofians." He was then preparing
to open the letter from Philotas, when Polydamas, and the
affaffins who had accompanied him, plunged their poniards
into his body, and laid him dead at their feet. A few
foldiers at a diſtance were ſpectators of the deed; who ſpread-
2
ing
The treache
ry employed
against him.
+
1
72
HISTORY OF GREECE
Book I. `ing the alarm among the troops, they were ready to tear Poly-
Sect. 2.
Alexander
gloomy and
violent;
damas, with his affociates, in pieces; and could hardly be
reſtrained, even when convinced that it had been done in
obedience to the King's orders.
In what light the Macedonians regarded theſe proceedings,
was no fecret to Alexander. It was ftill in his
It was ſtill in his power to have
removed much of the odium, under which he laboured, by
affuming a more gentle and conciliating deportment. But his
pride would not permit him. The more he found himſelf the
object of cenfure, the more gloomy and irritable did he become.
He even perfifted in avowing his diſregard of the Macedonian
cuſtoms, by the change of his dreſs, appearing now gene-
rally in the pompous garb of an eaſtern monarch. And,
what rendered his conduct yet more offenfive, he married a
ftrange woman, Roxana, induced to it merely by the exte-
rior charms ſhe poffeffed; though in her fituation there
was ſomewhat exceedingly humiliating: fhe was among the
priſoners taken at the furrender of the Sogdian rock; and
was daughter of Oxyartes, a Bactrian, one of the affoci-
ates 24 of the perfidious Beffus. Theſe feveral circum-
ſtances the Macedonians did not fail to dwell upon with aggra-
vation-A ftrange woman! a Barbarian! and the daughter of
a traitor !
SUCH was the general temper of his army, when Alexan-
der's violence betrayed him into another action 25, which,
though it had not the fame guilt of premeditation as that
24 See Arrian, L. iii. c..28.
25 Arrian, L. iv. c. 8 & feq. Plutarch in Alexand. Quint. Cur. L. viii. c. 1.
againſt
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
73
the
againſt Parmenio, was attended with circumſtances not lefs Book I.
Sect. 2.
aggravating.
On theſe ac-
Clitus,
CLITUS has been already mentioned. He was a general of provoked by
approved valour, and had faved Alexander's life at the Gra-
nicus. His fifter, alſo, had nurſed Alexander.
counts he was particularly dear to his mafter, notwithſtand-
ing his retaining all the roughneſs of the Macedonian cha-
racter, which well became the gallant foldier, and in which
the now prevailing Afiatic mode had not the power of mak-
ing the leaſt alteration. It was now a cuftom with the
King, to give frequent entertainments to his officers, at
which the laws of fobriety were not often obferved. To one
of theſe Clitus had been invited. When warmed with wine,
the King's flatterers began to extoll his exploits above thoſe
of all the antient heroes and chieftains of Greece, afcrib-
ing every fuccefs, that had attended his arms, to him alone,
and, at the fame time, depreciating whatever Philip and his
Macedonians had atchieved. Clitus was fired. He anſwer-
ed them. Alexander, meanly enough, fupported the fyco-
phants. And Clitus again, without due regard to the con-
dition in which he faw the King, retorted with great aſ-
perity; reproaching his mafter with his Perfian robe, and
the favour now fhewn to barbarians, without whoſe inter-
vention, he faid, Macedonians could not even have acceſs to
their fovereign; "and yet, deſpiſed as we are," continued
he," it was this arm that faved you from the fword of
<<
✔
Spithridates; and theſe very Macedonians are the men, at
"the expence of whofe blood you are now become fo great,
"as to diſdain to own Philip for your father, and to pretend
86 yourſelf the ſon of Hammon.
L
>>
ALEXANDER
74
HISTORY OF GREECE
R
Book I.
Sect. 2.
kills him.
Alexander's
compunc-
tion.
Improper
ployed to
pacify him.
means em❤
Wife repre-
fentations of
ALEXANDER became tranfported with rage; and, looking
round for a weapon, had inftantly wreaked his vengeance on.
the offender, had not their common friends compelled.
Clitus to retire. But he, not to be reftrained by any re-
preſentations, forced in again; when Alexander, wrefting
a javelin from the hand of one of his guards, ſmote him
with it as he entered.
,
THE bloody deed was no fooner committed,, than Alexan-
der recollected himſelf.. The guilt of the action rufhed upon+
his mind with all its aggravations-he had killed, with his
own hand, his friend! his preſerver !-and, fnatching the:
javelin out of Clitus's body, he would have pierced himſelf
with it, had not his guards interfered..
EVERY means that humanity or adulation could fuggeft,
were employed to pacify the King.. Even the aids of ſuper--
ftition were called in. It was Bacchus, they told him,
who had wrought the miſchief. The King, it ſeems, had
omitted certain facrifices ufually celebrated in honour of
this god; and, in refentment for the neglect, he had taken,
this method of puniſhing him. Of what the King, therefore,
feemed to have done, the god was the author. Wretched.
the ftate of princes, when even their crimes are thus ex-
plained away! and the fources of inſtruction ſtopped
up!
THERE was, however, on this occafion, an inſtance ſtill
Callisthenes. more affecting, of the pernicious influence of fervility and
20 See Arrian, L. iv. c. 9, 10,
flattery.
}
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
75
flattery 27. Among the King's attendants were two philofo- Book I.
Sect. 2.
phers, Callifthenes and Anaxarchus, The firſt was a man
of rigid virtue. He had been recommended to Alexander
by Ariftotle, as a valuable fage, on whofe wiſdom and in-
tegrity he might fafely depend; and he appears to have
ſupported this character, though his auftere manners were
not always acceptable to his maſter.
At this conjuncture
he behaved to the King with much tenderneſs, but with-
out difgracing his principles. Incapable of attempting to
juſtify the exceffes, of which Alexander had been guilty, he
endeavoured to bring him back to a proper ſenſe of what he
owed to the dignity of the regal office, with which he was
inveſted, and to convince him, that the only reparation he
had now to make was, to be more on his guard in fu-
ture, againſt thoſe fatal violences into which he had been
hurried.
Anaxarchus :
THE other, Anaxarchus, rather a vile fophift than a phi- The fervile
lofopher, talked to his mafter as if he fought to erafe from flattery of
his mind every humane and generous fentiment. "What!”
ſaid he, "is the King caft down thus! Does not Alexander
know, that juſtice is what he wills it to be? that his
pleaſure is the meaſure of right and wrong? and therefore
have the poets feigned, that JUSTICE IS SEATED ON THE
""
THRONE OF JUPITER, becauſe, wherever Supreme Power
"is, Justice is there alfo." Hiftorians have obſerved, that
Anaxarchus fucceeded but too well. Alexander readily be-
lieved what the flattering fycophant inculcated, and became
every day more haughty and more defpotic.
27 Arrian, ubi fup. Plutarch in Alexand.
L 2
FROM
76
HISTORY OF GREECE
BOOK I.
Sect. 2.
Its effects on
Alexander.
Anaxarchus
propoſes that
Alexander
fhould re-
ceive divine
honours ;.
FROM this time, he certainly appears to have expected.
from the Macedonians themſelves, a more abject fubmiffion
than he had hitherto ventured to require. The adventure of the
temple of Hammon, ſhews, even at an early periòd, what his
views were. He could not ſeriouſly ſuppoſe himſelf a god;
but he wished that others fhould believe him one.. And in
this idea, he had ſuffered himſelf to be fortified by the mean
adulation of the fophifts he was furrounded with, and by
the fervile proftrations with which the flaviſh Perfians ap--
proached him..
IT was agreed 28-
agreed 28 to try, whether the Macedonians might:
not be prevailed on to imitate the example. Accordingly,
at a royal banquet, when the company began to be elevated,,
and every heart to open to feftivity and chearfulneſs, the
propofal was made in form by Anaxarchus.
"There was ÷
"no doubt," he ſaid, "but ſuch glorious exploits as Alex--
"ander had atchieved, challenged every honour the Mace--
"donians had to beftow. Neither Hercules, nor even
"Bacchus, had equalled what he had performed; and yet:
"Macedon numbered them, though both of foreign ex-..
"traction, among her gods. How much more juftly
might the like honours be paid to a prince, who was
"their own, and in whofe glories they were directly in--
tereſted? When he was removed from among them,,
"divine honours muft. of courfe be his; and there-..
"fore to pay them. now, was only an anticipation of
"zealous homage, which must be the more acceptable to
66
•
A
}
* It is evident from Arrian, (L. iv. c. 10.) that the matter had been concerted i
with Alexander,
"Alexander,
५
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
}
“Alexander, as he ſhould thereby have an opportunity, Book I.
"whilſt preſent with them, of enjoying their grateful Sect. 2.
"adoration.”
of
SURPRISE and indignation fat painted on the countenance
every honeſt Macedonian. Whilſt the perfons who had
been appointed to be the principal performers in the farce
anſwered Anaxarchus's propofal with a burſt of applauſe, and
were preparing to carry the ſcheme into immediate execu-
'tion; when Callifthenes interpofed :
29
"Whatever " honours can be paid to mortals, are, I con-
“feſs, O Ariſtarchus, juſtly due to Alexander. Among all
"the commanders recorded in the annals of time, he is, I
" acknowledge, the firſt in counſel, the first in valour; and
"of all the princes of the earth, he is beyond compariſon
"the moft illuftrious. But ſtill the immortal gods are far
« above him; and very different are the honours due to
"them. It were blafphemy to confound the one with the
"other. What would Alexander himſelf ſay, ſhould
"perſon preſume to ufurp thoſe exalted honours of royalty,.
any
29 Speeches of this kind are often confidered as the wanton ſportings of the
hiftorian's fancy. This ſpeech deſerves to be thought of differently. From the prin-
ciples avowed in it, and the fate of Callifthenes in confequence of thoſe principles,
we are warranted to conjecture, that Arrian had it from thoſe refpectable memoirs
of Ariftobulus and Ptolemy, which are known to have been the ground-work of his
history. The cauſe, which Callifthenes pleads here, was in fact the cauſe of Greece,
that thoſe fons of freedom fhould not have their necks bent down to the fame fervile
yoke, to which the Afiatics had been ſubjected'; and therefore it was a cauſe to which
thoſe two officers, at leaſt at that time, muſt have wifhed well, and the defence of
which they must with pleaſure have recorded.
This noble monument of Grecian manners, the learned reader will find at
length in Arrian, L. iv. c. 11.
5.
" which
-
Callifthena
oppoſes it,
HISTORY OF GREECE
1
78
BOOK I.
Sect. 2.
2
186
"which belong to him. And ſhall the gods be leſs jealous
"of what belongs to them, and neglect to vindicate their
majeſty?-Were it even to be fuppofed, that the King
"could be capable of entertaining fuch prefumptuous
thoughts, you yourfelf, O Anaxarchus, who are admit-
ted to ſhare his private hours, ſhould be the firſt to re-
❝ claim him from an error fo prejudicial to his fame, ſo in-
<conſiſtent with his piety.-You furely muſt have forgot-
"ten, who he is, to whom you propofe to pay adoration ;
not a Cambyfes, not a Xerxes, but the fon of Philip,
"the deſcendent of princes who governed Macedon, not
" with arbitrary fway, but according to the rule of law.-
"If, however, O Alexander, you are taught to believe;
that you owe regard to the cuſtoms of thofe numerous
"Afiatic nations among whom you are; and that we Greeks,
"becauſe few in number, are to be looked upon as of no
"account, let me recall to your remembrance, that this
.66
war was undertaken by you, not that Greece fhould be-
come dependent upon Afia, but Afia the dependent of
"Greece.-Confider befides, in what difficulties fuch claims
"muft involve you, when you return home. For is it
"to be imagined, that the gallant Greeks, thofe fpirited
fons of liberty, will ever fall proftrate before you? or, is
"this reproach meant only for your Macedonians? or, ſhall
"the barbarians alone honour you as a god? and, from all
"the rest of your empire, will you be content to receive
"what a mortal ought to be content with? — Neither
let the practice of the princes of this empire tempt
Cyrus, they tell us, had di-
Admit that he had; god as
but free, chaſtiſed his info-
Al
any one to imitate them.
"vine honours paid to him,
he was, the Scythians, poor
3
❝lence.
$
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
79
1
·
"lence. Others of the fame nation put Darius, though Book I.
"equally honoured, to flight. Xerxes, revered likewife as Sect. 2.
"a god, eſcaped with difficulty from the vengeful arms of
"Athens and Sparta. Clearchus and Xenophon bade defi¬
ance to Artaxerxes, who, like his predeceffors, was alſo
"adored; and the laft Darius, before whom fo many na-
"tions proftrated themſelves, has our Alexander, though.
"but a mere mortal, brought to deſtruction."
""
that occafion,
THE ſeverity of this remonftrance made. Alexander himself Alexander's
fhrink beneath it. The mention of the chaſtiſement of conduct on
the Perfian Kings by the Scythians; by thoſe very Scythians
who had checked the arms,, and tarnished the glory, of the
fon of Philip, funk deep into his mind.. He read, at the
fame time, in the faces of thofe Macedonians around him, who
had not yet bowed their necks to the yoke, the fame inde-
pendent ſpirit, and the fame free principles. He faw the
danger of preffing the unmanly propofition. His haughti-
nefs forfook him. He whispered to his creatures to wave
the point. They were to confine their endeavours to per--
fonal and private folicitation; and he appeared to content.
himſelf with the proftration of thofe alone, who feemed
willing to debafe the dignity of human nature..
་
✔
Callisthenes.
It was, however, evident, that the difappointment morti- His refent-
fred Alexander ſeverely. He refuſed to Callifthenes the kifs, ment againſt
with which it was cuftomary for the King, at the conclu-
fion of the banquet, to honour his guefts.. * Thén," faid
the philofopher, "I retire one kiſs the poorer.”
And one
of his principal officers having ventured to ridicule fome
perfon, who, in the act of adoration, beat his chin againſt.
1
}
the
80
HISTORY OF GREECE
Book I.
Sect. 2.
66
the ground, by bidding him "ftrike with more fer-
vency," the pleaſantry had nearly coft him his life; the
King with great difficulty having been prevailed on to for-
give him.
Hermolaus
feverelytreat-
ed by Alex-
ander;
ment.
confpires
against him.
Callifthenes
accuſed of
having en-
CALLISTHENES foon felt the effects of the King's refent-
There was a band of youths of the firſt families of
Macedon, whofe office it was to attend the King's perfon,
from which corps they were advanced, as they grew up,
to ſome military command. One of theſe, named Hermo-
laus, had, in the heat of the chace, ſtruck down a boar juſt
as the King was taking aim at him. Provoked at which,
Alexander commanded him to be fcourged, and his horfe
taken from him. The indignity funk deep in the mind of
the youth; and, having communicated his grief to ſome of
his intimates, he prevailed on them to affift in revenging
him on the King.
THE Confpiracy having been diſcovered, it was fuggefted.
to Alexander, that Hermolaus and his fellows were ad-
couraged the mirers of Callifthenes, and often reforted to him. This
confpiracy,
was enough for Alexander. "His inftructions," ſaid he,
"have taught them to confpire against me." The philofopher.
was immediately taken into cuftody, and, unconvicted, un-
A
30 Some writers, among whom Arrian mentions Ariftobulus and Ptolemy, fay,
that Hermolaus and his affociates, in the agonies of torture, charged Callif-
thenes. Others deny this, and impute his condemnation to the refentment Alex-
ander had conceived against him, on account of his freedom of speech.-See Arrian,
L. iv. c. 14
heard,
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
81
boldness at
the time of
his execution.
heard, was ſentenced to death. There is reaſon to believe Book I.
he was executed privately. The manner in which Hermo- Sect. 2.
laus had behaved at the time of his death, made Alexander put to death.
cautious of venturing another public execution. Undaunt- Hermolaus's
ed at his approaching fate, he keenly reproached the
King with all his late violences and exceffes, which had
difgraced him-his condemnation of Philotas, upon pre-
ſumption of guilt, unfupported by proof-his murder of
Parmenio-his killing of Clitus-his affectation of Perfian
faſhions-his arrogant and infulting deportment-his frequent
and diffolute banquetings-his contempt of the laws of his
country.
Indies.
ALEXANDER faw the expediency of drawing the attention Alexander
of his fubjects away from theſe gloomy fcenes, which but invades the
too plainly diſcovered to their view the fierce defpotiſm he
was preparing for them. The occupations and buſtle of war
were now become a neceffary refource. After having there-
fore provided for the peace of the newly-conquered provinces,
by quelling domeſtic infurrections, and fecuring their fron-
tiers againſt the inroads of the neighbouring Scythians, he
determined to employ his arms in the reduction of the In-
dies; an expedition which ſeemed to promiſe a large field
for adventure and enterprize, and was alfo well calculated to
31 This may be collected from the different accounts we have concerning the
manner of his death. Plutarch relates it one way; Diogenes Laertius in an-
other; Quintus Curtius in another; Ptolemy, Arrian tells us, pretended he had been
put to the rack, and then crucified. Ariftobulus faid, he had been kept in chains
for a confiderable time, and at laſt died a natural death. Confult Arrian in the
place last quoted. Confult alfo Diogenes Laertius in Ariftotele.
M
foothe
82
HISTORY OF GREECE
Book I.
Sect. 2.
foothe the vanity of the Greeks. An idle report was
propagated, that this country had been vifited by Hercules
and Bacchus 32, and that here many of their atchievements
had been performed. Alexander took care, at entering upon
Fictions con- the preſent expedition, to encourage this belief. The city
of Nyffa, they were told, had been founded by Bacchus
himſelf.
In one place was fhewn to them the identical:
boundaries that Hercules had fet up; and in many parts they
met with the deſcendants of the Greeks who had fought under
the banners of theſe deified heroes..
cerning the
exploits of
Bacchus and
Hercules.
Alexander's
fucceffes.
It does not appear, however, that Alexander reſpected much
theſe pretended traces of Grecian lineage. He reduced in-
to ſubjection every people he viſited; fparing none who pre-
fumed to oppoſe him. At Maffaga particularly, the chief
city of a nation called the Affaceni, he carried his cruelty to
an excefs, which thoſe hiftorians, who favour him moſt,
find it difficult to palliate. He met here with a vigorous
refiftance, the city being of fome ſtrength, and the fovereignt
of the country having called in a reinforcement of ſeven
thouſand mercenary Indians. At length Alexander compelled.
him to furrender, the garrifon having first ftipulated, that
they ſhould march out in fafety. They marched out accordingly;
32 It feems difficult to fix, with any degree of precifion,"who the Indian Hercules
was: it only appears from Arrian (Hift. Ind. 9.) that he was posterior to Bacchus by
fifteen generations. Probably he was Tirhakah, king of Ethiopia (Strabo, L. xv.
calls him Tearcon.) His invafion of the Affyrian provinces was prior to Alexander's
by about 400 years,
The Bacchus of the Indies is fuppoſed to have been Sefoftris or Sefac king of
Egypt: his expedition into India was about 650 years before that of Alexander.
See Sir I. Newton's Chron, of Ant. Kingdoms.
3
when
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
83
when Alexander baſely pretended, that his promiſe extended Book I.
no farther, and had them afterwards, when at fome diftance Sec. 2.
from the city, furrounded and cut to pieces. Arrian 33
fays, they had engaged to enter into his fervice, and that he
was informed they meant to eſcape back into their own
country. Plutarch allows 34 that this tranfaction has left a
laſting ſtain on the memory of the conqueror.
15
Aornos:
BUT of all his exploits, that which flattered Alexander's Takes the
vanity moſt, was the taking of the Aornos 5, a vaſt rock,
near the fources of the Indus. The Greeks had given it this
name, on account of its ftupendous height, which, together
with its fituation, and the ſteepness of its afcent, feemed to
render it impregnable. Hercules himſelf, fiction related, had
failed before it. The moſt warlike of the inhabitants of the
country had, befides, ſtationed themſelves here, with every
means of defence within the compaſs of their military ſci-
ence. Alexander, notwithſtanding, did what Hercules could
not perform. After fome attempts of little moment, the In-
dians, ftruck with wonder at the execution of the machines
which the Macedonians uſed, and the boldneſs of their
works, abandoned the place 36.
33 L. iv. c. 26, 27.
34 In Alexand.
35 This word, evidently of Greek extraction, is probably a tranflation of the
Indian name, beyond the flight of bird; an exaggerated manner of expreffion,
which, from what little we know of their language, feems to have been familiar
to them.
36 See Arrian, L. iv. c. 28.
M 2
THE
84
HISTORY OF GREECE
?
the inhabi-
tants.
Book I. THE people, againſt whom all theſe martial terrors were
Sect. 2. employed, are nevertheleſs reprefented " to have been
Character of ftrictly juft; humane; peaceable; inoffenfive; and fuch
religious obfervers of the rights of mankind, that the name
of flavery was unknown among them. They were remark-
able for their police; the whole nation being divided into
ſeven cafts, or diſtinct profeffions, which were continued
down from father to fon, no perfon being permitted to pafs,
or even to marry into another. Of theſe, they who were em-
ployed in the cultivation of the land, or the tending of flocks,
were held in particular honour, and enjoyed a perpetual ex-
emption from military fervice. Over the ſeveral cafts
inſpectors were appointed, who reported to the King the
conduct of each individual, and who, fays Arrian, admini-
ſtered their truft with fuch unblemished integrity, that no
inftance had ever been known of their having been guilty
of a malicious reprefentation. The modern 8 traveller fees
with admiration, the remains of this order of eſtabliſhments
fubfifting at this day among the tribes of Hindoftan. But
neither from the wifdom of their inftitutions, nor from the
innocence of their manners, could they obtain protection.
The Indian
chieftains,
from the In-
dus to the
Hydafpes,
ſubmit to
Alexander.
38
THAT portion of India, which was the ſcene of Alexan-
der's operations, lay far to the weftward of the Ganges, and,
according to Arrian, may be divided into three parts; that
fituated to the weft of the Indus; that between the Indus
and the Hydafpes; and that between the Hydafpes and the
37 Arrian Hift Ind. c. 10 & feq. See alfo Strabo, L. xv. p. 484 & feq.
38 See L'Abbé Raynal, Hift. Phil. L. i. c. 4.
ΙΟ
Hyphafis.
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
85
Hyphafis. The firſt of theſe diſtricts Alexander foon re- Book I.
duced, the natives being unable to make much reſiſtance; the Sect. 2.
fate of two or three of their cities having intimidated the reſt.
He then paffed the Indus. Taxiles reigned here. He appears
to have been a warlike prince, and poffeffed of an extenſive
and powerful kingdom; but the fame of Alexander's arms
had already fubdued him. He fubmitted himſelf and his
dominions to be difpofed of as the conqueror pleaſed. His
neighbour, Abiffarus, king of the Indians of the mountains,
haftened in like manner to avert the deftruction that threat-
ened him and fuch was the terror which had fallen on the
whole land, that there feemed to be an end of all oppo-
fition 9.
:
}
Perus re-
folves to op-
pofe Alexan-
grefs.
PORUS, who reigned beyond the Hydafpes, had other
thoughts. He affembled his forces, and, regardleſs of the
name and power of his foe, refolved to preferve his inde- der's pro-
pendence, or to perish in the attempt. Inſtead, therefore,
of ſeeing him a tame fuppliant,. Alexander beheld him guard-
ing the paffes of the river, at the head of a formidable
army, and directing his operations with all the capacity and
ſpirit of an experienced and undaunted warrior. It was now Alexander
the fummer-folftice, when the feveral rivers under the attempts to
equator, fwollen by the melting of the mountain-fnows, and dafpes,
the heavy rains which fall during that feafon, eſpecially on
the higher grounds, overflow their banks; fo that the Hy-
dafpes, from its vaft breadth, had rather the appearance of
a fea than a river. It was, befides, uncommonly deep in vain.
and rapid, whilft the narrower and more ſhallow parts,
39 Arrian. L. v. c. 8.
pafs the Hy
which
86
HISTORY OF GREECE
1
Book I.
Sect. 2.
He has re-
tifice.
which cavalry might have attempted to croſs, were, on the
oppofite ſide,
oppofite fide, defended by lines of elephants, to which
horſes have a ſtrong and almoſt invincible antipathy.
AFTER many fruitleſs efforts, Alexander, finding it impoſ-
courfe to ar- fible to gain his point by open force, determined to try
whether he could deceive the enemy 4º. Accordingly, for
ſeveral days he prefented himſelf, as if preparing to paſs
over; which, as often as it was done, brought Porus to the
edge of the water, threatening a vigorous refiſtance. This
manœuvre having been repeated time after time, without
any farther attempt, was at length confidered by the Indian
as a feint, of which the intention was only to harrafs his
troops. Inſtead, therefore, of following Alexander in all
his motions, he contented himſelf with fending parties up
and down the river to reconnoitre. In this fituation of
things, Alexander fet about the execution of his plan.
His plan.
In
A FEW miles higher up, a part of the river rau much
narrower, by means of a jutting rock, and the winding of
the land; and about the middle of the channel, oppofite to the
rock, lay a ſmall defart ifland. This ſpot Alexander had fixed
upon, in hopes, that, if he could get his troops over to the
ifland, he might eafily from thence penetrate further.
this view, fome large barges, with a number of rafts, and
ftuffed leathern bags, for the purpoſe of ferrying over the
army, had been privately conveyed at different times to a
wood, which ſkirted that part of the river, and there lay
concealed, Having given directions, that the ufual appear-
4º. Arrian, L. v. c. 10. Plut. in Alexand.
ances
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
87
ances ſhould be kept up throughout the camp; that the Book I.
royal tent, which was within view of the Indians, fhould Sect. 2.
have the fame parade of guards and attendants, as if he were
there in perfon; and that, as foon as night came on, they
ſhould keep the enemy in continual alarm, by lighting fires in
different places, by frequent ſhoutings, and the tumult and
trampling of men and horſes, as if the army was preparing
to croſs over; Alexander, towards the decline of day, filed
off for the appointed rendezvous, at the head of a confider-
able body of troops, by a road leading from the back
part
of the camp, not within obſervation of the enemy's ſcouting
parties. Fortunately, by the time he got to that part of
the bank from whence the attempt was to be made, the
night became exceedingly tempeftuous, fo that, though the
river happened to be much deeper, and the paffage far more
difficult, than he expected, yet the darkneſs of the night,.
and the violence of the ftorm, concealed him fo effectually
from the enemy, that, before they were apprized of his.
purpoſe, he had already reached the island.
FROM this ifland, he had imagined the paffage to the
oppofite ſhore admitted of no difficulty. He now found there
was another iſland to be croffed, and beyond it a confi-
derable gut, in which the ſwell was fo high from the late
fall of rain, that the horſes were up to their necks. By He paffes the
this time too it was day-light; and the weather having Hydafpes :
cleared up, he perceived that the enemy had full view of
him, and were haftening from every part to oppofe his
landing.
1
NOTWITHSTANDING
88
HISTORY OF GREECE
BOOK I.
Sect. 2.
defeats a
party of In-
dians.
Porus march-
es against
him.
NOTWITHSTANDING all thefe difficulties, Alexander
paffed on, and was already on firm ground, when the firſt
detachment of Porus's troops came up with him; whom he
inftantly charged and cut to pieces.
UPON receiving notice of the Macedonians paffing the
river, Porus, who thought it was only a ſmall detachment
of little confequence, had difpatched againſt them his fon
with a party of horfe and fome armed chariots; but a
fecond account informing him, that this party was defeated,
his fon flain, and the enemy led on by Alexander himſelf, he
immediately formed his army in order of battle, and ad-
vanced to meet him.
THE intrepid manner 4 of the Indian chieftain, and the
ſkilful difpofition he had made, fhewed Alexander that he
had not a common enemy to contend with. Porus's ca-
valry, flanked by a number of armed chariots, formed the
wings of his army. His infantry, in number about thirty
thouſand, compofed his main body, in the front of which
he had placed his elephants, at ſuch diſtances, that it was
not poffible for Alexander's cavalry to make impreffion on
this line, the very fight and ſmell of theſe animals deter-
ring the horſes from approaching; whilft the foot, had they
attempted to break in upon this difpofition, were not only
in imminent danger of being trampled down by theſe tremen-
dous creatures, but were expofed to the deadly aim of num-
bers of Indian markſmen 42
41 Arrian, L. v. c. 15 & feq.
42 OLYMP. CXiii. 2. BEFORE CHRIST 327.
ALEXANDER
}
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
89
}
$
ALEXANDER perceived at once what was proper to be
done. His main body he commanded to halt at fome dif-
tance from the main body of the enemy; and, having de-
tached Coenus to attack the right wing, with directions to
wheel round as foon as poffible, and fall on the enemy's
rear, he at the fame time, in perfon, charged their left wing.
This unexpected operation threw the Indians into confufion.
Attacked both in front and rear, their cavalry, in which
they were weakeft, were foon difperfed; and Alexander,
having thus laid open the flank of their main body, puſhed
on, whilſt the Macedonian phalanx, who had now orders
to advance, took advantage of the enemy's broken condition,
and, getting between the elephants, inclofed them, and ei-
ther difabled, or drove them back
the Indian troops.
upon
1
BUT what completed the ruin of the Indian army,
was a movement of Craterus, who commanded in the Ma-
cedonian camp.
As foon as he faw. the battle incline in
favour of Alexander, he inftantly croffed the Hydafpes,
purſuant to inſtructions left with him, and pouring in his
freſh troops on this fatigued and difpirited enemy, made
dreadful havock, and fixed decifively the fortune of the
day.
Book I.
Sect. 2.
Alexander
attacks and
defeats him.
PORUS, amidſt this general difcomfiture, ftill preferved Porus's fpirit;
an unconquered mind; and though wounded, and left al-
moſt alone, refufed to quit the field of battle. Alexander,
who ſaw his danger, and admired his valour, wiſhed to fave
kim, and fent Taxiles to perfuade him to furrender. "Bafe
betrayer of thy country!" faid Porus to him, as foon as
he approached; and would inftantly have flain him, had he
56
N
not
#
90
Book I.
Sect. 2.
prevailed on
to furrender
to Alexander.
The devafta-
tions commit-
ted by Alex-
ander, from
-the Hydafpes
to the Hypha-
fis.
HISTORY
not faved himſelf by flight.
OF GREECE
Meroes, an Indian, who was
on terms of friendship with Porus, was then fent, who,
having reprefented how ineffectual any farther oppofi-.
tion was, with the gracious treatment he might be aſ-
fured of, he at length prevailed on him to approach Alex--
ander. The conqueror beheld the vanquished Prince with
admiration. Porus had, as hiftorians tell us, an uncommon
dignity in his appearance; his ftature was much above the
uſual fize, and his eye betrayed nothing of his preſent for-
tune. "How do you require I fhould treat you?" ſaid
Alexander to him. "As a King," anſwered the other..
"As
As a King, I fhall, doubtless," replied Alexander;
❝ the
regard I owe to myſelf demands it of me.. But have you
nothing to aſk on your own private account ?”—“ To be
“treated as a King," ſaid the royal priſoner,
<<
66
44
6 C
implies every
thing." Moved by this greatneſs of ſpirit, Alexander
reſtored him to his kingdom, and endeavoured to make
compenfation for what he had fuffered, if any thing could.
make this Prince amends for the unprovoked flaughter of his
people, and the death of his two fons, the fecond having.
fallen in the laft action. Alexander, however, found Porus
ever afterwards to remain one of his moſt faithful allies.
OTHER wars fucceeded. There were feveral princes in:
the country, who had not yet fubmitted; and this was
a crime which Alexander could not forgive, What Ar-
rian relates 42, feems indeed to exceed all belief; that in this
part of India, between the Hydafpes and the Hyphafis, he
fubdued ſeven different nations, and took two thouſand cities;
42 I vẻ, ca 2,
1
1
of
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
91
1
of theſe, thirty-feven belonged to the Glaufae alone 43, not
one of which, fays Arrian, had fewer than five thousand in-
habitants, and many above ten thouſand; befides a number of
villages, peopled in proportion. Some were ftill more po-
pulous; ſeventeen thouſand being flain, and ſeventy thouſand
made priſoners, at the facking of Sangala 44, which he laid
in ruins, becauſe the inhabitants had the infolence to make
a vigorous defence. Allowing even thefe numbers to be
greatly exaggerated, we may nevertheleſs conclude, that this
country muſt then have been exceedingly populous 45, and
in a very high ſtate of cultivation.
WHEN the Macedonian found there was nothing more for
him to fubdue on this fide the Hyphafis, he propofed to
pafs on to the Ganges. There, he was told, he ſhould meet
with feveral rich and mighty kingdoms, whofe inhabitants
were famed for their ſkill in huſbandry, their valour, and their
wiſdom, and who were poffeffed of elephants larger than
any he had yet beheld. Theſe were powerful incitements
for him to make trial of their ſtrength; as if it had been his
glory to deface whatever was fair and lovely among men,
and, to the decencies and bleffings of focial life, to ſubſtitute
horror and devaſtation.
Book I.
Sect. 2.
Propoſes to
paſs on to the
Ganges.
But his foldiers refuſed to proceed. Worn out with toil, His foldier.
to which they faw no end, and, perhaps, not infenfible to
refuſe to pro
ceed.
44 Arrian, L. v. c. 24.
the
45 After the reduction of Indoftan by the Tartars, the population of the country
amounted, according to Raynal (L. iv. c. 11.) to an hundred millions of Indians
and ten millions of Tartars.
43 L. v. c. 20.
N 2
•
92
HISTORY OF GREECE
Book I.
Sect. 2.
the miferies, of which they had fo often been the inftru-
ments, they demanded, "that he ſhould now think of returning.
Alexander expoftulated with them. He laid before them the
glorious plan he had formed; the execution of which, he told
them, was to give them poffeffion of boundleſs treaſure, and
would render their names illuſtrious to lateſt times-he propoſ-
ed" to purſue his conquefts to the Ganges; and from thence
to make his way to the eaſtern ocean-thence they were to
have the opportunity of paffing from fea to fea, and of vifit-
His plan of ing many unknown lands, one great ocean, he told them,
conquering
all the na-
tions of the
earth.
encompaffing the whole earth-that afterwards, failing along
the whole coaſt of Africa, they ſhould return by Hercules's
pillars, thus completing the conqueft of all the Afiatic and
African nations-and that whatever fhould then appear to
be the boundaries of the world, thofe he would eſtabliſh for
the boundaries of his empire 4."
46
HAD this vifionary project been handed down to us upom
the authority of Curtius, we ſhould be apt to confider it as
one of thoſe romantic embelliſhments, which this author has
interwoven in many parts of his hiſtory; but we have it
upon the word of the fober Arrian, who wrote from authen-
tic memoirs of refpectable witneffes; to whofe charge, if any
thing can be laid, it is, that they have fought rather to ex-
tenuate the exceffes and follies of this firm but vain-glorious
Prince.
FROM this account, it is eafy to perceive, that Alexander
had a view alſo to Rome. Arrian 47, in another place, con-
46 Arrian, L. v. c. 25, 26.
5
47 L. vii. c. 1.
feffes,
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
93
feffes, it was generally believed that he had. Other writers Book I. -
are more explicit. They tell us. exprefsly, that he declared Sect. 2.
his intentions of carrying his arms into Italy, as ſoon as he
had made an end of conquering the other nations of the
earth.
folicitations
his
army to
accompany
In order to gain over his foldiers, he made uſe of every He employs
argument that unfatisfied ambition could fuggeft; he de- to prevail on
ſcended to folicitations; he choſe rather, he told them, to
entreat than to command; he conjured them to remember, him;
in what manner he had lived among them, in what efti-
ination he held their atchievements, how bountifully he had
rewarded their valour and fidelity.
to be moved. When he had done ſpeaking, a fullen filence
enfued; the whole army expreffing by their looks the ſtrongeſt
marks of diſapprobation, though fearful of exciting his
wrath by an avowed oppofition.
ť
But his men were not but without,
AT length Coenus, an officer of the first rank, whom
years and fervices rendered refpectable, ventured to re-
ply 48 :
<<
<<
effect.
monftrance.
"Since, O King, you are pleaſed to declare, that you Coenus's re-
mean not to command but to perfuade, and that you
yourſelf are ready to comply with the wiſhes of your army,
"if it ſhall appear there is conviction in the arguments
"which they have to offer, I rife to fpeak, not-in behalf
"of us your principal officers, who, diſtinguiſhed by your
"favour, ſee ourſelves promoted to the firft military ho--
48 Arrian, L. v. C. 27.
}
<<<nours;
A
•
94
Book I.
Sect. 2.
*
J
66
HISTORY OF GREECE
nours; for, whitherfoever your orders fhall call us, we
"are ready to obey; I rife to ſpeak in behalf only of theſe
your faithful foldiers.
66
1
"NEITHER in behalf even of them, would I preſume
"to ſpeak, were it merely their intereſt I had in view.
- A much higher regard urges me; a regard to your royal
perfon; a regard to the confervation of your facred
. life.
"ON many accounts I think myſelf called upon to ſtand
"forth on this important occafion: theſe grey hairs of
mine; the honours you have graced me with; the life
"I have lived, amidſt toils and dangers; feem all to require
" of me, that I ſhould, on this day, honeſtly ſpeak what
"I think it is expedient for you to hear.
6
"THE greater our dangers and fatigues have been, the more
numerous and illuftrious the exploits atchieved by you
and the troops under your command, the ſtronger reaſon
"there is to beſeech you to put an end to our labours, and
to reft contented with that large portion of glory you
« have acquired.
"CAST your eyes around. Of all the Greeks and Mace-
donians that accompanied you from Europe, fee, how
"few of us remain! The Theffalians, worn out in the
罪
​ſervice, you have already difmiffed. Numbers of the
“other Greeks have periſhed by the ſword and by diſeaſe,
"in the courſe of the many wars you have been engaged
*in. The greater number of thoſe who furvive, you. have
" been
I
/
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
95*
ex
"been under the neceffity of leaving behind in different Book I.
parts of Afia, difabled by wounds, or weakened by in- Sect. 2.
firmity, cut off from the hopes of ever beholding Greece
"more and even the few who yet remain with you, and
"ſtill retain ſome appearance of vigour, have neither that
"firmneſs of body, nor that ftrength of mind, which they
“had at the beginning. They languiſh for their native home,
"looking wifhfully for the day that fhall again reſtore
"them to their parents, their wives, and their children.
cc
(c
66
"WONDER not, O King, that this defire fhould work
ſtrongly within them. You yourſelf have given it
ftrength. You have enriched them with wealth; you
"have graced them with honours they long to fhew
to their neareſt connections, thoſe ornaments which they
"have received from you.-Compel not, therefore, men to
"follow you, who can no longer have the fame affection.
"for the ſervice they once had; whoſe bodies are averfe
"from toil, and whofe minds are funk into dejection.
"THINK alfo, that you have a parent in Greece, who
anxiouſly waits your return, and a kingdom that demands
your attention. Full of glory, and laden with the ſpoils
"of Afia, you will have the joy of making a people happy,
"and a mother bleſt.
56
"AND fhould you hereafter be difpofed to go again to
war, either against the Indians, or againſt Carthage and
"the Lybian nations, you will have foldiers from every part
"of Macedon crowding to your ftandard; not men ſuch as
"theſe, bent by years, and fubdued by labour; but foldiers
** freſh
In
}
96
HISTORY OF GREECE
BOOK I.
Sect. 2.
The impref-
fion Coenus's
fpeech made
on the army.
"6
"freſh and vigorous, who will think lightly of toils they
are not acquainted with, and will chearfully encounter
"the ſharpeft dangers, in expectation of fuch rewards as
theſe your old foldiers 'now poffefs.
"MODERATION, amidſt the allurements of profperity, is
"man's higheſt glory. This glory, O King, be thine.
"Succefs has hitherto attended your arms; you cannot be
"affured that it fhall always attend them; for, though
"with fuch an army, led by ſuch a King, we bid defiance
"C to the
power of enemies, yet fortune may change on a
"fudden, and blaſt our fairest hopes."
WE are indebted to Arrian for this interefting fpeech.
Though the texture of it is evidently the work of the hiſto-
rian, it is nevertheleſs exceedingly valuable, as it may be
fuppoſed to be a juſt repreſentation, both of the manner of
thinking of Alexander's army, and of the many `miferies,
which his boaſted conquefts had brought even upon his own
ſubjects; the ſtrength of Greece being wafted in a foreign
land, whilſt the domeftic weal was abandoned to the rage of
ftruggling factions!
As foon as Coenus had ended, a murmur of applaufe ran
through the whole affembly. And, what was moſt affecting,
the tender fentiments, with which their hearts were im-
preffed, being all awakened by this pathetic oration, moſt of
thefe gallant warriors appeared bathed in tears 49.
49 Arrian, L.-v. c. 28.
1
1
ww
1
}
ALEXANDER
}
里
​T
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
97
ALEXANDER, nevertheleſs, remained unmoved, and flung Book I.
from the affembly, with marks of ſtrong refentment.
Sect. 2.
Alexander's
refentment,
es.
NEXT day he convened them again.
"I ſhall go on," andreproach-
faid he to them;" but I fhall not defire a Macedonian to
follow me. There are men who will not defert their King.
"Return home when you pleafe; and inform your country-
men, that you have left Alexander in the midft of hoſtile
"nations."
<<
RETIRING then to his tent, he remained ſhut up until the
third day, not even his friends being allowed admittance.
HE
fuperftitions ;
He expected, that the love, which he knew his army
bore to him, and the dread of his difpleafure, would make
them deſiſt from their purpoſe. No ſymptom of this ap- Attempts to
pearing, he endeavoured to intereft their fuperftition. Sacri- work on their
fices were appointed, and the entrails of victims confulted;
but the prieſts deſerted him on this occafion. Thus beſet fails;
with difficulties, he at length acquiefced; and, to the great
joy of his army, gave directions that they ſhould prepare to
return
50
feems to yield
of his army.
to the wiſhes
His vanity, however, ftill difplayed itfelf. He contrived His vanity,
to have arms much larger than his men could wield, and
higher mangers and heavier bits than his horfes requir-
ed, left buried in the earth, or fcattered throughout the
territory that had fet bounds to his conquefts. He caufed
alſo twelve altars of an amazing fize to be raiſed on the
50 Arrian, ubi fup.
Q
eaftern
98
HISTORY OF GREECE
4
Sect. 2.
and folly.
Book I. eaſtern fide of the Hyphafis, and a camp to be laid out upon
a much larger fcale than ufual. All this, to induce after-
ages to believe, that himſelf and his men had the might and
ftature of giants. And on thefe altars, if we are to believe
Philoftratus, were left inſcriptions ſuitable to the folly and
arrogance of the builder :-" to father Hammon"-" to brò-
"ther Hercules"-to brother Apollo "."
We are almoſt tempted to question the veracity of antient
hiſtorians, when they recite exceffes of fuch palpable ab-
furdity 52.
51 Philoft. de vitâ Apoll. Tyan. L. ii. c. 15.
52 About this time died Coenus, much lamented by the whole army, to whom he
was juftly dear, and even mourned by Alexander himſelf, who could not but honour*
the probity and noble ſpirit of this generous foldier.
Quintus Curtius puts, nevertheleſs, a filly jeft in Alexander's mouth on the occafion.
See Quint. Cur. L. ix. c. 3..
воок
;
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
99
道
​воок
I.
SECTION III.
CONTENT S.
}
1
1
Alexander vifits the Indian ocean-Returns by the inhospitable tract
of Gadrofia-The lofs be fuftains-Iniquitous conduct and punish-
ment of the governors he had appointed—His army mutinies—
He reduces them to obedience-Hephaeftion dies-Alexander's
exceſſes on that occafion-Returns to Babylon-Is diftreffed by
ill-boding omens-Has recourfe to intemperance-Dies-His
character-The judgment to be formed of his atchievements;
and the benefits of which they have been productive.
I
I
Sect. 3.
Alexander,
T might well be fuppofed, that Alexander's bufy and Book I.
lofty ſpirit would not long remain eaſy under reſtraints,
to which nothing but the neceffity of his affairs had made
him ſubmit. His reſtleſs ambition began immediately to
feek for new objects. And new objects foon opened to his view.
The part of India he had traverſed is interfected by five great
I
Arrian, L. vi. c. 1 & feq. Plutarch in Alexand.
Diod. Sic. L. xvii. c. 10.
I
Quint. Cur. L. ix. c. 3.
in his way
homeward,
prepares to
dian ocean.
vifit the In-
02
navigable
▸
}
1
>
↓
د
100
HISTORY OF GREECE:
1
+
BOOK I.
Sect. 3.
3.
Falls down
the Hydaf-
pis.
navigable rivers, which, he was told, after taking their
courfe through many nations, not lefs rich and populous.
than thoſe he had vifited, diſcharged themſelves into a vaſt
ocean abounding with prodigies. Every circumſtance made
him eager to attempt the enterprize. The Greeks alfo, na-
turally curious, and who were affured they might return by
this route into Perfia, were not averfe from an expedition,.
which, befides other advantages, feemed to bring them on
their way towards their native country.
A FLEET was accordingly fitted out, and the command!
of it given to Nearchus, with directions to fall down the
Hydaſpis, whilſt the army moved along its banks; Alex-
ander himſelf embarking with a party of cavalry and a con-
fiderable body of cuiraffiers.. They had continued their na-
vigation for fome days, when an accident, of which he had
been apprized by the natives of the country, had nearly
put an end to his whole project.. The rivers of this part
of India fall the one into the other 2, and at every confluence
•
1
ነ
12 We have, from the accurate Arrian (vi. 14.)` an exact account of theſe feveral
confluences. The five rivers of this part of India are the Indus, the Hydaſpis,.
the Acefines, the Hydraotes, and the Hyphafis. Upon, the confluence of the
Hydafpis and Acefines, the name of the former is loft, and the river takes that of
Acefines; it is afterwards joined by the Hydraotes, and then by the Hyphafis, ftill
retaining the name of Acefines,, and at laft. falls into the Indus ; under which name
all theſe waters conjoined empty themſelves into the fea. According to Ctefias (See
Arrian, v. 3, 4.) the Indus is in one part upwards of twelve miles (an hundred
furlongs) in breadth, and upwards of five miles (forty furlongs) where narroweft;
and yet is far inferior to the Ganges. According to Oneficritus, who was
commander of the ſhip in which Alexander was, Strabo tells us (xv. p. 482.):
that the Indus is in one part two hundred furlongs, about twenty-five miles, in
breadth. Befides the rivers above-mentioned, eleven more, making fifteen-in all,,
fall into the Indus. See Arrian, v. 6..
the
FROM THE ACCESSIÓN OF ALEXANDER.
}
Sect.
the meeting of the waters caufes a ferment, which few vef- Book I.
fels are able to refift. When, therefore, the Macedonian
3.
fleet reached the confluence of the Acefines and Hydafpis, Dangers of
this naviga-
feveral veffels found themfelves caught abruptly by whirling tion.
eddiés ; fome were overfet, and most of them fhattered.
At length, after fuftaining confiderable loſs, they got clear
by dint of their oars..
Malli..
1
HITHERTO they had feen only a few ſcattered Indians,
who abandoned their habitations at the first approach of an
enemy. The Macedonians now began to enter a diſtrict in- Attacks the
habited by a people, who appeared to have more civilized
manners, and to be well acquainted with the cultivation of
land. Theſe were named the Malli.. Alexander immedi-
atèly landed, and prepared to march againſt them, form-
ing his army into three divifions, that the natives, who
eluded the one, might be intercepted by the other. The
Malli were an harmleſs people, of great fimplicity of life,
who had never heard of Alexander or his exploits; who had
not even been ſubjected to the Perfian yoke, to whoſe name
probably they were ftrangers; and who, fince the days of
Bacchus, according to their tradition, had lived in the peace-
able enjoyment of their liberties, conformably to their own
laws. Conquerors pay little regard to circumſtances like
thefe.. The ſon of Olympias ſtill went on, ravaging the
country, and facking every fortified place that did not open
its gates to him.. One city ftill remained unfubdued, which
had the advantage of fome kind of fortreſs; and here a great
part of the Malli had taken refuge. Thither Alexander
marched his forces; and, finding a more vigorous refiftance than
his impetuous fpirit could brook, he commanded ladders to
I
be:
1
#
1
102
HISTORY OF GREECE
Book I.
Sect. 3.
Is in danger
of lofing his
Bife.
be applied, and the walls to be fcaled, mounting himſelf
the foremoſt. The ladders being too flender to ſuſtain the
weight of the numbers who crowded after the King, broke
down, juſt as Alexander and three of his guards had reached
the top of the battlements. Here they ſtood alone, in a
critical fituation, unable to execute any thing effectual,
and expoſed to all the weapons of the beſieged. The danger
in which Alexander found himſelf, made him bolder and
more refolute; and, without lofing a moment in deliberation,
he undauntedly leaped from the battlements into the city; his
three attendants, to whom the King's rafh deed left no
choice, following him. They lighted on their feet; but this
availed them little. They were at once furrounded by
crowds of combatants; and though they ftruck down as
many as durft approach them, a freſh ſupply of enemies ftill
preffed on; and ſtones, and darts, and javelins, poured in
upon them from every fide. Abreas, one of Alexander's
men, was already flain, and the two others, Peuceftas and
Leonnatus, dangerouſly wounded, when the King received a
javelin in his breaft, which brought him almoſt lifeless to
the ground; his two companions, though nearly difabled by
their own wounds, covered him with their ſhields and bodies.
The report of Alexander's danger having run through the
army, the foldiers, frantic at the thoughts of lofing their
Prince, burſt into the city at different places; ſome ſcram-
bling up the walls, others beating down the gates; when,
putting to the fword all they met, without diftinction of
age or fex, they made their way to the fpot where the
King lay. Their firft care was to remove him to his tent,
and to cut out the head of the javelin, which, being bearded,
required a large inciſion to be made. The plentiful effufion
of
+
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
103
!
Sect.
3:
of blood occafioned by the operation, threw Alexander into Book I.
a fwoon, and for fome minutes it was doubtful whether
he had not expired; but he foon revived, and from the na-
tural ftrength of his conftitution, and the care taken of him,
he was in a ſhort time re-eſtabliſhed, and`enabled to fhew
himſelf again to his army, who would ſcarcely believe their
Prince was alive, till they were permitted to approach his
perfon. All that remained of the
All that remained of the Malli, as if to atone The Malli
fubmit,
for the ſhare they had in the accident, fubmitted; and their and the Oxy-
example was followed by the Oxydracae, another nation nct dracae.
far diftant 3
part of India
ALEXANDER's inclination for war and conqueſt was not in Alexander
fpreads de-
the leaſt impaired by his recent unfortunate adventure; he ftill vaftation
continued his military operations, marking out for deftruction through this
every people that dared to refift the power of his arms. What
devaſtation this muſt have produced, among nations ſuch as we
have deſcribed, fond of freedom, and unacquainted with the Ma-
cedonian method of waging war, it is eaſy to judge. Befides a
number of large diftricts totally depopulated by the flight of
the inhabitants to the neighbouring defarts, not leſs than ſeven
great nations were forced to accept whatever terms the con-
queror thought proper to impoſe. And Muficanus, one of crucifies arr
their kings, who is faid to have been the moſt confiderable Indian king,
of the princes. of the country, having endeavoured to throw
off the yoke, was purfued by his foe, taken, and crucified
3 Moft of the antient hiftorians fuppofe this adventure to have happened in the
city of the Oxydracae. It appears from Arrian (vi. 11.) that they are miſtaken.
4 Plutarch, in his Life of Alexander, tells us, that this country, which he now
fubdued, was three times as large as what he had fubdued before between the Hy-
dafpis and the Hyphafis.¸
24
alive,
and his faith-
ful Brach-
mans;
104
HISTORY OF GREECE
7
Book I. alive, in the midſt of his own territories, together with
Sect. 3. feveral of the Brachmans, or Indian fages, who, in their
5 Arrian, L. vi. c. 15, 16.
zeal
a
66
6 Theſe Brachmans or Bramins appear to have been a very different order of men
from what modern writers repreſent them. "Tels," fays Abbé Raynal, (L. i.
c. 4.) <font les defcendans des anciens Brachmanes, dont l'antiquité ne parle
qu'avec admiration, parceque l'affectation de l'aufterité et du myftere, et le pri-
vilege de parler aux rois du ciel, en impofe au vulgaire dans tous les fiecles.
"C'étoit à eux que les Grecs attribuoient le dogine de l'immortalité de l'ame, les
❝ idées fur la nature du grand étre, fur les peines et les recompenfes futures-On
"regardoit les Brachmanes comme les amies des dieux; parcequ'ils paroiffoient
"s'en occuper beaucoup, et comme les protecteurs des hommes, parcequ'ils
ne s'en occupoient point du tout." Both Strabo and Arrian fpeak of them in
another manner. Their chief employment was the public good; to obſerve the
ſeaſons, and to communicate their obfervations to the people; and, on all occafions
of important and national concern, to deliver their advice with fidelity. The Brach-
man, who had thrice been guilty of giving counfel that had not proved falutary,
was condemned to filence for life. Their diſcipline, befides, was exceedingly fe-
vere; and their tenets concerning the Creator and Governor of the univerfe, the
immortality of the foul, and a future ftate, were not unworthy of the Grecian fchool.
Their reproof of Alexander is memorable. A number of them were affembled in a
field as he paffed; and at fight of him began to ftamp on the ground with great
vehemence. He fent to know the reaſon. "To every man," they answered, "is
T
fuch a portion of earth allotted, as we are meaſuring out with our feet. Thou,
O King, fhalt have no more: and yet, led on by an idle curiofity, and regard-
" leſs of juſtice, art thou traverfing from country to country, without allowing rest
"either to thyfelf or to thy fellow-creatures." He would have prevailed on
Dandamis, the principal of the Indian fages, to come to him, bidding his mef-
ſengers tell him, that he was the ſon of Jupiter, and had it in his power to reward
or to punish him. "I am," replied the fage," the ſon of Jupiter as well as he ; as
"to his rewards, he has none to give ; for he has not enough to fatisfy himſelf;
and as for his puniſhments, the utmoſt he can do, is, to relieve me from a body
worn out with age, and to remove me to a ſtate of perfect happineſs." How-
ever, Calanus, another Brachman, was perfuaded to attend Alexander, and for
fome time accompanied him; but being feized by an acute diforder, he raiſed a pile of
wood, and burnt himſelf on it. It appears, nevertheleſs, that the Indian Brach-
mans condemned Calanus, both for departing from that fimplicity of manners he
*
had
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
105
zeal for their antient liberties, had encouraged him to Book I.
revolt.
Sect. 3.
Indus;
ocean;
the ocean-
THE fleet had now entered the Indus, which, fays Arrian, enters the
after receiving the waters of all the other rivers of this part
of India, empties itſelf by two great channels into the Indian
ocean. The mariners foon difcovered, by the fwell of the
river, that the ſea was not far diſtánt, and gave notice to the reaches the
King, that they already perceived the breezes of the ocean.
Alexander, rejoiced to find that he ſhould ſhortly behold the
object of his wishes, encouraged his feamen to uſe their
oars with redoubled efforts. As they were endeavouring to
execute theſe orders, they found themſelves involved in a new
diſtreſs, which their ignorance rendered exceedingly alarm-
ing. Accuſtomed to the gentle ebb and flow of the Medi- is furprised at
terranean, they had no notion of the ſtrong ocean-tides.
Accordingly, when they faw the current bear againſt them,
and the waters to rife on every fide, and overfpread the
banks, they imagined it was an indication of the anger of
the gods, and that they were guilty of impiety, in thus at-
tempting to pry into the ſecrets of nature. This, however,
was little to the confternation that followed. The fea, at
the turn of the tide, retreating, their veffels were left either
aground, or ſtuck faft in the mud, the keels and oars of
many of them much damaged, and the fhores covered with
arms and baggage; fo that the whole had the appearance of
a wreck, and they began to deſpair of being ever able to get
off. The return of the tide relieved them from their anxi-
had been accuſtomed to, in order to partake of the luxuries of the royal table
and for putting an end to a life over which he had no dominion.
See Strabo, L. xv. p. 490 & feq. et Arrian, L. vii. c. 1, 2. et Hift. Ind. xi.
P
ety,
tides;
!
}
了
​1
106
HISTORY OF GREECE
}
Book I. ety, and taught them what they were until this time
Sect.
3.
fend's Near-
chus to make
obfervations;
ftrangers to.
ALEXANDER ordered himſelf to be rowed into this vaft
ocean, for the purpoſe of making new diſcoveries; and, af-
ter doing little more than gratifying an unbounded curiofity,
prepared to march his army back into Perfia, whilſt Near-
chus was to continue his navigation along the coaſts of the
Perſian gulph, and afterwards up the Euphrates, by which
he was directed to return. It is ſuppoſed, that Alexander
ſpent ten months', from the time of his embarking on the
his prayer; Hydafpis, in this fruitless expedition. He cloſed his prō-
greſs on this fide with a prayer well worthy of remembrance.
It marks ſtrongly the extravagant ſpirit of this adventurous
and ambitious Prince. He befought the gods,
might paſs beyond the limits that he had reached-".'
prepares to
return;
enters Ga-
drofia ;
the difficul-
ties he meets
with.
""
"that no man
8
THE route, which he chofe for the return of his army,
was of all others the moſt difficult. It lay moſtly through
burning fands, in many parts of which no water was to be
found, no fupply of food to be obtained, nor the track of
traveller to be feen. The army foon experienced all the
miferies to be met with in ſuch a dreary march. Numbers
of his men were either overwhelmed in the hot fands, or
periſhed from fatigue or hunger, or both. Their carriages
became no longer of ufe, the roads in feveral places not
admitting them; their cattle periſhed, or were killed for
7 Plutarch fays feven only. Abp. Usher fhews he is mistaken,
Annal. 371.
• Plutarch in Alexand.
See Uffer,
food,;
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
107
food; fo that the immenſe treaſure the army had collected Book I.
together, at the price of fo much blood, was now thrown Sect. 3.
away by the foldiers, as a painful incumbrance. This in-
hofpitable tract was called Gadrofia. One might be at a
lofs to conjecture what could prompt Alexander to fuch a
route, when a much better lay before him.
Arrian ac-
counts for it. According to the tradition of the Indians,
Semiramis and Cyrus had paffed this way; and whatever
any great perfon had performed, the fon of Philip was de-
termined not be exceeded in. Semiramis, as tradition bore,
loft her whole army in this defart, twenty men excepted;
and Cyrus had eſcaped with ſeven only. Alexander there-
fore had an advantage over them: the march cost him but
two months, and only three fourths of his army. From
Plutarch it appears, that above one hundred thouſand of his
men periſhed in this' wild expedition.
}
generous
;
In the courſe of it, however, there happened an incident, Alexander's
which Arrian 10 relates, much to Alexander's praife. Some
Some conduct
foldiers had gone in queft of water; and, having diſcovered
a little brook, with difficulty procured a ſmall quantity of
the element, and brought it to the King: though oppreffed
with thirſt, he refuſed to accept a relief, which he could
not ſhare among his army; and, with much commendation
of the zeal of thoſe who brought it, generouſly poured it
on the ground. Every man found it lefs difficult to ſuſtain
He entered this part of India 'with an hundred and twenty thousand foot and
fifteen thouſand horſe, and did not bring back above one fourth part of them,
Plutarch in Alexand.
10 L. vii. c. 26.
1
P 2
hardships,
0
108
·
HISTORY OF GREECE
Book I. hardships, when he ſaw the King endure them equally with
Sect. 3. the meaneft foldier. A like ſtory is related by Plutarch,
which, poffibly from miſtake, he aſcribes to another perfon.
he enters
Carmania.
count of the
feaſt cele-
brated here
by him.
THE Macedonians at length entered the plentiful country
of Carmania, where they were fupplied in abundance with
provifions of every kind; orders having been previouſly dif
patched to the neighbouring governors, to furniſh all man-
ner of refreſhments, together with carriages and beafts of
burden to replace thoſe that had been loft. Here Alexander
ſpent ſome days in celebrating public ſports, and offering
ſacrifices of thankſgiving for the fignal deliverance vouchſafed
Fabulous ac to him and his army. It is, probably, this folemnity of
which ſome antient writers have given us ſo romantic a de-
ſcription. They would have us believe, that Alexander
cauſed his foldiers to celebrate a feaſt to Bacchus for feven
days, in memory of their Prince having, like the god, re-
turned victorious from the Indies; and his whole army,
in imitation of the Bacchanals, exhibited a frantic proceffion
through the nations lately conquered, with fhouts of up-
roar and riot, and all the ridiculous gambols of which the
greateſt intoxication can be productive; the King in ´per-
fon leading the diffolute dance. Had one thouſand ſober
men, ſays Curtius ", attacked this wild multitude, the defeat
of the latter had been inevitable. But from Arrian ¹² it appears,
that this account, though fupported by no leſs an authority,
than that of Diodorus and Plutarch, is merely an idle fiction..
An inſtructive leffon, how cautious we ought to be in admit-
ting what
many antient writers have recorded.
12
i
** See Quint. Cur. L. ix. c. 10,
12 See Arrian, L. vi. c. 28.
ALEXANDER,
5
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
109
'
*
វ
i
13
Sect. 3.
and from'
what cauſes..
ALEXANDER, no doubt, like all founders of a new em- Book I.
pire, had pleafed himſelf with the fond idea, that this
vaſt fabric of power, which he was labouring to eſtabliſh, Confuſed
ſtate of the
would laſt for ages. He now had the fulleſt evidence of the
conquered
vanity of his hopes. It was but the eleventh year of his provinces,
reign, and the fifth fince the overthrow of Darius; and re-
peated accounts were brought to him from every quarter, of
the confuſion which had already arifen in many of his pro--
vinces ¹³
; in fome, from the unfubdued fpirit of the people ";
in moſt of them, from the oppreffive and tyrannical exceſſes
of the governors whom he had appointed over them.
Theſe, it ſeems, expected not that Alexander was ever to
return from the Indies; and therefore treated with con-
tempt eſtabliſhments which he could no longer enforce..
Alexander behaved on this occafion with becoming firmneſs
and refentment. He enquired into the feveral complaints ;.
and, where guilt was found, puniſhed the delinquents with
the utmoſt ſeverity. Proofs were exhibited, of grofs dila--
pidations and acts of violence having been committed by Cli- He puniſhes
tander, Sitalcas, and Heracon, who commanded in Media:
they were all put to death ". They had affifted in the mur-
der of Parmenio; on which account, hiftorians tell us, the
whole army, even many of the King's neareſt friends, wit-
neffed their execution with pleaſure ". Vengeance for that
"innocent blood," faid they, "has juſtly overtaken them.”
the iniquitous
governors.
*3 Plutarch in Alexand.
14 Philip, whom he had appointed governor of Indoſtan, had been ſlain by his
own guards. See Arrian, vi. 27.
15 Arrian, ubi fup.
16 See Quint. Cur. x. 1.
Abulites,
11Ο
HISTORY OF GREECE
1
Book I.
Sect. 3.
Harpalus
plunders the
treaſures at
Babylon,
and flees to
'Greece.
1-8
Abulites, and his fon Oxathres", to whom the care of Sufa
was intruſted, had proved unfaithful: they both fuffered in
like manner. Arxines had plundered the province of Per-
fia, of which he held the government, not ſparing even the
temples, and putting to death all perfons, however innocent,
who happened to be obnoxious to him: he was crucified.
Even the tomb of Cyrus, which was filled with various
treaſures of ineftimable value, and in which the body of that
conqueror lay incloſed in a cafe of gold, had not eſcaped
the rapacious hand of violence. After much inquiry, it was
diſcovered, that the plunderer was Polymachus ", a Mace-
donian of diſtinction, born in Pella, Alexander's native city :
regardleſs of his quality, the King ordered his execution.
In this lift of criminals, one of the moft remarkable was
Harpalus. Alexander, to whom he was particularly dear 20
on account of his attachment to him whilſt Philip was liv-
ing, had appointed him guardian of the treaſures in Babylon.
This important truft was a temptation which he was not
capable of refifting. He abandoned himſelf to a fhameful
diffoluteneſs, and ſquandered away a confiderable portion of
the wealth committed to his care. Accordingly, when, con-
trary to his expectations, he found that Alexander was on
his return to Babylon, he collected together a band of mer-
cenaries, and, taking five thousand talents with him, fled into
**7 Arrian, L. vii. c. 4. Plutarch calls him Oxyartes. According to this hiſtorian,
Alexander was fo enraged against him, that he ftabbed him with his own hand. See
Plutarch in Alexand.
18 Arrian, L. vi. c. 30.
ftory. We follow Arrian.
49 Plut. in Alexand.
3
'Quint. Cur. (x. 1.) gives a very different turn to this
¿
}
20 See Arrian, L. iii. c. 6.
Greece.
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
III
1
Greece. The fate, which he juſtly deſerved, ſoon afterwards Book I.
He was killed in Crete, by fome perſons in
overtook him.
whom he confided ".
#
Sect. 3.
His death.
Alexander
daughter of
weds the
Darius ;
Perfian
AFTER viſiting the adjacent provinces, and applying what
remedies ſeemed moft expedient in their preſent turbulent
ftate,, Alexander directed his march to Sufa, where, upon
his arrival, he married Statira, daughter of Darius. Ar-
rian 22 calls her Barfine, or, according to fome readings,
Arfinoe. Her fifter, Paryfatis, by fome named Drypetis, he gives the
gave to Hephaeftion; and at the fame time difpofed of eighty paladies
principal
of the principal:Perfian ladies in marriage to his chief officers, in marriage
on all of whom he beſtowed rich dowries, fuitable to their
noble birth.. In addition to the public joy, Nearchus, who Nearchus re-
had the command of the naval expedition, and of whoſe
fafety Alexander had defpaired, returned to Sufa, with an
account of the fuccefs of his voyage, and of the diſcove-
ries he had made; which, in the preſent infant ftate of na-
vigation among the Greeks, were highly celebrated.
THAT his whole army might ſhare in the general happi-
neſs 23, he preſented every Grecian foldier, who had married
Afiatic women. (and theſe amounted to ten thouſand in num-
ber) with confiderable fums of money.
The debts like-
wife of his army he declared he would diſcharge, and de-
fired to have a ſtate of them laid before him.. But, find-
ing many of his men were unwilling to diſcover minutely
21 Plutarch in Alexand. et Demofthene. Athenaei Deipnofph. L. xiii: p. 594.
22 See Arrian, L. vii, ç. 4a.
23 Plut. in Alexand. Arrian, Le vii. c. 5..
how
to his offi-
cers.
turns.
Alexander's
his army.
liberality to
•
?
II2
HISTORY OF GREECE
BOOK I.
Sect. 3.
What he had
in view.
His plan for
the recruiting
of his army;
how their debts had been contracted, he demanded only the
names of their reſpective creditors, and the ſeveral ſums at
large; and in this manner diſcharged the whole, though the
fum amounted to twenty thoufand talents. Thofe, befides,
who had diſtinguiſhed themſelves by any particular military
exploit, he honoured with rich donatives, fuch as crowns
of gold, and other rewards of great value.
*
ALEXANDER'S generofity appears here to advantage; he
had, beſides, in view to ſmooth national prejudices, which
kept the haughty Greeks at a diftance from the Afiatics;
and, as the Macedonians and Perfians were now governed by
one common fovereign, to make them by degrees coalefce into
one people but he foon found this was not fo eaſily to be
accompliſhed.
24
He had given directions to the feveral governors to train
to military exerciſe a number of youths in their reſpective
provinces, and to have them diſciplined after the Macedonian
manner, in order that he might always have a ſupply of
foldiers in readineſs, whenever cafualties or years ſhould ren-
der his own men unfit for fervice. Thirty thouſand of thefe
recruits having accordingly been brought to Sufa, he iffued
orders, that the fame number of Macedonians, who were
become less able to endure the fatigues of war, fhould have
permiffion to return home. It had been eaſy to have given
a favourable interpretation to this meaſure; but to the Greeks,
who were already exafperated at feeing the Afiatics poffefs
A
34 Arrian, L. vii. c. 6 & feq. (Plutarch in Alexand.
fo
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
113
1
fo large a portion of the royal favour, it appeared in the moſt Book I.
odious light; and a general mutiny immediately enfued. Sect. 3.
"Their former fervices," they faid, "were no longer re- mutiny occa
"membered—no account taken of the dangers they had fioned by it:
"encountered, and the toils they had undergone-the ob-
<<
66
jects of Alexander's regard were now the effeminate Per-
"fians-he imitated their drefs; he fpoke their language;
" he adopted their manners—their ſoldiers were now to be
inrolled among the Macedonian veterans, and to carry
away thoſe honours, which the latter had purchaſed at the
"price of their blood-let us all be diſcharged together-
we ſcorn to ſerve under the banners of a prince, who is
"now an alien to his country-and, ſhould he have any more
"wars to carry on, let them be carried on by his father
"Hammon and himſelf,"
66
ALEXANDER Could contain himſelf no longer: for, it
feems, theſe bold remonstrances were made in his prefence.
Starting from his tribunal, with his own hands he ſeized
thirteen of the moft guilty mutineers, whom he ordered
to inſtant execution. Then, taking advantage of the con-
ſternation into which this act of vigour had thrown his
army, in the moſt ſpirited manner he reproached them with
the ungrateful return they made for all he had done for them;
and, at the conclufion of his fpeech, abruptly left the af-
fembly, retired to his tent, and commanded, that his perſon
ſhould henceforward be intrufted to Perfian guards, and that
the different corps of Afiatic troops fhould hold the fame
rank, and enjoy the fame privileges, which the Macedonians
had lately poffeffed.
Q
THE
Alexander
his firmnels;
quells it by
1
114
HISTORY OF GREECE
Book I.
Sect. 3.
THE King's firmneſs on this occafion had its full effect.
The Macedonians were naturally attached to his perſon; and,.
notwithſtanding the deep fhades that darkened his charac-
ter, his brighter qualities, which were moftly of the popular
kind, his bravery eſpecially, and munificent fpirit, were held in
the higheſt eſtimation. Above all, they could not bear to be thus
indignantly debarred from his preſence, and excluded from his
favour and confidence. For three days, during which time he
kept himſelf ſhut up, they remained immoveable around his
tent, bewailing, in the moſt affecting manner, their indiſcre-
tion; they threw their arms from them, as if unworthy to carry
them longer; and declared, they would never quit the place,.
until reſtored to their fovereign's favour and forgiveness. Alex-
ander, at length, was prevailed on to fhew himſelf. At fight of
their Prince, the Macedonians burst into the most affectionate
lamentations; Alexander himſelf began to foften; he melted
ato favour, alfo into tears; he permitted his people to approach him,
to embrace him. What had afflicted his countrymen moſt
deeply, they told him, was, that he had withdrawn his re-
gard from them, and admitted the Perfians to be his kinf-
men. "You are all my kinfmen," replied Alexander," and
"from this day it is the name by which I fhall diftinguiſh
you." By the laws of Macedon, the king's kindred had a
right to falute him, and they were all accordingly admitted to
that honour.
eceives his
army again
pon their
repentance ;
makes a com-
mon banquet
for his fol-
66
A SUMPTUOUS banquet fealed the reconciliation; the
King entertaining nine thouſand gueſts at one time. From
diers of every the order of the entertainment, of which we have an account
in Arrian ", it appears, that he had not loft fight of his.
nation ;
25 L. vii. c. 11.
favouritę.
3
}
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
115
favourite ſcheme of coalition. In the moſt honourable place Book I.
were the Macedonians; next to them the Perfians; and after Sect. 3.
the Perfians other nations. In conjunction with the Grecian in what view;
foothfayers, the Perſian magi were employed in offering up
vows for the profperity and union of all the inhabitants of
his empire. One common bowl was brought, out of which
King and people performed their libations; and at the
conclufion was fung a paean, or fong of praiſe to the Im-
mortal Gods, Greeks, as well as Barbarians, joining in the
chorus.
IT
difabled vete-
rans in the
able manner;
Ir was then fettled ", that as many Greeks and Macedonians difmiffes his
as were become unequal to the fatigues of the field, ſhould have
permiffion to return home. This permiffion was attended moſt honour-
with every mark of diſtinction the old foldiers could poffibly
defire. Not only their arrears were punctually cleared off,
they likewiſe received a talent each, befides money ſufficient
to defray their expences to Greece. Inftructions were, at the
fame time, diſpatched to Macedon, that at all folemnities
they ſhould have places of pre-eminence affigned to them;
that they ſhould be free from all impoſts; and that what-
ever privileges were conferred on them, fhould, upon their
death, be enjoyed by their children. This grateful remem-
brance of the fervices of his brave veterans, exhibits Alex-
ander to us in a very advantageous point of view.
WHAT rendered this notice of the King of greater value,
was, the choice of the perfon to whom his men was given
in charge. Craterus was named to this ſervice, an officer of
r
26 Arrian, L. vii. c. 12. Plut. in Alexand.
Q2
the
and appoints
command
Craterus to
them.
116
HISTORY OF GREECE
Book I.
Sect. 3.
3.
The govern
cedon intend-
rus.
the firft diftinction in the Macedonian armies, and who was
known to be highly eſteemed by Alexander. The appoint-
ment of fuch an officer the veterans confidered as a parti-
cular honour done to themſelves.
IT was the King's intention, that Craterus, upon his ar-
ment of Ma- rival in Greece, fhould fucceed Antipater, and that Anti-
ed for Crate- pater ſhould paſs into Aſia. Many think, that the repeated
complaints preferred by Olympias, whofe ambitious and in-
triguing ſpirit was impatient of the control under which
Antipater held her, had occafioned his being ſuperſeded; and:
that ſevere meaſures were actually in agitation againſt him..
Whatever views Alexander had, he did not live to carry them.
into execution..
Hephaeftion
dies;
·
Soon after this tranfaction, he loft Hephaeſtion, who died
of a fever in Ecbatana; a lofs which Alexander feems to
have borne with great agitation of mind. In others he ſaw
the dependents of his fortune, in Hephaeftion he poffeffed
a friend: "Craterus loves the: King," he was wont to fay,
but Hephaeftion loves Alexander "." This tender con-
nection, fubfifting from their earlieſt years, had never fuf
fered the leaſt diminution. Though he lived with the
King on the moſt familiar terms, and was admitted to his
his charac- moſt fecret councils, he enjoyed the royal favour without
infolence,, and, what is ſtill more extraordinary, without:
exciting envy. How temperately he uſed his power; may
be gathered from the two following inſtances: A muſician,
of whom he was fond, had poffeffed himſelf of certain
quar-
ter.
^
27 Plut. in Alexand.'
•
J
ters,
1
!
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
117
ters, to which Eumenes, an officer of note, and at this Book I.
Sect.
time ſecretary to the King, laid claim". Hephaeftion fup- 3.
ported his favourite; Eumenes had the ſpirit to oppofe He-
phaeſtion, and, upon an appeal to the King, carried the point
againſt him.
Some time after, Hephaeſtion differed on ſome
occafion with Craterus ", and this diſpute was conducted with
fuch heat, that, had not the King interpofed his authority, it
probably had ended fatally. Nevertheleſs, it does not ap--
pear, that either Craterus or Eumenes were afterwards lefs in-
favour with Alexander, or that Hephaeftion ever employed
his influence to their prejudice. He feems, indeed, to have
been much beloved by the whole army, not only for thoſe
affable qualities, which adorn the courtier, but alſo for his
military abilities, having accompanied Alexander in all his
expeditions, and been frequently employed by him. in the
moſt arduous enterprizes..
paffionate ex--
THE extravagances; however; of Alexander 30, on this oc- Alexander's
cafion, are not to be juſtified. When he found that Hephaeftion ceffes on this
had expired, in a paroxyfm of grief he threw himſelf on the occafion;
dead body, from which his friends could-ſcarcely remove him.
Thoſe perſons who had attended his favourite in his laſt illneſs,
became objects of his refentment, as if it had been owing
to them that Hephaeftion died. In his phrenfy, he accuſed
even the gods for not having preſerved a life fo dear to him.
The facred fires were extinguiſhed throughout all Afia, which
was never before done but upon the King's death;
"omen of dark import," the Afiatics obſerved, “to Alex--
·
<<
an
28 Plutarch in Eumene.
Plutarch in Alexand.
29 Plutarch.
3º See Arrian, L. vii. c. 14.-
"ander:
?
}
3
J
>
}
ว
}
118
HISTORY OF GREECE
Book I.
Sect.
3.
he comes to
Babylon.
Gloomy ſtate
of Alexan-
der's mind.
"ander himſelf." Not contented with celebrating Hephaef
tion's obfequies with all poffible magnificence, and erecting
a fumptuous monument to his memory at an immenfe ex-
pence, he ſent to the temple of Hammon to enquire, whether
Hephaeftion ought not to be ranked among the demigods.
The oracle, too complaifant not to gratify the King, an-
ſwered as Afia's monarch wiſhed. Hephaeftion accordingly
was pronounced a demigod, and had fuitable honours ap-
pointed to him ³
31
ALEXANDER had now come to Babylon, where a number
of embaffadors from different nations, in confequence of the
fame of his atchievements, were expecting his return 32. It
might be imagined, that to a mind fuch as his, naturally
vain and fond of homage, this kind of pomp muſt have af-
forded the higheſt gratification. He notwithſtanding ap-
pears to have reliſhed it very imperfectly". The death of
Hephaeſtion, together with certain anticipations of his own
approaching fate, had made deep impreffion on his mind.
As he drew near to Babylon, he met certain Chaldean footh-
fayers, who befought him not to enter the city, which then
lay to the weft of him; or, if he did, to go round, and
to enter with his face to the eastward; otherwife fome fatal
deſtiny threatened to overtake him. But the line, which
31 Alexander's extravagance upon the lofs of Hephaeftion, might have been fug-
gefted by his progenitor Achilles's behaviour upon the lofs of Patroclus.
32 It appears from Arrian (vii. 15.) that two antient writers of Alexander's
hiftory, Ariftaeus and Afclepiades, related, that among the embaſſies to Alexander,
there was alfo one from Rome. Other hiſtorians make no mention of it.
23 See Arrian, L. vii, c. 16.
they
ร
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
119
they had pointed out, being found impracticable, his pride Book I.
would not fuffer him to return back, and he ventured into Sect. 3.
Babylon by the very way which was forbidden". Anaxarchus,
the philoſopher, had endeavoured to reaſon with his maſter
againſt idle apprehenfions, and to ridicule the boaſted ſkill of
thefe pretended diviners: the King feemed to liſten to him
with ſome degree of attention; but it was evident, that his
mind enjoyed neither eaſe nor compofure..
35 vours to diffi.
• pate his me-
In order to diffipate theſe melancholy thoughts, Alexan- He endea-
der began to meditate an expedition against the Arabians ³
who had been guilty of the infolence of fending him no lancholy
embaffy; and to fet on foot a number of new works for
beautifying Babylon,, now intended for the feat of empire.
Among other undertakings, he propofed to confine the Eu- by an excur-
phrates to its natural bed. The waters of this river had, for fome fion from Ba-
been ſuffered to overflow its banks; the adjacent coun-
ages,
try was greatly damaged, and this province, once the lovelieſt
of Afia, was declining faft into an inhofpitable moraſs.
That he might judge what works were neceffary, Alexander
•
·
34 The rich revenues belonging to Belus were enjoyed by the Chaldeans, un-
til his temple was re-built; and therefore they endeavoured to keep Alexander
from entering Babylon, left he ſhould urge on a work which it was not their intereſt
to have finiſhed. As to the King's going round, and entering with his face to the
eaſt, they well knew, that the fens on that fide had made the road impracticable.
See Arrian, L. vii. c. 17.
35 It appears from Arrian (vii. 20.) that his principal view in this expedition was,
to compel the Arabians to acknowledge him for one of their gods; they had, he
had been told, only two gods; the heaven, on account of its being the abode of
that beneficent luminary the fun; and Bacchus, on account of his exploits in the
Indies; and therefore," faid he, "as my exploits have not been inferior to
"thofe of Bacchus, I likewife have a right to be worshipped by them."
"
bylon;
I ..
1
had.:
1
120
GREECE
HISTORY OF
Y
.fails.
Book I. had a number of veffels prepared, proper for paffing the guts,
Sect. 3. and failed himſelf along the ſeveral banks to the place where
the breach, according to report, had firſt been made. This
excurfion, far from adminiſtering to him that amuſe-
ment which he expected, took a very different turn. In the
courſe of his expedition, a guft of wind blew the royal fillet
from the King's head to fome diftance, where the monu-
ments of the antient Affyrian kings were erected, and it fell
intangled among the reeds that grew round the fepulchres.
One of the failors leaped into the river, and, having reco-
vered it, faſtened it inadvertently round his own head ", in
order to bring it back with greater fafety.
His melan-
choly en-
creaſes;
he returns to
Babylon;
meets with
finifter
omens.;
36
THESE incidents, of little moment to a mind found, and
properly inftructed, the fuperftition of the times pronounced
to be omens full of terror; and the King's imagination, al-
ready diftempered, failed not to lay hold of them.
37
In this dejected ftate he re-entered Babylon, where a
fimilar train of dire preſages ſtill purſued him. Over his
head, as he approached the city, was fought a battle of crows,
fame of whom fell dead at his feet "; one of the largeſt lions
kept in Babylon, had been kicked to death by an aſs. The
governor of Babylon had facrificed, in order to confult the
gods concerning his fovereign, and the liver of the victim
was found not to have a head. What threatened difafter
36 To avert the omen of this cafual ufurpation of the diadem, the Chaldean
foothfayers, according to fome hiſtorians, directed, that the officious failor fhould
be rewarded with a talent, and afterwards put to death. 1
37 Plutarch in Alexand.
more
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
121
1
more than all, the King having undreffed, as was cuftomary to Book I.
him, for the purpoſe of partaking in ſome athletic ſports, when Sect. 3.
his attendants went to fetch his clothes, they found a ſtranger
(ſome lunatic, probably, who had eſcaped from his keepers) fit-
ting in profound filence on their maſter's throne, dreffed in his
royal robes, with the diadem on his head; who, upon examina-
tion, pronounced, that the god Serapis had conducted him thi-
ther, and had ordered him to array himſelf in that attire, and
to fit there in folemn filence. This madman, by the direction-
of the foothfayers, was put to death ".
-
38
39
FROM all theſe circumſtances, the anguiſh of Alexander's is diftreffed
mind encreaſed more and more, as if, to ufe Plutarch's by them
words, in deſpair of the fuccours of heaven And fo
ſtrongly had fears and anxieties taken hold on him, that
every thing which happened, in the leaft degree ftrange or
unuſual, he converted into an evil fign or prodigy.
WHAT remedies the religious notions then prevailing di-
rected the uſe of, expiatory rites and facrifices, were employed
profufely. The court fwarmed with purifiers and prognoſti-
cators, all exercifing their talents in behalf of the royal
perfon. But theſe affording little relief, he endeavoured to has recourfe
drown reflection in a courſe of banqueting and intemperance, to intempe-
to which he had of late been much addicted. He had ſpent
one day and part of the night in this manner, and was re-
turning home to reft, when Medius, who was now much
in his favour, requeſted the King to honour him at an en-
38 See Arrian, L. vii. c. 18. et Plut. ubi fup.
in Alexand.
49 Arrian, L. vii. c. 24 & feq.
R
30 Δύσελπις πρὸς τὸ θείονα
tertainment
rance;
{
1 22
HISTORY OF GREECE
3
Book I.
Sect. 3.
a fever in
confequence
of it;
tertainment he had juft prepared. With Medius he conti-
nued caroufing the remainder of the night; and, after a
fhort repofe, renewed the fame fcene of riot. The confe-
quences of fuch irregularity might have been eafily foreſeen.
is feized with Before Alexander left the company of Medius, he had
contracted a fever. He, however, flighted it, and for fome
days continued to receive the reports of his chief officers,
and to canvafs with them the fchemes he was meditating.
On the ninth day the violence of his distemper had riſen to
fuch an height, that his recovery began to be deſpaired of.
His principal officers, alarmed at their fituation, · preffed
him to name a fucceffor, in cafe it was their misfor-
tune to loſe him. "The worthieft," he anſwered; but he
"forefaw, that his
that his obfequies would be obfequies of
his vague
manner of
appointing
his fucceffor; blood."
affection of
his army to-
wards him;
he dies.
Ir being now ſpread abroad, that the King was dying,
the foldiers infifted on being admitted to take a laft farewell
of their beloved mafter. He was unable to ſpeak; but, raifing
himſelf up, offered his hand as they paffed, expreffing by his
looks, notwithſtanding his melancholy fituation, the pleaſure
he took in theſe marks of their affection. On the eleventh
day he expired *, having, fome minutes before, delivered his
royal fignet to Perdiccas, which by many was confidered to
be a tacit appointment of him as his fucceffor. Alexander
died in the thirty-third year of his age, after a reign of twelve
years and eight months, being exactly twenty at the time of
Philip's death. He left only one fon, Hercules, by Barfine,
·
X
}
** OLYMP. cxiv. 1. BEFORE CHRIST 323.
daughter
*
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
123
daughter to Artabazus, and widow to Memnon. But his Book I.
wife Roxana was far advanced in her pregnancy; and Statira
alſo was fuppofed to be in the fame fituation.
42
Sect.
3.
completion of
cies concern-
ing-Alexan-
Ir is here highly deferving of notice, how exactly what Remarkable
the prophet foretold of Alexander had its accompliſhment. the prophe-
This Prince had been deſtined to overthrow the empire of the
Medes and Perfians; which, as foon as he had performed, der;
we ſee his power brought to an end, and in the very way the
prophet *² had predicted; his kingdom broken, and not to his
pofterity, nor according to his dominion which he ruled. What
is not leſs remarkable, it had been pronounced by the Al-
mighty, that Babylon fhould be a defolation, and the temple
of Belus broken unto the ground*3, never to riſe from its ruins.
At the very time Alexander, with every thing in his power
for executing what he deſigned, is preparing to raiſe the
temple of Belus again, and reſtore Babylon* to its ancient
fplendor,
43 See Ifaiah xxi. 9.
42 See Daniel viii. 5, 6, 7, 20, 21, 22, and xi. 4.
44 In antient days, Babylon was famed for its commerce and naval power. Ori-
ginally, the country was a flat morafs, often overflowed by the Euphrates and the
Tigris. Semiramis, the fuppofed foundrefs of the Babylonian greatnefs, has the
glory of having improved the country, by cutting a number of drains through it,
and raifing embankments to confine the Euphrates within its channel: by theſe la-
bours the river was rendered navigable; and fhe is faid to have had on it a fleet of
three thouſand galleys. Nebuchadnezzar carried the improvement mach farther;
he caufed two canals to be cut an hundred miles above the city; the firft on the
eaſtern fide, by which the Euphrates was let into the Tigris, fo that the city was
fupplied with the produce of the whole country to the north of it, as far as the
Euxine and Cafpian feas, and enjoyed alfo the trade of the Perfian gulph, into
which the Euphrates opened; this canal was called Naharmalea, or the Royal River:
the other canal was on the western fide, and was called Pallacopas, or Naharaga,
the River of the Pucl, by which the redundant waters were carried into a vat lake,
forty miles fquare, contrived not only to leffer the inundation, but alſo as a
refervoir,
R 2
124.
HISTORY OF GREECE
Book I. fplendor, his purpoſe is defeated, and the breath of life taken
Sect. 3.
fufpicions of
his having
been taken
ill founded;
from him.
THE opinion, that this conqueror was taken off by poiſon,
which feveral of the antient writers have adopted, appears
off by poifon, from Arrian to be altogether groundleſs. Probably, the
precarious ſtate of Antipater's affairs at this juncture, from the
ſuſpicions faid to be conceived of him, and the powerful in-
ducements he might be ſuppoſed to have, to attack a life from
which he had every thing to fear, firſt gave rife to this re-
port; and the report might be encouraged afterwards by
Olympias, who held Antipater and his houſe in utter deteſta-
tion, and who wiſhed his deſtruction.
variety in the
Of all the great perfonages of antiquity, whofe fortunes and
have of him. exploits have fo frequently employed the hiſtorical pen, and of
accounts we
refervoir, to water the barren country on the Arabian fide. Cyrus, in his fiege of
Babylon, by turning the whole river into the lake by the Pallacopas, laid the chan-
nel, where it ran through the city, almoſt dry, fo that his army entered it both above
and below by the bed of the river. From the great quantity of water admitted into
the lake, the fluices and dams were much damaged; and the Perfian monarchs,
refiding in their own country, paid no attention to the inconvenience; and befides,
to prevent any invafion by fea on that part of their empire, purpoſely obftructed the
navigation of both rivers, by making cataracts in them, that is, by raiſing dams
acroſs the channel,, and making artificial falls. Alexander began to reftore the
navigation of the rivers, by removing the cataracts upon the Tigris, and repairing
the breaches in the Pallacopas; but did not live to finiſh his great defigns. From
his time, the Euphrates, which in fummer always fwells from the melting of
the fnows in the mountains of Armenia, has been ſuffered to wafte its waters on
the neighbouring country: fo that this province, once the loveliest and richeſt part-
of Afia, has by degrees declined again into an inhospitable morafs, in which not.
the leaft veftige of its former fplendor is to be found. So exactly has the word of the
Almighty had its completion. See Biſhop Lowth on Iſaiah, 202, 207, 208. See alſo
Huet, Hiſtoire du Commerce, ch. xi. and Arrian vii. 23.
IO
whom
}
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
125
:
}
Sect.
whom romantic, and often oppofite accounts have been deli- Book I.
vered to poſterity, there is none more diſtinguiſhed than Alex- 3.
ander. The chafteſt and moſt confiftent of his hiftorians ap-
pears to be Arrian; and yet in him there are matters liable to
objection. It is remarkable too, that Ariftobulus and Ptolemy,
from whoſe memoirs chiefly Arrian compiled his hiftory,
and who attended Alexander in perſon in all his expeditions,
are not always agreed about facts, of which they might be
ſuppoſed to be well informed. Poffibly they fought to caſt
a fhade over fome tranſactions, which, for obvious reaſons,
they wiſhed had never exiſted.
ter;
WHAT judgment is to be formed of him, may be gathered His charac-
from the preceding pages. Military glory was certainly his
ruling paffion. And accordingly the virtues, or, to ſpeak
more properly, the ſhining qualities, for which he is cele-
brated, appear to have been moftly fuch as belong to the
military character-boundleſs munificence—an open frank- fhining qua-
neſs of difpofition-generous attention to the fituation and
wants of his men-an excellent forefight-daring courage-
admirable preſence of mind in the midſt of danger—and a
wonderful quickneſs, to ſeize every advantage in the day of
battle.
?
lities ;
TOGETHER with theſe qualities, he poffeffed all the advan- advantages
of body ;-
tages of body, which florid health, natural ſtrength of conftitu-
tion, and conſtant exerciſe, are wont to beſtow. He was patient
of fatigue; and in agility, horfemanſhip, dexterity in the
management of every warlike weapon, and in capacity for en-
during hunger and thirſt, heat and cold, he ſtood without a
rival..
NOR.
1
¿
126
BOOK I.
Sect. 3.
humane dif-
pofition;
faults;
caufes
whence they
proceeded.
HISTORY OF GREECE
:
NOR was he wanting in the fofter virtues which embelliſh
the human character. He was capable of all the tender-
nefs of friendſhip of an eafy, cordial, affectionate deport-
ment to all who approached him; and, notwithſtanding the
roughness of martial life, he retained, for a confiderable time,
that elegance of fentiment, which Grecian manners, and the
early ſtudy of philofophy, were calculated to infpire. He
proved his refined feelings in the delicacy with which he treat-
ed the princeffes of the houſe of Darius. He fhewed it in the
extraordinary care he took to protect the Afiatic nations, whom
he conquered, from that rapacity and licentiouſneſs of which
the lower military orders are frequently guilty.
BUT the Macedonian Prince was foon to degenerate from
thefe promifing beginnings, was to become infolent, oppreſ
five, and vain, barbarous, cruel, and the ſport of intemperance
and pufillanimity.
+
It was Alexander's misfortune, that conqueft was his darling
paffion; and the ſucceſs he met with encouraged him to proceed..
His firſt expedition againſt Darius bore an air of juftice. The
fervitude to which the Grecian coloniſts had been reduced; the
repeated attempts made by the Perfian monarchs against the li-
berties of Grecce; and, when the fuperiority of the Grecian
arms had forced them to defift from avowed hoftilities, the art-
ful manner in which they had endeavoured, by intrigue and cor-
ruption, to divide the Greeks among themſelves, and thus to
bring the whole nation into a ſtate of humiliation and depen-
dence, furniſhed at leaſt a decent pretext for retaliation: accord-
ing, therefore, to the ufual maxims of human policy, his inva-
fion of Perfia might be vie
Phen
Then he had a fair op-
portunity
1
*
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
127
?
portunity of confining the Perfian monarch within narrower Book I.
bounds, and of giving independence to all the nations of the Sect. 3.
Lower Afit; when he even overthrew the Perfian monarchy,
and ſaw himſelf feated on the throne of Cyrus; he had not
wiſdom to ſtop at this point; the luft of conqueft hurrying
him on from nation to nation, and from climate to climate,
where he had not even the pretence of wrongs to vindicate, or
of injuries to redrefs. And probably, had his life been ſpared,
there was not a part of the globe to which he would not
have carried his arms, and involved in the ravages of war;
and had he not found a 'man left to contend with," fays
Arrian," he had fought with himſelf."
THERE is reafon to believe, that this martial difpofition
grew up the ſtronger in Alexander, from the impreffions he
received in his youth. The reign of Philip had been a
ſeries of wars; and the manners of his court, and even the
language ſpoken in it, were all in the military ſtyle.
ALEXANDER, befides, had taken an early predilection for
the character of Achilles, which, even in his riper age, ap-
pears to have operated powerfully on his mind. Ariſtotle,
to whom the care of his education was intrufted, had with
great judgment recommended to him to make the writings
of Homer his particular ſtudy, as containing the moſt uſe-
ful precepts, both for forming a prince and for the govern-
ment of a people. But, unluckily, among the many illuſtri-
ous perfonages, whofe manners the father of poetry has deli-
neated, the young prince fixed upon Achilles for his model.
He did not confider, that it was far from the poet's inten-
1
}
tion
128
HISTORY OF GREECE
}
Book I. tion to propofe to us "the violent, implacable warrior, to
Sect. 3.
"whom every claim is juſt that can be fupported by force
" of arms," as a perfect model for imitation.
The poet
only meant to ſhow what devaftation the fierce paffions make
in the nobleft minds, and of what fatal ills, to the human fpe-
cies in general, they are productive. But Achilles, Alexander
had been told, was one of his progenitors; and therefore he
viewed theſe exceffes with partiality. Poffibly alſo it may
be faid, that he was the more ftruck with his character, on
account of the reſemblance it bore to his own. They were
the features of Alexander, which he admired in Homer's
hero.
BUT, whatever were the
were the cauſes that contributed to
ftrengthen in him this turn to military glory, it is certain,
that, indulging it in the wanton manner he did, and the
repeated ſcenes of carnage it engaged him in, produced, by
degrees, that fiercenefs of difpofition and character, which is
the reproach of his latter years. Accuſtomed to have ſub-
miffion yielded to the terror of his name, he began to look on
every refiſtance to his arms as treaſon, which he was authorized
to puniſh, putting frequently whole nations to the fword,
merely becauſe they had families, whom they ftrove to de-
fend, and rights, which they were unwilling to ſurrender.
The fervility, alfo, with which he was treated by thoſe whom
he had brought into fubjection, infpired him with a vanity
of which Greece had feen no example. It was the cuſtom
of eaſtern nations to. adore their princes; and Alexander
would be adored. Some of the heroes of old had been deified
The Macedonian would be
by their uninftructed followers.
}
deified
'
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
129
$
deified alfo; and, becauſe his Grecian veterans, who were Book I.
accuſtomed to other manners, and were ardent fupporters of Sect. 3•
liberty, oppoſed thefe infolent pretenfions, he forgot he was
their king, he attempted to become their tyrant. His tem-
per, naturally violent, became impetuous. All who would
not ſubmit to abject fervility and compliance, he pronounced
diſaffected; and facrificed to his fufpicions, and to his jea-
loufy, the moſt faithful and moſt worthy of his fervants.
tious fears;
WHAT appears moſt extraordinary, in a prince, confpicu- His fuperfti-
ous, as the fon of Philip was, for courage and firmneſs of
mind, is the vulgar fuperftition which marked the latter
period of his days. It has been obferved by fome authors 45
that he was always fuperftitious; and certainly he was, if
revering the gods of his country, and endeavouring to con-
ciliate their favour by thofe means which he had been taught
to think of moft efficacy, can properly be deemed fuperſti-
tion. What affected his lateſt days was of a different nature,
and ſeems to have arifen from another cauſe. Appalling
fears had ſeized his imagination, and, in ſpite of all his ef-
forts, had fubdued his mind.
What theſe were, antient
writers have not informed us.
It may not, perhaps, be too and whence,
probably,
bold a conjecture, that the outrages which he had com- they arofe.
mitted upon his own ſubjects, embruing his hands in the
blood of Clitus, the baſe and more criminal affaffination of
Parmenio, and the death of the virtuous Callifthenes, had
a confiderable fhare in exciting thofe horrors, to which, in
the end, he fell a victim for to them, furely, was owing
that intemperance in which he at laſt fatally took refuge.
45 See St. Evremond Jugement d'Alexandre et de Cefar.
S
SHOULD
"
130
HISTORY OF GREECE
Book I.
Sect. 3.
How far he
advanced the
SHOULD it be aſked, if civilization and happineſs was the
refult of his exploits to thoſe nations whom he fubdued? or,
if
any advantages accrued from them, at leaſt to Macedon ?—
happiness of Even here muſt hiſtory, if the bears faithful record, decide
the nations he against him. This is not the place for producing proofs in
fupport of this decifion; they will be ſeen in the ſubſequent
fheets of this work.
conquered,
or even of his
own people.
He was an in-
ftrument in
the hand of
An important inſtrument 46 he doubtlefs was in the hand
of Providence, for executing that vengeance on Babylon
Providence, and her dependent provinces, which their oppreffions and
crimes had long provoked, and which the Almighty had,
by his prophets, denounced againſt them; and for opening
a more free communication 47 between the eaſtern and weftern
worlds, in order to the gracious purpoſes of eternal Wiſdom.
and for what But at the fame time he was, in his day, a fcourge to man-
kind; a fcourge to the Macedonians themſelves, whofe in-
tereſt and proſperity he pretended to have in view.
ends.
In what de-
gree of efti
mation be
held.
IT may, therefore, juſtly be eſteemed matter of wonder,
that ſuch a character fhould ever have been thought a fit model
ought to be for princes; and that comparing them to Alexander ſhould
have been numbered among thofe exalted compliments, that
flattery is wont to pay to greatneſs and
power. This pro-
penſity ſeems to have taken its rife in the days of chivalry,
when a frantic exertion of valour, ranging from country to
(6
46 Howbeit, he doth not fo purpoſe," may we juftly fay of him, as the prophet
(Ifaiah, x. 7.) faid of the Affyrian, "neither doth his heart fo intend; but to de-
.❝ftroy is in his heart, and to cut off nations not a few." Ifaiah by Biſhop Lowth.
47 See Biſhop Lowth on Ifaiah xix. 18. and -xxiv. 14.
5
country
- FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
131
*
袋
​Sect.
3.
country in queft of exploits and adventures, was fuppofed to Book I.
conftitute the higheſt degree of perfonal merit. Alexander
might have been the hero of fuch an age. But more civilized
times muſt often regard his character in a different, and leſs
favourable light 4.
48 The death of Alexander was followed by that of Sifygambis *. When ſhe
heard that he was no more, ſhe refuſed to live. She had ſurvived the fall of
Darius, and the ruin of her royal houſe; but fo noble was the treatment ſhe had
received from Alexander, that lofing him feemed to her to be the filling up of the
meaſure of her afflictions; and the put an end to her life by voluntary ab
ftinence.
* Quint, Cur, L.x, c. 5-
ई
$ 2
HISTORY
>
HISTORY OF GREECE.
BOO K
OK
2
SECTION I.
II.
CONTENT S.
Alterations, from Philip's acceffion, in the political fyftem of the
Several Grecian ftates-with regard to Perfia-and of Ma-
cedon-from what caufes-Agis of Lacedæmon attempts to
vindicate the Grecian liberties against Macedon-bis fpirited
conduct-defeat- and death-Character of Demofthenes, con-
fidered as a patriot-his unjust condemnation and banishment-
The Athenians, exasperated by Alexander's control of their
liberties, prepare for war upon Alexander's death take up
arms-recall Demofthenes-march against Antipater—their
imprudent confidence-defeated-forced to fubmit to the Ma-
cedonians.-Demofthenes flies to Calauria-dies-in what man,
ner-abaſement of Athens after his death.
It
is time to return to Greece, in order to view the ftate
of affairs there, during the period of which we have been
ſpeaking
Book II.
Sect. 1.
1
THE
134
HISTORY OF GREECE
$
Book II.
Sect. I.
Alterations
in the politi-
the Grecian
ftates.
-
Greece was
No longer
THE important changes that had taken place in the for-
tunes of Macedon, and the bold ſchemes of ambition, which
Philip firſt, and Alexander afterwards, were feen to purfue,
cal views of had produced a confiderable alteration in the interefts and
political views of the ſeveral ſtates of Greece. Long before
this period, the Perfian power had ceaſed to be that object
of terror it formerly had been, when Greece found it necef-
fary to exert her utmoſt ſtrength againſt that empire, for the
preſervation of her liberties. To that generous diſplay of
patriotiſm and difintereſted ſpirit, which marked thoſe illuf-
trious times, other principles had fucceeded.
compofed of a number of independent ftates.
alarmed with apprehenfions from Afia, they began to contend.
for domination among themſelves. Athens and Sparta efpeci-
ally, who both poffeffed the higheſt ſplendor that the wiſdom
of laws and the glory of great atchievements can confer, dif-
dained to be any thing lefs than the rulers of all Greece, and
carried on the conteft for fovereignty and pre-eminence,
with all that virulence which is generally the reproach of
domeftic wars. The Perſian monarchs beheld with pleaſure
contentions from which they derived fecurity. They em-
ployed all the arts of intrigue, in which they appear to have
been well ſkilled, to keep alive theſe diffenfions. They had
their emiffaries in every corner of Greece. They excited.
jealoufies againſt the powerful; they ſupplied with means
of defence thofe ftates who feemed to be exhaufted; and at
length accuſtomed the people, who had diſclaimed all ideas of
peace with them, to court their friendſhip, and to accept of
pecuniary aids.
}
THIS
}
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
135
}
THIS plan, indeed, at different times, fuffered interrup- Book II.
tion, particularly under the vigorous reign of Agefilaus. Sect. 1.
But theſe interruptions were ſhort, and without material Reign of
confequences. Popular orators alfo, occafionally, in order Agefilaus.
to recommend themſelves to public favour, ftill affected to
call Perfia's kings the natural enemies of the Grecian people,
and uſed to recite the glorious exploits their forefathers had
atchieved againſt them. Yet the general policy was, to confider
the Perfian monarch as a prince, from whofe corrupted and
unwieldy empire Greece had nothing now to apprehend, and
to whofe influence and treafures it was not difreputable to
have recourſe.
*
of Macedon
grows for-
midable;
WHEN the Macedonian princes grew formidable, and their The power
fubtil ſchemes began to unfold themſelves, theſe friendly dif-
pofitions towards the Perfian king acquired additional ſtrength;
and what had been, probably, in many caſes the ſuggeſtions of
a narrow ambition, were now found to be the dictates of found
policy. The Greeks faw evidently, that their exiſtence as a na-
tion was immediately connected with the ſupport of the Perfian
monarch; that Perfia was the only power that could balance
the Macedonian; and, if the former was once overthrown,
their liberties muſt ſoon ſhare the fame fate.
THIS explains tranfactions, from which otherwiſe we
might be tempted to draw improper inferences. Some of
the ableſt ſtateſmen, and firſt leaders of Greece, appear, at this
juncture, to have been ſtrongly attached to the Perfian mo-
narch; to have kept up a conſtant intercourſe with his mi-
niſters ;
and to have frequently received large remittances
from
and induces
many of the
Greeks to
look to Perfia
for protec-
tion.
}
136
HISTORY OF GREECE
Book II. from them. Demofthenes, among many others, countenanced
Sect. I.
theſe principles and adopted this practice; but we are not to
imagine they were betraying their country. It was, in fact,
their attention to her real intereft that produced theſe meaſures.
The caufe of Perfia was become the cauſe of Greece.
Philip endea-
vours to pre-
vent this;
obtains the
of General
of Greece
againſt the
Barbarians,
PHILIP poffeffed too much fagacity, not to perceive the
tendency of this political fyftem; and was too able a ſtateſ-
man, not to counteract it. He alſo employed his emiffaries.
He availed himſelf of thofe popular prejudices againſt the
Perfian name, which had ftill poffeffion of the multitude.
His orators took every opportunity of diſplaying, with ſtu-
died aggravation, all the hoftile attempts ever made againſt
Greece by Perfia, and of pouring out invectives againſt thoſe
baſe betrayers of their country, who had fold themſelves to
their fworn enemy. At the fame time he affumed the fpecious
character of "Affertor of the independence of the Grecian
people."
THESE popular acts, aided by a variety of intrigues, and
appointment fupported by the vigour and fuccefs of his military opera-
tions, had their effect. And, notwithſtanding the fufpicions.
entertained of him by many of the ſtates of Greece, and the
formal oppofition of fome of the moſt confiderable, he had.
the addreſs to carry the point he had long in view, and to
procure himſelf to be elected, in the great council of the
nation, GENERAL OF THE GREEKS AGAINST THE BAR-
BARIANS. What uſe this profound politician would have
• See Plutarch in Demofth.
6
made
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
137
1
$
<made of this nominal fovereignty, is left to our conjectures. Book II.
He died before he could execute the extenfive projects he had
Sect. 1.
and dies.
formed.
Alexander's
activity and
vigour ;
THE Greeks imagined, his ſchemes had expired with him;
that they had now little to fear from an unexperienced and
raw youth, who neither poffeffed the depth of thought, nor
the ability for 'execution, by which his father had been dif
tinguiſhed. Their contempt of him was their ruin. Be-
fore they entertained any fufpicion of Alexander's deſigns,
he appeared in the midft of their national council, and
firmly demanded his father's appointment of generaliffimo,
urging his plea with all the plauſibility of argument that the
moſt practiſed ſtateſman could have employed. The fteadi-
neſs with which he made this requifition, and his perſuaſive
manner of enforcing it, joined to their own furprize and
embarraſſment, extorted from them a confent, in which their
affections had little ſhare. Alexander faw what interpreta-
tion he was to give to this act; and, to confirm their fervi-
tude, determined they ſhould be taught to know, it was not
an uſeleſs weapon they had put into his hands.
into his hands. The The- his chaftife-
bans foon furniſhed him with an opportunity. They, as we
have ſeen, endeavoured to ſhake off the Macedonian yoke; the
Macedonian King treated them as rebels, who had rifen
againſt their lawful fovereign, laying their city in ruins, and
almoſt exterminating their nation.
ment of the
Thebans.
of Greece.
THE Confternation into which this act of feverity threw Humiliation
all Greece, anſwered Alexander's purpoſe effectually ; and
he was already in Afia, before they had recovered from their
panic. Antipater had inftructions to obferve their motions with
a jealous
T
138
HISTORY OF GREECE
A
Sect. I.
Book II. a jealous eye; and, by keeping a refpectable force in readi
neſs for action, to prevent, if poffible, their difaffection from
breaking out into open hoftilities. But, befides the im-
preffion which the dread of Antipater and the fate of Thebes
might have made on the minds of the Greeks, there were
alſo many other confiderations, not lefs powerful, to re-
ftrain them from taking an active part at this conjuncture:
They were no longer the noble-ſpirited people they had
been; corrupted by diffipation and pleaſure, their citizens-
were without ſtrength for war, their leaders ignorant or timid..
Far from confpiring together in any generous or beneficial pur--
poſe, their ſeveral ſtates were diſunited from each other by
diſtruſts, by jealoufies, by refentment of former injuries.. In.
many of the Grecian cities, the creatures of Macedon pre--
dominated, and directed every public act: and where the
real friends of Greece retained. any ſhare of power, fuch was
the confufion of the public councils, from the diffidence:
and heſitation of one party, and the contefts and perplexing
arts of the other, that it was not poffible their deliberations.
ſhould terminate in any meaſure vigorous and effectual..
Agis king of
Sparta ;
his charac-
ter;
"
SPARTA alone feemed to teftify a real concern for the prof.
perity of Greece. Lefs expofed, from the nature of her
government, to the influence of Macedonian intrigues, fhe
enjoyed, befides, the advantage of having on the throne a
prince active and intrepid, Agis, grandſon of the great Age-
filaus, who had an early inſight into the ſchemes of the kings
of Macedon, and beheld with indignation the Grecian li-
berties falling before them. To him may be ascribed the
oppofition made to Alexander by the Spartan deputies, in the
general convention of the ſtates of Greece, notwithſtand-
5
1
ing
F
FROM THE ACCESSIÓN OF ALEXANDER.
139
1
ing the tame compliance of the other members of which Book II.
Sect. 1.
that affembly was compofed. Even before he was ſeated on
the throne, Agis had been remarkable for his ſpirited behaviour
at the court of Philip. He had been diſpatched alone on an
embaffy to that Court; and the Macedonian, who faw himſelf
attended by a number of embaffadors from every other Grecian
State, diſpleaſed that Sparta had been thus deficient, ob-
ſerved with a contemptuous fneer, "What! from Sparta
"but one!"-" Why," replied Agis, "I was fent but to
"" one².
2 ))
1
THE advanced age of Cleomenes, the other Spartan king,
not permitting him to attend to the more laborious offices
of government, the military department devolved on Agis;
a taſk to which his genius and abilities were well fuited.
He infuſed new vigour into the Spartans.
He formed a his policy;
powerful confederacy throughout the Peloponnefus. He ex-
cited an infurrection in Crete. He kept up a ſtrict connexion
with Darius, at whofe court he had embaffadors, and of
whoſe motions and counfels he had regular intelligence. It
was with Agis that Memnon had concerted the important di-
verfion of carrying the war into Macedon; which, as we
have already obferved, was prevented by Memnon's death.
THE difaftrous ftate of Darius's affairs after the battle of
Iffus, encreaſed the apprehenfions of Agis. He perceived
there was no time to be loft; and the conjuncture ſeemed fa-
*vourable. Alexander was employed in the diftant provinces
of Afia; a rebellion in Thrace had obliged Antipater to
* Plutarch in Apophthegm.
T 2
turn
his attempt to
fave Greece;
ง
1
1
140
Book II.
Sect. I..
-defeat,
and death.
Confequences
of this victo-
ry,
HISTORY
OF
GREECE
turn his attention thither; and a confiderable body of Greek
mercenaries, who had eſcaped from Iffus, had, after a variety
of fortune, made their way into Greece, and joined the
Spartans. Encouraged by theſe ſeveral incidents, he took
the field, and marched againſt Megalopolis, the only city in
Peloponnefus that held out for the Macedonians. Antipater
was alarmed; he compofed matters in Thrace in the beſt
manner he was able; and haftened to oppofe an enemy, whoſe
attempt, if ſucceſsful, might have been followed by a ge-
neral defection of the reſt of Greece. The Macedonian for-
tune once more prevailed. Agis was overpowered by the
fuperior numbers of Antipater, and fell pierced with wounds.
His men would have fecured his retreat; but he refufed to,
furvive the expiring liberties of his country, and continued.
fighting to the laſt ³..
3
Its
THIS victory was of effential fervice to Alexander.
diffipated the Peloponnefian confederacy, which might have.
led to dangerous confequences. It provided effectually for
the fecurity of his hereditary dominions, and left him at
leiſure to purſue his ſchemes of foreign conqueſts.. Jealous,.
however, of the glory Antipater derived from his victory,
Alexander affected to make light of what he had performed..
"Whilſt our arms have been employed againſt Darius," ſaid
he, "there has, it ſeems, been a battle of mice in Arcadia:*.”
Had the Perfian monarch furniſhed Agis with ſeaſonable and
ample ſupplies, and enabled him, before it was too late, to
make that diverfion, which fuch a prince,, properly ſup--
3 Diod. Sic. L. xvii. c. 6. Quint. Cur. L. vi. c. 1. Juſt. L. xii. c. 1»
• Plutarch in Agafilao.
{
ported,
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
141
!
ported, might have made; and had the Grecians, at the
fame time, fenfible of their fituation, and animated with the
virtue of their anceſtors, exerted themſelves in conjunction
with him; Alexander had probably found it a very different
war from what he had to wage againſt the ill-diſciplined and
effeminate Afiatics..
Book II.
Sect. F
obnoxious to
ment;
3
as an orator ;.
ATHENS had not joined in the confederacy with Agis. Demofthenes
The hoftile wiſhes, however, and private intrigues of De- the Macedo-
mofthenes and his party were no fecret to Antipater; and nian govern
he determined they ſhould ſhare in the humiliation to which
Greece was now reduced by his victorious arms. Demof-
thenes had long been the moſt formidable enemy the Macedo-
nian intereft had to contend with in Athens, and the ſtates
connected with her. His powers of eloquence it were fu- his character,
perfluous to enlarge upon. They have been long the ſubject of
univerfal panegyric; and the applauſe they obtained from a
people, who, in high ſpirit, exquifite taſte, and quickneſs of
apprehenfion, have never been excelled, if ever equalled, and
the amazing effects they often produced among them; arreſting
every ear in the midſt of their moſt impetuous purſuits, and
compelling men to adopt ſchemes they were moſt adverſe to;
abundantly declare the vast extent of his oratorial powers. But, as a patriots,
how exalted foever he ſtands deſervedly as an orator, his cha-
racter as a ſtateſman and a patriot, in which lights we are at
preſent to confider him, challenges infinitely more our admi-
ration. He has the merit of having made the earlieſt diſco-
very of Philip's real deſigns; he intuitively faw into his very
foul; and, with a fagacity almoſt prophetic, pointed out to
his fellow-citizens the ſeveral objects of the ambition of that
afpiring prince, when he could hardly be fuppofed yet to
I
have
142
HISTORY OF GREECE
Sect. I.
Book II. have formed them. The love of eafe, which now prevailed
among
the Athenians, the natural confequence of voluptu-
ous manners, together with the contempt with which they
were accuſtomed to look down on Macedon and her kings,
rendered them at first inattentive to the warnings of this
faithful counfellor. He was not difcouraged. The more
his countrymen were immerfed in pleaſures, the louder and
the more active was his zeal. He attacked their indolence
and degeneracy with the keeneſt ſeverity. He tore them
from their favourite amuſements. He forced open the
mifer's purſe; and drove the voluptuary to the field of
battle. He rouſed, in like manner, the other Grecian ſtates
from their inactivity. He watched Philip's motions, in Thrace,
in Illyricum, in Theffaly; and, fubtle as the Macedonian
was, often counteracted his beſt-concerted plans. He baffled
him at Bizantium; he baffled him at Thermopylae; and at
laft forced him to venture all on the caft of a battle at
Chaeronea. Philip was indeed victorious; but he owed this
victory to cauſes in which Demofthenes had no concern.
his firmnefs in
THAT fatal event was foon followed by thofe fignal
times of diffi- fucceffes which attended Alexander's arms, firſt in Europe,
culty;
then in Afia; all which rendered any oppofition to the Ma-
cedonian power exceedingly difficult and hazardous. De-
mofthenes, nevertheleſs, ftill perfifted, neither gained over
by hopes of perſonal advantage, nor intimidated by the perils
with which he faw himſelf furrounded. He withſtood the
creatures of Macedon on all occafions. He fupported the
Perſian intereft, as far as the antient prepoffeffions of the
multitude permitted him; and there is reaſon to believe, that
if Agis had proved fuccefsful againſt Antipater, he would
have
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
143
have endeavoured, and probably with effect, to make Athens Book II.
declare in his favour.
Sect. I.
WHAT makes the character of Demofthenes more remark- conſtitution.
able, and ſerves to fhew how ftrong his feelings for his ally timid;.
country muſt have been, was his conftitutional cowardice.
Intrepid as he was, when pleading the cauſe of Athens, in
the field of battle he had not even the firmnéfs of a common.
foldier.
→
In one point, however, Demofthenes feems to have been mistaken in
miſtaken. His defign was, to reſtore to the Athenian confti- one point;-
tution its priſtine vigour; and to recall that ſpirit, which
had formerly produced fuch wonderful effects. But that ſpi--
rit was not to be recalled. The ſource of it, Athenian vir-
tue, was no more.-
PHOCION, an illuftrious Athenian of theſe times, who had
all the integrity, though none of the enthuſiaſm, of Demof-
thenes, oppofed him upon this principle.
6-6
Since the
Athenians," ſaid he, " in their prefent degeneracy, are
no longer able to fill their antient glorious ſphere, let-
"them adapt their counfels to their abilities, and rather
court the friendſhip of that power, which they cannot
"provoke but to their deftruction." Demofthenes could.
not forbear looking back to the age of a Themistocles and
a Cimon. His defigns certainly argued nobler fentiments
and a greater elevation of mind. But the temperate patriot--
and is op-
poſed by Pho
cion;
1
}
-Plutarch in Phocione.`
ifm
144
HISTORY OF GREECE
·
Book II. ifm of Phocion had doubtlefs the advantage in point of
wiſdom.
Sect. I.
charged with
having re-
lus ;
GREECE now humbled by Antipater's arms, the enemies
ceived a bribe of Demofthenes foon found an opportunity, which they had
from Harpa- long fought for, of bringing him to diſgrace and public
condemnation. Harpalus, of whom mention has already
been made, having plundered the treaſures which Alexander
had committed to his care, fled to Athens, in hopes of pro-
tection. Demofthenes was one of the firft men to urge to
the people the expediency of refuſing ſhelter to ſuch a trai-
tor, conjuring them not to draw on themſelves Alexander's
refentment in a caufe fo difreputable. But Harpalus, who
knew well how to diſtribute his gold, had fecured a number
of orators on his fide, and might probably have continued in
Athens without farther moleftation, had not the report of
Alexander's fending a formidable fleet to chaſtiſe the Athe-
nians for giving him fhelter, obliged them to expel him from
their city.
This act of juftice was followed by another.
An enquiry was inftituted concerning thoſe perſons who had
received preſents from Harpalus; and directions were given
that they ſhould be profecuted. This was the engine which
Antipater's creatures employed fucceſsfully againſt Demof-
thenes. He was charged with having taken Harpalus's gold;
and upon trial before the Areopagus was condemned, and
fined fifty talents, which, being unable to pay, he was forced
into exile ".
banished.
}
231
1
1
Plutarch in Demofthene.
t
THE
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
145
THE circumſtances of this charge, as related by Plutarch, Book II.
carry, nevertheleſs, upon the face of them, an air of fiction Sect. 1.
and abfurdity. Demofthenes, we are told, was prefent The charge
unjuſt :
when Harpalus was landing his treaſure; and, a gold cup
of great value and elegant workmanſhip having caught his
eye, Harpalus, who obferved him admiring it, defired he
would poiſe it in his hand, in order to gueſs at the weight;
Demofthenes aſked what it might amount to, "To you,'
replied Harpalus, " it ſhall bring twenty talents ;" and accord-
ingly ſent it with twenty talents to the orator's houſe. De-
mofthenes was next day to have appeared againſt him before the
affembly of the people; but the gold cup having ſhewn him
the cauſe in a different light, he excufed himſelf upon pre-
tence of a fudden cold.
So coarſe and fhameleſs a traffic almoſt exceeds belief,
and argues an indelicacy, fuch as we can hardly ſuppoſe an
Athenian would have been guilty of, much leſs a Demof-
thenes, who had an exalted character to maintain, and who
muſt have known the difficulty of concealing fuch a tranfac-
tion from public obfervation. The conduct of ſuch a man
muſt, in policy, have been more guarded, had he even been
capable of the meanneſs to fell himſelf to Harpalus.
BUT not only is this whole narrative highly improbable ;
there is direct proof from Paufanias', that the accufa-
tion was altogether the device of malice. Harpalus fled
from Athens to Crete, where he was flain by his own fer-
vants;
and his principal manager having fallen into the
7 See Paufan. in Corinthiacis, p. 76.
U
hands
!
1.4.6
HISTORY OF GREECE
#
Book II. hands of Philoxenus, he compelled him by torture to in-
Sect. I.
form againſt thofe Athenians who had received bribes from
Harpalus. From his confeffion, which Philoxenus himſelf
atteſted, appeared the innocence of Demofthenes. Philoxe-
nus was a naval officer in the fervice of Alexander, who
had a perfonal enmity to Demofthenes. His teftimony,
therefore, deferves the fulleft credit .
who promot
ed the charge,
and with
what views.
ANTIPATER was too experienced a politician to appear
avowedly in this profecution; it is, however, easy to judge
at whoſe inſtance, and by whofe intrigues, it was carried on.
And it muſt be acknowledged, the artifice was well adapted
to the purpoſe. To have attacked Demofthenes for what
was really his crime in the eyes of the Macedonians, "his.
"unalterable zeal for the liberties of his country," had been.
invidious even in the prefent fituation of things. But, to
impeach his integrity; to fhew to Athens, that the man
who was her pride had a corrupted heart, and that his
boaſted fuperiority of virtue was nothing more than a greater.
depth of hypocrify; was injuring the cauſe, of which he
was the champion, and, as it were, ftriking at Athenian.
patriotiſm through the fides of Demofthenes. The ſcheme.
was worthy of Antipater; and fo dangerous are the wounds.
of calumny, that to this day this great man is ſpoken.
& Even Plutarch's account fupplies us with evidence in behalf of Demofthenes.
From that hiſtorian's own confeffion, Demofthenes appears to have been the very
perſon who moved for an order that the affair fhould be brought before the court
of Areopagus, and all perfons puniſhed, who ſhould be found guilty of having
taken bribes. Plut. in Demofthene. Would Demofthenes have done this, had he
been confcious of being himſelf among the guilty ♪
of,
FROM THE ACCESSIÓN ÓF ÁLEXANDER..
>
147
of, by the ſuperficial enquirer, as having fallen a victim to Book II.
his own avarice.
Sect. i.
THE condemnation of Demofthenes affords a melancholy
view of the debaſement, into which the moſt reſpectable of the
tribunals of Athens had been funk by that defpotic power
now poffeffed by Antipater. The decifion of THE CAUSE
OF THE CROWN had happened about two years before this
period; and it will be proper to explain the nature of that
celebrated trial.
the crown.
CTESIPHON had propoſed a decree, by which a golden The cauſe of
crown was to be prefented to Demofthenes for his fervices
to his country, and particularly for having rebuilt fome part
of the Athenian walls at his own expence. Aeſchines, ano-
ther Athenian orator, who had devoted himſelf to the Mace-
donian intereft, had indicted Ctesiphon for this propoſal, al-`
ledging, among other things, that Demofthenes, far from de-
ſerving any honours from his country, was in reality the enemy
of Greece. The complaint againſt Ctesiphon was preferred on
the year of the battle of Chaeronea, a ſeaſon of great humilia-
tion to Athens, and probably chofen by Aefchines and his
party on that account. Demofthenes undertook the defence
of Ctefiphon. But from various incidents, the hearing of the
cauſe was poftponed until' fome months after the final over-
throw of Darius.
THE importance of the queftion, in which the difcuffion
of the claims of Macedon, the independence of Athens,
OLYMP. cxii. 3. BEFORE CHRIST 329. In the Archonſhip of Ariftophon.—
See Palm. Exercit. in Au&t. Graec. p. 656.
}
(
U 2
and,
148
HISTORY OF GREECE
Book II. and, indeed, of every other Grecian ftate, were evidently in-
Sect. I.
volved; together with the great reputation of both, the ora-
tors, excited univerſal attention; and from the remoteft
parts of Greece, multitudes crowded to Athens, to at-
tend the intereſting conteft". The partifans. alfo of Ma-
cedon were `not inactive, and every kind of folicitation was
employed to gain the judges, by whom ſentence was to
be pronounced. Demofthenes, nevertheleſs, proved victo--
rious. And Aeſchines, not having a fifth of the ſuffrages in-
his favour, was,, according to the law in ſuch caſes, feverely.
fined, and upon non-payment obliged to retire into baniſh--
ment. This extraordinary fuccefs, which was in reality the
triumph of liberty over oppreffion, ferves to. fhew, that
Athens was not yet broken to the yoke of bondage.. De-.
mofthenes's performance on this occafion has certainly the
higheſt degree of merit.. Even to us, who have only a
diſtant: and affumed intereft in the matters agitated, it has.
ſuch faſcinating powers, that it is fcarcely poffible to read it,.
without feeling fome portion of what every honeſt Athenian
Whence this muſt have felt on that important day.. His fuccefs, however,、
is not to be altogether aſcribed to the force of his eloquence;
the circumſtances, of, the times. operated alfo in his favour..
Alexander, at that time, was engaged in the remote provinces,
´of Afia, "almoft," ſaid the public voice, "beyond the utmoſt
"limits of the habitable world "," from whence it was not
thought he could ever return: fo that whether Greece was..
different fuc-
cefs.
10
Οσους ουδεὶς πώποτε μέμνη και πρὸς ἀγῶνα δημόσιον παραγενομένους : fays Aefchines
in Ctesiphont. Dubl. 1769, a Stock.-The caufe was heard in the court of Heliáea ;
of which ſee Potter, b. i. c. 21.
με Έξω της άρκτου καὶ οικουμένης ὀλίγον δειν πάσης. Aefch. in Cteâphont.
1
to
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
149
to preſerve or loſe her liberties, was a point not yet decided. Book II.
Sect. 1.
The emiffaries of Macedon could only ſolicit, they could not
dictate. Two years later, perhaps, Demofthenes and Aef-
chines had changed fortunes..
•
!
?
*
DEGRADED as Greece appears now to have been, Alexan-
der thought there was fomething wanting to complete her
humiliation. During the first of his victories in Afia, he
affected to treat the Greeks with moderation. To Athens he
had paid particular regard; whether he reſpected the antient
glories of that illuftrious city, or whether he felt his vanity
intereſted in the judgment. which her writers fhould form
concerning him. The latter confideration had probably moſt
weight. As he was paffing the Hydafpis, in order to at--
tack Porus, "What dangers am I encountering, O Athe-
"nians," was he heard to ſay, " in order to be celebrated by
64 you 12.!" But his fpirit, naturally, imperious, and elevated
by his repeated fucceffes, and the proftrate fervility with
which the Afiatic nations approached him, was now become
impatient of contradiction; and every ftruggle for liberty he
confidered as an infolent invafion of his right of fovereignty.
In most of the Grecian ſtates there had long ſubſiſted a
contention for power, the body of the people claiming the
adminiſtration. of. affairs, and the higher order of citi-
zens. endeavouring to wreft it from them. Whatever
party prevailed, the chief leaders in oppofition were driven
into exile.. This had filled Greece with exiles from almoſt
every city, and their number, at this period, is faid to have
amounted to upwards of twenty thouſand ". Alexander:
13
** Plutarch in Alexand.
13 Diod. Sic. L. xviii. c. 1.
↑
Alexander
affects to dic-
tate to the
Grecian
ftates;
3
quickly
150
OF GREECE
HISTORY
+
ぐ
​BOOK II. quickly faw what advantage might be reaped from this contin-
Sect. I.
gency. If reſtored to their privileges through him, they were
fo many of his creatures, of whofe devotion he might reft affured:
at the ſame time, the convulfions, into which every ſtate would
probably be thrown by the revolutions of power and pro-
perty, which fuch an act of indemnity muſt introduce, would
leave the different commonwealths of Greece at his mercy.
The popular government alfo had been victorious in moſt of
the ſtates; and his undertaking the cauſe of the exiles fur-
niſhed Alexander with the very opportunity he wiſhed for,
of depreffing that party, whofe bold and ungovernable zeal
for freedom rendered them exceedingly obnoxious. Actuated
be restored. by theſe motives, he commanded proclamation to be made at the
Olympic games, "that all the exiles, thoſe excepted who had
"been guilty of atrocious crimes, fhould be forthwith reſtored
→commands
the exiles to
6.4
to their respective cities;" declaring, that whatever cities
refuſed to receive them, fhould be compelled by military
force "
14
THERE is a degree of oppreffion, that will rouſe the moſt
abject. Alexander's pretending to divine honours, had pro-
voked the ridicule " of fome of the Grecian ſtates, and the in-
dignation of others. The Athenians had the courage to fine
one of their citizens for propofing to inrol him among their
gods; and pronounced fentence of death againſt another, who,
*4 Diod. Sic. ub. fup.
R
15 The decree of the Spartans, on this occafion, is memorable, and ſhews what a
fpirited people they ftill were, notwithstanding their late humiliation by the defeat of
Agis: Επειδὴ Αλέξανδρος βουλεται θεὸς εἶναι, έστω θεός ; " Since Alexander will be a
god, let him be a god.”—Aelian. L. ii. c. 19.
when
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
151
nians refuſe
when on an embaffy, had been mean enough to pay him Book II.
divine honours ". Theſe, however, were but the faint Sect. 1.
efforts of a people who had not yet forgotten their days of li-
berty, and no infurrection had followed. But his ufurping a
control over their municipal privileges, the exerciſe of which
was to the Greeks an object of fupreme importance, was
more than they could bear. The Athenians, eſpecially, were The Athe-
fired with indignation; they refuſed to obey; and imme- to obey;
diately diſpatched embaſſadors to all the neighbouring ſtates, and invite the
in order to excite a general infurrection. The Aetolians other ftates to
were warm in the fame caufe, having been lately exafperated
by certain menacing declarations Alexander was faid to have
employed againſt them ". Whilft this ferment was at the
higheft, intelligence arrived, that Alexander was dead. Now Alexander-
it was feen what were the real fentiments of the Greeks.
Moſt of them ran to arms, and, having driven out the friends Infurrection
throughout
of Macedon, haftened to join the Athenians, who had already a Greece.
confiderable force collected under the command of Leofthenes.
join them.
dies.
It was on this occafion that Demofthenes was recalled. Demofthenes
Though in exile, he ftill retained unabated zeal for what is recalled.
** Demades propoſed a law, “ that to the twelve great gods of the Athenian ritual
“Alexander ſhould be added." Incenfed at which infolent propoſal, the people
fined him ten talents, 1,937 l. 10 s. (fays Athenaeus, L. vi. c. 126. p. 251.
Cafaub.) an hundred talents, 19,375 1. (fays Aelian, L. v. c. 12. p. 415.
Grom.) Evagoras, who, when deputed by the Athenians to Alexander, had, in
compliance with the vanity of that prince, worshipped him, they condemned to
death. Athen. ub. fup.
•
17 They had facked the city of the Oeniadae on the Achelous; and Alexander
having been informed of it, "The children of the Oeniadae,” ſaid he, “need not
avenge their cauſe; I will myſelf execute vengeance on the Aetolians."-Plutarch
in Alexand. Diod. Sic. L. xviii. c. I.
9
he
1
152
GREECE ·
HISTORY
OF
1
Book II. he thought to be the cauſe of his country. He attended the
Sect. I.
Athenian embaffadors in their progrefs through Pelopon-
nefus; and by his eloquence prevailed on many of the cities
to unite with Athens in endeavouring to deliver Greece from
the yoke of Macedon. In one of the Arcadian cities he par-
ticularly diftinguiſhed himſelf by his oppofition to Pytheas,
an eminent orator, and a principal inftrument of the Mace-
donian faction; his reply to whom was much celebrated.
"The Athenians," faid Pytheas, may be likened unto
"afs's milk: when brought into any houſe, it is a certain
"indication of fickneſs there; fo, whenever they appear
•
.6
૮૮
""
18
in any city, we may furely pronounce that city to be dif
tempered."- "True," anfwered Demofthenes;
" but as
afs's milk is the reſtorative of health, fo are diftempered
"ſtates reſtored to vigour by Athenian counſels "." This
timely exertion of loyalty, together with the change that
had taken place in the Athenian government, pleaded effec-
tually in his behalf. He was reſtored in the moſt honour-
able manner. A galley was fitted out to fetch him from
Aegina; and as he came from the Piraeus to Athens, the
whole body of citizens, even prieſts and magiſtrates, went
out to meet him, and to congratulate him on his return.
He was ftill liable to the fine, which, by the laws of Athens,
could not be remitted; but they contrived to indemnify him.
They affigned to him the office of preparing and adorning
the altar on the feaſt of Jupiter the Preſerver, with an ap-
pointment of fifty talents, the fum to which his fine
amounted.
Plutarch in Demofthene.
LEOSTHENES
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
1153
Ý
A
against Anti-
and over-
The exulta-
tion of the
Athenians
reproved by
Phocion.
LEOSTHENES had commenced his military operations with Book II.
great fuccefs¹º
He had marched againſt Antipater at the Sect. 1.
head of a numerous army, had defeated him in a pitched Leofthenes
battle, and obliged him to fhut himſelf up in Lamia in marches
Theffaly, of which he had immediately formed the fiege. pater,
Theſe profperous beginnings, elated the Athenians; they had comes him.
already, in their fanguine expectations, driven back the Ma-
cedonians within their antient boundaries; and in a fhort
time, they imagined, Athens was to be raiſed once more to
her former fplendor. Phocion thought otherwiſe. He to
the utmoſt of his power oppoſed the giddy humours of the
people, who, though poffibly victorious at first, he knew, had
neither ſteadineſs` nor ftrength fufficient to maintain a war
of any continuance againſt Macedon. "What will then be
proper time, do you think, for the Athenians to go to
war ?" ſaid one of the popular leaders to him. "When
"the young men," replied Phocion, keep within the
"bounds of order; when the rich are liberal in their con-
"tributions; and the orators ceaſe to rob the ſtate." Even
the prefent flaſh of fuccefs did not mislead his found
judgment. When fucceffive meffengers were arriving with
tidings of farther advantages obtained over the enemy ;
"when ſhall we have done conquering ?" faid Phocion 2.
"the
xc
"C
20
flain,
He was juſtified by the event. Leofthenes having fallen Leofthenes
before Lamia, the Athenians continued the war under the
command of Antiphilus, and even defeated and killed Leon-
natus, who had marched to the affiftance of Antipater. But
here ended their good fortune. Antipater contrived to get
19 Diod. Sic. L. xviii. c. I, 2.
20 Plutarch in Phocione.
X
out
}
* 54
HISTORY OF GREECE
3
ter victori-
gus.
Book II. out of Lamia; and Craterus, who had charge of con-
Sect. I.
ducting the Macedonian veterans back to Europe, at the time
of Alexander's death, having received advice in Cilicia of the
difficulties of Antipater, haftened to his affiftance, and, join-
ing forces with him, advanced to Cranon, a town in Theffaly,
and Antipa- attacked the Greeks, and worſted them. What the unprof-
perous iffue of this battle begun, the intrigues of Antipater
completed. The Grecian confederacy crumbled to pieces, every
ſtate making terms for itſelf, and leaving the Athenians to
provide, as they could, for their own fecurity. Having there-
fore no enemy to oppoſe them, the Macedonian generals di-
The Atheni- rected their march towards Athens. Arrogant as the Athe-
ans fubmit to nians had been when victorious, much more were they
Antipater,
depreffed by a reverfe of fortune. They laid afide all thoughts
of defence, and fent deputies to deprecate the wrath of the
conquerors; offering to fubmit to whatever conditions they
fhould be pleafed to impofe. Demofthenes, and Hyperides
another Athenian orator in the fame intereft, were the first vic-
tims demanded. Their faithful and active zeal, in the fervice
of their country, deferved this diſtinction. The other con-
igorous con- ditions were not lefs humiliating: the Democracy was to
be abolished; the obnoxious were to forfeit their muni-
cipal rights; and the adminiſtration was to be lodged in
the hands of the rich; Athens was to receive a Macedonian
garrifon, and to defray the whole expences of the war.
Phocion, who might juſtly claim fome merit with Anti-
pater, laboured much to fave Athens from the ignominy of
a Macedonian garrifon; but the victor, oppreffive and relent-
lefs in his nature, was not to be foftened. Plutarch informs.
us, that by this treaty upwards of twelve thouſand Athe-
nians were disfranchiſed, moſt of whom were afterwards re-
moved
who impofes
ditions.
}
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
155
*
}
moved to Thrace, the Siberia of Greece, where they had Book II.
Sect. 1.
lands affigned to them".
I
Alies to Ca-
DEMOSTHENES, knowing what treatment his ftrenuous Demofthenes
efforts for liberty might expect, had left Athens, upon the lauria,
approach of Antipater, and fled to Calauria, a ſmall iſland
oppoſite to Troezene, where he took refuge in a temple of
Neptune, to whom the iſland was particularly facred: but
Antipater having diſpatched meffengers thither, they beſet
the temple, and ſeemed difpofed not to pay regard to any
fanctuary. In this emergency Demofthenes fwallowed poi-
fon, which he had provided for the occafion, and expired and dies.
before the altar of the god,
22
death.
SUCH was the cataſtrophe of Demofthenes, according to Different ac
general tradition. But Plutarch tells us, that Democharis, counts of his
who attended him in his laſt moments, affirmed that his fud-
den death was not by any procurement of his own, but al-
together owing to a decay of nature (rendered, probably,
more rapid by the anguiſh, which, in the preſent ſituation
of affairs, he muſt have felt for himſelf and for his country).
"A gracious Providence," faid Democharis," fnatched him
66 away
from the cruelty of the Macedonians."
of Athens,
Ir deferves notice, that when Athens loft Demofthenes, Abafement
her ſpirit for liberty ſeems to have finally expired; her an-
nals from this period being remarkable for little more than
the fervile adulation, with which the fawned on the ſeveral
tyrants that ruled over her. After Antipater, his fon Caf-
21 Diod. Sic. ub. fup. Plutarch in Phocione et Demofthene.
mofthene.
X 2
£2 In De-
fander
{
156
HISTORY OF GREECE
{
1
23.
Book II. fander held her in fubjection. He was difpoffeffed by Ari-
Sect: 1. daeus and Polyperchon; and fo wretchedly bafe were the
Athenians grown, that, to pleaſe their new mafters, they
condemned to death the excellent Phocion "; merely becauſe
he had been in favour with Caffander and his father. The
fame degenerated character the Athenians appear to have
retained through the various revolutions that followed, the
irruption of the Gauls excepted. On that occafion, ſome
portion of their antient vigour revived; but, the danger over,
they foon relapſed. There was no government, however
oppreffive, to which they did not tamely ſubmit, nor any go-
vernor, however profligate, whoſe great virtues they were not
ready to extol; transferring their homage from tyrant to
tyrant, during all the viciffitudes of power.
WE fhall find frequent inftances of this fervility in the
hiſtory of the Macedonian princes, with whofe affairs thofe
of the Athenians will generally be found connected; their
tranſactions from this time being too inconfiderable to have
a particular place affigned to them.
We now pass over to Afia, to view the changes of the
Macedonian empire in that quarter from the period of Alex-
ander's death.
23 Diod. Sic. L. xviii. c. 5. Plut. in Phocione.
A
#
*
}
+
BOOK
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER..
157
*
}
BOO K
II.
SECTION II.
S
CONTENTS.
General fate of affairs in Afia, from Alexander's death to the
battle of Ipfus- Alexander's generals deftroy his family—and
divide his dominions among themſelves—Antigonus, and De-
metrius his fon, kings of Syria-provoke the other chiefs by
their haughty and ambitious claims-are defeated at Ipfus
Antigonus is flain-Demetrius faves himself by flight-is
Stripped of most of his dominions-endeavours to recover them—
in vain—is forced to yield himſelf a priſoner to Seleucus—dies
in confinement—bis, character—and various fortunes.
T
Sect. 2.
Intereſted
fucceffors,
HE death of Alexander offered a wide field to the Book II.
ambition of the ſeveral commanders who had ferved
under him'. He had left no fon who might fill the throne; the
incapacity of his brother Aridaeus was generally admitted;
and his laſt words ſeemed to open the fucceffion to the
pre
tenfions of every claimant. Theſe were flattering circum-
{
* See Plutarch in Alexand. Diod. Sic. xviii. 2. & feq. Juft. xiii. 1. Paufan.
in Atticis.
views of his
upon Alex-
ander'sdeath.
ſtances,
1-58
HISTORY OF GREECE
1
Sect. 2.
Book II. ftances, to men who faw themſelves at the head of powerful
armies, and invefted with the government of the richeſt pro-
vinces of Afia. Many of them too were reſpectable by their
birth, all of them high in military reputation, and poffeffed
of much treaſure; and they had for fome years moved in a
ſphere not inferior to that of, fovereign princes. Alexander,
in his laſt moments, had delivered his fignet to Perdiccas.
This tacit appointment (for in that light it was confidered by
this general and his dependents) ferved only to mark him out
as an object of envy to the reft; and the moſt certain means
of being fruſtrated in his claims, had been to avow them.
When therefore it was propofed that Aridaeus, and the child
to be born of Roxana, in cafe it proved a fon, ſhould ſhare
the
government, all the competitors, after fome conteſta-
tions of little moment, concurred in the meaſure; not from
defign of this any regard to the memory of their late maſter, but becauſe
appointment. the nominal fovereignty of a fool and an infant left each of
Aridaeus ap-
pointed to the
fovereignty,
together with
the child to
be born of
Roxana:
Artifice of
Perdiccas :
them at liberty to purfue the purpoſes of his ambition.
Aridaeus is, from this period, generally known by the name
of Philip Aridaeus. The foldiers gave him that appellation,
in honour of his father.
PERDICCAS acted the part of an artful politician. He
had at firſt vigorously oppoſed the election of Aridaeus; but,
from the moment he found himſelf unable to prevent it, he
affected to appear devoted to his interefts, and fo effectually
infinuated himſelf into his confidence, that he foon got pof-
feffion of the power of which that weak prince had but the
name; he even contrived, with Aridaeus's approbation, to
deſtroy the very perfons who had appeared moft ftrenu-
7
ous
}
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
159
ous in promoting his election. With a view to fecure the Book II.
favour of the Macedonian foldiery, who retained a ſtrong
Sect. 2.
affection for the family of Philip, he effected the prince's
marriage with Eurydice, the grand-daughter of that monarch,
though he himself had been the murderer of her mo-
ther 3.
Roxana,
whofe new-
now affociat
born fon was
ed in the
Ir foon became neceſſary to unite his interefts with thofe courts the
of Roxana, whofe new-born fon, Alexander, was affociated favour of
in the kingdom with Aridaeus; and the favour of this prin-
cefs was purchaſed by the moſt criminal facrifices to her jea-
louſy and apprehenfions. Statira, the daughter of the unfor- kingdom:
tunate Darius, and wife of Alexander, was put to death, to pleaſe her,
left a child ſhould be born of her, who might one day dif- murders &ta-
pute the throne with the fon of Roxana; and Paryfatis, Sta-
tira's fifter, who had been married to Hephaeftion, fhared.
the fame fate “.
THOUGH Perdiccas now poffeffed the fole adminiftration
of affairs, he had ftill, he thought, much to fear from men
who had lately been his fellow-commanders, and who might
either fupplant him in the royal favour, or raife a party
againſt him in the army. To remove theſe,, therefore,
2 Diod. Sic. L. xviii. c. 1. Juff. L. xiii. c. 4.
tira:
forms the
plan of re-
moving the
great officers
under pre-
from figning them
from court,
3 The mother of Eurydice was called Cynane.. She was daughter of king Philip,
by a lady of Illyricum, and had been difpofed of by him in marriage to Amyntas,
who was fon to his eldeſt brother, and confequently had a prior right to the throne
of Macedon. This princefs was put to death by Perdiccas, on pretence of certain
neaſons of ftate; but in fact, to gratify the wishes of Olympias.
• Plutarch in. Alexand.
}
tence of af-
governments,
too
160
HISTORY OF GREECE
Book II. too near a connection with the court, he cauſed the ſeveral
Sect. 2.
governments and great offices of ſtate to be diſtributed among
them, in the name of the kings. The hereditary kingdom
of Macedon, and the countries dependent on it, together with
all Greece, were affigned to Antipater and Craterus. To
Eumenes, Paphlagonia and Cappadocia. Ptolemy had Egypt.
Antigonus, Phrygia the greater, Lycia, and Pamphylia. Ly-
fimachus, Thrace and the Cherfonefe, with all the adjacent
countries to the Euxine fea. Seleucus was placed at the head
of the royal cavalry. And the others had fimilar appoint-
ments. Perdiccas contented himſelf with the title of cap-
tain of the houſehold troops, whilft, in fact, under the
fanction of the regal authority, all acts of government were
performed by him.
finds himſelf
the dupe of
!
THIS meaſure, though politic in appearance, proved in the
this meaſure: end the deſtruction of its author. While he hoped, by
placing the generals at a diſtance from each other, to have an
opportunity of cruſhing thoſe who were moſt obnoxious to
him, he ſeems to have forgotten, that they were men,
who, with great abilities, had ambition equal to his own;
and that few of them would fail to grafp at a fovereignty,
which their preſent fituation put within their reach. Anti-
gonus was one of the first who diſclaimed all dependence.
Antipater and Craterus prepared to take up arms; and Pto-
lemy had foon eſtabliſhed his power in Egypt, in a manner
attacks Pto- that plainly indicated his afpiring views. Perdiccas deter-
mined to begin by attacking this laft; and, having left
demy..
5 Diod. Sic. Juft, ub, fup.
Juſt.
Eumenes
2
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
161
!
Book II.
Sect. 2.
cefs;
Eumenes to make head againſt Antipater and Craterus, he,
together with the kings, directed his march towards Egypt.
After repeated attempts, however, it was found impracticable without fuc-
to make impreffion on the Egyptian frontier; and the ſoldiers,
diſguſted with ill fuccefs, and exaſperated by the fevere and is flain by his
haughty manners he had affumed, mutinied, and affaffinated
him.
1
7
own foldiers,
Antipater
defeated by
and Craterus
WHILST Perdiccas ' was employed in this expedition, Eu-
menes, who was unalterably true to the intereſts of Perdic-
cas, becauſe he believed them to be the interefts of the fon Eumenes;
and brother of his late royal maſter, had made a vigorous
oppofition to the party of Antipater and Craterus, and de- Craterus
feated them in two engagements, in one of which Craterus
fell.
THIS laft victory was obtained altogether by the artful
management of Eumenes.
Craterus was ſo highly beloved by
the national troops, that, had the Macedonians on the fide of
Eumenes found out they were marching againſt this general,
they had probably gone over to his ftandard. But Eumenes,
who was aware of this circumſtance, carefully concealed the
fact from them; and, when he was to join battle, contrived to
6 OLYMP. cxiv. 3. BEFORE CHRIST 321.
7 It is faid, that he had at firft courted the alliance of Antipater, in order to gain
him over to his ambitious views; but that afterwards, through the management of
Olympias, who hated Antipater and his family, he had been induced to turn his
thoughts to Cleopatra, fifter of Alexander the Great, and widow of the king
Epire. Juft. L. xiii. c. 6.
* See Plutarch in Eumene.
}
flain.
Art employed
by Eumenes
in the obtain-
ing this vic-
tory.
oppoſe
102
HISTORY OF GREECE
Sect. 2.
Book II. oppofe with foreigners alone, that part where Craterus com--
manded. So that the Macedonians had no ſuſpicion of his
being in the field, until he was found expiring.
fidelity to
Alexander's
family:
declared a
public ene-
my:
defeated by
EUMENES, indeed, appears to have been the only one of
the fervants of Alexander, whofe integrity was without re-
proach. Though by birth a Thracian, he had been much
intruſted by that prince, and had ſerved him with fidelity, both
in the army and in the cloſet. After his death, he continued
firmly attached to the princes of his family, whoſe cauſe he
defended with great bravery to the laſt..
As the friend
THIS honourable conduct availed him little.
of Perdiccas, he had, after the murder of that general, been
proclaimed a public enemy. And Antipater having been
elected protector of the kingdom in Perdiccas's ftead, gave.
orders to Antigonus to profecute the war againſt him.
ANTIGONUS gladly received orders, which fo exactly cor-
Antigonus: refponded with his own views.. He immediately prepared to
attack Eumenes, and, by the treachery of one of his officers,
obtained a complete victory over him. Eumenes, neverthe-
lefs, had the ſkill to make this difafter contribute to his
glory. He collected the ſcattered remains of his army;
ftruck off into a road parallel to that by which the enemy
were purſuing him; paffed by them unperceived; returned
to the field of battle; burnt the dead bodies of his foldiers
one pile, and thofe of his officers on another,, covering.
the aſhes of each with a large mount of earth; and then,.
detaching all his fick and wounded, retired with fix hun-.
his fkilful
retreat to the
caſtle of
Nora, where
he baffles An
tigonus:
•
dredi
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
163
dred' choſen men to Nora, a ſtrong caſtle on the borders of Book II.
Sect. 2.
Cappadocia, in which, with no other provifions but corn,
falt, and water, he held out againſt Antigonus a whole
year; and that general found himſelf at laſt under the necef-
fity of allowing him honourable terms.
Ir was during this fiege that he put in practice his me-
morable expedient for keeping his men and horfes in pro-
per exerciſe.
He perceived the inconveniences they were
likely to fuffer from confinement; the whole incloſure being
only about two furlongs in circumference, and moſt of the
ground occupied by buildings. He therefore affigned to the
men the largeſt room in the fort, about twenty-one feet in
length, in which they were obliged every day to uſe the ex-
ercife of walking during a certain portion of time, mending
their pace gradually, until they went at full ſpeed. The
horſes he ſecured by ſtrong halters faſtened to the roof of the
ſtable; and then, raiſing their heads and fore-parts by à pul-
ley, and at the fame time taking care that they ſtood firm on
their hind feet, he made the grooms excite them with the whip
and voice; the horſes bounded on their hind feet, and ſtrain-
ed to get their fore feet to the ground, till they were out of
breath and in a foam; and after their exercife, they had
their barley given to them boiled, that they might the more
eafily digeft it. By this means he provided effectually for
the health of the whole garrifon, and rendered them fit for
ſervice whenever an opportunity for action ſhould offer.
⁹ Seven hundred, fays Plutarch (in Eumene); fix hundred, fays Diodorus,
xviii. 4.
Y 2
MEAN-
manner of ex-
ercifing his
men and
horſes in this
caftle:
164
HISTORY OF GREECE
Book II.
Sect. 2.
isappointed
general for
the kings in
Afia:
ftrengthens
himself:
his attention
to prevent
jealoufies
among his of-
ficers:
MEANWHILE, all was confufion in Macedon. Antipater
was dead, and Polyperchon " who fucceeded him, contrary to
the prudent maxim of his predeceffor, had yielded the reins
of government to Olympias ", whofe violent and vindictive
paffions knew no bounds. The wifeſt meaſure of her admi-
niſtration ſeems to have been employing Eumenes. She
was fully fenfible of his loyalty, and that he was the only
truſty ſervant the royal family had among the Afiatic gover-
nors, to oppoſe to Antigonus, whofe power was becoming
every day more formidable. Letters accordingly were dif
patched, conftituting him general for the kings in Afia.
HE fhewed himſelf worthy of the confidence repofed in him.
Notwithſtanding the fuperior intereft of Antigonus, he took
effectual meaſures for augmenting his forces. By gratifying.
the avarice or the ambition of the principal officers in the
different provinces, he drew many of them over to him.
He had even the art to gain the Argyrafpidae, a veteran
body of Macedonian troops, fo named from their filver
ſhields, who were held in great eſtimation on account of their
gallant atchievements in the late wars, and of the diſtinction
of armour with which Alexander had honoured them.
particularly avoided affecting any fuperiority over men, every
one of whom thought himſelf too great to obey: and, at the
fame time, to preferve order among them, he erected, in
confequence of a dream he pretended to have had, a royal
pavilion, and in the midſt of it a throne, fuch as Alexander
was wont to be feated on, adorned with all the enfigns of
10 OLYMP. CXV. 1. BEFORE CHRIST 319.
Eumene.
He
** Plutarch in Phocione et
.
regal
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
165
1
regal power, around which the officers, when in council, Book II.
ſhould take their places indifcriminately, as if Alexander Sect. 2.
were in perſon among them. By this artifice, he put a stop to
all diſputes concerning precedency, and fuppreffed certain jea-
loufies, which were on the point of breaking out into a flame.
THUS, without any refources but thoſe which his own
fagacity fuggefted, he was enabled to keep the field againſt
Antigonus, and in fome engagements gained advantages over
him.
DURING three years, an undecifive war was carried on
between them. At the end of this period, Antigonus, who
had taken much pains to corrupt. thoſe who ſerved under
Eumenes, and who had intelligence of the diffenfions and
frequent conteſts which prevailed among his principal offi-
cers, determined to attack him in his winter quarters.
Eumenes was apprized of his intention, and prepared to re-
ceive him as he could, with an army feditious, and impatient
of control. But Peuceftus "; who commanded the horſe,
had ſold himſelf to Antigonus: fo that, although Eumenes,
at the head of the infantry, routed the phalanx of the ene-
my, his cavalry was rendered uſeleſs. Antigonus improved
the advantage, and, wheeling round the army of Eumenes, fell
upon the baggage. When the infantry returned therefore from
the field of battle, and ſaw that they had loft every thing,
their wives, their children, the rich plunder they had ac-
quired in the courſe of the Afiatic wars, they were tranf-
ported with rage, not. only againſt the enemy, but againſt
*2 Plutarch in Eumene.
his followers
ed by the in-
trigues of
are corrupt-
Antigonus;
they lofe their
baggage;
5
Eumenes,
166
HISTORY OF GREECE
Book II. Eumenes, in whofe fervice they had fuftained fo great a lofs;
Sect. 2.
and, as if at the mercy of Antigonus, they fent to requeſt
he would reſtore to them what he had taken.
This was
what Antigonus looked for. His answer was, that they ſhould
have all they had loft, with the addition of any farther boon
they ſhould aſk, on condition only of their delivering up
Eumenes, "who," faid he, "is not even a Macedonian, and
"has been declared a public enemy."
fell Eumenes
to Antigo-
nus,
THE Argyrafpidae immediately clofed with the infamous
propofal; they feized their general, pinioned his arms behind
him, and prepared to deliver him up in that fituation to Anti-
gonus. Eumenes earnestly defired that he might be heard; and,
in the moſt affecting manner, reprefented to the foldiers the
folly of their conduct, and the reproach it muſt bring on them,
recapitulating the many watchings and toils he had ſuſtained
for their defence and glory; and beſeeching them, if his fate
was determined, at leaft to inflict the blow with their own
hands, and not commit him to the vengeance of his inveterate
who puts him enemy. But all was in vain. They conducted him in the man-
to death;
ner deſcribed to Antigonus's camp, the minority of the army
lamenting the fate of their illuftrious general. After con-
fining him for ſome days, Antigonus put him to death
13
Ir is worthy of notice, that Antigonus afterwards fhewed
particular favour to thoſe who had remained faithful to Eume-
treats the trai- nes, taking, on the other hand, every opportunity of cutting
off the perfons who had ſhared in the treachery. As to the
Argyrafpidae, he fent their whole body to the extremities
tors with ab-
horrence.
*3 OLYMP. CXVì. 1. BEFORE CHRIST 315.
I
of
1
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
167
1
14
of Afia, into the province of Arachofia **, under pretence of Book II.
keeping the Barbarian nations in awe; but with private Sect. 2.
inſtructions, that they never ſhould be ſuffered to return to
Greece ".
WHILST theſe things were tranfacting in Afia, Olympias Aridaeus and
Eurydice
purſued the moſt fanguine meaſures in Macedon, and had murdered by
cauſed both Philip Aridaeus and his wife Eurydice to be Olympias.
murdered. Aridaeus's death happened fome months before.
that of Eumenes. From that time, the regal dignity and
titles had been confined to Alexander, the fon of Roxana;
but the regency was in the hands of Olympias. We fhall.
have occafion to mention theſe tranſactions more fully in the
hiſtory of Macedonian affairs.
ANTIGONUS had, by the removal of Eumenes, a free Antigonus
career before him; the governors of provinces, who had fupplants the
Afiatic ge-
formerly been hoftile to his interefts, now made their fub- vernors.
miffion, and even permitted their troops to be incorporated
into his army; feveral of them he, nevertheleſs, facrificed
afterwards to his fufpicions or his refentment. One powerful
commander ſtill remained, Seleucus", who held the govern-
ment of Babylon, to which he had been appointed during
the adminiſtration of Antipater. He was the avowed
friend of Antigonus; had rendered him effential ſervices
and ſeemed to have joy in his fuccefs. But Antigonus, in
the pride of victory, could not bear that any man ſhould
hold authority in Afia independent of him. In this fpirit
14 A province of Parthia, near Bactriana.
Diod. Sic. L. xix. c. 3.
15 Plutarch in Eumene.
16 Diod. Sic. L. xix. c. 4.-
1
he
168
HISTORY OF GREECE
Seleucus, go-
vernor of Ba-
bylon, flies to
Egypt.
Book II. he advanced to Babylon, and, notwithſtanding the frank and
Sect. 2. magnificent reception he met with from Seleucus, demand-
ed of him an account of the revenues of his province.
To this, Seleucus, who looked on Antigonus only as his
equal, replied, that the province of Babylon had been con-
ferred on him by the court of Macedon for his fervices; and
that he could not conceive why fuch an account was de-
manded. But immediately after, confidering in what manner
Antigonus had treated other governors, and how unable he
was to refift his power, he, with a ſmall party of horſe,
made his eſcape from Babylon, and fled to Egypt. Anti-
gonus would have purfued him; but Seleucus had been too
expeditious.
Confedera-
cy formed
gonus.
ACCOUNTS of the fucceffes of Antigonus had by this
time been ſpread through all the neighbouring countries ;
and Ptolemy, finding the report confirmed by Seleucus, en-
against Anti- gaged Lyfimachus and Caffander to enter into a confederacy
with him for their mutual defence, and to endeavour to ſtop
the progreſs of this enterprizing chief. Caffander, though
after Antipater's death in great danger from Olympias and
her party, from whofe violence he was obliged to take re-
fuge in Afia, had now re-eſtabliſhed his affairs in Greece.
Antigonus
invades Coe-
lefyria and
Phoenicia,
and takes
Tyre;
ANTIGONUS was not intimidated. Instead of waiting till
his enemies ſhould attack him, he reſolved to begin by affail-
ing them. Entering therefore the provinces of Coelefyria and
Phoenicia, he reduced a confiderable part of them; and,
having in the courfe of this expedition experienced much
diſtreſs from the want of a fleet, undifmayed by the diffi-
culty
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
169
:
1
culty of the undertaking, he fet about building veffels of Book II.
his own, and before the end of fummer, had fitted out five Sect. 2.
hundred ſhips of war.
fiege to it, and took
months.
With theſe he failed to Tyre, laid
it, after a refiftance of feveral
WHILST he was thus employed, Caffander had made a
deſcent on the coafts of the Lower Afia, which obliged Anti-
gonus to haften thither.
17
feated at Ga-
za ¡
PTOLEMY alſo had advanced from Egypt to Gaza, at the his army de-
head of a formidable army; and having attacked Demetrius
whom his father Antigonus had left to command in his ab-
fence, defeated him ", and forced him to abandon the pro-
vinces lately conquered. Demetrius, however, foon wiped but is foon
off the diſgrace of this overthrow by a ſignal victory obtained victorious.
over Cilles, one of Ptolemy's generals, in Upper Syria; and,
being afterwards joined by Antigonus, recovered Coelefyria
and Phoenicia. The reduction or the loſs of theſe frontier
provinces ſeems, from theſe frequent revolutions, to have
been a matter of little confequence; their fate, fome few
places of ſtrength excepted, depending on the iffue of a
battle.
tains fuc-
cours from
NOTWITHSTANDING this turn of affairs in favour of An- Seleucus ob-
tigonus, the battle of Gaza proved exceedingly fatal to his
intereſts, as it enabled Ptolemy to grant fuccours to Seleu- Ptolemy:
cus; with which, though inconfiderable, the latter imme-
17 OLYMP. cxvi. 3. BEFORE CHRIST 313.
Diod. Sic. L. xix. c. 6.
Z
18 Plutarch in Demetrio.
diately
A
170
HISTORY OF GREECE
1
}
The
Book II. diately marched to attempt the recovery of Babylon.
Sect. 2. fuccefs which attended this expedition, gives us an high.
idea of his refolution, and his abilities for war, as well as of
his capacity for government. Not deterred by the fuperior
power of Antigonus, and the numerous parties that might
be expected to oppofe his progrefs, with only about thirteen
hundred men he penetrated through all that extent of country,.
returns to Ba- which ftretches from the coaft of Phoenicia to Babylon: the
bylon,
farther he advanced, the more friends he found; and approach-
ing the city, the whole body of the inhabitants came out to
meet him, and to welcome his return. with joyful acclama-
tions 19. So much had the lenity of his adminiſtration, dur-
ing his former government, endeared him to theſe Afiatic
and retains
poffeffion of
t.
The war
rages
throughout
Greece and
Afia.
nations.
&
FROM this time, the fortunes of Seleucus flouriſhed. Soon.
after his return,, he defeated Nicanor, governor of Media ;;
whom he flew in a fecond engagement; and not only reduced
the diſtrict of Babylon, but Media alſo and Sufiana, and by
degrees many more of the adjacent provinces.. Demetrius,
indeed, got poffeffion of Babylon again, whilſt Seleucus was,
abfent on an expedition into Media, yet he found it im-
poffible to hold it.
And neither his father nor he could ever
afterwards difpoffefs Seleucus of that government..
THE war between, Antigonus and the confederates con-
tinued, however, to, rage through moſt of the countries un--
der the Macedonian empire. In one part of Greece, the.
Aetolians and Epirots, either in league with Antigonus, or:
\
19 OLYMP. cxvii. 1. BEFORE CHRIST 311:
?
1
encouraged
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER,
171
encouraged by his intrigues, were up in arms. In the Book II.
other parts of it, his creatures and emiffaries were bufy in Sect. 2.
ruining the power of Caffander. Under pretence of ſup-
porting the cauſe of liberty, they excited difaffection and
revolt; and prepared the way, upon the firſt opportunity,
for a total revolution. Ptolemy had carried the war into
the Lower Afia, where he had made confiderable conqueſts.
At the fame time his fleets were employed in reducing
fuch of the Aegean iſlands as were in the intereſt of
Antigonus; whilſt the provinces that lay on the Hellefpont
and the Bofphorus were expofed to the depredations of
Lyfimachus and Caffander; the one from Macedon, the
other from Thrace, committing repeated ravages. Thefe The ability
ſeveral enemies Antigonus oppoſed with a vigour that might Antigonus
almoſt be deemed incredible. Notwithſtanding the extent various ene-
oppoſed his
of the ſcene of operations, he attended to every part; he mies.
was aware of every danger. Defeated in one attempt, he
immediately formed a new enterprize; and whatever he loft
in one engagement, he generally foon recovered in an-
other.
with which
peace.
In the mean time, a ceffation of hoftilities was frequently obftructions
propofed, and terms of accommodation feemed often to be in the way of
nearly agreed upon; but theſe treaties either were not con-
cluded, or were of ſhort continuance. It were fuperfluous
to mention them particularly. There is indeed reafon to
believe, that the overtures of peace were nothing more than
- mere political ſemblances, and arts to gain time. A deep-
rooted jealouſy poffeffed every one of theſe ambitious princes,
which was not to be removed but by the extermination of
their rivals
}
2
Z 20
IT
172
HISTORY OF GREECE
the ſeveral
chiefs.
BOOK II. It is obferved by hiſtorians, that, when theſe chiefs were
Sect. 2.
negotiating any treaty of peace, mention was always made
that the feveral provinees, to which they laid claim, were
only to be held in truft for the young king Alexander. But
even this thin veil to their ambitious views was foon to drop::
Falfhood of for it became difficult for them longer to pretend regard for
a royal family, whoſe blood they were fhedding in every place
without remorse. Olympias, Alexander's mother, had been ſome
time before this period murdered by Caffander 20; Cleopatra ",
his fifter, had lately been deftroyed by Antigonus 2. The
young king himſelf, whofe name they affected. to uſe in their
public acts, was not confidered as fuch by any of them.
It
was well known that Caffander, as ſoon as he had poffeffed
himſelf of Macedon, had impriſoned Roxana and her ſon; not
ſuffering the young prince to retain even the pageantry of
royalty, but commanding that he ſhould thenceforth be
treated as a private perfon. It was eafy to conjecture, what
Caffander's farther intentions were.
And accordingly, in a
fhort time, both the king and his mother were put to death
by his directions 23.. About two years after his death, Her-
cules, the fon of Alexander by Barfine, the daughter of Ar-.
tabazus, the only remaining prince of the royal line of Ma-
29 Diod. Sic. L. xix. c. 3. Juft. L. xiv. c. 6.
L. xx. c. 2.
21 Diod. Sic..
22 We have mentioned her already. She refided at Sardis, where Antigonus had
her ſtrictly obſerved. But finding, or pretending to have found, that ſhe meant to
efcape to Ptolemy, who had at this time invaded the Lower Afia, he caufed her to be:
put to death; though afterwards he endeavoured to caft the odium of this execution>
on thoſe, who had been only the miniſters of his orders; and he honoured her remains .
with a ſumptuous funeral.
23 QLYMP. cxvii, 2. BEFORE CHRIST 310
Redan,
{
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
173
cedon, was, at the inftigation of Caffander alfo, murdered in a Book II.
Sect. 2.
like perfidious manner 24.
defeats the
fleet, and
takes Cy-
prus.
It was high time, therefore, to throw off a diſguife, which Demetrius
it was now ridiculous to ufe. Antigonus led the way.
way. His Egyptian
fon Demetrius had made a powerful impreffion on Greece,
and taken Athens. From thence he had paffed over to Cy-
prus, and had reduced the whole ifland; he had alfo beaten
the Egyp.ian fleet commanded by Ptolemy; a victory the
more ſplendid, as the Egyptians were then eſteemed one of the
firſt nations of the world, for ſkill in naval affairs. When Antigonus
tidings therefore were brought to Antigonus, that Ptolemy trius faluted
was defeated, and Cyprus taken, the old man was fo much kings.
elated that he immediately gave orders that he and his fon
fhould be faluted kings of Syria "..
25
THE example was foon followed by Seleucus and Lyfima-
chus. Ptolemy for the preſent declined the honours of
royalty, which his fubjects preffed him to accept. Mortified
by his late defeat, he chofe to wait till he could be exalted
to the rank of king with more fplendor. Caffander alfo affected
not to affume the regal title himſelf, though he was not dif
pleaſed that others ſhould uſe it in their addreſſes to him.
and Deme-
Seleucus and
Lyfimachus
affume alfo
the regal.
title.
THE royal diadem. did not infpire Demetrius and his
father with moderate views. They now talked of nothing Antigonus
leſs than annexing to Syria whatever kingdoms Alexander had
lately held, and actually prepared for the conqueft of Egypt.
and Demea
trius prepare
to invade.
Egypt;
2* Diod. Sic. L. xx. c. 21
25 OLYMP. CXviii. 2. BEFORE CHRIST 306.
Antigonus
5x
174
1
HISTORY OF GREECE
}
Book II. Antigonus put himſelf at the head of the land forces, and
Sect. 2.
Demetrius commanded the fleet. They found, however, that
their mighty purpoſes were not to be eafily effected. On the
Phoenician coaft they met with a ftorm, which deſtroyed or
diſabled moſt of their fhips. Their land-troops had not bet-
ter fuccefs. From Gaza to Egypt they were to paſs through
defarts. After a painful march of ten days, and after con-
tending with all the difpiriting circumſtances of that hot and
fultry climate, they at length reached the Egyptian fron-
tier; there they found new and greater difficulties; their fleet
was miferably ſhattered; the entrances into Egypt were effec-
tually ſhut againſt them; even the mouths of the Nile were
fecured, and the whole coaft lined with troops, difpofed in
the moſt judicious manner. Ptolemy befides had a ſtrong naval
force at fea, and an army of obſervation on land; and had
ſpread difaffection and diſtruſt among the Syrians, by offering
large rewards to all who should come over to him.
are repulfed.
Ptolemy ac-
cepts the re-
t
gal title.
ANTIGONUS foon perceived his perilous fituation, and
haſtened back with the remainder of his fleet and army as ex-
peditiouſly as he could.
It was on this occafion that Ptolemy, who now accounted
himſelf firmly eſtabliſhed on the throne of Egypt, permitted
the title of king", which he had hitherto refuſed, to be given
to him 27.
2
}
*To
26 OLYMP. cxviii. 4. BEFORE Christ 304.
37 Diodorus Siculus (xx. 3.) and Plutarch (in Demetrio) fuppofe Ptolemy to have
taken the title of king two years before this, at the fame time with Antigonus; and
Plutarch
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
175
}
lays fege to
To reſtore reputation to his arms, which had fuffered Book II.
much diſgrace in the late expedition, Antigonus judged it Sect. 2.
neceffary that ſome fignal enterpriſe fhould immediately be Demetrius
attempted. It was accordingly determined, that Demetrius Rhodes,
fhould undertake the conqueft of Rhodes. The Rhodians
were a people famed for their prowefs and naval fkill; and
from their extenfive commerce, as well as from the fertility
of their foil, they derived great opulence. Such a conqueft,
therefore, bringing with it an equal acceffion of wealth and
power, could not fail to render Syria more formidable than
ever. The Rhodians had diſtinguiſhed themſelves by the
part they had lately taken in favour of Ptolemy; ſo that
there was a pretence of injuries, for which fatisfaction might
be demanded..
N
DEMETRIUS having made the neceffary preparations, landed.
on the iſland, and laid fiege to the capital city..
Of all the princes of his time, Demetrius is faid to have been.
the first in military abilities; he was particularly expert in the
conduct of fieges, and had himſelf contrived a number of
machines of fingular conftruction, and of amazing efficacy;
on which account he got the name of Poliorcetes, the former
of cities. All his ſkill ſeems to have been employed on this oc-
Plutarch tells us, that the Egyptians prevailed on him to affume it upon his return
from Cyprus, that he might not appear difpirited with his late defeat." But
from Ptolemy's Chronological Canon it is evident, that his reign is only to be com-
puted from this date (the 4th year of the 118th Olympiad) when he was now firmly
fettled on the throne, nineteen years after Alexander's death. Probably, the affec-
tionate attachment of the Egyptians to this prince might have prompted them to give
him the title at the time Diodorus and Plutarch mention; but Ptolemy himſelf was
unwilling to affume it, until this difperfion of his enemies relieved him from all far-
ther apprehenfions.
cafion;
176
HISTORY OF GREECE
1
{
cefs
Book II. cafion; but, by the indefatigable perfeverance and valour of
Sect. 2.
the Rhodians, by the advantages they derived from their nu-
without fuc- merous fleets, and by the large fupplies of men and ſtores of
every kind furniſhed by moſt of the Grecian ſtates, but prin-
cipally by Ptolemy, who exerted himſelf remarkably in their
behalf, he was baffled in every attempt.
WHAT difcouraged him moſt, was the failure of his Hele-
polis, or City-taker; a machine fo called from it's powerful
operation. It is defcribed as a moveable tower, framed of
timber exceedingly ſtrong, and girt with plates of iron;
of a height fufficient to command the walls of the beſieged
city, and leffening gradually, fo that the top was much
narrower than the bafe; the infide was divided into floors
open towards the enemy, each of which was filled with com-
batants, and a number of machines for the diſcharge of various
his powerful kinds of miffive weapons; it was covered principally with
raw hides, and on the top was a layer of mud, that the
enemy might not have it in their power to fet it on fire.
It moved on wheels, or rather cafters, by means of which its
operations could be varied with lefs difficulty.
machines;
is difap-
pointed in
their effects;
DEMETRIUS had prepared one of theſe engines, the moſt
formidable, ſay hiſtorians, that had ever been ſeen.
We may
judge of its weight, and the force with which it was impelled,
from the number of men employed to move it. They amount-
ed, Diodorus 25 tells us, to three thouſand four hundred of the
ſtrongeſt that could be found. A Rhodian undertook to ren-
der this vaſt machine uſeleſs. Unobferved by the enemy, hẹ
28
28 Diod. Sic. L. xx. c. 5.]
contrived
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
177
1
}
}
contrived to undermine the ground over which it was to Book II.
pafs; and the Helepolis having funk into the earth, could Sect. 2.
never, from it's enormous weight, be raiſed again ". The
fiege had now lafted a whole year, and the vigour of the be-
fieged had not in the leaft degree abated. Such unexpected
refiſtance difpofed Demetrius to yield to the folicitations of
the ſtates of Greece, who had all been earneſt in their me-
diation in favour of the Rhodians: and the affairs of that
country alſo afforded him a plaufible pretence for abandon-
ing his prefent enterpriſe. Urgent reprefentations had been
made to him of the oppreffions of Caffander, and of the
diſtreſſed ſtate of Athens, which was in danger of falling
into his hands; Demetrius refolved to attempt the relief of raifes the
that city, and concluded a treaty of peace with the people fiege, and
of Rhodes. His engines of war he alſo preſented them with; with the
the value of which was fo confiderable, that from the fale
of them they were enabled to raiſe their famed Coloffus, or
brazen ſtatue of the fun, which, from it's extraordinary fize,
has been ranked among the wonders of the world.
makes peace
Rhodians.
The grati-
Rhodians to
tude of the
It was on account of the important fervices performed
by Ptolemy to the Rhodians during this fiege, that they
gave him the name of Soter, the Deliverer, by which he is Ptolemy.
known in hiſtory. They alfo erected a number of ſtatues to
him; and, in the excefs of their gratitude, are faid to have
even paid him divine honours 3º.
29 Vegetius de re militari.
30
30 They fent, Diodorus fays (xx. 5.) to inquire of the oracle of Hammon, whether
they ſhould worſhip Ptolemy as a god. In the prefent fituation of affairs, we may
eafily judge what the oracle pronounced. And accordingly a grove encompaffed
with a ftately gallery was confecrated to him.
A a
THE
1
HISTORY OF GREECE
178
BOOK II.
Sect. 2.
The painter
Protogenes.
?
THE fiege of Rhodes has been alſo rendered memorable by
a circumſtance related of Protogenes, one of the moſt emi-
nent painters of Greece. He was at this time employed in
painting his Jalyfus (a fabulous hero, faid to be the founder
of the Rhodian people) a piece eſteemed one of the wonders
of antiquity. His houfe was in the fuburbs; and, as if in-
fenfible of the din of war, he calmly continued his work
whilft Demetrius's troops were carrying on their operations on
every fide of him. Demetrius, amazed at his apparent intre-
pidity,, aſked him why he did not, like others, retire to a place
of greater ſafety; "Princes like you," replied the painter,
"never war againſt the arts." The prince, who was him-
felf a perſon of high accompliſhments, and naturally generous,
was ſo well pleaſed with the anſwer, that he appointed. a.
guard for his protection.
ONE of the moſt admired figures in this piece was a
dog, which had coſt the painter immenfe labour, without his
being able to expreſs the idea he had conceived. He meant
to repreſent the animal in a panting attitude, foaming, ſo that
the foam fhould appear actually to iffue from his mouth.
After retouching it frequently, and ſtill without fuccefs, he at
laſt, in the rage of diſappointment, darted at the picture the
fponge, with which he uſed to wipe off his colours; and
"chance," fays Pliny ", " accompliſhed what art had not the
power to perform." In the fame piece was alſo repreſented
a thrush on the top of a column, ſo admirably well executed,
that, when the picture was expoſed to public view, certain bird-
catchers with thruſhes, having ftopt to admire it, the birds,
31. L. xxxvii. c. 1Q.
miſtaking
R
}
f
}
1
?
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
$79
miſtaking the painted bird for a real one, began to fing Book II.
to it.
WHEN Apelles" faw this picture, he was ſo tranſported, it
is ſaid, with admiration, that his ſpeech failed him; and upon
recovering from his aſtoniſhment, he exclaimed, " prodigious
"""work!" "wonderful performance !-however,” added he,
* it has not all the graces the world admires in my works.”
If the anecdote is true, this laft obfervation, apparently the
language of envy, proves, perhaps more ſtrongly than the
moſt laviſh praiſes, the extraordinary merit of the piece.
Sect. 2.
forces Caf
fander to
raiſe the
fiege of
Athens;
DEMETRIUS's expedition into Greece was attended with Demetrius
better fuccefs than he had of late met with. Caffander had
inveſted Athens; Demetrius forced him to raiſe the ſiege, and,
taking advantage of the broken condition of his army, preffed
him with fuch vigour, that he was under the neceffity of
abandoning all he held to the fouthward of Theffaly, and of
withdrawing his troops into Macedon. Even his retreat he
effected with difficulty"; Demetrius having attacked him in
his march, and obliged him to confult his fafety by a preci-
pitate flight.
Greece.
THE reduction of the greater part of Greece immediately reduces all
followed; not only the feveral cities from the ſtreights of
Thermopylae to the ifthmus of Corinth, but alſo moſt of
thoſe of Peloponnefus, fubmitted to Demetrius; the Mace-
donian garrisons having evacuated all the places of which
they were in poffeffion. He now ſaw his
power exceedingly
'♪ Plutarch in Demetrio.
c.5.
aa Plut. in Demetrio. Diod. Sic. L. xx. c. 5.
!
Да
A a 2
augmented,
1
1
2
18a
HISTORY OF GREECE.
1
Sect. 2.
Book II. augmented, while at the fame time he enjoyed the glory of be--
ing confidered as the reſtorer of the liberties of an oppreſſed people..
And, that no honours might be wanting, the folemn convention
of the Grecian ſtates at the isthmus proclaimed him general of
all Greece, as Philip and Alexander had formerly been..
receives
high honours
from the
Grecian
ftates;
vain.
+
THIS flow of proſperity, hiſtorians obferve, proved the
ruin of Demetrius. He had now. no enemy, near him. And,
becomes vo- naturally difpofed to the purſuit of pleaſure, he was but too
luptuous and ▾
much encouraged to it by the effeminate manners of the.
Greeks; who, on their part, to teſtify their gratitude. to. their
protector, fought every opportunity of adminiftering to his
amuſement and gratification. The Athenian orators, in par-
ticular, contributed much to corrupt his mind. They offered:
him the moſt fulfome adulations.. They made him almoſt.
forget he was a man
Infolence of
Antigonus.
The alliance
34
THIS change of fortune had likewife it's influence on
Antigonus, and greatly encreaſed the arrogance which had,
always marked his character. He fcrupled not even to avow.
his hopes of eſtabliſhing his power on the ruins of that of all ·
the other princes. And, inftead of taking this opportunity of.
concluding an advantageous peace with Caffander, who con-
defcended to aſk it in the moſt ſuppliant language, he requir-
ed him to fubmit at difcretion, and to leave the kingdom of
Macedon entirely at his difpofal.
CASSANDER applied to the confederate. princes; and they,.,
kings against willing to humble a pride, from which they themſelves had
of the other
Antigonus
and his fon.
* Plut. ub. fup. See more at large the exceffive flatteries of the Athenians to
Demetrius, in Book iii. Sect. 1. of this work.
1
7
much
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
181
1
*
much to fear, refolved to employ their moſt vigorous efforts Book II.
againſt Antigonus and his ſon, and, if poffible, to try the iſſue Sect. 2.
of a general engagement. Accordingly Seleucus began to
move from Babylon, as did Lyfimachus from Thrace; and
theſe princes, having received confiderable reinforcements both
from Macedon and from Egypt, advanced, after fome opera--
tions of little importance, into the province of Phrygia, where
Antigonus and Demetrius.. were preparing to meet them..
Near to Ipfus, an inconfiderable town.in this province, the Battle of
battle was fought, which terminated the empire and life of Ipfus..
Antigonus": The Syrians were totally defeated, and Deme--
trius made his eſcape with only nine thousand men, out of
above eighty thoufand, of which his army had confifted.. The
victory is ſaid to have been obtained chiefly by the fuperior
addrefs of Seleucus, who took advantage of Demetrius's:
warmth, in purſuing too far a body of the enemy, which.
he had broken.
÷
is flain,
ANTIGONUS was aged eighty-four years when he fell. Antigonu
He appears to have been a prince of great perfonal courage
and abilities in war; but of a ſpirit exceedingly haughty
and imperious. Lefs ambitious, and more moderate in the
uſe of power, he might have ended his days in the peace-
able poffeffion of a rich and mighty kingdom.
WHAT were the latter fortunes. of Demetrius, is an en- Fortunes of
quiry that belongs not to this place. As they are, how- Demetrius:-
ever, much connected with the preceding narrative, it will
not be improper to bring them together into one view.
35 OLYMP. CXX. 1. BEFORE CHRIST 299.
WITH
!
£82
HISTORY OF GREECE
BOOK II.
mittance into
Athens ;
36
WITH the flender remains of his army he retired to the
Sect. 2. fea-coaſt, in order to paſs over to Athens, where his prin-
cipal dependence was He now found how hollow are
is refufed ad- the profeffions of flattery. The Athenians, who had been
extravagant in their praiſes, when he was attended with
victory, refuſed even to receive him into their city, under
pretext of fome late edict, by which they were forbid-
den to admit a crowned head within their walls But
this was not the time for revenge: having, therefore, ob-
tained from them his gallies, together with his queen and
royal retinue, which he had left behind him when he went
laft to Afia; and having vifited certain places in Pelopon-
nefus, in which he ſtill had garrifons, he failed to the coaft
of Thrace, where, to wreak his vengeance on Lyfimachus,
he made defcents on feveral parts, and committed great de-
marries his
daughter
Stratonice to
Seleucus;
plunders the
catle of Cu
inda,
vaſtation:
WHILST he was in this wandering condition, Seleucus,
who had heard much of his daughter Stratonice, reputed
the moſt beautiful woman of her time, fent to demand her in
marriage. Amazed at this turn of fortune in his favour,
Demetrius failed not to avail himſelf of it, and immediately
ſhaped his courſe towards Syria with the princefs. On his
way, having landed in Cilicia for fome refreſhments, and find-
ing the opportunity favourable, he plundered the caſtle of
Cuinda 37, which had formerly belonged to Antigonus,
but was now the property of Pliftarchus, brother to Caſſan-
der, the confederate princes having beſtowed it on him, toge-
ther with the whole province. He then purſued his voy-
,
+
26 Plutarch in Demetrio.
37 See Strab. (Cafaub.) L. xiv. p. 462.
་
}
age
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
183
*
}
A
age, and delivered his daughter to Seleucus; who celebrated Book II.
Sect. 2.
his nuptials in the moft fplendid manner, and entertained
his new father-in-law with much ſhew of regard and confi-
dence, having even prevailed on Ptolemy to give him his
daughter Ptolemais in marriage. On his return, Demetrius
determined to make a fecond deſcent in Cilicia; and finding
it without defence, got entire poffeffion of that province.
Seleucus interpofed, and threatened; but Demetrius would
not refign ſo valuable an acquiſition.
He was now, he imagined, ftrong enough to revenge
himſelf on the Athenians. Paffing over, therefore, into
Greece, he laid clofe fiege to Athens, and reduced it to fuch
extremity, that a modius of wheat (about a peck) was fold
for three hundred drachms 38 Lachares, a turbulent dema-
gogue, had, under the affumed character of champion of the
people, invaded the adminiſtration, and directed all public
meaſures with abfolute fway; and to him were owing the
prefent counfels. Reduced by famine, the Athenians were
and poffeffes
himſelf of
Cilicia ;
-reduces A-
thens
fity,
at laft obliged to furrender at difcretion; and, Lachares his gepero.
having faved himſelf by flight, Demetrius accepted their
fubmiffion, and,. far from puniſhing them for their ingrati-
tude, prefented them with an hundred thouſand meaſures of
wheat, requiring only, that they ſhould receive a garrifon
into their city. Plutarch " relates, on this occafion,, a whim--
fical circumſtance, which ſtrongly marks the turn of genius
both of Demetrius and of the Athenian people. Upon his
entering Athens, he had ordered them to repair to the theatre, and frivelous
and after keeping them for fome time in expectation of their
38
£. 8. 115. 10½ 2
39
39 In Apopthegm.
manners:
'
ལཱ་
A
fate,
184
HISTORY OF GREECE
Book II. fate, he on a fudden made his appearance on the ſtage, de-
Sect. 2.
ſcending from above, in the manner of the players, when re-
prefenting the Pagan divinities; he began to harangue them,
not with anger, but in a ſet ſpeech, filled with foothing ex-
poſtulations and flowers of oratory, in which he was fond
of being thought to excel. In the midft of his angue,
an Athenian ſtarting up, informed him, that the phraſe he
kad juft made ufe of, was incompatible with the purity of
the Attic language:" I give you fifty thouſand meaſures of
"wheat more,” cried Demetrius," in acknowledgement
"of the improvement I have received from that Athenian's
friendly information."
he attacks
and defeats
<<
FROM Athens he marched into Peloponnefus, with a view
the Spartans; to make himſelf maſter alſo of Sparta; and the Spartans, led
on by their king Archidamus, having advanced to oppoſe him,
he attacked them, and obtained a complete victory.
ftripped of
all he held in
Afia;
THE Confequence might have proved fatal to Lacedæmon.
But as the victor was preparing to purſue this fuccefs, his
affairs fuddenly took a different turn. He received advice that
Seleucus and Lyfimachus had difpoffeffed him of all he held
in Afia 4° ; and that Ptolemy had invaded Cyprus, and re-
duced the whole iſland, Salamis excepted, which he was
then befieging. Probably the progreſs of Demetrius in
Greece had awakened the apprehenfions of theſe princes.
40
40 Seleucus, as appears from Plutarch (in Demet.) had offered him a fum of
money for Cilicia; and, upon his refufal, had infifted on having Tyre and Sidon
given up to him.
1
*
J
*
DISCOURAGED
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
185
1
DISCOURAGED by this unexpected reverſe, he had given
up all for loft, when a new and unlooked-for profpect opened
to him.
CASSANDER king of Macedon was dead ", and his two
fons, Antipater and Alexander, had each laid claim to the
kingdom. The former was fupported by Lyfimachus, whoſe
daughter he had married; and the latter applied to Deme-
trius, who haftened to his affiftance. But having, in the mean
time, obtained fuccours from Pyrrhus, Alexander would
have declined the interpofition of Demetrius, of whom he
began to entertain fufpicions; and, finding himſelf under
confiderable embarrafiment on that ſcore, intended to get rid
of him by violent means. So, at leaſt, Demetrius wiſhed to
have it underſtood; for, under colour of this conviction, he
cauſed Alexander to be affaffinated at an entertainment to
which he had invited him: and, having then laid before the
Macedonians the perfidious intentions of Alexander, and
the juſt claim he himſelf had to the crown in right of his
wife Philla, daughter to Antipater, he contrived to gain
a party over to his interefts, and got poffeffion of the king-
dom.
He might have held the fceptre of Macedon many years, had
the experience of misfortunes taught him wiſdom. But, inſtead
of endeavouring to repair the waſte and devaſtation which this
unhappy kingdom had fuffered from conftant wars, as foon as he
was ſeated on the throne, he immediately engaged in new mili-
* Juft. L. xvi. c. 1, 2, 3 Plutarch in Demetrio.
B b
tary
Book II.
Sect. 2.
finds himself
in diftrefs;
is invited to
Macedon,
march into
and gets pof-
feffion of the
kingdom;
L
R
186
HISTORY OF GREECE
Sect. 2.
Book II. tary operations on the fide of Greece, on the fide of Aetolia,
on the fide of Epire, on the fide of Thrace. And, at the
fame time, by his profufe luxury, his vanity, and haughti-
nefs, it ſeemed as if he induſtrioufly fought to render his go-
vernment odious. In his dreſs he affected an exceſs. of mag-
nificence nearly theatrical, fuch as no prince who reigned
after him was ever vain enough to imitate *2. His court
was a continued fcene of diffipation and riot; and, though
of free acceſs to the miniſters of his pleafures, he ſcarcely
would fuffer any other of his fubjects, or even the minifters
of foreign ſtates, to approach him. As if this folly had
been too little, either from a restless ambition, or, as fome
writers fay, that the Macedonians might not have leifure to
form defigns againſt him, he maintained formidable arma-
ments both by fea and land, to recover, he pretended, the
dominions which his father and himſelf had formerly pof-
feffed in Afia.
lofes it againt
efcapes
in difguife
to Caffan-
dria;
ALARMED at theſe preparations, and probably folicited
by the Macedonians themſelves, Ptolemy and Lyfimachus
determined to prevent him: the former failed with a power-
ful fleet to invade Greece by fea, the latter entered Macedon on
the fide of Thrace; whilft Pyrrhus, whom they had engaged
in their alliance, advanced from Epirus. Never was Deme-
trius in a more critical fituation: he was encompaſſed by ene-
mies; and the Macedonians, to a man, difaffected, were
He faw no
on the point of declaring againſt him.
ſource left, but to fave himſelf by flight. Having accord-
4ª Plutarch in Demetria.
no re-
1
ingly
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
187
1
ingly put on the habit of a private foldier, he, under that Book II.
Sect. 2.
difguife, quitted the camp, and eſcaped to Caffandria +3
43
He had ſtill hopes that he should find the Athenians again at-
tempts A-
faithful to him, but thoſe days, when misfortunes were thens;
a recommendation at Athens, were long fince paffed. Olym-
piodorus, now the popular leader, perfuaded the citizens to
avail themſelves of the opportunity of ſhaking off a yoke that
diſgraced them; and it was refolved that their gates fhould is refuſed
be ſhut againſt him. Demetrius would have had recourſe to
vindictive meaſures; but the interpofition of the philofopher
Crates, according to fome hiftorians, or, which is more
likely, the want of means, induced him to defift.
admittance;
NOTWITHSTANDING all theſe humiliating events, the
ſpirit of enterprize had not yet forfaken Demetrius. After plans a new
expedition
making what proviſion he could for the fecurity of the few into Afia;
places he ſtill held in Greece, he planned a new expedition,
purpoſing nothing less than to recover the provinces of Lydia
and Caria from Lyfimachus. The whole force he could
mufter, when he left Europe, amounted only to eleven thou-
fand men, all of them, like their leader, of deſperate for-
tunes, and ripe for any adventure. This plan proved as unfuc-
ceſsful as it was rafhly formed. Agathocles, fon to Lyfi-
machus, was prepared to receive him at the head of a ſupe-
rior army; an advantage which he improved with great abi-
lity, carefully avoiding a general engagement, but wafting
the ſmall force Demetrius had brought with him, by fre-
43 Subdued by this overthrow of all her hopes, his wife Philla, in a fit of defpair,
poifoned herſelf.-Plut. in Demetrio.
44 Plut. in Demetrio.
Bb 2
quent
R
1
}
188
Sect. 2.
great diff-
HISTORY OF GREECE
Book II. quent fkirmiſhes, by conftant harraffing, by depriving them
of ſubſiſtence: ſo that at length, after ſhifting his quarters
is involved in from place to place, and having ſeen the greateſt part of his
troops confumed by fatigue and famine, he was forced to re-
treat to Tarfus in Cilicia, which now belonged to Seleucus,
from whence he fent to his fon-in-law, entreating his com-
paffion in the moſt humiliating terms.
culties ;
SELEUCUS was difpofed to afford him ſhelter in his domi-
nions, and to fupply both him and his troops with neceffa-
ries; but his miniſters oppoſed it. They reprefented the
many dangers to be apprehended from a prince like De-
metrius, ambitious, experienced, active, fertile in refources,
is under the and not to be fubdued by misfortunes. Seleucus at laft
furrendering yielded to their remonftrances, and marched againſt him. In
to Seleusus: this fituation Demetrius is faid have done all that valour and
military ſkill could perform. But overpowered, and having
no expedient left, he found himſelf under the neceffity of
furrendering to Seleucus.
neceffity of
SELEUCUS was once more inclined to have acted nobly
towards him. He had even thoughts of bringing him to
his court, and of entertaining him there in royal fplendor..
But his minifters would not permit it; and at laft obtain-
ed of the king, that he ſhould be fent under a ftrong guard.
to a place of ſafety in the Syrian Cherfonefus.. Seleucus,
however, took care, that he fhould have every indulgence,
that could render his captivity lefs irkfome; the ufe of a.
fpacious park; a number of fine horſes; a princely table;
with whatever other amufements he appeared to de-.
fire. But what are theſe without liberty? He lived about.
three
2p
1
>
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
189
**
}
years
Sect. 2.
ends hsdays
three in this ſtate of confinement; and died at laft of Book II.
a diſtemper, brought on partly by the reflections which his
melancholy fituation muſt have ſuggeſted to him, and partly by
excefs in wine, to which he had recourſe in order to drown
recollection.
FROM what Plutarch 45 relates, there is reafon to believe,
that during his captivity he recovered, in a great meafure,
that excellent underſtanding which he had received from
nature. The manner in which he wrote to his fon Anti-
gonus, fpeaks him a better father and a wiſer prince than
from his former conduct we fhould be apt to think him.
He recommended it to him, "to attend eſpecially to the
prefervation of the places he ftill occupied in Greece, and
"not to yield up the poffeffion of any of them to any per-
"fon, or on any pretence whatever; but to look upon him
as dead, and, from that day, not to give credit to any
"letter or order that ſhould come from him, though writ-
"ten with his own hand, and fealed with his
<<
own
in confine-
ment;
his directions
to his fon;
fc
fignet."
duct of Anti-
gonus.
ANTIGONUS, to his honour, employed every folicitation noble con-
in his power to obtain his father's liberty, conjuring the
other kings to interpofe in his behalf, and offering to give
up all his poffeffions, and even his own perfon as a fecu-
rity. But no terms could be accepted. Demetrius was
ſtill too formidable. Lyfimachus, it is faid, offered a vaft.
1
45 Ubi fupra. See his directions at length in Plutarch.
J
fum,
HISTORY OF GREECE
}
Book II. fum, on condition he ſhould be put to death; a propofal
Sect. 2. which Seleucus rejected with indignation **.
Character of
Demetrius ;
46
HAD not Demetrius fuffered the blandiſhments of plea-
fure to prevail over him, he had been the firſt of all the
princes of his time. Poffeffed by nature of uncommon
powers of mind, he had improved them highly by cultiva-
tion. He had, at the fame time, all the advantages that
beauty of his external grace and elegance of form can beftow; and fo ini-
perfon;
mitably beautiful was his countenance, if Plutarch may be
believed, that neither painter nor ftatuary could ever execute
an exact portrait of him; "the animated air of youth being
"blended in him, with the aweful majefty of the hero and
"the king." In his behaviour, the fame happy affociation
appeared. In his hours of leifure, he was a moſt agreeable and
captivating companion; in his entertainments, the moſt ſump-
tuous of princes; yet, when bufinefs called, hardly to be
equalled in activity and application. In addition to all this,
he was brave; of confummate ſkill in military affairs; and,
until corrupted by profperity and adulation, humane and
generous. His affectionate and dutiful attention to his fa-
to his father; ther, in the midſt of all his diffipation, has been alſo juſtly
celebrated by every writer that has mentioned him.
accomplish-
ments;
verfatility;
attachment
generofity in
behalf of
Eumenes,
A
Two remarkable inſtances of his generofity of ſpirit have
been tranſmitted to us by hiſtory. He employed his utmoſt
endeavours to fave the life of Eumenes"; and probably would
46 Demetrius is fuppofed to have died the third year of the 123d Olympiad, or
284 years before Chrift; fo that fifteen years elapfed between the battle of Ipfus
and his death.
47 Plut. in Eumene.
A
have
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
191
+
Sect. 2.
and Mithri-
dates.
have fucceeded, had not his father's minifters impreffed him Book II.
with gloomy apprehenfions of what that gallant chief might
afterwards attempt againſt him. The life of Mithridates, the
fon of Ariobarzanes,, he actually faved". This Mithridates was
a young Afiatic nobleman of unblemished manners, and the
conftant companion of Demetrius. But Antigonus had con-
ceived a jealouſy of him. He dreamed, that he had entered a
fair and fpacious field, and fowed it with filings of gold, from
which in a ſhort time there had ariſen a golden crop; but
that, foon after, returning to vifit it, he found it cut down,
and heard the people ſay, that Mithridates had reaped the
golden harveſt, and had carried it off towards the Euxine fea.
DISTURBED at this dream, he communicated it to Demetri-
us, with his reſolution of deftroying Mithridates; binding, at the
fame time, his fon by an oath, that he ſhould not ſpeak to him
either of the dream or of its confequences. The enfuing day
Mithridates came as ufual to attend the prince in his amuſe-
ments; when, taking an opportunity of drawing him aſide,
Demetrius with the point of his fpear wrote on the ground,
66
Fly, Mithridates." He fled accordingly that night into
Cappadocia; and fate foon accompliſhed for Mithridates the
thing which Antigonus had dreaded; for he conquered a rich
and extenſive country, and founded the family of the Pontic
kings, which continued through eight fucceffions, until it was
at laſt deſtroyed by the Romans "9.
48 Plut. in Demetrio.
49
49 Befides a number of children by other wives and concubines, Demetrius left by
Philla, daughter of Antipater; and widow of Craterus, a fon named Antigonus, af-
terwards king of Macedon, and the famed Stratonice: and by Ptolemais, another.
fon, called Demetrius, of whom. we ſhall have occafion to make mention hereafter.
HISTORY
9
1
HISTORY OF GREECE.
воо к
III.
SECTION I.
CONTENTS.
View of the domestic ftate of the kingdom of Macedon, under
the adminiftration of Antipater-Polyperchon-Caffander—
and Demetrius Poliorcetes-misfortunes-and final overthrow
of Alexander's whole family.
T
Sect. I.
Effects of
reign to Ma-
cedon.
Alexander's
HE reign of Alexander, though accounted the aera of Book III,
glory for the Macedonian people, was far from advanc-
ing the internal happineſs and proſperity of their country.
A nation deprived of the prefence of their fovereign, at a
feafon of life when his activity and vigour of mind might
have been of important benefit; exhaufted' of their moſt va-
luable citizens to repair the waſte of diſtant wars; and diſtract-
ed by that conflict of factions, to which a delegated government
I
It appears from Diod. Sic. xviii. 1. that, when Antipater marched againft
Leofthenes, it was not poffible for him to mufter more than thirteen thoufand foot and
fix hundred horfe. Such, fays the hiftorian, was the ſcarcity of foldiers in Macedon, in
confequence of the frequent draughts to recruit the armies in Afia.
C c
is
}
194
HISTORY OF GREECE
Sect. i.
BOOK III. is generally expofed;, muft ever find much real caufe, amidſt
all the faſcinating glare of conqueft, to lament the boundleſs
ambition of their prince. Such was Macedon during this
boafted period. Whilft the treaſures, which poured in from
every part of Afia, proved no compenfation for thoſe accumu-
lated evils, they corrupted the fimplicity of the Macedonian
manners. And this hardy people, who, under the preffure of
poverty, and the diſadvantages of a rough and confined terri-
tory, had preſerved their independence, now funk into lux-
ury, debility, and ſervitude.
་
Antipater's
character as
a minifter;
ANTIPATER, whom Alexander had appointed to the ad-
miniſtration of Macedonian affairs, appears to have been well
qualified for the ſtation his maſter had affigned to him. He
was to reftrain within their limits thofe fierce borderers, by
whom a confiderable part of Macedon was furrounded: he
was to obſerve the motions, and counteract the deſigns, of the
feveral commonwealths of Greece, who entertained an avowed'
jealoufy of Alexander, and were prepared to feize the firſt op-
portunity of re-afferting their ancient liberties: he was to in-
troduce at home a more abfolute government, and bend the
Macedonians to a fubjection hitherto unknown to them. At
the fame time, he had to ſupport himſelf againſt the intrigues
of fome of the principal of the Macedonian nobles, who be-
held with jealouſy and indignation a man, lately their equal,
now exalted above them; and who were encouraged in
their difaffection by the countenance and artifices of Olym-
pias, the king's mother, a woman of violent temper, fond of
power,
and therefore impatient of the controul which Anti--
pater's authority impoſed upon her.
f
A
ANTIPATER
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
195
↑
*
ANTIPATER poffeffed all the qualifications requifite for Book III.
theſe various purpoſes. To great military abilities he joined Sect. 1.
the fubtilty and referve of the ſtateſman; he was vigilant, vi- his capacity;
gorous, and ſteady; with a firm hand he held the reins of
government, notwithſtanding Olympias's repeated attempts to-
wreft them from him; he fuppreffed every commotion; he
baffled every confederacy; the turbulence of the Macedoni-
ans he awed; the Greeks he humbled; he was implacable
when provoked; and fanguinary in gratifying his reſentments.
His treatment of the two Athenian orators, Demofthenes and
Hyperides, proves how dangerous it was to offend him. It is
affirmed, that he cauſed the tongue of the latter to be cut out,
in revenge for the invectives it had uttered againſt him.
If we confider him as the confidential fervant of a prince,
whofe object was the fubverfion of all liberty, he was an uſe-
`ful miniſter; if as the magiſtrate of a free ſtate, who was
bound to pay regard to the rights of mankind, he was a ty-
rannical and mercilefs oppreffor. Accordingly, both thefe and oppref-
characters he bears in hiſtory, agreeably to the different prin-
ciples of the feveral writers by whom he is mentioned.
fion :
been dif
placed.
He was to have been removed, had Alexander furvived. was to have
It is thought, that the intrigues of Olympias, and her fac-
tion, had at length prevailed, and that his prince began to
ſuſpect him of views inconfiftent with the duty of a ſub-
ject. Perhaps his expreffing too freely his fentiments con-
cerning the execution of Parmenio had reached the king. For
upon hearing the fate of that gallant general, in aftoniſhment
he cried out", "if Parmenio has conſpired againſt his maſter,
2 Plutarch in Apophthegm.
Cc 2
2
"" whom
'
195
HISTORY OF GREECE
Book III.
Sect. I.
His vigorous
oppofition to
the Greek
infurgents;
1
"whom are we to truft? and if he has not, how are we to
"act?" Words pregnant with fo much meaning, had they
come to Alexander's knowledge, would hardly have been for-
given.
WHEN tidings of Alexander's death reached Greece, moft
of it's ſtates, as we have feen, rofe up in arms. Antipater
was not difconcerted. Precarious as his fituation was on the
fide of Macedon, and with numbers far inferior to the
enemy,
he met them in battle, and, though worsted, had the art to
collect together the broken remains of his army, and to poffefs
himſelf of Lamia in Theffaly, a place capable of defence.
Leonnatus, one of Alexander's captains, advanced to his affift-
ance, and was defeated and flain. This incident, however
difaftrous in appearance, Antipater improved likewife to his
advantage. The death of Leonnatus had delivered him from
a rival, of whom he was jealous; he found means to eſcape
from Lamia, whilſt the Greeks were engaged with Leonnatus,
whofe troops having been little more than difperfed, he con-
trived to recover moft of them, and to incorporate them into
his army, by which he was enabled to look the confederates
in the face; whilft Craterus, having in the mean time arrived
from Afia, joined him alfo with confiderable fuccours. This
general was to have fucceeded him in the government of Ma-
cedon: but, as Alexander's appointments had all ceaſed with
his life, Craterus was now contented to fhare the government
with Antipater; who, to attach him more ſtrongly to his in-
terefts, gave him his daughter Philla in marriage, one of the
moſt accompliſhed women of her time. Soon after, was
fought the battle of Cranon, which, as has been already
obferved, proved fatal to Greece, obliging the Athenians
to
1
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
197
to ſurrender their liberties to the Macedonian leaders, and Book III.
Sect. I.
to receive a garriſon from them. The Aetolians, though not
leſs active in promoting the war, obtained peace on eaſier
terms. The bold enterprifes of Perdiccas had by this time
rouſed the jealoufy of the other commanders; and Antipater
haftened to ſettle the affairs of Greece, in order to be at lei-
fure to oppoſe that leader in Afia.
to fucceed
THE fucceeding events were not unfavourable to Antipater's is appointed
fortunes. Craterus having fallen in battle againſt Eumenes, Perdiccas;
he found himſelf again in poffeffion of the whole government
of Macedon. And Pérdiccas, as we have related, being flain
in Egypt, he was appointed regent³, and Philip Aridaeus, and
the young king Alexander, were configned to his protection.
FROM this period the power of Antipater over Grecce and
Macedon was uncontrouled; but this authority in other parts
of the empire was little more than nominal.
WHAT feems most extraordinary in Antipater's conduct, is
the laſt act of his life. On his death-bed he named Poly-
perchon, one of Alexander's captains, but no way diftinguiſhed
by any particular merit, to fucceed him in the government of
Macedon, and to the office of protector; to the excluſion of
his own fon Caffander, whom he only appointed to the poft
of chiliarch, or captain of a thouſand men. It has been faid,
that Auguftus bequeathed the empire to Tiberius, that in
3 Upon the death of Perdiccas, Ptolemy appointed Aridaeus and Python, two of
Alexander's captains, to the protectorship; but meeting with a formidable oppo
fition from Eurydice and her friends, they refigned, and the Macedonians chofe
Antipater. See Diod. Sic. L. xviii. c. 3-.
names Poly-
his fucceffor;
perchon for
the:
1
198
}
HISTORY OF GREECE
.
Sect. I.
Book III. the violences of his fucceffor, the Romans might forget the
crimes of which he himſelf had been guilty. A ſimilar fuf-
picion might, with as good reaſon, be entertained of Anti-
pater; for never man feemed lefs fitted than Polyperchon
for the diſcharge of this arduous truft. Without vigour;
without firmneſs; mean; cruel; perfidious. A dupe to thoſe
who had the art to gain his confidence, he knew not how to
render his authority refpectable, or to conciliate the affections
of men.
What confiderations could have moved Antipater
to this appointment, hiftory does not difclofe. Whether he
thought that Caffander's impetuous temper was ill ſuited to
the preſent times; or that, vain and high-ſpirited, power in
his hands might produce his deftruction; or whether he
had conceived difguft at his fon, on account of his private
life; are the conjectures of different writers;-but of the
truth it is not poffible to determine.
with what
view.
WHAT ſeems, however, moſt probable, is, that, for ſome time
before Antipater's death, Polyperchon, having entertained
hopes of fucceeding him, had employed the ufual intrigues for
accompliſhing his ambitious views. This Antipater having
diſcovered, and finding that the ftrength of Polyperchon's
party, aided by the friends of Olympias, would, in oppofi-
tion to his own views, infallibly prevail in the iffue, he choſe
to have himſelf the merit of the appointment, in expectation
of fecuring to his family a protector, where they might
otherwiſe have found an enemy. It appears from Diodo-
rus, that he dreaded the influence which Olympias was
likely to obtain under the new adminiſtration, and endea-
4 L. xix. c. I.
A
ΙΟ
voured
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
199
voured to guard againſt it. His laſt charge to Polyperchon Book III.
was, to keep her at a diſtance from the adminiftration of af- Sect. 1.
fairs, which, if ſhe engaged in, her paffions would foon
throw into confufion.
But
adopts new
POLYPERCHON paid little regard either to the inftruc- Polyperchon
tions of Antipater, or to the obligations he might be fup- counfels;
poſed to owe to his predeceffor, had he confidered his ap-
pointment as the act of his choice. His first step was to
recall Olympias from Epire, whither ſhe had retired.
her enemies were ſtill too formidable, and the minds of men
too much exasperated, for her to venture immediately. She
deferred accepting the invitation, until fhe could enjoy a
full exertion of power. And it is believed, that whatever
meaſures Polyperchon, from this period, purſued, were in
obedience to her directions. He removed every perfon
who had been in the intereſts of Antipater, and reſtored reſtores de-
throughout the Greek cities the democratical form of go- government
A general confufion, throughout
vernment, which had been aboliſhed.
mocratical
Greece.
as might be expected, enfued; the popular faction, natu-
rally violent in their refentment, fell almoſt every where on
thoſe who were fufpected of being inftrumental in their diſ-
grace. At Athens particularly, though the Munychia and
Piraeus were ſtill held by Antipater's garriſons, they ſeized
on Phocion, and as many of his friends as they could find,
whom they fent to Philip Aridaeus and Polyperchon, to an-
fwer for the ſhare they were fuppofed to have had in the
late adminiſtration. Polyperchon pronounced their condem- Phocion put
nation ³, and remitted them to Athens, where they were put
5 OLYMP. CXV. 3. BEFORE CHrist 316.
to-death :-
1
to
200
HISTORY OF GREECE
岬
​2
Book III. to death. Phocion has been already mentioned. He was
Sect. I.
·
Caffander
flies to Anti-
gonus;
receives fup-
port, and
fails back to
Athens;
defeats Poly.
perchon's
feet;
a man of the greateſt probity of his time, and had with un-
wearied endeavours ftudied the happineſs of his country.
Probably his integrity made him more obnoxious in the eyes
of Polyperchon. Similar diſtractions prevailed in moſt of the
other cities; and, becauſe the Megalopolitans declared them-
felves fatisfied with the form of government Antipater had
eſtabliſhed, and refuſed to change it, Polyperchon marched
his army against them.
MEANWHILE, Caffander, who faw there was no fafety for
him in Macedon, fled to Antigonus', who at this time was
employed in profecuting his plan of empire in Aſia. He
was received with cordiality and kindneſs, and Antigonus
foon enabled him to return with effectual fuccours. Af-
fection, nevertheleſs, had no ſhare in this attention. Anti-
gonus hated Polyperchon; was jealous of the authority he
derived from acting under the royal fanction; and was glad
of the opportunity of raifing enemies against him at home,
and of preventing him from interfering in the Afiatic
provinces.
He
THUS fupported, Caffander failed back to Athens, and en-
tered the Piraeus, of which Nicanor, the governor appoint-
ed by his father, had ftill poffeffion. Polyperchon, upon the
firſt alarm, immediately turned his attention thither.
attacked him by land and fea, yet proved unfucceſsful in both.
His fleet, after obtaining at firſt ſome inconfiderable advan-
tages, was totally defeated by that of Caffander.
• Plutarch in Phocione.
Athens,
7 Diod. Sic. L. xviii. c. 4.
•
already
}
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
201
1
Book III.
Sect. 1.
metrius Pha-
already partly in the hands of the enemy, and without prof-
pect of relief from Polyperchon, was forced to fubmit, and
to accept a governor named by Caffander. He appointed appoints De-
Demetrius Phalereus', the famed difciple of Theophraftus; lereus gover-
of whoſe principles he was affured, from his intimate con- thens.
nexion with Phocion; and whofe philofophical turn of mind
feemed well adapted to the genius of the people he was
to govern.
nor of A-
retires to
THE reduction of Athens completed the ruin of Polyper-
chon's affairs in Greece. The Peloponnefian ftates were Polyperchon
already in the intereſts of Caffander. In most of the other Macedon
cities, likewiſe, the friends of the houſe of Antipater were
beginning to ſhew themſelves; fo that Polyperchon judged it
moſt prudent to relinquish what he could not hold, and to
content himſelf with fecuring Macedon.
Olympias ;
BUT the fame ill conduct by which he had loft Greece,
was alſo to deprive him of Macedon '. Polyperchon, now
avowedly the creature of Olympias, befought her to take the recalls
young king under her guardianſhip, imagining her preſence
might add ſtrength to his adminiſtration. Her arrival pro-
duced a contrary effect. All who had the moſt diſtant con-
nection with Antipater, beheld with terror, a revolution,
which, from a woman of her fierce and vindictive fpirit,
was probably to end in their deſtruction. Philip-Aridaeus, and
his queen, were more particularly affected by it. Aridaeus,
the ſon of Philip by a concubine, had been the object of her
* OLYMP. CXV. 4. BEFORE CHRIST 315.
9 Juft. L. xiv. c. 5, 6.
D d
averfion
is oppofed, by
Philip-Ari-
daeus, and
his queen
Eurydice;
202
HISTORY OF GREECE
Sect. I.
Book III. averfion from his infancy; and the infirmity of his under-
ſtanding was fuppofed to be the effect of a potion he had
received from her. Eurydice, his wife, was the daughter of
the unfortunate Cynane, whom Philip had by an Illyrian
lady, and whom Perdiccas, to pleafe Olympias, had put to
death. Her father, Amyntas, fon to Philip's elder brother,
had, by Olympias's contrivance, been already deftroyed;
ſo that neither Eurydice nor her huſband could think of her
but with abhorrence; and, ſhould the once poffefs power,
ſhe
they had cauſe to dread her utmoſt violence. Accordingly,
when Eurydice was apprized of her intended return, ſhe en-
deavoured to provide for her fecurity, by affembling forces,
and by preffing Caffander to haſten to her aſſiſtance; com-
manding, at the fame time, Polyperchon not to interfere farther
in the adminiſtration; but to refign it to Caffander his
upon
arrival.
marches
againſt them
with Olym-
pias;
at fight of
Olympias,
the foldiers
of Eurydice
refuſe to
fight.
-
THIS precipitate ftep furnished Polyperchon with an ex-
cufe for executing what he wished to perform. With Olym-
pias at the head of his army, he immediately marched againſt
Eurydice; who, animated by her wrongs, led out her forces
alfo; but her foldiers, either from treachery, or, according.
to fome hiftorians, ftruck with the majefty of Olympias, in
whoſe perſon they recollected the mother of Alexander and
the wife of Philip, having refuſed to fight, the wretched Eu-
rydice and her huſband fell into the hands of this relentleſs wo-
man ", who uſed her power with an inhumanity infeparable
from her character. The king and queen the committed to a:
cloſe priſon, ſcarcely large enough to contain them, with an
10 Diod. Sic. L. xix. c. 1.
'
opening
་
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
203.
This
opening only left for the purpoſe of conveying to them a
wretched ſuſtenance, leſs with the view of preſerving life, than
of prolonging mifery. But, finding that theſe indignities
ferved only to excite the compaffion even of their enemies, the
ordered fome Thracian foldiers to diſpatch Aridaeus, after
he had nominally reigned fix years and four months "
done, the fent meffengers to Eurydice, with a poniard, a rope,
and a cup of poifon, commanding her to chufe which
of them fhe pleafed. They found Eurydice binding up and
covering, in the beſt manner ſhe could, the bleeding corſe of
her royal huſband; the received the meſſage without uttering
any expoſtulation or womaniſh complaint; and, after praying
the gods, that Olympias might be rewarded with the like
preſent, with great compoſure ſtrangled herſelf “.
Book III.
Sect. 1
Olympias
caufes Philip
Eurydice to
Aridaeus and
be put to
death,
She caufed
together with
Nicanor,
brother,
OLYMPIAS's luft of revenge was not
was not yet fated.
Nicanor, brother to Caffander, to be alſo flain, and the tomb Caffander's
of Iolas, another brother, to be broke open, and his body
expofed upon the public highway; and, having feized
hundred Macedonians of quality, fuppofed to have been
friends to Caffander, fhe put them all to death.
a
and an hun-
donians of
quality.
dred Mace-
marches
THESE violent proceedings had turned the greater part of
Macedon againſt her, when Caffander appeared "3. Upon
the firſt advice from Eurydice, he had left Peloponnefus; and Caffander
was on his way to her affiftance, when the melancholy tid- againſt her;
ings of her fate reached him. A body of Aetolians, in the
fervice of Polyperchon, had poffeffed themſelves of the defile
of Thermopylae, in order to difpute the paffage. To avoid
" OLYMP. CXV. 4. BEFORE CHRIST 315.
12 Diod. Sic. ubi fup.
13 Diod. Sic. L. xix. c. 2, 3.
Dd 2
delay,.
204
GREECE
HISTORY OF
1
BOOK III. delay, he went on board his fleet, which he had ordered to
Sect. I.
follow him, and was on the confines of Macedon, before either
Polyperchon or Olympias were aware of his approach; and,
having divided his forces, he fent one detachment to employ.
Polyperchon; with the other, he marched in perſon againſt
Olympias. She, with the young king, and Roxana his mother,
feveral of the royal family, and Macedonian nobility, were
ſhut up in Pydna, in full affurance, that both Polyperchon
and Aeacidas king of Epire, her kinſman, were marching to
her relief. But Caffander had taken his meaſures more effec-
tually; feduced by a party he had artfully, formed in Epire,
the Epirots refuſed to follow their king, and, upon his at-
tempting compulfion, depofed him.. Polyperchon, ſharp-
ly preffed by the forces fent againſt him, with difficulty
provided for his own defence. Olympias, nevertheleſs, held
out with firmneſs, till, compelled by famine, ſhe was at laſt
obliged to furrender. She ftipulated only for her life; but,
the kindred of thoſe whom the murdered, demanding juſtice,
Caffander pretended, that this ftipulation related only to mili-
tary execution, and that ſhe was ftill amenable to the laws of
her
country. Her condemnation followed of courſe; and ſhe
was accordingly put to death. The young king Alexander,
and Roxana, Caffander confined in Amphipolis. And Thef
falonice, who was alfo made prifoner at the fame time, the
Theffalonis daughter of Philip, by a lady of Theffaly, he married "
obliges her
to furrender;
has her put
to death;
confines
Alexander,
Roxana's
fon,
and.marries
ce, Philip's
daughter.
14
THE inveterate hatred with which Olympias purſued Caf-
fander and. his houfe, feems to account for the reports fpread
to his diſadvantage concerning Alexander's death. They
14. Diod. Sic. ubi ſup.
1
A
f
probably
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
205
1
Book III.
I.
deteftation of
probably originated with Olympias, in order to procure the
deſtruction of a family fhe abhorred. And indeed Caffan- Sect. 1.
der himſelf gave much ſtrength to them, by the deteftation Caffander's
in which he confeffedly held his maſter's memory, and the
extreme cruelty with which he treated his neareſt con-
nections. It appears from Plutarch ", that, long after the
death of Alexander, he retained fuch a deadly enmity to his
memory, that he could not bear the recollection of him
without horror; a remarkable inftance of which that hifte-
Alexander's
memory ;
cauſes..
rian has preſented to us. After he had been fome years in
poffeffion of the kingdom of Macedon, as he was walking
one day at Delphi, and taking a view of the ſtatues, the fudden
fight of the ſtatue of Alexander ftruck him with ſuch dread,
that he trembled all over, and with difficulty. recovered from
the giddinefs it occafioned. According to Plutarch, he had from what
once burſt into a laugh in Alexander's prefence, at the fight
of fome barbarians proftrating themſelves before him; when,
enraged at the infult, the king caught him by the hair, and
with both his hands daſhed his head againſt the wall. Upon
another occafion, as he attempted to vindicate his father,
whom certain perfons had accuſed, Alexander with loud me-
naces bade him beware of miſleading him by his fophifms,
denouncing vengeance againſt Antipater, if he did not fully
anfwer the charge againſt him. Such was his terror from
the king's violence, continues Plutarch, that, as long as he
lived, he never was able to overcome the impreffion. It muft
be owned, Caffander remembered but too faithfully the paf
fionate exceffes of his maſter, and took ample revenge- for
them. His hedding the blood of Olympias, violent as ſhe.
15 Plutarch in Alexand
9.
was,
206
HISTORY OF GREECE
Book III. was, is hardly to be juftified. But his treatment of the
Sect. I.
Caffander is
involved in
new wars
with Anti-
gonus,
young
princes, Alexander's fons, which we ſhall have immediate occa-
fion to mention, is altogether without excufe. There is even
reaſon to ſuſpect, that his pretended kindneſs to the Thebans
was in fact a kind of triumph over Alexander. Alexander had
exterminated the Thebans. Caffander made it his first care,
after he had compofed the affairs of Macedon, to collect to-
gether their remains, and to raiſe their city from it's ruins,
reſtoring it, as far as he could, to it's former fplendor. He
had a pride, perhaps, in oppofing Alexander, and in rearing
up
what he had demoliſhed.
CASSANDER had. now fucceeded, feemingly, to the utmoſt
of his ambitious hopes. He was in full poffeffion, the title
excepted, of the regal dignity; Polyperchon, unable to op-
pofe him, had taken refuge in Aetolia; Greece was in ſub-
jection; Epire was under his dominion; and, however iniqui-
tous the means were by which he had acquired this power,
yet theſe ſeveral nations, exhaufted by continual wars, fub-
mitted patiently to a domination which promiſed them ſome re-
pofe. This interval of peace was of fhort duration. Antigonus,
as already mentioned, had made confiderable progreſs in Aſia;
and the other generals of Alexander, jealous of a power which
might ſoon prove fatal to their own, called upon Caffander
to unite with them in humbling this formidable rival.
produced new troubles in Greece. Alexander, fon to Poly-
perchon, had retired to the court of Antigonus; who imme-
diately diſpatched him to Greece, with a large fupply of
money, in order to make a diverfion in Peloponnefus. And
Caffander having bought him off, by refigning
16 all his
36 Diod. Sic. L. xix. c. 4.
7
This
rights
A
"
|
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
207
}
rights in Peloponnefus, Antigonus had recourfe to other me-
thods, encouraging, under pretence of a zeal for liberty, the
popular faction throughout the Grecian cities to riſe againſt
Caffander's government. All Greece was again in commo-
tion; and the Aetolians having alfo taken up arms, and Ae-
acidas at the fame time making an attempt to recover his king-
dom, Caffander found himſelf involved in very extenfive mili-
tary operations; which he nevertheleſs maintained with great
fpirit, not only refifting his different adverſaries, but even
making an impreffion on the Afiatic coafts, and diftreffing
Antigonus at home. It were of little moment to enter into
a detail of theſe defultory wars, which, as often as the parties
found themſelves weakened by their mutual loffes, were in-
terrupted by ſome kind of convention, to be violated as foon
as a favourable opportunity offered for renewing hoftilities.
Book III.
Sect. 1.
and his con-
federates;
to fecure
WHAT Caffander experienced in the courſe of theſe convul- endeavours
fions, probably impelled him to a crime, which, ſteeped in blood himſelf
as he was, he had not before dared to execute. Young Alex-
ander, Roxana's fon, he held, as we have related, in confine-
ment at Amphipolis; and though he had ſtripped him of all
the trappings of fovereignty, and ordered him to be treated as
à private perfon, he had not attempted his life. Among many
acts of violence, with which Antigonus had charged Caffan-
der, he reproached him for difloyal treatment to his ſovereign;
and, as if he had a mighty regard for the royal line, threat-
ened to reſcue the prince out of the hands of his oppreffors,
and to vindicate his rights. The Macedonians, many of
whom were not well-affected to Caffander, complained like
wife of the ſhameful impriſonment of their king, and required
that he ſhould be no longer with-held from their fight.
Caffander
IQ.
by putting
the fon of
death.
Alexander
Roxana to
}
208
HISTORY OF GREECE
t
17
BOOK III. Caffander perceived at once where theſe murmurs might termi-
Sect. I.
nate, and, as a decifive ſtep for his fecurity, fent orders to Am-
phipolis to deſtroy both the Prince and his mother "?.
Young
Alexander was aged about twelve years at the time of his
death. Upon the diſcovery of his affaffination, the Macedo-
nians would have rifen againſt the affaffin; but they wanted
a leader. And Antigonus and the other great generals were
little diſpoſed to revenge a crime, which was advantageous
to themſelves, and which, circumſtanced as Caffander was,
they would have had as little ſcruple to commit
Polyperchon
fets up Her
cules, the
laft male
branch of
the royal fa-
.mily, king
in his ftead.
18
THERE yet remained one male branch more of the royal
family; Hercules, the fon of Alexander by Barfine, widow of
Memnon, and daughter of Artabazus, now aged ſeventeen,
who had hitherto refided in Afia. Polyperchon, who was
ftill in Aetolia, and who imagined the preſent opportunity was
favourable for reviving his pretenfions in Macedon, while the
minds of men were irritated againſt Caffander, conceived the
ſcheme of making this young prince the inftrument of his
ambition. Having affembled therefore a confiderable body of
troops, he invited Hercules to pafs over into Greece; had
him acknowledged, wherever he could, as heir of the impe-
rial houſe of Macedon; and declared his refolution of eſta-
bliſhing him on the throne of his anceſtors. Caffander was
alarmed. He had one refource, however, in Polyperchon
himſelf. He knew him to be baſe, perfidious, and merce-
nary; and hoped to make ſuch overtures as would be able to
detach him from the interefts of this new competitor. He
was not diſappointed. The offer of affociating him in the ad-
17 OLYMP. Cxvii. 2. BEFORE CHRIST 310.
18 Diod. Sic. L. xx. c. 1, 2.
J
miniſtration,
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
209
1
miniſtration, and of yielding to him the entire fovereignty of Book III.
Peloponnefus, put an end to his affumed loyalty; nay, to quiet Sect. 1.
all further fears of Caffander, the infamous Polyperchon un- and murders
dertook and accompliſhed the murder of the
young king, of inſtigation
whom he had juſt avowed himſelf the protector. This affaffi- of Caffander.
nation of Hercules" took place about two years after that of
Roxana's fon.
f
him at the
CASSANDER, as we have before obſerved, had ceded Pe- The fate of
Polyperchon.
loponnefus to the ſon of Polyperchon; but the poffeffion of
it was attended with many difficulties; and he was at laſt
-killed in an infurrection at Sicyon. Polyperchon's ill-acquired
fovereignty had nearly the fame iffue; he met with vigorous
oppofition from the ſeveral nations of which it was compoſed;
and, being obliged to retire, was deſervedly deſtined to end his
days in the utmoſt wretchedneſs.
1
CASSANDER poſſeſſed, in his exalted ſtation, but little en- Caffander is
joyment or peace of mind. In Macedon he was not popular. with difficul
In Greece he was detefted. While allied abroad to doubt- ties;
ful friends, Lyfimachus and Ptolemy, with whom he had
no other connection but the precarious one of preſent intereſt;
he was ſurrounded by formidable and infidious enemies, the
Aetolians and Epirots on the one fide, and Antigonus and
Demetrius on the other, who watched the opportunity of
wreſting from him a prize, which had coft him many crimes.
Even the death of Alexander's children, from which he had
hoped to derive ſecurity, had added to the importance of his
rivals in empire; and, without ſharing in his guilt, they had
acquired from it rank and independence.
19 OLYMP. Cxvii.. 4.
BEFORE CHRIST 308.
E e
HE
?
}
HISTORY OF GREECE.
21ð
BOOKIII.
I.
is'attacked
by Deme-
cetes, who
attempts and
and ejects
Demetrius
Phalereus,
}
HE foon felt the fatal effects of his mifguided policy.
Sect. 1. The difaffection of the moft confiderable of the Greek re-
publics preſented Antigonus with the opportunity he had
trius Polior- long fought, the means of carrying the war into Caffan-
der's dominions; and Demetrius Poliorcetes was detached
takesAthens; to attempt Athens, which if reduced would open a way
to the reduction of the reſt of Greece. The execution of
this ſcheme was attended with little difficulty. When Po-
liorcetes appeared before Athens, the profpect of a revolution
occafioned a general joy; and, far from receiving him as an
enemy, they hailed him as their protector, compelling De-
metrius Phalereus, whom Caffander had appointed over
them, to abdicate the government. This appears more
ftriking, as Demetrius Phalereus had been remarkable for
the lenity of his adminiſtration. He was, befides, highly ac-
compliſhed, of the moſt captivating deportment, and, which
at Athens was no fmall merit, a celebrated fpeaker; though,,
according to Cicero, the firft of the Greeks, who, inſtead
of the nervous ſeverity, and bold refiſtleſs ſpirit, to be
found in the earlier orators, particularly in Demofthenes,,
fubſtituted a milder and more pathetic ſpecies. of eloquence,,
but as much inferior to that of former days in it's manner
and powers, if we are to believe the Roman 20 critic,
66 as
"the gently-gliding ſtream is to the thundering torrent."
'
+
He had governed Athens ten years, and apparently fo
much to the fatisfaction of the people, that they had erected
20 Hic primus, fays Cicero (Brut. 9) inflexit orationem, et eam mollem teneram-
que reddidit, et fuavis, ficut fuit, videri maluit, quam gravis; fed fuavitate eâ, quâ
perfunderet animos, non perfringeret.
1
to
}
#
1
{
A
{
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
211
to him three hundred and fixty ftatues. But, fuch is the Book III.
value of popular favour! thefe ftatues were now thrown Sect. 1.
down, his acts arraigned, his adminiſtration declared ini-
quitous and oppreffive, and himſelf and all perfons con-··
nected with him pronounced worthy of death. Phale-
reus, indeed, eſcaped by flight, in which he was affifted by
Poliorcetes himfelf; and, after various fortunes, took re-
fuge in Egypt; where we ſhall have occafion to mention him
in the hiſtory of the affairs of that kingdom. That which
rendered him eminently obnoxious was not fo much, in all
probability, what he had actually done, as his ferving under
a prince exceedingly odious, and his being the minifter of a
government founded in force, that had rifen on the ruins of
democracy, to which the Athenians, of all the nations in
Greece, were moſt paffionately attached.
POLIORCETES, inftructed by the fate of his predeceffor, Poliorcetes
employed every art to gain the affections of the Athe- wins the
nians.
affections of
ans,
He obliged the Macedonian garrifon to evacuate the Athenis
the Munychia, which they had held ever fince the days of
Antipater, and demoliſhed the fortrefs: he avoided entering
Athens with a military force, for fear of giving umbrage: he
reſtored the popular government in it's full extent: he pro-
miſed, in the name of his father, an hundred and fifty thou-
fand meaſures of wheat, and timber fufficient for building an
hundred galleys-affuming the character only of afferter of
the public liberty, without pretending to interfere in the admi-
niſtration, though by his agents he was directing all public
operations.
1
•
E e 2
t
THE
}
1
}
212
who repay
him with ex-
travagant
-adulations.
HISTORY OF GREECE
BOOK III. THE extravagant adulation " with which the. Athenians
Sect. 1. expreffed their gratitude, fhews what a change had taken
place in the character of that once-illuftrious people. In
their days of glory, an olive-wreath was the only reward a
Miltiades laid claim to; and even in this he met with oppa-
fition. Now the moſt diſtinguiſhed honours, ſuch as Athens
was wont to pay only to her gods, were proftituted to footh
the vanity of a young adventurer, whom they ſcarcely knew;
who had ſerved them, merely becauſe it ferved his own in-
tereſts; and who, they could not but be ſenſible, owed the
power, of which he was poffeffed, to perfidy and ufurpation.
They confecrated the fpot where Demetrius firſt alighted
from his chariot when he entered Athens, and erected an
altar upon it to Demetrius the alighter. A law paffed, that,
when he condeſcended to come to Athens, he ſhould be re-
ceived with the fame honours that were paid to Ceres and
Bacchus; and that whoever ſhould furpaſs the reft of the A-
thenians in the magnificence with which they received De-
metrius, ſhould have money from the public treaſury to enable
him to confecrate fome pious memorial of his ſucceſs-that
Antigonus and Demetrius ſhould be honoured with the ap-
pellation of GODS PROTECTORS; and that, inſtead of de-
nominating the year, as formerly, from the archon, they
fhould create annually a prieſt of theſe gods protectors, whofe
21 See Plut. in Demet. et Diod. Sic. L. xx. c. 3.
22 Bwuòr Anunτgiov xarabárov. Plut. in Demet.-According to Diodorus (xx. 3.):
the Athenians fet up golden ftatues of Antigonus and Demetrius next to thofe of
Harmodius and Ariftogiton, adorned with golden crowns, each of two hundred
talents weight, and erected an altar in honour of them, by the name of the Altar of
the SAVIOURS.
7
name
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
213
#
1
mame ſhould be prefixed to all their public acts-that the Book III.
portraits of theſe gods protectors ſhould be wrought in the Sect. I.
holy veil, with thoſe of the other gods-that thoſe who
ſhould be ſent upon public buſineſs from the commonwealth
of Athens, to Antigonus and Demetrius, ſhould not be ſtiled
embaffadors, but THEOTOI, vifiters of the gods; a title ap-
propriated to the meffengers, who on folemn feſtivals carried
the accuſtomed offerings to Delos and Delphi. They even
complimented their deliverers with an important alteration in
the conſtitution, adding two to the number of their tribes,
and calling them Demetrius and Antigonus; ſo that the ſenate,
which before confifted of five hundred members, now confift-
ed of fix hundred, each tribe fupplying fifty. What al-
moſt exceeds belief, they not only declared Demetrius to be
´a a god; they alſo voted, that his words, being the words of a
god, ſhould be received as divine oracles. Accordingly, at the
dedication of certain offerings at Delphi, concerning the
form of which fome doubts had occurred, a decree paffed,
that application ſhould be made to this oracle, and that
whatever it pronounced ſhould be obſerved. Plutarch has
preſerved to us this curious monument. "In a fortunate
" hour be it decreed by the people, that a citizen of Athens
"be appointed to go to THE GOD PROTECTOR; and, after
"due facrifices offered, demand of Demetrius, the God Pro-
6.6
tector, what will be the moſt pious, the moſt honourable,
"and expeditious method of confecrating the intended of-
ferings; and it is hereby enacted, that the people of
"Athens fhall obſerve what the oracle fhall have dictated.”
Strange, that Athens fhould ever have fallen thus low! and
not leſs ſtrange, that there ever ſhould have been found a
human
"
214
HISTORY OF GREECE
1
Book III. human mind ſo intoxicated by vanity and fuccefs, as to have
Sect. 1. pleaſure in theſe fulfome adulations!
Poliorcetes
paſſes over to
Cyprus.
turns to
Greece;
"THE next exploit of Demetrius Poliorcetes was the reduc-
tion of Megara; from which, as at Athens, he ejected the
-Macedonian garrifon : and probably all Greece had foon ac-
knowledged him fovereign, moft of the cities being difpofed
to open
their gates to him, had not the orders of Antigonus
obliged him to pass over to Cyprus, where Ptolemy's power
was now become fo formidable, as to threaten all the adjacent
parts of Afia.
His expedition thither, together with the
Egyptian war, and the fiege of Rhodes, on which we
have already infifted, diverted for a time his attention
from Grecian affairs. This interval was not neglected
Caffander re- by Caffander; he employed himſelf in re-eſtabliſhing his
intereſts in the ſeveral cities of Greece, and in quelling that
fpirit of revolt, which appeared to animate moſt of them;
and befieges and had fat down with his army before Athens, when De-
metrius, urged by the earneft folicitations of his friends,
haftened from Rhodes to their affiftance. His fuccefs we
Athens:
Poliorcetes
haftens back
to its relief; have already mentioned.
the exceffive
flatteries of
the Athe-
on this occa-
fion;
WHATEVER ftrains of panegyric the Athenians had be-
them all.
fore indulged, they now furpaſſed
Orders
-
13
nians to him were given, that Demetrius fhould be lodged in the Parthe-
non, or virgin-temple of Minerva, on account, doubtleſs, of
the ſumptuouſneſs of the edifice; though there could not be
a groffer inſult to the ſuppoſed purity of their goddeſs, than
23 See Plutarch in Demet.
}
to
1
}
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
215
to give her for a gueſt a man of his coarſe and diffolute man- Book III,
Sect. I
ners. They were not aſhamed however to fee this facred place
made the receptacle of courtezans, and the ſcene of the lewdeft
debaucheries. They were even mean enough to become pan-
ders to his luft. They proftituted the honour of their families,
to his impure defires; and, as if they had been apprehenfive
poſterity might imagine that theſe were the private crimes
of fome fervile individuals, to which government gave no
fanction, an edict paffed, importing, "it was refolved by
"the people of Athens, that whatever Demetrius was pleaf--
"ed to command, fhould be accounted holy in refpect of
"the gods, and juſt in reſpect of men :" An edict of fo ex-
traordinary a nature, that it were unneceffary to quote further
inftances of the debafement of this degenerate people..
•
THE baneful influence of flattery foon fhewed itſelf in the
change wrought on Demetrius. Licentious as he was, he
had hitherto been diftinguished by his affability and gentle
demeanor. He now became imperious and arrogant; af--
fected a fuperior carriage, and a loftier tone of language;:
and feemed to expect that other princes fhould bend be--
fore him, regarding them as perfons in fubjection to him,.
who exifted by his favour, and were to yield up their
governments at his nod. Ptolemy he affected to call his
admiral; Lyfimachus his treaſurer; Seleucus the mafter
of his elephants. A conduct exactly fimilar had been re-
marked alſo in Antigonus; and the fucceffes of his fon
had not helped to humble him. This haughty turn of
mind appeared remarkable in their treatment of Caffander.
He had fued for peace, and would willingly have fubmit-
ted to the moſt humiliating conditions; but nothing leſs
than
5
their infly-
metrius:
ence on De
-
1
1
216
響
​GREECE
OF
HISTORY
Book III. than the abfolute refignation
Sect. 1.
Caffander
dies;
the fate of
his unhappy
houſe.
of all his dominions would fa-
tisfy Antigonus and Demetrius. Such an intemperate uſe of
fortune was attended with its ufual confequences. Moved by
Caffander's fituation, and alarmed at an infolence, which ſhewed
what they had to expect, the reſt of Alexander's fucceffors
formed an alliance againſt Demetrius and his father, which
terminated in the fatal battle of Ipfus.
THE fequel of Demetrius's fortunes we have already re-
lated". Caffander died fome years afterwards, in the peace-
able poffeffion of Macedon and Greece, a few cities excepted,
of which Demetrius, and after him his fon Antigonus, re-
tained the fovereignty. A judgment ſeemed nevertheleſs to
purſue this unhapry houfe". He left three fons. Philip, the
Alexander and-
eldeft, having died foon after his father.
Antipater, the ſecond and third, both claimed the kingdom;
Alexander was fupported by the intereſt of his mother Thef-
falonice, whofe favourite he was; and Antipater, by Lyfi-
machus, whoſe daughter he had married. Antipater, reſent-
ing the preference of his mother for Alexander, had the im-
piety to imbrue his hands in her blood; and, flying after-
wards to Lyfimachus, was, upon fome difference betwixt them,
impriſoned, and put to death. And, Alexander having called
in Demetrius to his affiftance, the latter, as before related,
pretending a deſign againſt his life, had him taken off by vio-
lence.
IN Theffalonice and her fons ended the royal lineage of
Macedon. Twenty-eight years only had elapfed fince Alex-
ander's death, and not a ſingle branch of his houſe remained
24 Diod. Sic. L. xx. c. 5. 25 See B. ii. Se&. 2. 25 Juft. L. xvi, c. 1, 2.
ç.
to
{
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
217
to enjoy a portion of that empire, which Philip and his fon
had acquired at the price of great exertions, and much toil
and bloodshed..
A
Book III.
Sect. 1.
manner.
AND it is worthy of obfervation, as thefe princes, in the and in what
purfuit of their ambitious fchemes, exceeded in violence
and cruelty, fo by violence and cruelty was their family cut
off, not one branch of it (thoſe who died in their infancy and
Alexander excepted) expiring peaceably, or even. bravely in
the field, but all by treachery and affaffination. Philip pe-
riſhed by domeſtic treaſon. His daughter Cynane was flain
by Perdiccas.. Amyntas her huſband, heir of the Macedonian
crown, had been put to death earlier, fome fay by Olympias,
fome, by Alexander. Theffalonice, one of Philip's daughters,.
was, as we have juſt related, affaffinated by her own fon..
Cleopatra, fifter to Alexander, by Antigonus. Aridaeus, fon
to Philip, by Olympias. And Eurydice his wife, daughter.
to the unhappy Cynane, by Olympias alfo.. Caranus and
Europa, Philip's fon and daughter by Cleopatra, his laſt wife,
were likewife murdered by Olympias, the latter in her mo
ther's arms..
•
OLYMPIAS herſelf was flàin by Caffander: Statira, daugh
ter of Darius and wife of Alexander, to whom furely on both
accounts refpect was due, was destroyed by. Roxana, together
with Alexander's unborn child.. Roxana, in her turn, was
treated in the fame manner. by Caffander; who murdered her
and her fon. And Hercules, fon alfo to Alexander, and the
laſt male branch of the royal houſe, fell. by the perfidy of.
Polyperchon.
Ff
་
SUCH,
218
HISTORY OF GREECE
BOOK III.
Sect. I.
*
SUCH, to the family of Alexander, were the fruits of
that ambition which had lighted the torch of war over
Europe, Afia, and Africa, and had ſpread fuch dreadful and
extenfive devaſtation.
Ir may indeed be faid, that theſe fanguinary actions were
not the refult of war, but were merely domeſtic crimes; and
therefore not to 'be imputed to the military ſpirit which Philip
and his fon called forth; it is however evident, that they
in a great meaſure proceeded from that ferocity of character,
and relentleſs ſpirit, which conftant wars and continued fcenes
of blood had introduced; they were the offspring of thoſe
deadly animofities, generally excited in civil diftractions; and
of the decay of loyalty towards their princes, for which the
Macedonians at one time were celebrated, but which the
miferies they had fuffered had totally extinguiſhed.
1
THE military atchievements of Philip's reign were doubt-
llefs of fome benefit to Macedon; they improved the cou-
rage and difcipline of her foldiers; they gave her ſecurity
and independence; they enabled her to affume a rank and
ſtation among her neighbours, to which, before this period,
fhe had never attained. And, had Alexander completed the
plan, and no more, which his father feems to have traced out;
had he contented himſelf with driving the Perfians out of
the Lower Afia, and freeing the Macedonians on that fide
from all future dread of invafion; had he taken care to con-
firm and render permanent that fovereignty over the Greek
commonwealths, which their fears or their affections had
yielded to him; he probably had rendered Macedon flouriſh-
ing
Ju
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
219
•
་ ་
ing and powerful. But his ambition was her ruin. He Book III.
drained his country of her ſtrength, in making conquefts Sect. 1.
not only uſeleſs but pernicious to her; and he left her a prey
to the
ravages of war, and the rage of civil conteft, for nearly
forty years after his death,
F f 2
1
{
воок
W
220
HISTORY OF GREECE-
BOO K
III.
SECTION II.
{
Book III.
Sect. 2.
Pyrrhus and
Litrachus
inva - Ma-
cedon :
CONTENT S.
Lyfimachus gets poſſeſſion of the throne of Macedon-his character–
is flain by Seleucus-Seleucus, by Ptolemy Ceraunus-Ptolemy Ce-
raunus, by the Gauls.-The Gauls lay wafte Macedon-attempt
Delphi-are repulfed-and retire.-Antigonus, fon to Deme-
trius Poliorcetes, lays claim to the kingdom of Macedon-and
obtains it—is attacked by another body of Gauls-defeats them.
-Pyrrhus of Epire invades Macedon-defeats and difpoffeffes
Antigonus-attacks Sparta-is repulfed-marches to Argos-
is flain-his character.
TH
HE expulfion of Demetrius from the throne of Mace-
don was of little ſervice to that unhappy kingdom.
Pyrrhus of Epire, and Lyfimachus of Thrace', who had
acted in concert in the late revolution, now fet up oppofite
claims to the fucceffion, each of them demanding it as a re-
compence due for his ſervices; and they prepared to ſupport
their pretenfions by force of arms. An accommodation was
•
See Juft. L. xvi. c. 3. Paufan. in Atticis. Plutarch in Pyrrho.
*
at
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
221
· at length brought about, of which, however, the difmem- Book III.
bering of Macedon was the fundamental article, the Upper² Sect. 2.
Macedon being allotted to Lyfimachus, and the Lower to
Pyrrhus. But even this accommodation was only the tem-
porary expedient of ambition. Upon the final ruin of De- Lyfimachus
metrius's fortunes in Syria, Lyfimachus began to execute
ejects Pyr-
rhus:
what he had doubtless meditated from the beginning; and
either by open violence, or by fecret practices, foon ftripped
Pyrrhus of all his Macedonian poffeffions.
&
敷
​UNDER a wife adminiſtration, this reunion of the king
dom might have added to its fecurity and ſtrength: Under
Lyfimachus, it only aggravated its miferies.
aggravated its miferies. Violent and his charac
fanguinary in his diſpoſition, and no longer controlled by the
apprehenfions of an enemy near him, he now diſplayed the
ter :
finoe :
whole ferocity of his character. His own family were the
first victims. In the decline of life, he had married Arfinoe, marries Ar-
the daughter of Ptolemy of Egypt, by Berenice his favourite
queen. And fome years before, Lyfandra, another of Pto-
lemy's daughters, by Eurydice, the daughter of Antipater,
had been married to Agathocles, Lyfimachus's fon. Berenice
and Eurydice, jealous of each other, had long diſtracted the
?
• The Upper Macedon, that is, the eaſtern part, towards the Aegean fea; as by
the Lower we are to underſtand the weſtern, towards the Ionian or Adriatic. In
former times, when Macedon was confined within narrower limits, by the Upper
Macedon were generally meant, as appears from Thucydides (L. viii.) the moun-
tainous parts of it, and by the Lower, the vallies and plain country; but the Ma-
cedonians having by degrees extended themſelves from fea to fea, the eaftern and
weſtern coafts had the appellation of Upper and Lower Macedon given to them.
See Palmer. Græc. Antiq. L. i. c. 14.
Juft. L. xvii. c. I.
}
Egyptian
222
HISTORY OF GREECE
'
Sect. 2.
BOOK III. Egyptian court by their mutual animofities; and Berenice
had taken care to infpire Arfinoe with the fame hatred of
Eurydice and her children, with which the herfelf was
animated.
L
ARSINOE left Egypt, therefore, with the ſtrongeſt prejudices
againſt Lyfandra and her huſband; which, on her arrival in
Macedon, were not leffened by the high reputation of the young
prince. He was looked up to by all with a fort of adoration:
his military abilities and his amiable manners had endeared
him equally to the army and to the people: and to his valour
and conduct, his father ftood conféffedly indebted for fome of
the fineft provinces of his kingdom. Filled as Arfinoe was.
with hereditary enmity, fuch accompliſhments, ftrengthened
by the confideration of his being heir apparent to the throne,
were of a nature too diftinguished, not to encreaſe the averfion
and the jealouſy of that refentful and ambitious princefs..
They afforded, at the fame time, many dangerous and fpe-
fufpicions of cious arguments to an artful woman, whofe lovely form and
thocles: captivating powers carried her infinuations with irreſiſtible
force into the fufpicious mind of a doating and inhuman ty-
rant. She foon brought over Lyfimachus to her fatal pur-
Agathocles was fufpected,. impriſoned, and put to.
conceives
his fon Aga-
puts him to pofe *.
death 5.
death.
THE
• Some have faid (fee Pauf. Xyland. in Atticis, p. 9.) that he had conceived a
paſſion for the young prince; and that, finding her incestuous folicitations rejected,
fhe purfued him with implacable hatred.
• There happened alfo at this time an incident, which appears to have precipi
tated the fate of the young prince.
Egypt, and Lyfandra's brother, had,
Ptolemy, the eldest fon of Ptolemy king of
upon the preference in the fucceffion being.
given
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
223
and fears of
the friends of
Agathocles;
THE murder of Agathocles threw Macedon into great con- Book III.
fufion. His melancholy fate occafioned a general indigna- Sect. 2.
tion, and called to remembrance his many virtues; whilft Indignation
Lyfimachus, whofe temper became every day more diftruft-
ful, and who looked upon the honours paid to his ſon's me-
mory as fo many infults offered to himſelf, wreaked his
vengeance on all who feemed even to lament him; fo thất
the moſt virtuous of the Macedonians faw themſelves ex-
poſed to the vindictive paffions of this gloomy and cruel
tyrant.
LYSANDRA alfo knew well, that the fame hand which had
deſtroyed her huſband, was raiſed likewiſe againſt her life;
and that her enemies only waited the opportunity of involving
her and her dependents in one general ruin. Exafperated, they flee to
Seleucus,
therefore, by her wrongs, and doubtful of her ſafety, this
unhappy princefs, accompanied by her brother Ptolemy, and
fuch of the nobility as had been moft attached to Agathocles,
fled to Afia, and implored the protection of Seleucus. This
prince, pleaſed, perhaps, with the opportunity, readily grant-
ed the noble fugitives all they afked; and, having fallen di-
rectly upon the province of Lydia, made himſelf maſter of
Sardis, and was preparing to croſs the Hellefpont, when
Lyfimachus prevented him.
prevented him. He had forefeen the ſtorm that
was gathering against him; and, too brave to decline the
given to Philadelphus, brother to Arfinoe, left Egypt, and retired to the court of
Agathocles; which, it is likely, made Arfinoe apprehenſive that he would endea-
vour to engage Agathocles in his intereft, and through him recover the crown,
of which he had been defpoiled. But more of theſe tranſactions hereafter, in the
history of Egyptian affairs.
9
conteft,
who prepares
to make war
againſt Lyfi.
machus,
224
OF GREECE
HISTORY
、
·
Book III. conteft, or unwilling to hazard the iffue in Macedon,
Sect. 2.
(where, befides the power of a formidable enemy, he ſhould
have to encounter the difaffection of an injured people) had
paffed into Afia, and was advancing towards Seleucus.
and meets
THE armies, headed by the two only furviving generals
him in battle. of Alexander, met on a plain on the Phrygian borders, called
the field of Cyrus. Seleucus was aged feventy-feven years,
and Lyfimachus eighty. Both of them were hardy and ex-
perienced. warriors, who, during a long period of years, had
been bound to each other by all the ties of friendſhip, if ſuch a
thing as friendship can, indeed, be known to the ambitious..
Lyfimachus Notwithſtanding their advanced age, they both acquitted
themſelves with all the vigour and activity of youth; but
Seleucus's fortune prevailed, and Lyfimachus. fell..
Alain.
SELEUCUS NOW confidered the kingdom of Macedón as a:
prize belonging to the victor; and, having refigned his Aſia-
tic dominions to his fon Antiochus, feemed to pleaſe himſelf
with the expectation of fpending the remainder of his days,
after a variety of revolutions, in the peaceable enjoyment of
Seleucus flain his native country. He little thought; that he was to re-
treacherously ceive his death from one of thoſe. perfons, in whoſe behalf
he had employed his arms. Lyfander's brother; Ptolemy;
one of the moft flagitious characters to be met with in hiftory,,
*had caft an eye on the throne of Macedon, and had deter-
mined, whatever crime it fhould coft him, to poffefs himſelf
by Ptolemy
Ceraunas.
་
• Kúgov weio-Strab. Cafaub. L. iii. p. 432. It appears from Arrian, (ii. 4.)
that it was the place of encampment of Cyrus the younger, near the gates of Cilicia
from Cappadocia : he calls it Kugov orgarówedovo -
of
*
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
225
of it. Seleucus, too generous and unfufpicious, lived with Book III.
him in the moſt familiar manner, and foon afforded him the Sect. 2.
opportunity he wished for. As he was on the point of en-
tering Macedon, Ptolemy, watching the convenient moment,
treacherouſly came behind, and ſtabbed his benefactor', about
ſeven months after Lyfimachus's death.
Ptolemy-
THE fuccefs that attended this perfidious action, fhews us
the abject condition, not only of Macedon, but alfo of the Ceraunus
gets poffeff on
adjacent ſtates of Greece and Afia, at this juncture. Pto- of Macedon;
lemy, detefted as he muſt have been, bathed in the blood of
his benefactor, the murderer of a prince univerfally refpect-
ed and beloved, found it, nevertheleſs, an eaſy matter to ſeat
himſelf on a throne, to which he had no pretenfions but
what were founded on the atrocious action he had juſt com-
mitted. It is plain, it was to their exhauſted ſituation he owed
his fecurity. Worn out by continual wars, they dreaded a
contention, which was to renew their miferies. Antigonus,
fon to Poliorcetes, attempted, indeed, an oppofition; but
of little moment: and Antiochus himſelf, Seleucus's fon, was
forced to put off to a future day the revenging of his father's
blood, the fituation of his Afiatic affairs requiring his imme-
diate prefence.
Lyfimachus s
THE title, by which the Egyptian prince held the crown, courts the
was odious; and the public hatred was encreaſed by ſucceeding widow of
enormities. Arfinoe, his half-fifter, Lyfimachus's widow, re-
tained ſtill a portion of Upper Macedon, in the chief city of
which, Caffandria, ſhe had her refidence, together with the fons
8
7 OLYMP. cxxiv. 2. BEFOREe Christ 282.
G g
Juft. L. xxiv. c. 2, 3.
whom
F
226
HISTORY OF GREECE
Book III. whom ſhe had born to Lyfimachus. This was a mortify-
Sect. 2.
ing circumſtance to Ptolemy. He held but a mutilated king-
dom, whilſt this part was wanting. The young princes,
befides, were fons to a king of Macedon, and might in time
fet up claims, which he fhould find it difficult to defeat.
Should he attempt Caffandria by force of arms, and fail, it
muſt lay open his defigns, and might prove his ruin. He re-
folved, therefore, to proceed by art and ſubtilty; and, pretend-
ing to be captivated by the charms of Arfinoe, offered to ſhare
the throne of Macedon with her; and, as a farther inducement,
to ſettle the fucceffion upon her fons.
him:
prevails on
MATERNAL tendernefs, and perhaps yet more her va-
her to marry nity and ambition, were too much flattered by theſe offers
for her to reject them. She wanted, however, further affu-
rances of his fincerity. This was an eaſy taſk. The moſt
facred oaths were employed on the occafion: Ptolemy, be-
fore the altar, imprecating on himſelf the fevereſt ven-
geance of the gods, if he was not moved to this fuit by the
firmeſt and moſt ardent affection, and promifing, whilſt life
remained, never to depart from his prefent regard and profef-
fions. The folemnity of the marriage, which was celebrated
with the utmoſt fplendor, was followed by the pomp of
Arfinoe's inauguration; on which occafions Ptolemy fo fuc-
ceſsfully maintained the character of a tender lover, that his
wife, baniſhing every fufpicion, gave herſelf up to the fond
belief of her huſband's truth and conftancy, and command-
ed the gates of the city of Caffandria, where her children
refided, and her treaſures were lodged, to be opened for his
reception.
THIS
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
227
1
both her
fons,
2.
THIS was the grand object, for the fake of which he had Book III.
been practiſing every hypocritical art. No fooner had he Sect.
entered the gates, than he ordered his troops to poffefs
themſelves of the citadel; and the young princes, one aged murders
fixteen, the other thirteen, who had appeared to attend his
entry, and do him honour, to be immediately put to death.
Upon the firſt notice of what was deſigned againſt them, they
had fled to Arfinoe for protection; but the wretched mother
could afford them none; the affaffins not only rushing into
her prefence, but, regardleſs of her ſhrieks, murdered both
the princes even in her arms, whilſt ſhe in vain endeavoured
to cover them from the ftrokes of the inhuman executioners.
As if all this barbarity had not been fufficient, after ſtripping
her of her royal attire, and cloathing her in a mean garb, this and banishes
unhappy princeſs was dragged out of the city, and fent in-
to exile to Samothrace,
her;
by the
SUCH enormous guilt feemed to provoke ſome exemplary
puniſhment; and it foon overtook him. A vaft body of is attacked
Gauls, amounting to three hundred thouſand, had left their Gauls;
native home in queft of new fettlements, and after following
the courſe of the Danube for a confiderable way, had divided
into three bodies, one of which had broken into Macedon. Pto-
lemy had not force fufficient to cope with this formidable mul-
titude; yet, as if urged on by divine vengeance for his crimes,
he refuſed the only expedients that might have ſaved him.
They demanded a certain quantity of gold, promifing on that
condition to march through his dominions without committing
any depredation. Their demand was haughtily rejected. The
• Paufan. in Phocicis. Juft. L. xxiv. c. 5, & feq.
G g 2
Dardanians
228
HISTORY OF GREECE
BOOK III. Dardanians would have marched to his affiftance.
Sect. 2.
rafhly defies
them to
battle,
and falls.
The Gauls
lay waſte
Macedon ;
He dif
dained the offer; and, in full confidence of his own ſtrength,
and in contempt of that of the enemy, took the field with
fuch tumultuary troops as he could get together, and defied
the enemy to battle. The event was anſwerable to the folly
of his conduct. With moſt of his men he periſhed "; and,
the barbarians cutting off his head, carried it through their
ranks expoſed on the top of a lance. Ptolemy reigned about
two years, and is diftinguiſhed in hiſtory by the appellation
of Ceraunus, or thunderbolt; a name aptly expreffive of his im-
petuous and ruthlefs violence..
NEVER were people in a more deplorable condition than
the Macedonians at this period; without a king; without an
army; expofed to the depredations of incenfed barbarians, and
ſubject to every infult which their cruelty or their luft might.
dictate.. Softhenes undertook at length to reprefs them.
This noble Macedonian, called forth by the diſtreſſes of his
country, affembled whatever adventurous fpirits were yet to
be found in Macedon, and, having formed them into a cho-
fen band, occafionally furpriſed and harraffed the ravagers..
Repeated fucceffes encreaſed his reputation and his numbers,
until by degrees he found himſelf enabled to attempt regular
engagements; in one of which Belgius fell. But Macedon
had not yet ſeen the end of her calamities. Brennus, another
of the barbarian chieftains, who had remained behind in Pan--
nonia, excited by the fame of Belgius's exploits, and of the
rich plunder he had acquired, alſo haſtened to ſhare the ſpoil;
and entered Macedon, fay hiftorians, at the head of an hun--
10 OLYMP. CXXiv. 4. BEFORE CHRIST 280,
7
dred
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
229
dred and forty thouſand foot and ten thouſand horfe. To Book III.
ſuch a force the reſiſtance of exhauſted Macedon was un- Sect. 2.
equal. Softhenes's army,, together with their gallant chief,
were foon overpowered and cut to pieces; and, a few places of
ftrength excepted, all was abandoned to the mercy of the con-
queror.
Laden with plunder, they left at length a country,
where they could find nothing more to gratify their avarice; march to-
and ſhaped their courfe towards Greece.
GREECE, enfeebled by a fucceffion of evils, which her do-
meſtic follies, and the ambition of the princes of Macedon,.
had. brought upon her, had feemingly nothing to oppoſe to
this torrent of barbarians. Brennus, well informed of her
fituation, and fluſhed with victory, promiſed himſelf an.
eafy poffeffion of all the treaſures, with which her ci-
ties were faid to abound. He knew not what reſources
may be found in ftrict difcipline and wife counſels. Ani-
mated by the dangers that threatened them, the Gre-
cian ftates muftered immediately what ftrength they could,
and fecured the defiles of Thermopylae, through which lay
the route of the barbarians from Macedon; the Athenians
under the command of Callippus, of whom hiſtory makes
the moſt honourable mention ", taking the lead in this im-
portant fervice: whilft their fleets failed to the coafts of
Theffaly, in order to fupport the operations of the army
by land.
Brennus had advanced, as if all oppofition was to
fly before him. But, to his amazement, neither the multi-
tudes he commanded, the gigantic ftature of his Gauls, nor
the ferocity of their onſet, were here fucceſsful. The mili--
**See Paufan. in Atticis..
wards
Greece;
are ſtopped
at Thermo-
pylae ;
个
​tary
T
230
HISTORY OF GREECE
Sect. 2.
-
BOOK III. tary ſkill, and the fuperior excellence of their weapons, gave
the Greeks a decided advantage; after repeated efforts, and
the lofs of many of the braveft of his troops, he found him-
ſelf under the neceffity of defiſting.
invade Ae-
tolia ;
attack Del-
phi:
+
He then detached forty, thouſand men to ravage Aetolią,
which joined Theffaly on the fouth; in hopes that the Ae-
tolians, who formed a confiderable part of the Grecian army,
would go
to the defence of their own country. But enough
ftill remained to guard the paſs; and his detachment, after
taking only the city of Callion, and encreafing the deteſtation
in which the barbarians were held, by the exceffive cruelties
they committed, were half of them cut off.
1
At length the inhabitants of that part of Theffaly where
the Gauls were encamped, wishing to get rid of theſe bur-
denſome gueſts at any price, directed Brennus to the path
over mount Oetą, by which the Medes had entered Greece
in the days of Leonidas. Leaving therefore Aciachorius
to command in his abfence, he began his march at the head
of a confiderable army, fixty-five thouſand choſen men, ſays
Juſtin", in order to furprize the temple of Delphi, famed
for the precious, offerings it contained. The fame for-
tune he had before experienced purſued him thither alfo.
As the Gauls approached the mount, on which the oracu-
lar temple ftood, ftrange voices and folemn founds ftruck
their ears on every fide; the mountain began to ſhake, and
huge rocks, looſening from their foundations, precipitated
down upon the affrighted Gauls, and cruſhed them in
12 Juft. L. xxiv. c. 7.
.
numbers.
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANder.
z3r
Sect. 2.
numbers. The inhabitants, in the mean time, though hardly Book III.
four thouſand ſtrong, inſpired with a courage more than
human, ruſhed forth againſt the barbarians"; who, panic-
ſtruck, betook themſelves to flight; many of them, in their are repulfed,
confternation, turning their fwords one againſt another, pe-
riſhed by mutual wounds. The flaughter, which was prodi-
gious, continued till the clofe of day **..
-
14
and retire in
tion.
confterna-
THE night, that followed, gave them no refpite. Be-
fides hideous voices, the craſh of rocks, together with the
cry of the enemy purſuing, which they ſtill heard or feem-
ed to hear, a tempeft. uncommonly dreadful overtook the
remains of this wretched army, attended with fuch pierc-
ing cold, that moſt of the wounded expired of the anguiſh
it occafioned. Brennus had been likewiſe wounded but
his bodily fufferings were light in compariſon of what his
mind endured; he felt the whole feverity of divine ven-
geance, and in his diftraction laid violent hands on himfelf. Brennus kills
The few, who furvived, having with much difficulty joined
13 Some hiftorians fay that they were led on by perfonages of divine appearance;
whom they fuppofe to be Apollo, Minerva, and Diana.
14 According to Paufanias (in Phocicis, p. 340.) the difcomfiture of the Gauls at
Delphi happened the 2d year of the 125th Olympiad, that is, 278 years before
Chriſt. This agrees exactly with what the accurate Polybius tells us (L. ii, c. 41. )
that Ptolemy, the fon of Lagus, Lyfimachus, Seleucus, and Ptolemy Ceraunus, died
all in the courfe of the 124th Olympiad. Ptolemy Ceraunus we fuppofe here to
have fallen in battle against the Gauls, the 4th year of that Olympiad. He is faid
to have reigned two years. He therefore flew Seleucus the 2d year of that fame
Olympiád. And ſeven months before that had Lyfimachus been flain. Softhenes,
the fucceffor of Ceraunus, held the adminiſtration about two years, that is, until the
2d. year of the 125th Olympiad, when he was killed by Brennus, who in confequence
of his victory invaded Greece.
Aciachorius,
himſelf.
232
HISTORY OF GREECE
L
?
Sect. 2.
Book III. Aciachorius, endeavoured to retreat from this inauſpicious
country. But, wherefoever they went, they found enemies;
the ſeveral nations, as they paffed, rifing against them; and
of all thoſe vaft multitudes, which had poured out of Mace-
don into Greece, not one, we are told, efcaped ".
1
15 Paulmier de Grentemefnil, in his Graec. Antiq. L. vi. c. 8. maintains, that
the Gauls really facked Delphi, and that what Pagan writers fay to the contrary is
only to be confidered as an invention of the Greeks, dictated by their vanity and
fuperftition. And he founds his affertion chiefly on the teftimony of Strabo, who, as
quoted by that learned critic, fays that a confiderable part of the Delphic treaſure
was carried off by the Gauls to Toulouſe, and found there by Caepio, the Roman
general, when he plundered that city. But, upon examining Strabo, it appears, that
this is only a partial quotation; and that, taken all together, his evidence bears quite
another way. His words are theſe : "There is indeed a tradition, that the Tecto-
<fages" (a tribe of Gauls near the Pyrenees) were among the Gauls who in-
"vaded Delphi, and that the treaſure found at Toulouſe by Caepio the Roman ge-
"neral was part of the plunder which they had carried off from Delphi, and
"which, upon their returning home, they had confecrated to the gods, in order to
"placate them, having added to it much treaſure of their own; and that Caepio,
"for prefuming to lay hands on this facred depofit, had periſhed miferably with his
"whole family. But what Pofidonius relates is much more credible. He fays,
"that the treaſures found at Touloufe, to the amount of 15,000 talents, were
"either laid up in the temples, or concealed in the facred lakes, and confifted
"altogether of unwrought gold and filver. But at the time when the Gauls in-
vaded Greece, the Delphic temple had no fuch treafure, having been lately plun-
"dered by the Phocians. And what little the Gauls might have got there, the fol-
"diers would probably have had divided among them. Neither is it likely, that theſe
Tectofages ever reached their native land, having fuffered great miferies, after
"they left Delphi, and been difperfed under different leaders in different countries."
Strab. Caſaub. L. iv. p. 130. Allowing, however, what Strabo does not ſeem
willing to allow, that a part of thefe invaders reached Touloufe, and brought fome
portion of the plundered wealth home with them, it does not follow that this was
the plunder of Delphi. They had already enriched themſelves with the ſpoil of Ma-
cedon; and Paufanias (in Phocicis) exprefsly tells us, that, when the Gallic chiefs
marched to Delphi, a part of the army was left at Heraclea, to guard the treaſure
they had amafied, and which they left behind them in their camp; âi îµeλλov Qgov-
φήσειν τὰ ἐπὶ τῶν στρατοπέδου χρηματα.
*
SUCH
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
233
2
1
SUCH are the extraordinary circumſtances, with which an- Book III.
tient writers have recorded this irruption and adorned their Sect. 2.
narrative.
their difcom-
fiture.
AMIDST theſe fictions, it is not impoffible to trace the
truth. From Juftin " we learn, that the Delphians, far from Caufes of
relying on any fupernatural intervention, provided for their
preſervation with admirable dexterity. They iffued orders, in
the name of the oracle, to the inhabitants of the adjacent
villages, to abandon their dwellings, leaving them well
ſtored with all manner of provifions and plenty of wines.
This ſcheme had the defired effect. The Gauls, ſharpened Precautions
by hunger, and meeting with no enemy to oppoſe them, phians.
freely indulged themſelves, thinking they were in full fecu-
rity. The contrivance gave the Greeks an opportunity of
making more effectual preparations, and of collecting fuc-
cours from the neighbouring cities; and the barbarians, dif-
ordered by exceſs, loft much of that vigour, by which their
operations had been generally diſtinguiſhed.
of the Del.
THE fituation alſo of Delphi furniſhed the inhabitants
with the means of difplaying their ingenuity in another
manner. Mount Parnaffus, on the fide of which ftood the Situation of
Delphi.
facred city, had many caves and windings, from whence
proceeded a variety of curious echoes. By ftationing people in
proper places, with inſtructions to fhout and ſcream out, as
occafion required, it is plain, that the natural effects of the
place muſt have produced a multiplicity of ſtrange voices, which
iffuing loudly forth, without any vifible cauſe, from every ſide,
-16 Just. L. xxiv. c. 7.
H h
with
L
HISTORY OF GREECE
234
Book III. with an extraordinary encreaſe of reverberating founds, could
Sect. 2. not but ſtrike terror and difmay into an uninſtructed mul-
titude, and beget in them an opinion, that beings more.
than human were concerned in producing them..
The moun-
taineers of
Parnaffus
tumble down
fragments of
rocks on the
Gauls;
the Gauls,
rude and ig-
norant, eafily
impreffed
with terror.
ON the fame principle may be explained the concuffions:
of the mountain, and the difruption of thofe large. frag-
ments, which, we are told, rolled down; and overwhelmed
the Gauls, as they attempted to afcend. Well acquainted.
with the heights of Parnaffus, the inhabitants, doubtlefs, had
it in their power to loofen many of the rocks of that preci-
The moun.
pice, and to roll them down on the enemy.
taineers of the Alps " practifed the like operation againſt Han
nibal, in his paſſage into Italy: and theſe maſſy bodies, bound-
ing in their deſcent from cliff to cliff, and daſhing at length.
againſt the bottom with impetuous violence, might well cauſe:
fomewhat of a tremulous motion all around..
16T
THE Gauls, therefore, a rude people, and prone to won--
der, finding themſelves affailed by ftrange voices and terrify-
ing founds, which feemed to proceed from beings of a fupe--
rior order; hearing the noiſe of mountains tumbling over-
their heads, and feeing numbers of their companions de--
ftroyed by the fudden ruin that appeared to deſcend from
heaven; feeling, at the fame time, the ground to looſen:
and tremble beneath their feet; might very poffibly be led to
conclude, that the gods intereſted themſelves against them..
The reſt is eafily accounted for. The mind, once ftruck.
with a panic, is apt to magnify the moft trifling objects, and.
16 See Liv. L. xxvii. c. 34.
1
-
often
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
235
often imagines circumſtances that never had exiſtence. The Book III.
ſuperſtition of the times affifted the illufion; and the Greeks, Sect. 2.
both then, and for ages after, whether miſled by credu-
lity or prompted by intereft, failed not to ſupport the credit
of theſe legendary tales.
18
True caufe
of Brennus's
defpair.
Lofs fuftain-
ed by the
Gauls exag
It appears, nevertheless, from Paufanias ", that the act
of defpair, of which Brennus was guilty, was owing to the
apprehenfions he had of his own countrymen. He it was
who had engaged them in this unprofperous expedition; and
he dreaded their refentment. There is alfo the fulleft evi-
dence from Strabo and other antient writers, that the
Gauls were not all cut off. Juftin himſelf, who fays, not gerated.
one of them eſcaped, acknowledges, in another place, that
part of them made their way into Thrace, and part into
Afia ". This is alfo confirmed by the teſtimony of Poly-
bius from whom we learn, that they formed a confiderable
ſettlement in the neighbourhood of Byzantium; and after
fome years brought even the Byzantines under a tributary
fubjection.
19
20
THE fuccefs thus obtained by the arms of Greece against Noble vigour
exerted by
thefe barbarian tribes, who, fpreading devaftation through the Greeks;
moſt of the European nations, had, for above an hundred
years, diſputed the prize of empire with Rome herſelf, fhews
the ſpirit and vigour of the Grecian people when fully ex-
erted; and leads us to conceive what they might have atchiev-
ed, had they not fuffered their ſtrength to confume away in
*7 See Paufan. in Phocicis.
20 See Polyb. L. iv. c. 46.
18 See Strab. ubi ſup. 19 Juft. L. xxxii. c. 3.
Hh 2
domeftic
}
1
236
HISTORY OF GREECE
&
}
Sect. 2.
Book III. domeſtic divifions, and deftructive contefts for fovereignty
between city and city. United firmly together, and employ-
ing their joint efforts for the preſervation of their common
liberties, they might long have ſpurned the yoke of bondage,
and have bid defiance to every foreign foe.
by the Athe-
ticular.
It is alfo worthy of obfervation, that the Athenians, in
nians in par- whom, for many years before, the ſpirit of antient days.
feemed to have been altogether extinguiſhed, ſhould, on this
occafion, have deſerved to be ranked among the foremoſt of
the deliverers of Greece; and it is no leſs remarkable, that,
after the expulfion of theſe barbarians, this principle of
virtue, by which they were now actuated, fhould at once:
loſe its whole activity and power. From this time, there-
fore, they make but a contemptible figure in the affairs of
Greece; acting only a fecondary part in the various revolu-
tions that followed; and feemingly concerned, not fo much
for the preſervation of their liberties, as into whofe hands
they fhould deliver them.
Antigonus,
fon to Deme-
trius Polior-
cetes, gets
poffeffion of
Macedon;
THE kingdom of Macedon had ſuffered ſeverely during the
late irruptions of the Gauls; and it might have been ex-
pected, that, impoverished as it now was, it would have been
permitted to enjoy fome interval of repofe. It appears, ne-
vertheleſs, to have been ſtill an object of ambition to the
neighbouring princes. Antigonus, fon of Demetrius Po-
liorcetes, who, fince his father's misfortunes, held poffef-
fion of fome of the Peloponnefian cities, revived pretenfions
to it, which he had attempted to urge in the beginning of
the reign of Ceraunus. His plea was,
His plea was, "his father had fat on
"the throne of Macedon, and, by his mother Philla, he
66 was
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
237
}
was of the houſe of Antipater." Accordingly, when he Book III.
found the Gauls had retired, he marched an army into what Sect. 2.
he called his own dominions. Antiochus, the fon of Seleu-
cus, on the other hand, advanced a title not leſs ſpecious;
"he claimed Macedon in right of his father, who in
* fair battle had won it with his ſword from Lyfimachus;
and prepared to fupport his claim by a powerful arma-
ment. Means, however, were contrived. to compromiſe
the matter. It was agreed, that Antigonus fhould wed the
princefs Philla, whom Seleucus had by Stratonice before he
refigned her to his fon : and in confequence of this marriage,
Antiochus relinquished his pretenfions to Macedon in favour
of Antigonus.
is attacked
by another.
body of
THIS re-eſtabliſhment of public tranquillity was of ſhort
continuance. A body of Gauls" had halted, and fettled on
the northern boundaries of Macedon, at the time Brennus
was carrying on his ravages to the fouthward. They Gauls.
foon heard that Antigonus had brought much treaſure from
Peloponnefus, and that Macedon began again to give proófs
of cultivation and profperity. Allured by the proſpect of
plunder, they fent an embaffy to Antigonus, requiring the
payment of a certain fubfidy, on which condition they ten-
dered him peace. Antigonus refufed to comply with terms-
fo diſhonourable; at the fame time, thinking to intimidate
his adverfaries by a diſplay of his power, he entertained their.
embaffadors with great parade,. and made a ſplendid exhibi-
tion of his army and equipments for war. The report of the
embaffadors, upon their return home, ferved only as an addi-
21
Juft. L. xxv. c. I, 2.
#
3
tional
4
238
HISTORY OF GREECE
Sect. 2.
and defeats
them.
Book III. tional incitement to the barbarians, who immediately made
an inroad into Macedon. Antigonus faw his miſtake, and
endeavoured to repair it. As if fearful of giving battle, he
fuffered them to carry on their depredations unmoleſted;
but when incumbered with booty, he fell on them with his
troops, which he had diſpoſed in places proper for the purpoſe,
and made great flaughter; few of the enemy, fay hiſtorians,
eſcaping. It is nevertheleſs evident, that, with all theſe
exterminations, of which we fo frequently read, the Gauls
muſt have had at this period powerful fettlements in moſt of
the adjacent countries, eſpecially to the north of Macedon;
for, from this period, fcarcely any war was undertaken among
the nations of thoſe parts, in which they were not employed
Pyrrhus in-
vades, Mace-
don:
'his various
fortunes
from his in-
fancy.
as mercenaries.
22
THIS invafion was hardly over, when, as if Macedon was
never to enjoy repofe, a new enemy " appeared. Pyrrhus has
been already mentioned; but fo uncommon a character de-
ferves more particular notice. His life had been a conſtant
ſcene of adventures. Even in his infancy, when his father
Acacidas, king of Epire, and nephew to Olympias, had
been driven from his throne, through the intrigues of Caf-
fander of Macedon, his life had been preferved in a won-
derful manner. Caffander, the mortal foe of Olympias and
her lineage, had fworn the extirpation of the houſe of Aea-
cidas; and had given directions to his faction, that the
young prince eſpecially fhould not efcape. Pyrrhus's at-
tendants.contrived, nevertheless, to convey him out of Epire;
but, in their flight, they found themſelves ſtopped by a ri-
21 Plutarch in Pyrrho. Juft. L. xxv. c. 3, 4, 6. Paufan, in Atticis.
ver,
1
群
​}
}
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
239-
1
There was no Book III.
ver, ſwollen and unfordable by heavy rains.
boat; and the purſuers were at hand. In this diftrefs, one Sect. 2.
of his retinue, having written with the tongue of a buckle on
a piece of oak-bark, an account of the fortunes of the infant.
they had in charge, and of the dangers that threatened him,
faſtened it to a javelin, and threw it to the oppofite fide; which
moving the compaffion of the people of the country, they
provided immediately a raft, and got him over. From thence
they made their way to the court of Glaucias king of Illyria,
who was married to Beröe, a princeſs of the royal houſe of
Epire. Upon coming into the king's preſence, being doubt-
ful of the reception they ſhould meet with, they laid the child
at his feet in the posture of a fuppliant. The king, who
dreaded Caffander, remained a confiderable time wrapped-
in filent fufpence, feemingly revolving what part he ſhould act.
During which, Pyrrhus, of his own accord, creeping cloſe to
him,, took hold of his robe, raiſed himfelf up, and clung
round his knees. Won by this artleſs pleading of the little in-
fant, Glaucias caught him in his arms, and delivered him
to the queen, to be brought up with his own children; and,
though afterwards repeatedly folicited by Caffander, who em-
ployed both threats and promiſes, he ſteadily refuſed to with-
draw his protection from him; and when twelve years old,.
he conducted him in perfon back to Epire, and placed him on
the throne of his anceſtors. Pyrrhus had reigned about five:
years, when, another revolution taking place, he was again.
obliged to quit Epire;, and fled to Demetrius Poliorcetes,
who had married his fifter Deidamia.. With him he remained,
for fome years; he fought by his fide at the battle of Ipfus;
and, when a treaty was concluded by Demetrius with Ptolemy
and Seleucus, he went as an hoftage for his patron into
Egypt..
J
240
HISTORY OF GREECE
}
Book III. Egypt. This vifit to the Egyptian court proved the means of
Sect. 2. reſtoring the fortune of Pyrrhus. His accompliſhments re-
commended him to the favour of Ptolemy and Berenice, who
gave him in marriage Antigone, daughter of Berenice by her
firſt huſband, and enabled him to recover the kingdom of Epire.
The ſhare he afterwards had in the revolutions of Macedon,
his obtaining a part of that kingdom, and lofing it again,
have been already related.
PYRRHUS, now reſtored to Epire, relieved from foreign wars,
and in the peaceable poffeffion of his hereditary throne, had
nothing to divert his attention from the profperity of his
kingdom. But his mind knew not repofe. The Taren-
tines, who had rafhly engaged in war againſt Rome, applied
to him for aſſiſtance; and his ambitious ſpirit eagerly feized
an opportunity from which he fondly promiſed to himſelf
nothing less than the conqueft of all the kingdoms of the
earth. What events this expedition produced, is the bufi-
nefs of another hiftory. It may be fufficient here to obferve,
that after various exploits in Italy and Sicily, which only
ended in making his name memorable, he had returned to
Epire, full of indignation againſt Antigonus, to whom he
had applied for fuccours without obtaining them. In re-
venge, therefore, he made an irruption into the Macedonian
borders. His view at firſt was only depredation; but, place
after place falling before him, and the Macedonians them-
felves (by whom he was held in great admiration on ac-
count of his martial atchievements, and a ſtrong reſemblance
they fancied he bore to Alexander the Great) favouring his
Pyrrhus de- progrefs and deſerting to him, he was tempted to proceed;
feats Antigo.
nus, and gets
and
1
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
241
介
​1
1
and, having defeated Antigonus in a pitched battle, found
himſelf almoſt unexpectedly in poffeffion of the throne of
Macedon.
Book III.
Sect. 2.
poffeffion of
Macedon:
mercenary
THIS revolution was far from alleviating the calamities of permits his
the Macedonians. Pyrrhus valued victory, as it was the Gauls to
means of plunder, and uſed it accordingly. He had, befides, plunder;
inliſted into his ſervice a body of mercenary Gauls, whom he
recompenfed by permitting them to plunder thoſe nations
whom they had helped him to conquer. Accordingly, wherever
they came, neither public nor private wealth eſcaped: the ſe-
pulchres of the Macedonian kings at Aegae they even polluted
and ranfacked, for the fake of the treaſures they were fuppofed
to conceal.
ANTIGONUS, however, had not yet given up the conteft.
He was ſtill maſter of Theffalonica and the adjoining coafts;
and, having aſſembled a new army, marched againſt Ptolemy,
the fon of Pyrrhus, whom his father had left to govern the
kingdom during his abfence in Epire; but Antigonus was
again defeated, and with difficulty faved himſelf by flight.
Had Pyrrhus known how to make a proper uſe of his preſent
advantages, the throne of Macedon had probably been for
ever loft to Antigonus; but, hurried away by his paffion for
war, he foon profecuted other adventures.
leaves Pto-
lemy, his fon,
governor of
whom Anti-
Macedon, by
gonus is
again defeat-
cd;
ta,
CLEONYMUS, a prince of the royal blood of Sparta, driven marches
by certain wrongs from his country, had applied to him for against Spar-
protection. "Arcus," he alledged, "had ufurped the Spar-
"tan throne to his prejudice; and, which to him was a far
"more grievous injury, his wife Chelidonis, whom he dear-
I i
ly
242
HISTORY OF GREECE
Book III. "6
Sect. 2.
and is near
ly loved, had been feduced by Acrotatus, fon to Arcus, and
"was forcibly with-held from him." Pyrrhus liftened wil-
lingly to complaints, which opened new ſcenes to his ambition,
he promiſed to avenge the caufe of Cleonymus; and, march-
ing at the head of twenty-five thousand foot, two thouſand
horſe, and twenty-four elephants, arrived within fight of
Sparta before his adverfaries. were aware of his intentions..
His approach ſpread confternation throughout the city.
furprizing it. Arcus was abfent in Crete, and had carried with him the
flower of the Spartan army; thoſe who remained at home-
being moſtly perfons who, from their age or fex, were
incapable of military fervice. Had Pyrrhus therefore pro-
ceeded with his wonted impetuofity, it was fcarcely poffible-
that Sparta ſhould have made a long defence; but he had
reached that city at clofe of day; and, fearing that amidſt
the confufion of the night he ſhould not have it in his power
to reſtrain his troops from pillaging, he thought it adviſe-
able to delay the attack until the morning.
Heroifm of
women.
His delay faved the Spartans. The council having aſ-
the Spartan fembled upon the firft alarm, it had been propoſed to ſend
off the women; but the women of Sparta were unacquaint-
ed with fear: apprized therefore of the propofal, they de-
puted Archidamia to deliver their fentiments to the fenate..
She entered the affembly armed, with a fword in her hand,
and thus addreffed them,, " Deem not, men of Sparta, fo
meanly of the Spartan women, as to imagine they will
"furvive, when their country is no more: confider not then,
"whither we are to fly; determine only what we are to
"do; and whatever ſtation ſhall be affigned to us, that we
44
are prepared to undertake and to perform." Animated by
this
5
}
{
;
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
243
**
this ſpirited addreſs, it was reſolved to employ the night in
finking a trench oppofite to the enemy, its extremities to be
guarded by waggons fixed firmly in the ground, in order
to prevent the paffing of the elephants; the trench to be in
breadth fix cubits, in depth four, in length eight hundred.
One third of this work the women undertook to execute;
the old men were to complete the reft; the young men not
being allowed to affift in it, that they might be in full
ftrength to fuftain the enemy's charge in the morning.
Ar day-break Pyrrhus faw with amazement what the
night had produced; commanding, however, a general affault,
he endeavoured to force his way by ftorm; but every where
he found a vigorous refiftance; the Spartan line oppoſed an
impenetrable rampart of ſhields and briſtling weapons; and
the mould having been newly thrown up, afforded the Ma-
cedonians a treacherous footing; fo that, tumbling back in-
to the ditch, numbers were flaughtered. Meanwhile, Pto-
lemy, the ſon of Pyrrhus, had nearly triumphed over all the
precaution of the Spartans. Obferving them to be too ſecure
of one part,' which was fortified by the waggons, and lefs at-
tentive to its defence, he made an attack upon that quarter,
at the head of two thouſand Gauls. Already had he cleared
away the carriages, and was laying open a paffage, when
Acrotatus, perceiving the danger, fallied from the oppofite
part of the city, and, wheeling round by the hollow-way that
lay at the foot of the hills, unexpectedly attacked and diflodged
the Macedonians with great carnage
23
NIGHT
z3 We have here from Plutarch (in Phocicis) a ftriking inftance of the fhameful
diſregard in which the connubial vow was held by the pagan world. As Acrota-
Liz
tus,
Book III,
Sect. 2.
Brave de-
Spartans.
fence of the
*
+
244
HISTORY OF GREECE
*
J
}
BOOK III.
Sect. 2.
Pyrrhus is
repulfeda
NIGHT at length parted the combatants, but without
abating their fury. They waited impatiently for the morn-
ing; and, as foon as it appeared, the action was renewed with
the fame obftinate violence. The women of Sparta ſhared
every danger with their countrymen; they ſupplied them.
with ammunition and refreſhments, they attended the wound-
ed, and carried off the dead. After repeated efforts, Pyr-
rhus, who faw the trench was not to be forced, determined
to penetrate the barricado of waggons, which his fon had
unſucceſsfully attempted the preceding day. Through theſe
he forced his way; and, with a number of horſemen getting
within the Spartan lines, advanced full fpeed towards the
city. At fight of this the Spartan women fent forth a
fhriek of deſpair, imagining, that Sparta had fallen into the
hands of the enemy. The moment was truly critical; Spar-
ta was in the moſt imminent danger; and appears to have
been faved merely by one of thoſe unforefeen events on which
the fate of kingdoms often depend. A Cretan archer, taking
aim at the king, buried an arrow in the body of his horſe,
who, plunging in the agonies of death, threw his rider. The
Macedonians, apprehending their fovereign was flain, fell
back. And the Spartans, at the fame inſtant, rufhing for-
ward, recovered their ground, and compelled Pyrrhus to con-
fult his fafety by retiring..
tus, after performing the exploit of diflodging the enemy, was returning through
the city, he appeared to the Spartan women, fays the biographer, taller and more grace-
ful than ever, and they could not forbear envying Chelidonis fuch a lover: nay, even
fome of the old men followed, and cried out, "Go, Acrotatus, and enjoy Cheli-
"donis; and may your offspring be worthy of Sparta!" and yet had the diſloyalty
of this very Chelidonis been one of the principal cauſes that had provoked the pre-
fent war.
HE
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
245
1
棗
​He was not difcouraged. "To-morrow," faid he, "we
" will reſume the fight; by which time the Spartans will
"have felt their wounds, and be lefs able to refift us."
But that very night a body of troops from Antigonus en-
tered the city.
And a few hours after Arcus himſelf ar-
rived, with two thouſand men. Pyrrhus faw, that to ftorm
Sparta was now altogether impracticable; and, having received
an invitation from the people of Argos to haften to their
afſiſtance againſt Antigonus, he gladly availed himſelf of the
pretence, and prepared to withdraw his troops.
Book III.
Sect. 2.
prepares to
march for
Argos ;
is purſued
by the Spar-
tans;
THIS was a matter of greater difficulty than he imagin-
ed. Arcus, filled with refentment, obferved all his mo-
tions; and, as foon as he had begun his march, by hang-
ing on his flank and rear, galled him feverely. Ptolemy, his fon Pto-
endeavouring to cover his father's retreat, and adventuring lemy is flain,
too far among the enemy, was furrounded and flain. This
was a fevere blow to Pyrrhus. He was his fon by Anti-
gone, ſtep-daughter to Ptolemy king of Egypt; and was
accounted one of the moſt amiable princes of his time.
Pyrrhus fhewed his concern in a manner natural to his
character. He turned upon the enemy, and facrificed to his
revenge all who fell in his way.
admittance
into Argos,
ON his arrival at Argos, he found the fituation of affairs He is refufed
very different from what his hopes had repreſented them.
He poffeffed, it is true, a faction among the Argivés; but
Antigonus had likewife his; and was encamped with a re-
ſpectable force at a ſmall diſtance from the city. The ci-
tizens of Argos, befides, began to fee the miſtake they had
been guilty of, in calling in thefe high-fpirited and ambi-
3
tious
I
307
246
HISTORY OF GREECE
Book III. tious princes; and, apprehenſive of the iſſue, both parties had
Sect. 2. united in requeſting the two kings not to make their city
a ſcene of bloodſhed; but, whatever might be their diſputes,
to decide them without the gates. Antigonus promiſed to
comply. Pyrrhus alfo acquiefced; but, tempted by the ad-
vantages he expected to derive from the poffeffion of the
city, in violation of his royal word, he prevailed upon fome
of his partizans to admit him privately by night.
attempts
to enter it
by night,
1
THE night chofen for the purpoſe being dark; the gate
narrow; and the ſtreet, leading from it, ſtrait and ſlippery;
the Macedonians, who were ſtrangers to the place, were much
embarraffed, and foon fell into confufion. Before the evil
could be remedied, day-light appeared. Pyrrhus now faw
himſelf beſet with difficulties: the pofts of importance were
all in the hands of Antigonus's friends; the citizens were com-
ing down upon
him from all quarters; and the narrowneſs of
the ſtreet, together with the crouds that poured in, made it
impoffible for his troops either to form or to advance.
Convinced therefore of the folly of the attempt, he reſolved
to retire; and accordingly directed his fon Helenus, who
commanded without the gate, to break down part of the
city-walls, in order to give a free paffage to his troops in
their retreat. But his orders were unfortunately miſtaken ;
the troops without, ftriving to ruſh in to his affiſtance, added
to the uproar, and at the fame time one of the elephants
falling, choaked up the gateway. Amidst the tumult which
this ſcene of confufion occafioned, Pyrrhus, endeavouring
to keep off the multitude, received a flight wound from
the hand of an Argive; when turning on him, to revenge
the blow, the mother of the man, who happened to be
looking
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
247
}
and is flain
looking at the battle from the roof of an adjoining houfe, Book III.
Sect. 2.
terrified at the danger to which her fon's life was expoſed,
aimed a tile at the king; which falling on his helmet, by the hand
brought him ſenſeleſs to the ground; this misfortune one
of Antigonus's officers perceiving, dragged him immedi-
ately afide, and ftruck off his head ".
SUCH was the humiliating fall of this warrior, whofe
active life had been productive of ſo much devaftation and
bloodshed.
of a woman ;.
as a warrior,
PYRRHUS is ranked by many among the greateſt gene- his character
rals of antiquity. Even Hannibal, if we may believe Plu-
tarch 26, accounted him the first in genius and ſkill the
world had ever beheld; Scipio, according to him, being
only the fecond; and himſelf the third.. Whatever au--
thenticity may be in this ftory, the tradition. fhews in what
high eſtimation his military abilities were held.. He was as a king.
certainly poffeffed of great talents, and he had been a blef-
fing to the age in which he lived, had his turbulent fpi-
rit, and thirſt for military fame, permitted him to employ
his powers for the happineſs, inſtead of the deſtruction
of mankind.
24 Such, it appears, was the terror the Argives had of Pyrrhus, that they confi-
dered the deliverance, which they obtained by his death, as the effect of ſome ſuper-
natural interpofition. It was, faid they, Ceres, who, having affumed the form of an
old woman, difcharged the tile on his head, in order to fave her favourite Argos.
from this fell warrior. And accordingly a temple was raiſed to Ceres on the ſpot
where Pyrrhus was flain. Pauſan. in Atticis.
25 OLYMP. CXXxvi. 4.
BEFORE CHRIST 272,
1
20 In Pyrrho.
EPIRE
•
248
BOOK III.
HISTORY OF GRE E CE
EPIRE fuffered, under his reign, all the calamities which
Sect. 2. generally diſtinguiſh the reigns of ambitious princes. Nei-
The ills
which his
-ambition
brought on
ther did the miferies he brought upon it end with his life.
Alexander, his fon and fucceffor, inured by his father to arms
his kingdom. from his earlieſt years, and feduced by that appearance of
glory which Pyrrhus's atchievements had caft around him,
purfued the fame martial track, and, like his father, marked
his whole reign with commotion and bloodshed. Soon af-
ter the death of this prince, followed the ruin of his royal
houſe, in which the fame cauſes appear to have had a confi-
derable ſhare. His two fons, harraffed whilft they lived by
different foes, died young. And the princeſs Laodamia, to
whom the fucceffion devolved, was murdered in an infur-
rection of her own fubjects at the altar of Diana, where ſhe
had taken fanctuary". Such an atrocious violation of what-
ever was deemed most facred, fhews the degree of ferocity
which the Epirots had contracted in the courſe of ſo many
wars, and perhaps the refentment alſo they entertained of the
ills, which the turbulence of their princes had brought upon
them.
FROM this time, hiftory fpeaks of them as a people funk
into the loweſt and moſt abject condition; having neither
wiſdom to cultivate peace, nor vigour to defend themſelves
in war; but, waſted by inceffant civil broils, and the incur-
fions of foreign enemies, they dwindled into infignificancy,
and were at length almoſt totally exterminated ".
27 Juft. L. xxvi. c. 1, 3.
* Juſtin ubi fupra.
}
THIS
t
3
f
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
prac-
249
Sect. 2.
THIS repreſentation of Juftin will hardly be thought ex- Book III.
aggerated, when we confider the ravages to which the Epirots
had been fo long expofed from their neighbours of Ae-
tolia, of Theffaly, of Illyricum, of Macedon; nations
tiſed in war and depredation, to whoſe hoftilities their territories
lay open: and eſpecially too when we reflect upon the devaſta-
tion which the Romans alfo made among them; laying in
ruins in one day every town in Epire, and carrying into cap-
tivity all the inhabitants, that were young and fit for ſervice;;
to the amount, the Roman hiftorians themſelves confefs, of
an hundred and fifty thouſand.
BUT theſe tranſactions belong to a later period. They
have been only flightly mentioned here, on account of their
connection with our hiſtory of the reign of Pyrrhus..
Kk
HISTORY
'
HISTORY OF GREECE.
воо к
IV.
SECTION I.
CONTENT S.
Macedonian and Grecian affairs under Antigonus-bis fon Deme--
trius-and Antigonus the fecond, kings of Macedon.-Origin of
the republic of Achaia-it's decay-re-eſtabliſhment-aggran-
diſement, and profperity-from what cauſes.
UPON
the death of Pyrrhus, Antigonus was again feated
on the throne of Macedon. He now faw himſelf with-
out a rival; and, as if he had fucceeded to Pyrrhus's ambition,
as well as to his power, he began already to form fchemes for
the reduction of Greece. But, the more formidable he affected
to appear, the more formidable became the oppofition to
his views. The ftates that had favoured Pyrrhus, marked all
his ſteps with jealous eyes; and even thofe who had been moſt
forward in eſpouſing his cauſe, could not, without juſt ap-
prehenfions, behold a king of Macedon mafter of extenſive
poffeffions
Kk 2
Book IV.
Sect. 1.
I.
Antigonus
kingdom of
recovers the
Macedon
}
252
HISTORY OF GREECE
•
Sect. I.
excites the
Book IV. poffeffions in the very heart of Peloponnefus. Nay, Arcus,
the Spartan king, who had fought on the fame fide, was
not free from well-grounded 'fears, and thought it adviſeable
to ſtrengthen himſelf againſt Antigonus, by applying for fuc-
cours to Ptolemy Euergetes, then on the throne of Egypt, the
moſt powerful prince of his time, and connected by friendſhip
and intereſts with many of the Grecian ſtates.
jealoufy of
the other
Grecian
ſtates.;
is attacked
by the Gauls:
his prudent
conduct:
AMIDST theſe preparations and expectations of war, a
new and moſt formidable enemy appeared'. A freſh irrup-
tion of Gauls, after hovering for fome time on the fron-
tiers, broke in at length upon Macedon; which they ravaged
with a barbarity unexampled even among thoſe fierce invaders.
Alarmed at the approach of a foe, whoſe very name carried
difmay along with it, the Macedonians fled before them, and
prepared to abandon a country, to the devaſtation of which
they faw no end. In this exigency, Antigonus added caution
to courage; and his conduct faved Macedon. Careful to
avoid this impetuous torrent of barbarians, he permitted them
to ſpend their fury in wild excurfion. He obferved all their
motions at a diſtance; he harraffed them, as occafion offered;
and he endeavoured to lead them into fome of thofe defiles
with which Macedon abounds. His plan fucceeded. In-
tangled in the inclofures of mountains, where their exertions
were confined, they found themſelves fuddenly furrounded by the
forces of Antigonus, who had occupied all the paffes. Terror
and amazement feized them; whilft their diſtreſs was height-
ened by the bards that attended their expedition, in whoſe
knowledge of future events they placed a fuperftitious and
¹ Juft. L. xxvi. c, 2.
implicit
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
253
រ
them;
implicit faith. Poffeffed with gloomy apprehenfions of the Book IV.
danger which ſurrounded them, with dreadful howlings, and Sect. 1.
ſhrieks of woe, they denounced diſcomfiture and death. The he defeats
army caught the panic from their diviners; and, in the phrenfy
of deſpair, turning their rage on their wives and children, they
flaughtered them all; and then, befmeared over with their
blood, ruſhed on to battle. The mad onfet of fuch a panic-
ftruck multitude could avail but little againſt the regular
charge and cool courage of the Macedonian line. They were
accordingly cut to pieces to a man.
plans the re-
Greece;
duction of
Athens,
ELATED with the fuccefs, which thus had crowned his
arms, Antigonus looked forward with heightened confidence,
and haſtened to complete the reduction of the Grecian ſtates,
in which he now expected to find little difficulty. He began
with the ſiege of Athens. That city had fubmitted to the befieges
arms of his father Poliorcetes; and had paid him the moſt
ſervile adulation in the day of his power; but in his day of
diſtreſs ſhe had ſhut her gates againſt him. Upon this and other
grounds Antigonus founded claims, which he required the
Athenians to admit; whilft their more recent declaration for
Pyrrhus, to whom, during his conteft with Antigonus, they
had fent ambaffadors, fwelled the catalogue of wrongs, for
which he infifted for reparation. The danger which threaten-
ed Athens, was confidered as the common cauſe of Greece,
whofe fate feemed involved in the humiliation of this illuftri-
ous city. The veneration in which fhe was ftill held, co-
operated with the idea of general danger, and drew aid from
all
parts. Arcus, the Spartan king, marched in perſon to her
2 Paufan. in Laconicis.
affiſtance;
254
HISTORY OF GREECE
Book IV. affiſtance; and Ptolemy fent a powerful fleet, with troops,
Sect. I. ammunition, and fupplies of every kind. But, notwithſtand-
ing every exertion, Antigonus prevailed at length; and the
Athenians were obliged to purchafe his forgiveneſs by admit-
ting a Macedonian garrifon.
takes it;
is attacked
at home by
Alexander of
Epire,
and lofes
Macedon.
His fon, De-
metrius, re-
him :
But, whilſt Antigonus was thus making conqueſts in
other kingdoms, he was on the point of lofing his own.
Alexander of Epire, Pyrrhus's fon, ftimulated, it is probable,
by fome of the Grecian ſtates, who thought it their ſafeſt ex-
pedient to raiſe enemies to Antigonus at home, had entered
Macedon. Antigonus haftened back to repel the invafion;
when the whole Macedonian nation, tired of a king, whofe
reſtleſs ambition allowed them no refpite, revolted, and, de-
claring for Alexander, forced Antigonus, after ſome fruitlefs
efforts, to relinquish all immediate hopes of a re-eſtabliſhment,
and to retire to the dominions he ſtill poffèffed in Greece.
ANTIGONUS had a fon named Demetrius, then a ftripling
covers it for who, unfubdued by this reverſe of fortune, difdained to ac-
company his father in his flight, refolving either to recover
the throne, which he had been taught to confider as his
hereditary right, or to perish in the conteft. The generous
ſpirit of this gallant prince gained him friends: a party was
formed in his favour; and fo happily did he improve his op-
portunities, that he not only obliged Alexander to relinquish
Macedon, but attacked him in Epire, and, in return, ftrip-.
ped him almoſt of his paternal kingdom*.
3 Juft. ubi fup.
5
• Juft, ubi fup.
缧
​FROM
4
}
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
255
1
FROM this time Antigonus preferved Macedon till his Book IV.
death; but, uninſtructed by his various troubles, he retained Sect. 1.
to the laft his fondneſs for turbulent fcenes. His favourite his views on
Greece;
object was ſtill the ſubjection of the Greek republics; and this
purſuit he continued even in his moft advanced age, endea-
vouring to accomplish by fraud and intrigue, what he could
not venture to attempt by force of arms.
Of this kind was the laft act recorded concerning him'. The attempts Co
rinth by arti-
tyrant Alexander held Corinth, one of the most important fice,
places in Greece, which commanded the entrance into Pelopon-
nefus. This prince Antigonus contrived to have taken off by
poiſon; but his fovereignty was bequeathed to his wife Nicaea,
a woman advanced in years, fond of power, and of its poffeffion
exceedingly jealous. With fuch a character, fome extraordi
nary artifice was neceffary; and Antigonus deviſed one. His
fon Demetrius, who was young and handſome, he commanded
to repair to Nicaea's court, to attach himself to her perfon,
and to offer her his hand. Nicaea's vanity favoured the de-
ception, and the marriage was accordingly folemnized, An-
tigonus himſelf honouring it with his prefence.
feffion of it;
THE principal point, nevertheleſs, was ftill to be gained; and gets pof-
Nicaea cautiously retaining in her own power the citadel,
without which the poffeffion of Corinth was of little confe-
quence. Antigonus, pretending to be perfectly fatisfied, con-
tinued to pay her particular attention, and affected to appear
in perfon among her retinue, whenever the chofe to appear
in public. It happened, one day, that a celebrated finger
s Plutarch in Arato.
was
256
HISTORY OF GREECE
Sect. I.
Book IV. was to perform in the theatre, for the entertainment of Nicaea
and her royal guests. Upon her fetting out, Antigonus,
ſeemingly to do her honour, attended her litter; but, having
gone a little way, whilft, unſuſpicious of fraud, fhe was pro-
ceeding towards the theatre, he flipped afide, and, proceed-
ing haftily to the fort, either through ſurpriſe, or the trea-
chery of the guard, he obtained admittance, and introduced
a garriſon of his own..
lofes Corinth
again:
dies:
his fon De-
metrius fuc-
ceeds:
ANTIGONUS, however, received no lafting benefit from am
acquifition purchaſed at the price of fo much artifice. The
Corinthian citadel he held only about eight years, the Achaeans
wrefting it then out of his hands. He would not, how-
ever, have tamely refigned the hopes of repoffeffing a fortreſs,
the importance of which no man better underſtood; and he had'
even entered into alliance with the Aetolians, in order, jointly
with them, to fall upon Achaia; but death 'put an end to
all his ambitious projects, after a reign of thirty-four years,,
from his firft acquifition of the throne of Macedon ..
8
THIS prince, who is known in hiſtory by the name of
Antigonus Gonatus, was fucceeded by his fon Demetrius,,
6 Polyb. L. ii. c. 43,
7 OLYMP. CXxxiii. 4. BEFORE CHRIST 244..
The fovereignty of certain cities of Peloponnefus he.acquired ten years earlier,
at the time of Poliorcetes's captivity. We hear no more of Nicaea; hiftorians pof-
fibly thinking, with Antigonus, that ſhe had fulfilled her deftination, and was now
to be thrown afide.
し​ます
​• Whence this name, whether from the place of his birth, as fome writers have
imagined, though, as far as appears, without fufficient foundation; or whether from
his mif-ſhapen knees, the word Gonatas admitting of this interpretation *, is a
queſtion of little moment. The antiquarian may confider it.
* See Rhodig. Lection. Antiq. L. xxiv. c. 5.
3
whofe
}
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
257
}
whoſe reign was lefs active, and probably, for that very reafon, Book IV.
The wars
The wars he engaged Sect. 1.
The moſt remarkable
wards the
·
lefs fatal to Macedon, than his father's.
in were few, and of ſhort continuance.
was againſt the Aetolians, whom he pretended to chaſtiſe for
having invaded Acarnania, then belonging to Epire: but the
Achaeans eſpouſing their cauſe, Demetrius was worſted 2°, and
prudently withdrew into Macedon. From that time he his policy to-
adopted a new plan of policy in relation to Greece; maintaining Grecian
an intereſt in the different ſtates, not by holding the fovereignty
himſelf, but by ſupporting the petty tyrants, in whoſe hands
ufurpation had placed it: ſo that, as appears from Polybius
they became all his creatures, receiving his pay, and acting
by his inſtructions. A fpecies of power lefs odious, and equal-
ly effectual, than if he had held them in immediate and
avowed fubjection.
II
ftates:
BESIDES the old woman of Corinth, he married not only a his mar-
princeſs of the royal houſe of Syria, fifter to Antiochus Hierax; riages:
but afterwards, during the diftrefs of the houſe of Epire,
Olympias, the widow of Alexander, in the view of en-
gaging his protection to her afflicted family, prevailed
on him to marry her daughter Pthia". This marriage
was imprudent, and might have involved Macedon in ma-
ny troubles.
It was highly refented by the Syrian prin-
cefs, who withdrew to Afia. And the affairs of Epire
might have engaged Demetrius in meaſures pernicious to his
1
10
Polyb. L. ii. c. 44.
II
Os άuros, fays Polybius, fpeaking of this Demetrius, and the tyrants of
Peloponnefus of his time, διονὲς χορηγὸς καὶ μισθοδότης. See Polyb. Cafaub. L. ii.
C. 44. P, 182.
2 Juft. L. xxviii, c. 1.
L1
own
258
HISTORY OF GREECE
Book IV. own dominions; but his death ", and the wisdom of his fuc--
Sect. I.
ceffor, prevented the confequences that might have been.
expected.
and death:
Antigonus
the fecond
fucceeds:
•
THIS prince reigned only ten years; and his kinſman, An--
tigonus, fücceeded him. Demetrius, nevertheleſs, had left an
infant fon, Philip; but the Macedonians, dreading the con
fufion with which a minority is often attended, and judging
Antigonus to be a man of moderation, and well affected to
His country, placed him on the throne, and obliged him, at
his probity; the fame time, to take the queen-mother to wife: He juſti
fied the favourable opinion his fubjects had conceived of
him. He accepted of the crown as a truft he was to hold
for the young prince, fon to the deceafed king: He beftow-
ed the fame care on him, as if he had been-his own fon • .
he defigned him for his fucceffor; and he employed his utmoſt
attention to render him worthy of the throne he was one
day to fill.
the wifdom
1
His character as a king was not lefs refpectable. By his
of his policy. equity, he gained the confidence of his neighbours; and he:
acquired the love of his people, by a merciful adminiſtration
of juſtice. He was cautious not to endanger the profperity
of his kingdom by an imprudent purfuit of foreign intereſts,
which had been too much the policy of the two laftreigns,
and he chofe rather to forego fome diftant claims, than
to engage
the Macedonians in expenfive and. doubtful
wars.
13 OLYMF. CXXxvi. 1. BEFORE CHRIST'235*
WHAT
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
259
Sect. 1.
State of
days.
WHAT rendered this happy temper of mind the more Book IV.
honourable, was the period in which Antigonus lived;
when the turbulent ftate of affairs afforded the faireft op-
portunities to ambition; both Spartans and Achaeans en-
deavouring, either by force or intrigue, to bring about a re-
volution of government in moſt parts of Greece. It will be
neceffary to explain theſe matters more particularly.
Greece in hin
TOWARDS the end of the reign of Gonatas, confiderable Republic of
alterations had taken place in Peloponnefus. The republic
1
>
12
Achaia;
of Achaia, which, till this period, had been contented with
an unambitious privacy, began to affume a very different
port, and feemed to have nothing leſs in view than the fove-
reignty of Greece. This republic had its firſt eſtabliſhment its origin
in early ages, and was compoſed originally of twelve towns
one of which, Helice, periſhed by an earthquake in the
fourth year of the one hundred and firft Olympiad ", and ano-
ther, Olenus, was deferted and fell to ruins. The diſtrict,
which theſe cities occupied, bordered upon the Criffaean
or Corinthian gulph and the Ionian fea, extending along the
coaft from Sicyon to Elis. It was bounded to the fouth-
eaſt by Arcadia, ſo as to form the north-weft angle of Pe-
loponnefus; and did not much exceed fifty miles in length,
and in breadth about twenty-five.
The first government
known among them had been, as in other parts of Greece,
that of kings. But in proceſs of time, theſe cities, ftimu-
* We have from Polybius (L. ii. c. 41.) the names of theſe twelve towns, Patrae,
Dymé, Pharae, Tritaea, Leontium, Aegira, Pellene, Aegium, Bura, Cerannia,
(or rather Carynea) Olenus, and Helice.
A fhort time before the battle of Leuctra.
Paufan. in Achaicis.
See Polyb. ubi fup. See alfo
L12
lated
4
200
HISTORY OF GREECE
#
and form:
fembly.
General of
Achaia;
·
་
Book IV. lated by the oppreffive exceffes of their princes, threw off
Sect. 1. kingly government, and united together in one confederacy";
pledging themſelves to each other to employ their joint and、
utmoſt efforts for their mutual defence. All were to have the
fame intereſts; the fame friendſhips; the fame coins, weights,›
and meaſures; the fame laws; and the fame magiftrates..
Theſe magiftrates were to be elected annually by the ma--
national af jority of the fuffrages of the whole community. Twice every
year, at ſpring and autumn, or oftener,. if any great emer--
gency required it, a general affembly was to be held, in.
which every matter of legiſlation and national concern was:
determined by a plurality of voices. This affembly confifted.
of deputies from the reſpective cities, chofen by plurality.
of voices. The magiftrates, in whofe hands the fupreme ex--
ecutive power was lodged, were ſtiled Generals " of the States
of Achaia; and to them. the military department,, and the
right of preſidency in the national affembly, belonged.. Theſe
generals originally were two; but, the Achaeans finding the
inconveniencies which in many cafes attended a divided au--
thority, reduced them to one.. Affiftant to the general were
the demiurgi, or council of ten, whoſe office it was to ad-
viſe with the general, and probably to ſtand as a barrier between :
him and the people, fhould he attempt to act in an arbitrary
manner It was their province alfo to examine all matters
intended to be laid before the popular affembly; and to propofe
them, if they appeared conducive to the public happineſs ;
otherwiſe to reject them.. Polybius mentions another offi---
cer, the fcribe of Achaia; whofe department feems to have.:
16 See Polyb. L. ii. c. 37.
17 Στρατηγοί
See Polyb. L. ii. c. 42 ►
et paffim.
Anuloveyou-See Polyb. Excerpt. Legat. xlvii, p. 1200.--
Δημιουργοι
The title Demiurgi feems to imply Agents of the people.
demiurgi;
fcribe
18
18
+
been
1
FROM THE ACCESSIÓN OF ALEXANDER..
261
been chiefly of a civil nature; perhaps not unlike that of the Book IV.
Greffier of Holland; and to him, perhaps, were the archives Sect. 1.
of the nation, and the preparing and expediting of all public
inftruments intrufted.
THESE ftate-officers were not only elected annually, but how elected.
it was alſo a rule, eſpecially in the later times of the re-
public, not to re-elect the fame perfon two years fucceffively,
unleſs fome very important confideration made an exception
neceffary or prudent. It appears probable, likewiſe, from
Polybius, that, by the original conftitution, thefe great ma-
giftrates were to be chofen out of the different towns of Achaia
by rotation; though there is reafon to believe, that this
regulation was not always obferved. Befides thefe fuperior
magiſtrates, every town had alfo its municipal magiſtracy;;
and it is not unlikely, as fome have conjectured, that theſe.
municipal eſtabliſhments throughout Achaia were counter-
parts of the national polity; confifting, in the fame manner,.
of a popular affembly, a council, and a prefiding ma-
giftrate..
WHAT their laws were, we know but imperfectly; owing obfcurity of
probably to the obfcurity in which they lived, during the ftates for
earlier ages of Achaia; fecluded in a remote corner from the fome ages:
other Greek nations, with whom,. from the principles of
their conftitution, they could not cultivate a clofe connection,
and, from their. poverty and fimplicity of life, had fearce-
ly any intercourfe.. The country of Achaia, befides, rug-
ged, barren, and without the elegancies to be met with in
other parts of Greece, had nothing to attract the curious
traveller; and, although fituated. along the fea-coaft, it de-
rived.
9*
e
262
1
HISTORY OF GREECE
!
Book IV. rived from thence but little advantage; the rocks, with
Sect. I.
which its coafts were begirt, rendering the approach exceed-
ingly dangerous.
The moſt re-
markable of
their laws.
、ronea.
So far from taking part, therefore, in thoſe atchievements
of the great commonwealths of Greece, which are now the
ornament of ancient ftory, the first battle in which they en-
gaged in behalf of the Grecian liberties, was that of Chae-
And when the Greeks marched to Thermopylae,
to oppofe the Gauls, the Achaeans, anxious merely for their
little territory, contented themſelves with affifting to block
up the pafs of the ifthmus; the Achaeans of Patrae alone "
paffing over to the aid of the Aetolians, to oppofe the de-
tachment from the army of Brennus, which, as we have ſeen,
broke into Aetolia, and facked Callion.
THE few laws, however, which have reached us, ftand as
monuments of their wiſdom.
"No individual, nor town, belonging to the Achaean
"body, were to accept of any gratification whatſoever, in
"their public or private capacity, from prince or people,
"under the penalty of being cut off from the commonwealth
"" of Achaia 20 "
No member of the Achaean league was to fend any
"embaſſy to, or contract alliance or friendſhip with, any
prince or people, without the privity and approbation of
19 Paufan. in Phocicis.
20 Polyb. Excerpt. Legat. xli. p. 1181.
<< the
*
1
}
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
263
"the whole Achaean confederacy "."-This law feems to Book IV.
have been the corner-ftone of the Achaean fabric; and all
Sect. I.-
the members of the Achaean ftate were to be fworn to the
obfervation of it..
"THE admiffion of any prince; ftate,, or city, into the
"Achaean confederacy, was not to have place, unleſs all
"the members of the confederacy, had conſented.. there-
22 37
to
64:
***AN extraordinary convention of the national affemblý
'was not be granted at the requeſt of the embaſſador of any
foreign potenate, unleſs the matters to be offered to ſuch
"affembly were firft delivered to the general of Achaia
"and the council.of ten,. in writing, and pronounced by
"them to be of fufficient importance
23 9
"THE deliberations of every affembly were to be confined
**altogether to the matter, on account of which the affembly
"". had been convened."+ "'
66.
• IÑ all debates, thoſe who had ſpoken, were to deliver a
***fhort draught of the arguments they had employed, in
"order to be confidered the enfuing day; and..within the
"third day, at fartheft, was the buſineſs in queftion to be
finally determined: no debate being permitted to continue.
beyond three days "."
66
•
25
2 Polyb. L. iv. c. 9. 22 Polyb. ubi fup. et paffim.
Legat. xli. p. 1185. et xlvii. 1200.
23- Polyb. Excerpt.
24 Polyb. ubi fup.
25 Liv. L. xxxii. .
C 23. — See alſo Ubbo. Emm. Vet. Grace, tom. iii. p. 274 & feq..
BUT,
264
HISTORY OF GREECE
•
BOOK IV.
Sect. I.
Their hu-
mane fpirit,
and integrity
of manners:
held in
admira-
tion by the
neighbour.
ing ftates:
divided and
humbled by
the Macedo-
nian princes;
26
BUT, whatever their ſyſtem of laws may have been, of
which a very incomplete idea is now to be had, it is certain,
that the equity and humane ſpirit of their civil conſtitution,
fupported by their fimplicity of manners and unblemished
faith, made them at length fo much the admiration of the
adjoining nations, that to their arbitration the proudeft of
their neighbours referred their differences. The Thebans
and the Spartans, after the battle of Leuctra, as Polybius
informs us, fubmitted to their decifion all matters in difpute
between them; and even the Greek cities of Italy, when,
harraffed with repeated infurrections, occafioned by the over-
throwing of the Pythagorean fchools, they were in danger of
a total diffolution of government, applied to them for ad-
vice, in what manner to amend their political eſtabliſhments;
and found effectual relief, by adopting the plan which they
preſcribed.
In the meridian of the power of Antipater, and the Ma-
cedonian princes that fucceeded him, the Achaeans had their
full ſhare of the defpotiſm, which afflicted Greece during
that wretched period: the ſhadow of their commonwealth hard-
ly remained; moſt of their members, at the inftigation of
Macedonian agents, having deſerted the national league, and
fallen under the dominion of various tyrants.
BUT the distracted ſtate of Macedon under Lyfimachus and
Ptolemy Ceraunus proving favourable to the Achaeans, fome of
recover their their towns improved the opportunity, and reſtored again the
antient go-
vernment:
antient form of government.
Patrae and Dymé led the
26 See Polyb. L. ii. c. 39. p. 175, 176.
way;
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
265
way; and they were immediately joined by Tritaea and Pha- Book IV.
rae. The reft, who ſtill continued under the yoke of tyranny, Sect. 1.
followed by degrees the example; fome by perſuaſion, and
fome by compulfion, prevailing with their tyrants to abdi-
cate their ufurped government ".
SUCH, during more than twenty years of the reign of Anti-
gonus Gonatas, was the fituation of the Achaeans; recovering
flowly from the fhock they had lately fuftained. Their
towns were ſmall and ill-peopled, their territory narrow and
unfertile, and their coafts harbourleſs and impracticable. So Aratus ap
circumſtanced, they ſeemed to wiſh for nothing more than to
be permitted to enjoy an humble independence; when Aratus
•
27 It appears from Polybius (L. ii. c. 41.) that the Achaeans had erected a pil-
lar (no unuſual memorial in antient days) on which were infcribed the names of the
feveral cities, which had from time to time been incorporated into the republic of
Achaia; the names of thoſe four cities, Patrae, Dymé, Tritaea, and Pharae, which
had been the original inftitutors, or rather re-eſtabliſhers, of the Achaean confe-
deracy, excepted. This honour, of being confidered as the founders of the ſtate,
was the only peculiar honour theſe four cities enjoyed. It being a conſtitutional
maxim with this illuftrious commonwealth, that whatever city, ftate, or people,
were adopted into it, became, immediately upon their admiſſion, inveſted with all
the rights and privileges which the other more antient members of this republic
enjoyed, without the leaft mark of inferiority or dependence. And to this generous.
Spirit of equality, and humanity of its inftitutions, ¡σótnti xai Qiñaveęwπia, Polybius
(L. ii. c. 38.) afcribes that compact union and ſtability, which gave to the Achaean
form the advantage over all the other republican eſtabliſhments throughout this part
of Greece, even, according to that hiftorian, over the Spartan itſelf.
The reſtoration of the affociation of the Achaean cities took place in the 124th
Olympiad, the fame year in which Lyfimachus, Seleucus, and Ptolemy Ceraunus,
were flain, and Pyrrhus of Epire paffed into Italy to the aid of the Tarentines.
The embarraffed ftate of Macedon, and the adjacent countries, during this period,
together with the foreign wars Pyrrhus was employed in, gave to theſe Peloponne-
fians the opportunity of recovering their liberties.
M m
appeared,
pears;
266
HISTORY OF GREECE
?
Book IV. appeared, who was to give the higheſt finiſhing to this
Sect. 1. feemingly-inconfiderable republic.
4
'
THIS extraordinary perfonage was by birth of Sicyon. And
the firſt ſentiments, of which his mind feems to have been
ſuſceptible, were an enthuſiaſtic love of liberty, and an in-
vincible abhorrence of tyrants. The earlieſt ideas he had re-
ceived led to the forming of theſe impreffions; and every ci
cumſtance, as he grew up, contributed to ftrengthen them.
His father Clinias, who held a diſtinguiſhed rank among
the Sicyonians, had been murdered by Abantidas, tyrant of
Sicyon; moſt of the Grecian cities being then under tyrannical
dependents of the Macedonian king. The ſpirit of freedom
which marked the character of Clinias, had rendered him ob-.
noxious; and the tyrant, who refolved the deſtruction of his
whole family, had ordered, that Aratus, then but ſeven years
wonderful old, fhould be murdered alfo. But whilft the tyrant's inftru-
prefervation;
ments were employed in the affaffination of his father, he
eſcaped unobſerved amidſt the confuſion occafioned by the
bloody bufinefs; and, not knowing where to find an afylum,
ftrayed by chance into the houſe of Sofo, fifter to Abantidas.
Amazed at feeing him, it ftruck her mind, that the gods
themſelves must have conducted him thither.. And her fu-
perftition did what her humanity would not have done.
She looked upon herſelf as called upon by divine command
to provide for the child's preſervation; and, having concealed.
him until night, fhe fent him off to Argos.
*
28 See Plutarch in Arato. Polyb. L. ii, c. 43. et paffim. Paufan. in Corina
thiacis.
"THERE.
ظهر
:
+
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
267
Book IV.
Sect. 1.
THERE his father's friends took care of Aratus: they edu-
cated him fuitably to his birth; and he foon fhewed that he was
not unworthy of the attention beſtowed upon him. For he had
not yet reached his twentieth year, when, fired with the
thoughts of revenging his father's blood, and the wrongs of
his country, he determined to return to Sicyon. Abantidas
was no more. But, as in theſe days tyrant fucceeded tyrant,
Nicocles filled his place, and held the city in ſubjection. Alarm-
ed at the accounts brought him of Aratus, his ſpies had direc-
tions to obferve all his motions. Aratus, nevertheleſs, con-
ducted his plans with all that fubtilty of addrefs and intrigue
for which his natural genius, improved by the circumſtances tyrants;
of his life, had ſo admirably fitted him: he eluded all the ty-
rant's machinations, and not only made himſelf maſter of
Sicyon, but would have ſurpriſed Nicocles himſelf, had not
his guilty fears previouſly ſuggeſted to him the precaution of
preparing a fubterranean paffage againſt the hour of danger;
through which he made his eſcape.
relieves his
native city
Sicyon from
himfelf
against the
creatures of
rants,
the late ty-
SICYON was now reſtored to her liberties; but ſhe was
nevertheleſs ſtill encompaffed with enemies. The furpriſe of ftrengthens
Corinth by Antigonus, which had lately taken place, fhewed
Aratus what he had to fear from that quarter. Various kinds
of tyranny prevailed at the fame time in moſt of the neigh-
bouring cities. And even in Sicyon the creatures of the late
tyrants, either from corrupt views or a conſciouſneſs of guilt,
were ſtill unfriendly to the cauſe of liberty, and hated the
affertor of it. Againſt theſe dangers Aratus faw no refource
more effectual than the friendſhip of the Achaeans, who bor-
dered on the Sicyonian territory, and, though yet of ſmall ac-
count, were the only people of Peloponnefus, in whofe breafts
M m 2
the
}
J
1
268
HISTORY OF GREECE
Book IV. the ſpirit of freedom glowed. To incorporate the Sicyoniz
Sect. I.
ans with this republic, was his great object. Achaia and Si--
and affociates cyon entered into his views; they embraced with eagerness the
propoſal and the Sicyonians were admitted accordingly into
the Achaean body.
Sicyon to
Achaia.
Confufed
ftate of pro-
cyon,
SOMETHING was yet wanting to the peace of Sicyon: Five:
hundred and eighty of it's citizens had been driven into exile:
perty at Si- during the late difaftrous times, and, though recalled to their
native home, they had ftill to encounter all the diftreffes of
indigence; their landed property having, in a courſe of years,.
paffed through different hands; and many of thoſe, in whoſe
poffeffion it then was, holding it by legal titles..
fettled by
the wifdom
•
How to relieve this numerous body of claimants,. fo juſtly.
the objects of public compaffion, was difficult. A general
act of reſumption had been an act of cruelty, injuſtice, and
vielence; and, if attempted, might have brought on com-
motions not to be eafily pacified.. Aratus, ever ardently anx--
ious for the general good, determined to apply for aid to
his friend Ptolemy Philadelphus; that prince, who was an:
admirer of the fine arts, having often employed.Aratus to col--
lect for him the paintings of the great mafters of Greece,..
in which Sicyon is faid to have abounded; the Sicyonian.
ſchool having been in the higheſt repute for ſeveral ages.
That he might plead his caufe the more forcibly, Aratus fet
off in perfon for the Egyptian court. Ptolemy generouſly
complied with Aratus's requeſt, and furniſhed him with fums
and probity of money fufficient for his purpoſe. In the adminiftration of♬
which truſt he proceeded with fuch wiſdom, and ſtrict obſer--
vance of equity, that the old proprietors, and the new poffef-
of Aratus.
fors,
}
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
269
4
fors, were equally well fatisfied with his conduct: a tranfaction Book IV.
which completed the fettlement of Sicyon, and gave to Ara- Sect. 1.
tus a ftronger intereft than ever in the affections of his fel-
low-citizens.
THE abilities and liberal ſpirit, which Aratus had fhewn
on this occafion, drew on him the attention of all this part
of Greece. The Achaean ſtates in particular confidered him
as an important acquifition, and advanced him to the higheft Aratus
choſen genez
honours their commonwealth had to beftow. The enfuing ral of Achaia;
year. he was elected general of Achaia.
+
·
SUCCESS enlarged his views. The power of the Macedo---
mian king in Peloponnefus was at this time exceedingly for-
midable; and his poffeffions were extenfive. The petty fove--
reigns, at the fame time, of the ſeveral cities were almoſt with-
out exception his vaffals: fubfifting by his protection, and
ſubſervient to his commands. It was eaſy to perceive, that
a prince thus circumftanced, whofe fchemes were directed to
give law to Greece, would not long fuffer Achaia to remain
undisturbed.. Aratus conceived the bold thought of over-
throwing this dangerous plan of empire. Corinth, the key reftores Co-
to the whole peninfula, was then held by Antigonus:. and liberties;
Aratus determined to try whether he could not effect the re-
eſtabliſhment of the Corinthian liberties, in the fame manner:
he had re-eſtabliſhed thofe of Sicyon. The opinion enter--
tained of the natural ftrength of the Corinthian citadel; the
confidence of the garriſon; and the improbability of ſuch an›
attack coming from fo feeble a hand; contributed all to the
fuccefs of Aratus. He made the attempt in the night; he:
fcaled the walls by ladders, with only an hundred men, the
reft
Z
rinth to her
$
1270
HISTORY OF GREECE
*
1
Book IV. reft being ordered to follow another way. He was already
Sect. I. in the city, and had nearly gained the afcent to the citadel,
before he was diſcovered. His falling in accidentally with the
guard, patrolling the ftreets, gave the firft alarm to the Mace-
donians. They would then have refifted. But Aratus had
difpofed his different parties in fo advantageous a manner, and
was ſo ſeaſonably fupported by thoſe who were to co-operate
from without, that, when morning appeared, the garrifon,
defeated on all fides, were forced to abandon the place.
and incorpo-
rates the Co
rinthians
among the
Achaean
Яtates:
THE fame generous temper of mind which he had fhewn
in the delivering of Sicyon, marked alſo his conduct to the
Corinthians. He caufed them to affemble in the theatre;
when, after addreffing them in a manner fuitable to the great
event, he opened to them the motives by which he had been
influenced: "his zeal for the independence of his country, and
"the hopes he had entertained of forming an effectual barrier
"againſt the Macedonian king, the fworn enemy of the
"Grecian liberties;" he concluded by preſenting them with
the keys of their citadel, of which they had not been in pof-
feffion fince the days of Philip of Macedon; and invited
them, at the fame time, to accede to the Achaean league, as
the beſt meaſure for fecuring what they had now recovered.
They anſwered him with loud acclamations of joy, hailing
him their deliverer, and expreffing their grateful acceptance
of the offer he had made. So that Aratus not only had the
praiſe of having given liberty to a people long humbled under
the yoke of oppreffion, but the glory alfo of having added
confiderably to the importance of the Achaean ftates; whe
thus faw one of the moft illuftrious of the Grecian cities in-
rolled among them 29.
•
29 See Polyb. L. ii. c. 43.
ค
$
THIS
1
1
گر
•
7
¿
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANder.
THIS expulfion of the Macedónians from Corinth happened
about eight years after the revolution at Sicyon; Aratus being
then for the ſecond time general of Achaia..
ONE circumſtance in the conduct of Aratus, on this occa
fion, deferves to be particularly mentioned. In order to pro-
cure proper intelligence,.it was expedient to bribe certain per-
fons, who had connections. in Corinth, for which purpoſe a
confiderable ſum of money was neceffary". Aratus knew
the low ftate of the Achaean finances, and he knew alfo how
much the fuccefs of his enterpriſe depended upon fecrecy; he
would not therefore feek for reſources in the affiftance of his
friends, whoſe fufpicions or indifcretion might have betrayed
his purpoſe; but raiſed the money privately on his own ac-
count, pledging for it his plate and the jewels of his wife.
Such, obferves the hiftorian ", was the paffion of this fpirited
Greek for gallant atchievements, that he endeavoured not only
to vie with Phocion and Epaminondas, who were accounted
the moſt excellent of all the Greeks, in not facrificing virtue
to money he afcended a ſtep higher :: he parted. privately
with his own property, in the cauſe of thoſe who were not
even apprized of his generous intentions: he embarked his
eſtate in an enterpriſe, wherein he alone was to expoſe him-
ſelf for his fellow-citizens: he purchaſed great danger at great
expence : he hazarded his fortune and his life for the glory of
advancing the profperity of his country.
3º Sixty talents, according to Plutarch; (between eleven and twelve thouſand
pounds).
31-See-Plutarch îñ Arato.
278
Book IV.
Sect. 1.
his genero
fity on this
occafion..
THIS
1
狮
​272
´BOOK IV.
Sect. 1.
Other cities
join the
Achaeans.
of Aratus ;
HISTORY OF GREECE
THIS exploit, which, according to Plutarch, is one of the
greateft recorded in hiftory, and the laft, he thinks, which
the Greeks have to boaſt of, led the way to important altera-
tions. The people of Megara, though on the other fide of
the Corinthian ifthmus, renounced the alliance of Macedon,
and joined the Achaeans. The cities of Troezene, Epidau-
and Cleonae, on the eastern coast of Peloponnefus, fol-
lowed the example. The fpirit of liberty caught even Lyfi-
ades, the tyrant of Megalopolis; who of his own accord abdi-
cated the fovereignty, and applied to be admitted into the
Achaean league.
rus,
་
}
Aratus
AMIDST theſe extraordinary revolutions died Antigonus
Gonatas, about two years after his lofing Corinth, being
The alertnefs fucceeded, as we have feen, by his fon Demetrius.
continued his active exertions. He again attempted Athens,
which he had formerly attacked in the days of Antigonus;
and, though now a fecond time repulfed by the Macedoni-
ans, whoſe ſtrength was confiderable in thoſe parts, he was
not diſcouraged. For when Demetrius invaded Aetolia,
he immediately took the field, and joined the Aetolians, not-
withſtanding thofe people had lately broken into Achaia,
and committed ſevere depredations. The confequence of
this junction was the defeat of Demetrius; who thereupon
abandoned the war, and retired to his own kingdom. This
was the laſt excurfion Demetrius ventured to make into the
fouthern parts of Greece, whether employed at home againſt
the barbarian nations, who are faid to have infeſted his fron-
tiers; or whether, as it is moſt likely, he was unwilling again
to try
the deciſion of arms with the Achaeans, who were now
become
>
រ
*
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
273
become exceedingly formidable. Aratus certainly appears to Book IV.
have been the enemy he dreaded moft: for when tidings Sect. 1.
were brought to Macedon, that he had been taken pri-
foner in one of his inroads into Attica, he immediately dif-
patched a veffel to Athens, with orders that he ſhould be
ſent to him in chains. And though he kept within his own
kingdom, he ſpared neither treaſure nor intrigue to fupport,
as his father had done before, the petty tyrants of Peloponnefus,
whoſe only merit was their enmity to Aratus.
character
of the Gre-
cian
of thefe days;
tyrants
THE curious account hiftory gives us of the tyrant of General
Argos, whoſe truſty friend Antigonus Gonatas had profeffed
himſelf, and whoſe character, as may be gathered both from
Polybius and Plutarch, feems, in part at leaſt, to have been
applicable to the ſeveral Peloponnefian tyrants of thoſe days,
may ſerve to ſhew what wretched inftruments the kings of
Macedon had the meanness to employ.
particularly
of Ariſtippus,
tyrant of Ar-
"THIS tyrant (whofe name was Ariftippus) who had An-
"tigonus for his ally, who had a numerous body-guard, and
"who had not fuffered one man in Argos to live, whom he gos.
thought his enemy, would not permit his guards to do duty
"within the palace, but only around it.
When fupper
66
"was over, he difmiffed all his fervants, making faſt the
"door of the hall himſelf, and with his miſtreſs afcend-
"ed by a trap-door into a ſmall chamber above. Upon
"that door his bed was placed, and there he flept, as a
perſon in his anxious ſtate may be ſuppoſed to fleep. The
"ladder by which he afcended, his miſtreſs's mother re-
"moved, and ſecured it in another room till morning, when
N n
"The
274
HISTORY OF GREECE
A
Book IV." ſhe brought it again, and called up this wonderful prince,
Sect. I. « who crept like a reptile from his hole!”
Aratus pur-
chaſes liberty
to Athens,
፡፡
.. was.
"THIS manner of life," continues the hiftorian,
"Ariftippus under the neceffity of leading; thus it was he
enjoyed that pomp of defpotic fovereignty, which is gene-
"rally fo much envied and admired as the pinnacle of
"human happineſs "."
THE change, which now took place in the affairs of Ma-
cedon, opened an extenſive field to the enterprifing genius of
Aratus. Antigonus the fecond, who, as we have feen, had
afcended the throne on the death of Demetrius, employed
himſelf at home in remedying the many internal evils, to-
which the miſtaken counfels of Gonatas and his fon had
given rife, and feemed to look on the tranſactions of the
more remote ſtates of Greece with an eye of indifference..
Relieved, therefore, from the obftructions he had hitherto ex--
perienced, Aratus haftened to improve the opportunity. He
renewed the attempt on Athens, where there ſtill was a ſtrong
garrifon; but it was diſcovered, that the governor, who had
no longer the fame attachment to the court of Macedon, was
not incorruptible: and Aratus offered him his price. The
fum ftipulated was an hundred and fifty talents (near thirty-
thousand pounds) of which Aratus, who valued no expence,
when the purchaſe was the liberties of his country, paid.
twenty himself.
The forts were accordingly furrendered
into the hands of the Athenians; and Athens was incorpo-
rated among the ſtates of Achaia.
{
41 Plutarch in Arato.
1
3
A
THERE
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
275
}
1
Sect. I..
THERE was fomething peculiarly noble in the conduct of Book IV.
Aratus upon this occafion. In one of the preceding attacks
on the Macedonian garriſon at Athens, a report had prevailed, though ill-
treated by
that he was flain. Immediately the Athenians, in fervile them:
adulation to their Macedonian mafters, put on garlands
of flowers, and broke out into the moſt illiberal expreffions
of joy: but Aratus was above reſenting the poor infult. He
left them to learn, from his example, what their fentiments
ought to have been.
}
'HE'then tried what could be done at Argos; which he had
often attempted before, but without fuccefs; fo ftrenuous, till
then, had Macedon been in fupporting the tyrants of that
city: but Ariftomachus, who now 'held the fovereignty,
finding that dependence could no longer be placed on affiſt-
ance from Macedon, gladly accepted terms, and, having ab-
dicated, was received into the Achaean confederacy.
ཡྔོ
*
and reſtores
Argos to her
liberties.
Flouriſhing
condition of
INTIMIDATED' by thefe examples, the petty tyrants around
"foon dropped all oppofition. Hardly one of the adjoining Achaia at this
ſtates remained inimical or independent: all entered either period.
into alliance with the Achaeans, or fell under their ſubjection.
The people of Phlius and Hermione, in the neighbourhood
of Argos, and of Aegina in the Saronic gulph, declared in
their favour ; the greater part of Arcadia paid them contri-
butions; the Aetolians as well as the Spartans were their allies;
and the king of Egypt himſelf, the firft in power of all the
princes of thoſe days, accepted the title of protector of the
liberties of Achaia. As an enemy to the Macedonian kings,
he ſaw with pleaſure the Achaeans ftrengthening themſelves
againſt them; and he engaged to fupport them in the poſſeſ-
Nn 2
fion
3
$
276
HISTORY OF GREECE
1
Book IV. fion of their just rights, fhould his affiftance at any time be
Sect. 1. neceffary..
Probable
confequences.
to Greece,
had Achaia.
continued.to
flouriſh.
f
In this reſpectable fituation were the Achaean affairs dur-
ing the firft years of the reign of the fecond Antigonus.
And, could this noble fabric of liberty have retained that ſoli-
dity and compactnefs, which it feems to have had at this
period, Greece might probably have long bidden. defiance to
the various, enemies who fucceffively rofe.up againſt her..
BUT, to thefe fair appearances a very different fcene foon.
fucceeded. Such being the inftability of human councils,
that thoſe, whoſe unanimity and virtuous, fpirit: of freedom.
had framed this noble eſtabliſhment, became now the very
perfons whoſe ſelfiſh ambition, jealoufies, and diffenfions,
wrought its overthrow.
A MORE important and inftructive portion of hiſtory is
not to be met with in the Grecian annals.. It will be: ne-
ceffary to unfold the various. events, which led to this
cataſtrophe.
A
ر
BOOK
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
277
во о к
IV.
SECTION II.
CONTENT S..
The Aetolians-their character-jealous of Achaia—excite Cleo-
menes, king of Sparta, against the Achaeans-character of 1
Gleomenes-his abilities and füccefs-the Achaeans diftreſſed
by Cleomenes-call in the aid of Antigonus king of Mace→
don-Antigonus marches against Cleomenes-defeats him—
Cleomenes escapes to Egypt-Antigonus returns to Macedon-
fights the barbarians-obtains a complete victory-dies-bis
character..
Τ'
HE Aetolians were a people fituated on the Tónian
ſea, to the north-weſt of the isthmus of Corinth, in
that ſmall angle of country oppofite to Achaia, and divided
from it by the Corinthian gulph; bounded by Acarnania to
the north, the Locri Ozolae to the eaft, and ftretching to
the north-eaſt as far as the mountains of Theffaly; their
whole extent of territory being about fifty miles from north
to ſouth, not above twenty miles from east to west, and in ſome
places fcarcely ten. Their ſtate, like that of Achaia, was
compofed
Book IV.
Sect. 2.
The Aeto-
lians;
their fitua
tion ; :
"
278
HISTORY OF GREECE
2
વ
Sect. 2.
polity;
character;
Book IV. compoſed of a number of confederate towns, formerly inde-
pendent of each other, but induced to unite from a dread of the
Macedonian power, in the days of Philip the ſon of Amyntas.
Their polity, in many refpects, bore a néar refemblance to
that of the Achaeans. They had been from early times inured
to arms, which were, indeed, the principal object of their atten-
tion. Their country, moftly mountainous, affording them but
a ſcanty ſubſiſtence; ſo that they owed their chief fupport to
fo the
deſcents they made into the adjacent lands, where, fweeping
away whatever plunder they could feize, they rushed back
with impetuofity to their ſtrong-holds and mountain-faftneſſes;
whoſe fituation, fcarcely acceffible without a guide, baffled all
purfuit. Suitable to this mode of life were their manners-;
warlike, fierce, impetuous, infolent. Though at this time in
alliance with Achaia, they faw with indignation a people no-
way fuperior to themſelves, whom they had often plundered
with impunity, and whoſe eſtabliſhment, laws, and fituation,
ſo nearly reſembled their own, taking the lead both in council
and in arms, and bearing off the prize of empire, which, in their
own idea, they might themſelves have ſo juſtly claimed'. They
endeavoured to inſpire the Spartans with fimilar thoughts; and
the Spartans were but too ready to liſten to their ſuggeſtions.
jealous of
the Achae.
ans;
excite the
Spartans
against them.
Cleomenes
king of Spar-
ta,
his character.
CLEOMÈNES was now feated on the Spartan throne, whoſe
misfortune it was, that even 'his virtues were to be fatal to
his country. To an uncommon fare 'of underfanding, this
`extraordinary¨ prince joined great integrity of heart, martial
fpirit, and an ardent love of glory. But, too eager in the
See Polyb. L. ii. c. 45, & L. ix. c. 32'&`paffim. `Panfan. in Achaicis.
Plutarch in Cleomene & Arato.
purfuit
1
+
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
279
+
purſuit of his favourite object, his rapid mind often overlooked Book IV.
the inexpediency of the means he was to uſe; and he facrificed Sect. 2.
to ambition, the profperity of a people whofe happineſs he
thought he was confulting.
+
State of
Sparta at
this period;
from what
THE times, in which he lived, were very different from
thoſe which the illuftrious commonwealth of Lacedemon had
once known: to that poverty and hardy diſcipline, which had
formed the finews of her ſtrength, had fucceeded exceffive
opulence, and an abandoned voluptuouſneſs of manners.
Some even of their kings were not afhamed to encourage the
general profligacy by their edicts, as well as by their example. caufes.
Arcus, and his fon Acrotatus, as if feeking to relieve
their citizens from all reftraints whatſoever, had diſcounte-
nanced the public meals,. that laft pledge of Spartan frugality
and temperance.. Acrotatus lived, at the fame time, in the
face of his country, in open adultery with the wife of
Cleonymus, his father's uncle: and when he had, in confe-
quence of this fcandalous amour,, involved his fellow-citizens
with Pyrrhus of Epire'; they gave a ſtrong proof of the
degenerate tamenefs of Spartan manners; they puniſhed not
the guilty cauſe of an unjust and unneceffary war. One or two
of the Spartan princes, it muſt be allowed, had, at different
times, attempted to, ftem. the torrent of public corruption;
yet had the attempt always proved abortive; depoſition, ba-
niſhment, and even death, having been the only recompence
of their exalted virtue..
See Athenae. Deipnofoph. Cafaub. L. iv. 71..
.
3 See book iii. fect z.
>
SUCH,
280
HISTORY OF GREECE
and
Book IV.
SUCH, when Cleomenes appeared, was the ſtate of Sparta;
Sect. 2. and he himſelf had been eye-witnefs of a very affecting in-
Agis king of ſtance of the depravity of his countrymen. His father Leo-
Sparta,
nidas had reigned with Agis; Leonidas of the elder branch,
Agis of the younger.
Leonidas was fon to that Cleonymus,
whofe wife Chelidonis Acrotatus had feduced; and, upon
the death of the fon of Acrotatus, had mounted the throne.
Agis, who had fucceeded his father Eudamidas, was the fixth
in deſcent from the famous Agefilaus, and a near kinfman
of that Agis, who fell in battle againſt Antipater, fighting
for the liberties of his country.
his virtuous
defigns;
AGIS, who was himſelf of unblemished manners, and
animated with a fincere zeal for the profperity of Sparta,
faw with deep concern the breaches which avarice, luxury,
and ambition, had made in the conftitution of his country.
The laws of Lycurgus were totally difregarded; the lands
were all in the poffeffion of a few families, who rioted in
opulence; whilft the reft of the Spartans, defpoiled of their
patrimony, dragged on a wretched life in indigence and
humiliation. To theſe diftreffes, this prince refolved to ap-
ply the natural remedy, which the inftitutions of Lycurgus
preſcribed; and, in obedience to the original appointment
of that great lawgiver, he determined to inforce the fump-
tuary laws, to cancel all debts, and to make a new divifion
difintereſted of lands. This refolution was the more fingular, and worthy
of praife, as he had been educated in the midſt of delicacy
and affluence; whilſt the private eftates of his own family
nefs;
4
* See Plutarch in Agide.
were
»
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
281
Sect. 2.
attempts to
were among the greateſt in Sparta. But, regardleſs of pri- Book IV.
vate intereſt, he purfued his plan; and, in the high fervor of
youth (for he was aged but twenty years) warm in the cauſe of
virtue, this generous prince thought he ſhould find little diffi- conftitution ;
culty in accompliſhing a reformation, which was folicited by fo
many affecting confiderations of juſtice and of national benefit.
1
reſtore the
HE
He proved to be miſtaken. The greater number of the is oppoſed
by the rich;
monied men and proprietors of lands, together with moſt
of the Spartan ladies, who, by the new regulations, were to
loſe all their wealth and articles of vanity, feeing their deareft
concerns in danger, oppoſed him vigorously. His colleague Le-
onidas, whilſt his father was a fugitive abroad, had ſpent ſeveral
years at the court of Seleucus, where he was accuſtomed to Afi-
atic luxury and magnificence; he had therefore no great eſteem
for the Lycurgic life, and joined heartily in the oppofition;
which was beſides ſupported by the whole body of the Ephori,
whom the faction of the rich had fecured in their interefts.
For fome time, however, Agis and his party prevailed. He
had given the ſtrongeſt proof of his own integrity, by throw-
ing all his landed property, with his whole perſonal fortune,
amounting to fix hundred talents, into the national ſtock.
And, induced by this example, ſome of the firſt men in Sparta
had acted in the ſame manner. The refractory Ephori had his col-
league de-
been depoſed; and Leonidas himſelf, who had perfifted in pofed, and
Cleombrotus
rejecting every mode of reformation, having been impeached
of certain violations of the conftitution, which rendered him
incapable of reigning, had been diveſted of the regal dignity,
5 He had taken up his refidence in foreign parts, before he came to the crown;
and he had married a foreign wife.
Oo
and
appointed in
his ſtead
;
re-eſtabliſhes
the laws of
Lycurgus.
T
282
OF GREECE
HISTORY
Book IV. and his fon-in-law Cleombrotus, a prince of unquestionable
Sect. 2. worth, appointed in his room..
Oppofite
party prevail
again.
BUT this gleam of fuccefs was of fhort continuance. Some
of thoſe, who had a principal ſhare in the councils of Agis,
but ſtrangers to his probity, were guilty of intereſted, unjuſti-
fiable, and violent practices.. By cancelling all bonds for debt,.
they got themſelves acquitted of what they owed; but, endea-
vouring then to evade the partition of lands, an infurrection.
enfued; which the party in oppofition taking advantage of, Le-.
onidas was reftored. He returned with all the refentments of
a tyrant, who had juſt recovered the power of which he had.
been defpoiled; and he openly avowed his vindictive and fan-
Cleombrotus guinary purpoſes. The life of Cleombrotus was with diffi-.
culty fpared, at the interceffion of his wife Chelonis" the
daughter
banished.
• This amiable princeſs, though the daughter of a flagitious tyrant, appears to
have been a pattern both of filial and of conjugal piety. The following ac
count of her has been preſerved to us by Plutarch, and may be confidered as a
valuable monument of antient manners. Leonidas having been depofed, ſhe re-
fufed the rank to which the promotion of her huſband Cleombrotus had raiſed.
her, but, putting on mourning,, accompanied her father into exile. Upon his re-
ftoration, and Cleombrotus's life being in danger, fhe returned back to her huſband,
and shared in his diftreffes; and at laft was found by Leonidas, and his minifters.
of violence, in the temple of Neptune, where Cleombrotus had taken fanctuary,
fitting by him in the fqualid habit of a fuppliant, her arms folded around him,
with her two children, one on each fide: When, addreffing her father;
"not for Cleombrotus", faid fhe, " that this garb of woe was firft put on by me;
"neither was it for him that theſe tears firft began to flow. My forrows had
"their beginning with your misfortunes: nor from that time have they ever
" ceaſed to be my portion. You are now victorious over your enemies, and
"are again in poffeffion of the throne of Sparta: must I nevertheleſs ftill con-
"tinue to wear thefe weeds of affliction or fhall I array myſelf in feftive or-
naments, when the husband of my youth, the husband you gave to me, is
"" doomed
"It was
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
283
{
daughter of Leonidas, on condition of his going into baniſh- Book IV.
Sect. 2.
ment. But to Agis no mercy was to be ſhewn. His popu-
larity, his abilities, his virtues, pleaded too powerfully againſt
him; and it was determined, that his fate ſhould deter future
patriots from the like daring innovations.
OVERPOWERED by the triumphant faction, this unhappy
prince had taken refuge in the temple of Minerva Chalci-
oecos', from whence he never ventured, unleſs to the bath
and then was guarded by a band of friends, in whofe firm at-
tachment he had placed an entire confidence. But, feduced at Agis betray-
ed,
"doomed to be the victim of your vengeance ?
rr
ce
If, however, neither my
* tears, nor the tears of theſe little innocents, have the power of moving you,
"more fevere will Cleombrotus's puniſhment be, than even you wish it--he ſhall
"fee his beloved wife die before him. For how fhall I endure to live, under
"the reproach of having had my fupplications rejected both by my huſband
and by my father? a wretched wife! a wretched daughter!-Whatever plea
"the unhappy Cleombrotus might have had to offer in his juftification, I have
already in fome meaſure deftroyed the force of it, by avowing your caufe
"in prejudice to his. But, indeed, you yourſelf, by this inexorable cruelty,
plead his apology; and fhew how powerful a temptation a crown is, when
"the blood of a fon-in-law must be fhed, and a daughter abandoned, for the
fake of it."So faying, fhe leaned her face against her husband's cheek,
turning her dimmed and ftreaming eyes on the croud around her. Every heart
melted. Even Leonidas was overcome: "Rife," faid he to Cleombrotus, "and
get thou into exile."-" And as for thee, Chelonis," continued he, " repay
"to thy father the kindneſs he has fhewn in giving thee thy huſband's life,
"and remain with me."-Chelonis, notwithstanding, would not be perfuaded.
But, her huſband rifing from the ground, fhe put one child in his arms, and
took the other herſelf, and, after paying due homage at the altar, where they
had taken fanctuary, went with him into baniſhment.
7 Minerva of the brazen temple. This temple, as appears from Paufanias (in Laco-
niçis) ſtood on an eminence the higheſt in Sparta, and feems to have been a kind of
ftrong hold. And thence probably the name woóuxos, guardian of the city, which, he
tells us, was given to this Minerva.
+
'002
M
length
t
284
HISTORY OF GREECE
Sect. 2.
Book IV. length by the tempting offers of Leonidas, to whom the baſeſt
means were honourable, thefe infamous friends confented to
become his betrayers, and perfidiouſly delivered him into the
hands of Leonidas.
and put to
death.
"" to
No fooner was the perfon of Agis thus treacherouſly in
the tyrant's power, than he convened a packed council of
the Ephori, and of his moſt devoted partizans. The fhew
of a judicial enquiry was refolved upon; and this unfortu-
nate prince was arraigned before a tribunal predetermined to
deſtroy him. On this occafion, however, he appears to have
affumed a firmnefs not natural to him; his ufual manner
being rather gentle and diffident. He beheld his pretended
judges with indignation and ſcorn; and, when charged by
them with a defign of altering the government, he boldly
declared that he had formed the refolution from the fulleft
conviction of the indifpenfable obligations he was under, a
refolution, he told them, he never fhould repent of,
"reſtore the laws of Lycurgus to their antient vigour, and
"to make thofe laws the fole rule of his adminiſtration.'
Unable to humble him to any fentiment of abjectneſs, they
haſtened to relieve themſelves from the prefence of a man
whoſe fuperiority they could not but feel; they ordered
him to be dragged away and ftrangled. Yet did they find
it difficult to get thefe orders obeyed; the common officers
of juftice, and even the mercenary foldiers, refufing to be
concerned in the execution of the unjust fentence. At
length Demochares, one of thoſe perfidious friends who had
betrayed his maſter, laying hands on him, dragged him into
the dungeon, where he was immediately executed.
1
To
>
·
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
285
Book IV.
Sect. 2.
his mother
To make the vengeance of the party more complete, his
mother Agefiſtrata, and grandmother Archidamia, were alſo
involved in the fame deftruction, with aggravated circum- Cruel fate of
ſtances of uncommon barbarity. Thefe ladies were held in and grand-
the higheſt veneration in Sparta, not merely on account of mother.
their rank, but for their amiable manners and irreproachable
lives. Upon hearing of the detention of Agis, they had
hurried away to the priſon, in order to employ their inter-
ceffions in his favour; when. Amphares, another of the
perfidious friends of this unfortunate prince, coming out,
affured them that. Agis was fafe, and invited them to go in
and ſatisfy themſelves of his fituation. He accordingly in-
troduced them into the dreadful place, where lay the lifeleſs
corfe of the unhappy Agis; when, after enjoying their
diftrefs at this fight of horror, the inhuman villain ordered
them to be ſeized and ſtrangled.
If any thing could be wanting to excite in us the ſtrongeſt
deteftation of fo extraordinary a wretch, there is a cir-
cumſtance of ſtill greater ingratitude, mentioned by Plu-
tarch. Amphares had been much indebted to the genero-
fity of Agefiftrata, who, being poffeffed of great wealth,
had often bountifully affifted him in his diſtreſs; and the
expectation of being acquitted of what he owed to her, Plu-
tarch thinks, with good reaſon, was one of the motives that.
urged him to the perpetration of the horrid deed.
CLEOMENES was very young when theſe things hap- The effect of.
pened, and had but an imperfect knowledge of this affecting
theſe events
on the mind
of Cleome-
nes :
1.0
* In Agide.
ftory;
286
HISTORY OF GREECE
Book IV. ſtory; for a time, therefore, he had attended to it but
Sect. 2.
flightly; it foon, however, made a very different impreffion
upon him. Compelled by his father's orders, he had mar-
ried Agiatis, who had already been wedded to Archidamus,
Agis's brother, now a profcribed exile. She was confider-
ably older than Cleomenes; and being befides, as may na-
turally be conceived, ftrongly prepoffeffed againſt Leonidas
and all his race, ſhe had yielded to this ſecond marriage with
great reluctance.
But the rich inheritance, to which the was
entitled (for ſhe was the only child of one of the wealthieſt men
in Sparta) had tempted Leonidas; and his commands were
not to be diſobeyed. By degrees, the ingenuous diſpoſition
and generous deportment of the young prince, and, on her
part, the moſt amiable ſweetneſs of temper and elegance of
mind, reconciled and endeared them to each other; a confi-
dence, which knew no referve, grew up between them. He
often found her bathed in tears at the recollection of Agis
and his fortunes; and, anxious to know the caufe, would
liften eagerly to the tale of woe; inquiring minutely, what
were the manners of Agis; what his motives; his plan; in
what manner he had been betrayed; and how he had fallen.
At the melancholy recital of theſe particulars, he was wont
to mix his tears with hers, admiring the public ſpirit and ex-
alted purpoſes of that excellent prince, and wiſhing he could
have the glory to refemble him. With theſe ſentiments,
which he carefully diſguiſed whilft his father lived, had
Cleomenes afcended the throne.
[
→ See Plutarch in Cleomene.
3
AT
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
287
}
Sect. 2.
feels for the
diftreffes of
his country:
Ar his acceffion, he found not only the internal conftitu- Book IV.
tion of Sparta, but the whole ſyſtem of Spartan affairs, in a
fuinous and perplexed condition. The domeſtic diſtreſs in
which the diſuſe of the laws of Lycurgus had involved moft
of the Spartan families, with that deſpondent imbecillity of
ſpirit, which generally accompanies ſuch diſtreſs, had cauſed
a general.depopulation throughout Laconia; fo that, inftead
of natives fufficient to occupy the thirty-nine thouſand ſhares,
into which Lycurgus had originally divided the lands, only
feven hundred families of the Spartan race were now to be.
found; of whom about fix hundred, far from being capable
of exerting any degree of vigour in the public ſervice, were
pining in abject penury, wretchednefs, and contempt.
Even the flaves, who formerly fwarmed over all the country,
were now confiderably thinned in their numbers; many of
them, as the Spartan families had gone to decay, having
neither employment nor fubfiftence, had perished; and many
others had been carried off by plunderers the Aetolians
alone having, in one inroad", fwept off above fifty thouſand
of them. At the fame time, all Peloponnefus, as well as a
great part of the reſt of Greece, `confeffed the power of
Achaia; and the little importance which ſtill remained to
Sparta, fhe feemed now chiefly to owe to the alliance fhe
enjoyed with that formidable republic.
CLEOMENES, felt all the embarraffments of his fituation.
Feeble at home, his meaſures were controuled by the inſo-
lence of the Ephori and the faction of the rich: whilſt,
10 Plutarch in Cleomene.
defpifed
*
A
意
​288
HISTORY OF GREECE
Book IV. defpifed abroad, he had to endure, with humiliating indig-
nation, the haughty pretenfions of the Achaean ſtates, and
the dictatorial mandates of the high-fpirited Aratus.
Sect. 2.
attempts to
revive the
martial ſpirit
of the Spar-
tans ;
with what
views;
In this choice of difficulties, it was hard to fay which of
them he ſhould begin to contend with. His natural turn
to martial enterpriſe determined him: and it is not impro-
bable, that the repreſentations of the Aetolians, of which we
have already made mention, had a large ſhare in this deter-
mination. It appears from Polybius ", that they had been
exceedingly earneſt to inſpire the Spartan king with a jealouſy
of Achaia. They had even engaged, if we may believe that
hiſtorian, to ſerve Sparta at the expence of their own ho-
nour; and, whilft they kept up the appearance of acting in
concert with the Achaean confederacy, to favour the pro-
grefs of the Spartan arms.
THIS was, at the fame time, the only plaufible meaſure
he could embrace to roufe the Spartans themfelves; for,
immerſed as they were in corruption, the glory of the Spar-
tan name was ſtill with them a favourite theme; and they
were always difpofed to think well of the prince who at-
tempted to retrieve it. At the head alfo of an army, he
would be more powerful; and, if he returned with victory,
he might then affume the fame dominion over the factious
Ephori, which at preſent they exerciſed over him; and find,
in confequence, a feaſon for the reſtoration of thofe laws,
of which he now durft not even feem to think.
11 L. ii. c. 45, 46.
SUCH,
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
289
SUCH, as far as a judgment can be formed, at this diſtance
of time, from the accounts of different hiſtorians, appear to
have been the views of Cleomenes. The tenor of his con-
duct will beft explain them.
Book IV.
Sect. 2.
His firſt attempt was on fome cities of Arcadia, Tegea, his fuccefs›
Mantinea, and Orchomenos, of which he made himſelf
maſter. From Polybius " we learn, that on this occafion he
employed the arts of intrigue rather than force; and that
the Aetolians, in whoſe charge thoſe cities appear to have
been, were fuppofed to have betrayed them into his hands..
There is alſo reaſon to believe, that he engaged in this en--
terpriſe at his own riſque, and without the authority of the
magiftracy of Sparta. His view, unquestionably, was to
to ſpirit them up, if poffible,, to a war and his deſign fuc-
ceeded accordingly..
ri :
ENCOURAGED by theſe favourable beginnings, the Ephori is fupported:
ordered him to ſeize and fortify a certain caſtle in the diſtrict by the Epho-
of Megalopolis, which commanded on that fide the entrance
into Laconia; hiftorians call it Athenaeum. It must have
been a paſs of confiderable importance, as the Achaean ſtates,
though hitherto paffive, immediately upon this act of hoſti--
lity declared war againſt the Spartans. This was the very,
meaſure Cleomenes, wifhed for: he forthwith took the field
with what troops he could mufter, and began to commit
great ravages throughout the territories of the cities in league
with Achaia. But his whole force amounted only to five.
thouſand men, and the Achaeans were marching againſt him.
13 L. ii. c. 46.
PR
with
290
HISTORY OF GREECE
4
$
retreat be-
fore him;
Book IV. with upwards of twenty thousand. He advanced, neverthe-
Sect. 2. leſs, in order of battle, and with fuch appearance of reſo-
the Achaeans lution, that the enemy declined the engagement, and retired..
So fhameful a retreat, before fuch a handful of men, was
nearly as prejudicial to the Achaeans as a difcomfiture could
have been, and raiſed exceedingly the reputation of the Spar-
tan king. The blame of this daftardly conduct fell on
Aratus, as he had, it ſeems, adviſed it. The truth was, Ara-
tus, though in council the first man in Greece, of great
capacity and boldnefs in the direction of affairs, and poffef-
fing an uncommon genius for intrigue. and decifive meaſures,
was generally loft to himſelf in the time of action; a certain
conftitutional defect prevailing then over that admirable
judgment and prefence of mind which he poffeffed in the
cabinet". His life affords feveral remarkable inftances of this
frailty.
brings the
Achaeans to
an engage.
ment;
THE behaviour of the Achaean chief gave new vigour to
Cleomenes: his numbers encreaſed; and the Eleans, who
had never been fteady in the interefts of Achaia, now openly
declared againſt her. To chaſtiſe this defection (for ſuch the
Achaeans ſeem to have thought it) they made a rapid move-
ment towards Elis; and were followed with the fame ex-
pedition by Cleomenes, who came up with them at Lycaeum,
near the Elean borders; and, as they were endeavouring to
retreat, put them entirely to the rout, killing great num-
defeats them; bers, and taking many prifoners. But, by a ftrange reverſe,
whilft the Spartans were exulting in their victory, Aratus, who
watched the opportunity, having rallied fome of his troops,
lofes Man.
tinea:
3 See Plutarch in Arato.
1
1
}
1
ftruck
A
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
291
$
ftruck off into the road to Mantinea, and made himſelf Book IV.
Sect. 2.
amends by ſurpriſing that city ".
of the Spar-
THIS lofs, ſeemingly of no great moment, but probably refentment
aggravated by the enemies of Cleomenes, was confidered at tan Ephori;
Sparta as overbalancing all the advantages which might be
derived from the late fuccefsful action; and fo alarmed did.
the Ephori pretend to be, that Cleomenes was inftantly re-
called home, and all defign of continuing the war laid
afide.
THIS check, if not obviated, muft have been to Cleomenes
the final ruin of all his projects; but he employed every
expedient in his power to prevent the confequences he
fo much dreaded. He had recourſe to fupplications: he
had recourſe to corruption; and at length, by intereſting
their avarice, he obtained of the Ephori, that he ſhould
be permitted to continue his operations. From what fol-
lowed foon after, it is likely, that the haughtineſs he ex-
perienced on this occafion from thefe imperious controllers
of kings, fixed him in the reſolution of freeing himſelf effec-
tually from fo mortifying a reſtraint.
Cleomenes had
THE enfuing campaign was fignalized by the total over-
throw of the Achaean army near Leuctra.
marched thither in the view of furprising the town; and,
the Achaeans having haftened to its relief, attacked him
14 The Mantineans, who at firſt belonged to the Achaean confederacy, having
renounced their alliance, had furrendered their city firft to the Aetolians, and af-
terwards to Cleomenes. This furpriſe of Mantinea by Aratus happened, accord-
ing to Polybius, four years before the invaſion of Peloponnefus by Antigonus.
See Polyb. Caf. O&. L. ii. c. 57. p. 198.
prevails on
them to con-
tinue the
war;
overthrows
the Achaeans
near Leuctra.
Pp 2
under
292
HISTORY OF GREECE
1
>
Book IV. under the walls.
Sect. 2.
Aratus
blamed for
this over-
throw, and
diſgraced.
Cleomenes
reduces feve-
ral of the
towns of Ar-
cadia, and
places Spar-
tan garrifons
in them;
returns to
Sparta with
the mercena-
ries only;
For fome time the battle was in favour of
the Achaeans, who pushed the Lacedemonians vigorouſly on
every fide.
fide. But Cleomenes, having with great art drawn the
enemy into fome woody incloſures and hollow grounds, turn-
ed the fortune of the day, and defeated them with much
flaughter; Lyfiadas, then general of Achaia, and formerly
tyrant of Megalopolis, after having greatly diſtinguiſhed
himſelf, being numbered among the flain.
THIS misfortune was imputed to Aratus. He was charged
with having neglected to ſupport Lyfiadas "; and ſo exaf-
perated were the Achaeans, that in their next general affem-
bly they declared him unworthy of national confidence,
forbidding him either to levy troops in their name, or to,
interfere with their finances; leaving it to him to carry on
the war, if he thought proper, at his own expence.
•
THIS victory of Cleomenes was fucceeded by the general
devaftation of Arcadia, and the reduction of feveral towns;
for no fooner was one enterpriſe atchieved, than the Spartans
attempted another; Cleomenes not allowing his army the
leaſt interval of repofe". In this he had his own private
views. Harraffed in the fevereſt manner during the time-
they had been kept in the field, the Lacedemonians gladly
accepted the offer of being left to garriſon the Arcadian town's
during the winter months. So that at the cloſe of the cam-
paign, the king returned to Sparta with the mercenary troops
alone. As he approached the city, he opened his intentions
to Euryclidas and ſome choſen friends, to whom the Ephori
15 See Plutarch in Arato.
16 Plutarch in Cleomene.
were
}
}
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
293
>
were obnoxious. He contrived to reach Sparta in the even- Book IV.
ing, about the hour when the Ephori uſually affembled in the Sect. 2.
hall in which they fupped. Euryclidas having accordingly
entered with his affociates, upon pretence of a meffage from
the king, whilſt he was holding the Ephori in diſcourſe, the
reſt ruſhed upon them, and buried their fwords in their affaffinates
bodies; one only eſcaping, who having fallen pierced with the Ephori
wounds, lay in appearance dead; but recovering afterwards,
.he crept out, and was ſuffered to furvive.
liate this ac
of violence;
WHAT Cleomenes himself thought of this act of vio-
lence, we may eafily gather from the uncommon pains he
took to reconcile the Spartans to what had happened. He feeks to pal-
convened them togetner the enſuing day, and, after pleading
warmly againſt the unconſtitutional eſtabliſhment of this order
of magiſtrates "?, he went through an invidious recital of the
feveral acts of iniquity the Ephori, collectively or individu-
ally, had been guilty of; which, whilft they marked them
as proper objects of public vengeance, led him to lament the
unhappy neceffity which compelled him to have recourſe to
affaffination, in order to deliver his country from theſe mini-
fters of oppreffion".
THE king might palliate the tranfaction; but it was
impoffible he could juſtify it. And probably the Spar-
tans themſelves fufpected, what too often happens, that
the overthrow of one fpecies of defpotifm was only accom-
.
*7 This body had fubfifted, however, and become a part of the conftitution, threo
hundred and fifty years before the time of Cleomenes.
18 See Plutarch in Cleomene.
pliſhed,
F
294
HISTORY OF GREECE
Book IV. pliſhed, with the view of raifing on its ruins a defpotiſm of
Sect. 2. another kind, not lefs formidable than what had been de
ftroyed.
adminiſtra-
tion;
THE Ephori being thus removed, he commanded the ju-
dicial feats, on which they fat in the hall of juſtice, to be
alſo taken away, one only excepted, to be left for the king,
feizes on the in whofe hands, folely, he told them, the difpenfation of
juſtice was thenceforth to be placed. He then proceeded to
baniſh eighty of the Spartan citizens, friends of the late
adminiſtration; and, fo difficult is it to uſe power with mo-
deration, he appointed, in violation of that very original
conſtitution, which he pretended to reſtore, his own brother,
Euclidas to be joint-king with him. Archidamus, the brother
of Agis, had lived till lately an exile in Meffenia, and had
been recalled to Sparta, in 'order to take his feat on the
throne belonging to his family; but on his way thither, he
had been murdered. By whom he was recalled, whether by
Cleomenes, or by the party against him; or to whom the
guilt of his murder was to be imputed; are matters not
well aſcertained. Some hiftorians, indeed, have not ſcrupled
to charge his death to the account of Cleomenes himſelf "; a
- fufpicion
}
19 Polybius (L.v. c. 37. P. 533, 534. & L. viii. c. 1. p. 711.) fays, that Archîda-
mus had been reſtored to the Spartan throne, and that, after fome time, ſuſpecting the
ambitious views of Cleomenes, he had again fled from Sparta ; but afterwards,
through the mediation of Nicagoras, the intimate friend of Archidamus, Cleo-
menes prevailed on him to return; and that, as he was on his way to Sparta, upon
Cleomenes's plighted faith, he was murdered by him; Cleomenes having gone to
meet him, and (a circumftance highly improbable) perpetrating with his own hand
the bloody deed. And he affigns this as the reaſon why Cleomenes, when at the
court of Ptolemy Philopater, was betrayed, (as we fhall read in the hiſtory of
Egyptian
1
·
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
295
ſuſpicion which will be thought, perhaps, not altogether Book IV.
void of probability, when it is remembered, that, befides the Sect. 2.
danger of a revolution, ſhould his colleague diſapprove of
the new mode of government he meant to introduce, there
was another intereft, not less powerful with Cleomenes:
Agiatis was his wife, to whom Archidamus had a prior
right.
ary laws of
Lycurgus,
His next care was the re-eſtabliſhment of the agrarian and re-establishes
the agrarian
fumptuary laws of Sparta 20. He had before this period revived and fumptu-
in his own perſon and family, the ftrictneſs of the Lycurgic
diſcipline; and his dreſs, his table, his furniture, his equipage,
were all of the fimpleſt kind. He was now the first to fur-
render his own eſtate into the public ſtock. His relations ple.
Egyptian affairs, ſee b. x. fect. 2. of this work) by this very Nicagoras. It was
to revenge the death of Archidamus, of whoſe ruin he had, through the artifice of
Cleomenes, been made the inftrument.-But Plutarch, lefs ready to credit every
charge againſt Cleomenes, than feems to have been the cafe with Polybius, gives
this ſtory a very different turn. Cleomenes, according to him, had reſolved,
before he would proceed to any violence against the Ephori, to recall Archida-
mus, to whom the crown, in that branch of the royal family, belonged, in order to
humble thoſe imperious magiftrates; who, he imagined, when the kingly govern-
ment, according to the Spartan conftitution, was completè, and could maintain its
due weight, would not be fo formidable. The party which had put Agis to death,
diſcovering this defign, and dreading the vengeance of Archidamus, if he ſhould
be re-eſtabliſhed on the throne, formed their plan accordingly. They joined in
inviting him to Sparta, and even affifted in his return; but they affaffinated him im-
mediately after. Whether it was against the confent of Cleomenes, as Phylarchus, a
cotemporary hiſtorian, thinks, or whether his friends prevailed on him to abandon
that unhappy prince, Plutarch does not take upon him to determine. If he gave
his confent, Plutarch, however, is of opinion, it muſt have been owing to the im-
portunities of his friends; and the greateſt part of the blame, he afferts, is there-
fore to be charged to the account of thoſe friends, who had the guilt of teazing him
into it.
20 See Plutarch in Cleomene.
ΙΟ
and
and enforces
them by his
own exam-
1
296
HISTORY OF GREECE
2
Sect. 2.
Book IV. and friends followed his example. And the rest of the citi
zens having alfo done the fame, (for a refuſal was what no
man at this juncture would prefume to attempt) the lands
were immediately divided. He even affigned lots for each of
the perfons whom he had banished, declaring, that they
fhould be all recalled, when tranquillity was once more
re-eſtabliſhed. And, to remedy the prefent depopulation,
he filled up the number of citizens out of the moſt vir-
tuous of the inhabitants of the neighbouring countries. He
then gave his attention to the education of the youths, in or-
der to train them according to the original ſeverity of the La--
cedemonian laws. He reftored their hardy manner of cloth--
ing, their ſchools of exerciſe, their public meals; and arranged
their whole courſe of diſciplinę upon the fyftem of ancient
times. A new face of things foon appeared in Sparta; nei--
ther the drooping look of indigence, nor the fſcornful in-
folence of wealth, were any longer to be feen; a people
healthy and robuſt began again to croud her ſtreets, and
all the arts, that adminifter to luxury, and effeminacy, dif--
appeared. Above all, he took care to inftruct his fubjects by
his own example; he appeared a pattern of temperance:
and of plain manners; he affumed no kind of parade or.
fhew above a common citizen, but converfed among his
people with unaffected familiarity; and, whenever they made
application to him in his regal capacity, he received them
with cheerfulneſs, and entered upon their buſineſs with the
utmoſt readineſs and attention.
ގ
+
THIS was a noble reformation, and furely well deſerv
ing of the higheſt praiſe, had it been effected by Cleomenes,
not by bloodſhed and iniquity, but by the fair and conſtitu-
tional
1
*
>
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
297
1
Sect. 2.
tional road of law and general confent! The perplexing cir- Book IV.
cumſtances he was placed in, at the beginning of his reign,
joined to the natural impetuofity of his own temper, rendered
perhaps more violent by the oppofition he had to contend
with, form all the apology, that hiſtory has to offer for
him ".
21
HAVING
21 Polybius, however, on moſt occafions, treats Cleomenes's character with a feve-
rity not to be juſtified. He even charges him (L. ii. c. 47. p. 185.) with having
diſſolved tó márgiov #oxíτevμa, the political conſtitution of his country, and having changed
στην έννομον βασιλείαν εις τυραννίδα, the legal kingly power into a tyranny. Yet Polybius
himſelf acknowledges, in more places than one, that at his acceffion the Spartan con-
ſtitution was nearly deſtroyed, by the corrupt innovations which ambition and the
luft of power had introduced into it. To the praiſe of Cleomenes it certainly is,
that he endeavoured to reſtore the original eſtabliſhments of the Lycurgic law. But,
to his reproach, that he effected it by means to which he ought never to have had
recourfe; by arbitrary oppreffion and bloodshed.-Polybius himſelf feems to account
for his fevere ftrictures on this prince. He compiled this part of his hiftory, he
tells us (L. ii. c. 55. p. 196.) from the commentaries of Aratus, the avowed enemy
of the Spartan king, and who doubtless fought for a juftification of his own uncon
ftitutional counfels by throwing what blame he could on Cleomenes. And that fo
judicious and generally candid a writer as Polybius, fhould have been betrayed into
this track, we ſhall not wonder, when we recall to mind, that he himself was of Me-
galopolis, that very city whoſe ruins were a monument of Cleomenes's violence.—
As for Livy, he is the copyer of Polybius, and therefore, in conformity with him,
pronounces (L. xxxiv. c. 26.) Cleomenes to have been the tyrant of Sparta.-Plutarch
has dealt more fairly by him; blaming his acts that deſerved cenfure; and, at the
fame time, doing juftice to the noble and princely qualities of this extraordinary
man. Plutarch therefore we have chiefly followed, without lofing fight of the in-
formation that was to be found in other writers.-As to Paufanias, his account of
Cleomenes deferves little regard. He tells us (in Corinthiacis) of Eurydamidas, a
young prince on the throne jointly with him, whom he took off by poiſon, though
neither Polybius, nor Plutarch make mention of fuch a king. And he would have
us even believe, that the Lacedemonians held him in abhorrence; in expreſs con-
tradiction to the teſtimony of the two laſt-mentioned hiftorians, from whom it ap
pears, that, notwithſtanding the unhappy iffue of the wars he engaged in, and the
calamities brought upon Sparta by their means, he was ſtill held in high veneration
Qq
among
1
298
HISTORY OF GREECE
BOOK IV.
Sect. 2.
marches
againſt the
enemy;
22
HAVING thus rendered himſelf abfolute maſter of Sparta,
policy as well as inclination urged him to give employment
to that vigour, which he had now improved or created, and
which, if not exerted abroad, might prove fatal to him at
home. He marched his Spartans into the territories of Me-
galopolis, which he plundered and laid wafte, none daring to
lays wafte the oppofe him; and, after fome other exploits of this depredatory
territories of nature, he prepared to carry the war into the heart of Achaia.
Megalopolis;
The Achaeans had formed a ſtrong encampment at Hecatom-
boeum, a place at ſome diſtance from Dymé, one of their
frontier towns near the Elean borders; in which fituation
they expected, in cafe the Spartans attempted this paſs, to in-
cloſe them between Dymé and the Achaean camp, and render
their eſcape difficult. Cleomenes was not to be deterred.
He began by ravaging the other fide of Achaia, which he
had entered from the Arcadian frontier, and, advancing at:
length towards them, he attacked them on this very ground,
where they had fortified themſelves with ſo much confidence,
lines at He- forced their lines, and defeated them with great flaughter.
This was the feverest blow the Achaeans had yet received.
Their army had been compoſed of the flower of their nation ;
and they were almoſt all cut off. Their allies, befides, were
falling off.
The Mantineans before this period, after putting
the Achaean garrifon in their city to the fword, had called.
in the Spartans.. And the fame ſpirit was now faid to prevail.
Forces the
Achaean
catomboeum
and obtains a
complete
victory.
among them; ſo that, though a captive in Egypt, they refufed, as long as he lived,
to have any other king, in hopes of his reſtoration. See Rolyb. L. iv. c. 35. et Plut,
Cleomene.
22 Plutarch in Cleom. et Arato.
in
7
1
}
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER,
299
in moſt of the other cities of Peloponnefus. In this emer- Book IV.
gency, they had not even Aratus to depend upon. Not know- Sect. 2.
ing what meaſures to purfue, or whom to employ, they had
applied to him, and again had offered him the command.
But, either in refentment of the difgrace he lately experienced,
as his friends would have it believed, or difcouraged per-
haps by the difficult pofture of affairs, he had declined to be
employed.
fue for peace
menes.
THE only refource left them was to fue to Cleomenes Achaeans are
for conditions of peace. The king of Lacedaemon required, reduced to
that Sparta ſhould be reſtored to her former pre-eminence to Cleo-
among the nations of Peloponnefus; that he himſelf ſhould
be confidered as the head of the Achaean confederacy; and
be permitted to direct their councils and operations. To a
people in dread of much harder terms, the demand feemed
moderate. A congrefs was accordingly appointed to be held
at Lerna in Arcadia, to which Cleomenes was invited. But,
unhappily for Greece, a fudden indiſpoſition obliged him to
return to Sparta; and the final fettlement of the various ar-
rangements of the propofed pacification was poftponed until
his recovery.
Aratus re-
MEAN while, Aratus had found means to refume his for-
mer influence in the Achaean councils.
He looked upon influence;
the preſent eſtabliſhment of Achaia as the work of his wif-
dom; and he could not bear to think, that the Spartans,
whom he had been accuſtomed to number among the depen-
dents of his republic, fhould now take the lead, and preſcribe
laws; or that the prize, for which he had been contending
0 42
"
thirty
fumes his
•
}
?
J
300
HISTORY
23
OF GREECE.
Book IV. thirty and three years 33, the monument of his fame, and the
Sect. 2. recompence of all his cares, ſhould, in the decline of life, he
contrives to
prevent a
peace with
Sparta.
wreſted from him by a young prince, whofe name till now
was hardly known.. Agitated by thefe. reflections, he em-
ployed himſelf in devifing means to elude the intended mea-
fure. A fecond congrefs had been appointed at Argos, and
Cleomenes, with a reſpectable force, was on his way to that
city. Aratus took this opportunity to execute his purpoſe.
Under a ſhow of zeal for the public fafety, he threw out
furmiſes of the intentions of Cleomenes; he hinted to the-
Achaeans, how dangerous it might be to admit within the
city a body of enemies led on by a young ambitious warrior.;
and at laſt prevailed on them to diſpatch an embaffy to
the Spartan king, requiring him not to come within the
gates of Argos, unleſs he came alone; in which cafe three
hundred hostages fhould be given for the fecurity of his
perfon; or, if he did not approve of this expedient, he might
advance, at the head of his army, to a certain ſpot without
the walls, called the Cyllarabis, where the wreſtlers performed
their exerciſes, and in that place they would treat with him..
23 Aratus was twenty years old when he delivered Sicyon. Eight years after, he
reſtored alſo Corinth to her liberties, two years before the death of Antigonus Go-
natas. He was therefore thirty years old at the time of Gonatas's death, which hap-
pened about the 4th year of the 133d Olympiad, 244 years before Chrift. Deme-
trius, the fucceffor of Gonatas, reigned ten years. If therefore, at the time when the
victorious arms of Cleomenes obliged the Achaeans to have recourſe to Macedon,
thirty-three years had elapfed fince Aratus firft entered on the adminiftration of
affairs, it follows, that the calling in of Antigonus must have been about the 2d or
3d year of the 139th Olympiad, or the 222d or 221ft year before Chrift; Aratus be-
ing then aged about fifty-three years.
}
To
?
}
3
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
301
1
Cleomenes,
affronted by
To a prince naturally high-ſpirited, and at this period Book IV.
Sect. 2.
elated with victory, it might eafily be foreſeen what an
appearance of mockery fuch a propofal would carry with
it. He treated both meffage and meffenger with the ut-
moſt diſdain; and, in a high and menacing tone, diſcovered ans, breaks
off negotiat
his ſenſe of the indignity offered to his character.
It is ing.
faid, that afterwards, when too late,. Cleomenes difcovered
the part Aratus had acted on this occafion..
the Achae-
and ruinous
THUS, through the high fpirit of one chief, and the The artifice
duplicity of another, was the only meaſure which could measures of
have preſerved Greece from bondage, irretrievably loft. Had Aratus:
Aratus, truly faithful to his country, placed his glory in
her happineſs, and been content with his counfels to af-
fift operations, which now he had neither capacity nor cou
rage to lead; or had Cleomenes, fubduing reſentment, con-
defcended, on Aratus's own terms, to have entered Argos,
where probably his demands, fupported by his preſence and
perfuafive powers, had found little oppofition; they might
have then prevented, what after that day there never was an-
other opportunity of preventing; the ruin of their country.
But the pride of Cleomenes, and the far more criminal pride
and duplicity of Aratus, forbade it. And to that fatal pride
Greece owed her deftruction..
IT is remarkable, that both Aratus and Cleomenes had
the ſame ſcheme in view; both wished to unite. all the
nations of Peloponnefus into one commonwealth, and, by
this means, to form fuch a bulwark. for the defence of the
common liberties of Greece, as might have bidden defiance
to every foreign power. The only queſtion was, to what
people,
1
302
HISTORY OF GREECE
1
>
1
t
Sect. 2.
Book IV. people, and to what chief was the direction to be committed?
Aratus was determined that he would have the glory of doing
all, or that no other ſhould fave or aggrandize his country; and,
rather than ſuffer the adminiſtration to be in any hands but his
own, reſolved to throw all things into confufion. Unfortunately
for mankind, there hardly has been a country, or an age, that
has not had its Aratus!
the confe
quences
throughout
Peloponne-
fus and the
ing.
THE breaking-off the treaty of pacification occafioned a
general ferment throughout all Peloponnefus. Cleomenes,
fired at the indignity the Achaeans had offered, urged the
parts adjoin- war with more vigour than ever; he ravaged their ter-
ritories, and he facked their towns. Even in thoſe places,
which his arms had not yet reached, every thing threatened
infurrection and hoftility to the Achaeans, either from the
intrigues of the Spartan emiffaries, or from the rankling
fufpicions to which the conduct of Aratus had given birth.
The Athenians, as well as the Aetolians, refuſed to affift Achaia.
Ariftomachus, formerly tyrant of the Argives, and now a
member of the Achaean confederacy, betrayed Argos to the
Spartan king. The Corinthians were on the point of deli-
vering their city into his hands; and even Sicyon muſt have
been loft, had not a timely diſcovery prevented the confpi-
racy from taking effect.
Aratus con.
ceives the
thought of
calling in the
Macedoni-
ans ;
+
THESE mifchiefs, neverthelefs, with the guilt of which
Aratus could not but charge himſelf, ferved only to hurry
him into counfels pregnant with circumftances ftill more
fatal. Refolved, at any rifque, to exclude Sparta from the
fuperintendency of Peloponnefian affairs, he fixed upon a
meaſure the moft pernicious, that any ſtatefman of Greece
could
$
$
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
૩૦૩
•
24
Sect. 2.
could in theſe times have adopted ". The power then the Book IV.
moſt formidable to the Grecian liberties, was the kingdom
of Macedon. Since the days of Philip, it had been the fa-
vourite object of its princes to bring Greece into fubjection.
The terror and devaftation of war, the infidious arts of cor-
ruption and intrigue, whatever, indeed, could contribute to
the breaking of that republican fpirit, which animated her
councils, had to this end been fuccefsfully employed. To
thefe dangerous neighbours Aratus, as we have feen, had
from his early years diftinguiſhed himſelf by his oppofition;
and to this noble oppofition, which had reſcued Greece
from Macedonian ufurpation, he owed all the glory of his
life. But a total change of principles was now to take place.
Rather than fee Cleomenes at the head of Greece, he con-
ceived the pernicious thought of making Antigonus of Ma-
cedon the inftrument of Sparta's deftruction. In order to
accompliſh this, he propoſed to reſtore the Macedonians to
the full poffeffion of that power, from which he himſelf had.
driven them; and, from motives of envy and diſappointed.
ambition, to inveſt its natural enemies with the fovereignty
of his country.
his way -
THERE lay, however, two powerful obftacles in his difficulties in
way. In Greece the attempt was unpopular; and Antigo-
mus feemed regardleſs of ambitious projects. With this
prince Aratus had not the leaſt connection, and he muſt
have been confidered by him as a perfon moſt hoſtile to
Polyb. L. ii. c. 47, & feq. Plutarch in Cleomen. & Arato,
1
the
f
304
HISTORY OF GREECE
BOOK IV. the Macedonian intereft. With his ufual addrefs, however,
he furmounted both thefe difficulties.'
Sect. 2.
his manner
of furmount-
ing them.
Antigonus
averſe from
meddling
>
MEGALOPOLIS, of all the cities of Peloponnefus, lay the
moſt expoſed to invafions from Laconia; and there had
antiently fubfifted a friendly intercourfe between the Mega-
lopolitans and the Macedonians. Having gained over to his
views two of the principal men of this city, he directed
them to apply to the Achaean ftates for protection againſt
Sparta; and, fhould they not be able to grant it, which
Aratus well knew, they were not, to aſk permiffion to
implore the aid of Antigonus. The ſcheme fucceeded as
he had wiſhed, and his inftruments were appointed to pro-
ceed to the Macedonian court. He then inftructed them,
to mention him favourably to the king; to be active in
removing from his mind the prejudices he might have con-
ceived againſt him; and to offer him whatever pledge he
ſhould defire of the devotion and future fealty of Aratus.
They were particularly to reprefent to Antigonus, that his
intereſts and thoſe of Achaia were the fame; that the enter-
prizing Cleomenes, when he had once fubjected Greece,
would foon make his way to the Macedonian frontiers; and
that what Antigonus might now eafily accompliſh in Pelo-
ponnefus, he might find difficult to effect within his own
kingdom, if invaded by a prince made bold by fuccefs, and
made ſtrong by his victories, whofe very name would invite
to his banners all the antient enemies of Macedon.
HITHERTO, as we have already obferved,
affected a total difregard of Grecian affairs.
Antigonus had
The
The expelling
1
•
•
even
{
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
305
í
}
even of the Macedonian garrifons from the Grecian towns,
had not provoked him to interpoſe. And though often ſo-
licited by many of the ſtates of Greece, and lately by the
Aetolians in particular, to take advantage of the preſent diftrac-
tions, he had always, attentive to the profperity of his own
kingdom, fteadily refufed the invitation.
BUT now, to ſee the leader of Achaia his fuppliant, and
thoſe very Achaeans, by whom his predeceffors had been ex-
pelled from Peloponnefus, voluntarily opening their gates to
him; to be prefented with the opportunity of humbling
that Sparta, which had held in fcorn the mightiest of Ma-
cedon's kings; to enjoy the proſpect of uniting Greece
and Macedon into one fovereignty, and of ſeeing himſelf
maſter of what even Alexander could never boaft; were
temptations, which even the temperate mind of Antigonus
could not withſtand.
Book IV.
Sect. 2.
with the af
fairs of
Greece;
but yields to
the folicita-
tions of the
Achaeans:
ry compact
made by
Aratus with
Antigonus;
He promiſed all that was defired. Aratus, to give the extraordina
more credit to the negotiation, had ſent his own fon to An-
tigonus by way of hoſtage; who ſtipulated, on the part of
Achaia-" That the citadel of Corinth ſhould be delivered
into the king's hands that he ſhould be at the head of the
Achaean confederacy, fuperintend their councils, and direct
their operations--that
that money and provifions ſhould be ſup-
plied at their expence, for the fupport of his army—that
neither embaffy nor letter fhould be ſent to any power,
without his approbation-nor any city, ſtate, or people, be
from that time admitted into the Achaean league, without
his expreſs conſent "5" The two laft ftipulations were, in
* Sec Polyb. L. ii, et paffim. Plutarch in Arato.
Rr
fact,
1
1
1
306
HISTORY
OF GREECE
Book IV. fact, bonds of allegiance to Antigonus. They had their
Sect. 2. foundation in the original confederacy of the Achaean ſtates;
but were at this time new-modelled, to ferve the purpoſe of
the preſent negotiation; and in this form, the feveral mem-
bers of the Achaean league were required to fwear to the
obfervation of them: which oath was to be adminiſtered every
year. From theſe articles it is evident, that the Achaean
liberties were now but a name. The lord of Achaia was
Antigonus.'
the duplicity
of Aratus ;
indignation
of the Pelo
ponnefian
tates at this
tranfaction.
Ir is not, however, to be imagined, that Aratus ventured
at once to avow every clauſe of this exceptionable compact.
The whole tranfaction feems to have been the work of
fubtilty and dark difguife. Even previous to the appoint-
ment of the ſecond congrefs at Argos, it appears from
Plutarch, that he had entered privately into a negotiation with
Antigonus; and probably most of the articles here mention-
ed were kept fecret for a time, and difclofed gradually, as
the nature of the cafe made it neceffary, and as the power of
Antigonus came to be more firmly eſtabliſhed ".
WHEN the other Peloponnefian ſtates, eſpecially thoſe who
had lately felt the yoke of Macedon, found their fufpicions,
turned to certainty, and that it was determined they ſhould.
26 Aratus, throughout this whole tranfaction, appears to have conducted himself
with the greateſt fubtilty. Though the ſcheme was his own, in public he affected to
have many difficulties concerning its expediency, and to offer many fpecious objections;
which, doubtless, at the fame time, his creatures had inftructions, and were pre-
pared to anſwer. Even in Aratus's Commentaries, Polybius himſelf (L. ii. c. 47.)
acknowledges, that ſeveral material circumftances refpecting this buſineſs were
omitted by him, confcious it was not to his honour that the world fhould be apprized
of them.
7
1
again
1
!
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
307
}
27
poffeffes him-
felf of the
Corinthian
isthmus;
again be given up into the hands of their oppreffors, they Book IV.
were exaſperated to the utmoſt againſt Achaia. So violent, Sect. 2.
in particular, were the people at Corinth, that they roſe againſt
Aratus to put him to death; and with difficulty he eſcaped
from the city. Their only hopes were now in Cleomenes,
the laſt refuge of the Grecian liberties; who, unequal as he
appeared to the dangers he had to encounter, ſeemed to draw
freſh vigour from his difficulties. Upon the firft advice of Cleomenes
the Macedonians being in motion, he had entered the
iſthmus, and had taken poffeffion of a paſs on the Onean
mountains, which commanded the opening of the defile on
the northern fide; ſo that, whilſt he continued in this poſi-
tion, it was impracticable for Antigonus to force his way,
nor could he be joined by his friends from Peloponnefus;
Aratus, who with the demiurgi had been deputed to wait
on Antigonus, being obliged to croſs the Corinthian gulph
in order to get to the Macedonian camp 2. But it was not is forced to
poffible that Cleomenes fhould provide for the ſafety of
every place. The Achaeans found means to ſurpriſe Argos,
with a deſign to cut off the communication of Cleomenes
with Sparta. This laid the Spartan king under the neceffity
of returning back into Peloponnefus, and to leave the paſs
open for the Macedonians.
28
SUCH a formidable body of auxiliaries, for the Macedo-
nians amounted in numbers to near twenty-two thouſand
men, foon enabled the Achaeans to refume, their fuperiority
in Peloponnefus. Corinth, with moſt of the other cities,
which had declared for Sparta, furrendered to Antigonus ;
abandon it
the paſs open
cedonians
for the Ma-
moſt of the
Peloponne-
fian cities
Antigonus-
furrender to
27 Polyb. L. ii. c. 52,
28 Plutarch in Arato.
Rr 2
and
308
HISTORY OF GREECE
Cleomenes;
Book IV. and in lefs than one campaign, Cleomenes had nothing but
Sect. z.
Laconia remaining. Amidft this wreck of his public fortunes,
the diftrefs of he loft the virtuous Agiatis, whofe excellent fenfe and tender
affection had been. his refource in his fevereft exigencies.
And, as if every comfort were to be withdrawn from him,
Ptolemy Euergetes, then king of Egypt, to whom he had
applied for fuccours, refuſed to grant his requeft, unleſs his
mother and his children were fent into Egypt as pledges of
his fidelity. The perfidy which the Egyptian king had ex-
perienced from the Achaeans, in deferting his alliance, and
calling in Antigonus, had induced Ptolemy, a prince other-
wife remarkably humane, to make this ungenerous requifi-
tion; with which, however, fuch was the fituation of his
affairs, that Cleomenes was forced to comply "..
he obtains
fupply of
men and
money;
1
Bê-
His fpirit, nevertheleſs, remained ſtill unſubdued.
fides what he had received from Egypt, he had contrived to
raife at home a farther fupply of men and money, by en-
franchiſing ſuch of the Helotes as could pay a certain fine
29 The reader will not be diſpleaſed to find here, the account which Plutarch has
preſerved to us, of the noble firmneſs of Crateficlea, the mother of Cleomenes, on·.
this affecting occafion, when the neceffity of affairs obliged this prince to ſend her and
his children to Egypt. Having conducted them to Taenarus, where they were to take
ſhipping, the hour of parting being come, his wonted fortitude forfook him; and the
fierce warrior was ſeen to melt into the tender fon and fond parent. Crateficlea with
concern marked his emotion; and, drawing him afide into an adjoining temple, "King
" of Sparta,” ſaid ſhe to him, claſping her aged arms around him, and preffing him to
her bofom, "take care that, when we go hence, no one may perceive us weeping, or
** behaving in any ſhape unworthy of the illuftrious city that gave us birth. This
* alone is in our power; the iffue is in the hands of God." This faid; compofing her
countenance, ſhe embarked, bearing her grandfon in her arms, and ordered the
pilot to put to fea with all poffible expedition.-Plutarch in Cleomene.
for
}
{
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
309
:
AYO
*
'
for their freedom, and by inlifting among his troops a great Book IV.
many more of thofe that were fit for military fervice. Thus Sect. 2.
recruited in ftrength, he determined to ſtrike terror into, the
enemy. The city of Megalopolis has been already mentioned.
It was one of the moft confiderable in Peloponnefus, and
ſcarcely inferior even to Sparta; ftately, populous, opulent,
and, from its fituation, of great importance; commanding
moſt parts of Arcadia, of which it was the chief city. It
had been planned by the illuftrious Epaminondas,. as a ſtrong
hold for the Arcadians, at that time ſcattered moſtly in de-
fenceleſs villages, and to curb the power of Sparta.. Cleomenes
formed the defign of ſurpriſing this city, though the Achaeans
lay encamped on the one fide, and the Macedonians on the
other. With this view he deceived the enemy by a féint furprifes
march, as if he had intended to fall on Argos; but he turn-
Megalopolis,
ed ſuddenly ſhort, and was in poffeffion of Megalopolis, be-
fore either Antigonus or Aratus fufpected his purpoſe. He
had a particular view in forming this enterprize. The
Megalopolitans were the fanguine friends of Macedon, and
he hoped, by the poffeffion of their city, to have it in his
power to detach them from Antigonus; an object certainly.
of the higheſt moment to his affairs, could it. have been
effected.. He accordingly fent meffengers after the inhabi--
tants, moſt of whom had eſcaped by flight,, and offered to.
reſtore the city, with all the fpoil, entire and unhurt, om
condition of their renouncing the friendſhip of the Macedo--
nian king: but the Megalopolitans, at the inftigation of Phi--
lopoemen, afterwards› a diſtinguiſhed character in the Achae-
an hiſtory, having rejected the offer, Cleomenes was fo tranf- and lays is în
ported with refentment, that he plundered the city, and
cauſed it to be laid in ruins..
ruins ::
THIS
s
&
310
HISTORY OF GREECE
}
of Aratus and
on this occa-
fion.
Book IV. THIS was a deep wound to the Achaean intereft; and
Sect. 2.
we may judge of its magnitude from what Plutarch relates.
the affliction The general affembly of Achaia had met, and Aratus was
the Achaeans preparing to harangue them, when he received the tidings.
He mounted the fuggeftum; but, unable to ſpeak, he burſt
into tears, covering his face with his robe. After fome mi-
nutes of extreme agitation and diftrefs, the whole affembly
calling out to know what it was that thus moved him, with
difficulty at length he uttered, " Megalopolis is deſtroyed
by Cleomenes!" Confternation inftantly filled every
breaſt; all public bufinefs was fufpended; and the conven-
tion broke up in filent amazement and horror.
Cleomenes
attempts Ar.
to bring on
an engage-
ment;
6.1
EMBOLDENED by this fuccefs, Cleomenes, at the opening
gos, in order of the enfuing fpring, appeared before Argos, where Anti-
gonus was encamped, and defied him to battle; but his
challenge not being accepted, he ſpread devaſtation through
all the country around. His purpoſe was, either to force the
Macedonian king to the field, whilſt moſt of his troops were
ſtill in their winter-cantonments, or to excite againſt him
the indignation of the Argives. But neither his inſults nor
their murmurs moved Antigonus. He faw clearly, that this
predatory war, however fucceſsful, muft nevertheleſs prove,
in the end, of little fervice to Cleomenes; whofe army,
confifting moſtly of mercenaries, were not to be kept toge-
ther without regular pay, for which he had no fund to
depend upon, but the precarious remittances from Egypt.
Antigonus, on the contrary, rich in treaſure, faw the ad-
but is baffled; vantage he muſt derive from thence; and, by oppofing Cleo-
menes at firſt, faintly, yet cautiously, he artfully adhered to a
plan
1
¿
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
3IK
plan of operations, which, it was evident, muſt foon exhauft. Book IV.
his adverſary.
Sect. 2.
retreats to
Selafia, in
order to co-
ver Sparta;
BAFFLED in this manner by a fubtil foe, and preffed by
his own difficulties, Cleomenes found himſelf obliged to re-
tire again within Laconia. Befides, the Macedonian and
Peloponnefian forces now affembling, he began to fear that
Sparta was their object, and he reſolved to cover it, if poſ-
fible, from infult. Near the town of Selafia, the road lead-
ing to Sparta became exceedingly narrow, being confined be-
tween two hills, the Efa and the Olympus, both high and
difficult of aſcent; and in the glen, that divided thefe hills,
ran the Oenus, along one of the banks of which the road
extended. This pafs Cleomenes undertook to defend. entrenches
On one hill was ftationed his brother Euclidas, with part
of the army, whilft he himſelf took poft on the other; the
bottom of each hill, and the opening of the defile, being ſe-
cured by a ditch and a ſtrong rampart.
himſelf
ſkill;
ANTIGONUS, who ſoon approached, beheld with admira- with great
tion the poſition of the enemy. Whatever could render the ap-
pearance of an army formidable, or add to the natural ſtrength
of this important paſs, had been performed; and no part
was to be ſeen on which an impreffion could be made with
effect. Though confiderably ſuperior in point of numbers
he had too much wifdom to hazard an attack upon men
drawn up ſo advantageously; he encamped therefore at a
diſtance on the plain below, in order to obferve the motions
30
30 He was thirty thouſand ftrong, and the Spartans were but twenty thou
fand.
of
312
HISTORY OF GREECE
STOR
C
Book IV. of his enemy, and take his meaſures as circumftances.might
Sect. 2. offer. This deliberate caution and coolness of Antigo-
nus, prepared the way for the ruin of Cleomenes, who had
expected, that the Macedonians would immediately have ad-
vanced; all his hopes refting on the fpeedy decifion of a
battle. His fupplies from Egypt had failed; yet he carefully
concealed from his army the diftreffed ſtate of his finances,
being well affured, that, fhould it once be fufpected, his
mercenaries would inftantly crumble away, and leave him to
forced to ha- the mercy of Antigonus. Any fortune ſeemed to him pre-
ferable; and, rather than be reduced to a dilemma fo humi-
liating, he determined to throw open his entrenchments,
and, without farther delay, to riſque an engagement.
›zard an en-
.gagement;
THE fame admirable fkill which he had exhibited in form-
ing his encampment, he now fhewed in the diſpoſition of
his army;
and he charged with fuch vigour the Macedonians,
who, led on by Antigonus, had attacked the wing in which
he fought, that for fome time he compelled the phalanx to
give ground, and had nearly wreſted the victory from them.
But the injudicious management of Euclidas, according to
Polybius ", or, according to others 32, the treachery of an
officer in the Spartan army, corrupted by Antigonus, having
cauſed the total diſcomfiture of the other wing, the confufion
is defeated; foon involved the whole Spartan line; and Cleomenes, over-
powered by numbers, moſt of his men having fallen, was
forced at length to quit the field.
}
31 See Polyb. L. ii. c. 68.
32 See Plutarch in Cleomene.
1
HE
*
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
313
1
He fled to Sparta; informed the citizens of the difaftrous Book IV.
event; and adviſed them to ſubmit to Antigonus.
"For my
66
66
66
Sect. 2.
ta,
part," continued he, "I am prepared either to live or to flies to Spar-
die, as the one or the other may be moſt for the intereft of
my country." He then retired to his own houſe, where
he refuſed every kind of refreſhment, not even ſuffering his
armour to be taken off; but after having leaned his head for
a few minutes againſt a pillar, he ſet off for Gythium, the
principal ſtation of the Spartan fleets; and, with fome chofen and from
friends, going immediately on board, ftretched away for Egypt:
Egypt 23.
33 A farther infight into the character of this prince, may be had from a curious
anecdote recorded of him when on his way to Egypt. Therycion, one of the
Spartans who attended him, borne down by his reverſe of fortune, propoſed to
Cleomenes to kill himſelf, fetting off the propofal with that ſpecious colouring,
which the imbecillity of an oppreffed mind is apt to miſtake for argument. "Think-
"eſt thou, wicked man," replied Cleomenes, "to fhew thy fortitude by ruſhing
upon death, a refuge always eaſily to be had, and which every man has open
"to him? That were a flight far more ſhameful than even that to which we have
now been compelled. Better men than we are, have, either by the fortune of
arms, or overpowered by numbers, left the field of battle to their enemies; but
"the man, who, to avoid pain and calamity, or from a flaviſh regard to the praiſe
or cenfures of men, gives up the conteft, is overcome by his own cowardice.
we are to feek for death, that death ought to be in action, not in the deſerting of
action; for it argues baſeneſs to live or to die to ourſelves. By adopting thy ex-
pedient, all that we can gain is, to get rid of our prefent difficulties, without
"either glory to ourſelves, or benefit to our country. In hopes, then, that we ſhall
"fome time or other be of ſervice to our country, both thou and I, methinks, are
"bound to preſerve life. Whenever theſe hopes fhall have altogether abandoned
66
If
us, death, if fought for, will readily be found." Plutarch in Cleomene.
Traits ſuch as thefe place a character in a ſtrong light. With fuch ſentiments,
it is difficult to fuppoſe this prince to have been the unfeeling tyrant, which ſome
authors have defcribed. -At laft, it is true, he fell by his own hand; but that
was in the tranſport of deſpair. His cool judgment had condemned the rafh
deed.
thence to
s f
HIS
314
HISTORY OF GREECE
{
}
BOOK IV.
Sect. 2.
adventures
dom;
His adventures in Ægypt belong rather to the hiftory
of that kingdom; at prefent it may be fufficient to men-
tion a few of the principal circumſtances.
PTOLEMY Euergetes, whofe ally he had for fome time
in that king been, received him honourably; and, when better acquaint-
ed with his character, held him in the higheſt eſteem; la-
menting that he had not affifted him more effectually, and
promifing to take the first opportunity of replacing him on
the throne of his anceſtors. This probably he might have.
effected; but, dying foon afterwards, he was fucceeded by
his fon Ptolemy Philopator; a prince totally the reverſe
of what his father had been; immerſed in diffoluteneſs ;
and governed altogether by an infolent and rapacious mi-
nifter. Cleomenes had too great a fpirit to brook the in-
dignities, which he experienced from this vicious court
Ptolemy's minifters marked his refentment; and, enraged
that he ſhould dare to be diſpleaſed, they added infult to
injury, till, fired by his wrongs, this unhappy prince would
have revenged them by open violence; but he perished in
the wild attempt, after he had lived about three years in
Egypt 34.
and fatal
end.
Generous
treatment
of the Spar-
tans by Anti-
gonus.
35
A
SPARTA, which till this period had never fuffered the
fate of a captive city, could not have fallen into the:
power of a more merciful conqueror. Antigonus 3, rather
a protector than an enemy, would not permit. the leaſt in--
jury to be offered to any part of the city, or inhabitants,
but contented himſelf with re-eſtabliſhing the juriſdiction.
34 See Plutarch in Cleomene.
35 See Polyb. L. ii. c. 70. et L..v. c. 9.
of
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
315
of the Ephori, as it had been before the time of Cleomenes. Book IV.
He even ſhewed a tender regard for the interefts of that Se&t. 2.
unfortunate prince; for, obferving that the Spartans, by
whom he was affectionately remembered, could not bear the
thought of another king whilſt he ſurvived, Antigonus com-
plied with their wiſhes, and left the throne open as he found
it. He ftaid in Sparta but three days, being recalled home
by a fudden emergency, which demanded his immediate
prefence. So critical was the fate of Cleomenes. Had the
latter deferred fighting for three days longer, Antigonus. barbarians,
muſt have withdrawn his troops, and Cleomenes been re-
lieved.
He is called
home by an
incurfion of
invaders;
It had been, as we have already obſerved, a favourite defeats the
maxim with Antigonus, notwithſtanding he had of late been
induced to depart from it," that foreign conquefts were
not to be obtained but at the expence of the happineſs
of his own kingdom." And it is remarkable, how fully
the laſt ſcenes of his life verified his obfervation. Encou-
raged by his abfence, a multitude of Illyrians, and the bar-
barous nations adjoining, had made an inroad into Macedon,
and committed dreadful devaſtation. And it was the ac-
count of this irruption that had haftened the return of An-
tigonus into his own dominions. The barbarians, who had
as yet found no force able to oppoſe them, heard of his
approach undifmayed; and even advanced to meet him, in
full confidence of victory. The battle was decifive againſt
them: but it was alſo fatal to the Macedonians. The king,
by the violent exertion of his voice during the engagement,
burſt a blood-veffel; and the large effufion of blood, that burfts a
followed, having thrown him into a languiſhing ftate, he blood-veffel,
Sf 2
died
"
316
HISTORY OF GREECE
Sect. 2.
ana dies,
lamented by
all Greece.
Character of
this prince.
36
Book IV. died in a few days, univerfally lamented for his great mi-
litary abilities, but much more for his exalted virtues, and
the noble generofity of foul by which he had been diftin-
guiſhed". Among many inftances of his humane difpofition,
the manner, in which he ufed his victories, is particularly
recorded. For he feemed to forget, that the vanquished had
ever been his foes; his firſt care was, to foften their lot,
and, as far as confifted with the public fafety, to reſtore
to them thoſe privileges and enjoyments, of which other
conquerors would have had a pride in depriving them.
In what manner he behaved to the Spartans, we have feen.
And fuch, Polybius informs us, was their veneration for.
him, though the captor of their virgin-city, that, far from
confidering him as an enemy, by whom they had been
humbled, they proclaimed him in the general affembly of
Greece their benefactor and preferver 33. He reigned but fix--
teen years, too ſhort a period for the happineſs of his king-
dom and of mankind.
38
ta
ANTIGONUS certainly appears to have been one of the
ableſt princes that ever fat on the throne of Macedon; to
him probably was owing that vigour, which the Macedo-
nians, after all their loffes, were enabled to exert in the fuc-.
ceeding reign; and, had his example been imitated by his
fucceffors, it may fairly be conjectured, that the fate of Ma-
cedon, if not prevented, had been at leaſt not ſo rapid and
36 OLYMP. CXXxix. 4. BEFORE CHRIST 220. See Polyb. L. ii. c. 70.
37 Polyb. L. ii. c. 70. It appears from Polybius, that in military reputation he
was one of the first among the princes of his time.
38 Evegyésarias owrnga.-See Polyb. L. ix. c. 30.
*
humiliating.
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
317
humiliating. In his laft hours he took care to confirm the
appointment he had already made, of Philip, the fon of De-
metrius, to fucceed him on the throne "
39
J
"Antigonus is known in hiſtory by the name of Dofon, the promifer. He acquired
this name, Plutarch tells us, from his facility in promifing and his flowneſs in per-
forming. But, if by this we are to underſtand, that he either was avaricious, or that
he employed that low expedient, to which fhallow politicians have often recourſe,
of encreaſing the number of their dependents by holding out alluring promiſes,
which they never propoſe to fulfil, we ſhall conceive of him a very different character
from what is aſcribed to him by Polybius, who lived near his time. Poſſibly, at his
acceffion, he had the importunities of felf-interefted courtiers to contend with; and
from his natural facility of temper, and the difficulty of his fituation, he was often
under a neceffity to put off, in the gentleft manner he could, expectations, which
were not to be gratified but at the expence of the public weal. And thence, per-
haps, was the name given to him by fome of the witlings of the age; and, as the
points of ſatire are more faithfully remembered than actions of well-earned praiſe,.
Antigonus retains to this day the name of Dofon
Book IV.
Sect. 2.
He appoints-
Philip to fuc
ceed him.
f
HISTORY
HISTORY OF GREECE.
B
o o K V.
SECTION L
CONTENTS.
Philip, the last of the Macedonian kings of that name, fucceeds
to the kingdom upon the death of the ſecond Antigonus-
profperous ftate of Macedon at his acceffion-he enters into a
confederacy with the ftates of Achaia against the Aetolians—
entertains thoughts of reducing the feveral Greek republics-
prevented by Aratus-endeavours to weaken the influence of
Aratus-fails-affects to treat him with confidence-bis mini-
fters grow jealous of Aratus-and ſeek his deſtruction, though
to the ruin of their master's affairs-Philip difcovers their
treaſonable practices-proceeds with feverity against them.
PHILIP afcended the throne with the general applaufe Book V.
of Macedon. The extraordinary care beſtowed on
his education, the inftructions he was known to have received
from the late king, the opportunity he had enjoyed of obferv-
¹ OLYMP. cxxxix. 4. BEFORE CHRIST 216,
P. 1371. de virt. et vitiis.
*
* See Polyb. Cafaub. Oct..
Sect. I.
The laft Phi-
lip afcends
the throne
of Macedon :.
7
ing
7
320
HISTORY OF GREECE
Book V. ing the virtues of that excellent prince, together with the
Sect. 1. high expectations which his own natural endowments had
taught his fubjects to form of him, induced them to hope,
that in him Antigonus would be revived; and, though only
in his ſeventeenth year at the time of his acceffion, his
manner of entering on the government ftrengthened thefe
expectations intelligent, affable, munificent, attentive to
the ſeveral duties of the royal ſtation, he appeared to have
no other end in view but the happineſs of Macedon, and
to have every qualification neceffary to accompliſh that great
object.
his cha-
racter.
Profperous
cedon at his
acceffion.
MACEDON, at the fame time, had never been in a more
The wife policy of the laſt reign had
flouriſhing condition.
ftate of Ma- reftored induſtry and opulence; her cities were populous; her
lands cultivated, and covered with inhabitants; and her armies
high in reputation for diſcipline and courage. The barbarian
borderers had been lately humbled; and even that ſpirit of
hoftility, which for ages had animated the councils of Greece
againſt Macedon, had almoſt died away. Who could have
thought, that theſe were the times, and this the prince, deftined
to humble this ancient kingdom, and to prepare the way for
it's final ruin!
The Aetoli-
ans invade
Achaia.
3
THE Aetolians were the first people to difturb the peace
of Greece. The jealouſy, which they had long entertained
of the Achaean ſtates, was much encreaſed by that importance
which Achaia had affumed from her alliance with Macedon;
and no fooner were they relieved from the dread of Antigonus,
K
• Polyb. L. iv. c. 3. et feq. Plut. in Arato.
5
than
+
}
}
•
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
321
than the Aetolian bands poured again into Peloponnefus. Book V.
Sect. I.
They landed on the Achaean coaſt, which after ravaging,
they proceeded to a ftrong hold they poffeffed on the Meffe-
nian frontier; from whence they made fevere depredations
on all the country around. Theſe, however, were faid to
have been only private adventurers, who went forth merely for
the fake of plunder, without the authority, and, as it was
pretended, even without the knowledge of the Aetolian go-
vernment.
marches
against them,
TIMOXENUS, then general of Achaia, whofe term of office Aratus
was nearly expired, declining to march againſt them, Ara-
tus, general-elect, affumed the command, and, taking the
field, required them inftantly to leave Peloponnefus. They
promiſed they would: but Aratus, although he had already
difmiffed a part of his force, fufpecting the fincerity of their
intentions, and finding, as he thought, a favourable opportu-
nity of chaſtiſing theſe unprovoked plunderers, attacked them
on their march near Caphyae, a town of Arcadia; but meeting
with an unexpected and vigorous reſiſtance, he was entirely and is de-
defeated.
feated,
He partly by his
THE blame of this diſcomfiture fell wholly on Aratus.
had prefumed to act, though not in office; he had weak- own fault,
ened his army, whilft the enemy was yet in the field;
and he had expofed his troops to flaughter by his raſhneſs
and the ill-digeſted orders he had given. To anſwer to theſe
articles of charge, he was fummoned before the convention
of the Achaean ſtates; and he had probably been condemned,
had not an open confeffion of his error deprecated the re-
ſentment of his judges. The fault, nevertheleſs, was not al-
Tt
together
322
GREECE
HISTORY OF
the fault of
ans.
S
་
Book V. together to be imputed to him. It appears, that the Achae-
Sect. I.
an troops had been deficient in diſcipline and in courage.
and partly by The pernicious effects of their having called in the aid of
the Achae- foreign arms, both Polybius* and Plutarch inform us, be-
gan already to be felt. And the Achaeans, who thought no
enterpriſe too arduous, whilft left to the exertion of their.
own vigour; thofe men, who with fuch glory to themſelves
had eſtabliſhed the liberties of Achaia, now repofing themſelves
on the
power of Macedon, had funk infenfibly into floth,.
timidity, and weakneſs.
Aratus ap-
plies to Phi-
lip for aid.
1
THE evil was not at preſent to be remedied. And nơ--
thing remained to the Achaeans but the alternative of making
friends of the Aetolians, by admitting them to a ſhare in the
adminiſtration of Grecian affairs (an object which the Aeto-
lians feem long to have had in view) or to implore the affiſt-
ance of the Macedonian king. The former muſt have been
a meaſure of wifer policy; as the ftrength of Greece would
then have been collected into one formidable confederacy;
and the different ftates, by purſuing ſeparate intereſts, had not
haſtened the ruin of their common liberties. But the pride
of Aratus led him to a more pernicious choice. He could
not bear that Achaia fhould yield up, or even divide a fove-
reignty, which however was now little more than nomi-
nal; and ſtill leſs that ſhe ſhould receive orders from thoſe to
whom ſhe had been accuſtomed to prefcribe them. Aratus,
befides, had been the firſt perſon to call in the Macedonians to
the ſupport of the Achaean body; and he would not ſeem to
✩ See Polyb. L. iv. c. 7.
5 Plutarch, in Arato.
4
}
condemn
雀
​FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
323
condemn a meaſure, which had originated from himſelf. Un- Book V.
Sect. I.
fortunately for Greece, the counfels of Aratus prevailed.
PHILIP received the application with pleaſure. To fee Philip's pride
himſelf, at the opening of his reign, the acknowledged arbiter this applica+
gratified by
of Greece, and to have the firſt of the Peloponnefian ſtates tion:
taking ſhelter under his protection, were circumſtances too
flattering for a young prince, to be confidered with indif-
ference; whilſt his compliance with the requeſt of the Achaeans
gave him an opportunity, at the ſame time, of ſhewing his re-
gard to the injunctions of the late king, who had charged
him to cultivate the friendſhip of Aratus, and to pay parti-
cular attention to the counfels of that experienced ſtatef-
man.
He accordingly promifed, as foon as he had fettled the
affairs of his own kingdom, to repair to Corinth, in order
to meet the convention of the ſtates in alliance with Achaia;
and in conjunction with them to fettle their plan of future
operations.
he promiſes
with Achaia.
to co-operate
ans fack
DURING theſe tranſactions, the Aetolians had committed a The Aetoli-
freſh act of violence, far more outrageous as their enemies, Cynaetha.
affected to repreſent it, than any thing they had yet been guilty
'of. Making a new inroad into Peloponnefus, they had facked
Cynaetha, a city of Arcadia, putting to the fword moſt of
the inhabitants, and laying the place in ruins. The in-
habitants of Cynaetha had, it feems, been long noted for
fierce and barbarous manners. Some time before the pre-
• See Polyb. L. iv. c. 17.
Tt2
fent
324
HISTORY OF GREECE
Sect. I.
Book V. fent period, one party of them had rifen againſt another,
whom they drove into baniſhment; but the exiles, on certain
conditions, having obtained their recall, contrived to betray
the city to the Aetolians, who, without diftinction. of friend
or foe, exterminated the whole inhabitants. How far the
wickedness of the Cynaetheans might afford an apology for this
inhuman proceeding, it is now difficult to fay. So exceed-
ingly great, it certainly appears, was their profligacy, that
they were held in fuch abhorrence by the rest of the Arca-
dians, that into ſome of their cities it was even deemed a
defilement to admit them. What makes this profligacy the
more worthy of hiſtorical notice, is the extraordinary man-
ner in which antient writers account for it..
The neglect
of mufic the
caufe of its
THEY afcribe it' to a neglect of the ſtudy of mufic. The
Arcadians, ſay they, being accuſtomed, from the unkindly foil
misfortunes: they had to cultivate, to a rough and hardy life, and breathing
an air keen and inclement, required fome gentler relaxation
to ſoften and humanize their minds, which might other-
wiſe have contracted an aſperity fimilar to that of the coun-
try they inhabited; and this alteration, experience taught
them, mufic had the power of effecting in a greater de-
than
gree
Mufic was ac-
other fpecies of amuſement.
any
cordingly, with them, the great national object. Their chil-
dren, from the time they firft began to fpeak, were inftructed
to fing hymns to the gods, and to chant the praiſes of
their antient chieftains; and this ſtudy they were, by the
laws of Arcadia, to continue until the age of thirty, no
other amuſement being allowed among them, nor any other
? See Polyb. L. iv. c. 20, 21. & Athen. Deipnos. L. xiv.
J
45
art
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
325
t
art held in equal eſtimation. At their facred feſtivals, the
boys and men were obliged to make trial of their fkill,
and to celebrate the folemnity with melody, fong, and dance.
And even at their convivial meetings, every perfon was in
his turn to raiſe fome inftructive fong; which to be in-
capable of doing, was ignominious in the higheſt degree. But
the Cynaetheans, hiftory tells us, having departed from the
inſtitutions of their anceſtors, had degenerated into favage
ferocity, delighting in cruelty, perfidy, and every vicious
habit which debafes the nature of man.
Book V.
Sect. 1.
for.
THE fact, however ſtrange it may be eſteemed in our prefent accounted.
ſtate of cold and artificial manners, is far from being incredible.
The mufic here ſpoken of, Polybius exprefly tells us, con-
fifted of hymns and paeans in honour of their deities and an-
tient heroes, and was altogether of the moral clafs, convey-
ing to the mind whatever was awful and affecting in their
religion, their policy, or national events. So that ſongs
ſuch as theſe, aided befides by that power of melody, in
which,
* Ωμνους και παιάνας, οἷς ἕκαστοι κατὰ τὰ πάτρια τοὺς ἐπιχωρίους ἡρώαςκαὶ θεοὺς ὑμνουσιε
See Polyb. L. iv. c. 20.
• Dr. Brown. (Union of Poetry and Mufic, fect. 5.) infifts that the boaſted efficacy
of antient mufic among the Greek tribes was chiefly owing to the powerful and af-
fecting fong, which, according to him, derived but little aid from the mufical ac-
companiment, their melody being exceedingly fimple and inartificial.. And he cri-
ticifes Dacier and Montefquieu, for afcribing too much to the manual execution in
thofe early ages. But their mufic being fimple and inartificial” is one of the
very reaſons why it was fo amazingly powerful; " fimplicity in melody" being a
neceſſary requifite, as an ingenious writer confeffes, (fee Dr. Gregory's Comparative
View of the State and Faculties of Man with thoſe of the Animal World.) “ in all mu-
“ fic intended to reach the heart, or even greatly to delight the ear." And thence
in.
}
t
HISTORY OF GREECE
326
Book V. which, if there is truth in the records of antient days, the
Sect. I.
Grecian artiſts avowedly excelled, could not fail, eſpecially
when operating on young and uncorrupted minds, to inſpire
exalted ſentiments, and to make the heart beat high in the
caufe of virtue ". No wonder, therefore, that the Cynae-
theans,
#
in part it is, that mufic has always been of more confequence among the lefs culti-
vated, than among what are called highly-civilized nations; the latter, by refining
their mufic, and rendering it more complex, have leffened, if not deftroyed, it's power
of affecting. We may therefore venture to fuppofe, and the teftimony of the moft
refpectable of the antients juftifies the conjecture, that, fimple as their inftrumental
mufic may have been, and however unacquainted with that concentual harmony,
probably the invention of later ages (fee Sir John Hawkins's Hiftory of Mufic, B. iii.
c. 2, 3.) it was nevertheleſs in ftrength of expreffion and deep pathetic force far be-
yond any thing known amongst us. So that, with all the energy that poetry, gene-
rous affection, and tender fentiment, can give (for to theſe heart-ennobling fubjects
was the antient Grecian fong altogether facred) (ſee Plutarch. de Mufica) the fongs
of Greece had alſo every advantage that genuine and infpirited melody can beſtow.
When ſuch a combination took place, among a people of quick and ſtrong percep-
tion, and who had not yet attained the art of fuppreffing their feelings, is it ftrange,
that every paffion, as we are told was often the cafe, fhould have confeffed it's con-
trouling power?-See Hawkins's Hiftory of Mufic, prel. difc. p. 12. B. ii. c. 2. p. 166,
167. & B. iii. c. 1. p. 251. See alſo Harris on Muſic, Painting, and Poetry; and
De Guy Voyage en Grece, Lettre 36.
10 It will readily be acknowledged, that feveral of the effects afcribed by the
writers of Greece to their antient mufic (fuch as, ftimulating or controlling the
paffions; the relieving from bodily pain or infirmity, &c. &c.) are to be underſtood
allegorically, or to be confidered as the enthufiaftic flights of a yet rude, and there-
fore wondering people. Nevertheless, when we fee the legiflator feriously employing
himſelf in regulating the mufic to be permitted within the ftate, on account of the
influence which, he tells us, it had on the public manners, it is impoffible not to per-
ceive, that their muſic must have had a power, which, whether the cauſe is in our
manners or our mufical expreffion, we now feek for in vain. Ecprepes, a Spartan
Ephore, Plutarch (in Agide) informs us, cut off two of the nine ftrings from the
inftrument of Phrynis the mufician, in order to check the voluptuoufness of the
mufic which this artist was introducing, and which might destroy the harmony of
the ſtate. And fome years after, Timotheus was profecuted and baniſhed from
Sparta,
}
وقع
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
327
}
>
Sect. I.
theans, by profcribing fo important a part of education, Book V.
fhould have ſuffered in the way we are told; as the effacing
of every religious impreffion, and a total depravation of
manners, muſt evidently have followed.
BUT how great foever the contempt in which the Cynae--
theans were held, the deftruction of their city by the Aeto-
lians excited much indignation throughout Peloponnefus;
and the Achaean confederates being now met at Corinth, it.
was urged before them, as a new inſtance of that ſpirit of
violence, of which the Aetolians ftood accufed. In fuch an
affembly, convened under the influence of Aratus and his
friends, in which the king of Macedon himſelf prefided,
every charge againſt the Aetolians was readily admitted. The
whole convention, with joint fuffrages, agreed, that the
Sparta, for having attempted the like innovation in the ftrings of the lyre, to
the corruption of the Spartan youth. The decree Boethius has preferved to
<
us-
"Whereas Timotheus the Milefian, coming to our city, has deformed the
"antient mufic, and, laying aſide the uſe of the feven-ftringed lyre, and intro-
"ducing a multiplicity of notes, endeavours to corrupt the ears of our youth, by
"means of theſe his novel and complicated conceits, which he calls chromatic,
by him employed in the room of our established, orderly, and fimple mufic-
"It therefore feemeth good to us, the King and Ephori, after having cut off the
fuperfluous ftrings of his lyre, and leaving only feven thereon, to banish the
" faid Timotheus out of our dominions, that every one beholding the whole-
"fome ſeverity of this city, may be deterred from bringing in amongst us any
"unbecoming cuftoms."-See Hawkins's Hiftory of Mufic, B. ii. c. 7. and Prin-
ciples and Power of Harmony. See alfo Boethius de Muficâ ; et Decretum Lacedae-
mon. contra Timotheum miles. E. Codd. Mfftis Oxonienfibus, Oxon. 1777.-
Compare what this curious monument fays, and what likewiſe Polybius and.
other antient writers relate concerning the Arcadian mufic, with the utmoſt that
can be faid of our mufic, confidered as an inftrument of national virtue; and how
Atriking muft our inferiority appear!
IQ
Aetolians
1
1
}
328
HISTORY OF GREECE
BOOK V. Aetolians were guilty; that reparation ſhould be demanded;
Sect. I.
and that, unless it was obtained, war fhould forthwith be
declared againſt them; and the direction of it committed to
the Macedonian king.
Social warò
Philip lays
bracos, and
sakes it :
•
SUCH was the beginning of the focial war", fo called from
the affociation entered into by the feveral ſtates engaged
againſt Aetolia. It commenced the first year of the 140th
Olympiad, the fame in which Hannibal laid fiege to Saguntum,
and continued for the fpace of three years after. Though
this war was not attended with any overthrow of ſtates,
nor remarkable revolution of power, it was nevertheleſs in
two refpects of pernicious confequence to Greece; it gave to
Philip an afcendant in the Grecian councils, of which a fatal
ufe was afterwards made by that ambitious prince; and it
aggravated that animofity `and deep-rankling hatred, which
had long fubfifted between ſtate and ſtate, and which ended
at laft in the utter fubverfion of them all.
PHILIP began his operations in a manner that afforded
fiege to Am- little benefit to his Achaean allies. The Aetolians, by
their frequent inroads into the countries that lay between
them and the Macedonian frontiers, were become the terror
of all the nations of thoſe parts. The Epirots in particular,
no longer the refpectable people they once had been, were
now fallen under a kind of fubjection to the Aetolians;
and, though difpofed to follow the Macedonian banners,
they were with-held by a dread of the Aetolian power.
Philip formed the plan of reſtraining theſe incurfions,
* Πόλεμος συμμάχικος. See Polyb. L. ii. c. 36.
which,
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
329
}
12
which, whilft Greece appeared as the oftenfible object of Book V.
his care, tended at the fame time to the fecurity of his Sect. 1.
own kingdom. He accordingly laid fiege to Ambracos an
important fortrefs, commanding Ambracia and the country
adjacent, which properly belonged to Epire, but was now
in, the hands of the Aetolians. Having reduced this fortreſs,
he put the Epirots in poffeffion of it, and prepared to carry
the war into the heart of Aetolia,
invade Ma-
THE fierceness of the Aetolian ſpirit was in no fhape the Aetolians
humbled by this lofs; on the contrary, whilft the enemy cedon,
was thus at their gates, they detached a large body of forces
to invade Macedon; who, after committing great devafta-
tion wherever they appeared, puſhed on as far as Dium ", a
place of note near the Thermaic gulph, famed for its ſumptu-
ous temples, which were enriched by valuable offerings, and
adorned with the monuments and ſtatues of the Macedo-
nian kings. This city the Aetolians laid in ruins; they
ſpared not even the facred edifices; and they carried off im-
menfe fpoils. About the ſame time, another Aetolian band
had paffed over into Achaia ", and nearly furpriſed Aegium,
one of the cities of the Achaean league; whilſt a third army,
in conjunction with the Eleans, had fallen on that part of
Achaia which bordered on Elis, ravaged the territory of
Dymé, Pharae, and Tritaca, and taken Teichos, a ftrọng
caſtle in that neighbourhood, by which they kept in awe
all the country around.
F- See Polyb. L, iv. c. 61. & Palmerii Græc. Ant, L. ii. c. 7:
L.iv. c. 62.
14. Polyb. L. iv. c. 57.
13 Polyb.
and make
into Achaia ș
incurfions
U u
MEANWHILE,
*
1
1
+
*
330
Achaeans:
HISTORY
OF
GREECE
BOOK V.
MEANWHILE, every reſource feemed to fail the Achaeans.
Séc. 1. They had fent to Philip to haften to their affiftance; but
diftrefs of the the ravages of the Aetolians, joined to the hoſtile move-
ments of the Dardanians, had already made his own domi-
nions the firſt and moſt neceffary object of his attention.
Aratus, the general of Achaia, judged it imprudent to riſk
a battle, to which he knew himſelf unequal, as the merce-
naries in the Achaean ſervice had mutinied for want of pay
and the native Achaeans alone were not to be depended on..
Their Peloponnefian confederates were all, at the ſame time,
either fpiritlefs or difaffected. Even the Meffenians ", in
whoſe cauſe chiefly Achaia had at the beginning taken up arms,
were unwilling and afraid to act againſt the Aetolians, who
kept a formidable garrifon at Phialea on their frontiers,
from whence they could at any time lay Meffenia waſte.
the Spartans Whilft the Spartans, though under no fuch apprehenfions,
and notwithſtanding their having, at the late convention,
pledged themſelves to Achaia, had now maffacred or baniſh-
ed "all their own citizens who were fuppofed to be in the
intereſt of the Achaeans, and had openly declared againſt
them.
renounce
their alli
ance,
16
$
It will be neceſſary to explain the cauſes of this fudden rèvo-
lution in the Spartan councils; and from them we-ſhall be in-
ſtructed what was the condition of Sparta at this period.
15 See Polyb. L. iv. c. 31.
16 Polybius (L. iv. c. 3, 6, & 31.) makes mention of Phigalea, a ftrong-hold
on the Meſſenian borders; and (L. iv. c. 79.) of the Danes or people of Phialea,
a ftrong-Hold likewife on the borders of Meffenia. From feveral circumftances it is
probable, that it is the fame ftrong-hold-which is ſpoken of in all theſe places.
7 Polyb. L. iv. c. 34 & feq.
A
Ty
+
SINCE
{
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER**
+
}
Sec. 1.
from what
cauſes.
.
331
.. SINCE the battle of Selafia, where, as already related, Book V.
Cleomenes was defeated by Antigonus Dofon king of Ma-
cedon, the Spartans, amidſt their greatest humiliation, had
ever been impatient of the domination of Achaia ; to
which the haughtiness of that republic had in all proba-
bility very much contributed. When the Aetolians, after the
death of Antigonus, firft invaded Peloponnefus, they had
been difpofed to join them; but the Ephori then in
office could not agree about the expediency of the mea-
fure; two of them being ftrenuous in the cauſe of Achaia,
the other three on the fide of the Aetolians; upon which an
infurrection having enfued, the Ephori in the intereft of the
Achaeans were flain. The arrival of Philip at Corinth,
and the aſſociation of the Peloponnefian ſtates againſt Aetolia,
checked for a time this turbulence of fpirit; and though
moſt of the Spartans were fecretly friends to the Aetolians,
they found it adviſeable to diſguiſe their ſentiments, and to
appear well affected to the Achaean confederacy.
་
THE following year encouraged other views. The Achae-
ans, harraffed by the Aetolians, and unfupported by the
king of Macedon, became lefs confiderable; and the Aeto-
Jians openly folicited the alliance of the Spartan people.
Their party was powerful; and the propofal had, without
doubt, been accepted, had not the Ephori, who were then all
devoted to the interefts of Achaia, vigorously oppofed it.
This oppofition proved fatal to theſe magiftrates. They
were ſhortly after maffacred in the temple of Minerva,
whilſt they were employed in the performance of certain
facred rites; and other Ephori, of whofe compliance the
friends of Aetolia were well affured, were appointed in their
U u. 2
room.
!
1
(
332
HISTORY OF GREECE
Book V. room. In confequence of theſe tranſactions, the Spartans
Sect. 1. renounced all connection with the Achaean ſtates, and declared
the Aetolians their allies.
dies in
Egypt.
Intereſted
On
SUCH was the fituation of affairs at Sparta, when tidings
arrived, that Cleomenes, of whoſe return they ſtill cheriſhed
Cleomenes hopes, had died in Egypt. The Ephori laid hold on this
occafion; and, under the appearance of zeal for the antient
Spartan polity, propoſed, even at the expence of their own
power, that the regal government ſhould be reftored. The
nomination they made explained fully their purpoſe.
the throne of the elder branch they placed an infant, named'
the Ephori; Agefipolis, of the royal line, and grandfon to that Cleom-
Brotus, who had been advanced to the regal dignity upon the
expulfion of Leonidas. The other throne they filled with
Lycurgus, an ambitious partizan of their own party, al-
though he had not the leaſt right by inheritance, and feve
ral princes of the younger branch were ftill alive; but
Polybius "tells us, that Lycurgus had bought the fuffrages
of the Ephori, at the rate of a talent to each.
conduct of
they fell the
Spartan
throne to Ly-
curgus,
By thefe arrangements, amongst other favourite objects;
the Ephori effectually fecured the political union of Sparta,
who confirms with the Aetolians; Lycurgus ratifying all the ftipulations
ak their acts. they had made, and commencing immediate hoſtilities againſt
Philip
marches into
the Achaean confederates.
ABOVE a year had elapfed, fince the alliance had been
Peloponne formed againſt Achaia; during which time, Philip had per-
fus;
*8 L. iv. c. 35.
1
3
formed
}
}
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
333
formed but little of what he had promiſed. The Darda- Book V.
nians, however, who had threatened the Macedonian borders, Sect. 1.
having, upon his approach, retired homeward, he now
found himſelf at leifure to attend to the diftreffed fituation
of his Peloponnefian friends; and, though in the depth of
winter, he fet out" with the utmoft fecrecy for Corinth,
where a part of his forces lay.
furpriſes a
ans ;
party of Ele
THE Aetolians, and the ftates in their alliance, had not
the leaſt ſuſpicion of his having left Macedon : they had en-
tertained an early contempt of Philip, on account of his
youth; and the ſucceſs, with which they had carried on their
depredations, had confirmed them in an opinion, that they had
nothing of confequence to fear from him. They foon found
themſelves to be miſtaken. Philip having adviſed the Achae-
ans of his arrival, and fummoned them to join his ſtandard,
ſurpriſed a party of Eleans, who, lulled into fecurity, had
gone forth to ravage the Sicyonian territories, and cut
to pieces or took priſoners almoft the whole body; out
of two thouſand five hundred men, fcarcely one hundred
eſcaping. From thence, notwithſtanding the rugged preci- lays hiege to
pices and deep fnows in his march, he advanced to Pfophis, Prophis,
a remarkable ſtrong-hold within the confines of Arcadia,
of which the Eleans had got poffeffion. The fituation of
this place, together with the feverity of the feafon, feem--
ed to render any attempt againſt it impracticable. It was a
ſquare fortification, furrounded with ſtrong walls. On three
fides the approaches to it were defended either by the Ery--
manthus, a deep and impetuous river, or by rapid torrents,
19
Polyb. L. iv. c. 67 & feq.
1
all
334
HISTORY OF GREECE
薯
​Book V. all of them ſwollen high with the winter floods; and on the
Sect. I. fourth fide, it was covered by an hill difficult of afcent and
well fortified. Philip, nevertheleſs, furmounted all theſe
obſtructions; he brought his fcaling-ladders to bear againſt
it;
and he puſhed on the affault with fo much vigour, and
in fo many different parts at once, that he foon made him-
and takes it; felf maſter of it. Lafion and Stratum, two other cities in
ravages Elis,
reduces
Tryphalia,
and frees the
Meffenians
from the
Aetolian
yoke:
that neighbourhood, the Eleans had alfo furpriſed; but,
terrified at the fate of Pfophis, they immediately abandoned
them.
ELIS, one of the fineſt regions of Greece in point of cul-
tivation, and rich in every fpecies of rural wealth, was now
open to Philip. Through this country he fpread devafta-
tion; purſuing the Eleans even to their mountains, and carry-
ing off cattle and other plunder to an immenfe amount.
He next entered Tryphalia, a diſtrict of Peloponnefus to
the fouthward of Elis, which had fome towns capable of
defence, garrifoned by the Eleans and Aetolians; but in fix
days he reduced them all,
THE reduction of theſe places brought about alſo that of
Phialea, on the Meffenian borders. Phialea had for fome
years
been under the domination of the Aetolians; who, as we
have already obſerved, on all occafions infefted from thence
the Meffenian territories, controlling the councils of that
people, and permitting them to have neither friend nor foe,
but in common with themſelves: but now, deriving courage
from the fuccefs of Philip's arms, and the report of his ad-
vancing to their affiftance, the inhabitants rofe upon the
Aetolians, and forced them to evacuate their city. This
ΙΟ
event
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
335
}
event had important confequences; the Meffènian ftates re- Book V.
covered their independence, and, no longer intimidated by
their Aetolian oppreffors, declared immediately on the fide of
Macedon.
Sect. I.
1
{
1
rate uſe he
victories:
THE capacity and vigour ſhewn by Philip in the courfe of the tempe-
this expedition, which he had completed in the ſhort ſpace. makes of his
of a few weeks, during the ſeverity of the winter-feaſon, re-
ceived an additional luftre from the temperate uſe he made of
his victories. He granted peace to all who fued for it. Of
the places which he had reduced, he retained few in his
own poffeffion. In fome, content with having expelled the
Aetolian garriſons, he re-eſtabliſhed the former inhabitants,
and reſtored to them their ancient polity. Other cities he
beſtowed on his Peloponnefian confederates: the Achaean
ſtates, in particular, he had gratified with Pfophis, the moſt
important ftrong-hold in this part of Greece; and which
to them was an acquifition of great importance, as it
ſtrengthened their frontier towards that quarter. His whole
conduct, indeed, feemed to proceed on the fame generous
plan which Antigonus had formerly adopted. The friend of
liberty, and the enemy of oppreffion, thefe martial exploits
carried with them no appearance of ſelfiſh ambition; but
feemed only to have in view the advantage of his allies,
and the defence of Peloponnefus againſt the encroachments of
Aetolian ufurpation.
1
principles:
BUT amidſt all theſe fair appearances, a ftrange alteration 20 adopts other
began to diſcover itſelf in the character of Philip, who had
20 Polyb. L. iv. c. 76, 82 & feq. Plutarch in Arate.
now
}
336
HISTORY OF GREECE
1
}
}
character of intruſted.
hisminiſters;
1
Book V. now retired to Argos, and there kept his court. Some time
Sect. I.
before the death of Antigonus, that excellent prince, fen-
fible of his declining health, and apprehenſive of the conſe-
quences which the intrigues of faction might occafion under
a minority, had appointed the different perfons to whom the
principal adminiſtration of affairs was, upon his demife, to be
intruſted. At the head of the council of regency he had
placed Apelles, whom he alſo appointed tutor to the young
king; a man verfed in affairs of ftate, and fuppofed to
ATT be of strict integrity; but all was artful fallacy and de-
ception. Under a plaufible outfide, he concealed the greateſt
duplicity of heart, the imperiouſneſs of a tyrant, and an in-
ſatiable luft of power. Leontius, with the title of captain
of the cuiraffiers, Antigonus had named to the command
of the army; Megaleas was appointed ſecretary of ſtate-;
Taurion to be king's lieutenant in Peloponnefus; and Alex-
ander to be captain of the life-guard. Theſe difpofitions had
been implicitly acquiefced in by Philip: and Apelles was at
this time prime miniſter, and the royal favourite. Of the
other chief officers of the crown, Megaleas and Leontius
were the creatures of the minifter, and paid an implicit obe-
their pride, dience to his inftructions. Apelles, who in Macedon acted
without control, was foon diſgufted at the rigid firmneſs and
unpliable character of the republican Greeks; who frequent-
ly prefumed to difpute his orders, and to talk of laws and
privileges, which they would not ſuffer to be infringed. He
and duplici- therefore refolved to humble them: and, fo early as the late
expedition into Elis, he had given directions to the feveral
Macedonian officers, to take every opportunity of treating
them with contempt and injuſtice, particularly in the divi-
fion of the plunder, and in the diftribution of quarters;
ولاد
5
with
}
!
*
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
337
with ftrict injunctions, fhould they prefume to complain, Book V.
to charge them with mutiny, and to punish them accord- Sect. 1.
ingly, The Macedonians, Polybius obſerves ", had, by a
fimilar policy, eſtabliſhed their dominion over the nations of
Theffaly, who had now only the ſhadow of liberty remaining;
and Apelles expected, that he fhould with as little diffi-
culty effect the fame in Peloponnefus. But the Achaeans were
not ſo eaſily to be fubdued. They applied directly to Ara- they are op-
tus, who, with a becoming fpirit, remonftrated to Philip Aratus,
poſed by
againſt the conduct of his minifters. Philip faw that mat-
ters were not yet ripe for the execution of the intended pro-
ject: he therefore temporized; and, affecting to throw the
blame on his fervants, commanded them to defiſt from giving
offence to his Achaean allies.
endeavour te
SOME other method of accompliſhing their deſigns was whom they
now to be employed. Aratus, at this time, had the lead fupplant:
in the Achaean councils, and the perſon who was fupported
by his recommendation, was always fure to fucceed to the ap-
pointment of General of Achaia. That it might not, therefore,
be in his power again to obftruct the views of Macedon,
Apelles laid his plan to withdraw from this ftateſman the
confidence of the Achaeans, by throwing the adminiftra-
tion of affairs into other hands; and he accordingly adviſed
Philip to attach himſelf to the party in oppofition to
Aratus". Philip entered readily into the views of his mi-
niſter, and immediately fet out for Achaia, in order, by his
preſence, to influence, if poffible, the approaching election
of General. The moſt eminent and the worthieft of the
21 L. iv. c. 76.
22 Polyb. L. iv. c. 83. Plutarch in Arato.
}
X X
Achaeans
1
338
1
HISTORY OF GREECE
1
7
Book V.
Sect. I.
are difap-
pointed:
Achaeans were all the friends of Aratus; but to be the
friend of Aratus was now a crime. Philip fupported, there-
fore, the election of Eperatus, whofe only merit was his
enmity to this great man; yet, without abilities, and with-
out perfonal weight, Eperatus, by dint of the intrigues,
the threatenings, and the bribes, which Philip and his mi-
niſters employed, defeated the united oppofition of Aratus
and every honeſt Achaean. He was elected. To coun-
terbalance, however, this unpopular meaſure, and to ſtrength-
en himſelf in the affections of the Achaean people, Philip
laid fiege to Teichos 23, the fortrefs of which the Aeto-
lians had poffeffed themfelves the preceding year, took it,
and reſtored it to the Achaeans of Dymé, to whom it be-
longed; and, having made an inroad into Elis, he prefented
the Dymeans, and the cities in that neighbourhood, with all
the plunder he had carried off...
$
PHILIP was now, in his own imagination, maſter of
Achaia; the adminiſtration was devoted to him; and the
wealth and vigour of that republic, he fancied abfolutely
at his difpofal; but he foon found what an empty phan
tom he had been purfuing. The ſeaſon for action ap-
proached; provifions were neceflary for the fubfiftence of
the army, and funds were wanted for their pay. The new
general was applied to upon this occafion; but no maga-
zines had been provided; and the treaſury was exhauſted;
Eperatus had neither credit nor invention for immediate re-
fource; and the king had to fuffer the mortification of
courting the intereſt of Aratus, in order to obtain ſupplies
23 Polyb. L. iv. c. 84.
}
}
of
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
339
*
of money and ſtores; to apologize for the affront he had Book V.
caft upon him; and to confefs himſelf indebted to him,
even for the means of carrying on the war.
24
Sect. 1.
invent an
accufation
againſt him ;
APELLES, however, ftill perfifted. Nothing less than
the deſtruction of Aratus was now his object. He accused
him of holding a treaſonable correfpondence with the enemy.
Philip had fent overtures of peace, with large offers of
protection, to the Eleans, on condition of their renouncing
the friendſhip of Aetolia: and the Eleans had rejected the
propofal. Apelles * pretended to have proof, that the obſti-
nacy of the Elean people was owing to fecret inftructions
they had received from Aratus; and with this he had the
infolence, in the prefence of the king, to charge both
Aratus and his fon; in the moſt folemn manner aver-
ring the truth of what he had alledged againſt them. But
this charge failed alfo of its effect. Aratus found means
fully to prove his innocence; and Philip, from this time, but are de
either aſhamed of the mean practices he had been induced
to countenance, or more probably, convinced that he could
not act with vigour without Aratus, affected to place much
confidence in that Achaean ſtateſman, and to give leſs atten-
tion to the fuggeftions of his enemies.
BUT, whatever might be the diffimulation of Philip,
Apelles was tranfported with indignation at this appearance
of favour to the man he hated. He had formed a plan for
the fubjection of Greece; and, in return for fo important
feated;
refolve to
deftruction of
Aratus,
expence of
compaſs the
though at the
their mafter,
1
34
*4 Polyb. ubi fup.
X x 2
a fervice,
340
HISTORY OF GREECE
}
Sect. I.
Book V. a fervice, had promiſed himſelf whatever the gratitude of
his mafter had to beftow; but now, amidst thefe vi-
fions of greatneſs, he faw himſelf ſupplanted by the man,
whom he had marked out for deftruction. Urged then by
ambition, diſappointment, jealouſy, and revenge, he con-
ceived a deſign far more atrocious than any he had yẹt ima-
gined. In conjunction with Megaleas and Leontius, a
formal confpiracy" was entered into for defeating the views of
the king in whatever he ſhould undertake; of expofing his
troops to diſtreſs and diſcomfiture; and of encompaffing
him with fuch infuperable difficulties, as might either com-
pel him to abandon a war, which his miniſters were not
allowed to guide, or to meet his ruin in the profecution
of it. Apelles was ftill at the head of adminiſtration, and
had powerful influence over the feveral departments of go-
vernment throughout the kingdom of Macedon. The more
effectually to execute what he and his accomplices had
projected, it was agreed, that under the pretence of public
fervice, the firft ſhould remove to Chalcis in Euboea, where
he might find opportunities of intercepting all remittances
from Philip's hereditary dominions. Meanwhile, it was to
be the province of Megaleas and Leontius to throw ob-
ftacles in the way of every expedition that promiſed advan-
tage to their fovereign and his Achaean confederates; to
miſlead the king into ruinous meaſures; and even, if found
neceffary, to ſpread difaffection and mutiny in the army,
in order to render its operations feeble and ineffectual.
25 See Polyb. L. v. c. 2 & feq.
1
PHILIP
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
341
1
Book V.
Sect. I.
iſland of
PHILIP foon felt the fatal effects of this treaſonable com-
bination. Diſappointed of the cuſtomary ſupplies, he was re-
duced to great diftrefs. To whatever meaſure Aratus recom-
mended, the king's officers urged numberless objections; and
in their turn, rather to diſtract than to promote the pub-
lic operations, propoſed attempts generally uſeleſs and often
impracticable. Aratus at length prevailed on the king to at-
tack the Aetolians in their maritime fettlements, as the only
method of annoying them effectually; and he propoſed to Philip at-
begin by a deſcent on Cephallenia, an iſland in the Ionian tempts the
ſea, near the coaft of Peloponnefus; the great refort of the Cephallenis,
Aetolian pirates, from whence they continually infeſted the
neighbouring coafts of Achaia, Acarnania, and Epire.
attempt, however, was attended with real difficulties. Ships
were to be procured, and mariners to be trained; the Ma-
cedonians not being converfant in naval affairs. The enemy
at the fame time had many veffels in actual ſervice; and there
was not a creek or a current in thofe feas with which they
were not well acquainted. Aratus nevertheleſs perfevered,
and Philip foon faw himfelf in a condition to appear be-
}
This
fters :
fore Palaea, one of the chief cities of the island; which he is baffed
certainly muſt have taken, had he not been prevented by by his mini
Leontius. A practicable breach had been made, and the
affault ordered; but that traitor, who ftill kept the command,
contrived to have the party, that mounted the breach, re-
pulſed; when Philip, feeing his troops difpirited at this
check, and uncertain upon whom to fix the charge of treach-
ery, in vexation raiſed the fiege 26.
26 Polyb. L. v. c. 4«
1
THE
342
HISTORY OF GREECE
A
Book V.
Sect. I.
by Aratus's
vades Aeto-
advice in-
lia,
with fuccefs.
THE Macedonian miniftry thought they had now carried
their point. But they deceived themſelves. Aratus, notwith-
ſtanding this diſgrace, befought the king not to abandon
the expedition, but to endeavour to make an impreffion upon
Aetolia itſelf, where he might have an opportunity of reveng-
ing the wrongs of Greece, and of effentially diftreffing the
common enemy. Philip felt himſelf ſtrongly inclined to fol-
low this advice. He could not but remember the facking of
Dium by the Aetolians; the barbarity and rapine which had
marked their incurfions into Epire; and the facrilegious ruin
of the famous and revered oracle of Dodona, which they
had ſpoiled of its treafures, and levelled with the ground".
28
To cover this defign, however, from the enemy, the fleet
had inftructions not to touch at any part of the Aetolian
coaſt 2, but to ſhape their courſe to Leucas, the famed pro-
montory" of Acarnania, acroſs which had been cut a canal,
which opened into the Ambracian gulph. Through this
canal the fleet was to make its way, and, proceeding up the
gulph, was to land the forces on the upper part of the Acar-
nanian coaſt, within a few hours march of the Aetolian con-
fines. Leontius, who now faw clearly into Aratus's plan,
trembled for the iffue. The Aetolians could ſcarcely eſcape
deſtruction. They had, he knew, but a finall part of their
forces at home, Dorymachus, the Aetolian generaf, having
marched with a confiderable body to invade Theffaly, with the
view of forcing Philip to fly to the defence of his own do◄
28 Polyb. L. v. c. 5 et feq.
29 See Mr.
27 See Polyb. L. iv. c. 67.
Addifon's elegant account of the virtues afcribed to this promontory by the pagan
world. Spect. N° 223, 227, 233.
minions.
7
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
343
1
minions. The Aetolians, at the fame time, had received no Book V.
intimation of the intended invafion, and on that fide eſpecially Sect. 1.
were unſuſpicious of any hoſtile attempt. He endeavoured,
however, to baffle Aratus, if poffible. Under various pre-
tences, he endeavoured to gain time. He talked of encamp-
ing; of halting but for a few hours; of not exhauſting the
troops, fatigued already by conſtant ſervice. But all his re-
preſentations ſerved only to encreafe the ardor of Aratus, who
entreated Philip not to liſten to any propoſal of delay, but to
puſh on, day and night, fuccefs depending entirely on the
rapidity of their march. The fecond day from their landing
they entered Thermum, one of the moft remarkable citadels
of Aetolia, if not of Greece, for fituation and opulence. It
was feated on the brow of a craggy mountain, encompaffed
on every fide by a rocky and hilly country, and though with-
out wall or defence, but what nature had formed around it,
ſeemed to defy every hoftile approach; the only road, that led
to it; being a narrow rugged path, of ſteep afcent, ſkirted
either by thick woods, or deep lakes, by yawning precipices,
or tremendous rocks. This remarkable ſtrong-hold, the bold-
eſt foe had never dared to attempt: and here was depofited
the chief wealth of Aetolia; their ftores; their arms; their
treafure; all that was elegant or curious in workmanship of
which Greece could boaft, paintings and ftatues, fplendid
porticoes and fùmptuous temples, adorning a city where the
Aetolian eftates held their conventions, and their annual fairs;
where they celebrated their national feafts and facrifices; and
where was fent every thing in Aetolia of value and magnifi-
cence, for the double purpoſe of oftentation and fecurity.
4
PHILIP had now the fairest opportunity of fatiating his
7
revenge;
344
1
HISTORY OF GREECE
}
Sect. I.
Thermum,
and lays
it in ruins ;
Book V. revenge; which Polybius himſelf", the profeffed enemy of
the Aetolians, acknowledges he indulged to an exceſs alto-
He furpriſes gether unjuſtifiable. Not content with having abandoned the
place to pillage, he afterwards laid it in ruins. Of more than
two thouſand ſtatues, fuch only were fpared as appeared to have
been dedicated to the gods; the reſt being either broken in pieces
or defaced; the temples were rifled, and the facred ornaments,
which the piety of ages had dedicated, were defaced or torn
down; and when the foldiers had felected from the booty all
the precious things, which they thought they ſhould be able
to carry off, they collected the reft into a heap, and ſet them
on fire; whereby fifty thouſand fuits of armour, beſides an
immenfe quantity of rich ſtuffs, were confumed. The fame
ſucceſs which attended Philip in his march to Thermum, he
alſo met with in his return, having had the precaution to ſe-
cure by ſtrong guards all the important paffes on the way.
Some flying parties hung indeed upon his rear, and followed
him to the place of embarkation; but they were not able
to make any ſenſible impreffion: and, by the time Doryma-
chus, who upon the first advice haftened homeward, had
reached Aetolia, the Macedonians had retired.
1
returns into
藿
​PHILIP refolved to follow his blow, before the enemy
Peloponnefus had recovered from the confternation which this bold enter-
and ravages
Laconia. prize had ſpread among them. Having embarked his troops,.
and committed fome flight ravages along that part of the
Aetolian coaft which lay on the Ionian fea, he entered
again the Corinthian gulph, landed at Lechaeum, and marched
into Laconia; Lycurgus the Spartan king having, during
ΙΟ
30 I,. v. c. 9.
the
}
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
345
mum,
the late fiege of Palaea, committed devaſtation in the Mef-
fenian territories, for which Philip now meant to make re-
prifals. The Spartans had juſt heard of the facking of Ther-
and were preparing to fend fuccours to their Aetolian
confederates, when they difcovered the Macedonian army
within a fhort diftance of Sparta. The fudden appearance
of the enemy, the report of their operations, and the amaz-
ing expedition they had uſed, left the Spartans without the
power of defence. They kept within the city, whilſt the
Macedonians, uncontrouled, extended their depredations to the
utmoſt verge of Laconia on the fea of Crete; laying waſte
with fire and fword the faireft parts of the country, and
deſtroying, wherever they moved, every trace of cultivation.
On their return, the Spartans prepared to intercept them,
but here again they failed; their troops were put to flight,
and the Macedonians carried off a prodigious booty.
X
WHAT renders thefe fpirited operations more honour-
able to Philip's military character, is the difficult fituation
in which he found himſelf at the time they were exe-
cuted; befet with obftructions, which his treacherous mini-
ſtry were inceffantly raiſing to his meaſures; deeply diſtreſſed
in mind from the diſcoveries he had already made; and ſtill
more perplexed from the grounds he had to ſuſpect that much
more was yet to be diſcovered. A more minute detail of
theſe dark treaſons will not be improper in this place.
Though matters of a private nature, they are cloſely con-
nected with the tranfactions we record.
We have mentioned the difloyal machinations of Apelles,
and the miniſters in combination with him, to embarrafs
Y y
Book V..
Sect. I.
Treaſonable
practices of
the king's
and minifters.
$
346
HISTORY OF GREECE
་
Book V. and defeat their royal maſter in whatever he ſhould un
Sect. I.
dertake, rather than fuffer Aratus to guide his councils.
The attempt on Thermum, and the fuccefs that attended
it, had inflamed their refentment higher than ever. Mega-
leas and Leontius, who accompanied the king in that expe-
dition, had employed every artifice to diſappoint him; but,
as we have ſeen, they had been baffled. The fullen gloom."
that fat on their countenances, in the midst of the general
joy upon the ſafe return of the army to the place of em-
barkation, plainly demonftrated their treacherous wiſhes, and
ftruck the obfervation of the king in fo forcible a manner,
that, from this appearance, combined with other circum-
ſtances, he was ftrengthened in his fufpicions, that villainy
and treafon had taken root among them; and the conduct
of Megaleas foon afforded proofs of what he fufpected.
Determined at any rate to deftroy Aratus,, he contrived,
under colour of an affray, to inftigate ruffians to attempt
his life; and he had probably effected his purpoſe, had not
the intervention of Philip himſelf, whom the uproar had
-called forth, compelled the affailants to defift. When fum-
moned on this account before the king, Megaleas had even.
the infolence to avow his intentions, and his unchanged refolu-
tion of executing them: and Philip, who in the art of tempo-
rizing was exceeded by none, contented himſelf at prefent with
putting him under arreft, and impofing on him a fine of
twenty talents; for which Leontius binding himself as fe-
curity, the arrest was ſoon after removed..
The king
fufpects
them, but
temporizes,
THE Laconian expedition now engroffing all the king's
31 See Polyb. L. v. c. 14; 15,
}
}
1
}
}
thoughts,
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
347
J
{
32
acts them:
thoughts, the matter refted here for the prefent. But
But upon Book V.
the return of the army from Laconia to the Corinthian ifth- Sect. 1.
mus, Leontius ³, uneafy at the ſuſpected fituation of Megaleas, and counter-
in whoſe condemnation he was confcious he muſt be finally
involved, formed a fcheme to intimidate the king from pro-
ceeding farther in this inquiry, under pretence that there
were dangerous diſcontents in the army, on account of what
had been already done; and, his intereſt among the foldiery
being powerful, he even excited an infurrection. This, how-
ever, availed him little. Philip, with great vigour and addreſs,
fuppreffed the mutiny upon it's first breaking out; but ap-
peared to take no pains to be informed by whom it had been
fomented. This unexpected indifference ftruck Leontius-
and his affociate with new terror: they began to dread that
the king knew more of their proceedings than they had
fufpected; and that his affected calmness was grounded on
temporizing diffimulation. Under the impreffion of this fear,
they diſpatched meffengers to Apelles, to haften his appearance
at court, in order that his influence might reſtore their
drooping caufe. He appeared accordingly; but the king,
who had been already apprized of his criminal connections,
received him with a coolness fo ftriking, that Megaleas, who
now faw that he had no protection to expect, fled: leaving
Leontius, his fecurity, to be refponfible for his fine; which
accordingly Philip immediately demanded.
THE guilt of great minifters is feldom more than fuf-
pected during their day of favour; it is their difgrace which
completes the diſcovery. The fulleft evidence now poured
32 Polyb. L. v. c. 26. et ſeq.
Y y 2
in
•
348
HISTORY OF GREECE
t
น
1
Book V. in from every quarter. It appeared, that Apelles had pof-
Sect. I.
ſeſſed himſelf of an authority not inferior to that of the
makes a
king; and that he had uſed it to the most treaſonable of
full diſcovery
of their
purpoſes; that he had ufurped an abfolute dominion over the
treafon,
royal revenues, and, with a defign to ruin the king's affairs,
had diverted them from the public fervice; that he had, in
his own name, and by his fole authority, iffued orders of
the firſt importance, and received and anfwered all dif--
patches, without even confulting his maſter; that every de-
partment of government throughout Macedon was filled with.
his creatures, who looked up to no fovereign but him, and.
were prepared to execute whatever he ſhould command:
that Leontius, in like manner, had eſtabliſhed fuch an intereſt
among the military, as to be able to command them as-
he pleaſed; and that the diſcomfiture at Palaea, and the re-
peated diſappointments which had of late cramped the king's-
operations, had all originated in him :-that Megaleas had en--
tertained a treaſonable correfpondence with the enemy, and,,
by letter under his own hand, had encouraged the Aetolians.
to proſecute the war, affuring them of the low ſtate of the:
king's finances, and throwing out againſt him many illiberal-
reflections. Such daring treafons against his honour, his
crown, and his life, fully juſtified the utmoft rigour on the:.
and puniſhes part of Philip. Apelles and his fon were feized and executed.
them with
the utmoſt
Severity.
Leontius had been impriſoned upon Megaleas's flight, and
the army had interceded in his behalf; but Philip, not inti-
midated, ordered him alfo to be immediately put to death.
Whilſt Megaleas, who had fled to Thebes, hearing that the
king was in purſuit of him, endeavoured to expiate his crimes.
by putting a voluntary period to his life.
A
}
BOOK
"
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
349
воо к K
V.
SECTION II.
1
CONTENT S.
Philip treats Aratus with diffimulation-forms a connection with
Demetrius of Pharos.-The hiftory and character of Deme-
trius-be prevails on Philip to aim at the fubjection of all
Greece; and to join Hannibal againſt the Romans—Philip
finds his fchemes oppoſed by Aratus-has him taken off by
poifon-and behaves to his fon in a manner ftill more cruel
and flagitious-prepares a confiderable force to act against the
Romans-bis pufillanimity—defeat—and flight.-The Romans
ftir up the Aetolians againſt him—the fatal confequences of this
meaſure to Greece.-Philip makes peace with the Aetolians
—and with Rome-with what view-conſpires with Anti-
ochus to deprive the infant king of Egypt of his paternal.
kingdom-befieges Abydos-is reproved and threatened by an
embaſſador from Rome-his haughty anſwer-dreadful ruin of
· Abydos.
HE removal of the Macedonian minifters promifed Book V.
confiderable advantages to Aratus. They had been Sect. 2.
avowedly his enemies; his deſtruction was one principal
article of their original plan; and he had taken, therefore, an
7
active
Seeming ad-
Aratus from
vantages to
i
350
HISTORY OF GREECE
'
Book V.
Sect. 2.
active part against them during the late inquiry. To his
fagacity and zeal Philip owed moſt of the material difco-
the removal veries he had made; and the king feemed to acknowledge
donian mini- his fervices, by the unbounded confidence he now repo-
ſed in him; living with him as his friend, and paying un-
.common attention to his counfels.
of the Mace-
fters:
Philip acts
deceitfully
towards him;
entertains
views hoftile
to the Gre-
cian liberties.
THIS fair appearance of truſt and royal favour was, ne-
vertheleſs, all fallacy and artifice. It foon appeared, that
Philip ftill entertained the ſame infidious defigns againſt the
liberties of his Peloponnefian confederates, in which Apelles
had led the way; and, however highly he might affect to
prize Aratus, it became evident, that he confidered him
merely as the inftrument of his ambition, to be employed
whilft ferviceable; and, when he ceaſed to anfwer his
views, to be removed as dangerous, or
as dangerous, or caft afide as
ufelefs.
In fact, the crime of the late miniſtry, in the eyes of
Philip, was not, that they had endeavoured to leffen the
importance of Aratus in the Peloponnefian ftates, or to re-
duce thoſe Greek republics under fubjection to Macedon.
So far they had acted in concurrence with the views of their
royal mafter. Their crime was,, that they had not fuffered
Aratus to take the lead, when it became neceffary to the
interefts of Philip; and that, inftead of acquiefcing in that
fubordination which the complexion of the times rendered
expedient, they had rafhly adopted pernicious counſels; and,
in their attempt to overthrow this Achaean chief, endeavour-
ed to involve their fovereign with him in one common
ruin.
THE
噬
​1
"
་
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
351
*
changes
his plan;
THE war ſtill continued, though its operations were now Book V.
for the moſt part languid and unintereſting; the feveral Sect. 2.
ſtates being rather employed in adding to the ſtrength of Philip
their own frontiers, than in annoying thofe of the enemy.
Twice had a negociation for peace been fet on foot, under
the mediation of Rhodes and other maritime powers, but
without effect; when on a fudden Philip declared his refolu-
tion of putting an. immediate end to the war'.
fure, however precipitate and myſterious it might appear,
when the profound diffimulation of that prince is confidered,
had nevertheleſs been formed upon motives, which he had
long revolved in his mind. It will be neceffary to explain
what theſe motives were, as they have an important infu-
ence on the ſubſequent fortunes of the Grecian people.
This mea-
This mea-- on what ac
count,
TOWARDS the latter end of the reign of Antigonus, the
Romans had, for the first time, paffed over into Illyricum 2,
the north-west boundary of Greece, and bordering upon Ma-
cedon, to revenge an infult. offered to their embaffadors hy
Teuta, queen of a diftrict of that country. At the fame
time, a prince named. Demetrius reigned in Pharos an
island on the Illyrian coaft, which, together with a few
places on the neighbouring continent, formed the whole of
his poffeffions.. Whether from hatred of the Illyrian princefs, Demetrius of
whoſe refentiment, Polybius. tells us, he had reafon to
dread, or in hopes of ſharing her ſpoils, he had joined
Romans, and at the clofe of the war, which ended in
defeat of Teuta, had been rewarded with a confiderable ad-
3
¹ OLYMP. ÇXl. 4. BEFORE CHRIST 212,
3 Ubi fup.
1
Pharos affifts
the Romans
the againft
the
2
Polyb. L. ii. c. II.
dition
Teuta ;
is rewarded
by them for
his fervices;
1
352
GREECE
HISTORY OF
Book V.
Sect. 2.
revolts
against them;
fions ;
flies to Phi-
lip,
dition to his little principality. But, after their departure,
emboldened by a report, that the Gauls threatened Italy,
and that Hannibal alfo was preparing to invade it, he renounced
the fealty he had promiſed them, ftrengthened himſelf in
men and ſhips, paffed beyond the limits they had preſcribed
for his conduct, infefted the iſlands and coafts around, and even
deftroyed cities, in which the Romans had an immediate
property. Of thefe outrages complaint having been brought
is deprived of to Rome, the Roman forces returned, and expelled him
all his poffef- from his dominions.
from his dominions. In this reverſe of fortune, he had
taken refuge at the court of Philip. His misfortunes, his
military reputation, his impetuous and enterpriſing ſpirit,
fuited to the natural genius of Philip himſelf, gained favour
with the king, which he cultivated with affiduity and art.
He penetrated into his character; addreffed himſelf to his
fears, to his vanity, to his ambition. "Such abilities as
his," he told him, "were meanly employed in the petty
wars in which he was engaged, when ſo noble an object as
Italy was in view; that, inſtead of fighting the battles of
one republic of Greece againſt another, it ought rather to
be his policy to extend his dominion over them all, and to
mould theſe now disjointed ſtates into one folid mafs of
empire; which, beloved as he was by fome of them, and
dreaded by others, he might effect without much difficulty;
that, were the Romans once to establish themſelves in the
neighbourhood of Macedon, it would not be long ere that
kingdom would find herſelf reduced to the fame abject fitu-
ation to which Illyricum was already humbled; that the
Carthaginians were then on their march to refcue the liber-
and incites
him to enter
jato alliance
with the
Carthagi-
nians, and
attack the
Romans;
4 Polyb. L. iii. c. 16 & feq.
་
ties.
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
353
!
ties of mankind from Roman ufurpation; that a more favour- Book V.
able opportunity never could offer, as his friendſhip, whilſt Sect. 2.
the iſſue of the war was yet doubtful, would be of value at
Carthage; but, fhould once the Roman power be fubdued, he
might then find enemies, where now he might have friends
and allies ""
to him:
our own paffions Philip liftens
Philip, inatten-
faw nothing be-
He enjoined,
until it was
He had faith-
THE moft frivolous arguments, when
plead on the fame fide, become powerful.
tive to the dangers he was plunging into,
fore him but victory, glory, and dominion.
however, the ſtrictest ſecrecy to Demetrius,
known' what progrefs Hannibal ſhould make.
ful accounts tranfmitted to him of all his motions. His
paffage of the Rhône, his march over the Alps, his victory
at the Ticinus, and again at the Trebia, had fucceffively
added to the hopes and exultations of Philip; but the tidings
of his having overthrown and flain a Roman conful at the
lake Thrafimenus, and of his being mafter of Etruria, proved
decifive. Philip, without farther delay, refolved to put an
end to the war in Greece, to enter into alliance with Hanni-
bal, and to pour all his forces into Italy.
6
deavours to
ARATUS would have diffuaded him from this imprudent Aratus en-
project; but his repreſentations were.difregarded. The other diffuade Phi-
part of Philip's plan," to make himſelf abfolute lord lip, but in
"of Greece," he was obliged to manage, however, with
greater caution.
He had already, by intrigue and artful
s Polyb. L. v. c. 101. Juft. L. xxix. c. 2.
et vitiis, p. 1371.
6 Polyb. de virtutibus
Z Z
ſervices,
vain.
354
HISTORY OF GREECE
Philip forms
a ſtrong in-
tereft in fe-
Grecian
ftates:
Book V. fervices, contrived to form a ſtrong intereft among the Ar
Sect. 2. gives; among the Arcadians; as well as among fome of the
Achaean cities; and thefe, he expected, would lead the way
to the ſubjection of all the Peloponnefian ftates.. To accom-
veral of the plish this great object, it was neceffary to be mafter at the
fame time, of the citadel of Corinth, and of the caftle of
Ithome, two fortreffes, emphatically called the fetters of Pe-
loponnefus. The first was already in his power; and the:
other he hoped foon to poffefs.. Ithome was fituated in the
has a defign Meffenian territories; and the diffenfions which then prevail-
on Meffenia; ed in that ſtate, ſeemed greatly to favour his views. The
people complained of the tyranny and oppreffion of the
nobles ; and the nobles were jealous of the unbounded ſpi--
rit of liberty which predominated among the people. To
both parties Philip pretended to be a friend, and both parties-
he deceived. The nobles he encouraged not to give way;
the people not to fubmit. His mediation ferved only to
pour oil upon the flames; and the contending factions had re-
courſe to violence. The people prevailed; and, after much
bloodſhed, poffeffed themſelves of Ithome: when Philip,.
under pretence of offering facrifices for their profperity to.
Ithomean Jupiter, had. addrefs to get admiffion into the.
fortrefs. Yet, even in this ftage, he was diſappointed of his.
object. Demetrius of Pharos, and Aratus, had both accom--
panied him, though with different views. Demetrius, privy
to the fraud meditated by Philip, was inceffant in urging,
him on to the execution of his purpoſe: whilft Aratus, fufpi-
cious of his defign, was watchful to defeat it. The inftant,,
therefore, that Philip's intention' became apparent, he re-
2 Polyb. Excerpt. L. vii. Plutarch in Arato.
-
monftrated
}
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
355
}
monftrated against it in the moft fpirited manner; reminded
him of the honourable part the late Antigonus had acted to-
wards the Grecian ftates; and entreated him to reflect, in
what a diſadvantageous light he muſt ſtand, ſhould he, who
had been confidered as their protector, become the invader
of their common liberties. Shame, or more probably the fear of
a formidable oppofition, which he faw Aratus was prepared to
raife, induced him to defift.
FROM that time Philip's real character began to difplay
itſelf. Aratus and his fon, who now perceived but too
evidently the treacherous views of their Macedonian ally, with-
drew immediately their confidence; and this ftep precipitated
their deftruction, which Philip appears already to have me-
ditated. The diſappointment of Ithome ftill dwelt upon
his mind; and he had long felt with indignant pride the
ſuperior and impracticable virtue of thoſe republican chiefs.
Their avowed diffidence of his principles and honour, had
convinced him that he could now no longer conciliate their
friendſhip, but at the expence of the great object of his am-
bition, the fubjugation of Greece; and he refolved they
ſhould live no longer to diſturb his purſuits. Taurion,
who commanded under Philip in Peloponnefus, was the in-
ſtrument he employed: he lived in intimacy with Aratus, and
foon found an opportunity of executing his maſter's orders.
Poiſon was the means: to prevent detection, the deadly pre-
paration was not to deftroy life at once, but to undermine it,
and waſte it away by flow degrees, that the diſeaſe might
have the appearance of a natural decay. But Aratus was
* Polyb. Excerpt. L. viii. Plutarch in Arato.
Book V.
Sect. 2.
but is pre-
vented by
Aratus.
Caufes Ara-
tus to be
taken off by
poiſon;
1
}
Z.22
not
356
HISTORY OF GREECE
Sect. 2.
Book V. not fo deceived. His friend Cephalon, Plutarch' tells us,
vifiting him one day, and obſerving with concern, that he
fpit blood, fuch, Cephalon," replied Aratus" are the
"fruits of royal friendſhip."
wife of the
younger
Aratus,
66
1
BEFORE this period, in violation of the rights of hofpi-
tality, generally held in the higheſt reverence by the pagan
corrupts the world, Philip had privately feduced Polycratia", the wife of
the younger Aratus, who, in the confidence of friendſhip, had
received him into his family. The elder Aratus had indeed
ſuſpected the intrigue, but in tenderneſs to his ſon had con-
cealed his fufpicion. Philip now, however, gloried. in the
action, and not only prevailed on the wife to elope, but con-
trived to have a poiſonous draught adminiſtered to the huf-
band, which, from the quality of the ingredients, or the
ftrength of his conftitution, deprived him not immediately
underſtand- of life, but difordered his underſtanding to fuch a deplor-
ing.
able degree of imbecillity, as led him to the commiffion of
actions fo abominable and ignominious, that his death, in
the flower of his age, was confidered at length as the greateſt
bleffing that could have befallen his family or himſelf.
ind with a
poiſonous
draught dif-
orders the
huſband's
The opinion
to be enter-
tained of
WHEN it is remembered, by what ftrong ties Philip was
bound to Aratus; the many important fervices which he had
this prince, received from him; the regard which he owed to the dying
charge of the excellent Antigonus; the attachment and almoſt
filial reverence which he affected towards him; when it is con-
fidered, too, that the crimes above-mentioned were the deeds of
a prince, celebrated till then for integrity of foul and
⚫. Plut. ub.fap. 10 Plutarch, ub fup. Liv. L. xxvii. c. 31.
3
gene
rofity
}
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
357
-
rofity of ſentiment, one would almoſt queſtion the hiftorian's Book V.
Sect. 2.-
teſtimony. Polybius accounts for this extraordinary alter-
ation, upon the ſuppoſition of his having been perverted by
the Pharian Demetrius, a daring and moſt unprincipled ſtateſ-
man; whilſt Plutarch", is of opinion, that the virtues of
which Philip had made a ſhow in the early part of his reign
were all feigned"; and that, as opportunity invited, as his fears
diminiſhed, and his power increaſed, he diſcovered thoſe vi-
cious principles which dark policy had taught him hitherto
to conceal. If ſo, fuch deep diffimulation, fuch finiſhed and
unrelenting profligacy of mind, at fo early a ſeaſon of life, is-
hardly to be paralleled in hiſtory; for at this period his
twenty-fourth year was not yet completed; and Plutarch's
honeſt indignation, at the review of ſuch a character, led him
to pronounce, that the many and ſevere misfortunes, which be-
fell him in the fucceeding part of his reign, were judg-
ments of heaven for his atrocious crimes:
66
"The ven-
geance," fays he, "of Jupiter, the patron of hofpitality
"and of friendſhip, vifiting him for the breach of both,.
" and purſuing him through life.”
and of the
judgments
that befell
him after-
wards.
Aratus him
for calling
felf to blame
in the Mace.
AMIDST the abhorrence, however, which the guilt of
Philip naturally excites, it may be of uſe to obferve, that
to Aratus's own miſtaken counſels, the calamities that over-donian powe
whelmed him were in a great meaſure to be imputed.. Jea- er.
lous firſt of Cleomenes,. and afterwards of the Aetolians, he
11 Polyb. L. v. c. 12. Et deviftut. et vitiis, p. 137.
12 In Arato.-
13 It is evident, from Polybius's own account, that, antecedently to any influence
which Demetrius of Pharos could have had on him, he had been privy to all the
machinations of Apelles and his fellows, and only then difavowed them, when he
found, they were not likely to fucceed.
1
1
had
ر
-358
HISTORY OF GREECE
2
Book V. had called in that wery Macedonian power, which in the
Sect. 2. end deſtroyed him; and in his laft hours he had the mortiff-
cation to reflect, that his country, his family, and himself,
were the victims of an ill-directed ambition, which fought
too eagerly the aggrandifement of Achaia at the expence of
the rest of Greece. Yet, with fome blemishes, Aratus was
certainly one of the greatéft men of antiquity. An able
ſtateſman, and a firm patriot, by his genius, vigour, and per-
feverance, he gave to his republick that form and fplendor
which raiſed it to the firft rank among the ſtates of Greece;
and, had he been lefs jealous of Sparta and of Aetolia, hiftory
perhaps had not left us a more finifhed character.
Philip fends
an embaffy
to Hannibal;
•
PHILIP, in the mean time, had ſeriouſly reſolved to pafs
into Italy, and to co-operate with Hannibal in humbling the
Roman power. With this view, he had fent ambaffadors to
the Carthaginian general; but they had been intercepted foon
after their landing on the Italian coaft. Pretending, how-
ever, that their errand was to Rome, they in a little time
obtained their releafe, and made their way to Hannibal,
with whom they concluded a treaty; but on their return,
dors are tak- being taken at fea by a Roman fquadron, they were fent
with all their papers to Rome. This intelligence, how-
ever, did not diſcourage Philip. Another embaſſy was im-
mediately diſpatched, and a ſecond ratification of the treaty
was obtained. If we are to believe Livy ", Philip engaged
"to furnish a fleet of two hundred fhips, to be employed
"in fpreading devaſtation along the Italian coafts; and alſo
« to affiſt Hannibal with a confiderable body of land-forces:"
his embaffa-
en by the
Romans;
he fends a
fecond em-
bafly, and
concludes a
treaty;
14 Sée Liv. L. xxiii. c. 33.
富
​17
in
{
{
}
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
359
{
1
in return for which, when Rome and Italy fhould be finally
reduced, the fole poffeffion of which the Carthaginians were
to retain, Hannibal was to pafs into Epire at the head of
a Carthaginian army, to carry on the war there in any manner
Philip fhould defire; and, having made a conqueft of the
whole country, to yield up to him thoſe parts of it, and thoſe
iſlands, that lay convenient for Macedon ¹-
15
Ir is not the buſineſs of the preſent work, to enter into
a detail of the wars which Philip had to fuftain againſt the
Romans. They belong to another hiftory. It will be ſuf-
ficient to take a fummary view of the principal events, as far
as they affect the fortunes of Greece..
PHILIP's first exploits difcovered little of that fpirit, which
his bold ftipulations with Hannibal feemed to promife. He
had equipped a confiderable fleet, and, fetting fail from Mace-
slon, coafted along the eastern shore of Peloponnefus,, doubled
the cape of Malea, entered the Ionian gulph, and advanced
as high as the mouth of the Aous, on which ſtood the city
of Apollonia; when, receiving advice that the Roman fleet,.
which lay off Sicily, had weighed anchor to give him battle,
feized with a panic, he immediately haftened back to Cephal--
?
15 The treaty, which we find in Polybius. (Excerpt. L. vii. c. z.) is of a different
tenor, and ſeems to be conceived in more modeſt terms. It contains only general
ftipulations of mutual amity and aid between Carthage and Macedon, and that the
one ſhould have the fame friends and enemies as the other, except where otherwiſe
bound by antecedent treaties; with a particular claufe, by which the Carthaginians
obliged themſelves, in cafe of a peace with the Romans, to infiit previouſly on their
-evacuating Corcyra, Pharos,.and all the iſlands which they held along the coafts of
Illyricum and Epire, and on their reftoring to liberty all those of the family (õixtious) -
of the Pharian Demetrius, whom they had prisoners.
lenia
Book V.
Sect. 2.
enters the
with a con
Ionian gulph
fiderable.
feet;
360
HISTORY OF GREECE
>
·Book V.
•Sect. 2.
fteers down
to the coaft
of Epire,
takes Ori-
cum, and
lays fiege
to Apollonia;
is furpriſed
and defeated
by the Ro.
mans:
fteals away
homeward.
lenia, hauled his veffels on fhore, croffed over into Pelopon-
nefus, as if called away by fome urgent buſineſs, and made his
eſcape into Macedon "
16
His next attempt ended in a manner equally difgraceful.
He had ſurpriſed Oricum, on the coaft of Epire, an unwalled
and defenceleſs ſea-port, confiderable only on account of it's
fituation, as from thence there was a fhort courfe to Italy.
`Marcus Valerius Laevinus, the Roman commander at Brun-
dufium, who knew Philip's connections with Hannibal, and
had inftructions from Rome to obferve him, upon the first
information of his having poffeffed himſelf of this port,
haftened to diflodge him. Philip had in the mean while
marched to Apollonia, fituated at a ſhort diſtance from Ori-
cum, and laid fiege to it. Into this place, before Philip had
the leaft idea of his approach, Laevinus contrived to intro-
duce a chofen body of Romans; who, together with the gar-
riſon, having fallied out in the night, broke into Philips
camp, and with much flaughter routed the whole Mace-
donian army, the king himſelf, half-naked, eſcaping with
difficulty. He made towards his fleet, which lay off Apol-
lonia, on the Aous, with an intention of pufhing to ſea;
but, Laevinus having blocked up the mouth of the river,
Philip, after running his veffels aground, or fetting them
on fire, was obliged to ſteal homeward acroſs the moun-
tains "7
·
་
17
1
THE embarraffed fituation, however, of the Romans did
not permit them to attend to this Macedonian war. The
#7 Liv. L. xxiv. c. 40.
16 Polyb. L. v. c. 119,
1
flower
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
361
}
1
flower of their nation had lately fallen at Cannae. Pofthu- Book V.
mus with his whole army had been cut off by the Gauls. Sect. 2.
Campania had revolted. The faith of Calabria was doubtful.
And, excluſive of the variety of armaments, which theſe com-
plicated dangers rendered neceffary, they had wars to ſuſtain
in Spain, in Sicily, and in Sardinia.
The Romans
Aetolians
ftir up the
lip.
It was therefore determined to endeavour, if poffible, to
raiſe enemies againſt Philip in Greece, that he might be em-
ployed at home in defending his own dominions. Valerius against Phi-
Laevinus applied accordingly to the Aetolians, of all the
Greeks the moſt likely to liften to ſuch an overture. He
found in them the very temper of mind he wiſhed. Na-
turally warlike, they entertained a violent refentment of what
they had ſuffered from Macedon in the courſe of the laſt war,
and they looked impatiently for opportunities of revenge.
Theſe favourable difpofitions Laevinus took care to cultivate
by the moſt laviſh promiſes on the part of Rome: " they
"were," he told them," the firſt nation beyond ſea, with
"whom Rome had deigned to make alliance, and they might
"therefore be affured of holding a more diſtinguiſhed place
in her friendship than any other people ": Philip had
"been hitherto a troubleſome and a faithleſs neighbour; he
" quod
"
1 << Aetolos eo in majore futuros honore," fays Livy (L. xxvi. c. 24)
gentium tranfmarinarum in amicitiam primi veniffent." This, however, is not
true. It appears from Polybius (L. iii c. 22, 24, & 25) that fo early as the con-
fulſhip of Junius Brutus and Marcus Horatius, immediately after the expulfion of
the kings, the Romans had made a treaty of amity with the Carthaginians; and
that this amity was folemnly renewed on two fubfequent occafions. And that fuch
a treaty fubfifted between Rome and Carthage, and had been thrice ratified, Livy
himſelf (L. ix. c. 43) acknowledges. The language of negotiation had, it ſeems,
it's tricks and fubterfuges in antient days as well as in modern.
3 A
"fhould
X
↑
*
362
HISTORY OF GREECE
ECE
Book V.
Sect. 2.
"fhould henceforth be difabled from injuring them: and
"Acarnania, which they had formerly poffeffed, fhould be
"reftored to them." The Aetolians believed theſe flatter-
ing declarations, and they haftened to conclude a treaty
with the Roman ambaſſador, of which the principal articles
were," that the Aetolians fhould wage immediate war againſt
<<
Philip by land, which the Romans were to fupport by a
"fleet of twenty galleys; that, whatever conqueſts might be
"made from the confines of Aetolia to Corcyra, the cities,
buildings, and territory, fhould belong to the Aetolians;
"the other plunder of every kind to the Romans; and that
"the Romans ſhould endeavour to put the Aetolians in pof-
"feffion of Acarnania." The Aetolians made it their requeſt,
that in this treaty of alliance the Eleans and Spartans, toge-
ther with Attalus king of Pergamus, with Pleuratus and
Scerdiletus princes of Illyricum, ſhould, if agreeable to them,
be alſo included. Nothing could confpire better with Lae-
vinus's views. The more enemies Philip had to contend
with, the leſs he was to be feared. Laevinus, on the conclu-
fion of this treaty, immediately employed his arms in reducing
Zacynthus, a fmall island on the Peloponnefian coaft, with
Oeniadae and Naxus, two cities fituate in that part of Acar-
nania bordering on Aetolia; which, as an earneſt of what
they might expect from the generofity of Rome, he inſtantly
gave up to the Aetolians; and, having thus lighted up the
torch of war in Greece ", he retired to Corcyra
20
FROM this period the humiliation and final ſubjection of
the Grecian ſtates advanced; for fome time, by flow degrees,
19 OLYMP. cxli. 4. BEFORE Christ 208.
20 Liv. L. xxvi. c. 24.
}
"
but
冉
​1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
Sect. 2.
Fatal confe-
quences to
Romans ob-
taining a
Greece of the
footing in it;
363
but afterwards with wonderful rapidity. The Romans, having Book V.
once obtained a footing in Greece, foon found means to
eſtabliſh themſelves there with firmneſs; at firft the confe-
derates, and, ere long, the imperious controllers of that
very people, who had opened to them the gates of Greece;
extending their influence from city to city, by artfully avail-
ing themſelves of the credulity, the domeftic feuds, the
ambition, and the avarice, of the different leaders; always
ready to fupport the weaker againſt the mightier, that,
the ſtrength of each individual ftate being broken by de-
grees, it ſhould be lefs difficult in time to accomplish the
deftruction of the whole; covering all the while their ambi-
tious views with the ſmooth ſemblance of moderation, equity,
and friendſhip; until, the vigour of Greece being on every
fide gradually undermined, the whole tide of the Roman
power ruſhing in, it was totally overwhelmed.
21
AMONG the many calamities, which the unfortunate in-
troduction of the Romans brought immediately upon Greece,
it had the effect tò give Philip a ſtronger intereſt in moſt of
the Grecian ſtates than he had ever before poſſeſſed It
was now no longer remembered, that he was the flagitious
tyrant, who had rewarded hoſpitality with libidinous viola-
tion and treacherous murder, and had harboured projects the
moſt hoſtile to public liberty; the people now even looked up
to him as the champion of freedom, and their bulwark againſt
the barbarians (for fo they ftiled the Romans) whom the
perfidious Aetolians had invited into Greece; in confe-
*
21
Polyb. Excerpt. L. x. c. 38. Juſt. L. xxix. c. 4.
the influence
it had on the
Achaean
councils,
3 A 2
quence
364
HISTORY OF GREECE
BOOK V.
Sect. 2.
quence of which, not only the Greeks to the north of the
Corinthian iſthmus, but even the Achaean league, prepared-
to arm in his fupport. The Achaeans, in particular, were
at the fame time ſtimulated by apprehenfions of immediate
and on thofe danger to themſelves. Between them and the Aetolians, as
Peloponnefi- we have feen, an inveterate enmity had long fubfifted, and
in the prefent pofture of affairs they had nothing to expect
from the latter but hoftility and devaſtation.
The Spartans
of the other
an ſtates.
too, and the Eleans, the ancient enemies of Achaia, now in
avowed confederacy with the Romans and Aetolians, were
alfo on their frontiers. The Spartans efpecially, proud of
their alliance with Rome, feemed to have refumed all their
antient fpirit, and to meditate the recovery of that fove-
reignty they had formerly claimed over the reſt of the Pelo-
ponnefian nations. The prince at prefent on the Spartan
throne, was at the fame time of a warlike and enterpriſ-
ing temper. Lycurgus, who had purchaſed the kingdom of
the Ephori, having died, after a ſhort and turbulent ” reign,
Machanidas, another adventurer, had ufurped the throne;
and having expelled the young king Agefipolis, reigned now
the fole tyrant of Sparta; and, whether impelled by his
own difpofition, or the fituation of affairs at home, he
gladly availed himſelf of the opportunity of leading out his
Spartans to war.
22 Chilon, a prince of the royal line of Sparta, formed the plan of dethroning
Lycurgus; and, with a party of his friends, having fallen on the Ephori, who had
fold the kingdom to him, put them all to the fword; but Lycurgus himſelf
* made his eſcape. And the Spartan people, though Chilon promiſed them a new
divifion of lands, refuſing to join him, he was obliged to abandon the defign, and
to go into banishment.-See Polyb. L. iv. c. 81.
DURING
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
365
23
Sect. 2.
uncommon
and Acrolif
DURING theſe commotions in Peloponnefus, the tumult Book V.
of arms had already fpread throughout the northern pro-
vinces of Greece. Philip, now fenfible of the dangers he Philip exerts
had brought upon himſelf, exerted a vigour far different vigour;
from what he had lately fhewn. He began by fecuring his
frontiers againſt the bordering nations, whom the preſent
embarraſſments of Macedon, and perhaps the expectations of
fupport from Rome, might encourage to renew their incur-
fions; he even carried the war into Illyricum ", and had takes Liffus
taken Liffus and Acroliffus; the former, the moſt confider- fus;
able city in that country, and the other, a fortreſs of re-
markable ſtrength, at ſome ſhort diſtance, hitherto fuppofed
to be impregnable; ſo that moſt of the other cities of thoſe
parts, terrified at the vigour and rapidity of his progreſs,
opened their gates without reſiſtance. Theſe fucceffes were marches to
followed by his marching to the relief of the Acarnanians,
whom the Aetolians were preparing to invade: they had nians,
implored aid of Philip; but before he reached their borders,
the Aetolians had retired. The like ſpirited meaſures he and ſtrength-
purſued throughout Theffaly and the countries adjacent, in Theffaly.
counteracting the Aetolian influence, wherever he ſuſpected
it to prevail, and putting in a poſture of defence every
place, which he thought to be in danger of an attack from
the enemy..
HITHERTO, the Aetolians had gained little by their al-
liance with Rome. Their great object had been the reduc-
tion of Acarnania; but the report, that Philip was on his
march to relieve it, together with the defperate refolution
the relief of
the Acarna-
ens himſelf
The Aetolia
ans receive
little benefit
from their al-
liance with
Rome;
#3
** Polyb. Excerpt. L. viii. c. 10, 11.
f
366
HISTORY OF GREECE
1
1
Book V.
Sect. 2.
but, from
their hatred
of Philip,
continue the
war;
defeated by
Philip in
two engage-
ments.
i
24
of the Acarnanians 4, who, determined not to furvive their
liberties, had armed all their males from fifteen years to
fixty, and bound them under a heavy curſe, never to quit the
field of battle unleſs victorious, had obliged them to àban-
don the attempt. And, although Laèvinus, at the return of
ſpring, had re-entered Greece, the whole of his operations
amounted only to the taking of Anticyra, a city of the Locri,
on the north fide of the Corinthian gulph; the ſpoils of
which, with all the priſoners, he feized on as Roman pro-
perty, leaving to the Aetolians, according to the ſtrict letter
of his treaty, the bare foil and a defolated city "5. And foon
after which he fet out for Rome, to take poffeffion of the
confulfhip, to which he had been elected.
1
25
STIMULATED, however, by their hatred of Philip, and
of the ſtates confederated with him, they difregarded theſe
diſcouragements, and preffed the war with the fame ardour
with which they had at firft engaged. Sulpicius, who had
been appointed to the command of the fleet on the Ionian
ſtation, in the room of Laevinus, had ſent them a ſupply of near
a thouſand men; and they had likewife received fuccours
from Attalus. They immediately paffed over into Pelopon-
nefus, and, in conjunction with the Spartans, fell upon
Achaia; but as they were returning homeward, laden with
plunder, they were met by Philip, who, having had notice
of the diftreffed condition of the Achaeans, was haftening to
their affiſtance; a battle immediately enfued, and the Aeto-
lians were defeated. Undaunted, however, they a fecond
24 Liv. L. xxvi. c. 25. Polyb. L. xvi. c. 17, & fragm. p. 1519.
I.. xxvi. c. 26.
IO
25 Ibid.
time
.
拿
​FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
367
1
3
time engaged; but were not more fortunate; they were again Book V.
diſcomfited, with the loſs of a great part of their army, the Sect. 2.
remainder with difficulty faving themſelves in one of the
neighbouring cities. Philip's fuccefs, however, roufed the
jealouſy of fome of the adjoining ftates. They faw the Peace pro-
danger with which they were threatened, ſhould the power neighbour-
poſed by the
of Macedon be encreaſed by the reduction of Aetolia; and ing ſtates;
they intereſted themſelves in mediating a peace Philip Philip will-
liſtened readily to the propofal, his ambitious views leading ing to treat ;
him to other wars; and a peace was on the point of being.
concluded, when the Romans, to whom the prolongation
26
ans.
of the war in Greece was of the utmoſt importance, fent
their fleet to the ſupport of the Aetolians; who, being em- rejected by
boldened alſo by affurances they at the fame time received the Aetoli-
from Afia, that Attalus was preparing to join them with a
confiderable force, fet Philip at defiance; and, in the ſtyle.
of victory, talked of conditions, to which they knew he
could not give his conſent
27
THIS, however, was by no means prejudicial to Philip;
it gave,, on the contrary, his Greek confederates a high opi-
nion of his moderation and pacific purpoſes; whilft it
ſtrengthened their indignation againſt the Aetolians. Theſe
favourable difpofitions he foon found a brilliant opportunity
of cultivating. He was affitting at the celebration of the
Nemean games, when tidings arrived that the Romans had
}
Philip fets
Nemean
out from the
games, and
repulfes the
as The principal mediators were, the Athenians, the Rhodians, the people of Romans;
Chios, and the king of Egypt.
27 See Liv. L. xxvii. c. 30..
landed,
368
OF GREECE
HISTORY
1
1
}
BOOK V.
Sect. 2.
fecond en-
landed, and were ravaging the country from Corinth to Sicyon.
He inftantly fet out, attacked the enemy, obliged them to fly to
their ſhips, recovered the booty they had taken, and was again
at Argos before the games were concluded. This rapid and
ſplendid atchievement againſt Roman troops, gave to Philip a
high degree of luftre in the eyes of Greece, now affembled at the
Nemean folemnity; which he greatly improved by the affabili-
ty and familiar deportment he affected towards theſe republi-
cans, who, accuſtomed to liberty, were wonderfully flattered in
beholding a prince in the height of power, and juſt crowned
with victory, mix freely among them, and, diveſting him-
ſelf of the pomp of royalty, wear the garb and manners of
a fellow-citizen 28.
His next enterprize, though not fo fuccefsful, was not
diftinguiſhes
himſelf in a lefs honourable to his valour. The Aetolians having got
gagement; poffeffion of Elis, near the borders of Achaia, Philip ad-
vanced in order to dislodge them; but, upon giving them
battle, he found they were ſtronger than he had conceived, and
that they had Roman foldiers among them; Sulpicius, who
lay off the Peloponnefian coaſt, having, unobſerved by Phi-
lip, contrived to reinforce the Aetolian garriſon with five
thouſand men. He nevertheleſs charged the enemy with
vigour; when, his horſe being killed under him, he con-
tinued to fight on foot, until, numbers being flain on every
by numbers; fide, and the enemy preffing on, he muft undoubtedly have
been taken or killed, had not his men, by one bold effort,
ruſhed in and borne him off. Difappointed in his defign
overpowered
2
28 Liv. L. xxvii. c. 31.
on
. FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
369
}
on Elis, he did not, however, return without fuccefs. There Book V.
ftood at ſome diſtance a ſtrong caſtle, in which the Elean Sect. 2.
peaſants had taken ſhelter, with their flocks and herds, the
principal wealth of the country; this caftle he ſurpriſed,
and carried off twenty thousand head of cattle, together with
four thouſand priſoners.
A
yet furprifes
a ftrong
caftle,
and carries
off immenfe
plunder :
nefs renders
BUT 29, amidſt all this exertion of vigour, and feem- his diffolute-
ing regard for the independence of Greece, the unprincipled him odious:
profligacy of Philip's character ftill betrayed itſelf. Not
long before this period, he had, a fecond time, attempted
the liberties of the Meffenians, but had been baffled by the
manly ftand they had made againſt him; the Pharian De-
metrius, to whom he had committed the conduct of his
plan, having loft his life in the attempt 30.
At Argos
he had, at the fame time, incurred much difgrace by his
exceffive diffolutenefs; invading, with the moſt daring licen-
tiouſneſs, the honour of private families, and employing even
terror and violence", where the powers of feduction failed.
Happily for his Peloponnefian confederates, the neceffities of returns to
Macedon called him away; a report of his death having en-
couraged domeftic infurrections, and the inroads of hoftile
borderers.
Macedon.
begins to
NOTWITHSTANDING Philip's departure, the military ope- Philopoemen
rations of the Achaean ftates fuffered no interruption: a diftinguish
very important alteration having taken place in relation to himself;
that people, who now, inſtead of placing their whole de-
29 Liv, L. xxvii. c. 32.
so Polyb. L. iii. c. 19.
3 B
31 Liv, ubi fupra.
pendence
370
HISTORY OF GREECE
}
}
Sect. 2.
men
32
BOOK V. pendence on foreign aid, diſplayed abilities and refources
equal to the most fpirited enterprize. It was by Philopoe-
this change had been effected. Originally of Mega-
lopolis in Arcadia, this great man had diſtinguiſhed him-
ſelf, from his early years, by ardent exertions for the li-
berties of his country, and a ftrenuous oppofition to the
Spartan power, then the moft formidable in Peloponnefus;
his character. having chofen even to abandon his property, and fubmit to
the miſeries of exile, rather than live in fubjection to
the Spartans, who had made themſelves mafters of his
native city. Aratus, about the fame time, was employed
in ftrengthening the commonwealth of Achaia, in order to
form it into an effectual barrier againſt the ambitious attempts
of his Spartan neighbours. The difintereſted and enlarg-
ed views of Aratus, attached Philopoemen to his in-
terefts; he co-operated in many of his fchemes, and was
active in bringing over feveral of the Arcadian citizens to
join the Achaean league. Soon after the death of Aratus,
the integrity and military capacity of Philopoemen gave him
the principal lead in the Achaean councils; in the conduct
of which, though inferior to Aratus in political abilities, he
equalled him in zeal for the caufe of freedom; and, in the
martial line, he far furpaffed him. War, indeed, was pe-
culiarly his province; fo that, although he wished to re-
femble Epaminondas, whom he had propoſed for his model,
it was only in his military genius, according to Plutarch 34
in his activity, his fagacity, and his contempt of riches, that
the parallel was ftrong; but, to the mildneſs, the gravity,
32 Polyb. Excerpt. L. xi. c. 7. Plutarch in Philopoem.
L. ii. c. 40.
34 Ubi fupra.
33
33 Polyb.
and
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
371
35
and the wiſdom of that illuftrious Greek, the character Book Y
of Philopoemen could never rife; the department of Sect. 2.
arms, fays this hiftorian, being far more fuited to his
genius than the adminiſtration of civil affairs. The first
great battle, in which Philopoemen diftinguiſhed himſelf
remarkably, was that of Selafia; the ſucceſs of that memorable
day being in a great meaſure decided by a judicious movement
of the corps which he commanded ". He paffed afterwards
into Crete, in order to perfect himſelf in fome parts of
the military ſcience, for which the Cretans were famed.
But it was not in the field of war alone that Philopoemen
ſhewed his genius for military affairs. They were his con-
ftant occupation; in his walks, even in his journeys, in
his rural ſports, his whole attention was employed in ob-
ferving the difficulties of fteep or broken grounds; the ad-
vantages which might be derived from paffes, woods, in-
cloſed fields, or open plains; the difference made by rivers,
ditches, and defiles, with every fituation, where the ranks of
an army ſhould be extended in front or in file. By this
fingular and inceffant attention to the military line, he ac-
quired an extraordinary knowledge and readineſs in martial
affairs; no emergency, however fudden, finding him unpre-
pared. When advanced to be general of Achaia, he faw
with concern the ſtate to which a foreign yoke had re-
duced his countrymen, and he conceived the noble refolution
- of relieving them from their humiliating condition. He al-
tered altogether their diſcipline; he made them acquainted
with hardſhip and toil; he gave them weightier armour,
and weapons of greater execution. Their cavalry, hitherto
33 Polyb. L. ii. c. 67,68.
3 B 2
"
oftentatious
រ
372
HISTORY OF GREECE
}
1
Book V.
Sect. 2.
The Romans
with Attalus
attack Eu-
boea.
oftentatious and ufelefs, becauſe moftly compofed of young
men of rank, who entered into it more from vanity than
from public-fpirited motives, he modelled fo as to render it
vigorous and reſpectable. He turned even to advantage the
frivolouſneſs of the Achaeans. The young men of wealth and
rank affected much fplendor in their drefs; this tafte for mag-
nificence he perfuaded them to transfer to their armour and
military accoutrements ". This diſplayed a great knowledge
of the human heart. To combine a love of ſplendor with a
love of arms, will ever have a powerful effect on youthful
minds. To have attempted to enforce the fimplicity of the
ancient garb, at the period of refinement to which the Achaeans
had then arrived, would only, in all probability, have generated
fullenneſs and reſiſtance. Philopoemen judged therefore with
wiſdom, when he made the foibles of his fellow-citizens fub-
fervient to the glory of the ſtate; whilſt even the richneſs of
their armour, among men naturally warlike, might powerfully
affiſt the point of honour in the day of battle, and produce
wonderful exertions, to prevent the lofs, as well as the diſgrace,
of ſuch armour becoming the property of their foes. The
effect indeed of this judicious and infinuating difcipline be-
came fenfibly felt. The Achaeans recovered much of the
proweſs of former days; the armies of Aetolia and Elis, who,
promifing themſelves, as uſual, an eaſy victory, had ventured,
upon Philip's abfence, to attack them, being totally defeated.
SULPICIUS had in the mean time engaged in an expedition
againſt Euboea 37
Finding that Philip had marched from
36 Plutarch, in Philopoem. Polyb. Excerpt. L. xi. c. 7.
c. 5. et feq.
37 Liv. L. xxviii.
Peloponnefus,
}
*
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
373
་
1
Peloponnefus, he failed to Aegina, and wintered in that iſland, Book V.
after having made a conqueft of it, and fold the inhabitants Sect. 2.
for flaves. Attalus king of Pergamus having afterwards joined
him with his fleet, as foon as the feafon permitted, they
ſhaped their courſe towards Euboea. Of all the provinces
of Greece, this, though an iſland, was one of the moſt con-
fiderable for fertility of foil, extent of territory, and fitu-
ation 38
To the eaſt, it opened to the trade of Aſia, and the
numerous iſlands that cover the Hellefpontine and Aegean
feas; and, to the weſt, it reached along the coaſts of Locris,
Boeotia, and Attica, from the Maliac bay to the promontory
of Sunium; being divided from the continent by a channel,
fo exceedingly narrow in one part, as to admit a bridge over
it. Oppofite to this paſs was Chalcis, the principal city of
the iſland, accounted, from it's advantageous feat, the key to
this quarter of Greece. The king of Macedon had a very
valuable ſtake in theſe parts; moft of the cities, both of Eu-
boea and the adjacent continent, being held by Macedonian
garrifons.
PHILIP was not inattentive to the defigns of the enemy. Philip makes
He had fettled the affairs of his own kingdom in the beſt preparations:
vigorous
manner he could, and had moved down to Demetrias in
Theffaly; he had affembled a numerous force, and given af
furances of effectual fupport to all his allies. Signals by
fire 39 he ordered to be made from the heights of Euboea, and
from Peparethus, a ſmall iſland at ſome diſtance from it, and
alfo from certain mountains of Phocis and Theffaly, that he
might thereby have regular and ſpeedy intelligence of the
3º See Strabo, L. x. p. 306,
39 See Polyb. L. x. c. 42, 43, 44.
enemy's
1
+
1
374
Book V.
Sect. 2.
lofes Oreum
by the
treachery of
HISTORY OF GREECE
A
enemy's motions, in order to haften to the relief of places
in moſt immediate danger. With all theſe ſpirited and ju-
dicious preparations, Philip did not remain merely on the de-
fenfive. He endeavoured to furprife Heraclea, a city on the
confines of Theffaly, where the Aetolian ftates had affembled
in order to confer with Attalus; but before Philip got thi-
ther, the convention was diffolved, and he could only lay
waſte the country all around. In the mean time, Oreum, one
of the ſtrongeſt cities of Euboea, was taken by the Romans;
the governor, having been betrayed to them by the governor, whom they
had corrupted. Encouraged by this fuccefs, Sulpicius had
laid fiege to Chalcis. But the ſtrength of the place, and the
vigorous defence made by the commanding officer, who was
not to be tampered with, added to a report that Philip was
approaching, obliged him to abandon the attempt. Whilſt
Philip, however, was employed in faving Chalcis, Opus, a.
wealthy city of the Locri, his allies, was ſtormed and plundered
by Attalus; and though the king of Macedon, upon the first
advice of the movements of Attalus, marched towards Opus
with all poffible expedition, and warmly purſued the plunder-
ers, who had haftily retired on his approach, they neverthe-
leſs eſcaped to their fleet on the Euripus, and fecured all the
booty they had taken.
but faves
Chalcis.
Attalus
ftorms and
plunders
Opus.
In this fluctuating manner had the war continued fix years,
neither the Aetolian confederates, nor thoſe of Macedon, hav-
The Romans ing much cauſe to boaſt; when a ſudden revolution in the
fortunes of Philip left him arbiter of Greece.
Attalus was
called away to the defence of his own kingdom, which Pru-.
and Attalus
retire from
Greece.
4° Liv. ubi fup.
9
1
1
}
학
​fias
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
375
fias of Bithynia was preparing to invade: and the Romans
alſo, to whom the defeat of Afdrubal had opened other views,
and tired at the fame time of a war, the events of which were
indecifive, and the iffue doubtful, withdrew from Euboea, and
foon after failed homeward.
Book V.
Sect. 2.
THESE changes were followed by an event very unfa- Machanidas,
vourable to the interefts of the Aetolians. Machanidas of
tyrant of
Sparta, flain
in battle by
Sparta, the moſt warlike and powerful of their Grecian con- Philopoe-
federates, fell ** in battle by the hands of Philopoemen. Upon men;
the departure of the Romans and Attalus, Philip had returned
to Macedon, to oppofe the inroads of the bordering nations;
and Machanidas, who had long fought occafion to reduce all
Peloponnefus, availed himſelf of his abſence, and at the head
of a confiderable army, advanced towards Mantinea, a city of
Arcadia under the protection of the Achaean ſtates. Philo-
poemen was at this time general of Achaia. He obferved all
the tyrant's motions; and, affembling immediately his forces,
gave him battle. The victory at firſt inclined to the fide of
Sparta; Machanidas, who had begun the charge with great
vigour, having broken and put to flight the left wing, com-
pofed of a body of Tarentines and other auxiliaries; but urg-
ing the purſuit too far, and feparating himſelf from the reft of
his army, Philopoemen marked his opportunity; and falling
upon the main body of the Spartans, defeated them totally.
Machanidas, who faw the confufion of the Spartan line,
haftened back; but, Philopoemen having poffeffed himſelf of
a ditch, interfecting the field of battle, acroſs which it was
neceffary for Machanidas to paſs, in order to rejoin his troops;
?
** OLYMP. cxliii. 2. BEFORE CHRIST 202.
as
{
376
HISTORY OF GREECE..
BOOK V.
Sect. 2.
Nabis fuc-
ceeds him.
Philip makes
peace with
and Romans:
42
as he was attempting to fpur his horfe over it, Philopoemen
killed him with his javelin ". The death, however, of Ma-
chanidas did not reftore liberty to Sparta; he was fucceeded
by Nabis, another tyrant, much inferior to him in military
abilities, but infinitely more flagitious and cruel.
EVERY thing now, in appearance, favoured the ambitious
the Aetolians defigns of Philip. The Aetolians could no longer oppoſe his
arms; and Italy lay open to him; where, notwithſtanding
the declining ſtate of the Carthaginian affairs, he might ſtill
have made a powerful diverfion in favour of Hannibal. But
he had at preſent adopted other views. He not only, there-
fore, made peace with the Aetolians, but entered alſo into
terms with the Romans; who, though they affected to
be diſpleaſed with the Aetolian ftates for having liſtened
to an accommodation with Philip, foon after followed their
example, relieving themſelves with fecret fatisfaction from
a war, which, whatever they might boaft, had certainly
greatly embarraffed them.
this altera-
tion occafion-
ed by his
views on
Egypt;
THE cauſe of this alteration in the Macedonian councils
deferves notice.
PTOLEMY Philopator was at this time on the throne of
Egypt, a prince of the moſt diffolute manners; and, though
in the prime of life, languiſhing under an infirm and de-
cayed conſtitution, the confequence of vicious exceffes.
He had only one child, an infant fon, whofe weakly con-
ſtitution afforded but a precarious hope of long life. This
42 Polyb. Excerpt. L. xi. c. 7.
Plutarch in Philopoem.
#
complexion
The
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
377
Book V..
Sect. 2.
hood of the
Egyptian
provinces ;
befieges
complexion of Egyptian affairs feemed to open new and
magnificent objects for Philip's ambition. He had already
entered into a negotiation *¹ with Antiochus of Syria, in re-
lation to the partition of the Egyptian monarchy, in cafe
of Philopator's demiſe : and he now refolved to ſtrengthen endeavours
to ſtrengthen
himſelf in thoſe parts of Afia and Europe, through which himſelf in the
he might, upon occafion, open himſelf a way into the ad- neighbour-
joining Egyptian provinces. Under pretence, therefore, of
affiſting Prufias king of Bithynia, his fon-in-law, he paſſed
over to Cius**, a free city on the Bithynian frontiers, laid Cius,
fiege to it, and took it; putting to the fword, or felling and takes it.
for flaves, all the inhabitants, and feizing on all the rich
plunder ". His views, in this feverity, were probably the
amaffing of treaſure, and at the fame time, the making his
name formidable in that country, near to which the Egyp-
tian king had large poffeffions. The neighbouring ftates,
however, provoked at the cruelties he had been guilty of at
Cius, and perhaps fufpecting that he had deſigns alſo
againſt them, took up arms; which immediately involved him
in a new war with Attalus and the Rhodians. He attempt- he attempîș
ed Pergamus, the capital city of Attalus; but was difap- fails;
pointed in every effort against it.
He laid waſte, how- lays the coun
ever, the open country, and obtained fome trifling advan- try wafte.
tages by fea; but he was at length defeated, with the lofs
of moſt of his ſhips and feamen.
43 Polyb. Excerpt. L. xv. c. zo.
}
44 Ibid. c. 21.
45 It appears from Polybius, (Excerpt. L. xv. c. 21.) that theſe Cianeans were a
people exceedingly corrupted, employed in the oppreffing, and the compaffing of the
deſtruction of, each other. Continual feuds were the natural confequence of fuch a
fpirit. Philip availed himſelf of the opportunity, which thefe feuds afforded him,
and laid their city in ruins.
3 C
MEANWHILE,
}
His cruelties
provoke in-
dignation;
Pergamus ;
4
>
1
378
Book V.
Sect. 2.
Philopator
king of
Egypt dies;
Antiochus
and Philip
vide his do-
haftèn to di-
minions.
Philip 'at
tacks the
Thracian
Cherfonefe.
The Romans
jealous of
Philip;
HISTORY OF GREECE
46
MEANWHILE, Philopator was dead, and Antiochus, in
confequence of his compact with Philip, had already be-
gun the reduction of Coelofyria and Paleſtine. Upon the
firſt tidings of this event, Philip hastened to fecure thoſe
places to the northward of Macedon, which belonged to
Egypt; and, entering the Thracian Cherfonefe, attacked the
ftrong-holds which the Egyptians held there, and, ei-
ther by intrigue or force of arms, ejected all their gar-
rifons. Croffing over, he laid fiege to Abydos the
moſt important place of this part of the Afiatic coaſt ;
it commanded the pafs of the Hellefpont on that fide, as
Seftos did on the fide of Europe; and whoever was mafter
of it,`had in his hands the key of Ala. Philip found here
a refiftance he little expected. Spirited up by promiſes of
aid from Attalus and the Rhodians, the inhabitants, who
abhorred Philip, had determined to bury themſelves under
the ruins of their city, rather than to fubmit to his domi-
nion. He was not, however, difcouraged. The more
difficulties he had to combat, the more ftrenuously he pushed
the fiege; and, notwithſtanding the moſt obftinate defence,.
he foon reduced the garriſon to the laſt extremity.
BUT, whilft employed in thefe ruthlefs works of am-
bition, he faw not the ftorm which threatened to retaliate
upon himſelf the miferies with which his luft of empire
had overwhelmed other ftates. The Romans, diftreffed by.
the Carthaginian war, had unwillingly confented to a peace
with Macedon; but that war was at an end and they now
wifhed for a pretence to break with a prince, whofe power,
4ª Liv. L. xxxi. c. 14 & 16.
1
if
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
379
Sect. 2.
receive
against him
and the
complaints
from Atta-
lus
Athenians;
if not humbled, might one day become too formidable. A Book V.
pretence foon offered. Philip ftood charged with having,
in direct violation of the treaty fubfifting between him and
Rome, fent fupplies both of men and money to Hannibal.
Attalus and the Rhodians likewife complained, that, regardlefs
of their being expreſsly compriſed in that treaty, he had waged Rhodians :
war against them. The Athenians accuſed him of infractions from the
of the fame treaty in relation to them; they had been ac-
knowledged by the Romans as their allies; and yet Philip
had affifted the Acarnanians in their invafion of Attica. The
Egyptian miniſtry alfo, terrified at the dangers which threa- from Egypt.
tened their young prince from the rapacity of Antiochus and
Philip, fued to Rome for protection againſt the confederate
kings, and implored the fenate and Roman people to accept
of the guardianſhip of the infant Ptolemy, and to fuperintend
the adminiftration of his kingdom 47
!
T
EVERY thing that tended to criminate Philip was heard
favourably in the Roman fenate. They had, however, the
4
47 Thefe complaints had a plaufible appearance, the accufation from Athens ex-
cepted. Even the Roman hiſtorian *, though the Athenians were now in the inte-
refts of Rome, obferves with indignation the meannefs they fhewed on this occafion.
In fact, they themselves had been the aggreffors. They had cruelly murdered two
young men of Acarnania, who had innocently ftrayed into the temple of Eleufis, at
the time of the myftical celebration, and by the queftions they afked, had betrayed
their ignorance of the rites of initiation. Provoked at this, the Acarnanians, to-
gether with fome Macedonian troops, had ravaged Attica. And the Athenians,
not having the ſpirit either to ſupport the outrage they had committed, or to make
due reparation for it, called in a foreign force, and, in the gratification of their
revenge, affiſted in ſubverting the liberties of their country.
* Liv. xxxi. c. 14.
The Romans
felves the
declare them-
1
>
}
a !
*
3 C 2
policy
380
HISTORY OF GREECE
guardians of
the young
king of E-
gypt.
Book V. policy to begin by that act, which did moſt honour to
Sect. 2. Rome. Embaffadors were immediately diſpatched into
Egypt, to take upon them the guardianſhip of the young
king, in the name of the fenate and Roman people, and to
command Antiochus to withdraw from the Egyptian terri-
tories. The youngeſt of the embaſſadors, Marcus Aemilius,
had alſo inſtructions, on his way to Egypt, to inform Phi-
lip of the intentions of the Roman fenate. Aemilius found
Philip before Abydos, in a fituation which muſt probably
have not a little heightened that impatient ferocity for which
he was remarkable; at the head of an army flushed with
victory; on the point of carrying the city he was befieging;
and in high exultation from the alliance he had lately con-
cluded with Antiochus. Philip feemed to feel the impor-
tance of his fituation; yet, unabashed at the Macedonian
monarch's deportment, the Roman delivered his orders
with dignity and firmneſs. He charged Philip not to
The Roman
embaffador
finds Philip
before Aby-
dos ;
delivers
the orders of
the fenate:
attack the poffeffions of the crown of Egypt; nor to
wage war against any of the Grecian ftates; and to fubmit
to fair arbitration the difcuffion of the matters in difpute
between him, Attalus, and the Rhodians.-Philip's pride
the firmneſs Could endure no
could endure no longer. "Attalus and Rhodes," replied he,
of the Ro-
man on this
occafion;
Philip's bold
reply.
"
66
provoked the war, of which they complain. They them-
"felves were the aggreffors."-" And were the Athenians,"
faid Aemilius, "were the people of Cius, were the unhappy
Abydonians, the aggreffors alfo ?"-" The boaftful inex-
?”
"perience of youth," interrupted the king; thy graceful-
"neſs of perfon, perhaps; and, ftill more, the name of
"Roman, that thou beareft; inſpire thee with this haughti-
"neſs. It is my wish, that Rome may prove faithful to
"the treaties which fubfift between us. But, fhould the
"be
་
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER..´
381
$
}
+
"be difpofed to try again the iflue of arms, I truft, with
"the protection of the gods, to render the Macedonian
"name as formidable as that of Roman
49.
48",
Book V.
Sect. 2.
Abydos is
reduced to
great ftraits.
Soon after the departure of Aemilius, followed the de-
ſtruction of Abydos
No hope of eſcape remaining, the
Abydonians determined to man the breaches with the few fight-
ing men they had left; to refift, until they were all either flain
or diſabled; and then, having put to the ſword their women
and children, to confume with fire what remained of the
city. This deſperate refolution was executed in part, when
fome of the prieſts, though folemnly fworn to the execution.
of the dreadful refolution, found it to be more than huma-
nity could bear, and opened the gates of the city to Phi- and taken ;-
lip. Upon the entrance of the Macedonians was exhibited.
one of the moſt tremendous fcenes recorded. in hiſtory;
fathers, huſbands, in every quarter of the city, plunging the Deſpair of
poniard into the breaſts, or daſhing out the brains, of their the Abydo
deareſt connexions; and then, pierced by their own hands,
expiring on heaps of mangled carcafes. Philip himſelf felt the
horror of the fight. He would have checked the fury of the
infatuated multitude; but in vain; ahd was at laſt obliged to
draw off his troops, and to allow them three days for comple-
ting the carnage. So that, the priſoners excepted, hardly one
man ſurvived of this unhappy and devoted people
Polyb. L. xvi. c. 19. Liv. L. xxxi. c. 17, 18.
BEFORE CHRIST 199.
so Polyb. ubi fup..
$0
49 OLYMP. cxliv. L.
nians..
A
HISTORY
}
1/
1
HISTORY OF GREECE.
в о о к
VI.
SECTION I
@ O N. TENT S.-
Second Macedonian war- Sulpicius the conful enters Greece-
Villius fucceeds him-Flamininus is appointed to the confulſhip,
and conduct of the war-his abilities-vigour-fuccefs-de-
taches the most confiderable of the Grecian ftates, particularly
the Aetolians and Achaeans, from their connection with Mace-
don-draws Philip into an engagement—defeats him—compels
him to accept of peace on terms highly disadvantageous-ingra-
tiates himſelf with the Grecian ftates, by making a pompous pro-
clamation of their freedom, at the Ifthmian and Nemaean games
-infidioufnefs of this grant—the Aetolians avow their jealoufy;
condemn the peace with Macedon; and charge the proconful
7
with
{
$
GREECE
HISTORY OF
1
Book VI.
Sect. I.
Profperous
ftate of Ro-
man affairs
at the begin
ning of the
fecond Ma-
cedonian
war
fituation of
eedon.
with entertaining unfriendly defigns against Greece-under a
pretence of a zeal for liberty, he propoſes making war on Na-
bis tyrant of Sparta, lately his confederate against Philip-
the Aetolians object to this war—the other Grecian ſtates co-
operate with Flamininus.—Nabis attacked, and reduced to ex-
tremity-Flamininus, against the opinion of his Greek confede-
rates, concludes a treaty with him; and by artifice extorts their
confent—his motives—he returns to Rome, having firſt obtained
the freedom of all the Romans who were in flavery throughout
Greece.
RⓇ
OME could hardly have choſen a conjuncture more
favourable to her ambitious defigns, than that, which
marks the commencement of the ſecond Macedonian war:
Carthage was fubdued; all remains of revolt and popular
tumult had fubfided throughout Italy; Sicily, the prize fo
long contended for, in fertility and opulence the pride of the
weſtern world, was now, together with moſt of the adjacent
islands, annexed to her dominions; even thofe nations, whom
her arms had not reached, heard with terror the fame of a
power, to which Hannibal had proved unequal.
PHILIP, on the other hand, inſtead of availing himſelf of
thoſe of Ma- the barrier pointed out by nature for his defence, ſeemed to be
laying himſelf open to invafion and difcomfiture. He was
on hoſtile terms with moſt of the circumjacent nations. He
had loft the affection and confidence of the moſt confider-
able of the Grecian ftates. From Egypt no fuccours were
to be expected; and from Afia but few. The Rhodians,
who, on account of their maritime ftrength, might have
·
u
been
*
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDer.
385
been powerful allies, had by his depredations, and ill-timed Book VI.
attempts, been compelled to take part with his enemies. Sect. 1.
And Antiochus, of whofe alliance he made his boaſt, was too
intent on his own ſchemes of empire, and too remote from
Macedon, to be anxious about the fate of a kingdom, on
which, he injudiciouſly imagined, the profperity of Syria
did not at all depend.
The conful
Sulpicius en-
ters Greece;
fends a fleet
to the relief
befieged by
Philip's
of Athens,
forces;
Chalcis
and lays it
THREE years had elapfed, fince peace had been concluded
with Philip, when the Romans, under the command of the
conful Sulpicius, landed on the coaft of Epire. The often-
fible cauſe of this expedition was the relief of Athens, then
befieged by Philip. Accordingly, part of the Roman fleet was
detached to´Attica, and was ſoon after joined by the combined
fleets of Attalus and the Rhodians. Philip was fired with in-
dignation againſt the Athenians, whom he looked upon as the
cauſe of the war, and marked them out as objects of his
keeneſt vengeance.
To add to his refentment, the Roman furpriſes
commander had detached from the coaft of Attica fome
armed veffels to Chalcis, which ſurpriſed the city, deſtroyed in ruins.
the arſenals and military ftores, and left the place a fmoak-
ing ruin. Philip, who lay at Demetrius in Theffaly when Refentment
tidings were brought him of this event, immediately ſet out,
at the head of a chofen body of men, in hopes of overtaking
the enemy; but, diſappointed of his aim, he advanced towards
Attica, continuing his march all night, with the defign of
furpriſing Athens, and of treating it as the Romans had
treated Chalcis. He had probably ſucceeded, had not one>*
of thoſe couriers, whom the Greeks ufually employed on
I
Husgodgomos-See Polluc. Onomaft. L. i. c. 7.
3 D
occafions
of Philip;
he attempts
to wreak his
vengeance
on Åthens 5
386
HISTORY OF GREECE
+
1
BOOK VI. occafions of difpatch, defcried him on his march, and
Sect. I.
alarmed the Athenians. Finding that he could not carry this
is diſappoint- point, he took his revenge in another manner.
The coun-
ed;
lays wafte
the country
around it.
Manner in
which the
Athenians
refentment;
try of Attica was every where adorned with the moſt exqui-
fite works of art, ftately temples, fumptuous villas, ftatues of
finiſhed beauty, and noble fepulchral monuments; in which
the richneſs of the marble, though of the moft perfect kind,
was of ſmall value, when compared with what had been ſtamp-
ed upon it by the hand of the artiſt. All of them fell victims
to his fury, the temples excepted; he ſpared not even thoſe aw-
ful remembrances of the illuftrious dead, which the violence
of war had hitherto refpected. He then attempted Eleufis,
and afterwards the Piraeus, but failed in both; and having
made a ſhort excurfion into Peloponnefus, he returned again,
with redoubled rage, and deſtroyed even the temples, which
till now he had feemed to venerate; mangling and defacing
every work of art in fuch a manner, that fcarce a veſtige of
fymmetry or beauty remained'.
THE Athenians, on their part, had recourfe to the only
weapons, they were now expert in, the invectives of their ora-
vented their tors, and the acrimony of their popular decrees. It was re-
folved, that Philip ſhould for ever be the object of the exe-
"cration of the Athenian people-that whatever ſtatues had
"been raiſed to him, or to any of the Macedonian princes,
"fhould be thrown down; whatever had been enacted in their
favour refcinded; and the ſeveral feftivals and orders of
"prieſts, which had been inſtituted in their honour aboliſhed
"-that every place, in which had been ſet up any inſcrip-
2 Liv. L. xxxi. c. 24, 26.
"
❝tion
{
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
387
❝tion or memorial in praiſe of Philip, ſhould henceforth be Book VI.
"accounted profane and defiled-that in all their folemn Sect. 1.
"feaſts, when their priests were to implore a bleffing on
“Athens and her allies, they ſhould pronounce curſes againſt
"him, his kindred, his arms by fea and land, and the
"whole Macedonian name and nation-in a word, that
"whatever had in antient times been decreed against the
"Pifiſtratidae, ſhould operate in full force againſt Philip
"-and that whofoever propofed any mitigation of the re-
"folutions now formed, fhould be adjudged a traitor to
"his country, and be forthwith put to death
3 ))
:
of flattery
to the Ro-
mans and
NOR was Athens lefs extragavant in her adulations of their exceſs
thofe, from whom ſhe had received affiftance. The Romans
and Attalus were diftinguiſhed particularly by the moſt ful-
ſome honours; folemn proceffions of all the prieſts and
prieſteffes attended their entrance into Athens, as if cele-
brating the reception of tutelary deities. Every Rhodian
born was decreed a denizen of Athens. And, in further
compliment to Attalus, one of their tribes affumed the
name of Attalis *. Into fuch meannefs has corruption of
manners the power of betraying the mind of man!
PHILIP foon found, that from the other parts of Greece
he had fomething yet more formidable to dread, than the
wordy war of the frivolous Athenians. He had applied to
the Achaean ſtates, in their convention at Argos, for fuccours,
offering to repel the attacks of Nabis, who was infeſting
3 Liv. L. xxxi. c. 44.
❖ Polyb. Legat. iii. p. 1092. Liv. L. xxxi, c. 14, 15.
their allies.
The Achae-
ans and Ae.
tolians retufe
to affift Phi.
lip.
4
3 D 2
their
388
HISTORY OF GREECE
1
Book VI. their frontiers, on condition that ſome of his cities ſhould
Sect. I.
be garriſoned by a body of their beſt troops. But the Achae-
ans, well apprized of his infidious views, rejected the pro-
pofal'. He applied afterwards, with as little fuccefs, to the
national convention of the Aetolian ftates; embaffadors
from Athens and the Roman conful having appeared in the
affembly, and urged their complaints in fo forcible a man-
ner, that, had not Damocritus, then praetor of Aetolia,
bribed, as it was fufpected, by Philip, put off the final
determination of the matter till the next affembly, war
had unquestionably been immediately
immediately declared againſt
him ".
Sulpicius en-
deavours to
penetrate to
the weſtern
frontier of
Macedon :
6
MEANWHILE, Sulpicius, who was encamped on the banks
of the Apfus', had ſent off a detachment, with directions
to penetrate through the countries that covered the weſtern
borders of Macedon, and attempt an impreffion on the Ma-
cedonian frontier. This operation had all the effect that
could be expected from it. The caſtles and ftrong-holds in
this part of the country, though advantageouſly fituated in.
the midſt of defiles and broken precipices, were taken by the
5 It was probably on this occafion that Philip attempted the life of Philo-
poemen; Plutarch (in Philopoem.) informing us, that he meant to have had
him affaffinated at Argos. This honeft Greek, who was too much a friend to
his country to be in amity with Philip, no doubt oppofed his demand; and
that prince, to whom crimes are ſaid to have been familiar, meditated an effec-
tual revenge.
6 Liv. L. xxxi. c. 32.
7 A river of Illyricum, which empties itfelf into the Ionian gulph between
Apollonia and Dyrrachium.
Liv. L. xxxi. c. 27 & feq.
A
Romans
;
?
?
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
389
*
9
Sect. 1.
prehenfions.
Unhappy im-
on the minds
preffion made
Romans; while the Illyrians, the Dardanians, the Atha- Book VI.
manes, terrified at the progrefs of the Roman arms, declared
against Philip. Encouraged by theſe fair appearances, the
conful entered the country of the Daffaretii, from which
there was faid to be an eafy paffage into Macedon, and got
poffeffion of all the towns throughout the canton; diſmay
and defolation ſpreading on every fide as he advanced. Phi- Philip's ap-
lip himſelf began to tremble for the ſafety of his kingdom;
he drew near to thofe parts which feemed to be moſt in
danger, and employed all his military ſkill, of which hiſto-
rians allow him a large fhare, in watching, and, as occafion
offered, obſtructing the motions of the enemy: when an un-
fucky event
not only damped his vigour for the prefent,
but left ſuch an impreffion on his fpirits, as well as
on the minds of his fubjects, as is thought to have had
a confiderable influence on their fubfequent fortunes. A
troop of Macedonian horſemen had encountered a party of
Roman cavalry, and, a ſkirmiſh enſuing, forty of the former
were flain, and of the Romans thirty-five. Among the
Greeks the rites of fepulture were highly revered; Philip,
therefore, to ſhew the reſpect he had for his gallant foldiers,
removed the bodies of the Macedonians to his camp, in or-
der to the celebration of their funeral obfequies. Hitherto
the Macedonians, whofe wars had chiefly been with the
nations of Greece and Illyricum, had been only accuſtomed.
to wounds made by the fpear, the javelin, and the arrow,.
which in their appearance had nothing hideous; but when
they ſaw the bodies of their companions mangled by wide-
• Liv. L. xxxi. c. 34.
of the Mace-
donians
from what
caufe.
F
+
t
yawning
390
HISTORY OF GREECE
BOOK VI. yawning wounds; when they beheld their headlefs trunks,
Sect. I.
entire limbs lopped from the mutilated carcafe, with all the
fhocking marks of flaughter, which the broad Spaniſh faul-
chion is fuited to inflict; they were ftruck with horror and
difmay. Even Philip fhuddered at the thoughts of en-
countering fuch a foe, and was obſerved, for a confiderable
time afterwards, carefully to avoid any decifive action;
contenting himſelf with fkirmiſhes, and with cutting off
occafionally. fome ftraggling parties of the enemy's fo-
State of the
war during
the conful-
ſhips of Sul-
picius and
Villius his
fucceffor.
Flamininus
is appointed
to conduct
the Macedo.
nian war:
ragers.
In this languid and indecifive kind of war two years
elapſed, during the confulſhip of Sulpicius, and that of his
fucceffor Villius, not much to the honour of the Roman
commanders; whofe fpiritleſs or intereſted conduct was faid
to be the cauſe that nothing more had been effected. From
this protracted war, however, Philip had reaped no advan-
tage. He had met with difcomfiture in almost every at-
tempt; his frontiers had fuffered fevere depredation; and,
far from ſtrengthening himſelf with new allies, the Aetolians,
who at firſt had preferved a kind of neutrality, had now
avowedly efpoufed the cauſe of Rome, and appeared againſt
him in the field.
THUS ftood affairs at the clofe of the fecond year of the
war, when the command of the Roman army devolved on the
new conful, Titus Quintius Flamininus. The important
fhare this Roman had in effecting the humiliation of Greece,
and the fubtilty and dark perfidiouſneſs of thoſe councils,
7
with
"
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
391
with the conduct of which he was intrufted, render his Book VI.
Sect. I.
character " the object of particular attention.
THOUGH not remarkably eminent for military abilities, his character;
he was, however, what a Roman in thoſe days generally
was, a foldier, and well acquainted with the fcience of war.
But his excellence chiefly confifted in the buſineſs of nego-
tiation. Gentle and conciliating in his manner, he knew
how to employ every art to gain the confidence of thoſe, to
whom he was deputed.. Impenetrable in his deſigns, yet wear-
ing the captivating fhew of cordiality and frankneſs, he coolly
marked every opportunity, and improved every advantage that
could ſerve the ſchemes he had in view. To Greece he pro-
feffed himſelf the zealous vindicator of her liberties; though
in effect their moſt refined deſtroyer: conducting himſelf, in
every ſtep,.with ſuch complete diffimulation, that, even to this
day, it is, with ſome, a queſtion, whether he was not guiltleſs of.
the treacherous policy which Rome practifed on this occafion;
and, in the honefty of his heart, promiſed what he believed..
was to be religiouſly fulfilled..
the conful-
HE had been elected to the confulfhip when he had how raiſed to
not completed his thirtieth year, and without paffing fhip;
through the intermediate offices of aedile and praetor. This
extraordinary diſtinction, as Plutarch" informs us, he owed
chiefly to the reputation he had obtained among the Taren-
tines, over whom he had.. been appointed governor towards
the end of Hannibal's war. Encouraged by theſe coloniſts
with promiſes of powerful ſupport, he ſtood for the con--
10 See Polyb. paffim. Liv. L. xxxii. & feq. Plut. in Flamin.
"In Flamin
fulfhip,
1
}
392
Sect. I.
manner of
entering on
the duties of
his office:
HISTORY OF
GREECE
Book VI. fulſhip, and carried it; the people warmly efpouſing his intereft,
in oppoſition even to ſome of their own tribunes, and the ſenate
underhand favouring his pretenfions. Having drawn lots with
his collegue, he had for his allotment the Macedonian war.
his fpirited The proſpect of ſo noble a field rouſed all his ambition; and
It
he was refolved to purfue it with activity and ardour.
had been uſual with the confuls to waſte a confiderable por-
tion of their year at home, in the enjoyment of official
parade: hence they feldom joined the army until the feafon
was får advanced. Flamininus adopted a different plan.
Regardleſs of the pomp of Rome, he haftened over into
Greece, as ſoon as the neceffary religious ceremonies were
over, at which his office obliged him to prefide.
diflodges
Philip from
a ftrong poft,
}
12
He found Villius in that part of Epire called Chaonia,
near the mouth of the Aous, in a fituation rather dif-
graceful to a Roman conful, in fight of the enemy, with-
out daring to attack them. Philip, truſting to the flender
abilities of Villius, had ventured to look the Romans in the
face, and had intrenched himſelf in ſuch a manner as gave
him a very
formidable appearance He was pofted in a
narrow vale, through which the Aous rolled a deep and ra-
pid ſtream. The banks of the river were ſteep and narrow, and
fecured by ftrong entrenchments; on either fide rofe high and
13
12 Plutarch (in Philopoem.) calls it the Apfus. It appears from Livy (L. xxxii.
- c. 5.) as well as from feveral circumftances, that it ſhould be the Aous.
mer. Græc. Antiq. L. i. c. 26.
See Pal-
13 Livy (L. xxxii. c. 10.) gives us an account of an interview between Philip
and the conful, of which no mention is made by Plutarch, and which, all circum-
ftances confidered, appears exceedingly improbable.
ΙΟ
rugged
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
393
Sect. I.
rugged mountains, and he had taken poffeffion of all the Book VI.
hollows and defiles. Flamininus having taken the command,
employed fome days in reconnoitring the fituation of the ene-
my, and confidering the practicability of forcing their lines.
At length, by means of fome neighbouring fhepherds, he
diſcovered a path, which led to the fummit by a winding
courſe. Having detached a party to occupy the heights
which hung over the Macedonian camp, on feeing the con-
certed fignal, he began the ** attack. In the heat of the
engagement, the fhouts of the Romans on the hills, who
now poured down on the Macedonians, threw them into the
utmoſt confuſion, and foon completed their overthrow;
Philip, with the remains of his army, making his eſcape
through the ftraits of the mountains into Theffaly, and from
thence into Macedon
15
16
14
}
It would have little availed to have purfued Philip through
a country, with every strong pafs and intricate winding of
which he was intimately acquainted. Flamininus adopted a
method of operation far more effectual: he prepared to
deſtroy all remains of power or influence which his enemy
poffeffed among the Grecian ftates, and, if poffible, finally
to diffolve every connexion of interefts between Greece and
Macedon. This plan, artfully laid, was carried into exe-
cution with the moſt confummate ſkill. He began his pro-
grefs at Epire, through which he marched, not as an enemy,
but as a protector. Philip, in his flight, had marked his
{
14 OLYMP. cxlv. 2. BEFORE CHRIST 194.
16 Plut. in Flamin. Liv. L, xxxii. c. 13 & feq.
25-Liv. L. xxxii. c. 11, 12.
and puts him
to flight:
detaches fe-
Grecian
their con-
veral of the
ftates from
nexion with
Macedon;
3 E
route
1
394
HISTORY OF GREECE
Book VI. route with plunder and devaſtation. Flamininus, on the con-
Sect. I.
trary, committed no hoftility; and reſtrained his foldiers from
every act of depredation; fo that the Epirots, inſtead of being
active in the cauſe of Macedon, to which, before this conful's
arrival, they were well affected, now offered themſelves as
his guides, or inlifted under his banners. From Epire he
marched into Theffaly, and took poffeffion of almoſt
every place of ſtrength in the country; conquering op-
pofition by lenity and perfuafion, and employing arms
only where gentler means had proved ineffectual. Mean-
while, Lucius, brother to Flamininus, who commanded the
Roman fleet, had reached the eaſtern coaft of Greece; and,
being joined by the fleets of Attalus and the Rhodians,
made a deſcent on Euboea, where Philip, as we have al-
ready ſeen, had many important fettlements. Philocles, who
commanded on the island, was defeated; and Eretria and
Caryftus, two confiderable cities, were taken. Flamininus,
after a ſhort ſtay in Theffaly, haftened into Phocis, with the
defign of extending his conquefts towards the fouthern pro-
vinces of Greece. His great object was, to gain over the
to gain over ftates of Achaia to the interefts of Rome; for which pur-
pofe, he gave inftructions to his brother, to fend a joint
embaffy to Achaia, in the name of the Romans, Attalus,
and the Rhodians, requeſting a convention of the Achaean
ftates, in order to propoſe to them a treaty of alliance with
the Romans; while the combined fleets, entering the Co-
rinthian gulph, were to be ftationed "off Cenchreae, one
endeavours
the ſtates of
Achaia;
and, in this
view, lays
fiege to Co-
rinth.
Liv. L. xxiii. c. 19 & feq.
1
of
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
395
A
fends embaſ-
diet.
of the Corinthian ports, under colour of laying fiege to Co- Book VI.
Sect. I.
rinth, then poffeffed by Philip; but, in fact, the more
powerfully to enforce the object of the embaffy. Alarmed Philip alſo
at a meaſure of the higheſt confequence to him, Philip fadors to the
likewiſe diſpatched embaffadors to plead his caufe at the Achaean
enfuing diet, which was appointed to be held at Sicyon;
directing them to place in the ſtrongeſt and cleareſt point of
view, the validity of the treaties fubfifting between Macedon
and the Achaeans, and to remind them of the folemn oaths by
which they had pledged themſelves: oaths rendered, if poffible,
more ſtrikingly awful by a cuſtomary yearly renewal. Upon
the opening of the diet, the feveral embaffadors having firſt
been heard, the members were called upon to deliver their
fentiments; but a fullen filence enfued: ftunned by the va-
riety of dangers they faw around them, they were either at a
lofs what opinion to give, or fearful of delivering it. Ariſtae- Ariftaenus,
nus, general for the year, and the devoted creature of Rome, of the year,
having urged the convention in vain, at laft took the declares for
lead, declaring himſelf, in the moſt decided manner, in fa-
vour of the Romans: "The fuccefs," he ſaid, "of whoſe
arms in Epire, in Theffaly, in Euboea, was the cleareſt
proof of their power to protect thoſe whoſe friendſhip
they condefcended to folicit; whofe fleets and armies,
"whilſt Philip was lurking in his own faftneffes, were
"now in fight of Achaia; whoſe chief motive, in their
"Grecian expedition, was to deliver them from the yoke
“of Macedon, under which they had long groaned; and
"who mildly deigned to requeſt, what they might eafily
"command." At the fame time, he poured forth the bit-
tereſt invectives againſt the Macedonian king, whoſe crimes,
whether real or imputed, he dwelt on with every poffible
3 E 2
aggravation.
66
<<
the Romans.
}
396
HISTORY OF GREECE
BOOK VI. aggravation. This fervile ftrain, fo unworthy of the firſt
Sect. 1. magiftrate of a yet free people, raiſed an outcry of indig-
Violent con-
tests in the
Achaean
diet:
nation, not only from the friends of Philip, but from all,
who had a real concern for the liberties of their country.
The Macedonian party in the convention was confiderable,
and attached to Philip by particular acts of kindneſs; there
were, befides, many of the Achaeans, who, though they
diſliked the king's perfonal character, and were cautious of
repofing much confidence in him, had, with great reaſon,
no leſs gloomy apprehenfions from this foreign power, which
they ſaw eſtabliſhing itſelf in the midft of their country,
and confidered the ſupporting of the royal houfe of Macedon
as a meaſure of the higheft moment to the general welfare
of Greece. The affembly now became a ſcene of wild up-
roar; fome, with indecent clamour, fupporting the intereſts
of Rome, while others as loudly and indecently oppofed
them. Both parties feemed callous to every tender or
facred tie, breathing all the virulence of civil difcord, and
mutually accuſing their opponents with harbouring the moſt
traitorous defigns. What heightened the embarraſſment, the
numbers on each fide appeared nearly equal; and even of
the council of ten, a majority of whom was requifite to the
formation of a decree, five were for Macedon, and five for
Rome. In this ftate of turbulence and irrefolution had the
diet continued two days; and on the third, by the laws of
Achaia, it was to be diffolved. Next day, however, feemed
likely to end as the preceding, each party making more
*ftrenuous exertions, as the hour of decifion approached;
when Rhifafus of Pellene, a member of the diet, and in
the interefts of Rome, but whofe fon Memnon, one of the
council of ten, notwithſtanding his father's repeated entrea-
9
•
ties,
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
397
Sect. 1.
ties, had ſteadily refuſed to abandon the fide of Macedon, Book VI.
once more attempted to ſhake the refolution of his fon, fo-
lemnly fwearing, that he would,
him to death, if he did not defift
muſt involve his country in ruin.
both of the virulence of party ſpirit,
of Grecian manners in thoſe times!
menaces, Memnon changed fides, and the queſtion was carried
in favour of Rome.
with his own hand, put
from an oppofition, which
A ſtriking inſtance this,
and of the ferocity even
Awed by his father's
It is worthy of notice, that the deputies from Mega-
lopolis, Argos, and Dymé withdrew, as ſoon as it was per-
ceived what would be the determination of the convention,
to avoid giving a fanction, by their preſence, to reſolutions fo
injurious to Philip. The Dyméans, particularly, alledged
their obligations to the Macedonian king, who had ranfom-
ed feveral of their fellow-citizens that had been fold for
flaves by the Romans, and reftored them to their families.
This generous reafon, Livy fays, met the approbation
even of Philip's enemies; which leads us to fuppoſe, that
he was not altogether fo profligate a monarch as the writers
of thoſe days, who feem to be the adulators of Rome, ra-
ther than hiſtorians, have repreſented him.
18
the queſtion
carried in fa.
our of
Rome.
Noble ſpirit
the Achaean
deputies.
of fome of
having gain-
ed his pur-
pofe, raifes
Corinth.
Soon after this affair was brought to a conclufion, the Flamininus,
fiege of Corinth was raiſed. It had been promiſed by the
Roman conful to the Achaeans; but it was now pretended,
that the obſtinate defence made by a number of Roman
deferters, together with the reinforcements which the Ma-
18 Ubi fup.
the fiege of
•
cedonians
398
OF GREECE
HISTORY
{
Book VI. cedonians had thrown into the garrifon, had forced Flamininus
Sect. 1.
to abandon the fiege; which, were it even to end fucceſsfully,
was likely to be bought at too high a rate. Probably, the
determination of the Achaean diet had rendered the fiege no
longer neceffary. About the fame time, too, Argos had
been betrayed by ſome of its citizens into the hands of Phi-
lip So that, after all that the Achaean ftates had re-
folved, this prince ftill remained maſter of two of the prin-
cipal cities of Peloponnefus.
Philip,
alarmed, ap-
plies for an
interview
with the con-
ful;
obtains it.
19
20
PHILIP, however, was alarmed. Though poffeffed of theſe
two cities, yet their diftant fituation afforded him but a pre-
carious and expenſive tenure. He clearly forefaw the ap-
proaching fate of Macedon; abandoned by her moſt uſeful
confederates, deprived of her wonted reſources, and reduced
to a narrow and naked frontier. Urged by the embarraff-
ment of his fituation, he requested a conference with the
Roman conful; who made choice of Nicaea, a fea-port on
the Maliac bay, for the place of interview Flamininus
repaired thither, attended by the chief leaders of the Aeto-
lian and Achaean ftates; by Amynander king of the Athama-
nes; by the embaſſador of the king of Pergamus; and the
Artful con- commander of the Rhodian fleet. This pompous retinue
not only adminiſtered to the conful's pride, but anſwered alſo
certain political ends; it gave him an opportunity of mak-
ing a plauſible diſplay to his allies of his attention to their
feveral interefts; and it afforded him the means of humbling
Philip, to whom it muſt have been a fevere mortification
duct of Fla-
mininus;
19 Liv. L. xxxii. c. 25.
L. xxxii. c. 32 & feq.
ΙΟ
20
1
Polyb. Excerpt. L. xvii. c. 1 & feq, Liv.
to
I
A
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
399
!
•
Book VI.
Sect. 1.
to ſee ſo confiderable a part of the ſtrength of Greece. on
the fide of his adverfary. The Macedonian king, as he
approached the fhore, for he had come by fea, could not
fupprefs his indignation; and, being invited by the conful to
land, declined it. "Whom do you fear?" faid Flamininus.
"I fear none but the immortal gods," anſwered Philip;
"but I ſuſpect the faith of thoſe by whom I fee you fur-
"rounded, eſpecially your Aetolians." The conful obferv-
ed, that, in all cafes of this kind, there was reciprocal
danger: "But in the prefent cafe," replied Philip,
"the
"temptation is not equal; for fhould miſchief befall
"Phaeneas (the Aetolian praetor, who accompanied Flamini-
"nus) Aetolia may eafily get another praetor; but if I am
"taken off, who is to fucceed me on the throne of Mace-
"don?" After a ſhort pauſe, the conful requeſted the king
to make his propoſals, which, as the interview had been ap-
pointed at his folicitation, were properly to come from him.
"It belongs not to the vanquished to propofe," anſwered
the Macedonian, "it is theirs only to accept."" If fo," his haughty
refumed the conful, "I fhall at once name the conditions,
" without which no peace is to be expected :-You are to
" evacuate thoſe places you hold in Greece, and relinquish
"all claim to every part of it-you are to give up all pri-
"foners and deferters belonging to Rome and her allies-you
are to furrender the cities you have taken in Illyricum, fince
"the conclufion of the last peace, and the places belonging
"to the crown of Egypt, you feized on the death of Philo-
pator.Theſe our allies have, befides, demands of their
own; it is just they should be heard and attended
""
<<
66
* to."
and peremp-
tory condi
tions, on
peace was to
which alone
be had.
1
THE
1
400
HISTORY OF GREECE
2
BOOK VI.
Sect. I.
Demands
made on Phi-
lus and the
other allies
of Rome.
THE embaffador of king Attalus then demanded the
reſtoration of the ſhips and priſoners taken in the engage-
ment off the iſland of Chios, and that he ſhould indemnify
lip by Atta Attalus for the ravages committed in his dominions. The
Rhodians required Peraea, a certain diftrict on the continent
of Afia, oppofite to Rhodes, which had formerly belonged
to them; together with the evacuation of all the cities and
fea-ports "he poffeffed on the Afiatic coaft: the Achaeans
claimed Argos and Corinth: and the Aetolians, befides the
demand of certain cities in Theffaly, infifted on an ample
compenfation for all the loffes fuftained by them and their
allies; and his total and final exclufion from the Grecian
territories.
•
How far Phi-
lip appears
to have been
guilty:
FROM the various charges againſt Philip, which Polybius
and Livy have preferved to us, and in which, without doubt,
whatever could make againſt him is accurately recorded,
it appears evidently, that he had only done what ambitious
}
21 Whatever opinion we may be induced to form of Philip's moral character, it
clearly appears, from the demands made on him by the Rhodians, that he must
have been a prince of great abilities, and ftrenuous in promoting the ftrength and
opulence of his kingdom. In the beginning of his reign, when invited by Aratus
into Peloponnefus, the Macedonians had no marine, they had fcarcely a feaman ;
and yet, in about twenty-two years after, we find him in poffeffion of many confi-
derable fea-ports; and that he had eſtabliſhed a number of mercantile fettlements
(portus et emporia) along the Afiatic coaft; while he, at the fame time, poffeffed
fuch a navy, as to be in a condition to difpute the empire of the Archipelago with
the Rhodians, in thofe days the greateſt maritime power in Greece. This accounts
for the Rhodian enmity. They ſuſpected, that he meant to rival them in the
Levant-trade, the principal fource of their wealth. Thus mercantile jealoufy
drove them into the arms of the Romans. They had foon cauſe to repent! In-
ſtead of a competitor, they brought upon themſelves imperious mafters, the flighteſt
contradiction to whofe will was a crime worthy of extermination.
monarchs
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
401
کر
Book VI.
Sect. 1.
able
I.
in the courfe
temper
monarchs generally do, and that, however guilty he might
be in the eye of reaſon, thoſe very ſtates, which preferred
theſe complaints, the Aetolians eſpecially, and even the Ro-
mans, thoſe ſpirited affertors of the rights of mankind,
were at leaſt equally criminal. In reality, his guilt con-
fifted in being at the head of a kingdom of great ancient
reputation, and ſtill ſuppoſed to be of confiderable ſtrength,
which obſtructed the meditated plan of Roman domination.
Philip feems to have been aware of the Roman defigns, and his remark-
by his tameneſs on this occafion, fo different from his former
character, to have endeavoured either to lead them to gentler
purpoſes, or to diſplay to other nations what they might in
future times expect from the infatiable rapacity of Rome.
Notwithſtanding the extent of the demands made on him,
many of them ill-founded, and the afperity of language with
which they were urged, he calmly laboured to remove the ob-
ſtructions which he faw induftrioufly thrown in the way
of peace, yielding point after point, far beyond what could
have been expected from a prince not yet of defperate for-
tunes. To the Romans, he ſaid, he was ready to refign what- his concef-
ever they had aſked, thofe poffeffions in Greece excepted, fions.
which had defcended to him from his anceſtors. Of his
-
Afiatic fettlements he defired to retain nothing but Bar-
gylia and Jaffus ", two places on the coaft of Caria, valuable
22
from
22 Bargylia, on the coaft of Caria; Jaffus, a fmall iſland oppofite to it. Of this
Jaffus there is a pleafantry related by Strabo (L. xiv. p. 453. Cafaub.) A mufi-
cian landed there, and was performing to a crouded audience; when on a fud-
den, upon the ringing of a certain bell, the ufual fignal for the opening of the
fiſh-market, the whole affembly went off, one perfon excepted. The mufician,
well pleaſed to find that his performance had power at leaſt over one; began
3 F
`to
of this con-
ference,
1
!
402
HISTORY Y OF GREECE
1859
Sect. I.
Book VI. from the commercial advantages they enjoyed; Jaffus, in par-
ticular, from it's fishery. Whatever elfe he held in Aſia, he
conſented to abandon to Attalus and the Rhodians, toge-
ther with their fhips of war, and all the priſoners then
alive. And, as the embaſſador of Attalus had charged him
with having laid wafte his mafter's gardens and orchards,
fince fuch matters were not unworthy royal notice, he would
fend over gardeners and trees to new-plant them. Of the
Achaeans he complained much; they had become unpro-
voked enemies, in contradiction to their own public acts,
in which every poffible honour had repeatedly been decreed
to him, and in violation, of a number of treaties folemnly
fworn to: he agreed, however, that both Argos and Corinth
fhould be restored to them. But his refentment ran higheſt
againſt the Aetolians. There was, previous to this event, as
has been already mentioned, an avowed enmity between
them; which was now encreafed by the indecent petulance
of the Aetolian delegates, in the courfe of the prefent con-
grefs. In the very firft conference, Alexander the Aetolian.
had attacked the king with remarkable acrimony, and, upon
his attempting a reply, Phaeneas interrupted him in theſe
infolent terms: "You talk like a fool 23: all that remains
"for the vanquished is fubmiffion to the commands of the
"True," faid Philip,
conqueror."
"that is clear even
""
to compliment him upon the excellence of his tafte, "who had not, like the rest of his
< countrymen, fuffered the fifh-bell to call him away. "The fish-bell!" re-
plied he; "why, has the fish-bell rung ?" and immediately hurried after his com-
panions. The man was deaf, and had not heard the bell.
13 Φάσκων αυτὸν ληρειν· δειν γὰρ ἡ μαχόμενον νικᾶν, ἢ ποιεῖν τοῖς κρείττοσι τὰ προστατ
TÓμEVON. See Exc. Polyb. L. xvii. c.4.
6 to
}
$7
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
403
)
24
'a
Sect. 1.
to a blind man ":" a tart, but juftly-merited repartee: Book VI.
Phaeneas, it ſeems, had weak eyes. In difcuffing their de-
mands, he therefore began by expreffing the utmoſt afto-
niſhment and indignation, that thofe fhould talk of exclud-
ing him from Greece, who knew not even the limits of
the country, and were themſelves Greeks but in part, ſe-
veral of the provinces of Aetolia lying beyond the boun-
daries of antient Greece. What injuries they had ſuffered,
he ſaid, were no more than the customary and unavoidable
confequences of war. And as to allies, they had none;
influenced merely by the allurements of pay and depredation,
they fought indifcriminately for any ftate, Aetolians being
often to be found in two oppofite armies. That, however,
he would deliver up to them Larriffa and Pharfalus, two
cities lying convenient for their frontiers; but that he could
not poffibly evacuate the other Theffalian cities which they
claimed, confiftently with his own fafety.
24 Polybius and Livy blame Philip's pleafantry on this occafion. Erat dicacior,
fays the Roman hiftorian, quam regem decet, et ne inter feria quidem rifu fatis tem-
perans. Is it not ſtrange, that they have not at the fame time paffed any cenfure
on the illiberal attack of the Aetolian praetor, nor on the Roman conſul's ſarcaſ-
tical reproach. At the clofe of the firft day's conference, Philip requested that he
might have a copy of the ſeveral demands produced againſt him, and be allowed
time to deliberate concerning them: for, faid he, I am here alone, I bave no coun-
Sellor with me.-With good reafon are you alone, anſwered Flamininus; you have de-
Atroyed every faithful counſellor you had. He had put to death fome of his fubjects on
various fufpicions. Philip replied only, with a ſmile of indignation, Mediáσas Zagdévor.
Mr. Hume (Effay 14) imputes this illiberality of language to the manners of the
times. The reflections of Polybius and Livy feem to fay otherwife. But why
ſhould not their cenfure fall in part on the Roman and Aetolian? And why is
it aimed wholly at the king of Macedon? Are we to ſuſpect, that his being a
king, and the enemy of Rome, were the circumſtances that aggravated the
charge against him?
1
}
3 F 2
IN
404
HISTORY OF GREECE
1
BOOK VI.
Sect. I.
Philip's
anſwer not
deemed fatis
factory;
to fend em
baffadors to
Rome.
grants it,
IN thefe altercations two days had elapfed, and peace
ſeemed to be as diftant as ever; Philip's relinquishing all
claim to every part of Greece, and engaging never to pafs
beyond the boundaries of Macedon, being, exclufively of
particular demands, a preliminary from which none of the
defires time allied ftates would depart. Philip's only refource now, was
an application to the conful, for permiffion to fend em-
baffadors to lay his propofals before the fenate of Rome;
which, if not deemed equitable and fatisfactory, he proteſted
that he would ſubmit implicitly to the conditions and
Flamininus award of the confcript fathers. This requeſt, hardly in-
deed to be refufed, was graciously complied with, and a
two months truce accordingly granted; with this previous
ſtipulation, that he ſhould immediately withdraw his gar-
rifons from Locris and Phocis. Befides gaining this im-
what views. portant point, the conful had other views in complying
with what Philip requeſted. It was winter, and the ar-
my could not act; ſo that no military operation was fuf-
pended by it. And the election of new confuls was at
hand, when he might poffibly be fuperfeded. His plan
therefore was, to have the appearance of finiſhing the war
by treaty, if he ſhould find he was to be recalled, or to
have it in his power to purfue it, if continued in the com-
mand.
and with
Flamininus
continued in
the com-
mand.
THE fenate gratified Flamininus to the utmoſt of his.
wiſhes. They continued him in the command; with full
powers either to profecute or to end the war, as he fhould
judge expedient. What they really meant was eaſy for him
to underſtand. The Macedonian embaſſadors, it is true, had
been admitted to an audience; but not till the deputies
from
1
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
405
+
1
Sect. 1.
from Flamininus, with the minifters of the feveral Grecian Book V1.
ſtates, had been examined, and the fenate fully informed
of the fituation of Macedonian affairs, with whatever the in-
tereſts of Rome required. When therefore the perfon, who
was at the head of the embaffy from Philip, began to en-
ter upon his mafter's defence, the fenate, inftead of fuffer-
ing him to proceed, ſtopped him with this fhort queſtion,
"Has your maſter authoriſed you to give up Demetrias in
"
Theffaly, Chalcis in Euboea, and Corinth?" termed by
the Macedonians, the fetters of Greece. The embaffadors, in
confufion, making anſwer, that they had not received any in-
ſtructions in relation to theſe points, were ordered inſtantly to
withdraw, and full powers fent to Flamininus; who thence-
forth refuſed to receive any farther propofals from Philip, un-
leſs he previouſly renounced all claim to every part of Greece.
THAT unfortunate monarch, now hopeleſs of any equi-
table conditions from Rome, and probably rouſed to a more
ſpirited exertion by the mockery with which he faw he
had been treated, employed his utmoft vigour in providing
for his defence. Argos was too diftant to be of effectual
fervice, and was not to be retained without a force he could
ill fpare; he therefore refolved to abandon it", and in a
manner, as he imagined, more pregnant with miſchief, than
Philip's em-
treated with
mockery at
baffadors are
Rome.
Philip under
the neceffity,
of turning
his thoughts
to war:
gos to Nabis.
if it had ſtill been held by a Macedonian garrifon. Nabis gives up Ar-
was at this time the fcourge of Peloponnefus; hiſtory re-
cords him for one of the moſt profligate tyrants that ever
diſgraced a throne; he maintained himſelf in the fovereignty
of Sparta by means of an army of mercenaries, compoſed
25 Liv. L. xxxii. c. 38, 39.
of
t
406
HISTORY OF GREECE
ར་
'
Book VI. of the moſt cruel and flagitious of outcafts, whom he
Sect. I.
daily exerciſed in deeds of villainy, violence, and blood-
ſhed. Againſt the Achaeans in particular, on whom Philip
would gladly have been revenged, Nabis profeffed a deadly
enmity. Philip offered to put him in poffeffion of Argos,
on condition of his reftoring it when Macedon was again in
tranquillity; and, the more ftrongly to cement the alliance, he
propoſed to give his daughters in marriage to the tyrant's
fons. Whatever Philip afked, Nabis promiſed to perform;
and, ſuch is the fidelity of tyrants, no fooner was he maſter
of Argos, than he offered his ſervices to Flamininus; who, not
very delicate in his choice of means, provided advantage
could be derived from them, received him without hefi-
tation among the allies of Rome, and accepted of his ten-
dered fuccours.
The perfi-
diouſneſs
of Nabis ;
PHILIP merited the deceit with which he was repaid.
The cafe of the unhappy Argives was infinitely more to be
his character, lamented. Nabis immediately put in practice his uſual ſub-
tilties, to diſcover the wealth of every man in Argos, and
plundered them of all. And ſo low did his rapaciouſneſs de-
fcend, as to employ his wife Apega to extort from the Ar-
give ladies, by artifice or terror, whatever jewels or orna-
mental trinkets they poffeffed. It appears, that avarice was
and cruelties. the ruling paffion of this wretched mifcreant. Polybius
makes mention of an extraordinary inftrument of extortion,
deviſed by him, which upon a lefs grave authority we ſhould
be apt to account fabulous. He had contrived a figure of
iron, in form like Apega, to move with fprings, whoſe.
26 Exc. L. xiii. c. 5.
26
f
A
arms
>
܀
}
>
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER,
queen,
407
arms and breaſt were furniſhed with a number of fpikes. Book VI.
This machine, dreffed out as if it had really been the
Sect. I.
was feated in his apartment; and when he found his fo-
licitations for money ineffectual, "Apega," he would ſay,
" will perhaps plead more forcibly;" and, raifing up the
figure, cauſed the arms to cling round and prefs the body
of the unhappy delinquent, who generally expired under the
torturing embrace.
Soon
The Romans
nians take
and Macedo-
the field.
alliance with
SOON as the feafon permitted, the two armies haftened
to take the field, and began to move towards Theffaly.
Previous to this meaſure, Flamininus had finiſhed a tranf-
action of confiderable importance. Philip was known to Flamininus
have a powerful intereſt among the Boeotians; they had the Boeotians
hitherto obferved a kind of neutrality, but it was uncer- to enter into
tain how long they might retain the fame pacific appear- him,
ances, and in the prefent fituation of affairs the procon-
ful earneſtly wifhed to engage them, if poffible, to act
decidedly for Rome. The difficulty was, how to effec-
tuate this purpoſe. The arts of perfuafion and intrigue had
been fo repeatedly employed throughout Greece, that their
notoriety hindered their effect; and on the Boeotians, a rough
people, they had already probably been tried in vain. So.
that Flamininus found it neceffary to have recourfe to a
different and unhackneyed ſcheme; and, as the execution
was of a delicate nature, to take the management upon
himſelf. Attalus and the proconful fet out" attended by by what arti-
a ſmall retinue, as on a friendly vifit to Thebes, where the
convention of the Boeotian ſtates was ufually held. The
27 Liv. L. xxxiii. c. 1, 2. Plut. in Flaminino.
fice.
+
t
flenderneſs
"
408
HISTORY OF GREECE
ú
+
Book VI. flenderneſs of the train raifed no alarm, and the Thebans
Sect. I.
opened their gates with an unfufpicious cordiality; their
chief magiſtrate himſelf, to do the greater honour to the
Roman general, and perhaps in the fecret, going forth to
meet him. But fcarcely was he within the walls, when a
body of two thouſand fpearmen, whom the winding of the
hills had hitherto concealed, appeared in fight, and, mixing
with the proconful's attendants, entered the city. Flami-
ninus, nevertheleſs, ftill affected the language of peace;
and, an affembly, having been convened, made it his fuit,
with all the rhetoric of refpectful entreaty, that the Boeo-
tians would be pleaſed to admit him into their friendſhip and
alliance; in ſupport of which, Attalus, the faithful advo-
cate of Rome, fpoke with fuch vehemence, that in the
midſt of his harangue he fell down ſpeechlefs; and, be-
ing immediately conveyed on board his fleet, which failed
for Afia, he foon after expired. But there was, indeed,
little neceffity for argument to convince the Boeotians of the
propriety of a meaſure, which was fupported by two thouſand
men in arms; they readily agreed to all the proćonful's re-
quifitions. This kind of fraud ", we learn from hiſtory,
began
-
28
گه
25 There is, however, good reafon to fufpect, that Flamininus had foon recourſe
to other means, far worſe than even deceit, to fecure the influence he had thus
acquired. Livy (L. xxxiii. c. 27, 28, 29) fhall furnish the account. The The-
bans, a great number of whom, notwithſtanding the low ftate of Philip's fortunes,
(it being foon after his defeat) were ſtill attached ſtrongly to him, had, in oppoſi-
tion to the Roman party, chofen for Boeotarch one Barcillas, in the Macedonian
intereft, and who had lately ferved in the armies of Macedon. By way of retalia-
tion, proper inftruments were employed, and Barcillas was affaffinated. But the
authors of this affaffination having been traced out, it was found, that one of the
chief leaders among the partizans of Rome was the principal perſon concerns
ed; who, upon the diſcovery, immediately fled to Athens, then Flamininus's
t
1
}
place
+
1
ર
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
409
}
began now to be practifed by the Romans. Time was, Book VI.
when they would have ſcorned the acquifition of a victory Sect. 1.
gained at the price of treachery. But, having declined
from their ancient fimplicity, they had loft much" of that
blunt and inartificial courage for which they were remark-
able in their earlier ages. Such, unhappily, has been the
progrefs of manners among all nations, the advancement of
refinement produces the decline of virtue.
30
AFTER fome movements of little confequence, the two
armies advanced 3° from the fouthern parts of Theffaly to-
place of refidence. The character and connexions of the man, the place he fled to, the
protection he found, together with ſome other circumftances, not mentioned by this
hiſtorian, fixed the fufpicions of all Thebes on Flamininus. And fo exaſperated on
account of it, Livy himſelf (ibid. c. 29) confeffes, was the whole Theban nation
againſt all of Roman race, (efferavit ea caedes Thebanos Boeotoſque omnes ad exe-
crabile odium Romanorum) that they murdered every Roman foldier they could
find, and were not to be checked but by the march of a Roman army into
Boeotia.-Polybius (Legat. viii. p. 1103) is yet more particular. The confpira-
tors, he expressly tells us, applied to Flamininus, and communicated their plan
to him he promiſed not to give any hindrance to it, though he was unwilling to
appear himſelf in the buſineſs; but referred them to Alexamenes, a trufty Aeto-
lian in the Roman intereft, in concert with whom they carried the fcheme into
execution. Polybius calls the Boeotarch Brachyllas.
Flamininus afterwards made peace with the Boeotians, by the mediation of
the Achaean ſtates. And, from a circumftance mentioned by Livy (ibid. c. 29)
we may collect, that there was fomething exceedingly pitiable in the cafe of the
Boeotians. The Achaeans refolved, fhould Flamininus not confent to a peace,
to march themfelves to the affiftance of the Boeotians, and join them againſt
Rome (ni impetraffent pacem Boeotis, bellum fimul gerere decreverunt.) No-
thing but the ftrongeſt conviction of the juftice of the Boeotian caufe could have
drawn fuch a declaration from the Achaeans, at this time much fallen from their
independence, and in ftrict connexion with the Roman people.
29 See the fecond and third fections of this book; and ſection the first of book
the ſeventh.
so See Polyb. Excerpt. L. xvii. c. 14 & feq. Liv. L. xxxiii. c. 3 & feq.
Battle of Cy-
nofcephalae.
1
墨
​1
3 G
wards
體
​1
410
}
HISTORY OF GREECE
BOOK VI. wards Scotuffa, a city near the Peneus; the Macedonians,
Sect. I.
in queft of forage; and the Romans, to deprive them of it,
by laying waſte the country. As they had taken different
routes, they had encamped near to each other without know-
ing it, being ſeparated only by a range of hills, called Cyno-
Scephalae "
Philip, uncertain as to the pofition of the
Roman army, had detached a party to the top of the hills,
to reconnoitre, if poffible, the fituation of the enemy; who
unexpectedly fell in with a detachment of Romans, that had
marched with the like defign to diſcover Philip. By reafon
of the hazineſs of the morning, the Macedonians did not
diſcover the Romans till they were within reach of their
weapons, when a fkirmiſh immediately enfued; and each
party, as they happened to be preffed, fending to their re-
ſpective camps for reinforcements, in a fhort time a general
engagement became almoſt unavoidable
Philip averfe
to the en-
gagement;
32
IT appears that Philip, whether under the impreffion
of fome difcouraging omen, as Plutarch 33 feems to think,
or, according to Polybius, difliking the ground, which was
ill-fuited to the operations of his infantry, would have de-
ferred the decifion to fome future day. But the advantage
being at firſt on the fide of the Macedonians, and his. army,
encouraged by the fuccefs of their fellow-foldiers, eagerly fo-
31 The dogs-heads, from the appearance which their ſummits exhibited.
32 OLYMP. cxlv. 3, BEFORE CHRIST 193.
33 Some days before, haranguing his men, he perceived that the place he was
ſpeaking from was burial-ground; which circumftance, having been noticed by
the foldiers, caft a deep gloom over the whole army. As foon as Philip obferved
it, he withdrew. Omens of this kind were fuperftitiouſly attended to by the
antients.
}
liciting
}
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
411
Sect. I.
1:
his army.
addreffes his.
liciting to be led againſt the enemy, he at length yielded to Book VI.
their ardour, and drew up his whole forces, conjuring
them 34, as they paffed, " to fhew themſelves mindful of he addreffes
their anceſtors, and not to permit Macedon, illuftrious by
ſo many glorious atchievements, to bend to the yoke of
Rome." Flamininus, having formed his troops, employed, Flamininus
with no less anxiety, every argument which he ſuppoſed
likely to inſpire the moſt vigorous exertions. He reminded
them, "of their recent conquefts in Italy, in Sicily, in Spain,
in Afric, over nations no way inferior to whatever Macedon
had to boaſt, even in the days of her glory; that thoſe,
with whom they were now to engage, were Macedonians only
in name; not, as the Romans, great by their own exploits; but
deriving whatever diftinction they enjoyed from the remem-
brance of the atchievements of their forefathers, being them-
felves a degenerate race, who with difficulty repelled even the
predatory incurfions of a few neighbouring barbarians ""
THE right wing of the Macedonians had reached the
heights before the enemy, and, having preferved in their
march all that compactneſs and depth, which conſtituted
the ftrength of the Macedonian phalanx, bore down with
their whole weight upon the Romans, now afcending the
hill, who, unable to withſtand the ſhock, gave way on
every fide, and had been totally routed, but for the timely
ſupport of the Aetolian horſe. On the left, the Macedonians
fought not with the fame advantage. They had formed
later than the other wing; and a 'precipitate march, over
35 Juft. ibid.
The victory
doubtful, at
length deci-
five in favour
of Rome.
3+ Juft. L. xxx. C, 4%
3 G 2
$
broken
412
HISTORY OF GREECE
1
1
Book VI. broken ground, had thrown the troops into diſorder. Fla-
Sect. I.
mininus perceiving their fituation, and directing his attack
where their broken lines admitted of an impreffion, with-
out much difficulty completed the confufion; their arms,
which in a great meaſure derived their power of execu-
tion from being interwoven together, and wrought as it
were into one mafs, added to their embarraſſment, becoming,
in the hands of the fingle foldier, unwieldy and almoft ufe-
lefs. Meanwhile, difcomfiture began alfo to reach the right.
wing. A legionary tribune, obſerving that this was the
only part of the Macedonian army which ſtill maintained.
the difpute, wheeled round with a few chofen men, and
made an attack on the rear of the phalanx. Here the Mace-
donians, from their order of battle, were incapable of refift-
ance; for the phalanx could only advance, and the men
were precluded from all power of facing about, by the cloſe-
neſs of their ranks, and the length of their interwoven
fpears". The Romans having opened, therefore, to them-
ſelves a paffage, flaughtered the Macedonians with impunity;
who, finding they could make no refiftance, threw down
their arms, diſperſed, and fled. Philip, who, according to
Polybius, had performed the duties both of the general and
the foldier, feeing the day irretrievably loft, retreated to-
wards Tempe, on his way to Macedon, endeavouring, as
he retired, to collect the ſcattered remains of his army,
more than one half of which had either been made priſoners,
or fallen in the field of battle; but he previouſly diſpatched
meffengers to his head-quarters at Lariffa, with directions
36 See Polyb. L. xvii. c. 25, 26, 27, 28,
to
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
413
to have all his papers deſtroyed. Had they fallen into the Book VI.
hands of the Romans, the confequences might have been Sect. 1.
fatal to his friends, of whom he had ſtill numbers in almoſt
every Grecian ſtate.
tains a truce,
a conference;
THIS victory, important as it was, became yet more con-
fiderable by the effect which it had on the councils of the
Macedonian king, who immediately fent a deputation to Fla- Philip ob-
mininus, defiring a truce for the burial of the dead, and beg-
ging that the proconful would again admit him to a con-
ference. Both theſe requeſts being complied with, the admitted to
Roman general. found little difficulty in adjuſting the preli-
minaries of peace: Philip, now completely humbled, readily fubmits to
accepting even the moſt mortifying conditions; and the fenate,
approving of the plan laid down by Flamininus, he was im-
powered, jointly with ten commiffioners ſent from Rome, to Flamininus
grant a peace to Philip on the following terms 37.
the condi-
tions offered..
grants him a
peace;
"ALL the Greek cities, both in Afia and in Europe, to conditions..
"be free, and reſtored to the enjoyment of their own
<laws 38
661
PHILIP, before the next Ifthmian games, to deliver up
"to the Romans all the Greeks he had in any part of his
"dominions, and to evacuate all the places he poffeffed, ei-
"ther in Greece or in Afia 39
166 To
37 See Polyb. Legat. ix.
Liv. L. xxxiii. c. 30.
38 This article deferves particular notice. From the uſe to which it was after-
wards applied, we fhall fee with what an infidious policy it was thus worded.
39 The cities in Afia were expreſsly mentioned, viz. Euromus, Pedafa, Bargylia,
Jaffus, Abydus, Thafus, Myrina, and Perinthus ; all in Afia, or on the Añatic
coaft.
}
1
1
414
BOOK VI
Sect. I.
Aetolians
oppoſe the
peace; but
are over-rul-
· ed.
HISTORY OF
GREECE
"To give up all priſoners and deſerters.
"To ſurrender all his decked fhips of every kind; five
"ſmall veffels, and his galley of fixteen banks of oars, ex-
cepted 4°.
40
"To pay the Romans a thouſand talents; one half down,
"the reſt at ten equal annual payments.
*6
AND, if we are to believe Livy, "not to exceed five hun-
"dred men in his military eſtabliſhment; not to have an
elephant; and not to make war beyond the confines of
"Macedon, without permiffion from the Roman fenate."-
Theſe three articles, however, Polybius does not mention.
AND, as a ſecurity for the performance of theſe ftipula-
tions, to give hoſtages; his fon Demetrius being one.
THE Aetolians, whofe fervices in the late battle gave
them, they imagined, a right to interfere, warmly oppoſed
the peace.
But Flamininus, already highly offended at
their having appropriated to themſelves too large a propor-
tion of the ſpoils, magifterially over-ruled their objections.
We ſhall fee, of what miſchiefs this difpute was afterwards
productive.
~
coaft. In relation to Cius, Flamininus was to inform the Bithynian king, what
the pleaſure of the fenate was. See Polyb. Legat. ix.
40 This laft, by Livy's own confeffion, was merely a veffel of parade, and pro-
bably left with him. on account of its unwieldy and uſeleſs bulk.-Liv. L. xxxiii.
c. 30.
L
1
PHILIP'S
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
415
3
duct blam-
PHILIP's conduct, on this occafion, does little honour Book VI.
either to his abilities or to his fpirit. Had he, inftead of Sect. 1.
expofing himſelf to a decifive action, at once abandoned Philip's con-
Greece, which, in his preſent ſituation, he could not expect able.
to preferve; had he retired to the ſtrong-holds of Macedon,
and harraffed the Romans by occafional excurfions; had he,
at the fame time, fought new refources, either among the
northern tribes (which he did at laft, when it was too late)
or in the friendſhip of Antiochus, who now began to per-
ceive what he was to expect, when the fate of Macedon
ſhould be determined; he might eaſily have protracted the
war beyond the term of Flamininus's command; and, if he
had not tired out the Romans, might at leaſt have made his
advantage, as formerly, of the imbecillity or inexperience of
the generals fent against him. Even after the fatal blow at
Cynoſcephalae, had not all judgment and refolution forſaken
him, this line of conduct might, in fome meaſure, have
been purfued; but, having loft a battle, which he ought not
to have fought, fubdued by his terrors, he tamely accepted.
of a peace, which he ought rather to have periſhed than have
fubmitted to.
The fubtlety
'councils in
of the Roman
peace to Phi.
It was the policy of the Romans, on this occafion,
artfully to diſguiſe what farther views they had on Macedon;
and, as if folely actuated by a generous concern for the granting
liberties of Greece, to content themſelves with having re- lip.
duced the power of Philip, and obliged him to withdraw
within the antient boundaries of his hereditary kingdom.
Had they at once attempted to deprive him of his crown,
deſpair might have rendered him formidable ; the princes of
Afia, from intereft, if not from affection, might have joined
him.
7
A
416
HISTORY OF GREECE
BOOK VI. him; and even the Greeks themſelves would probably have
Sect. I.
had fufpicions of a defign, which delivered them from one
danger, only to expofe them to a greater.
Flamininus
proceeds to
the fettle-
ment of
Greece;
proclaims
freedom, and
the enjoy-
ment of their
own laws,
to all the
ftates dif
membered
from Ma-
cedon,
AT the fame time, under the fpecious character of aven-
gers of oppreſſed nations, the Romans had an opportunity of
attacking every prince, whom an extent of dominion made
confiderable, until, none remaining to oppofe them, they
might without controul complete their plan of univerfal
empire.
PEACE being thus concluded with Philip, Flamininus,
with the commiffioners, proceeded to arrange the affairs of
Greece, and the fettlement of thoſe cities and countries
which had been diſmembered from Macedon.
THE Ifthmian games were now begun, whither all Greece
had repaired with anxious folicitude for their future deſtiny.
When", at Flamininus's command, an herald with found of
trumpet ſtepped forth, and proclaimed, "The fenate of Rome,
"and the general Titus Quinctius, having vanquished king
Philip and the Macedonians, grant freedom, with immunity
"from all garrifons and taxes, and the enjoyment of their own
""
laws, to the Corinthians, Phocians, Locrians, Euboeans,
"Achaeans of Pthiotis, Magnefians, Theffalians, and Perrhae-
"bians." Many among this vaft multitude had not heard the
proclamation diſtinctly; and even thoſe who did, could ſcarcely
believe it, fo much did it exceed their expectations; numbers,
41 See Polyb. Legat, ix. p. 1108. et feq.
Flaminino.
Liv. L. xxxiii. c. 32, 33-
Plut, in
therefore,
*
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
417
}
numbers, therefore, from every fide calling on the herald Book VI.
had faid, the proclamation was made Se&t. 1.
anfwered with the loudest and moſt
to repeat what he
again; which was
joyful acclamations. The games were no longer attended
to; and the whole affembly crouded around Flamininus,
hailing him their protector and preferver; fome ſtriving
to embrace him, others heaping on him flowers and gar-
lands; fo that, had he not retired within his pavilion, he
had fallen a facrifice to this burst of joyous gratitude. At
the celebration of the Nemaean games, which followed foon
after, and at which Flamininus likewife prefided, the ſame
proclamation was made.
THE ftates mentioned in this decree were thoſe which had
been in fubjection to Macedon. The other Grecian com-
munities, however, had not been forgotten. Flamininus
informed them, what had been refolved upon in favour of
all the faithful allies of Rome. To fome an encreaſe of ter-
ritory was granted. Others were re-eſtabliſhed in thoſe
poffeffions, which had been wreſted from them in the courſe
of the late wars. The Achaeans had Corinth, Heraea, and
Triphylia, reftored to them. Even Pleuratus, an Illyrian
prince, and Amynander king of the Athamanes, who had
aided Flamininus, were rewarded with a portion of Illyri-
cum, and certain caftles, which had lately belonged to Phi-
lip. And the Oreftae, though within the confines of Ma-
cedon, were declared free, as a recompençe for their early re-
volt to the Romans.
To theſe gracious acts were added many others no leſs
pleafing. All the Grecian prifoners of war, in every part
3 H
of
-
with various
grants to the
feveral ſtates
in confede-
racy with the
Romans.
4 18
HISTORY OF GREECE
Acts of fa-
vour to the
Greeks in
general.
of Greece;
1
Book VI. of Philip's dominions, returned to their families. The ex-
Sect. I. iles throughout most of the ſtates in confederacy with Rome
were recalled; Flamininus himſelf employing his good of-
fices to fupprefs faction, and to heal the breaches occa-
fioned by the late civil diſtractions. Roman garriſons ſtill
kept poffeffion of Chalcis, Demetrias, and the citadel of Co-
rinth;
but even theſe he promiſed fhould be withdrawn,
Exceffive joy as foon as it was known what Antiochus defigned. Theſe
conciliating meaſures, which had alfo an additional efficacy
from Flamininus's affability and courteous deportment, united-
the greateſt part of Greece in the intereſts of the Romans; even
the few individuals, who yet doubted the fincerity of Rome,
were cautious, amidſt this general exultation and confidence,
of uttering their fufpicions. So that in their affemblies,
and feſtive meetings, nothing almoft was to be heard but
effufions of gratitude and praiſes of the Roman people:
Regardlefs either of expence or of toil (it was faid);
6.6
66
蛋​届
​they had thus interefted themſelves, merely to obtain
liberty to Greece: that, except the battles of Marathon,.
"of Salamis, of Plataeae, and Thermopylae, with what
"Cimon had atchieved on the banks of the Eurymedon
"and near Cyprus, Greece had fought to no other pur-
pofe but to bring the yoke upon herſelf, and to raife
monuments to her own diſhonour; but theſe ſtrangers,
"of whofe defcent from Grecian anceſtors only a faint tra-
❝dition 4² remained, and from whom neither friendly in-
& C
42
42 It was an old tradition, of which Virgil has made great uſe, that the fouth-
east parts of Italy had heen peopled with colonies from Greece, long before the
foundation of Rome. And no doubt the first inhabitants, if not the foun-
ders, of Rome (See Dion. Italian) were adventurers, and perhaps outcafts from
thefe early establishments.
10
""
terpofition
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
419
1
"terpofition nor even compaffionate regard were to have Book VI.
"been expected, had expofed themſelves to the greateſt Sect. 1.
"dangers, to deliver her from oppreffion."
founded.
In this kind of language, we learn from Polybius, Livy, this joy ill-
and Plutarch, did the Greeks of thofe days fpeak of this
And, which is more extraordinary,
panegyric it is mentioned by theſe
hiftorians
memorable tranfaction.
in the ſame ſtyle of
hiſtorians themſelves. It is certainly a mortifying reflec- Ancient
tion, that theſe writers have not expreffed themſelves in blameable
another manner; and that they, who lived after the final for not fpeak-
cloſe of this illufive profpect, and who therefore muſt have fpecious
known, beyond a poffibility of doubt, for what ends this fpe-
cious appearance of liberty had been granted", had not the
ſpirit to tell pofterity, at the conclufion of this pompous
recital, "Such was the fond dream, that credulous Greece
46
indulged! little did the think, that all this fhew of fa-
"vour was only the prelude to her ruin! and that when
"Rome appeared the kindeft, it was only that ſhe might
"ftrike the more effectually!" — But, ſo juſtly to be dreaded
is the fatal influence of defpotifm. It checks the pen even
of reſpectable hiſtorians ".
44
43 Polybius eſpecially, perfonally experienced the treachery of Rome, and beheld
the liberties of his country expire.
44 Plutarch, however, has thrown in an obfervation, under which there feems
to be couched fomewhat more than he chofe to ſay. Freedom," he tells us,
r was twice proclaimed to Greece, by Flamininus, and afterwards by Nero; and
"by both at Corinth, and at the celebration of the Ifthmian games: with this
difference, that Nero paid Greece the higher compliment; he himſelf announced
"the DECREE OF LIBERTY; Flamininus employed an herald."-What account
ought to be made of the freedom conferred by Nero is well known. Did the
hiftorian mean that we fhould draw a parallel ?
3 H 2
THIS
grant accord-
ing to it's
true value.
420
HISTORY OF GREECE
BOOK VI.
Sect. 1.
Policy of
Rome in this
dom to the
Grecian
tribes.
THIS tranfaction, however, fhews in the ftrongest light
the confummate artifice of Rome. She meditated the fub-
jection of Greece. But, while Antiochus was warlike and en-
grant of free- terprifing; while Macedon was not yet enflaved; and hum-
bled Carthage ſtill exifted; the attempt had been dangerous.
Greece, befides, was weak only from difunion; and, if once
united at home, an effect which fuch an attempt would
probably have produced, they might have proved again formi-
dable. As the Romans, therefore, had with fo much fuc-
cefs employed their policy in keeping Macedon disjoined
from Hannibal, Antiochus from Philip, and. Greece from
Macedon; fo was the fame policy now to be employed
in difuniting the feveral Grecian ſtates, not only from the
great powers of Afia and Europe, but likewiſe from each.
other. And in no way could this be done fo effectually,
as by the renovation of their antient laws and govern-
ment. Each ſtate having it's own laws, each it's peculiar -
form of government, each a diftinct and independent fove-
reignty, they would all naturally be engaged in the fame-
proud pretenfions, the fame jealoufies and contefts, which
had animated them before; and, by affording to. the Roman
fenate opportunities of interfering as arbiters in their dif-.
ferences, or as redreffers of their wrongs, gradually and im-
perceptibly reduce Greece to that vaffalage, which that artful
people had in view. Befides, liberty was the darling object of:
the Grecian ftates; they had often been led away even by
.the name; and the reſtoration of their liberties,, though.
but in appearance, gave the Romans a wonderful influence,,
eſpecially over the multitude; who, provided they enjoyed
their rights of fuffrage, the debates of their orators, and
the bustle of their public affemblies, imagined themfelves
bleſt with all that liberty has moſt valuable.
'
IN
-
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
421
45
In this general tranſport of joy the Aetolians, however,
took no ſhare ". Diſcontented, that, in contempt of their
repreſentations, a peace ſhould have been granted to Philip;
and high in their refentment againſt Flamininus,, who had
not treated them, they conceived,, as a free people, and a
faithful and brave confederate deferved, they in revenge ac-
cuſed the Roman of having fold the peace to Macedon; they
charged him with ingratitude to a people, to whofe valour he
owed the victory, and with affuming to himſelf a reputa-
tion he did not deferve. They accuſed him alſo with a want of
perfonal courage; "Whilft I was engaged with the enemy,"
it was the common vaunt of every Aetolian," Flamininus
"was at his prayers";" they even charged the Romans
with perfidious defigns, and the Greeks with folly in be-
lieving their profeffions: They boaſt of having beſtowed
"freedom on Greece, by fetting at liberty ſome diſtant and
"inconfiderable places, whilft your principal and moſt
"6
1
·
important cities,. Demetrias, Chalcis, Corinth, are gar-
"riſoned by their troops; they have. unfettered the legs,
" and fixed their yoke upon the neck." This last accu-
fation, particularly, gave Flamininus much pain, becauſe it
was but too well founded.. The commiffioners had in fact
propoſed, that the Romans fhould retain theſe ſtrong holds
as pledges of the fidelity of Greece; and it was only in
confequence of the apprehenfions excited throughout the
Grecian ftates,, by the murmurings of the Aetolians, that
the proconful. at. laft evacuated them. It certainly had
been eafy for Flamininus to have regained the affections of
43 See Polyb. Legat. vi. Liv. L. xxxiii. c. 31. Plutarch. in Flaminino..
44 Plutarch. in parallel. Philop, et Flamin.
Book VI.
Sect. I.
Murmurs of
the Aetoli- -
ans.
this.
422
HISTORY OF GREECE
-
Book VI. this brave people, whom on the contrary he endeavoured
Sect. I.
rather to exaſperate, by ſtudied flights, and rejecting claims
to which they apparently had a juft right. But the pride
of the Roman would not bend to fuch conciliating mea-
fures. And perhaps it was more agreeable to the views of
Rome, that ſome ſparks of difaffection ſhould remain, from
which, at a convenient feaſon, the flame of war might be
re-kindled.
Flamininus
propoſes to
make war
on Nabis,
in order to
difpofiefs him
of Argos.
મ
THE Aetolians had foon an opportunity of manifefting
their difcontent. Nabis" ftill kept poffeffion of Argos;
and, as fovereign of Sparta, was alſo maſter of a number
of fea-ports, and particularly of Gythium, a place of great
ſtrength on the Cretan fea, and the moſt confiderable harbour
in the fouthern part of Peloponnefus. Flamininus thought
it dangerous, that fo confiderable a fhare of power ſhould
remain in the hands of a tyrant, on whofe faith he could
place no dependence; and was befides willing to gratify
the Achaeans, who had a natural jealouſy of Sparta, by
the recovery of Argos, formerly one of their focial cities.
Having accordingly affembled the confederate ſtates at Co-
rinth, he propoſed to attack the tyrant, and difpoffefs him
of Argos; obſerving, "that this was a matter which re-
"lated immediately to themſelves, and in which he had
"no other concern, than as a friend to their liberties and
"welfare; but that it became them to confider, whether
"to have fo ancient a city in flavery, in the heart of
"Greece, was not of pernicious example, as well as re-
proachful to them all; and whether therefore they ought
*
47 Liv. L. xxxiv. c. zz & feq.
not
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
423
Sect. I.
ans object
charge Fla-
mininus with
views;
"not to reſtore it to the enjoyment of rights, which other Book VI.
"Grecian ſtates enjoyed, rather than fuffer it to remain
"in bondage under a tyrant. He closed his fpeech by
"telling them, that whatever the majority ſhould decree,
"he was ready, to execute." The Aetolians with great The Aetoli
eagerneſs laid hold of this occafion to inveigh againſt the to it, and
Romans, "who manifefted," ſaid they, "the fincerity of
"their concern for the rights of Greece by the partial infidious
" and nominal liberty they had proclaimed: that it was
"abfurd to talk of a new war, in order to obtain Argos
"for the Achaeans, whilft the Aetolians were deprived of
thoſe cities, which they were to have poffeffed by ex-
prefs ftipulation, and which the Romans themſelves
"with-held from them: that, what the Romans really had
" in view, was to perpetuate war in Greece; Nabis was
now the pretence, another would foon arife, until that
❝ ambitious people had fo effectually eſtabliſhed themſelves,
"that their difpoffeffion would baffle the united powers
" of Greece."
64
66
THESE repreſentations, however juftly founded, were heard
impatiently by all the other ſtates: the Aetolians were not
beloved; and the attack upon the tyrant was popular. So
that, the war being refolved on by the unanimous fuffrages
of the whole affembly, the Aetolians excepted, the armies
immediately took the field, and, after a fruitleſs attempt on
Argos, advanced, by Flamininus's advice, towards Sparta,
where Nabis kept his head-quarters, where his moſt valu-
able poffeffions lay, and where, of courſe, whatever im-
preffion they made would have the greater effect..
NABIS
the other
ftates ap-
prove of the
Nabis, and
join Flami-
ninus.
Grecian
attack upon
424
HISTORY OF GREECE
}
BOOK VI.
Sect. I.
Nabis re-
proaches
Flamininus
with dupli-
sity.
NABIS was aftoniſhed at feeing the Romans turn their
arms againſt him. "You Romans," faid he, in a confe-
rence with the proconful, "received me into your alliance;
"how have I deferved to forfeit it? You talk of Argos;
« but Argos was already mine, by the voluntary ceffion.
of the king of Macedon, when I entered into an alliance
❝ with you; and my holding it at that time was not made
& 6
6 $
a ground of objection. Or is it becauſe I am, as you
pretend, a tyrant, and guilty of lawleſs deeds? But was
"I lefs a tyrant, or lefs criminal, at the very time this
<< alliance was made?”
.CE
66
48
IN cafes of this kind, the ſtrongeſt are always the beſt
reafoners. "The alledged treaty," the Roman unbluſhingly
replied, was altogether null from the beginning: he was
a tyrant, and with tyrants Rome could not conſtitution-
ally have connection "." Nabis, the moſt perfidious of
men, well deſerved this perfidious anſwer. He had even
then, in providing means for his defence, been guilty of
new cruelties 49. He had arreſted eighty of the principal
citizens of Sparta, that they might not be expoſed, he ſaid,
to fufpicion, during the invaſion; promifing that, as ſoon as
peace was restored, they fhould be releafed; but the en-
fuing night they were every one murdered. Their eftates
and wives he beſtowed on fome of the most favoured
profligates, of which his army was compofed. And, pre-
tending that the Helotae " favoured the
favoured the enemy, he put
many thouſands of them to the fword.
48 Liv. L. xxxiv. c. 33.
50
49 Liv. L. xxxiv. c. 27.
so The flaves employed in tillage, who had their fettlements throughout the
country of Laconia.
MEANWHILE
1
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
425
Sect. 1.
The war
againſt Nabis
is carried on
with vigour.
MEANWHILE, Flamininus and his confederates made the Book VI.
moſt vigorous exertion. The Roman fleet, together with
the fleets of Pergamus and the Rhodians, had taken or block-
ed
up all the fea-ports belonging to the tyrant; and even
Gythium, though at firſt obftinately defended, at laſt fur-
rendered. By land, the army, after reducing all the places
áround, had laid fiege to Sparta. Philopoemen, who com-
manded the Achaeans, had, in the courſe of theſe operations,
diſtinguiſhed himſelf in an extraordinary manner. Befides
the particular intereft the Achaeans had in the fuccefs of this
war, and his perſonal hatred of Nabis, he was actuated by
another powerful confideration, "his defire of fhewing the
Romans, that the Greeks were not inferior to them in mi-
litary prowess." It appears, that this brave man could not,
without indignation, behold his country dependent on fo-
reign councils; and, equally an enemy to every power that
meant to inflave Greece, was, on all occafions, as earneſt to
vindicate her liberties againſt Rome, as he had been againſt
Macedon.
reduced to
great ſtraits,
conceffions;
confederates
NABIS, who had been obliged to retire into Sparta, now The tyrant,
offered not only to cede Argos, but alſo to make other large
conceffions; but the confederates declared againſt peace with offers large
him on any terms. They infifted on the deliverance of
Sparta; and that he ſhould be expelled from Peloponnefus, the Greek
which could never otherwiſe hope for permanent tranquil- reject his
lity. Flamininus, nevertheleſs, under various pretences, op-
pofed the continuance of the war; and at laſt, when Sparta Flamininus
appeared on the point of being taken, and even Argos, by treaty with
an inſurrection of its citizens, had been forced out of the him:
tyrant's
3 I
advances.
concludes a
'
426
HISTORY OF GREECE
1
跬
​Sect. I.
Book VI. tyrant's hands, concluded a treaty with the man to whom,
when it ſerved his purpoſe, he had made this haughty reply
Rome can form no treaty with a tyrant..
the abfurdity.
of this mea-
fure &
WHAT makes this ftep appear the more extraordinary is,
and injuftice that Agefipolis ", confeffedly lawful heir to the throne of
Sparta, whom the tyrant Lycurgus had expelled, was at this.
very time in the Roman camp, together with a number of
Spartan exiles; who, under the protection of Rome, now
expected to be restored to their country; and whofe inte-
refts were all facrificed on this occafion. The treaty does
not even make mention of them, one article excepted, which
ſeems rather a cruel mockery, than a clauſe in favour of friends
and allies. It was ftipulated, that the wives of the Spartan
exiles (the richeſt of whom, however, Nabis had already
difpofed of among his mercenaries) ſhould have permiffion
to join their huſbands, if they chofe it. The chief of the
other articles were, that the tyrant fhould have no fortified
places; that he ſhould furrender all his ſhips; and pay a cer-
tain fum to the Romans.
the reafons
alledged by
hiftorians for
Flamininus's
conduct :
IT
<<
It appears, from the pains taken by antient hiftorians to
account for this tranfaction, that it expofed Flamininus to
much cenfure. Nabis," they tell us, "could not have
"been deſtroyed, without involving the Spartans in fevere
"calamities. To fpare them, Flamininus was obliged tq.
5 It appears from Polybius (Legat. xlix.) that this unhappy prince was after-
wards fent on an embaffy to Rome from the Spartan exiles, and, having in his paſ--
fage thither fallen in with pirates, was flain by them.
A
$
66
fpare
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
427
ſpare the tyrant.-Lacedemon, befides, was in a condition" Book VI.
to ſtand a long fiege; and Antiochus was preparing to in- Sect. 1.
"vade Greece: the confequences might have been fatal,
"had he found Nabis in arms, and effected a junction with
him.-Winter alfo was approaching, and the army had
"not the neceffary provifions for remaining in the field
during that inclement feafon "3"
66
THESE arguments Flamininus is faid to have advanced in
his juftificatión.
The laſt argument, efpecially, he em-
ployed with great art. The Greek confederates were earneft
for continuing the war;
"which it had been better," they
faid, "not to have commenced, if the tyrant is not to be
. cruſhed."
"I I am content "," replied the Roman,
"let us then proſecute the war: but, we ſhall want a large
"reinforcement of troops, and a number of expenfive ma-
chines; fufficient ſtores muſt alſo be provided, and ample
proviſion made for the fupport and convenience of the
army, without which it will be impoffible for them to
"fuftain the rigours of a winter fiege. Write, therefore,
"to your reſpective ſtates, and know what proportion of
men, money, and provifions, they are willing to furniſh
on this occafion."-He knew what their anſwer would be.
Low in their finances at beſt, theſe republicans had alſo been
exhauſted by the repeated wars they had been engaged in.
<<
66
52 Lacedaemon, nevertheless, was walled only in part, and, juft before the peace
granted to Nabis, had been on the point of being taken by form, the confederate
troops having carried part of the town by affault; fo that the befieged were under
the neceffity of fetting fire to a quarter of the city, in order to dislodge them.
53 Liv. L. xxxiv. c. 33.
54 Liv. ibid. c. 34.
the artifice
lence his
Greek con-
federates;
uſed to fi-
312
It
428
GREECE
HISTORY OF
Book VI. It was therefore left entirely to his determination, either to
Sect. 1. urge or put an end to the war.
his principal
adopting
fuch a mea-
fure.
BESIDES the reaſons here alledged, there were other mo-
motives, pro- tives, as we are informed, which he did not chooſe to
bably, for
mention his fear of being fupplanted by a fucceffor; and;
what Plutarch " thinks made the deepest impreffion on his
mind, a jealoufy of Philopoemen. It is certain, that this
Grecian commander was generally looked upon as the hero
of this war; he was placed on a footing of equality by
the moſt zealous of Flamininus's friends; and it mortified
the Roman exceedingly, that the exploits of an Arcadian,
who had only commanded in ſome inconfiderable diſputes on
the confines of his own country, fhould,. in the eſtimation of
Greece, be raiſed to an equality with his own atchievements.
Perhaps he confidered alſo, that the Spartans, if now relieved
from the tyrant's yoke, might not only become again formi--
dable, but be apt to afcribe their deliverance to the Achaeans
and their general; whilft Achaia, from ſuch a revolution, might
probably derive a larger ſhare of power, than it was the intereft
or the intention of Rome ſhe ſhould poffefs. In continuing
Nabis on the Spartan throne, Flamininus acted, therefore,
according to the customary policy of Rome: he prevented
Sparta's rifing from her prefent debaſement, while he left
ample matter of anger and conteſt among the feveral Pelo-
ponnefian ſtates; and thus prepared a plentiful harveſt for
Rome's ambitious arms.
-Flamininus
returns to
Rome:
FLAMININUS returned foon after to Rome; and, to the
fatisfaction of all Greece, withdrew, as he had promif-
great
55 In Flaminino.
ed,
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
429
ed, all the Roman garrifons. From this, however, it may
be ſuſpected, that his fears of Antiochus, which he pleaded
in excufe for the peace with Nabis, were not ſo ſtrong as he
had pretended: had he really thought that Antiochus was
on the point of invading Greece, it can hardly be fup-
pofed, that he would have left the country ungarriſoned.
66
Book VI.
Sect. 1.
I.
freedom of
Greece.
BEFORE his departure, he made it his requeſt to the feve- obtains the
ral Grecian ſtates, as the moſt acceptable return he could the Romans,
receive from them, to grant him the freedom of all Roman flaves in
flaves. Theſe prifoners had been taken in the war with
Hannibal, and fold by the Carthaginians: "It were a re-
proach to the Greeks," he added, "fhould any Roman
" want liberty in a country that owed its liberty to Rome "."
-A requeſt highly to his honour! and which was chear-
fully complied with; each ſtate ranſoming, at the public
expence, whatever Romans were found in flavery within their
territories. Among the Achaeans only, Livy informs us,
twelve hundred were found, whoſe ranſom, at five minae a
man amounted to one hundred talents 58
57
How many of theſe wretched men muſt there have been
in Greece, when in fo fmall a part of it were found fo great
a number!
}
56 Liv. L. xxxiv. c. 50.
37 £. 16. 23. 11d.
58 £.19,375.
BOOK
£
430
HISTORY OF GREECE
^
1
¿
во о K
SECTION II.
VI.
Book VI.
Sect. 2.
CONTENT S.
Antiochus king of Syria-his profperity-the Romans, jealous of
his power, feek to reduce it-which he refents-refolves, to at-
tack the Romans-enters into alliance with the Aetolians-in-
vades Greece—meets the Romans in battle-is defeated at Ther-
mopylae-and afterwards at Magnefia.-The Romans turn
their arms against the Aetolians-compel them to fubmit to
what conditions they are pleafed to impofe-Achaia and Mace-
don active in behalf of Rome.-The treacherous manner in
which the Romans requite their fervices. Rome endea-
vours to break the ftrength of the commonwealth of Achaia,
by feducing it's confederate ftates-by the intrigues of Roman
emiffaries, a party of Meſſenians take up arms againſt the
Achaeans-Philopoemen haftens to fuppress the infurgents-
falls into their hands-is put to death-Flamininus ſuſpect-
ed of having encouraged this flagitious action-grounds for
this fufpicion.-Flamininus's conduct to Cato.
TH
HE humiliation of Antiochus was the object Rome
had next in view. The magnificence of his court;
Antiochus the intimate connection he had formed with Egypt, on
obnoxious to whofe young king he had juſt beſtowed his daughter in
the Romans.
5
marriage;
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
431
tion.
marriage; the reports diffeminated of his immenfe treaſures, Book VI.
Sect. 2.
numerous armies, and all the formidable apparatus of war;
gave this prince a reputation for power far beyond what
he really poffeffed. He was, befides, high in fame for po- his reputa-
litical wisdom and martial abilities. By his vigorous con-
duct he had extinguiſhed a dangerous rebellion, fomented
by his own minifters, in the heart of his dominions; and
he had reſtored peace to the eaſtern provinces of his em-
pire, which, during the three laſt reigns, had been involved
in a ſtate of the utmoſt confufion. He had alſo at this
period vifited the coafts of the Hellefpont, formerly ſub-
ject to the kings of Syria; he had even pafſſed over in-
to Thrace, where he had likewife claims; and he was
preparing to raiſe from it's ruins Lyfimachia, antiently the
royal city of Lyfimachus, in order to make it again the
feat of government in thoſe countries.
THESE fpirited exertions of a prince, who feemed well
able to fupport his pretenfions to countries which the Ro-
mans had already marked as their own, roufed and ftimu-
lated their ambitious jealoufy. As long, however, as the
fate of Greece and Macedon was doubtful, they had con-
cealed their views, and great care had been taken to keep
up a friendly intercourfe with Antiochus. Of this we have
a remarkable inftance from Livy *. At the beginning of
the ſecond Macedonian war, Attalus, then with the conful
in Greece, complained to the Roman fenate that Antiochus
had attacked his frontiers; and applied for fuccours againſt
the invader it was anſwered, "that Antiochus, as well
3 • L. xxxii. c. 8.
Romans dif-
femble with
him during
the Macedo-
nian war.
65 as
1
1
A
432
HISTORY
OF
GREECE
· Book VI. " as Attalus, was the ally of Rome; that the Romans
Sect. 2.
"could not employ their arms in favour of one ally
"against another; but that they would fend embaffadors
"to Antiochus, to reprefent that Attalus was engaged in
"their ſervice, and would eſteem it a kindneſs done to
Different be-
haviour after
feat;
-C c
them, if the Syrian monarch would withdraw from his
"territories :" with which requeſt Antiochus accordingly
complied.
<<
Now, however, they ſpoke in a very different tone. No
Philip's de- fooner was peace concluded with Philip, than it was noti-
fied to the embaffadors of Antiochus, who then attended
Flamininus," that, by the treaty with Macedon, the Gre-
"cian cities, in Afia as well as Europe, had been declared
"free³; that Rome expected their mafter would conform
"to that declaration;" and farther, " that henceforth Afia
"was to be the boundary of his dominions, and any at-
tempt to make a fettlement in Europe would be con-
"fidered by Rome as an act of hoftility." The fame no-
tification was afterwards repeatedly made to him in perſon,
by commiffioners deputed for the purpoſe. In vain was
it alledged by the king and his minifters", "that he had
nothing in common with Philip or his fortunes, and
was not therefore intereſted in the ftipulations to which
he had agreed; that the poffeffions he held in Afia
"and Europe he inherited from his anceſtors; and, as it
"did not concern him, in what manner the Romans
"dealt with the cities of Italy, to the liberties of which,
though of Grecian origin, Rome paid little regard, his
his refent-
ment.
ce
66
- Liv. L. xxxiii. c. 34.
3 See Section the first of this book.
L. xxxiii. c. 39, 40. et L. xxxv. c. 16.
• See Liv
treatment
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
433
瓤
​** treatment of the Afiatic cities did not appear to him at
"all a Roman concern." The requifition nevertheleſs was
peremptorily infifted upon. And though he fent embaf-
fadors to remonftrate with the fenate, he found it impof-
fible to obtain any mitigation of the imperious mandate.
Book VI.
Sect. 2.
We have in this place a fresh opportunity of admiring The deep po
licy of the
the profound policy of the Roman councils.
A method Roman coun-
of injury, more effectual than the prefent, could not have cils.
been deviſed againſt Antiochus. The greater part of the cities-
of the lower Afia had in ſome ſhape or other availed them-
felves of the weak or turbulent reigns of the late Syrian
kings: many of them had affumed an independent fove-
reignty; fome had extended their territories at the expence
of the provinces around them; new ſtates had even fprung
up amidſt the confufion of the times, and rifen to a con-
fiderable degree of ftrength and independence. All theſe
ſtates were with good reafon apprehenfive, that Antiochus
would ſeize the first opportunity of recovering what had
been loft by the fault or misfortune of his anceſtors. But
by the public declaration of the Romans in favour of the
Grecian coloniſts (to which denomination the inhabitants
of theſe cities had a claim) they were not only confirmed
in their defection, but became fixed in the interefts of
Rome. In her caufe, of confequence, the cauſe of all the
Afiatic Greeks feemed neceffarily to be involved: whilſt
Antiochus, in the midſt of his own dominions, faw him-
felf encompaffed with jealous ſtates or declared adverſaries.
MUCH art had at the fame time been employed to fill
Italy with apprehenfions of mighty danger from Antio-
3 K
chus ;
2
1
провед
La
5
434
Book VI.
Sect. 2.
Alarming
apprehen-
fions of the
defigns of
Antiochus
propagated
over Italy.
Hannibal
and the Ae-
tolians incite
Antiochus
to war;
chus
66
HISTORY OF GREECE
"his forces were already collected, and he was to
appear immediately on their coafts;" while the feveral
commiffioners, in their return from Afia, laboured to con-
firm this belief, by their pompous accounts of his alarm-
ing preparations, and by afferting that all was in readineſs
for the invaſion of the Roman territories. This never-
thelefs was the tale of artifice, and the contrivance of the
Roman chiefs, in order to deceive the Plebeians; who,
tired of wars, (which, adminiftring only to the ambition and
infolence of the Patricians, afforded the people nothing but
bloodſhed and toil) had ftrenuouſly oppofed the laſt expedi-
tion into Greece'; and it was expected would more ſtrongly
refift the launching into the vaft and feemingly boundleſs.
tracts of Afia. It is, in fact, plain, from the unprovided
condition in which the war found Antiochus, that, what-
ever hoftile purpofes he may be fuppofed to have medi-
tated againſt Rome, they were not yet ripe for execution.
He even ſeems, from the train of negociation he entered
into, and the inftructions to his embaffadors at Rome, evi-
dently' to have wifhed for peace, and, in order to obtain
it, to have been inclined to make large conceffions; could
any thing less than the unjuft humiliation of the crown
of Syria have fatisfied Roman ambition..
•
He foon after, however, abandoned all thoughts of ac-
commodation. Hannibal, the fworn enemy of Rome, upon
the firſt tidings of his meditating a war againſt the Romans,
made his eſcape from Carthage to the Syrian court, and
urged him to arms. The Aetolians' alfo earnestly foli-
{
1
* See Liv. L. xxxiii. c. 44. et L. xxxv. c. 23.
2 See Liv. L. xxxiv. c. 58, 59.
}
• See Liv. L. xxxi. c. 6..
* Liv. L. xxxv. C. 22,
cited
1
1
I
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
435
1
9
their differ-
ent plans,
cited him to come, and vindicate the caufe of Greece, Book VI,
Sect. 2.
“enthralled,” ſaid they, "more than ever, notwithſtanding
"the fpecious grant of liberty Rome had mocked her with."
Hannibal warmly recommended the invaſion of Italy, where
alone, he affirmed, the Romans were vulnerable; and with
a body of only eleven thouſand land-forces 2°, and a fuita-
able naval equipment, he offered to make a defcent, and to
carry the war into the heart of the country; provided An-
tiochus ſhould appear at the fame time at the head of a
powerful army on the weſtern coast of Greece, and make
a fhew of preparing for an invaſion from that quarter; that
the Romans, perplexed by a variety of dangers, might
find it the more difficult to obftruct his operations.
Antiochus
adopts the
plan of the
Aetolians.
•
the Aetoli-
ans;
NOTWITHSTANDING the plaufibility of this idea, a nar-
row jealouſy "prevented Antiochus from adopting a plan
of operations, of which another was to have the direction;
and, if ſucceſsful, would inherit the largeſt ſhare of the
glory. He chofe
He chofe rather to liften to the Aetolians, who
told him ", if Greece was made the feat of war, a general Promifes of
infurrection would immediately take place; that not only
Theffaly and Euboea, but Nabis, the Achaeans, and even
Philip himſelf, waited impatiently for an opportunity of
declaring againſt the Romans; and that, the inftant he en-
tered the Grecian frontiers, he ſhould have ample ſup-
plies of men and money pouring in from every quarter.
'To theſe affurances, Antiochus liftened with a fond attention; and of Ane
and entertained them, in return, with exaggerated accounts
9 Liv. L. xxxiv. c. 60.
** Liv. L.id, c. 42, 43.
10 Ten thouſand, fays Appian (de bello Syr.) p. 147.
12 Liv, L. xxxv, c. 12, 18.
tiochus:
3 K 2
of
1
436
HISTORY OF GREECE
Book VI. of the mighty armaments he had in readineſs; his fleets
Sect. 2. were to cover the Hellefpont, and numerous nations from
every part of Afia were already on their march, before
whom the Romans would not dare to appear.
ill-fupported
by them
both:
the Achaeans
and Philip
refuſe to join
them.
13
THE amount of theſe mutual promiſes and boafted power-
When Antiochus entered Greece, the
was foon "3 diſcovered.
utmoſt force he could mufter was ten thouſand foot, five.
hundred horſe, and fix elephants; for the ſupport alſo of
which, he informed his confederates of Aetolia they were to
provide. Of the Grecian ftates, the Aetolians had influence
to bring over to their party none but the Spartan tyrant,
the Acarnanians, with the city of Demetrias in Theffaly;
of which they had even acquired poffeffion by the treachery
of one of it's citizens. The Achaeans, at the fame time,.
were, from principle, particularly adverſe to any cauſe eſpouſed
by Nabis and the Aetolians. And Philip, befides his dread
of the Roman arms, and the confideration that his fon De--
metrius, with many of his nobles, were then hoſtages at:
Rome, had ſtrong reafons to complain of the conduct of
Antiochus. Indifferent to Philip's fate, that prince, during
the late diſaſtrous war, had not only left him unaffiſted, but,
taking advantage of his fituation, had afterwards attempt-
ed an eſtabliſhment on the Thracian Cherfonefe, where
Philip's pretenfions were at least equally ftrong, and where
he now faw with indignation, a rival kingdom rifing on the
confines of Macedon.
-
M
13 Liv. L. xxxv. C. 43, 44,
A SUDDEN
FROM THE ACCESSION 437
•
OF ALEXANDER.
1
14
in Sparta;
A SUDDEN revolution had entirely changed the face of Book VI.
affairs in Sparta ". The Spartan tyrant, upon the profpect Sect. 2.
of being joined by the Aetolians and Antiochus, had taken Revolution
up arms, and laid fiege to Gythium, then held by an Achaean
garriſon for the Romans: and he had even defeated, in a na-
val combat, Philopoemen, then at the head of the common-
wealth of Achaia; who,, though highly jealous of the in-
fluence the Romans had obtained in Greece, gladly laid hold
of an opportunity of making war on the infamous Nabis,
and immediately haftened to the affiftance of the Gythian
garrifon. Philopoemen was not expert in naval. affairs, and,
in his precipitate zeal, he had put to fea with ſuch ſhips as
were ready; most of them. old and unfit for fervice. Na-
bis, fenfible of the advantage, attacked him without delay,
deſtroyed his fleet, he himſelf narrowly eſcaping; and, in
confequence of this victory, Gythium foon furrendered to the
Spartans. This diſcomfiture did not, however, difconcert
Philopoemen. He was foon in a condition to proſecute
the war by land; and having, by his judicious conduct,
obtained two victories over the tyrant, obliged him to re-
tire towards Sparta, and to provide for the defence of his
capital. Nabis, held in deteftation at home, could ill
maintain himſelf againſt enemies abroad; and the Aetolians,
beginning to fear that Sparta muft, in the end, fall into
the hands of the Achaeans, diſpatched Alexamenus with a
thousand men, under colour of fuccouring Nabis, but with
fecret inftructions to deftroy the tyrant, as foon as an oppor-
tunity offered, and to make himſelf maſter of Sparta.
34 See Liv. L. xxxv. c. 25, 30, 35, 36. & Plut. in Philopoem.
The
mifconduct
X
438
1
HISTORY OF GREECE
BOOK VI. mifconduct of the Aetolian commander rendered the fcheme
Sect. 2. abortive. Soon after his arrival, under the pretence of
Nabis flain. getting Nabis to review the auxiliary troops, he drew him
afide from his guards, and put him to death; but, inſtead
of proclaiming himſelf the vindicator of the Spartan peo-
ple, and engaging their confidence, he employed himſelf and
his Aetolians in plundering the city. The citizens, rouſed
to the Achae- to indignation and refiftance, attacked theſe treacherous in-
vaders, and Alexamenus, with moſt of his men, fell in the
tumultuary combat. During the confufion, Philopoemen
appeared before their gates, and invited them to accede to
the Achaean confederacy; they accepted his invitation, and
were incorporated into the commonwealth of Achaia.
'T'he Spar-
tans accede
an league.
Vigour of the
Romans;
their fleets
and armies
MEANWHILE, the Romans haftened to improve the fa-
vourable opportunity, which the unhappy policy of the
Syrian king and his Grecian confederates preſented to them.
Their object was the fubjection of Antiochus; and he was
delivering himſelf into their hands. A firm union in Greece
might have baffled the Roman defigns; but the Aetolians
were again diſtracting that country by their infatuated
councils. To take advantage of this fituation of affairs, the
diſpatched to praetor Baebius was diſpatched into Theffaly; two fleets
were ordered to be fitted out, the one for Sicily, the other
Embafly of for Greece; and Quintius Flamininus, from whofe influ-
Flamininus; ence among the Grecian ſtates much was expected, had
orders, together with three other commiffioners, to vifit
the principal cities, and prevent their defection from the
intereſts of Rome. It was in the courſe of this ſervice,
that he made the memorable reply to the embaffadors of
Greece.
2
Antiochus,
༥
A
J
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
439
1
He Book VI.
Antiochus, as recorded by hiflorians of thofe times "5
met them in the Achaean diet,' whither they had come to Sect. 2.
folicit an alliance with their maſter, "who," ſaid they,
"zealous for the liberties of Greece, waited not until his
"forces were all affembled, but would be followed by nume-
66
rous armies from every province of his empire, the Dahae,
"the Medes, the Caddufians, the Elymaeans, from the
"ſtroke of whofe weapons there was no efcaping.”
"This pompous detail," anſwered Flamininus," reminds
"me
""
66
the embaffa-
his anfwer to
me of an entertainment, to which I was once invited dors of Anti-
by a certain Grecian hoft; though in fummer, the table ochus.
"was covered with wild fowl and venifon of every fpe-
"cies, and all excellent in their kinds; amazed, I enqui-
"ed how, at that ſeaſon of the year, he could be ſupplied
"with fuch a variety of delicacies. Be not furprized,
my friend," replied the honeft Greek; "what you ſee
is all fwine's flesh; the art of the cook
various forms and flavours. you admire. In like manner
"are you to judge of the various nations which have now
"been mentioned. Whatever different appellations the
"fkill of the orator has beftowed on them, they are in
"fact one people; all abject Syrians, ftrangers themſelves
"to liberty, and therefore little capable of vindicating the
* liberties of others.'
"
>>
has given it the
THE Romans, indeed, had little to fear from An-
tiochus. Unable, from the flender force he had brought
into the field, to exert himſelf vigorously, and de-
pending for the maintenance of his troops on the money
15 Liv. L. xxxv. c. 48, 49.
Imprudent
conduct of
Antiochus ;
and
1
440
HISTORY OF GREECE
Sect. 2.
BOOK VI. and provifions which the Aetolians could fupply, his pro-
greſs muſt have been inconfiderable, had he even found no
enemy to oppoſe him. The acquifition of the principal cities
of Euboea, and a few towns in Theffaly, and the gaining
over of Amynander, the petty king of the Athamanes, to his
intereſt, were all the exploits he had to boast of. But,
befides the difficulties which arofe from his fituation, his
own conduct was, in many refpects, feeble and ill-judged.
His wifeſt plan had been, a reconciliation with the king of
Macedon; and Hannibal earneſtly recommended this mea-
fure; but, on the contrary, he provoked Philip by new
indignities. He fet up againſt him a pretender to his
crown", one of the fame name, faid to be defcended from
the antient kings of Macedon, whoſe fifter was wife to the
king of the Athamanes; and, that he might eſtabliſh
this adventurer in the affections of the Macedonian people,
as well as to infult Philip, he fent him to Cynofcephalae,
to inter the bones of thoſe Macedonians " who had fallen
in the battle; which pious act Philip, in the midſt of his
embarraſſments and diſtreſs, had hitherto neglected to per-
But, what was moſt prejudicial to the affairs of An-
tiochus, was his diffipation at Chalcis. At his firft arrival in
Greece, he endeavoured to make himſelf maſter of that city,
and failed; but, by means of an underſtanding between him
and a party of the citizens, he had carried it upon a ſecond
attempt. Inſtead, however, of making a proper uſe of this
important acquifition, he abandoned himſelf " to the purſuit
of a filly amour. Though upwards of fifty, he married a
his diffipa-
tion at Chal-
cis ;
form.
16 Liv. L. xxxv. C.47•
17 Liv. L. xxxvi. g. 8.
* Liv. ibid. c. 11.
maiden
+
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
441*
maiden under twenty, the daughter of his hoft: and, in the Book VI.
feftivities of this unfeafonable and ill-fuited match, he Sect. 2.
wafted that time which his public affairs demanded; his
whole army following his example in unwarrantable and ill-
timed indulgences.
19
,
the conful
Acilius ad-
vances agains
him.
Thermopy-
UPON the election of new confuls, the care of the war
in Greece had been allotted to Manius Acilius Glabrio
one of the confuls elect; who, as foon as the neceſſary le-
vies were completed, paffed over from Brundufium, and
advanced into Theffaly. Alarmed at the approach of the
enemy, Antiochus was roufed from his lethargy, and took the
field; but the numerous forces, which he had boafted were
to follow from Afia, had not yet arrived, and four thou-
fand men was the total amount of the Aetolian fuccours.
His only refource was to stop the progrefs of the Romans by Battle of
poffeffing himſelf of the ftreights of Thermopylae, and fe- lae.
curing the heights of mount Oeta, over which the Perfians
had made their way in the days of Leonidas.
Theſe precau-
tions availed little. Cato 20, whofe name was afterwards
rendered illuftrious by his fpirited difcharge of the Cenfo-
rial office, having been fent over the mountains at the head of
a confiderable detachment, foon diflodged the Aetolians to
whom the defence of that poft had been committed; and,
while his victorious troops were pouring down from above,
the conful having forced the pafs below, a general dif-
comfiture involved the whole Syrian army: Antiochus, Antiochus
who was wounded in the mouth by a ſtone, eſcaping only.
with five hundred men into Chalcis; from whence he re-
defeated.
19 Liv. L. xxxvi. c. 14″& feq.
20 Plut. in Catone.
3 L
tired,
1
442
HISTORY OF GREECE
1
Sect. 2.
Book VI. tired, with precipitation, to his Afiatic dominions ".-What
confequences his inconfiderate conduct produced afterwards
to his affairs, and the ruin it entailed on his unhappy king-
dom, are matters that belong not to the preſent hiſtory..
The Romans
affect kind-
nefs to the
Achaeans
and to Philip.
ANTIOCHUS Was defeated and had fled. He was now to be:
followed into Afia, where his great ftrength lay, and where,
if joined by Greece, he might have proved more formi
dable than ever. But the firft ufe which the Romans made of
their victory was, to annihilate whatever influence the Sy--
rian monarch was thought ftill to poffefs among the Gre-
cian ftates, and to confirm thofe in the interefts of Rome,
who had declared against him. They accordingly were laviſh:
of their favours to Philip and the Achaeans. The latter
had, in the courſe of the war, extended their dominions
over all Peloponnefus; and the Romans, without expreffing.
the leaſt jealouſy of this increaſe of power, left them in the
undiſturbed poffeffion of all they had acquired.. Philip, in
affifting the Romans, had recovered ſeveral towns on the fide
of Theffaly and Athamania which he had formerly held,.
and which he had been obliged to cede upon the conclufion:
of the late peace; he was fuffered to retain whatever he
had taken; his embaffadors, who bore his congratulations
to Rome, were treated with diftinguiſhed regard; his fon
Demetrius, and the reft of the Macedonian hoftages, were
fet at liberty; and, foon after, that part of the tribute,.
which remained unpaid, was remitted.. Rome ſhewed le-
nity even to thofe, whofe fidelity had been moft doubtful;
fhip had been the people of Chalcis had their lives, and eſtates ſecured to
Lenity to
thofe ftates
whoſe friend-
doubtful;
21 OLYMP. cxlvii. 1. BEFORE CHRIST 187.
་
*
3
them;
}
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
443
777
the Aetoli-
them.
them; and the Epirots and Boeotians, though ftrongly Book VI.
fuſpected of a connexion with Antiochus, and of having ſent Sect. 2.
him fupplies, were pardoned upon their fubmiffion. The offer terms to
Aetolians 22 themſelves might have had favourable terms, ans,
the conful offering them peace, provided they renounced
all alliance with Syria, and delivered up their chief city,
Heraclea, into his hands: but, whether apprehenſive that who reject
the Romans, when poffeffed of Heraclea, would impoſe
harder conditions, or prevailed upon by the intrigues of
Damocritus, one of their popular leaders, the avowed ene-
my of Rome, who encouraged them with hopes of imme-
diate fuccours from Antiochus, they rejected the offer. To
the counfels, principally, of this demagogue, was owing
their firſt treaty of alliance with the Syrian king. Damocri-
tus was then chief magiftrate of Aetolia; and fo violent
againſt the Romans 23, that when Flamininus, at that time
embaffador from Rome to the Aetolian ftates, demanded of
him a copy of the decree in favour of Antiochus, "I have
"other matters," replied he, "to attend to at prefent; I
"ſhall deliver it to you on the banks of the Tiber."
24
urges the
MORE vigorous meaſures having thus become neceffa- The conſul
ry, the conful urged the fiege of Heraclea **; which, not- fiege of He-
withſtanding its ftrength of fituation, and the obftinate raclea;
defence of the Aetolians, did not long refift the Roman
arms; the garrifon, with Damocritus their turbulent com- takes it;
mander, furrendering at diſcretion. Soon after the reduc-
22 Liv. L. xxxvi. c. 22.
23 Liv. L. xxxv. C. 33•
24 A city at the foot of the mount Oeta, on the river Afopus, defended by a
caſtle, from its fituation ſuppoſed to be of great ſtrength.
3 L 2
tion
444
GREECE
HISTORY OF
{
prepares to
lay fiege to
Naupactus
the Aetoli-
ans make
overtures,
the conful
refuſes to
treat with
them;
their depu-
ties;
25
Book VI. tion of Heraclea, Lamia, at a ſmall diſtance, ſurrendered
Sect. 2.
alfo to the Romans; who, following thefe fucceffes, prepared
to attack Naupactus, a fea-port on the Corinthian gulph,
of the first confequence to the Aetolian nation. Alarmed
at this rapid progrefs, and difappointed of the aids they
expected from Afia, the Aetolians would now gladly have
accepted of the peace which they had formerly ſpurned at ;
but the conful at firſt refuſed to treat with them; and with
much difficulty was at length prevailed on to admit the
at laft admits Aetolian deputies into his prefence. At the head of this
deputation was Phaeneas, of whom mention has been al-
ready made; he began his difcourfe, by bewailing the ill-
adviſed conduct of the Aetolians, who now, repenting of
their imprudence, had decreed to ſubmit themselves to the faith
of the Roman people. It would appear, that Phaeneas did
not apprehend the full import of the expreffions he had
takes advan- employed; which, as the conful chofe to underſtand them,
implied a total furrender of all Aetolia to the Romans.
Acilius laying hold on what he had faid, "Is it then true,
"that the Aetolians fubmit themfelves to the faith of
*Rome?" Phaeneas confirming it; "if it is fo," refumed
the conful, "let no Aetolian, from henceforth, on any
account, public or private, prefume to pafs over into
"Afia; and let Dicaearchus Meneftratus the Epirot
"and Amynander, with all the Athamanes who have had
any fhare in his revolt, be delivered into my hands.".
tage of their
expreffions;
<<
26
>
25 Polyb. Legat. xiii. Liv. L. xxxvi. c. 28, 29.
27
25 One of the Aetolian leaders, who had been active in promoting the treaty
with Syria.
* Who had entered Naupa&tus with a body of auxiliaries,
9
"The
}
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
445
"The Aetolians," interrupted Phaeneas, "in fubmitting Book VI.
"themſelves to the faith of the Romans, meant to rely
Sect. 2.
upon their generofity, but not to yield themſelves up to
"fervitude. The requifitions which you make, neither the
"honour of Aetolia, nor the customs and laws of Greece,
"will allow us to comply with."-" It is infolent pre- treats them
"varication," anfwered the conful," to mention the ho-
"to mention the ho- contumeli-
"nour of Aetolia! and the customs and laws of Greece!
"It even deferves that I fhould command you to be put in
"chains." He inſtantly ordered chains to be brought
forward; but the reprefentations of his chief officers pre-
vented him from violating the facred character of embaf-
fador; and a truce of ten days was granted, in order that the
Aetolian deputies might lay the conful's demands before the
general affembly of their nation.
28
ously.
ans highly
THE report made by the deputies, highly exafperated the The Aetoli-
Aetolians, who feemed refolved to fubmit to every extre- exafperated;
mity rather than furrender their liberties to imperious
Rome. What made them more determined, Polybius in-
forms us, was the favourable accounts brought by Nican-
der, one of their chiefs. He had been diſpatched to Anti-
ochus, and returned in twelve days, with a confiderable
ſupply of money, and the ſtrongeſt affurances, that early in
the fpring all the forces of Syria fhould be fent to the
affiftance of the Aetolians. He added, that he had alfo
had an interview with Philip, having, on his return, as he and from
avoided the Roman camp, fallen in with a party of the Ma-
are encou-
raged in vi-
fures by ex-
fuccours
gorous mea-
pectations of
from Afia,
Macedon :
28 Ubi fupra.
cedonian
{
··446
HISTORY OF GREECE
Book VI. cedonian army. They carried him to their king; who not
Sect. 2. only ſet him at liberty, but employed him to inform
the Aetolians of his friendly difpofitions; that, although
their imprudence in calling in foreign aid, firſt from Rome,
and now from Afia, had occafioned the calamitous con-
dition to which Greece was reduced, he nevertheleſs
ſhould forget the injuries he had fuftained from them, and
expected that they, in return, would bury in oblivion the
enmity they bore to him.
are deceived.
Naupa&tus
preffed by the
Romans;
*
THERE is reaſon to fufpect the truth of this account of
Philip. In his prefent fituation, he had an opportunity of
recovering much of what he had loft, and was apparently
in high favour with the Romans; accordingly, he could
hardly, have entertained the thoughts here aſcribed to him ;
or, if he had, would fcarcely have diſcloſed them to a
people with whom he had generally been on terms of hof-
tility. Whatever may be in this, Nicander's purpoſe
was anſwered. Ready to believe whatever flattered their
hopes, the Aetolians determined to bid defiance to Rome, and
drew all their forces to the city of Naupactus, which Aci-
lius, with the whole confular army foon after inveſted.
BUT, with whatever vigour the Aetolians exerted them-
felves, their bad fortune continued: the promiſed fuccours
did not appear; and Naupactus, after a fiege of two months,
was reduced to the laſt extremity. Philip, meanwhile, was
availing himſelf of the war, and, under pretence of fighting
the battles of Rome, had poffeffed himſelf of Demetrias, and
ſeveral confiderable diſtricts both in Epire and Theffaly.
Flamininus,
I
}
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER..
447
Sect. 2.
intercedes
Flamininus, who, fince the flight of Antiochus, had taken Book VI.
up his refidence at Chalcis, and was perfectly acquainted
with the views of the fenate in relation to Philip, faw with Flamininus
concern the re-eſtabliſhment of his power, and haftened to in its behalf.
the Roman camp 29, in order to induce the conful to pur-
fue different meafures. "Do you know," ſaid he to Aci- his views s
lius," how prejudicial to the intereſts of the republic your
❝ conduct is ? wafting your time in humbling the contemp-
66
tible Aetolians, whofe fubjection we can effect when we
pleaſe, you are fuffering the Macedonian king, Rome's
moft dangerous foe, to render himſelf more powerful.
than ever." Acilius was foon convinced by the reafon-
ing of Flamininus; the only difficulty that remained, was
to raiſe the fiege without impeachment of the conful's ho-
nour, and this difficulty Flamininus undertook to remove.
The Aetolians had applied to him for his mediation ; under
colour of which, he adviſed them to fue to the conful for
a truce, that they might fend embaffadors to Rome to im-
plore the clemency of the fenate. This requeſt he promiſed.
to fupport; and, a fufpenfion of arms having accordingly
taken place, Philip was obliged to diſcontinue his military
operations..
THE fequel of the fortunes of the Aetolians, till their
final fubjection to the Roman power, may, from it's con-
nexion with the preceding narrative, not improperly be:
recorded here. At Rome their embaffadors found little
favour.. The only conditions they could obtain were,
either to pay the republic a thouſand talents, a fſum which,
30
29 Liv. L. xxxvi..co.34, 35 3ª Polyb. Legat. xvi. Liv. E. xxxvii. c. 1..
they
prevails on
the conful to
grant a truce..
The Aetoli-
baffadors to
ans fend eme
Rome ;,
treated with
feverity s
د
448
HISTORY OF GREECE
1
}
tain of their
Kate.
Book VI. they declared, far exceeded their abilities; and to have neither
Sect. 2.
friend nor foe, but with the approbation of Rome; or, to
fubmit to the pleaſure of the fenate. They defired to know,
what they were to underſtand by "fubmitting to the pleasure
"of the fenate;" but a particular explanation was refufed,
and an implicit obedience to whatever orders the fenate
fhould be pleaſed to iffue was peremptorily infifted upon.
return uncer- With this anſwer they returned home; and in this. State of
terror the Actolians remained, uncertain of their future deſtiny,
until the arrival of Lucius Cornelius Scipio, the newly-
elected conful, to whom the command in Greece and Afia had
been affigned. To him they made their application ", but
without fuccefs, though the Athenians, and even Scipio
Africanus, the conful's brother, interceded in their behalf.
The fevere terms, which the fenate had decreed, he alſo pro-
nounced; but, as a mighty favour, he granted a fix months
truce, that they might again profecute their caufe at Rome.
In fact, this truce, whatever the Actolians were made to
believe, was not lefs agreeable to Scipio than to them. He
was impatient to have the glory of paffing into Afia, ground
hitherto untrodden by any Roman general; and, if ob-
ftructed by an Aetolian war, he feared that he might loſe,
perhaps, the grand object of his purſuit.
The Aeto-
1
+
THE day of Magnefia decided the fate of Antiochus; and
lian war re- the Romans were now at leiſure to attend to the reduction of
newed, upon
warious pre- the Aetolians. Theſe people had rendered themſelves more
obnoxious than ever. Whilft the Romans were employed
in Afia, they had driven Philip not only out of fome of
tences.
!
+
31 Polyb. Legat, xvii.
P
their
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
449
Į
1
32
their territories, in which he had eſtabliſhed himſelf; but Book VI.
alfo from others, to which he had a good claim; and had Sect. 2.
befides recovered Athamania, and reſtored it to Amynander,
to whom it legally belonged. The Romans, not ill-pleaſed
that the power of Philip ſhould be circumfcribed, confirmed
the kingdom of Athamania to Amynander; but at the ſame
time declared their refentment at the Aetolians, whom they
required to evacuate their conqueſts. What at the fame
time greatly hurt their cauſe, was the ſtrange conduct of the
embaſſadors they had fent to Rome They had circulated
a report, that the Roman armies in Afia were defeated,
and the two Scipios taken priſoners; and this piece of intelli-
gence they urged as an argument to induce the Romans to
grant the peace they applied for. The Roman indignation
was provoked at this infult; the embaffadors were ordered
immediately to leave the city, with inftructions to the Aeto-
lians never to prefume again to fend plenipotentiaries to Rome,
without the expreſs permiffion of the Roman commander in
Greece.
A
fiege to Am-
AFTER the election of new confuls, the Aetolian war The conful
was allotted to Marcus Fulvius Nobilior" who immedi-
who immedi- Fulvius lays
ately prepared for the expedition; and began his operations bracia,
with the fiege of Ambracia 3. Every thing that ingenuity
could deviſe, or valour atchieve, was employed for the de-
34
fence of this important place.
3ª Liv. L. xxxvii. c. 48, 49.
But, deterred by no difficul-
33 Liv. L. xxxviii. c. 4 & feq.
34 Aftrong city near the mouth of the Aracthus, on the borders of Epirus and
Acarnania, formerly belonging to Epirus, but now held by the Aetolians, and the
-key to the Aetolian dominioną.
3 M
ties,
450
HISTORY OF GREECE
2
tulates.
BOOK VI. ties, the Romans perfevered; when, far inferior to them, both
Sect. 2.
in refources and numbers, the Ambraciots found themſelves
which capi- at laſt obliged to capitulate. The payment of five hundred
Euboic talents was ftipulated; two hundred down, the re-
maining three in fix equal payments; and they were to
deliver up to the conful, all the prifoners and deferters
then in Ambracia "; on which terms the Aetolian garri-
fon was permitted to march out unmoleſted. Amynander
was of great ſervice to the Romans on this occafion; he
was again their faithful ally; and, to make amends for
his late defection, had employed all his influence to bring
about the capitulation.
The Aeto-
lians apply
for mercy;
35
ALARMED at the progrefs of the Roman arms,, the whole
Aetolian nation" applied to the conful for mercy. The re-
and fubmit. quifitions he made were nevertheleſs fo humiliating, that
the commiffioners fent to treat with him, not thinking
themſelves authorized to agree to fuch hard conditions,
returned for more full and explicit inftructions.
general defpondency had now feized the Aetolians, and the
But a
* It appears, nevertheless, (Liv. L. xxxviii. c. 43, 44) that Fulvius's pro--
ceedings againſt the Ambraciots, were afterwards difapproved of at Rome; whether
upon a principle of juftice, or, as Livy thinks, by the contrivance of the conful
Aemilius and his party, to whom Fulvius was obnoxious, it is now difficult to deter-
mine. However, it was decreed by the fenate, "that the Ambraçiots fhould not
❝ be confidered as a conquered people-that they ſhould have their laws and liber-
ties reſtored to them, and enjoy again all tolls and cuftoms formerly enjoyed.
by them; the Romans only, with their Latin allies, not to be fubject to the
payment of any fuch tolls, &c."-and that as to the paintings and other
" ornaments, of which their temples had been plundered, and which Fulvius had
«fent away to Italy, it ſhould be referred to the college of the prieſts to decide
"about them."-What their decifion was, may eafily be conjectured.
""
36 Liv. L. xxxviii. c. 8, 9.
6
"
commiffioners
}
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
451
66
commiffioners were hurried back with orders to fign what-
ever terms were dictated by the imperious conqueror. The
moſt remarkable of theſe" were, "That obfervance ſhall be
paid to the empire and majesty of the Roman people" (fuch
is the infolence of victory) throughout all Aetolia"-
"that the friends and enemies of Rome fhall be the friends
" and enemies of Aetolia"-" that the Aetolians fhall imme-
"diately pay down to the conful two hundred Euboic ta-
"lents of filver, of the fame fineneſs as the Attic ſtandard, with
CE
permiſſion to pay the third part in gold, a minae of gold to
"be accounted equal to ten minae of filver; to pay, beſides, a
"tribute of fifty talents yearly for fix years, which was to
"be fent to Rome at their own rifque and charges that all
"cities and countries, with their refpective inhabitants,
"which have formerly been fubject to the Aetolians, and
66
have, fince the time of Flamininus's confulfhip, either
by conqueft or voluntary furrender become ſubject tò
"Rome, fhall from henceforth be deemed the property of
the Roman people; and the Aetolians ſhall relinquiſh all
"claim to them" "that they ſhall deliver into the'
" hands of the conful, forty hoſtages, to be chofen by him,
*** none under twelve or above forty years of age; the chief
magiftrate of Aetòlia, the general of the horſe, and the
ſecretary of ſtate, to be excepted out of the number; and,
" in cafe of the death of any hoſtage, another to be given
" in his room."
66
<6
EVEN theſe conditions, when laid before them for appro-
bation, the Roman fenate refuſed at firſt to confirm; a ratifi-
37 Polyb. Legat. xxviii. Liv. L. xxviii. c. 10, 11.
3 M 2
cation
Book VI.
Sect. 2.
The Roman
fenate, with
difficulty,
prevailed on
to ratify the
peace ;
452
HISTORY OF GREECE
OF
1
→
56
"C
66
38
t
Book VI. cation being at length with difficulty obtained, by the in-
Sect. 2.
terceffion of ſeveral Roman patricians, and of the Rhodian
and Athenian embaffadors. Damis the Athenian, more
particularly diſtinguiſhed himſelf on this occafion: "What-
ever the Aetolians have been guilty of, is not," ſaid he,
to be laid to the charge of the body of the Aetolian peo-
ple. In all ſtates, the multitude are like the ſea: the fea,
"in its natural fituation, is ſmooth and compoſed, and not
"dangerous to the navigator; but, when ruffled and agi-
"tated by ſtorms, it becomes raging and tremendous.
"Thus the Aetolians, when left to themſelves, were of all
"the Greeks the beſt affected to the interefts of Rome,
"and ready to affiſt in all her enterprizes; but, when a
"Thoas and a Dicaearchus from Afia, and a Meneftas and
"a Damocritus from Europe, began to excite a ferment,
"and to throw the multitude into commotion, then boi
❝fterous councils and mad refolves naturally followed.
Į
perform it at
laft, without
any mitiga-
Againſt the authors of theſe miſchiefs pronounce, there-
"fore, as you fhall pleaſe, but let the multitude expe-
.❝rience your clemency."
NEVERTHELESS, all the clemency obtained, was a con-
firmation of the conful's terms, without the leaft miti-
tion of terms. gation.
1
THIS treatment of a people who were the firſt that opened
Greece to the Romans, harſh as it may appear, was exceed-
ingly merciful when compared with what followed, when
the final overthrow of the royal houſe of Macedon left
38
35 Livy calls him Leon.
*
+
Rome
{
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
453
2
Rome at liberty to avow the genius of her empire. That Book VI.
tranſaction ſhall have its place hereafter.
Sect. 2.
The Ro-
mans jea-
Achaia and.
Macedon,
THE moſt important buſineſs the Romans had now in con-
templation in Greece, was to reduce, within narrower limits, lous of
the power of the Macedonian king, and the republic of Achaia
which had acquired a formidable encreaſe of territory during
the late Syrian and Aetolian wars. The Achaeans, as we have
already obſerved, were maſters at preſent of all Peloponnefus ;
and Philip had not only recovered moſt of thoſe provinces
of which his wars with Rome had deprived him, but had
alfo made other confiderable acquifitions ". The defigns
upon theſe allies was a matter to be managed with the
greateſt delicacy. Both ſtates had been firm in the intereſts
of Rome, and ſeveral of the Roman commanders had ſpoken
`highly of the ſupport they had received from them. To
repay their ſervices with diftruſt and acts of hoftility,
becauſe they were no longer neceffary, had been to avow
the very purpoſes which Rome was induſtrious to conceal.
The political form of government which prevailed through-
out Greece, afforded to the Romans the wifhed-for oppor-
tunity. Though confederated with Achaia, the Peloponne-
fian cities retained each of them peculiar privileges, and a
kind of independent fovereignty, which naturally gave rife
to many jealoufies and conteſts. In like manner, Philip
had but a limited authority in moſt of the Grecian ſtates
over which he had eſtabliſhed his dominion; his title to
fome of them was controverted, and much was to be done
L
39 See Liv. L. xxxvi. c. 33, 34.
~
7
1
3
before
454
HISTORY OF GREECE
Book VI. before the rights of the numerous claimants could be ad-
Sect. 2. jufted. The Romans faw what advantages were to be de-
rived from theſe particular circumftances, and took their
meaſures accordingly.
Artifice uſed
THEY began with Achaia.
in reducing
Achaia.
Fulvius, when peace was
40
the power of concluded with Aetolia, had adjudged the iſland Cephalenia
to Rome, and fixed his refidence there, to be at hand to de-
cide whatever diſputes ſhould ariſe between the Grecian cities;
that iſland being divided from the coaſt of Peloponnefus by an
arm of the fea only twenty-four miles over, from whence
an eafy paffage lay open into that country. Upon the first
difpute, therefore, in Achaia, he paffed over into Pelo-
ponnefus. The general convention of the Achaean ſtates had,
from antient time, been held at Aegium; but Philopoemen,
now chief magiſtrate of Achaia, having thought fit to di-
vide among all the cities of the Achaean league, the advan-
vantages which thoſe aſſemblies brought to the place where
they were held, had named Argos, for the next fucceeding
diet. This innovation the inhabitants of Aegium oppoſed,
and applied to the Roman conful for his determination. The
conful, it appears, behaved on this occafion in the moſt cau-
tious manner. He favoured, as Livy tells us, the cauſe of
the Aegienſes: but finding a great majority to be againſt
them, he concealed his private fentiments, and made no
oppofition to the appointment of Philopoemen. He had
gained, however, the main point he had in view; an ap-
peal had been made to him, and the judicial authority of
✔
4° Liv. L. xxxviii. c. 30. & feq.
'
·
Rome
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
455
}
Rome over the Peloponnefian ſtates was thus virtually ac- Book VI.
knowledged.
Sect. 2.
Cafe of the
nian exiles;
Lacedemo.
the Lacede
A CAUSE`of´much greater moment 'foon prefented itſelf.
The Lacedemonian exiles, who had been expelled in the
days of the tyrants, and who on account of the domeſtic
feuds ftill prevailing in Lacedemon, had never been re-
ftored, refided in certain towns along the coaft of Laconia,
under the protection of Achaean garrifons. The inhabi- infulted by
tants of 'Lacedemon, thus cut off from all intercourfe monians.
with the fea-coaft, bore the reſtraint impatiently; and to
free themfelves from it, attacked, in the night-time, one of
the maritime towns called Las, but were repulfed by the
exiles with the affiftance of the Achaean foldiery. Philo- Philopoemen
poemen, who was ftill at the head of the Achaean com- caufe,
eſpouſes their
monwealth, having convened an affembly, reprefented this
attempt upon Las as an infult to the whole Achaean body,
and obtained a decree, commanding the Lacedemonians to
deliver up the authors of that outrage, on pain of being
treated as enemies. Proper officers were ſent to Lacedemon,
to notify the decree. But this ſtep ſerved only to exaf- Lacedemo-
perate the Lacedemonians. They immediately put thirty to obey the
citizens to death, who were known to be in the Achaean decree;
intereft, diffolved their alliance with Achaia, and fent em-
baffadors to Fulvius, entreating him to come and take
poffeffion of their city. To revenge this infult, Philopoe- Philopoemen
men declared war againſt Lacedemon, and though the feafon nia, and lays
far advanced, entered the Lacedemonian territory, it wafte:
fpreading devaſtation wherever he came.
and obtains a
their favour.
decree in
nians refufe
offer their
the
city to the
Romans.
enters Lacc-
ON
t
+
456
HISTORY OF GREECE
fend embaf-
fadors to
Rome;
+
BOOK VI. On the return of ſpring, both fides ſtill remaining ex-
Sect. 2. ceedingly exafperated, Fulvius croffed over into Peloponne-
fus, and demanded that an affembly ſhould be convened at
Elis, in order to difcufs the pretenfions of Achaia over
Lacedemon. After hearing, both parties, unable, or per-
haps unwilling, to bring the perplexed claims to a final
decifion, he advised them to fend embaffadors to Rome,
and while the cauſe was depending, to fufpend hoſtilities.
Both parties They complied; the Achaeans fending as their deputies,
Lycortas the father of Polybius, who, as a ſpirited aſſerter
of the liberties of Achaia, was ftrenuous in the ſupport of
Philopoemen's meaſures, and Diophanes, a man in appear-
ance of moderate counfels, but in fact devoted to the in-
tereſts of Rome. Diophanes, accordingly, in his applica-
tion to the ſenate, referred the decifion of the cauſe wholly
to their arbitration ; whilft Lycortas, on the contrary,
maintained the decree of Philopoemen, which, he afferted,
could not be reverſed without making void the regulations
of Flamininus, who had committed to Achaia the pro-
the infidious tection of the fea-coaft. The fubtle Romans, however,
fecretly pleaſed to fee the confederates of Achaia in arms
againſt her, framed their anſwer in ſuch ambiguous terms
as left the matter juſt as they found it; the Lacedemonians
infifting, that the determination was in their favour; while
the contrary was as ftrenuouſly afferted by the Achaeans.
The confequence was, that Philopoemen, who had been
Philopoemen, re-elected chief magiſtrate, marched to Lacedemon, and
Lacedemon; demanded by name the authors of the attempt upon Las;
promiſing at the fame time that they ſhould not be con-
demned unheard. Trufting to this promife, theſe men fet
anfwer re
ceived.
marches to
-
out
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
457
1
#
out for the Achaean camp, attended by the chief citizens Book VI.
of Lacedemon, who confidered their caufe as a national Sect. 2.
concern.
:
But as they entered the camp, they were in-
fulted with reproaches by the exiles, who having engaged
the Achaean foldiers in their quarrel, fuddenly attacked
them with fuch fury, that feventeen were killed upon the
fpot the remainder, fixty-three in number, were reſcued
with difficulty by Philopoemen, not in order to ſave them,
but that it might not be faid, they had been put to death
without trial. Next morning being accordingly produced be-
fore the multitude, they were condemned, and executed, being
hardly allowed the femblance of a defence. This fevere
ceeding ftruck the Lacedemonians with ſuch a panic, that
they ſurrendered at difcretion; and Philopoemen, refolving
to humble them effectually, treated them as if their city
had been taken by ſtorm. He commanded them,
demolish their walls, to diſband their mercenaries, to ex-
pel the flaves whom the tyrants had enfranchiſed, to re-
ſtore the exiles, and to renounce the laws of Lycurgus; the
laws of Achaia being to be confidered from that time as
the laws by which Lacedemon was to be governed **."
pro-
" to
PHILOPOEMEN's conduct on this occafion (fuch are the
fatal violences into which the ſpirit of dominion, ſucceſs,
and revenge, are apt to betray us!) was certainly cruel;
and, in regard to thofe whom he had abandoned to the
fury of the exiles, highly perfidious. The Romans, how-
ever, fhewed nothing of that vigour in behalf of this op-
preffed people, which they had often difplayed in more
4 See Plut. in Philopoemen.
3 N
trifling
his cruel
the Lacede-
treatment of
monians.
The conduct
mans on this
of the Ro-
occafion;
458€
HISTORY OF GREECE
Book VI. trifling matters. Though a folemn appeal had been made-
Sect. 2. by the Lacedemonians to Rome, the Roman conful, Le--
pidus, contented himſelf with coolly informing the Achae-
ans, that the fenate did not approve of theſe ſevere pro-
ceedings. And Nicodemus of Elis, having been deputed
from the Achaean diet to juftify what had been done, re-
ceived for anſwer," that Rome was not pleafed with the
« fubverfion of the Spartan government, but did not an--
"nul what the Achaeans had decreed 42."
and why.
of Achaia
>
·
THE infant ſtate of the Roman empire in Afia, and the
attention required in marking the deſigns and controlling
the power of thofe ftates that bordered on the dominions
lately, belonging to Antiochus, produced this temporif-.
ing policy. Macedon, befides, was, again growing formi-
dable; and the Romans were cautious of provoking Achaia,
who, had ſhe at this period boldly declared againſt Rome,
The republic had probably united in her caufe not only the greater
part of Greece, but many of the neighbouring potentates..
Such, at this time was the reputation of the Achaean re-.
public, that her friendſhip was courted" by, the kings of
Pergamus and Egypt. And foon after, Seleucus, having
fucceeded to the throne of Syria upon the death of his
father Antiochus, fent embaffadors to the Achaean ſtates,
to folicit their alliance.
Eumenes even propoſed a ſub--
fidy of an hundred and twenty talents, towards the eſtabliſh--
ment of a fund for the fupport of the members of the
general affembly. Ptolemy preſented them with fix thou--
fand fhields and two hundred talents; and Seleucus of--
high in re-
putation at
this period;
her friend-
by the kings
of Pergamus,
Egypt, and
Syria.
42 Polyb. Legat. xxxvii. 41.
43 Polyb. Legat. 41.
1
fered:
\
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
459
1
fered them ten ſhips of war completely equipped. The pre- Book VI.
fent from Ptolemy was the only one accepted; to Eu- Sect. 2.
menes particularly they returned an anſwer worthy of a
free republic, "that they were rather to deem him
"an enemy, fince he fought to corrupt the members of
"that venerable affembly; which he would not have at-
66
tempted, had he not entertained views unfriendly to the
"liberties of Achaia."
THOUGH Rome in the prefent fituation of her affairs
found it neceſſary to diffemble, ſhe was not inattentive to
the councils of a ſtate, whoſe rifing importance fhe beheld
with a jealous eye. Caecilius, who, with two other com-
miffioners, had been fent to vifit Macedon, had orders in his
return to paſs through Achaia, and to employ himſelf in
ſupporting the cauſe of Sparta, as the moſt effectual means
of diminiſhing the confequence of the Achaean confede-
At the fame time Rome had taken care to gain
over a party among the Achaeans themſelves, to oppoſe Phi-
lopoemen, and fupplant him if an opportunity offered.
Among theſe was Diophanes already mentioned, and
Ariftaenus, now firft magiftrate of the Achaean ftates, who
diſplayed a ſtriking ſpecimen of his intriguing genius, in
rendering abortive the purpoſed alliance with Ptolemy. We
have an account of this tranfaction from Polybius **. It
had been carried in the general affembly,
that the treaty
racy.
44
of alliance with the Egyptian king ſhould be renewed."
To elude therefore the force of a refolution which inter-
fered with the purpoſes of Rome, Ariftaenus produced a
The Romans
deal craftily
with the
Achaeans.
44 Ubi fup.
1
3 N 2
number
460
HISTORY OF GREECE
1
Book VI. number of treaties made at different periods between the
Sect. 2. Achaeans and Egypt, and defired to be informed to which
of theſe the refolution referred; and thus, by perplexing the
queſtion, contrived that nothing fhould be done.
Caecilius
pleads the
caufe of La-
cedemon;
is difap-
pointed;
CAECILIUS fhewed confiderable ability in the execution
of his commiffion. Having obtained an audience of the
council, he complained of the treatment the Lacedemoni-
ans had received, but rather in the language of expoftula-
tion; tempering his cenfures with high encomiums on the
wiſdom of their government, and their zeal for the prof-
perity of their country. Ariftaenus, general of the year,
with whom probably the whole matter had been previouſly
concerted, made no reply, as if he acknowledged by his
filence, that the conduct of Achaia towards the Lacede-
monians did not admit of a juſtification. Diophanes, how-
ever, went farther. He made a formal charge againſt Phi-
lopoemen; imputing to him not only the ruin of Lacede-
mon, but the violent meaſures alfo which Achaia had lately
adopted, particularly the unjust and fevere treatment of the
Meffenian exiles, who had not been restored, as Flamini-
nus had ordained; and this oppreffion of the Meffenians,,
he reprefented as the crime of Philopoemen alone..
PHILOPOEMEN did not want fpirit to defend himself;
and he was ſo effectually ſupported by Lycortas and other
Achaean chiefs, that notwithſtanding the oppofition of the
Roman party, it was refolved, "that nothing ſhould be
"altered in the decrees, which the Achaean ftates had en-
demands the "acted;" and " that this anſwer ſhould be given to Cae-
"cilius." Highly exafperated, he then defired, that the
national diet
to be con-
vened:
nationali
}
A
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
461
1
་
1
Sect. z.
national diet fhould be convened. But to this it was replied, Book VI.
that by the laws of Achaia he muft produce a letter from
the fenate of Rome authoriſing his requeſt: and as he had
no fuch document, he was obliged to return home, with
the mortification that always attends defeated projects; and
with the additional regret of being baffled by men he held
in contempt.
45
is refuſed.
fent to
from Lace-
THE Achaeans neverthelefs thought it neceffary, that Embaffadors
their embaſſadors + fhould immediately follow him to Rome, Rome from
and lay before the ſenate, their reafons for not complying Achaia and
with his requifition. They had hardly arrived, when-em- demon.
baffadors from Sparta alfo appeared. What was yet more
furpriſing, the perfons employed in this embaffy were Areus
and Alcibiades, two of thoſe very exiles lately reſtored to
their country by means of Philopoemen, an action now
imputed to him as a crime. Theſe ungrateful men, either
to ingratiate themfelves with their fellow-citizens, or fti-
mulated by Rome, had undertaken to plead the caufe of
Sparta. They made accordingly a moſt affecting reprefenta-
tion of the condition to which Lacedemon, once the pride
of Greece, was now reduced; her walls laid in ruins, her
citizens led into flavery, and the facred laws" of Lycurgus
aboliſhed; and concluded by praying the Romans to extend
their protection to this afflicted people, and to relieve them
from defpotifm and oppreffion.
A SUIT* fo congenial with the defigns of Rome, eafily Commiffion
found attention and favour. It was decreed, that three com- ed by the
ers appoint
AS
45 Polyb. Legat. xlii.
miffioners
Roman fe
↓
462
HISTORY OF GREECE
+
Sect. 2.
nate, to de-
Achaia and
Sparta.
cide between
Book VI. miffioners fhould be fent to the Achaean diet, in order to de-
termine upon the ſpot, all matters in difpute between Achaia
and the Spartans:: and that the Achaeans fhould be re-
quired to convene their general affembly whenever the de-
mand was made by a Roman embaffador; as the fenate, on
their part, admitted the Achaeans to an audience as often
as they defired it 4.
Indignation,
and angry re-
folutions of
the general
affembly of
Achaia.
The commif
fioners ar-
rive;
46
The
WHEN the Achaeans received an account of these pro-
ceedings, they could not fupprefs their indignation.
general affembly was inftantly called together; in which it was
refolved," that the Spartans, by their appeal to Rome, had
❝ departed from their plighted allegiance to the Achaean
"ſtates; that Areus and Alcibiades were therefore in re-
"bellion againſt their rightful lords, and ſhould be adjudg-
***ed to death."
› 6
THESE refolutions, the paffionate ebullitions of an impe-
etuous multitude, were as vain as they were intemperate.
Areus and Alcibiades, protected by Rome, were beyond their
reach, bidding defiance to a power from which, in other
circumſtances, they had every thing to fear.
47
+
SCARCELY was the decree enacted, when the Roman
commiffioners at the head of whom was Appius Claudius,
arrived at Cleitor in Arcadia, where the Achaean ftates had
been convened; and, what was moſt mortifying to thoſe
people, Areus and Alcibiades accompanied them.
gloomy apprehenfions to which this circumftance gave
The
4 Polyb. Legat. xlii. 47 Polyb. Legat, xliii. Liv. L. xxxix. c. 35, 36, 37.
wife,
L
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
463
Y
1
Sect. 2.
open their
"You have great haugh
charge with
rife, were fully juftified by the ſequel. The commiffioners Book VI.
entered the diet, not as minifters deputed to deliberate with
a free ſtate, but rather as judges, invefted with full au-
thority to paſs ſentence, and to puniſh.
"incurred," ſaid Appius, "the diſpleaſure of the Roman
"fenate, by your meafures: you have perfidiouſly murdered:
"thofe Spartans who, on the faith of Philopoemen, had
"delivered themfelves into your hands: and, as if this were
66
unimportant, you afterwards demoliſhed the walls of that
"antient city Lacedemon; you deprived her of her laws,
" and you deprived her of that diſcipline eſtabliſhed by Ly-
curgus, which for many ages had been her ftrength and
« her glory.”
11
!
BUT neither the haughty port theſe Roman commiffioners
affumed, nor the imperious language which they held, could
fubdue the ſpirit of Lycortas. He was the friend of Phi-
lopoemen, coadjutor in all his councils, and at this time
firſt magiſtrate of Achaia. From his reply, (which Livy",
furely a competent witneſs, has preſerved to us) the pre-
tenfions of Rome, as well as their foundation, may be ea- -
fily perceived. "The ſupport which the Achaeans had
afforded to the Spartan exiles," he told Appius," was in
confequence of the alliance Achaia had entered into with
Rome; Rome had configned them to her protection, and,
the more effectually to protect them, the Achaeans had
taken up arms againſt the inhabitants of Lacedemon: that,
with regard to the flaughter of the Lacedemonians who
had furrendered, the Achaeans were guiltlefs; it was the
5
48 Ubi fup.
act:
-
tinefs.
Spirited ane
fwer of Ly,
cortas.
'
464
HISTORY OF GREECE
Book VI. act of thoſe very exiles, whoſe cauſe the Romans were now
Sect. 2. patronizing, Areus and Alcibiades being bound to anſwer
for that violence, if ſuch it was to be called. In regard to the
demolition of the walls of Lacedemon, which the Achaeans
acknowledged to be their act, the Spartans, far from com-
plaining on that account, rather owed them thanks; thoſe
walls were indeed the difgrace of Sparta, monuments of
her fervitude, raiſed in expreſs violation of the inftitu-
tions of Lycurgus, by the tyrants who had ruled over her,
and which that lawgiver, were he to revifit the earth, would
rejoice to ſee in ruins. That the laws of Lycurgus, of which
Achaia was faid to have deprived her, had, by the manage-
ment of thoſe tyrants, long fince ceaſed to exift in force,
or even to be known in Sparta: the Achaeans finding
therefore the bands of government diffolved, and her polity
in ruin, had admitted her to a participation of the laws
and privileges enjoyed by the whole Achaean body.".
" It
sis, however," continued he, "juft matter of furprize to
"the Achaeans, that they, a free and independent ftate,
" and in alliance with Rome, fhould thus be called upon
"to account for their actions, as if they were not the
"confederates but thè flaves of Rome, If the voice of
"the herald that proclaimed liberty to Greece, meant
any thing; if the league that fubfifts between us, is
“not an illufion; and if the rights of friendſhip and alli-
*ance are to be held mutually facred; why may not we as
"well fcrutinize your proceedings in Italy, as you decide
C
u on our tranfactions in Greece? Admit, then, that
"we have facrificed fome Lacedemonians to our refentment,
has your treatment of Capua's fenators been leſs ſevere ?
or fay, that we have levelled the walls of Lacedemon,
I
❝ has
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
465
* has not Capua not only beheld her walls in ruins, but her Book VI.
"territories, her fole means of fubfiftence, fwallowed up by Sect. 2.
"Roman rapacity? We fhall, perhaps, be told, that what
"freedom remains to us is only in name, and that, in rea-
lity, we are the flaves of Rome: I know it well, Appius;
“and if I muſt fupprefs my indignation at the thought, I
"will. Let me, nevertheless, conjure you, however great
"the diſtance is between the Romans and the Achaeans, not
"to fhew a more jealous folicitude for the privileges of our
common enemies than for thofe of your own allies. To
bring the Lacedemonians to a level with ourſelves, we
"wiſhed them to be governed by the fame laws: they
"want more; though vanquished, they refuſe to ſubmit
"to regulations with which the victors themſelves are
"fatisfied; and they require us to infringe compacts, which
"we have fworn not to violate. No, Romans
No, Romans; we ho-
<<
nour you, and, if you will fo have it, we fear you;
"but we honour more, we fear more, the immortal
"Gods !"
""
commiffioner
APPIUS avoided entering into the difcuffion of arguments,
which probably he could not answer; he contented himſelf
with this haughty reply: A voluntary compliance is Reply of the
"more eligible than that which is extorted by force." At Appius.
theſe words, a deep groan, the voice of an injured and an
oppreffed people, was heard to iffue from every part of the
affembly. But they felt the inequality of the conteſt, and The expedi-
that all refiſtance would be vain. The following humiliating the Achaeans
request to the commiffioners was therefore the fole refult of wifely em-
ployed;
their deliberations that the Romans' themfelves would
30
" refcind
ent which
1
466
HISTORY OF GREECE
A
Sect. 2.
its effect.
66
66
Book VI. "refcind whatever part of the decrees of the Achaean diet
they wiſhed to have refcinded, and not require a free
people to annul what they had fworn to obferve." This
apparent fubmiffion feems to have foftened Appius, he only
reverſed the decree pronounced againſt Areus and Alcibiades;
and referred them, reſpecting all other matters, to the plea-
fure of the fenate. It appears as if the fenate themfelves
thought it dangerous, in the preſent fituation of their af-
fairs, to exafperate the Achaeans farther. They feem to
have done little more than copy the decifion of their com
miffioners, by decreeing, that thofe who had been con-
demned by the Achaeans fhould be reſtored, and all fen-
tences repealed that had been pronounced in the affembly
of Achaia, againſt Lacedemon. They only added, by way
of ſoftening. theſe ſtern injunctions,
"that for the future,
the Lacedemonians fhould be deemed members of the
Achaean league, and be fubject to its regulations
The Meffe-
nians revolt ::
49 ››
SOME other device was now to be employed; of which
Rome, however, might feem innocent, and which at the
fame time might ſtill more effectually humble the impor-
tance of theſe high-fpirited republicans. The Meffenians
formed a confiderable part of the Achaean body: a plan
was formed to detach them from the league; and the exe
cution was committed to Dinocrates, a Meffenian leader,
buſtling and, bold, in the confidence of Flamininus, a foe
of courſe to Philopoemen, and ready to engage in any ho-
ftile enterprize againſt the Achaean generals. Philopoemen 5,
40 Liv. L. xxxix. C. 48.
59 Ibid. c. 49, 50. Plutarch in Philopoem.
now
•
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
467
1
marches
now for the eighth time chief magiſtrate of Achaia, no fooner Book VI.
had advice of the movements of the Meffenians, than,
Sect. 2.
though ill of a fever, he mounted his horfe, and being Philopoemen
joined by Lycortas, with fome Megalopolitan cavalry, ad- against thems
vanced to Carone, a fortrefs belonging to the Meffenians; but
finding the enemy already in poffeffion of it, he marched
towards Meſſene, their capital, with the view of taking
it by ſurpriſe. On his march he was met by Dinocrates, at
the head of a ſmall detachment, whom he charged, and de-
feated; when, unexpectedly, a body of five hundred horfe
came up to the affiftance of the Meffenians, who attack-
ing the Achaeans in their turn, forced them to give way.
Philopoemen excelled in this branch of the military art;
he commanded his men to retreat through defiles and hol-
low grounds, where the enemy muft purſue with diſadvan-
tage, he himſelf covering the rear, and repeatedly facing
about to repel the attacks of the purfuers. At length his
horfe, entangled in rocky ground, ftumbled and fell; and
the venerable Philopoemen, now in his ſeventieth year, weak,
at the fame time, from his late illneſs, and exhaufted by the
fatigue of the day, unable by exertion to overcome the ſhock,
remained ſtunned and fenfelefs on the ground. He was falls into
immediately ſurrounded by Dinocrates and his Meffenians,
who, proud of their captive, the champion of Achaia,
entered the city in triumph. The fight, nevertheleſs, excited
the compaffion of the multitude; they remembered Philopoe-
men's great exploits, and what Meffenia in particular, when
oppreffed by the Spartan tyrant, owed to his gallantry. Thus,
inſtead of an enemy, they beheld in him the deliverer of
their country. Dinocrates and his faction, whoſe purpoſe
3 0 2
it
their hands.
1
4
468€
HISTORY OF GREECE
His magna.
nimity,
"
BOOK VI. it was to break the ftrength of the Achaeans by depriving.
Sect. 2.
them of their gallant general, beginning to dread the reſult
of theſe workings of compaffion, next morning commanded
the executioner to defcend into the fubterraneous vault:
where Philopoemen was impriſoned, and put him to death.
When the brave Achaean faw him enter with the fatal
bowl in his hand, raifing himſelf up, though with difficulty,
Canft thou," faid he, "inform me of the fate of Lycortas,
"and the young men with him ?" the executioner anſwer-
ing, they were fafe; "then," replied Philopoemen, taking
the bowl. with a chearful countenance, " we are not alto-
"gether wretched;" and having drank the deadly draught,
foon after expired.
and death.
The Achae-
ans complain
to Rome,
and are an-
ſwered with
perfidiouf-
nefs.
66
WHEN the Achaeans were informed of this bafe tranfac-
tion, they were fired with indignation. Lycortas, now ap--
pointed chief magiftrate in the place of Philopoemen, im--
mediately fent a formal complaint to Rome againſt the
Meffenians, and at the fame time demanded that affiſtance
which the Romans, by treaty, were bound to furniſh..
The anſwer was worthy of the policy of Rome. The
Achaeans were told, "that ſhould even the Lacedemo--
“nians, or the Corinthians, or the Argives, ſeparate them-
"ſelves from the Achaean confederacy, the Achaeans were
not to wonder if Rome looked upon it as a matter that
noway concerned her." Had Rome exprefsly invited all
Peloponnefus to difclaim farther dependence on Achaia, ſhe
could not have ſpoken plainer ".
* See Polyb. Legat. li
་
THE
{
}
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
of the Achae-
469,
THE Achaeans were ſtill more exafperated by this perfidious Book VI.
Sect. 2.
declaration. They inftantly flew to arms; and, led on by
Lycortas, marched to Meflene ", threatening deftruction to Refentment
that city, unleſs all who had ſhared in the guilt of Phi- ans;
lopoèmen's murder were delivered into their hands..
The they revenge
Meffenians, who in general highly disapproved of Philopoe- men's death.
Philopoe-
men's inhuman execution, gladly accepted of the conditions.
Dinocrates, unable to fupport the idea of falling into the
power of this enraged people, laid violent hands on him-
felf: ſeveral of his affociates followed his example; and
the reſt being abandoned to the vengeance of the Achae-
ans, were ſtoned at the tomb of Philopoemen. The ob-
fequies of their favourite general they celebrated with the
greateſt ſplendour, and the moft paffionate lamentations;
Polybius the hiſtorian, fon to Lycortas, furrounded by the
principal nobility of Achaia, bearing his urn; and not only
the army, but the
but the inhabitants of all the neighbouring
towns, attending the funeral proceffion from Meffene to
his native city, Megalopolis, where his afhes were depo--
fited. He was accounted by the Romans themſelves, ac-
cording to Plutarch ", the laft of the Greeks. He cer-
tainly was the moſt able as well as the moſt zealous de--
fender of Grecian liberties, from the time Rome began to
extend her influence over this ill-fated people. It appears,
that his countrymen carried even their veneration for his
memory fo far, as to pay him divine honours.
WHEN the Romans found the bad fuccefs which had Duplicity of
attended the revolt of Meffenia, they changed their tone;
the Romans, .
5 Polyb. Legat. lii. Plutarch in Philopoemen,
53 In Arato.
applauding
470
OF GREECE
HISTORY
}
>
Sect. 2.
BOOK VI. applauding the Achaeans for having revenged the death of
Philopoemen, and affuring their embaffadors of the parti-
cular care the fenate had taken, that neither arms nor pro-
vifions fhould be fent from Italy to their enemies 5+. But
this applauſe and friendly profeffions the Achaeans eſtimated
at their real value.
Flamininus
ſuſpected of
having a
fhare in the
guilt of Phi-
lopoemen's
murder;
54
We have not fufficient authority from hiſtory to ſay how
far Flamininus was concerned in this criminal tranfaction,
in which he ſeems to have acted a part. Dinocrates was-
confeffedly his creature; and in exciting " the Meffenians to
revolt, acted, it appears evidently, with his privity, if not
by his inftigation. Flamininus, beſides, hated Philopoe-
men, both as a man whoſe unfeaſonable loyalty to his
country obftructed the views of Rome, and as his rival in
military glory. Whether his inftructions to Dinocrates
pointed to the execution of Philopoemen, is a circumſtance
impoffible now to be determined; but had not the Meffenian
expected that Rome would not difavow the action, he pro-
bably had not embrued his hands in the blood of that great
man. It is recorded by Polybius ", that Flamininus had,
before this period, in conjunction with Dinocrates, formed a
plan to throw the Achaean councils into confufion, by ſup-
porting the Meffenian intereft in oppofition to that of Achaia;
and in order to try his influence among the Peloponnefian
54 Polyb. Legat. li.
55 It is remarkable, that Livy (L. xxxix. c. 48.) makes flight mention of this
revolt; into the caufes and progreſs of which, he ſays he will not inquire, as
being a matter altogether foreign to his object, the hiftory of the Roman people.
56 See Polyb. Legat. xlvii. See alfo De vi&t. et vitiis, p. 1435,
1
F
Ntates,
}
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
471
ftates, had required a general affembly to be convened. Book VI,
But Philopoemen, at that time chief magistrate, fufpect- Sect. 2.
ing fome finifter defign, demanded that he ſhould first
fignify in writing, what was to be the bufinefs of this
convention. As the Roman would not comply with this
requifition, Philopoemen refuſed his requeſt.
BUT the behaviour of Flamininus bears a more unfa-
vourable afpect, from the recollection that he himſelf had
adjudged " Meffenia to the Achaeans; and in confequence of
this decifion, had afterwards prevailed on them to cede Za-
cynthus to the Romans 58 The argument he employed on
this occafion, deferves notice. Achaia," faid he to them,
"is a kind of tortoife, around which nature has placed
a ſhell by way of armour; and if it thrufts out its
"head or feet beyond this armour, it is in danger of re-
"ceiving injury. Your frontier cities, O Achaeans! are
64
66
your ſhell, your natural defence: but whatever acqui-
"fitions you make beyond the continent, thofe are the
parts which lying without your fhell, are expofed to
હ
* infult, and which are not to be fecured without an ex-
46.
pence far greater than their real worth.". The fhrewd-
neſs of the obfervation, aided by thofe arts of intrigue in:
which he excelled, fecured the wifhed-for fuccefs.
$7 Liv. L. xxxvi. c. 31, 32.
58 An ifland lying between Sicily and Peloponnefus, which the Achaeans
had lately purchaſed, and from its fituation, of confiderable importance to
Rome
1
}
BUT
2
472
BOOK VI.
Sect. 2.
his bafe
treatment of
Hannibal.
HISTORY OF GREECE
•
BUT the part, which Flamininus acted in relation to
Hannibal ", who died the fame year with Philopoemen,
evinces, that this commander, the boafted favourite of Ro-
man hiftorians, poffeffed little of that noble generofity of
ſpirit, by which the brave are generally diſtinguiſhed. After
the total overthrow of Antiochus, the Carthaginian, fear-
ing he ſhould be given up to his enemies, had retired
to the court of Prufias king of Bithynia, who promifed
him protection. Flamininus being on an embaffy to the
Bithynian monarch, in order to negotiate a peace between
him and the king of Pergamus, took this opportunity,
either in confequence of fecret inftructions from the fenate,
or from a mean paffion for fame, as Plutarch thinks, to
demand, that Hannibal fhould be delivered into his hands.
Prufias at first, according to the laft-mentioned hiftorian,
earneſtly pleaded the rights of hofpitality and his plighted
faith, of which fo difhonourable an action would be an
avowed violation. But the Roman, regardleſs of fuch con-
fiderations, perfifted in his demand; and the daftardly Pru-
fias at length agreed to comply. Hannibal, who had but
flight dependence on the Bithynian's honour, and, from the
time of Flamininus's arrival, fufpected the object and
refult of his machinations, had contrived in the caftle of
Libyffa, where he refided, fubterraneous paffages, to fa-
vour his eſcape in cafe of danger; when having in-
formation that his caſtle was furrounded by foldiers, he
- had recourfe to theſe fecret outlets: but finding them all
guarded, and no hope of efcaping, he at once formed hist
59 Liv. L. xxxix. c. 51. Plut. in Flaminino.
refolution.
.
2
1
$
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
473
+
Sect. 2.
refolution. Taking then in his hand the cup which con- Book VI.
tained the ingredients, long before prepared for ſuch an
occafion, "Let us," faid he, "deliver Rome from her
perpetual difquietude, fince fhe thinks it tedious to wait
" for the death of a poor yet dreaded old man. What a
"change in Roman manners! their fathers warned Pyr-
rhus, even when in arms againſt them, of the poiſon
"that was treacherously prepared for him; while their
66
cc.
"C
degenerate fons are not ashamed of employing their em-
"baffador, a man of confular dignity, to prevail on the
"perfidious Prufias to give up a gueft to whom he had
"promiſed protection." Then invoking the gods to take
vengeance on Prufias and his kingdom for his violation
of hoſpitality, he ſwallowed the fatal draught, and expired.
When an account of this tranſaction reached the fenate, fe-
veral members of that auguſt body, Plutarch tells us, ex-
preffed the higheſt diſpleaſure at a conduct which difgraced
not only Flamininus but the Roman name.
AFTER an inſtance fo notorious, the decifion is obvious
with regard to the character of this conqueror of Greece.
His conduct to the virtuous Cato was not lefs difho-
nourably mean; and though foreign to the prefent hiftory,
it may, further to illuftrate the character of this celebrated
general, not improperly find a place here. Lucius, brother
to Titus Quintius Flamininus, had been guilty of a crime
of the blackeſt die °°. A favourite boy whom he had car-
ried with him into his province of Gaul, was reproaching
him, in the hours of dalliance, for taking him from Rome
6º Liv. L. xxxix. c. 42. Plut. in Flaminino.
60
P
juſt
His flagitious
treatment of
Cato.
474
HISTORY OF GREECE
Book VI. juſt before a ſhew of gladiators was to have been exhibited,
Sect. 2.
and thereby depriving him of the pleaſure of ſeeing a man
killed; a fight which he moſt ardently defired. At that
inſtant the proconful was informed, a Boian Gaul,, a man of
diſtinction in his own country, was come to take the oaths of
allegiance to Rome, and with his wife and children waited
without. He immediately ordered him to be admitted..
And turning to his pathic,. "to fatisfy thy longing, wilt
"thou then," faid he, "that I fhew thee this Gaul in
"the agonies of death? fo faying, with his own hands he
ſtabbed the unfuſpecting Boian. This flagitious action came
to the knowledge of Cato, who, when cenfor, charged.
Lucius with it, and the fact being fully proved, degraded
him from the fenatorial dignity, notwithſtanding the most.
earneſt folicitations of his brother and his powerful relations.
In revenge, Titus purſued Cato with unrelenting animofity..
He leagued against him with his inveterate enemies. By means-
of a corrupt majority, which he had acquired in the fe-
nate, he annulled all contracts, leafes, and bargains, which
Cato had entered into relative to the public revenue; not
on account of any defect, but merely becauſe Cato had
made them: and he took every opportunity, upon the ſlighteſt.
grounds, of harraffing him with frivolous and vexatious pro-
fecutions.
WRETCHED Greece! what had the to expect from an
adminiſtration directed by men of the character we have
defcribed! And yet of all the Romans to whom the care
of Grecian affairs were committed, one of the most hu--
mane, ſays hiſtory", was TITUS QUINTIUS FLAMININUS!
**See Plutarch. Parallel, Philopoem. & Flaminin.
1
BOOK
"
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
475
what
во ок
VI.
SECTION III.
CONTENT S.
his violent re-
Injurious conduct of the Romans to Philip of Macedon-be is
required to evacuate Aenos and Maronea
fentment-caufes the Maronites to be maffacred-is threat-
ened by the Romans-fends his fon Demetrius to Rome-
his fuccefs.-Philip's fufpicions of the connections Demetrius
had formed in Rome-encouraged in his fufpicions by Perfeus
-is impofed upon by a forgery-believes Demetrius guilty
of defigns against his crown and life-caufes him to be put
to death-diſcovers his innocence-dies of a broken heart.
His character.
What
E are now to view the affairs of Macedon during Book VI.
the period of which we have been ſpeaking.
ROME jealous, as we have feen, of the encreafe of do-
minion which Philip had acquired in the courſe of the
late wars, feized every opportunity of confining him with-
in narrower limits. Athamania had already been wreſted
3 P2
from
Sect. 3.
The Romans
jealous of
Philip;
}
1
5
476
HISTORY OF GREECE
7
3.
Book VI. from him, a few inconfiderable fortreffes excepted, under
Sect.
pretence of reſtoring it to its lawful prince. Thoſe can-
tons of Theffaly, in which he had re-eſtabliſhed his au-
thority, were now encouraged to affert their independence;
and whatever violence, either here or in the countries ad-
jacent, the Macedonian king had committed whilft em--
ploying his arms on the fide of Rome, though perhaps
nothing more than the natural confequences of war, were
brought into account againſt him, as wanton outrages for
which reparation was to be exacted. Even thoſe parts of
Thrace which, chiefly through his means, had been re-
covered from Antiochus, and to which the Macedonian
kings had antient pretenfions, were demanded by Eumenes
of Pergamus. A large portion of it had been already decreed
to Eumenes, by the ten commiffioners employed after the
battle of Magneſia, in the partition of the provinces of An-
tiochus in Europe and the Lower Afia: but not content
with this acquifition he now demanded more..
t
appoint
commiffion-
ers to fettle
differences.
(
2
To all claimants againſt the Macedonian monarch the-
Romans gave a favourable hearing. And, as if they had
nothing more in view than to make an equitable ſettle-
ment among all parties, they appointed' three commiffion--
ers, Quintus Caecilius, Marcus Baebius, and Tiberius Sem--
pronius, to pafs into Greece, where they were to erect
themſelves into a court of judicature, and to decide upon
all differences between Macedon and her adverfaries. With
this procedure, doubtless exceedingly humiliating to a prince
not yet deprived of fovereign power, and ſtill oftenfibly num-
* Polyb. Legat. xl. Liv. L. xxxix. c. 24 & feq.
1
·
bered
Jur
}
L
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
477
Bered among the faithful allies of Rome, Philip found Book VI.
it expedient to comply. He attended the commiffioners in Sect. 3.
their progreſs through Theffaly; and, however unable at
times to ſuppreſs his indignation, difdained not to put in
anſwers to the various demands which intereft or refent-
rited defence;,
ment urged against him. "The Theffalians, he ftated, Philip's fpi-
far from having any thing to lay juftly to his charge,
had been guilty of many acts of violence againſt Macedon;
and, without the leaſt title, had deprived him of ſeveral ci-
ties, which he either poffeffed by inheritance; or, by expreſs
ftipulation with the Roman conful, had won with his
fword, from the Aetolians and Athamanes then in arms.
againſt Rome.”—"They complain," he continued, “that I
"have diverted the courſe of commerce from Thebes of
"Pthiotis, whilſt in my poffeffion, to Demetrias. But
"when was it accounted criminal in a prince, to open a
new channel of trade? or to allow mariners the choice
"of their port.?. They accufe me of preparing an ambuſcade
"for certain deputies fent with their complaints to the
66
17
<6
Roman commander. In confequence of this pretended
ambuſcade, let me know what injury thefe deputies have
"fuſtained? In truth, the liberty you have beſtowed on
"theſe Theffalians has taught them infolence: like flavés
newly manumitted, they pride themſelves in the exerciſe
"of their petulance againſt thoſe who lately ruled over
them. But," added he,, with an energy the refult of various
feelings, "the fun of all my days has not yet fet."-Not-
withſtanding, however, this ſpirited defence, the commiffion- diſregarded.
ers decreed, that the Macedonian garriſons ſhould immedi-
ately evacuate the feveral towns and caſtles in queſtion, and
H
that
478
HISTORY OF GREECE
}
Book VI. that Philip ſhould withdraw northward within the ancient
Sect. 3. boundaries of Macedon.
Aenos and
Maronea
flaimed by
Fumenes.
Philip exa
poftulates
FROM Theffaly the Roman commiffioners proceeded to
Theffalonica, to adjuſt the fettlement of Thrace, where the
more important object of contention lay. Philip had ex-
tended himſelf on this fide with great fuccefs; and, be-
fides a large portion of territory, had got poffeffion of Aenos
and Maronea, two cities on the Hellefpont, which from
their maritime fituation afforded their fovereign many va-
luable advantages. In Maronea particularly, the moſt con-
fiderable of the two, he kept a ftrong garrifon, and had
ſo far eſtabliſhed himſelf, as to procure the baniſhment of
a numerous body of the citizens, who stood in oppofition
to his interefts. Theſe exiles were now loud against him
ſupported, privately by the Romans, and openly by Eu-
menes, who maintained that theſe cities were appendages
of that part of Thrace already adjudged to him; and charged
Philip with the moft flagrant oppreffions. It was eaſy
to perceive from what had paffed, the complexion of the
commiffioners; and Philip, judging it now in vain to keep
meaſures with men determined at any rate to fide with
his adverſaries, no longer fought to diſguiſe his fentiments.
"It is neither with the Maronites nor with Eumenes," faid
he, addreffing himſelf to the commiffioners, "that the con-
"teft now lies; but with you Romans, from whom I have
long obferved, that I have no juftice to expect. The
"cities of Macedon, which revolted from me to you at
"the very time a truce fubfifted between us, I claimed,
** and met with a refufal. Inftead of matter of right, had
"I claimed
66
र
F
1
༣
1
1
K
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
479
* I claimed them as matter of favour, the favour had Book VI.
Sect.
"been ſmall for you to grant, as theſe cities were to 3.
you of little importance, and in the extreme borders
"of my kingdom; but it was of moment to me to
"have them reftored, that their defection might not en-
66
courage others to imitate their treachery. During the
"Aetolian war, by defire of the conful Manius Acilius, I
"fat down before Lamia, and was on the point of taking
"it, when the conful appeared, demanded it for himſelf,
"and wreſted the conqueft out of my hands. To ſoften
"the injury, I was permitted to turn my arms againſt
"fome towns, or rather caftles, of Theffaly, Perrhaebia,
"and Athamania; theſe you have now taken from me.—
"Even the claims of Eumenes are thought preferable to
"mine, by his fhare of the dominions which Antiochus
"was poffeffed of; he, who fought under your banners,
"not for your fakes, but for his own, against an enemy,
"from whom he had every thing to fear, and who, if
"not cruſhed, had been his deftruction. Antiochus, on
"the other hand, courted my friendship, and would have
$6
诱惑
​purchaſed it at no leſs a price than the ceffion of all
"Greece, a fleet of fifty decked ſhips, and three thouſand
"talents. Regardleſs of theſe fplendid offers, I took the
field againſt him, even before your forces had paffed
over from Italy; declining neither toil nor danger to
procure you victory. When Scipio was on his way to
"Afia, I fhewed myfelf equally zealous in your ſervice;
"I conducted him through Macedon and Thrace, and by
my preſence prevented the oppofition which otherwife
he had met with from the barbarous inhabitants. In
"return for all this, I might reaſonably have expected an
"encreaſe
46
2
480
GREECE
HISTORY OF
Sect. 3.
66
66
66
Book VI. "encreaſe of dominion; on the contrary, I fee myſelf de-
prived not only of what your own grants have beſtowed,
"but alſo of my hereditary poffeffions. And as if I were
Antiochus, I am now to be plundered even by Eumenes;
who, not content with having Lyfimachia and the Cher-
“foneſe affigned to him, pretends, that Aenos and Ma-
ronea are included; in exprefs contradiction to the very
"decree on which he grounds his title. Determine
"therefore; am I the foe, or am I ftill the ally of Rome?
"If the former, proceed as you have begun, in perfecut-
❝ing me; if the latter, abſtain from injuring a man, who
furely has deferved a very oppoſite treatment.
166
66
How liable foever Philip's private character might be to
objections, or whatever were the confiderations that moved
him to join the Romans, certainly their treatment of him
was exceedingly perfidious. Livy, from whom we have
taken his defence, tells us, that the commiffioners them-
felves were affected: they were more probably embarraffed
and afhamed. Unwilling to venture a definitive ſentence,
againſt which fo much might be faid, they only pro-
nounced, that, if theſe two cities had been adjudged to
Eumenes by the former commiffioners, it was not in their
power to reverſe the decree; if, on the other hand, it ſhould
appear, that Philip held them by right of conqueft, he
ought to hold them ftill; if neither the one nor the other
was the cafe, it muſt be left to the fenate in what way they
were to be diſpoſed of; meanwhile, the garriſons ſhould be
withdrawn "."
2 See Liv. L. xxxix, c. 28,
THIS
}
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
481
C
Sect. 3.
decide
Philip;
himſelf on
THIS temporizing fentence, however, did not long impofe Book VI.
His embaffadors whom he had fent to Rome,
on Philip.
had orders from the fenate to inform their maſter, that his The fenate
garrifons muſt forthwith evacuate the conteſted cities. The againſt
Macedonian king was fired with rage. The ſcorn of Eu-
menes, the dupe of Rome, he eagerly wished to have wreaked
his vengeance on both; but his power agreed not with his in-
clination. In this fituation he refolved to diſcharge his fury he revenges
at leaſt on the Maronites, whofe folicitations, he fuppofed, the Maro-
had been employed againſt him. Onamaſtus was his lieute- nites
nant in Thrace. He intrufted him with orders to Caffander,
governor of Maronea, to introduce into the city, in the
night before the Macedonian garrifon was to march out,
a body of his fierceft Thracian mercenaries, who, under
pretence of a fudden tumult, fhould put to the fword all
the inhabitants fufpected of favouring the oppofite intereſt,
without diſtinction of condition, age, or fex, and leave the
place drenched in the blood of its citizens. Theſe cruel
orders were but too faithfully executed.
UPON the firſt tidings of the maffacre, the fenate inftructed the indigna-
Appius to make inquiry concerning it. Philip pretended Romans on
tion of the
ignorance : "He had heard of a popular infurrection at this occafion.
"Maronea, occafioned by certain petty conteſts between
"the friends of Eumenes and thofe of Macedon, in which
"blood had been ſhed; but as to the aggravating circum-
"ftances which the Romans mentioned, he was altogether
He was then required to deliver
up Onomaſtus and Caffander, that they might be fent to
66
a ſtranger to them." He was
4
Polyb. Legat. xliv. Liv. L. xxxix. c. 34 & feq.
3 &
Rome
482
HISTORY OF GREECE
Philip's eva-
five and fla-
gitious con-
duct.
Book VI. Rome for examination. The propofal made him tremble.
Sect. 3. They knew too much, and might betray him. "Ono-
"maftus," he replied, "was a neceffary perfon, and not to
"be parted with; befides, having been at a confiderable
"diftance from Maronea at the time of the infurrection, he
"could not poffibly have known any thing of it. But
*Caffander, he promiſed, ſhould be fent to Rome." No-
thing, however, was farther from the intention of Philip
than this compliance. It was attended both with indignity
and danger. Accordingly, Caffander was taken off by poi-
fon, at Epire, in his way to the Roman capital.
He is alarm-
ed ;
THE Outcry againſt Philip became now more clamorous
than ever. The different ſtates around were rouſed, by theſe
recent inftances of violence, to a more lively remembrance
of the wrongs they had already fuftained, or the ſtill more
painful apprehenfions of what they had yet to dread; whilſt
Rome, intent on reducing the power of Macedon, ftrength-
ened theſe impreffions, by encouraging all to whom the
Macedonian king was obnoxious, to bring forward their
complaints, and to expect her protection. Philip faw the
ftorm gathering, and likely to burft upon him unprepared..
fends his fon In this fituation, he employed with the fenate, the media-
tion of his fon Demetrius, who, from his gentle and con--
ciliating deportment whilft an hoftage, was thought to be.
high in favour at Rome. The fenate received him with.
apparent cordiality; and having appointed a day of audience
for the embaffadors and deputies who attended with com-
plaints againſt Philip, they permitted Demetrius to be pre-
Demetrius to
Rome;
See Polyb. Legat. xliv. & xlvi. Liv. L. xxxix. c. 46, 47. 1
fent,
事
​FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
48,3
Sect. 3.
1:
fent, and to ſpeak in juſtification of his father's conduct; Book VI.
but, inſtead of availing himſelf of this permiffion, the young
prince, naturally timid, and thrown into the utmoſt confu-
fion by the heavy, the unexpected, and the numerous charges
brought againſt his father, became incapable of attempting
a reply. With feeming tenderneſs, the fenate aſked him,
whether the king had not furniſhed him with ſome notes or
ſecret inſtructions, from which he was to ſpeak? Deme-
trius was weak enough to own he had, and to permit
them to be read. Their views were, to diſcover by this
confidential paper, Philip's opinion of Rome, and the fe-
eret purpoſes he had in contemplation. It fully anſwered
the ſenate's expectations. Interfperfed were obſervations on
the iniquitous treatment he had met with-" This was un-
fair in Caecilius and his fellow-commiffioners”—" I had
"I
not, furely, deſerved this!"-" thus were my enemies en-
couraged to infult me."
1
the Romans
deal artfully
with him;
him;
THE refult was, the fenate told Demetrius, that, on his affect kind-
account, whatever had been improper in his father's conduct, nefs ton ardo
ſhould be paffed over; and that, from the confidence they
had in him, they were well affured Philip would, for the
future, perform every thing that juſtice required: that em-
baffadors ſhould be fent, to fee all matters properly adjuſted;
and with ſpecial directions to inform the king, "that from
the regard. they bore to the fon, they were willing to excufe
the father."-To complete the whole, according to Poly-
bius and Livy', they took care to inflame the mind of this
vain and unexperienced prince with expectations of the throne
Liv. L. xxxix. C. 53°
See Polyb. Legat. xlvi.
3Q 2
of
484
HISTORY OF GREECE
Book VI. of Macedon; on which, though he had an elder brother, they
him hopes he ſhould ſhortly be placed..
Sect. 3.
with what.
views..
gave
THE Roman annals fcarcely afford a ftronger inftance of
the duplicity of this rapacious people. To have defpoiled
at once Philip of his kingdom, immediately after fo many
important ſervices received from him, for no other oftenfible.
reaſon, but becauſe he would not tamely refign whatever
they required, would have been a meaſure highly odious as
well as dangerous, whilſt the ſpirit of Achaia was not alto-
gether fubdued, nor the extirpation of Carthage yet accom-
pliſhed. A more fecure method was adopted. They
practiſed on the eafy nature of this credulous and unfuf-
pecting youth; they debauched his affections; they gained
him over to the interefts of Rome; and had they fucceed
ed in obtaining for him the crown, Macedon had probably,
under this paffive and Rome-devoted king, funk. gradually,.
without even one ſtruggle, into the infignificance of a Ro--
man province. Whilft by pointing out Demetrius. to
the Macedonians as their future fovereign, the fenate had
another and an important object in view.. They ſet up a
formidable party against the reigning prince in the very
heart of his dominions; which, befides weakening the au-
thority of Philip, tended to divide the royal family. Dif
tracted thus by jealoufies and domeftic feuds, the royal
houfe of Macedon muſt have loft much of its importance,
and its ftrength; and Philip have ended his reign, if he
had even been ſuffered to end it by a natural death, heart--
broken and deſerted,
A
PART
1
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
485
PART of this ſcheme actually fucceeded; and it was not Book VI.
ewing to the Romans that the whole had not equal. Sect. 3.
fuccefs.
Perfeus and
PHILIP had only two fons, Perfeus and Demetrius. Deme- Characters off
trius, a prince weak and vain, as we have already feen; but Demetrius :-
at the fame time, open and undiſguiſed, adorned with all
the faſhionable accompliſhments that could be acquired
either in Greece or Rome, and of manners remarkably pla-
cid and engaging. Perfeus, on the contrary, of a buſtling
and turbulent difpofition, was at the fame time, if the Ro-
man writers are to be credited, ungenerous, fordid, dark,
and ſubtle; under the faireſt ſemblance covering the moſt
flagitious of views. Both princes were in the bloom of life;
Perfeus, the eldeft, was aged about thirty years when De-
metrius returned from Rome; but born, if we are to be-
lieve Plutarch, of a mother of mean birth, a fempftreſs of
Argos, and of ſo queſtionable a character, as to make it
doubtful whether he were really. Philip's fon. Demetrius
was five years younger, and the fon of his queen, a lady
of royal lineage. From the difference of their difpofitions,
as well as from the difproportion of their maternal origin,
Perfeus had conceived an early jealouſy of his brother, whom
he looked upon as his rival in a kingdom, to which pria-
rity of birth gave him, he conceived, a juſter title. The
avowed preference fhewn by the Romans to Demetrius, to-
gether with the vanity of this young prince, who was at no
pains to diſguiſe his hopes, riveted the antipathy of Perfeus.:
and he took care to poifon his father's mind with fufpicions
• In Paul. Aemil. & Arato,
Perfeus jez-
metrius;
lous of De-
t
of
486
OF GREECE
HISTORY 1
}
}
Book VI. of the defigns of this afpiring youth, the minion of Rome,
Sect. 3. and devoted to her intereſts.
Philip alſo is
prepoffeffed
against him,
and confirm
ed in his ha-
tred of the
Romans:
meditates the
renewing of
war.
1
?
PHILIP was but too well diſpoſed to liſten to theſe in-
finuations. From the return of Demetrius, a viſible altera-
tion had taken place in this unhappy king. Notwithſtand-
ing the various artifices he had hitherto employed in order to
clude the fenate's requifitions, he had at length been obliged,
by the arrival of new commiffioners, to fubmit to their im-
perious commands, and to evacuate all his maritime poffef-
fions in Thrace. And the only fruit he derived from his
fon's interceffion, was the humiliating reflection, that to
him he owed his being left in poffeffion of his mutilated
kingdom. The imprudent conduct of Demetrius, added to
the gloomy thoughts which haunted the unfortunate Philip.
He was on all occafions the advocate of the Romans; the
power of their arms, their probity, their unblemiſhed faith,
were his favourite topics; even their manners and their
buildings, at that time confeffedly inelegant and ill-con-
trived, he affected to fpeak of, as equal if not fuperior to
whatever Macedon had to boaſt *.
THUS agitated by doubts and refentment, Philip refolved
to exert his utmoſt vigour for the recovery of his former
independence; and the moment he was again in a condition
-for war, determined to bid defiance to the Romans. The
fortifying of the cities that lay on the fea-coaſt, or adjacent
to the great roads, might have given them umbrage: he
7 Polyb. Legat. xlii. & xlviii.
2
• See Liv. L. xl. c. 5.
therefore
→
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
487
}
1
10
therefore began his operations in places more remote, where, Book VI.
being less expofed to their obfervation, he found means to Sect. 3.
fill his inland towns and caftles with foldiers, arms, and
treaſure. At the fame time, he tranſplanted a large body.
of Barbarians from Thrace and the countries adjacent, into
his maritime and fouthern provinces, obliging thofe Mace-
donians on whom he had lefs reliance, to remove north-
ward, and give up their dwellings to thofe fiercer tribes.
So that, throughout Macedon, there was now exhibited a moſt
affecting fcene of wailing and defolation; a number of in-
nocent families torn from their native homes, the poffeffions.
of their forefathers, and dragged away to diftant and inhof-
pitable wilds.
YET this was mercy, in comparison of what followed.
PHILIP had, in the courfe of his reign, facrificed a num-
ber of his fubjects, of the nobleft blood of Macedon, to
his gloomy fufpicions; and in his prefent fituation dread-
ed the vengeance of their children. To relieve the
To relieve the appre-
henfions of his guilty mind, he ordered that ſearch ſhould
be made for the defcendants of all thofe whom he had
deſtroyed, and that they alſo ſhould be put to death. The
moſt dreadful inftances of what the ſpirit of defpotiſm can
perpetrate, followed thefe inhuman orders: but the melan-
eholy cataſtrophe of the family of" Herodicus, a man of high
confideration in Theffaly, as it excited univerfal compaffion,
merits a more particular detail. He had fallen by the fword
• Plutarch in Paub, Aemilio. 10 Liv. L. xl. c. 3. * Livy ibid. c. 4.
of
Difaftrous
fate of the
family of
Herodicus,
1
"
1
488
HISTORY OF GREECE
Book
BOOK VI. of regal violence; and not fatisfied with this, the jealous
Sect. 3. tyrant
had alfo murdered the huſbands of his two daughters,
Archo and Theoxena, by whom they left each of them an
infant fon. Theoxena, though tempted with many rich
offers, remained a widow. Archo married Poris, a perſon
of the firſt diſtinction among the Aeneatae, a people inha-
biting that part of Macedon which lies on the gulph of
Theffalonica, antiently known by the name of Thermae.
Archo dying a few years after, and leaving a numerous
iffue, Theoxena, from the tender affection fhe bore to the
dear pledges of her departed fifter, confented to become the
wife of Poris. Being informed of the tyrant's orders, they
were ftruck with the moſt alarming fears; and Theoxena,
abandoning herſelf to defpair, would have plunged the poni-
ard herſelf into the boſom both of her own fon and of
every one of Archo's children, rather than fuffer them to
fall into the power of the brutal Philip. Poris ftrove to
allay her fears, by promifing, that it ſhould be his care to
have them conveyed to Athens; and fhortly after, fet out
with his whole family from Theffalonica, his ufual refi-
dence, in order to attend a folemn facrifice at Aenea, the
chief town of the Aeneatae, in honour of Aeneas their ſup-
poſed founder; propofing from thence to eſcape to ſome of
the Euboean ports. Accordingly, the facrifice ended, they em-
barked during the night, as if on their return to Theffalonica;
but changing their courſe, ſtood for Euboea, and would pro-
*bably have made it, had not the wind proved contrary. At
dawn, the king's officers, who had charge to watch the
coaft, defcried their manoeuvre, and having manned one of
the royal pinnaces, immediately gave chace. Theoxena too
evidently faw her danger; the veffel was gaining on them,
3
and
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
489
}
1
and a few minutes more had delivered them into the hands
of their enemies. Firm in her purpoſe, the put a dagger
into the hand of each of the elder children, charging them
to provide inftantly for their own fafety; to the younger
ſhe adminiſtered a draught of ſtrong poiſon; and having, as
they expired, committed their bodies to the ocean, Poris
and herſelf, laft of all, entwined in mutual embraces, fought
a refuge from intolerable tyranny in the bofom of the deep.
The veffel was all that remained to Philip's minifters of
death.
AN adminiſtration blackened by fuch enormous crimes,
Livy juſtly obſerves, called for fome fignal vengeance from
heaven and the day of vengeance and retribution was faft
approaching.
:
THAT fpirit of diffenfion, which, for a time, had been
the reproach of the royal family of Macedon, had apparently
fubfided. Demetrius had learned caution, and avoided men-
tioning the Romans; and Perfeus, to whom his brother's
gentleneſs ſcarcely left a pretence for altercation, was lefs
intemperate in his complaints. But though not at open
variance, all fraternal cordiality was at an end: Demetrius
dreaded Perfeus; and Perfeus had ſtill a deep jealouſy of
Demetrius. Things were in this fituation when, through
the artful management of Perfeus, an incident, in itſelf of
little moment, gave vent to the fmothered flame, which blazed
inſtantly with a redoubled fierceneſs.
MARTIAL exerciſes were, at this
Occupation of the Macedonian court.
3 R
time, the principal
After a general re-
review
Book VI.
Sect. 3.
New diffen-
fions in the
royal family
of Macedon.
1
490
HISTORY OF GREECE
'
Book VI. review of the army ", the troops had, according to cuſtom,
Sect. 3. divided into two bodies, each headed by one of the king's
fons, and had engaged in a mock-combat. On this occaſion,
the divifion of which Demetrius was the leader, in their
eagerness for victory, had charged the other party with ra-
ther too much impetuofity, and driven them off their
ground; at which Perfeus expreffed fome refentment. The
folemnity was followed by entertainments, which the princes
gave to their companions and friends.
Perfeus acts
infidiouſly.
1
PERSEUS retained in his ſervice a number of ſpies, whom
he chiefly employed in watching his brother; one of thefe
had contrived to get admittance into the banqueting-room of
Demetrius; and being diſcovered by fome of the gueſts, he was
roughly treated, and expelled. Ignorant of this circumſtance,
Demetrius, towards the conclufion of the banquet, when ele-
vated with mirth and wine, propoſed, that they ſhould vifit his
brother, and form one convivial fociety; " and if," faid he,
any lurking refentment remains for what has happened
to-day, it will be diffipated by our jollity and good-hu-
"mour." Thoſe who had treated the fpy belonging to
Perfeus in fo rough a manner, fearful of the event, privately
provided themſelves with arms, in cafe of an infult. Per-
feus, who had his creatures abroad, had immediate
notice of all; and when Demetrius and his companions.
arrived, ordered the doors to be ſhut againſt them, and ſpoke
from a window, charging them with having come with
criminal intentions; and next morning he accufed Deme-
trius to the king, of an attempt to affaffinate him.
•
1 See Liv. L. xl. c. 6 & feq.
IQ
PHILIP,
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
491
anxiety:
3.
PHILIP, familiar as he was with deeds of blood, was Book VI.
his two.
ftruck with horror at the relation of Perfeus
Sect.
fons, the laſt hopes of his houfe, in arms against each Philip's
other! Whatever might be the iffue of the accufation, to him
the confequence must be mifery; he felt himſelf the moft
wretched of fathers: if the accufation was true, Demetrius
deferved to die; if not truth, Perfeus ought not to live.
on his fons:
AFTER fome days of anxious folicitude and agitation, He fits in
he refolved to inveſtigate the horrid truth. Retiring there- judgment
fore into the inner apartment of his palace with two of
his nobles, of whofe judgment and unbiaffed probity he
had the higheſt opinion, he commanded both his fons to
appear before him.
before him. At fight of them he broke out into
"6
paffionate lamentations : Here," faid he, "I fit this day his speech.
"in judgment on my own fons, of all parents the moſt
"miferable; certain, whether the charge is proved or dif-
"proved, of finding a criminal in one of you. Your dif-
❝ fenfions I have long obferved, I have long bewailed;
"but I had hopes, that' as your reafon advanced to ma-
"turity, a ſenſe of what you owe to your country, of what
you owe to yourſelves, and to me, would have infpired
66
you with better thoughts. Often have I endeavoured
"to inftruct you by the examples of other nations and
"other times. I have told you how many royal houſes
"and flouriſhing empires domeſtic diſcord has overthrown;
" and how, on the contrary, a firm union at home had,
"from the moſt inconfiderable beginnings, raiſed others
"to the heighth of proſperity and power. Remember the
"fate of Sparta; whilſt its two kings acted in concert,
"it flourished; but, blafted by their difcord, it withered
3 R 2
" and
492
HISTORY OF GREECE
Sect.
3.
st
BOOK VI. " and decayed. View even the Pergamenian kings, that new
race, whofe regal title is an infult to other kings; by
"what means have they rifen to the large fhare of do--
"minion they are now poffeffed of? By unanimity and
"ſtrict concord, the diſtinctive characteriſtics of that family..
Among the Romans, in like manner, think what luftre.
"their greateſt men have derived from the cultivation of
"this brotherly union-with what glory the two elder
Scipios, in the war in Spain, fought and fell by each
"other's fide-and how again the two fons of one of thoſe:
Scipios, one the conqueror of Hannibal, the other of
"Antiochus, laboured to adorn the brows of each other
Perfeus pro-
duces his
charge.
66
66
"
66
65.
with the wreaths of victory. But, I know it well, my
"throne is your object: if I yet live, it is only becauſe
"each of you fees a dreaded rival in his brother; that rival,
removed, I too fhall fall.-Proceed therefore; fince the
ears of a father muſt be polluted with the narrative of
his fons crimes; proceed; employ every argument that›
"truth or artifice can furnish; to-day I fhall liſten to all,.
"determined from henceforth never to fuffer accufations›
"of this kind either in public or private to approach
"" me."
SUCH is the fubftanee of what the Roman hiftorian has
put in the mouth of Philip on this occafion; certainly,
not what he did fay, but what he might naturally have
"faid, and from which a tolerable judgment may be formed
of the character and fituation of this unhappy prince.
THE charge brought by Perfeus was deftitute of proof;
the want of this, however, he fupplied by peremptory
affeverations,
7
A
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
493
}
1
affeverations, infifting on the moft minute circumftances Book VI.
that had occurred either in the courfe of the late folem- Sect. 3.
nity, or during the fucceeding night, and giving the moſt
malignant interpretation to the whole; adding, what he
knew would have the greateſt weight with Philip, that
Demetrius was, beyond a doubt, acting by the inſtigation of
the Romans, and in full afſurance of their fupport.
THE deep atrocity of the crimes of which Demetrius Demetrius
juſtifies him-
heard himſelf accuſed, fo foreign to his gentle nature; the felf.
boldnefs with which Perfeus had maintained the charge;
and the fell rancour diſcernible through every part of it,
overpowered the feeble fpirits of the young prince; he
melted into tears; and with difficulty was at length en--
couraged to attempt, in tremulous and faultering accents,
his own juftification. His defence, though void of art,
and delivered under great perturbation- of mind, was never-
theleſs a full refutation of his brother's charge. And whe-
ther it was malice or error on the fide of Perfeus, it was
plain, that guilt was not to be imputed to Demetrius.
ALL determination on the prefent cafe was precluded
by paternal tenderneſs. Philip therefore declined pronounc-
ing fentence; and only ſaid, that their future conduct ſhould
be the criterion by which he fhould judge of the truth
or the falfhood of the allegations which had been pro-
duced before him.
DEMETRIUS probably ſtood acquitted by his father, of
any attempt on his brother's life; but what Perfeus had Philip
thrown out, of his connection with Rome, and of the con- metrius of
fufpects De-
fequent carrying on.
*
494
HISTORY OF GREECE
}
with the
Romans;
BOOK VI. fequent dangers to be apprehended, made the deepeſt im-
Sect. 3. preffion on his gloomy mind. He held the Romans in
a private cor- deteftation, and looked for every kind of infidious treat-
respondence
ment and perfidy from that quarter: and though Deme-
trius was hitherto innocent, yet, open to their infinuations,
and allured by the temptation of a crown, he might foon
be guilty. Diftracted by his doubts, Philip refolved to
fends embaf- be fatisfied; and fixed upon two noblemen, Philocles and
Apelles ¹³, who, as he thought, had no kind of attachment
to either of his fons, to proceed as his embaffadors to
Rome; with inftructions to find out, if poffible, with what
perfons Demetrius correfponded, and what were his de-
figns.
fadors to
Rome, to
make dif
coveries;
13
PHILIP could not have made a worfe choice. Perfeus,
deep in contrivance, indefatigable in the purfuit of his
object, and, from his being the eldeſt born, as well as
confeffedly the firſt in his father's favour, confidered by
the kingdom in general as the prefumptive heir, had pri-
vately gained over moſt of the chief men of Macedon. Of
all his creatures, none were more devoted to him, than theſe
they impofe two truſty counſellors of Philip. Having therefore pre-
viouſly concerted matters with Perfeus, they returned to
the king with an account that Demetrius was held in
the higheſt eſteem at Rome, and that he certainly appeared
to have entertained moſt unjuſtifiable views; delivering to
"him at the fame time a letter, which they pretended to
have received from Quintius Flamininus. The hand-
writing of the Roman, and the impreffion of his fignet, the
on Philip.
13 Liv. L. xl. c. 20, 23, 24.
king
A
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
495
Sect. 3.
king was well acquainted with, and from the exactneſs of Book VI.
the imitation, was induced to give entire credit to the con-
tents, more eſpecially as Flamininus had formerly written
in commendation of Demetrius, when he laft returned from
Rome, adviſing Philip to fend him back foon with a
more honourable retinue, as nothing could be more agree-
able to the fenate, or more for the interefts of Macedon.
The prefent letter was of a different tenor. The writer
owned Demetrius to be blame-worthy, and deprecated the
king's anger in his behalf, entreating him "to believe,
that, whatever unwarrantable enterpriſes the young prince,
"through ambition of a throne, might have defigned, yet
"certainly he had projected nothing againſt the life of any
"of his own blood;" adding, "that as to himſelf, he was
not a man that could be thought the adviſer of an unjuſt
" action."
66
<<
vinced that
THE fufpicions of Philip now gave place to the moft Philip con-
dreadful certainty. Demetrius appeared to him evidently Demetrius
guilty of the moſt atrocious defigns; he faw him not only is guilty.
defirous of aſcending the throne by fupplanting his brother,
but ſcrupling not to wreft the fceptre from the hands even
of a father!
THE fituation of Demetrius had for fome time been ex- Demetrius
forms the
Rome;
ceedingly deplorable. Without any ſhare in his father's plan of
affection; the object of his brother's hatred; fhunned by escaping to
the tribe of courtiers, who, as ufual, paid their homage
where the royal favour was beſtowed; and beſet with ſpies,
by whom he found himſelf obſerved on all occafions, Mace-
don appeared to him a priſon where every thing was diſguſting
and
495
HISTORY OF GREECE
3.
•
Book VI. and dreadful. No wonder, therefore, that he wished to pro-
Sect. 3.
vide for his comfort and fafety, by eſcaping to Rome. He
communicated his defign to Didas, governor of Paeonia,
who with much art had infinuated himſelf into his con-
is betrayed fidence, and who immediately betrayed him to Perfeus,
by Didas,
and through Perfeus to the king. The diſcovery ſet Phi-
lip on meditating fome violent ftroke; and Flamininus's
letter confirmed him in his purpoſe. A dread of the Ro-
mans made it inexpedient to proceed againſt Demetrius
by public proſecution for puniſhment; Philip had recourſe
therefore to Didas, whom the unfufpecting Demetrius ſtill
continued to make the chofen partner of his convivial
hours. This villain proved himself the worthy inftrument
and treach of an inhuman tyrant, and foon feized an opportunity, at a
banquet, after a folemn facrifice, of conveying poiſon into
the cup of the unhappy prince. This did not operate,
however, in the ſpeedy and filent manner he had expected,
but caufed fuch excruciating torture, as made the villainy
confpicuous, and drew from Demetrius agonizing complaints
againſt the unnatural authors and vile perpetrators of the
deed: till, tired with the flow operation of the baneful
potion, Didas compleated his enormity by ſending two
ruffians into his chamber, who, fmothering this unfortu-
nate prince, put an end to his life,
erously put
to death.
Infolence of
Perfeus after
the death of
Demetrius.
PHILIP did not long continue ignorant of the extent of
his guilt, and of his misfortune. The conduct of Per-
feus himſelf, firſt awakened his fufpicions. Having now
no rival in his future profpects, inſtead of that pliant and
9
*4 See Liv. L. xl. c. 54 & feq.
obfequious
}
}
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
497
•
obfequious conduct, which, whilft Demetrius lived, he had Book VI.
obferved towards his father, he now treated him with the
Sect. 3.
moſt infolent neglect, affecting, on all occafions, the haughty
port of independence, and looking towards the throne with
an undiffembled impatience. A change ſo viſible and fo
ſurpriſing, made Philip call to mind the various circum-
ſtances of the late melancholy tranſaction, to which, in the
ftorm of paffion, he had but flightly attended. Sufpicions Philip
ſuſpects that
naturally arofe, that Demetrius had fallen a facrifice to Demetrius
treachery. Among all his courtiers, fuch is often the fate was inno-
of kings, he had but one friend, Antigonus, his uncle's
fon; Antigonus had alſo been the friend of Demetrius, is confirmed
and, from a conviction of his innocence, fincerely lamented Antigonus;
his fate. To him the king often made paffionate mention
of that unhappy prince; bewailing, that his condemnation
had been ſo precipitate, and wiſhing to be affured whe-
ther he had not fallen a victim to villainy and artifice.
cent;
in this by
whole truth:
PHILOCLES and Apelles, in their late embaffy to Rome,
had employed one Xychus as their fecretary. This man An- diſcovers the
tigonus contrived to have ſecured, and brought before the
king. At first he heſitated; but, at fight of the rack,
confeffed every thing: "That the embaffadors had acted,
throughout the whole affair, in confequence of inſtructions
they had received from Perfeus ;"" that the charge against
Demetrius was altogether void of foundation;" and "that
Xychus himſelf, by order of his employers, had been the
forger of the letter from Flamininus.
•
ALL, that fierce refentment, the tranfports of grief, the his rage and
anguiſh of remorfe, can imprefs on the human mind, was
remorse,
1
3 S
now
498
HISTORY OF GREECE
1
Sect.
He executes
vengeance
Book VI. now felt by the unfortunate Philip. Incenſed to mad-
3. nefs, he ordered the two embaffadors to be inſtantly ſeized.
Apelles had, upon the first intimation of his danger, fled
on one of the to Italy"; the other, Philocles, after having been con-
embaffadors; fronted with
fronted with Xychus, was put to death. Some hiſtorians
fay, that he confirmed what Xychus had depofed; others,
that he perfifted to the laſt in an obftinate denial *.
the other
eſcapes ;
13 Upon the authority of this circumftance, of "Apelles making his eſcape
to Italy," where, had he been guilty of the death of Demetrius, he could not
have expected to find protection, joined with fome other circumftances of this
remarkable ſtory; fuch as Philocles's perfifting, according to fome hiftorians,
though confronted with Xychus and in the agonies of the rack, in the denial
of all; and the Romans refufing, when required by Philip (fee Liv. L. xlii.
c. 5.) to deliver Apelles into his hands; to which we may add Perfeus's treat-
ment of this very Apelles, whom, when he came to the throne, inftead of re-
warding, he found means to get into his power and put to death; (fee Liv.
ibid.) Mr. Hooke in his Roman Hiſtory (fee B. v. c. 14.) grounds a conjecture,-
that this charge of forgery againſt Perfeus and the Macedonian embaffadors, was
the contrivance of Antigonus, who hoped, by means of it, to get the kingdom;
and that Flamininus really wrote the letter afcribed to him. And he ſuppoſes
that, fenfible of Demetrius's vanity and imprudence, and of the many juft caufes
of complaint he had given the king, the Roman wrote it out of kindneſs to
the young prince, and in the view of deprecating his father's anger. How far
this conjecture deferves to be admitted, the reader may judge.
that the letter was a forgery, and Perfeus the contriver of it.
alfo be owned, that even Livy's teftimony, in cafes of this kind, when guilt is
to be thrown off Rome upon her enemies, is fometimes queftionable. However,
allowing the letter to have been really written by Flamininus, it certainly does
not follow, that the intention of it was as friendly as Mr. Hooke ſuppoſes,
In fact, what could have been the defign of fuch a letter, but to excite new terrors
in the mind of the unhappy Philip, already a prey to gloomy fufpicions In-
deed, this weapon of deſtruction did more than he meant it ſhould. It was alfo
fatal to Demetrius. But at the fame time it accomplished the main purpoſe.
for which it had been fent; it brought Philip to his grave, and added to
the diftraction, the weakness, and the reproach of Macedon's royal houſe.
Livy is clear
But it muſt
16 See Liv. L. xl. c. 55.
PERSEUS
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
499
&
C
3.
feize Per-
PERSEUS nevertheleſs was evidently the moft guilty. But Book VI.
he had little to fear.
Sect.
He kept out of his father's reach ;
and had Philip attempted to ſeize him, he might eafily, he finds it
with the formidable party he had at his devotion, have fet impoffible to
the feeble and almoſt deſerted monarch at defiance. The feus,
king did what he could. He never afterwards fuffered
him to come into his preſence; and declared it to be his
determined refolution, that he never fhould afcend a throne,
to which he had attempted to wade through a brother's
blood. He likewiſe talked of ſettling the crown on An- but refolves
tigonus; a ſcheme dictated by the momentary impulfe of to leave the
paffion, and which, in the utmoft plenitude of his power,
and with a much larger portion of life before him, he had
probably found it difficult to effect.
throne to
Antigonus;
The languiſhes,
BUT Philip had only a few days longer to live.
detection of Perfeus's guilt had been to him the ftroke of
death; for from that moment he dragged out a life of melan-
choly and languor. Though in this declining ftate, he
till, however, pleaſed himſelf with the thought of taking
vengeance on the Romans, to whofe perfidious councils
he chiefly aſcribed the ruin that had fallen on his houſe.
Beſides the mighty preparations for war, which he had
made at home, he had taken into his fervice the whole tribe
of the Baſtarnae", a fierce and hardy nation from the other
fide of the Danube, whom he meant to introduce into
Dardania, with the view of exterminating the people of
that country, who had fold themſelves to Rome, and of
pouring afterwards theſe barbarians through Illyricum inte
17 Liv. L. xl. c. 57.
3 S 2
Italy.
500.
HISTORY OF GREECE
and dies.
BOOK VI. Italy. Antigonus was diſpatched to haften their march..
Sect. 3. Whilft he was abfent on this errand, the king breathed
his last at Amphipolis, whither he had removed, in order
to welcome his new allies, and fee them conducted to
their place of deftination. Perfeus, who was in expectation
of his father's death, and had immediate information of it,
afcended the throne without oppofition,
Perfeus
afcends the
throne,
and puts
Antigonus
to death.
As to Antigonus, the favourable intentions which the
king had expreffed towards him, only ferved to make him
more particularly the object of Perfeus's refentment. It
was one of the first acts of his reign, to order him to ex-
ecution.
year of
PHILIP reigned forty-two years, from the third
the 139th Olympiad to the first year of the 150th"; a
period of time as buſy and eventful as any in the Gre
cian annals.
IT was undoubtedly a misfortune to the Grecian: peo--
ple, that fuch a prince was on the throne of Macedon
when the Romans firft invaded them.. Under. any Mace--
donian. king it had been difficult to have united into one-
compact body thefe feveral ftates, independent, and there-.
fore naturally jealous, of each other, and from whofe jarring
interefts, conteſts were perpetually arifing; but under a
Character of Prince like Philip, whofe ambitious attempts. and repeated:
treacheries provoked every fufpicion, it was impoffible..
The Romans faw this, and with their ufual policy turned:
Philip:
* From about the 218th to the 175th year before Chriſt,
4
1
it
*
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDEŔ.
}
it to their own advantage. Philip had befides, if Polybius Book VI.
and Livy may be credited, moſt of thofe private vices which Sect.
3.
mark the tyrant; he was intemperate, libidinous, vindic-
tive, cruel ; as a king, unworthy of truft; as a man, an object
of deteftation.
YET amidſt theſe deep fhades with which we find his
character darkened, he appears to have had qualities of a
very different caſt. His generous and noble acts, as we
have already feen, had fo endeared him to many of the
Achaean confederates, that when the queſtion was put,
whether Achaia fhould have alliance with Rome or Ma-
cedon, the deputies of feveral of the Achaean cities pleaded.
his cauſe with uncommon warmth, in oppofition to the rul-
ing party fupported by the Roman power; and at laſt, when
their oppofition could not avail, left the diet rather than
feem, by their prefence, to give fanction to a meaſure in-
jurious to the Macedonian king. The eftimation in which
he was held by many others of the Grecian ftates, is not
lefs to his honour. He was alfo poffeffed of many amiable
accompliſhments; and fuch were the elegance of his court,
and the eaſe and dignity of his manners, that Scipio Africa-
nus himfelf, who ſpent fome days with Philip in his way
to Afia, ſpoke of him with eſteem and high commenda-
tion ".-Was he fo able a diffembler ?-Or fhall we rather
fay, that, had the accounts of other writers, lefs under the
influence of Rome, reached us, his faults had not been
handed down to us with fo many heavy aggravations?
39 See Liv. L. xxxvii, c. 7,
1
اس
}
As
502
HISTORY OF GREECE
BOOK VI.
Sect. 3.
20
As to thoſe exceffes of violence and bloodshed which,
the cafe of Aratus excepted, are more particularly the re-
proach of his later years, even Polybius acknowledges,
that after the overthrow of Antiochus, when he found his
numerous and fignal fervices to Rome repaid with perfidi-
ouſneſs and hoftility, a total change in his difpofition be-
came confpicuous. The mortification of ſeeing himſelf fall-
en from the dignity of a fovereign prince, into a ſtate of
humiliating dependence on a haughty, powerful, and enter-
prifing republic; and of finding all his fecret enemies called
forth againſt him, from every quarter of Greece, by the open
encouragement or infidious arts of Rome; were circumſtances
fufficiently painful; which, added to the diftractions of his
own family, might, it may eaſily be ſuppoſed, have foured his
mind, and rendered his temper, as age advanced, more gloomy
and fufpicious.
1
As a king, he had unquestionably great abilities. In war,
he often gave proofs both of his courage and his conduct.
The marine of Macedon was altogether of his formation;
before his time, it had ſcarcely an exiſtence; under him, it
foon became confiderable; and by the commercial connexions
and fettlements which he made in different parts, he fo
fucceſsfully extended the Macedonian trade, as to excite the
jealouſy of the greatest commercial ftates of Afia. His
conduct in regard to Syria, it must be confeffed, was
impolitic to a high degree. The ruin of Antiochus, it was
obvious, muſt pave the way to his own. Sound policy,
pointed out, therefore, an alliance with that prince, and with
ao De virt. et vitiis, p. 1436.
3
other
}
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
503
other powers of Europe and Aſia. But in thoſe days", the Book VI.
Sect. 3.
balance of power was a matter little underſtood. And from
the narrow and confined views which each ftate had of its
own intereſts; from the want of proper intelligence of the
tranfactions and probable defigns of other kingdoms; and
from the jealoufies which Rome induſtriouſly kept alive-
between nation and nation; every potentate, if not imme-
diately attacked, looked on with unconcern whilft his
neighbour was deftroyed; not confidering, that the fate of
one neceffarily involved in it the fate of all.
THE latter part of his reign fhews, that he had a pro-
per fenſe of his treatment from Rome, and, had he not
been broken by the misfortunes of his own houſe, it is
probable ſhe had ftill found him a vigorous and formidable
adverſary. So ardent was he to the laſt, in the purſuit of
his favourite ſcheme of attacking the Romans, that about
a year before his death, he afcended to the top of mount
Haemus", an attempt of immenfe labour, and exceedingly
perilous, merely becauſe he had been told, that from the
fummit of this mountain might be ſeen the Adriatic ſea and
the whole country of Italy to the Alps, the deſtined ſcene
of his future operations. The meaſure he adopted, of in-
aLe monde de ce tems là," fays an ingenious modern," n'étoit pas comme
" nôtre monde d'aujourd'hui : les voyages, les conquetes, le commerce, l'etabliffe-
ment des grandes états, les inventions des poftes, de la bouffole, et de l'im-
primerie, une certaine police generale, ont facilité les communications, et établi
"parmi nous un art, qu'on appelle la politique: chacun voit d'un coup d'oeil
"tout ce qui fe remue dans l'Univers,"
aª Liv. L. xl. C. 21.
Grand. et Decad. des Rom. c. 1.
arent in his
enmity to
ardent to
laſt
Rome:
2
1
troducing
304
HISTORY OF GREECE
1
C
Book VI. troducing the Baftarnae, was certainly a deep ftroke in po-
Sect. 3. litics; and, had he lived to have brought his plan to maturity,
his prepara-
tions for
war.
or had, his fucceffor had the abilities to make a right uſe of
this new connexion, it had probably laid Italy open to fuck
inroads, as would have left her little leifure for the invafion
of other kingdoms 23.
PHILIP, befides, without making any fhew of war, or
giving the Romans the leaſt fufpicion of his operations, had
collected at home an army more numerous and better difci-
plined than any he had ever brought into the field. He had
laid up, Plutarch 24 tells us, in his arfenals, arms for thirty
thouſand men; in his garrifons eight millions of meaſures of
wheat; with money, in his treaſury to defray the charge of
maintaining ten thouſand mercenaries for ten years. And all
this was executed, after he had been reduced and plundered by
23 It appears, that the Romans were foon fenfible of their danger, had Philip's
plan been carried into execution. We are informed by Livy (L. xliv. c. 1.) that, about
eight years after this period, the conful Caffius would have attempted to penetrate
from the Lower Gaul through Illyricum into Greece, in order to join the other
conful; but that the fenate, upon the firſt intimation of his project, fent him peremp-
tory orders not to proceed, "left he ſhould fhew the neighbouring barbarians the
"way by which they might enter Italy." Mithridates, we read, fome time
before his death, had adopted Philip's plan, and, had not his fon's revolt baf-
fled his ſchemes, would probably have executed it. Upon the fame principle,
Auguftus, who, from the fate of Lollius and Quintilius Varus, had found what
formidable foes theſe fierce tribes were, and how vain it was to. attempt the wilds
and deep forefts they inhabited, appointed the Danube, for the boundary of the Ro-
-man empire on that fide, having fecured the hither banks of it by a strong line of
forts and military ſtations; and even left an expreſs injunction to his fucceffors, not
to paſs beyond it (Diocaffius) as if foreſeeing, that from this quarter were to iffue
forth thoſe nations who, during a length of ages, were to be the terror and the
fcourge of Rome.
24 In Paul. Aemilio.
6
the
}
}
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
505
}
the Romans, cut off from the benefits of commerce, and ob-
liged to retire within the antient boundaries of Macedon. A
ſtriking proof of his abilities, and of the reſources of that
kingdom under an able and active prince.
BUT all the defigns of Philip. were defeated by the ma-
chinations of treacherous policy: the flame of jealouſy and
divifion was kindled in his family, to which the unhappy
Demetrius fell a victim, and by which the aged monarch
himſelf was fent broken-hearted to the grave, Rome ex-
ulted in her fuccefs, beheld with joy all his bold and well-
concerted projects at an end; and, in the future vaffalage of
Macedon, contemplated one more proftrate kingdom groaning
under Roman domination.
Book VI.
Sect.
3.
1
?
3 T
HISTORY
$
1
1
-
}
+
HISTORY OF GREECE.
в оо к
ง
VII,
SECTION I.
Bas
CONTENTS.
Perfeus afcends the throne of Macedon-begins his reign with
Some appearance of vigour-courts the affections of the Ma-
cedonian people, and the friendſhip of the neighbouring ſtates.
-The Romans jealous-prefer fundry complaints againſt him,
and invade Greece.-Perfeus, with advantages in `his favour,
lofes the benefit of them by his avarice and pufillanimity.-
Suffers himself to be over-reached by the Romans -neglects
to improve the repeated opportunities, which, during the space
of three years, the incapacity or the corruption of the Roman
commanders preſented to him.
THE
HE firft years of the reign of Perfeus exhibit fcenes
which by no means juftified that contempt in which
the Romans appear to have held Macedon at the time of
his acceffion, or the opinion
{
Book
VII.
Sect. I.
which hiftorians tell us
Perfeus be-
gins his reign
t
* OLYMP. CLI.
BEFORE CHRIST 175.
3 T2
had
508
HISTORY OF GREECE
f
VII.
Sect. I.
with an ap-
pearance of
ability;
his conduct
at home,
BOOK had been generally entertained of Perfeus himself. His chief
object was, to eſtabliſh himſelf in the affections of the Ma-
cedonian people; and, as if the late fanguinary meaſures
had been altogether his father's crimes, he immediately af-
fumed an air of benignity and gentleness. Antigonus, his
rival in the kingdom, had fuffered the fate which uſually
attends the unfuccefsful rivals of kings; but Perfeus.
prevented the apprehenfions of farther ſeverities, by publiſh-
ing a general pardon to offenders of every defcription. He.
not only recalled all thoſe whom fear or judicial condemna--
tion had, in the courſe of the late reign, driven from their
country; but he ordered even the income of their fortunes,
during their exile, to be reimburſed ³. To the reft of his
fubjects, his whole deportment, in like manner, exhibited
princely dignity and parental tenderneſs. Whatever debts
were due to the crown of Macedon at the period of his
father's death, he remitted. Skilful in the art of war,
which he had ftudied under his father, he made the difci-
pline of his troops, and the improvement and ſtrength of his
kingdom, his principal occupation; and he carefully avoided
thoſe illiberal exceffes which diſgraced a great part of Phi-
lip's reign.
3
His conduct to foreign ftates was equally conciliating.
and abroad. Embaffadors were fent to the Roman fenate, to notify his
acceffion to the throne, and to requeft a confirmation of the
treaties fubfifting between Rome and Macedon. Rome an-
ſwered with the fame diffimulation with which he had pro-
"See Liv. L. xlii. c. 5. Plut. in Paul. Aemilio,
vitiis, p. 1440.
Polyb. de virtut. et
bably
1
>
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
509
{
bably addreffed her; acknowledged his title, and pronounced
him the friend and ally of the Roman people *. To the fe-
veral ſtates of Greece and Afia he made his application with
more fincerity. Senfible of what importance it was to
ftrengthen himſelf by alliances with the powers around him,
he ſtudied to remove thoſe jealoufies, to which his father's
ambitious projects had given birth. With the Rhodians.
he found little difficulty. Relieved from the uneaſy fufpi-
cions which Philip's naval improvements had occafioned,
they ſaw the miſtake they had been guilty of, in affifting the
Romans to overthrow the power of Macedón; and eſpouſed
with cordiality the interefts of Perfeus. Prufias of Bithy-
nia was prevailed on with the fame eaſe; and, to render the
connexion betwixt this prince and himſelf more binding, Per-
feus gave him his fifter in marriage. The Syrian court was
not leſs favourably difpofed.. Antiochus was dead, and his
fon Seleucus on the throne; who, irritated by his father's
fufferings and his own, willingly gave ear to every thing
Perfeus had to urge againſt the Romans'. He found, there-
fore, no difficulty in convincing Seleucus, that theſe repub-
{ licans were, from principle, the enemies of kings; and
that whatever portion of empire they had left him, would
be violently wrefted from his houfe on the firſt favourable
occafion. But the weak and impoverished. ftate of Syria
·
-
• Liv. L. xlii. c. 12.-
4 Liv. L. xl. c. 58. 5 Polyb. Legat. lxv. & Ixvii.
7 This was, according to Livy (L, xliv. c. 24.) the purport of the embaſſy ſent
afterwards by Perfeus to Antiochus; but it is evident he had before applied to
Seleucus; and as his views in both embaffies were the fame, fo, very probably, in
both were the fame arguments-employed.
В oo K
VII.
Sect. I.
1
permitted
}
510.
OF GREECE
HISTORY
-
*
VII.
Sect. 1.
; as
Book permitted not his following the dictates of his heart. All he
could do was, to wiſh Perfeus fuccefs; and, as a pledge of
his regard, to give him his daughter Laodice in marriage,
The Rhodians * diſtinguiſhed themſelves on this occafion
if to make amends for having employed their arms againſt
Macedon, they equipped a moft fuperb fleet, and defired to
have the honour of convoying the princeſs to her royal huf-
band. The fame difpofition prevailed throughout the greater
part of the Lower Afia. Perfeus looked even as far as Car-
thage for confederates, and diſpatched embaffadors accord-
ingly. The opportunity favoured his views, exaſperated
by the encroachments of Mafiniffa, and the duplicity of
Rome, the Carthaginians were ripe for violent councils;
they gave audience to the embaſſadors by night, in the temple
of Aesculapius, in order to conceal the tranfaction from the
Romans; and immediately diſpatched fome of their chief
men, to concert meaſures with the Macedonian king.
He courts
the ſtates of
Greece.
1
MEANWHILE, the emiffaries of Perfeus had been em-
ployed in every quarter of Greece; and in fupport of their
negotiations, he made a progreſs to Delphi ". Religion
was his pretence; but his real objects were a diſplay of his
power, a fhew of moderation, and an appearance of a regard
for the liberties of Greece. Attended by a formidable eſcort,
the flower of the Macedonian army, he paffed through Greece
without hoftility or depredation; and, having performed his
devotions, returned in the fame pacific manner to his own
kingdom.
• Polyb. Legat. Ix.
9 Liv. L. xli. c. 22.
10 Liv. ibid.
WHAT
t
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
511
Moſt of
VII.
Sect. I.
temper, at
of moſt of
ftates
WHAT rendered theſe intrigues the more effectual, was Bo o K
the general temper of the Greeks themſelves. ".
them began to have prophetic fears of what they had to ex--
pect, ſhould the Roman dominion be once fully eſtabliſh- The general
ed in Greece, and looked on Macedon as the laft bulwark this period,
of their liberties. Accordingly, a revolution of interefts the Grecian
took place almoſt every where. The people' of Epire fa-
voured. Perfeus. Several of the Theffalian tribes inclined to
the fame fide. The Boeotians declared themſelves avowedly;
and, having put to death the moft ftrenuous of the Roman
partizans, entered into an alliance with Macedon; and, to give
the ſtronger fanction to the treaty, cauſed it to be engraven
on tables of braſs, and ſet up in the temples of Delphi, Delos,
and Thebes. The Aetolians, though divided into two fac-
tions, animated by all that virulence which civil difcords
produce, agreed in one point, that Perfeus fhould be the
arbiter of their differences. Athens and Achaia alone
ffood firm to the Roman caufe; though even Achaia was nearly
loft to Rome. The Achaean ſtates, in the days of Philip, had.
prohibited by law all communication with Macedon; many
of the Achaean flaves availing themſelves of this interdic-
tion, had fled from their maſters, and taken refuge in the
Macedonian territories. Perfeus, to ingratiate himſelf with
the Achaean people ", caufed as many of theſe flaves as could
be found to be ſent back; accompanying the preſent with
a letter, in which he requeſted the refcinding of this un--
focial edict; and that a friendly intercourſe ſhould again be
opened between the two nations. The requeſt was plaufible,
1
* See Liv. L. xlii. c. 12 & feq.
12 Liv. L. xli, c. 23.
and
6.
512
HISTORY OF GREECE
1
Sect. I.
Book and met with powerful advocates in its favour among the
VII. Achaeans. But upon a repreſentation by the friends of
Rome, that it was beneath the dignity of the Achaean
ftates to take public notice of a letter, fent by a private
meffenger, conveying a requifition, which ſhould have been
made in form by embaffadors, in order to be laid before
the next general diet, the farther confideration of the mat-
ter was poftponed, and afterwards, when the national con-
vention was held, they had influence fufficient to defeat the
propofition.
The domeftic
advantages
poffeffed by
Perfeus.
EXCLUSIVE of the advantages Perfeus might derive from
the well-grounded jealoufy of Roman ambition, which was
entertained by moft of the Grecian ftates, he fucceeded to
all thoſe mighty preparations which his father had made
during the latter years of his life. He had a rich trea-
fury; an army, numerous, well difciplined, and well ap-
pointed; and, both in Thrace and Illyricum, a number of
petty princes, connected with his crown, were ready to
march at his command. The vigour of his operations ap-
peared at the fame time not unworthy of his power. The
Dolopians had contefted fome of his claims, and had
made their appeal to Rome; but, regardleſs of this appeal,
he entered their country, and reduced them to ſubjection.
The people of Byzantium, preffed by Eumenes, had ap-
plied to him for aid; when he immediately fent forces to
their affiſtance, and obliged the king of Pergamus to re-
tire. Abrypolis, who reigned over a diſtrict of Illyricum,
13
13 Liv. L. xli. c. 22. L. xlii. c. 12.
and
+
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
513
1
VII.
Sect. I.
K
and was one of the allies of Rome, having made an inroad Book
into Macedon, Perfeus marched immediately against him,
put him to flight, and purſued him into his own dominions,
of which he took poffeffion. And even afterwards, when at-
tacked by the Romans themſelves, he maintained war againſt
them for three years, with confiderable fuccefs.
In what manner all this feeming ftrength came to be anni-
hilated, and fo many advantages to terminate in diſcomfiture,
and the utter extirpation of him and the houſe of Macedon,
is a fit fubject for hiſtorical inquiry.
His error in
relation to
the Baftar-
PERSEUS, at the very commencement of his reign, was
guilty of a capital error.
The Baftarnae, of whom mention
has been made, were on their march through Thrace when nac.
his father died. Philip had ftipulated the fubfidy they were
to receive, and the different fums to be paid to the chiefs of
the Thracian tribes for granting them a free paffage through
their territories. Perfeus, who, although poffeffed of im-
menſe treaſures, was under the dominion of the moft fordid
avarice, would not abide by thefe ftipulations; in confe-
quence of which, the Baftarnae refuſed to advance, thirty
thouſand men excepted, who having already entered the
Macedonian frontiers, purfued their route to Dardania. The
reſt halted in Thrace; where, provoked by the treatment
they had met with, they fell on the people of the country,
and, as if to indemnify themſelves, plundered wherever they
came fo that Perfeus loft an ally, who had probably ren-
dered Macedon, at leaſt for the prefent, exceedingly formi-
dable; whilft he at the fame time forfeited the confidence of
his Thracian neighbours, who were not only defrauded of
3 Մ
the
U
}
514
HISTORY OF GREECE
i
Book the promiſed fubfidy, but compelled, through his perfidi-
ouſneſs, to take up arms in their own defence.
VII.
Sect. 1.
FROM the importance of the fervices performed by the
thirty thouſand Baftarnae who entered Dardania ", the con-
fequences are obvious had the whole force of thoſe emi-
grants, ſaid to amount to upwards of an hundred thouſand
men, been poured into this country. The Dardanians, here-
tofore the moſt active enemies of Macedon on that fide, now
finding more than fufficient employment at home, were
forced to retreat to their ftrong-holds, where, with diffi-
culty, they maintained themſelves againſt thoſe bold invaders.
The Baftarnae found powerful auxiliaries in the Scordifci",
a fierce nation to the north-weft of Dardania, whofe fettle-
ments extended to the confines of Italy; and who, originally
from the fame neighbourhood, and fimilar in language and
in manners, rejoiced in the opportunity of joining their kin-
dred tribes. At length, however, neglected by Macedon,
and hopeleſs of fupplies from their own country, the Ba-
ftarnae were under the neceffity of retiring homewards; but.
even then, not difpirited by their fituation, they made good
their retreat, and without any material lofs regained the banks.
of the Danube. The fequel of their adventures
**See Liv. L. xli. c.19.& Polyb. Legat. Ixii.
16
ſeems,
As Juftin, or rather Trogus, (L. xxxii.. c. 3.) is of opinion, that they were a
part of thoſe known by the name of Gauls, who had emigrated under Brennus and
his fellow leaders, and who had fettled in this country after their unfuccefsfuat
tempt on Delphi. According to this hiftorian, they had their head-fettlement near
the confluence of the Save and the Danube, in that part of Hungary where Rel
grade now ftands.
16 See Liv. L. xli. Supplem. Frenſh.
by
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
515
}
by the Roman hiftorians, to be heightened by the marvel- Book
VII.
lous. We are informed, that the Danube being frozen over,
Sect. 1.
as they approached their own confines, they attempted to
pafs over on the ice, which breaking under them, they all
periſhed. The like fate, Livy " tells us, involved their
countrymen who had halted in Thrace; most of them,
according to him, being miraculously deftroyed by a vio-
lent tempeft of thunder and lightning. The truth of both
theſe accounts is much to be queftioned: they probably
took their riſe from fome vague reports, at firſt readily be-
lieved, and afterwards induſtriouſly propagated, by a people
whoſe vanity it was to imagine, "that, to have marched forth
in fupport of the enemies of Rome, was an impiety which
it concerned Heaven to puniſh." And it even appears from
Strabo, who is filent as to theſe
Romans of thoſe days, far from having a knowledge of
the hiftory of the different tribes of this part of Germany,
ſcarcely were instructed even in their names.
tales of wonder, that the
jealous of
THE Romans foon diſcovered, or at leaft fufpected, the The Romans,
defigns of Perfeus. The invafion of Dardania by the Perfeus,
Baftarnae; his reducing the Dolopes; the relief he had ſent
to the Byfantines; and his progreſs to Delphi; had raiſed
fioners into
an alarm at Rome. Commiffioners had repeatedly been dif- fend commif-
patched to demand the reaſon of theſe hoftilities, and, Macedon;
above all, to inſpect narrowly into the fituation of affairs
in Macedon. During the first years of his reign, Perfeus
had ſubmitted to the pleaſure of the fenate, and had given
the different commiffioners an honourable reception. But
17 L. xl. c. 58.
18 See L. vii. p. 203, 204. Cafaubon.
3 U 2
provoked
51.6
HISTORY OF GREECE
}
them with
BooK provoked at length, that meffengers from Rome fhould
VII. ftill continue to infeft his court, renewing inquiries, of
Sect. 1.
which he plainly faw the defign, he began to fhew his
Perfeus treats reſentment at the indignity; and Caius Valerius Laevinus,
with ſome other Roman patricians, having, in the feventh year.
of his reign, come to Macedon on the uſual errand, he put
them off from day to day, under various pretences, until
at laft they were obliged to leave Macedon without an
audience "
contempt.
The machi-
nations of
Eumenes:
is received
favourably
at Rome.
19
THE report of the contempt with which their commiffion
ers had been treated, had already reached the fenate, when
Eumenes of Pergamus afforded new matter to ſtrengthen their
fufpicions 20. Mortified at the encreaſe of power which he faw
Macedon was acquiring, and apprehenfive of the confequences
to himſelf, ſhould that kingdom be restored to its antient
fplendor, he haftened to Rome; and having obtained a pri-
vate audience of the fenate, laid before them a full account
of the formidable appearance of the Macedonians, and of
the enterprifing fpirit of their king; of the treaſures he
poffeffed; the mighty armaments he had in readineſs; and
the alliances. he had formed with most of the Greek and
Afiatic ftates, who, from a fettled jealoufy of Rome,, were
prepared upon the first opportunity to unite against her as.
a common foe.
THE fenate acknowledged the zeal which Eumenes mani-
feſted on this occafion, by beſtowing on him. extraordinary
honours; he was prefented not only with magnificent gifts,
19 See Liv. L.xli, ca25, et L. xlii. c. 2.
20 Liv. L. xlii. c. 11 & feq.
£
1
but:
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
517
}
but alſo with the higheſt enſigns of Roman magiftracy, the
curule chair and the ivory wand. The utmost precaution
was at the fame time taken, that no part of his informa-
tion ſhould tranſpire. It only was whiſpered in Rome,
that Eumenes had attended the fenate with very intereſt-
ing intelligence; and it was not till after the overthrow of
Perfeus, that the particulars were made public ". This
affectation of ſecrecy, together with their effufions of grati-
tude to the Pergamenian king, were evidently defigned to
impreſs the Roman people with apprehenfions of mighty
dangers from Macedon, and of the abfolute neceffity of a
war ; the moſt urgent motives to which, were however
the ambition and avarice of the ſenators themſelves.
;
Boo K
VII.
Sect. I.
Perfeus fends
embaffadors
to counteract
Eumenes
PERSEUS, who had notice that Eumenes had fet out
for Rome, cauſed embaſſadors to follow him where for
feveral days they attended in vain, foliciting an audience;
which having at length obtained, they were treated with
fuch marks of flight and difrefpect, that Harpalus, at the
head of the deputation, could not fupprefs his indignation :
"The king," ſaid he to the fenate, "wishes to be believed, their remon
"when he declares, that neither by words nor by actions has
"he given the Roman people cauſe to think him an enemy;
"but if he finds that you are feeking a pretence againſt
« him, he wants not courage to defend himſelf. The
* chance of war is alike to both; the iffue uncertain.'
>>
THE Macedonian king had no pofitive information of the
bufinefs of Eumenes at Rome; but, from the character of
ftrance to
the Roman
fenate.
21 See Liv. L. xlii. c. 14►
22 Liv. L. xlii. c. 14r
that
518
HISTORY OF GREECE.
1
1
Воок
VII.
-Sect. 1:
to revenge
himſelf on
Eumenes.
that prince, and the hoftile purpoſes the Románs feemed
now to avow, he fufpected it; and meditated vengeance.
In his fervice was Evander of Crete, a captain of auxi-
Perfeus feeks liaries: this officer, with three Macedonians accustomed to
the perpetration of fuch crimes, he employed to affaffinate
Eumenes, who had declared his intention of taking the
route of Delphi, in his return homeward, in order to fa-
crifice to the Delphic god. The fituation of Delphi, on the
declivity of a mountain, rendered the road to it for the moſt
part fteep and difficult; and the path leading to the tem-
ple, winded through a valley to narrow, that only one
perfon could påfs at a time. Here the affaffins took their
ſtand, concealed by a wall that hung over this hollow
way, and waited the approach of the king 23. His retinue
had moved forward, and laft of all came Eumenes himſelf,
preceded by Pantaleon an Aetolian chief; when the wretches,
just as the king came under the wall, tumbled down upon
him two huge ftones, one of which falling on his head,
and the other on his fhoulders, ftruck him to the ground,
and a ſhower of fmall ftones fucceeding, feemed to have
overwhelmed the unfortunate monarch; when the affaffins,
thinking they had effectuated their purpoſe, made their
efcape up the mountain, after having killed one of their
accomplices, whofe flowness of pace expofed them to a dif
covery.
Eumenes
3
EUMENES, however, was not dead. His attendants,
efcapes with Pantaleon excepted, had all fled upon feeing their mafter
fall; but now gathering round, they found him, though
life.
´as “See Liv. L. xlii. c. 15 & feqa
fenfelefs,
*
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
519
r
no
ſenſeleſs, ſtill warm and breathing. They immediately con-
veyed him to a place of fafety in the neighbourhood, and
foon after to Aegina, where he lay concealed till he was
in a condition to be removed to Afia. For fome time a
report of his death prevailed, and fo confidently was it be-
lieved, that his brother purpoſed to take poffeffion of the
kingdom, and to marry the wife of Eumenes. Already had
he been talking, as Livy terms it, with the queen, and the
commander of the citadel of Pergamus, when tidings ar-
rived, that his brother was returning. From another bro-
ther, and a prince, this precipitancy might have provoked
the ſharpeft reprehenfion. Eumenes, however, contented
himſelf with telling Attalus in a whiſper,
66 not to think
"for the future of marrying his brother's wife, until he
was certain that her huſband was dead."
་
ALL the friends of Eumenes confidered Perfeus as the
author of the affaffination, although no direct proof could
be brought againſt him. The Romans undertook the tra-
cing of this dark affair. A woman of ſome diſtinction,
named Praxo, who lived at Delphi, was known to have con-
nections with the Macedonian king, and at her houſe the
affaffins were faid to have lodged. Valerius, lately one of
the commiffioners at the court of Macedon, who was now
at Chalcis, contrived to carry off this woman to Rome;
where Rammius of Brundufium, who had informed Vale-
rius that he had important difcoveries to make, alſo at-
tended him. From the teftimony of theſe two perfons,
according to the Roman writers, the cleareft evidence ap-
peared of Perfeus's guilt. Praxo confeffed the knew the
5
affaffins,
Воок
VII.
Sect. I.
Perfeus is
charged with
tion.
the affaffina-
}
}
520
HISTORY OF GREECE
VII.
Sect. I.
BooK affaffins, and that they were employed by Perfeus, having
received them into her houſe in confequence of his direc-
tions. And Rammius, who generally entertained at Brun-
dufium every eminent perfon, Greek or
eminent perfon, Greek or Roman, in their
paffage to and from Greece, depofed, that Perfeus had prac-
tiſed with him to poifon not only Eumenes, but other
perfons whom he was to have named; that, apprehenfive
for his own life, Rammius had promifed compliance; and
that a poiſon of the moſt ſubtle kind had been delivered
to him, for the propoſed purpoſe, by Perfeus himſelf.
Commiffion-
ers fent to
Perfeus to
demand re-
paration :
- he treats
them with
infult.
24
WITH a prince of fuch a character (for at Rome thefe
ſeveral charges were confidered as undoubted facts) the ſe-
nate held it a reproach to be on terms of amity; commiffion-
ers were therefore immediately diſpatched, requiring him
to defiſt from all further acts of violence, and to make ample
reparation for what he had already been guilty of; and, ſhould
he refuſe to comply, to renounce, in the name of the Roman
people, all friendſhip and alliance with him. Perfeus, pro-
bably appriſed of the purpoſe of the embaffy, after making the
deputies wait feveral days for an audience, condefcended at
laſt to admit them, when they were on the point of returning to
Rome unheard. The freedom of their remonftrances added
to the indignation which already fwelled within him, and
the retorted on them the keeneſt recriminations; exclaimed
againſt the haughtiness of the Romans; their infolence to
kings; their infatiable luft of empire; and their infefting
his court with their daily embaffadors, who joined the mean
artifices of ſpies to the imperiouſneſs of defpots, to whoſe
24 Liv. L. xlii. c. 25.
£
}
*
control
1
*
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
521
control they expected he ſhould fubject all his actions. Book
Unmoved by this intemperate language, they calmly de-
VII.
Sect. I.
manded an anſwer to the requifitions they had made.
"To-morrow," faid he, " you ſhall have it under my
"hand." Accordingly, next day he delivered them a
writing, in which he declared, "That as to the treaty of
alliance faid to fubfift between Macedon and Rome, he
held himſelf no way bound by it; that it was a contract
entered into by his father, and binding on him only; that
at his acceffion, when not yet firmly feated on his throne,
he had fubmitted to it from policy;-yet he was ſtill ready
to conclude a treaty of alliance with Rome on equitable
conditions, and if they had fuch to offer, he would take
it into confideration." The reply of the Roman deputies
was ſhort. They pronounced Perfeus to be no longer the
ally of Rome. And Perfeus, in the voice of defiance, com-
manded them, within three days to quit Macedon.
THIS apparent vigour was but poorly fupported on the A Roman
part of Perfeus. The fenate, upon the report of their army paffes
into Greece
embaſſadors, had ordered a body of eight thouſand foot
and four hundred horfe, under the command of the
praetor
Cn. Sicinius, to march into Epire". The inftant Perfeus
heard of this, he ſeems to have fhrunk with diſmay from the
approaching conteft; for he fent embaſſadors to Rome, to Perfeus fends
folicit terms of peace. They were received as he might to folicit
have expected: they had audience, not in the fenate, but peace.
without the city, in the temple of Bellona", as coming
embaffadors
:
25 Olymp. cli. 4. BEFORE CHRIST 202.
26 Liv. L. xli. c. 46.
3 X
from
2
522
OF GREECE
HISTORY
.
Book from a prince the declared enemy of Rome; and after
VII: fome queſtions, relative to certain hoftile attempts lately
Sect. 1. committed by the king of Macedon in Perrhaebia and Thef
faly, concerning which, the embaffadors faid they had no
inftructions, they were ordered to leave Italy within elever
days, and to tell their maſter, never more to prefume to fend
embaffies to Rome, but to make his future application to
the commanders of the Roman armies in Greece.
who are or
leave Italy.
´dered to
Roman com-
miffioners
fent into
Greece.
SICINIUS was foon after followed by five commiffioners,
appointed by the fenate to vifit the Grecian ftates, and to
confirm them in the interefts of Rome; of whom Aulus
Hoftilius and Quintus Marcius Philippus had Epire, Aeto-
lia, and Theffaly, affigned to them for their department.
The father of Marcius had been the gueſt and friend of the
late king of Macedon. The mean-fpirited Perfeus laid hold
Perfeus ap- of this circumſtance; and though he had already applied by
letter to the five commiffioners upon their arrival on the
coaſt of Greece, defiring to be informed why he was threat-
ened with hoſtilities, and had been anfwered with mani-
feft contempt; he nevertheless renewed his application to
Marcius at Lariffa, reminded him of the mutual hofpitality
by which their families were united; and requested, that he
might be admitted to a conference"?.
plies to
Marcius;
the policy of
Marcius;
manner.
MARCIUS received the application in the most gracious
"He had often," he faid, "heard his father men-
"tion his connections with the Macedonian king; and it was,
"chiefly in the view of doing Perfeus ſervice, that he had
{
3
1
27 Liv. xlii. c. 38. & feq.
}
3.
M
• accepted
}
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
523
}
→
"accepted of his prefent commiffion; he therefore chear-
fully granted him the conference which he defired." Ac-
cordingly, on the appointed day, the Macedonian king and
the two Roman commiffioners arrived on the oppoſite banks
of the Peneus. The Romans were accompanied by deputies
from most of the Grecian ftates, who, either anxious for
their own fate, or as a mark of refpect to Rome, had come
to witneſs the important iffue; and Perfeus was attended by
his guards, with a number of Macedonian lords and Thra-
cian chiefs. The adjuſting of the ceremonial was the firſt
point in queſtion, whether the king fhould paſs the river
to the Romans, or the Romans. to the king. The com-
pliment feemed to be due to regal dignity: but it was the
policy of Rome to manifeſt a contempt of royalty; and, as the
king had requeſted the conference, the Romans alledged, that
he ſhould yield the point of precedency. At length, by an
infipid kind of jeft, Marcius put an end to the conteft; "let
"the younger," faid he, " pafs to the elder, the fon to the
"father," alluding to his own name, Philip. The next
point was, whether the king fhould pafs over with only a
few of his guards, or with all his retinue.
infifted on, as moft honourable: but in
required hostages, that no act of hoftility fhould be com-
mitted. To this humiliation alfo the Macedonian king was
obliged to fubmit.
+
3
The latter Perfeus
that cafe Marcius
MARCIUS' opened the conference with many profeffions
of his perfonal regard for Perfeus, at the fame time acquit-
ting the Romans of having provoked the impending war,
of which he afferted the king alone was guilty, whoſe repeated
acts of violence had made it neceffary for Rome to fend an
3 X 2
army
Boo K
VII.
Sect. I.
+
1
524
HISTORY OF GREECE
2
Воок
VII.
Sect. I.
his artful
charge
against Per-
feus.
£
army into Greece. In one point only, he told Perfeus, the
fenate thought he had acted wifely, in fending his embaſ-
fadors to renew the treaty of alliance with the Roman peo-
ple; and yet, how much better had it been never to have re-
newed the treaty, than to have broken it as ſoon as renewed.
Abrupolis, the friend of Rome, he had driven from his king-
dom. Artetarus, the moſt faithful confederate that the Romans
had among all the Illyrian princes, had fallen by domeftic
treachery, and to his murderers he had given an afylum in
his dominions; evidently fhewing, to ſpeak in the mildeſt
terms, how much he rejoiced in their treafon. In direct
contravention of the late ftipulations, he had marched an
army through the midſt of Greece to Delphi; he had ſent
fuccours to the Byzantines; he had entered into a league
with the Boeotians; he had made war on the Dolopes. Everfa
and Callicritus, the Theban embaffadors, perifhed as they were
returning from Rome; "I would rather afk," continued
Marcius," whofe crime this was, than fix it on any in-
"dividual. Violent commotions have arifen in Aetolia,
"in which fome of the principal men have loft their lives;
64
by what party but the Macedonian were thoſe commotions
"excited? Eumenes had nearly fallen a facrifice to treachery,
"before the altars at Delphi; I am unwilling to name the
perfon he accufes. As to Rammius, what diſcoveries he
"has made, your own embaſſadors, no doubt, have already
"informed you. The hearing of theſe things is irkſome to
""
you. You brought it on yourſelf, by inquiring, in the
"letter which you addreffed to us, why the Romans fend
an army into Macedon, or garriſon the cities of their allies.
"You have now heard their reafons. And, harsh as you
may think the answer, you would probably have thought
46
❝ yourſelf
f
1
3
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
525
t
"
yourſelf more feverely treated had your enquiry been left
Mindful of the friendſhip that
altogether unanſwered.
"fubfifted between our fathers, I fhall lend a favourable ear
"to whatever you can offer in your juſtification; and I wiſh
you may furniſh me with arguments to plead your cauſe in
"the femate.”
"
Boo K
VII.
Sect. I.
anfwer.
So fevere a charge, delivered in this manner, not only be- The king's.
fore a number of his own fubjects, but alfo in the preſence
of the deputies of the Grecian ftates, fhews little of that
tender concern for Perfeus, by which the Roman pretended to
be actuated. And, what renders this conduct more worthy
of notice, it appears from the defence which Livy has put
in the mouth of the Macedonian king, that of theſe accufa-
tions, fome were evidently ill-grounded, and many height-
ened with much unfair aggravation. Rammius, Perfeus de-
clared,, had never been at the court of Macedon but once, nor
was he ever expected there again : how improbable therefore
was it, that he ſhould intruſt a perſon, in whoſe fidelity he
could not repofe confidence, with a commiffion of ſo de-
licate and hazardous a nature? The Theban embaffadors,
it was well known, had periſhed by ſhipwreck. The mur-
derers of Artetarus. he had ordered to be expelled from his
dominions the inftant he heard that they had taken re-
fuge. there.
With relation to Eumenes, he was fenfible he
had been pointed at as the author of his affaffination; but
upon what kind of evidence! had that prince, whoſe op-
preffions had made him odious throughout Greece and Afia,
no enemies to fear but from Macedon ?—This was his reply
to thofe articles, that concerned him as an individual; as a
king, his anſwer was yet ftronger. Abrupolis, unprovoked,
had.
1
1
藏
​7
526
HISTORY OF GRE Ë CE
¿
Book had made an inroad into Macedon, and had fpread his de-
VII.
predations as far as Amphipolis, before Perfeus took up
Sect. 1.
arms against him; on whom lay the blame, if the iffue of
the war proved fatal to this lawleſs invader? The province
of Dolopia had been affigned to the Macedonian king by the
Romans themſelves; the Dolopians nevertheleſs had rifen
againſt Euphranor, the Macedonian governor, and had put
him to death, with circumſtances of the most barbarous
cruelty; when did it become criminal in a prince, to re-
duce rebellious fubjects to obedience? He had marched
through a part of Greece to Delphi, in diſcharge of his
vows; but if any of the ſtates that lay on his way, could
make it appear, that the ſmalleſt outrage had been offered
to them, or if, under the diſguiſe of religion he had been
found to conceal any ambitious defign, he was willing to
fubmit to condemnation. Refpecting his affifting the By-
zantines, and his league with the Boeotians, his embaffadors
had already explained thofe matters to the fenate, who,
notwithſtanding the oppofition of a few, had accepted of
his apology.
"This defence of mine," he added, "will be
"received by thoſe who hear me, according to their paf-
"fions and affections; nor is it of fo much importance,
"what my conduct or my views have been, as in what
light you mean to ſee my actions. My conſcience bears
me witneſs, that I have not offended knowingly; and
"if through ignorance I have tranfgreffed, inftructed
by your reproof, I fhall endeavour to correct whatever
"is amifs. I have certainly done nothing wrong, which I
may not remedy, nor for which you can think I merit
"all the horrors of an impending war. With little rea-
"fon therefore are you renowned for moderation and dif-
66
66
"C
1
·
66
A
paffionate
}
1
i
}
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
527
1
"paffionate councils, if, for cauſes that ſcarcely deſerve ex-
poftulation, you take up arms againſt princes who are
your friends and allies.'
66
Book
VII.
Sect. I.
An infidious
ed by Mar-
truce propof-
MARCIUS feemed much moved, and wiſhed the king again
to fend embaffadors to Rome, with conciliating propofals.
The difficulty was, how, in the mean while, to fufpend ho- cius;
ftilities. After many laboured objections from the Romans,
Marcius, "who could not," he ſaid, "but reverence the fa-
"cred ties of hoſpitality, which fubfifted between Perfeus
" and him," appeared to yield at laſt to the folicitations of
the king, and granted him a truce, until his embaffadors ſhould
have time to return.
ما
f
ALL this fpecious fhew of friendſhip to, the Macedonian
king, was no more than a feint 29; which Marcius employed,
in order to betray him into this very truce, the moft ruin-
ous meaſure that the unhappy prince could poffibly have
adopted. It will be proper to enter into an explanation of
this matter..
WHEN Sicinius and the Roman commiffioners arrived in the ruinous
Greece, they found the fituation of things very different of it to Per-
confequence
from what they had expected. Perfeus was at the head of feus.
an army the best appointed and most numerous that Mace-
don had feent fince the days of the great Alexander; his
exchequer richy and his magazines of war completely fup-
plied; whilſt his fubjects appeared united and hearty in his
fervice. Befides the intereft he was at the fame time faid to
سلام
a. Liv. L. xlii. a. 43-
bave
1
528
HISTORY OF GREECE
BooK have with the Afiatics, as well as with his Illyrian and
VII. Thracian neighbours, there was, throughout all the ſtates of
Sect. I. Greece, a general difpofition in his favour.
The people
were every where for Macedon; and though ſeveral of their
leaders were, from a principle of venality or ambition, at-
tached to Rome, yet even among the chief men, Perfeus
had many perſonal friends; and, in general, the wifeft and
the beſt men in every city, apprehenfive of what muſt be
the fate of Greece fhould the Roman power remain without
control, wiſhed ſucceſs to Perfeus. As Licinius, the new
conful, at the ſame time, had not yet made the neceffary le-
vies, and the force of the Romans in Greece was but inconfi-
derable, had Perfeus, inſtead of ſending his daftardly deputa-
tions to the Roman commiffioners, to inquire what brought
them into Greece, taken advantage of this fortunate affem-
blage of circumſtances, and attacked his enemies the inſtant
they landed, he could hardly have failed of victory; when, en-
couraged by fuch an act of vigour, the greater part of Greece
had probably declared in his favour. But the timidity and
irrefolution of this devoted prince relieved the Romans
from their embarraffment; and they improved the oppor-
tunity. Their troops they cantoned in the ftrong holds of
Epire, fo as to form a line along the weſtern frontier of
Macedon, whilft the five commiffioners, taking their pro-
grefs through the different ſtates of Greece, moſt of them
ſeeing the hopes they had placed in Perfeus difappointed by
his fpiritleſs conduct, readily promiſed whatever was afked.
The truce completed what the Romans had in view. It
gave them time to provide more effectually for the war; and it.
ſhewed to all the confederates of Macedon, how little de
-
pendence
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
529
pendence there could be on a king, who, after all his boaſt-
ings, and with the numerous advantages he poffefſed, was
abject enough to become an humble fuppliant for peace.
THE Boeotians firft experienced the confequences of this
fatal meaſure". They had, as we have ſeen, entered into a
league of alliance with Perfeus. And feveral of their cities,
when charged with this fact by the Roman commiffioners, had
alleged, that it was the act not of any particular city, but
of the whole Boeotian body; in which, however, fome of
the cities had not concurred. This apology furniſhed Mar-
cius with a hint, which rendered the league abortive, and
at the fame time deftroyed the Boeotian power for ever.
He offered to confider every city as a ſeparate and inde-
pendent ſtate, and as fuch, to conclude with it an alliance.
The pride of independence, or perhaps the dread of Rome,
induced moſt of them to accept of the offer. Thus was the
Boeotian confederacy, which derived its whole ftrength from
its union, crumbled into ſeparate and inconfiderable ſtates
and never afterwards recovered its antient importance. Two
Boeotian cities only, Corona and Haliartus, refuſed to depart
from their alliance with Macedon; and being threatened on
this account by the Thebans, now in the Roman intereſt,
applied to Perfeus for protection. His answer was worthy
of his character. "The truce had tied up his hands, and
"they must provide for their ſafety as they could "."
30 Polyb. Legat. lxiii. Liv. L. lxii. c. 38, 43.
Liv. L. xlii. c. 46.
;
31 See Polyb. Legat. lxvi.
Bo o K
VII.
Sect. I.
The art em-
Marcius to
ployed by
diffolve the
Boeotian con-
federacy.
1
3 Y
THE
}
}
}
530
Воок
VII.
Sect. I.
The conduct
of Marcius
diſapproved
of by many
old fenators.
Perfeus finds
himſelf de-
luded:
66
""
HISTORY OF GREECE
32
THE Roman hiftorians, however, tell us, that upon
Marcius's return to Rome, the fineffe by which he had
deceived Perfeus, obtained him but little praife. The old
fenators, who remembered antient manners, could not, with-
out abhorrence, hear a Roman fenator pride himſelf in hav-
ing practifed deceit even on an enemy, especially under the
diſguiſe of friendſhip, and a pretended reverence of the facred
rites of hoſpitality ”. "Not fo our forefathers," faid they;
who, diſdaining a victory that was not the prize of
gene-
rous valour, in their war with the Falifci delivered up
"to the prince of the country, the wretch who had be-
trayed into their hands the royal children intruſted to his
care; and who again, in their wars with Pyrrhus, warn-
"ed that king, though wantonly invading them, of his
phyſician's traiterous defigns." But their remonstrances.
were over-ruled. The majority of the fenate, now governed
by other principles, approved of the conduct of Marcius;
and, as the reward of his fervices, appointed him to the
command of part of the fleet to be employed on the coaſt
of Greece.
"C
""
MEANWHILE, Perfeus, proud of his fancied fuperiority in
the late conference, foothed himſelf with the thoughts of
an approaching peace. "I have," faid he, in his diſpatches
to fome of his Afiatic friends, "been heard before the Ro-
"man commiffioners in vindication of my conduct, and
"have fully anſwered all their objections." The return
of his embaffadors awakened him from this delufion. They
32 Liv. L. xlii. c. 47.
1
f
informed
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
531
1
1
pa-
informed him, that, after having been admitted to the
rade of an audience before the Roman fenate, where their
repreſentations had been treated with the utmoft contempt,
they had been ordered to leave Rome inftantly, and Italy
within thirty days; and that the conful Licinius, whofe
levies were now finifhed, was on his way to Greece.
cc
"6
<<
1
Book
VII.
Sect. I.
fearful of en-
1
PERSEUS, roufed from his dream of fecurity, immedi- irrefolute and
ately convened at Pella a council of his principal nobility, tering upon
in order to confider what was to be refolved upon in the a war.
prefent emergency ". Every expedient which fear could
fuggeft, were fucceffively mentioned by the king, or by thoſe
who poffeffed his confidence: they even propofed
" to pay
"whatever tribute, or to give up whatever portion of terri-
tory the Romans fhould demand; nay, fhould other con-
ditions, ſtill more humiliating, be infifted upon, to ſubmit
even to thefe, rather than abide the hazard of a war.
Some of the council, however, protefted warmly againſt
theſe ignominious meaſures, and urged the certain ruin which
muſt attend them. They infifted, that if the king did not
mean to cede all, he muſt reſolve to give up nothing; that
the rapaciouſneſs of Rome would not be fatisfied with leſs
than his whole kingdom; that he was now in a condition
to bid them defiance; and that, fuppofing even the worst, it
was far more honourable to encounter any dangers in the
defence of his throne, than tamely to refign it." Be war
"then our choice," replied the king, whether from con-
viction, or from fhame; " and may the gods grant us fuc-
" cefs!"
33 Liv. L. xlii. c. 50.
3 Y 2
THE
1
4
532
GREECE
HISTORY OF
1
$
Воок
VII.
Sect. I.
Spirited loy-
alty of the
Macedonian
people.
Perfeus takes
the field;
tunity of be-
ginning the
war to advan¬
tage;
34
THE fpirited loyalty of the Macedonians on this occa-
fion 3*, fhews, that whatever were the vices of the man,
Perfeus was not wanting in thofe qualities which uſually
endear kings to their people. As foon as it was known
that war was refolved upon, from every part of Macedon he
had offers of large ſubſidies, and ample ſupplies of all things
neceffary for the maintenance of an army. His conduct did
him no leſs honour. He thanked his fubjects for their
honeft zeal; but told them, that his own treaſures were
fufficient to anſwer all his demands; and that the only fer-
vice with which he ſhould burden them, was the furniſh-
ing of carriages for tranfporting his machines and implements.
of war.
PERSEUS was early in the field "; and having made him-
ſelf maſter of the ftreights which open from the Macedo-
nian frontier into the vale of Tempe, had advanced, before
the Romans appeared, as far as Sycurium, a city fituated
has an oppor- at the fouthern extremity of mount Offa. He had now
a favourable opportunity of opening the campaign with ad-
vantage. The conful, on his march, through Athamania to
Theffaly, was at this very time intangled in the defiles and
intricate paffes which interfect this mountainous part of
Greece. Had Perfeus attacked him here, the Romans them-
felves confeffed, that a total defeat was almoſt unavoidable ::
but fearful of engaging in any hazardous enterprize, fay
the Roman writers, or more probably, not having proper
intelligence of the enemy's motions and fituations, which
in thoſe days was often difficult to be obtained, the Ma-
lofes it :
as Liv. L. xlii. c. 53.
35 Ibid. c. 54, 55•
"
cedonian
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
533
cedonian king contented himſelf with the opportunity which BOOK
his poſition afforded him, of covering Macedon and the
northern Theffaly..
36
37
VII.
Sect. I.
advance
againſt him.
Battle of the
Peneus ;
Ar length Licinius reached Lariflä; and, having been the Romans
joined by a thouſand auxiliaries from the Achaean ſtates,
a reinforcement of five thousand men under Eumenes from
Afia, and a body of Theffalian horfe, he encamped on the
north-fide of the Peneus. The two armies were now
within a few miles of each other 3; but though the forag-
ing parties. from the Macedonian army overfpread the
country, and had extended their ravages into Pheraea ", and
though Perfeus had for feveral days appeared every morning
in order of battle, and even infulted the Roman camp, in the
hopes of bringing on an engagement; the conful, nevertheleſs,
ſeemed induſtriouſly to avoid it. Emboldened by this, Per-
feus moved his camp feven miles nearer; and the enfuing
morning, by the firſt dawn of day, having formed his whole
army, advanced at the head of his cavalry and light-armed in-
fantry to the verge of the Roman entrenchments. The fudden
appearance of the enemy at an hour much earlier than ufual,
and their refolute and firm appearance, threw the Roman
camp into confufion; the tumultuous hurry of the foldiery
making the danger from without appear greater than it
was. The conful, in this critical fituation, commanded all
his cavalry, with the light-armed and auxiliary troops, to
fally forth and repulfe the enemy, he himſelf remaining.
36 Liv, L. xlii. c. 57. & feq..
37 One of the faireſt provinces of Theffaly, and under the immediate protection
of the Romans.
ง)
i
*
within.
534
HISTORY OF GREECE
1
nians victori-
ous:
BOOK within the trenches with his legionaries, ready to anſwer any.
VII.
exigency. The Roman detachment found the taſk affigned
Sect. I. to them, much more difficult than they expected. Unable
the Macedo- to ftand the furious charge of the Thracian horfemen, who,
to uſe the expreffion of the Roman hiſtorian, "
"ruſhed for-
ward with a ferocity like that of wild beafts fpringing on
their prey," they gave way on every fide, after having ſuf-
tained confiderable, lofs; and had been all cut: to pieces, if
the Theffalian cavalry, who covered the left wing, and had
hitherto ſtood their ground, had not received them within
their ranks, and ſheltered them from the purfuers.
tory;
}
Perfeus wants THE inftant it was known that the advantage was on
Spirit to im-
prove his vic- the fide of Macedon, Hippias and Leonnatus, who com-
manded the phalanx, advanced to the field of battle, in
hopes of crowning the glory of the day by ftorming the
Roman camp.
And had the king yielded to their martial
ardour, there had been little doubt of fuccefs: but fo dar-
ing an exploit was more than Perfeus durft afpire to. His
natural pufillanimity returned; and Evander, who was no-
ftranger to his maſter's weakneſs, and probably diſcovered
his wiſhes in his looks, at fight of the phalanx adviſed him,
"not to tempt fortune any further for the prefent, but rather
be ſatisfied with the fuccefs he had already obtained, which
would certainly, facilitate a peace, if peace was his object,
or, if he chofe to continue the war, would induce numbers
to join him." Perfeus, with much commendation of Evan-
der's prudence, ordered the phalanx to halt, and a retreat
to be founded 38. In this action, there fell of the Roman
* Plutarch in Paul. Aemilio.
3
infantry
1
1
>
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
535
1
I
เ
infantry two thouſand, with two hundred of their cavalry; Book
VII.
two hundred more of their horſemen being made priſoners.
Forty foot and twenty horfe were all the Macedonians
loft.
Sect. I.
take :
NEXT morning difcovered to Perfeus his fatal error 39. fees his mif-
Dreading the very enterprize which the Macedonian durft
not attempt, Eumenes had adviſed the conful to decamp by
night, and retreat to the other fide of the Peneus, where he
might remain in fafety; and Licinius, notwithſtanding the
humiliating confeffion which fuch a ftep implied, found
it expedient to follow the advice. Perfeus now faw, what
might have been done had he followed his victory, or even
been attentive to the enemy's motions during the night, and
attacked them in their retreat over the river.
occafions
throughout
FROM the temper of mind with which the news of his victory
this fuccefs, imperfect as it was, were received throughout general ex-
Greece, we may judge what the real difpofitions of the ultations
people were, and how difficult the Romans would have found Greece.
this war, had a prince of abilities, and worthy of public
confidence, been then feated on the throne of Macedon. The
different ſtates had before fhewn their difaffection to the.
cauſe of Rome, in the fcanty fuccours they fent to the con-
ful; which, in general, fays Livy 4, were fo inconfiderable
as not to be worth recording, whilft they apologized under
various pretences, and ftill profeffed an ardent zeal for her fer-
39 Liv. L. xlii. c. 6o.
4° Quorum pleraque (adeo parva erant) in oblivionem adducta.
Liv. L. xlii. c. 55.
2
1
vice,
536
HISTORY OF GREECE
"
VII.
Sect. I.
;
BooK vice. That diſguiſe which the dread of Roman power had
obliged them to affume, was now thrown off* and not
only the friends of the royal houfe of Macedon, but even
the men who were fuppofed to have been warm in the inte-
refts of Rome, joined in the general joy. The Romans, it
appears from the confeffion of their own writers, had al-
ready made Greece feel their infolence and oppreffion; and
many of their moſt zealous partizans began to entertain the
moſt melancholy apprehenfions of impending fervitude.
Perfeus
for peace;
42
PERSEUS, by his own conduct, foon weakened the im-
meanly fues preffions which, properly cultivated, might have been high-
ly advantageous. As if former experience had not taught
him that a vigorous profecution of the war was his only
reſource, he renewed his folicitations for peace with all the
abjectneſs of a vanquished enemy "; offering to cede to the
Romans, all the cities and provinces which had been ceded
by his father Philip, and to pay the fame tribute he had
is refufed: agreed to pay. But the Romans, whofe maxim it was,
66 never, in whatever fortune, to make peace with a victo-
"rious enemy," rejected his offer with ſcorn, imperiouſly
requiring Perfeus" to furrender himſelf and his kingdom.
"to the Romans at difcretion," as the only way by which
peace was to be obtained. Incenſed at this haughty an-
fwer, the king's counſellors adviſed him to abandon all
thoughts of accommodation; but the very haughtiness of
the anſwer terrified his fpirit, and became a new argument
**« Fama pugnae," fays Livy, ſpeaking of this battle, "nudavit voluntates
" hominum." L. xlii. c. 63.
43-
42 Polyb. Legat. Ixix. Liv. L. xlii. c. 62.
#
with
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
537
1
with Perfeus for renewing his application. He thought it
impoffible that the conful fhould manifeft fuch firmneſs,
without an aſſurance of fuccefs; and fent a fecond deputation
with an offer of a much larger tribute; to which the Romans
returned the fame anfwer.
Bo o K
Book
VII.
Sect. I.
of the Roman
commanders.
THE manner in which the conful profecuted the war Bad conduc
during the remainder of his year, fhewed but little of that
firmneſs or affurance of victory, which theſe ſpirited an-
ſwers ſeemed to imply "3 In Theffaly, the two armies
were employed in attacking or defending, with various fuc-
cefs, places of little importance, except merely on account
of their fituation; or in occafional ſkirmiſhes, moſtly between
the foraging parties, which, though fometimes bloody and
attended with lofs to the Macedonians, made no material al-
teration in the ſtate of affairs. Perfeus, in defiance of all
the Roman efforts, ftill kept poffeffion of the paffes and
ftrong holds that commanded the Macedonian frontier. In Il-
lyricum **, one of the conful's lieutenants had made him-
ſelf maſter of two opulent towns, and had granted the in-
habitants their effects, in the view of alluring to fubmiffion,
by this apparent clemency, another ftrong town in the
neighbourhood: but finding his expectations diſappointed,
and that neither his fubtlety of contrivance nor force of arms
could give him poffeffion, he returned and pillaged both the
places which he had formerly ſpared. In Boeotia 45, the
praetor Lucretius laid fiege to Haliartus, and having taken
it after an obftinate and vigorous defence, plundered it of
44
43 See Liv. L. xlii. c. 64 & feq.
L. xlii. c. 63.
44 Liv. L. xliii. c. 1.
3 Z
Ꮓ
45 Liv.
every
1
538
HISTORY OF GREECE
}
}
VII.
Sect. I.
BOOK every thing valuable, appropriating moſt of the ſpoils to his
own uſe, and then razing it to the ground. From thence
he proceeded to Thebes, which, though the opened her
gates, he nevertheleſs treated with all the feverity of an
exafperated enemy; not content with restoring the citizens
that had been baniſhed for their attachment to the Roman in-
tereft, but alſo ſelling, with their families, as flaves, all who.
were fufpected of favouring the cauſe of Macedon.
Perfeus acts
with vigour
and fuccefs.
The conful
Hoftilius fuc-
command;
46
PERSEUS having, in the mean time, furpriſed a part of
the Roman fleet
the Roman fleet 4 which lay at Oreum in Euboea, had
taken twenty of their ſtore-fhips, funk the reft, laden
with wheat, and made himſelf maſter of four gallies, of
five benches of oars. Intelligence having been received, that
fome of the Thracian tribes, inftigated and affifted by Eu-
menes of Pergamus, had broken into the dominions of
Cotys, a king of Thrace in alliance with Perfeus, and an
auxiliary in the Macedonian camp, he immediately difmiffed
the Thracian king with large prefents, and a confiderable
fum of money, to the defence of his own territories; and
fo little now were his apprehenfions of danger from the Ro-
mans, that he himſelf marched foon after to the aid of Cotys,
and obtained for him a complete victory over the invaders.
LICINIUS was fucceeded in the command by the conful
ceeds to the Hoftilius, who was more unſucceſsful than his predeceffor.
Upon his very entrance into Epire, of whoſe defection there
was not, as yet, any fufpicion, he narrowly eſcaped falling
into an ambuſcade of Epirots, who had lain in wait for him,.
46 Plutarch. in Paul. Aemilio. Liv. L. xliii. c. 2.
5
in
A
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
539
B 0 0 K
VII.
Sect. I.
attempt.
in order to deliver him up to Perfeus. He afterwards en-
deavoured to penetrate into Macedonia by the province of
Elymaea; and was defeated. He attempted a paſſage by the
Cambunian mountains; and found it impracticable. He fails in every
detached his lieutenant Appius Claudius, to infeft the Mace-
donian frontier from the fide of Illyricum; who having
formed the defign of plundering Ufcana ", a city on the
confines of Macedon, fuffered himſelf to be caught in a
fnare by a ftratagem of the Cretan garriſon: they had pro-
miſed to betray the place to him; but upon his approaching
the walls with a careleſs fecurity, they fallied out with
the inhabitants, and attacked him fo vigorously, that ſcarcely
a fourth part of his army eſcaped.
47
THIS train of bad fuccefs became the more reproachful Caufecfchefe
from the cauſe to which it ſeemed juftly to be aſcribed,
"the
mifcarriages.
rapacity and infolence of oppreffion," with which moſt of
the Roman commanders of the preſent year, as well as the
preceding, ftood charged. Decimius ", who at the begin-
ning of the war had been fent on an embaffy to Gentius
of Illyricum, was, with good reaſon, fufpected of having fold
himſelf to the Illyrian king. Complaints, fupported by the
ſtrongeſt proofs, had been laid before the ſenate, againſt Lucre-
tius *, one of the praetors of the laſt year, who, after en-
riching himſelf with the pillage of the enemies of Rome,
had not even ſpared her friends; defpoiling the very temples
of Chalcis, then confederate with the Romans, of their moſt
precious ornaments, in order to add to the magnificence of his
49
47 Liv. L. xliii. c. 10.
48 Liv. L. xlii. c. 45.
3 Z 2
« Liv. L. xliii. c. 4.
villa
1
540
}
HISTORY
OF GREECE
Į
{
Book villa in the neighbourhood of Antium. There was alfo
VII.
reaſon to ſuſpect, that Licinius himſelf had not been guilt-
Sect. I.
lefs. The like complaints were now brought against the
conſul Hoftilius, and the officers under his command. Caf-
fius, one of his praetors, was infamous for his depredations.
His admiral, Hortenfius ", had put to death the chief men
of Abdera, on the Thracian coaft, and fold for flaves the
reſt of the citizens becauſe they had refuſed to comply
with his mercileſs exactions, and had dared to appeal to the
conful for relief; fo that the neighbouring cities, alarmed
by theſe enormities, and dreading fimilar acts of violence,
had ſhut their gates againſt him. On his return to Chalcis,
the unhappy Chalcidians again experienced all the cruelty
and rapine of Lucretius. Even the army under the immediate
command of Hoftilius ", had been rendered unfit for fervice,
either by the facility or avarice of the conful and his prin-
cipal officers; numbers of the foldiers having, for
money, or
through favour, obtained leave of abſence, and returned to
Italy.
The Mace-
donian af-
fairs in a
profperous
fituation
THE Macedonian affairs, on the contrary, wore a profpe-
rous appearance". Perfeus had defeated every attempt againſt
Macedon during the fummer; and as foon as winter had ſet
in, and the fnows had rendered the mountains and glens:
around him impaffable to the Romans, he attacked and
defeated the Dardanians, who, probably upon the retreat
of the Baftarnae, began again, to be troubleſome, leaving ten
thousand of them dead on the field. From thence he had
30 Liv. L. xliii. c.7.
c. 18, 19, 20.
5 Liv. ibid. c, 11.
A
32 See Liv. L, xliii..
advanced,
3
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
541
J
53
advanced into Illyricum, with the view of recovering fome BooK
places of ſtrength, formerly taken by the Romans, which VII.
Sect. I.
were of confequence to the fecurity of the Macedonian
frontier; and, at the fame time, of entering into alliance
with Gentius, the moſt powerful of the Illyrian princes. He
found little difficulty in the accompliſhment of the former,
and might as eafily have effected the latter, had not his own
avarice " been the only obftacle. Gentius wanted money;
and Perfeus could not think of fupplying him; fo that, after
a repeated interchange of meffages, the negotiation ended
without effect. He had not yet entered Illyricum, when he
received the pleafing intelligence, that the Epirots, at the
inſtigation of Cephalus, one of their chieftains, had re-
nounced the friendſhip of Rome, and declared in his favour.
The Aetolians too folicited his prefence, offering to put
Stratus into his hands, a confiderable city of Acarnania on
the Achelous, which at this time was in their poffeffion.
The invitation was eagerly accepted, and Perfeus was in-
'ftantly in motion. But the feverity of the ſeaſon and the
difficulty of the roads rendering his march exceedingly te-
dious, a Roman commander, who was ftationed in the coun-
try, conceiving fome fufpicion of the defign, had entered the
city with a ſtrong body of troops the evening before Perfeus.
reached it. He made himſelf, however, fome amends, by
getting poffeffion of Aperantia, a neighbouring diſtrict of
Aetolia; and this fuccefs was foon followed by advice, that
Clevas, one of his generals, had defeated the Romans on the
borders of Epire, in two fucceffive engagements, in which,,
1
39. See Polyb. Legat. Ixxvi. lxxvii.
5+ Liv. L. xliii. §. 233
two
*
542
HISTORY OF GREECE
BooK two thouſand of the enemy had fallen, and three hundred
VII.
Sect. I.
but injured
by the fordid
avarice of
Perfeus.
}
Confterna-
fecutions at
Rome.
been made priſoners.
NOTHING, indeed, feems now to have been wanting to
Perfeus, but to have known how to employ properly, the
treaſures of which he was mafter. The corruption and in-
folence of the Roman commanders, had made them generally
odious. Polybius himſelf acknowledges, that, had the Ma-
cedonian king (whofe avarice, to fuch a wonderful excefs of
fordidneſs and folly, muft, fays he, have been a judgment
on him from the gods ") improved the prefent opportunity,
by giving moderate fubfidies to the kings and ſtates of Aſia
and Greece, gratifying at the fame time with preſents the
principal men in the different cities, he had effectually ruined
the Roman intereft with moſt of the Greek and Afiatic
nations.
56
WHEN tidings of theſe matters were received in Rome,
tion and pro- they occafioned the deepeſt confternation.
Upon the firſt
complaints, commiffioners had been immediately fent into
Greece "; and their report exceeded even the voice of fame.
Embaffadors alfo had now arrived from thoſe ſtates which
had ſuffered moſt from the oppreffions and rapacity of the
Roman commanders, to implore juftice from the fenate
and Roman people. To the Romans the crifis was alarm-
ing they were in danger of lofing Greece, if not Afia:
* and fome of the firft nobility were among the accufed cri-
·
55 Δαιμοναβλάβεια is the exprefive name that Polybius gives to the amazing
avarice of this wretched prince. See Legat. lxxvii.
so Liv. L. xliii. c. 8, 11, 17.
minals.
藏
​N
}
蓄
​FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
minals. Orders were immediately iffued, requiring all the
fenators throughout Italy, unleſs employed on public fer-
vice, to repair immediately to Rome, and forbidding any
fenator to go farther than one mile from the city. Lucre-
tius ", the late praetor, had already been fummoned to ap-
pear. The nobles would gladly have ſaved him, but they
found it impoffible. Two tribunes of the people, M. Ju-
ventius Thalna and Cn. Aufidius, were active in the pro-
fecution; and his trial being brought on, the thirty-five
tribes, with one voice, pronounced him guilty. Several
others, not leſs criminal, had probably ſhared the fame fate,
had not their trials been put off, under pretence, that they were
neceffary perfons in the army abroad, and could not there-
fore appear in their own defence.
6.6
THE next bufinefs was, to guard againſt the confequences
to be dreaded from the refentment of an injured people.
An edict was accordingly paffed ", which enacted, "That
"henceforth the allies of Rome ſhould not pay obedience to
any requifitions made by any magiſtrate whatſoever, unleſs
"it appeared, that theſe requifitions had proceeded from the
«fenate themſelves. Orders were likewife tranſmitted to
Hoftilius " and the other commanders in Greece, to conduct
themſelves for the future with greater caution; and wherever
59
57 When the charge againſt him was firft laid before the fenate, it was pretended,
that he was abroad with the army; and that therefore it was neceffary to poſt-
pone the inquiry. It' afterwards appeared, that at this very time he was at his
villa, employing in expenfive works, the vaft fums which he had brought home from
the pillage of Haliatus, and the plunder of the Chalcidians. See Liv. L. xliii. c. 4.-
s Liv. L. xliii. c.. 17.
59 Ibid. c. 8..
543
Boo K
VII.
Sect. I.
Edict to
abufes com-
mitted by the
check the
Roman com-
manders.
reparationa
544
HISTORY OF GREECE
ร
Book reparation could be made, to make it as fpeedily as pof-
VII. fible. To the ſeveral ſtates alfo embaffadors were deputed,
Sect. I.
to affure them of the affectionate regard paid to their inte-
embaffadors refts, and to notify the new edict, which the ſenate, ever at-
tentive to the LIBERTIES of GREECE, had been graciouſly
fy the edict: pleafed to iſſue.
fent to the
Grecian
ítates to noti-
infidious in-
ftructions
60
THIS, however, as appears from Polybius ", was only the
given to thofe oftenfible part of their commiffion. Beneath all this femblance
embaffadors: of affection, lurked the moſt treacherous defigns. The em-
baffadors had ſecret inſtructions to ſeize the opportunity, when
theſe gracious affurances ſhould have lulled every ſuſpicion, to
deſtroy all thofe, whom eminent abilities and zeal for the
liberties of their country had rendered obnoxious to Rome.
In thoſe ſtates, where their opponents were too many to be
thus diſpatched, they were to endeavour at leaſt, to get into
their hands a number of the moſt confiderable perfons,
by way of hoſtages; or to obtain permiffion to introduce
Roman garrifons into their cities, in order to lay thofe
ſtates under the neceffity of fubmitting to whatever terms
Rome might thereafter think fit to preſcribe.
THE embaffadors were to have entered on the execution of
this part of their inftructions in Achaia: and three Achaeans
of the higheſt diſtinction, Lycortas, Polybius, and Archon,
whoſe virtue had withſtood every temptation, were the first
the reception victims marked for deftruction. But upon the opening of the
they met
Achaean diet, it was found, that matters were not yet ripe
with
for their purpoſe. Even the queftion, "whether Achaia
from the
Achaeans;
60
o Legat. lxxiv. Exxv.
3
fhould
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
545
Воок
VII.
Sect. I.
fhould take part with Rome againſt Macedon ?" was likely Boo K
to produce great heats. And the embaffadors began to fear,
that, ſhould they venture on the attempt they had in view,
it would only ſerve to diſcloſe what it was their intereft to
conceal, and perhaps involve their whole party in ruin.
ans ;,
WITH the Aetolians, from whom they were to have ex- the Aetoli-
acted hoftages, they had no better fuccefs. The diet was
a ſcene of tumult and confufion; and to fuch an exceſs of
mutual violence did the Macedonian and Roman parties pro-
ceed, that thofe in oppofition to Rome, ftoned, in the very
diet, and in the prefence of the embaffadors, one of the con-
trary faction. From fuch an affembly it had been to little
purpoſe to have demanded hoſtages; and the embaſſadors took
care to withdraw without mentioning them.
nians ;
FROM thence they proceeded to Acarnania, too inconfi- the Acarna-
derable a ſtate in appearance to be capable of much firmneſs.
And here, befides, Rome was fuppofed to have a ſtrong party;
yet, the inftant it was propofed that they ſhould receive
Roman garriſons into their cities; the greater part of the
affembly expreffed the higheſt indignation"; and the em-
baffadors, who ſaw it would be in vain to contend againſt
fo general an oppoſition, had the prudence to defiſt.
1 Livy (L. xliii. c. 17.) has given fome account of this tranfaction, but in a
very flight and curfory manner. However, what he mentions of the oppofition
made to the article of garrisons in the Acarnanian convention, is remarkable.
"Pars," his words are, "recufare, ne quod bello captis et hoftibus mos eſſet, id pacatae
et fociar civitates ignominiae acciperent.”
4 A
THESE
}
546
HISTORY OF GREECE
Book
VII.
Sect. I.
Quintus
Marcius Phi-
the Macedo-
nian war.
THESE proceedings need no comment. They clearly de-
velope the Roman character at this period. And ſhew what
powerful aids Macedon might still have drawn from Greece,
had not Perfeus been wanting to himſelf and to his cauſe.
THE Conduct of the war now devolved on Quintus Mar-
lippus elect- cius Philippus, the truſty friend by whom Perfeus had been
and appoint. circumvented; who, with Q. Servilius Caepio, had been
ed to conduct elected to the confulfhip. His fetting out had an appear-
ance of vigour that promifed great things; his neceffary le-
vies were completed with unuſual expedition; and by the
first opening of the fpring he had already joined the army
in Theffaly. The commencement of his operations was
equally fpirited. Ambitious of fucceeding where the pre-
ceding commanders had failed, and fenfible, that the arti-
fice which he had practifed before, could not avail him again,
he ſtaked all his hopes on boldneſs and enterpriſe; declaring
himſelf refolved to force his way through fome of thoſe
formidable barriers which had hitherto defied the Roman
arms. Upon enquiry, he was told there were three paffes
where he might poffibly fucceed; one by the way of Py-
thium, another by the Cambunian mountains, where Hofti-
lius had failed, and a third by the lake Afcuris.. For
fome part of the way, one common road led to all, which
afterwards branched into three, each leading to one of the
above mentioned paffes. Undetermined which to chooſe,
he nevertheleſs began his march,, purpofing to form his.
plan according to the discoveries he ſhould make as he
advanced. Being arrived at the place where the road di-
62
42 See Liv. . xliy, c. 2, & ſeq,
vided,
•
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
547
5
vided, he detached, for what reaſons we are not told, a
body of four thousand men under two commanders, one
of them his ſon, to attempt the paſs by the lake Afcuris
halting with the reft of the army, until he had intelli-
gence of the event.
Book
VII.
Sect. I.
茹
​f.
the Macedo-
THE road through which this detachment had to march, He attempts
was rugged, ſteep, and worn into channels by the mountain- nian fron-
floods; fo that after two days inceffant labour, they had tier;
fcarcely proceeded fifteen miles. At length, on the evening of
the ſecond day they gained the top of a hill, where they ven-
tured to encamp; and the enſuing morning, having moveď on
about ſeven miles farther, they reached the fummit of an-
other mountain, from whence they could defcry one of the
enemy's ftations about a mile from them, and at a farther
diſtance, Dium, the camp of Perfeus, with all that part of the
Macedonian coaft that is washed by the gulph of Theffalo-
nica. Advice was immediately difpatched to the conful, who,
fortunately for them, was already on his march; anxious to
know the fate of his men, whom, inconfiderately enough, he
had ventured into the midſt of the enemy's poſts, defiles, and
hollows, to which they were ftrangers. No fooner were the
army fomewhat recovered from their fatiguing march, than
Marcius prepared to drive the Macedonian party from the fuccefs.
poft, without which it was impoffible for him to advance.
The Macedonians were not lefs ready to receive them. The
party which Hippias commanded was twelve thouſand ſtrong;
and having only a mountain's fummit to defend, where he
knew every advantage of ground, and where only a few
combatants could engage, he was more than a match for
the Romans; who were repulfed. On the ſecond day they re-
4 A 2
newed
attacks a
Macedonian
poft without
1
548
HISTORY OF GREECE
Book newed the attack; and in like manner on the third; but
ftill without fuccefs.
VII.
Sect. I.
Perilous fitu-
ation of the
Roman ar-
my ;`
THE Conful faw his critical fituation. It was impoffible
for his army to fubfift on the fharp ridge of a barren moun-
tain. He could not advance and to retreat was highly
dangerous, from the nature of the road, through which he
muſt paſs, and from the enemy's commanding the moun-
tain-heights, from whence they might pour down deftruction
on him and his army. It is fcarcely conceivable, that at
this critical conjuncture, Perfeus fhould have fhewn that
imbecillity of conduct, of which he appears to have been
guilty. Had he done what was in his power, had he fup-
ported Hippias, or endeavoured to cut off Marcius's retreat,.
against them. the Romans themſelves confeffed their ruin had been inevit-
able. Inftead of this, though during the three days that the
engagement laſted, he was ſo near the ſcene of action as pro-
bably to hear the fhouts of the combatants, he employed
himſelf in parading along the fhore at the head of his ca-
valry, without fending the ſmalleſt reinforcement up the
folly of Per-
feus in not
advancing
Marcius ven-
tures down
from the
mountain;
mountain.
{
MARCIUS, however, refolved not to return back, but at
all hazards to defcend the mountain, and endeavour to pe-
netrate into Macedon through the glen below, leaving Po-
pilius with a party of the army on the fummit to cover
his rear. This was an enterprize of infinite toil. The
mountain was in many places exceedingly fteep, and even
where it ſeemed to be lefs abrupt, there was no fure foot-
ing to be found in thoſe untrodden paths;` fo that the
troops, rather than truſt to their feet, for the moſt part
+1
rolled
A
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
549
t
Boo K
VII,
Sect. I.
rolled themſelves down. To add to the difficulty, the ele-
phants refuſed the precipices, and became outrageous, throw-
ing their riders, and ſcaring the horſes with their hideous
cries. During the general confufion which this occafioned,
had only a ſmall part of the enemy appeared, the conful
himſelf acknowledged afterwards, there had been an end of
the Roman army. After trying ſeveral expedients, it was
contrived to let down theſe unwieldy animals by wooden
platforms, one end of which was joined to the cliff, and
the other end fupported by poſts faſtened in the ſlope be-
neath; over the floor of the platform was ſpread a cover-
ing of earth, that the elephant might not be ſhy of ven-
turing on it. As foon as he had gotten on the platform,
the poſts that upheld it being cut, he was made to flide
off to a fecond, which began where the firſt ended; in
like manner to a third; and fo onward to the bottom. In
this tedious and laborious employment was the whole day
confumed. Towards night they reached a level ſpot, which,
though they were ignorant where they were, or with what
dangers they were ftill encompaffed, was a circumſtance which
greatly relieved them, as they could now ftand on firm
ground. The morning light afforded them no better in-
formation. They found themſelves in the hollow of a
gloomy foreſt, through which it was impoffible to deſcry
what lay beyond. Here, however, they remained all that day,
in order that Popilius, who had received directions to follow
as ſoon as he fafely could, might have time to join them.
The two fucceeding days they moved forward without meet-
ing any obſtruction, excepting what arofe from the deep
and wood-entangled glens through which they had
march; when at length their profpect opened into the cham- the Macedo
with
great
rifque makes.
his way to
the neigh-
to bourhood of
paign
nian camg-
550
HISTORY OF GREECE.
}
VII.
Sect. I.
BooK paign country between Heracleum and Libethrum, a. con+
fiderable way above the entrance into the ftreights of Temper
and a few miles from Dium, where Perfeus had his 'head-
quarters.
Terror of
Perfeus.
S
}
%
PERSEUS was bathing, when tidings were brought him
that the Romans had paffed the defiles, and were advanc-
ing. Every part of his conduct now betrayed his abject
character. In an agony of fear he flung out of the bath,
exclaiming he was vanquished without fighting; and, as if
he gave up all for loft, inftantly fent off orders to burn his
naval ftores at Theffalonica, and to throw his treaſures at
Pella into the fea; recalled Hippias from his poft at the
Afcuris, and in like manner all the other commanders from
the ſeveral paffes where they were ſtationed; and, having
removed on board his fleet the ftatues of Alexander's fol-
diers that were at Dium, abandoned that city to the ene-
my, and fled to Pydna. Even now, had there been the ſmalleſt
firmneſs on his fide, Marcius had paid the full price of his
temerity. He had got beyond the paſs of Afcuris, and the
ftreights of Tempe; but what did this avail him? Un-
able to advance, without a poffibility of retreat ; having
no means of fubfiftence from the country in which he was,
were expof and cut off from all foreign fupplies; he muft, had Per-
feus continued only to guard the feveral paffes, have in-
evitably periſhed. He could not have retreated by the
way he had come; as the Macedonians were maſters of that
road, and with eafe could have deftroyed him from the
heights, of which they were in poffeffion. And, ſhould he
have attempted to penetrate farther into Macedon, the only
3.
The dangers
to which the
Romans
ed, had Per-
feus fhewn
firmness.
opening
1
}
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
551
་
**
Sect. I.
opening into it from that quarter was by Dium, and that Book
VII.
flanked on the one fide by Mount Olympus, and on the
other, partly by a dangerous morafs, and partly by the ſuburbs
of the city, ſo that only a narrow ftrait remained, where a
fmall force was fufficient to difpute the paffage againſt the
moſt formidable army. The fole refource, therefore, that he
had left, was, to have returned into Theffaly through the
vale of Tempe. But that was hardly to be effected. For
the length of five miles the road through this vale was fo
exceedingly narrow, that it was not poffible for two beaſts
of burden to paſs abreaft; and on each fide fo frightful was
the precipice, that the traveller with averted eye fhrunk
from the tremendous proſpect; below alfo rolled the Pe-
neus, the ſtunning noiſe of whofe waters, tumbling over
the rocky bottom, and broken into frequent falls, deep-
ened wonderfully the horror of the ſcene. In addition to
all this, the Macedonians had forts and entrenchments ftrong-
ly garrisoned at all the important pofts along the valley.
So that had not Perfeus weakly given up every advantage.
which he poffeffed, he had now the enemy at his mercy.
But the unthinking temerity of the conful, fay the Roman
writers, found its apology in the pufillanimity of the king “³.
Whatever Marcius's folly was, luckily for him, it was con-
fpicuouſly outdone by the king's fuperior imbecillity.
63
conful enters,
THE Conful, in amazement that the Macedonians had. The Roman
evacuated Dium, entered the city with great caution, ap- Dium:
prehenfive, that under fo strange an appearance of timidity,
63 Quae temeritas confulis videri potuiffet, quod èo proceffiffet, unde invito-
cc
« hofte regredi nequiret, eam non inconfultam audaciam (rex) fecit."--Liv.
L. xliv. c. 6.
fome
·
552
}
HISTORY OF GREECE
t
puſhes on
northward:
in diftrefs:
Book fome hoftile ambuſcade muſt be concealed. His wonder increaf-
Воок
VII. ed when he ſaw the ftrength of the place, and what a ſtand
Sect. I. might have been made there, had it been properly defended.
From Dium he puſhed on northward with the ſame ſucceſs;
the Macedonians every where fubmitting as he approached.
But though he had no enemy to oppoſe him, he ſoon found,
that he had advanced farther than prudence could juſtify.
finds himself The country was poor; and as he proceeded farther north,
it became every day more difficult to procure provifions.
His fleet alfo, which he had ordered to follow, and on
which he depended for the fupport of his army, difap-
pointed his expectations; it had arrived off the coaft, but
the ftore-fhips, by fome mistake, had remained at Magne-
fia. At laſt, when at the heighth of diſtreſs, he received
advice from Lucretius, that the Macedonians had abandoned
all their poſts in the ftreights of Tempe, and had left
plenty of provifions behind them; and that fufficient fup-
plies ſhould, with all poffible expedition, be haftened for-
ward to his relief. But whether Marcius began to fear,
that the neceffities of his army might provoke them to
mutiny; or that the Macedonians, recovering from their
panic and dejection, might intercept the ſupplies, and
abandons all perhaps cut off his retreat; he immediately marched to
his con-
queſts.
Phila, near the entrance of the vale, where he had rea-
'fon to ſuppoſe the provifions were by this time arrived;
thus abandoning all his conquefts with the fame rapidity
with which he had acquired them. Whatever induced
this extraordinary ftep, it fixed a confiderable blemiſh on
his military character 64.
64 Liv. L. xliv. c. 8.
1
PERSEUS
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
5.53
with fhame at
conduct:
PERSEUS now faw, with fhame and regret, what his ter- Book
ror had not permitted him to ſee before," that to his own
VII.
Sect. I.
ſpiritleſs conduct the Romans owed their preſervation;” and
having returned to Dium, and repaired what the Romans Perfeus ftung
had diſmantled, he encamped on the Enipeus, five miles to his own mif-
the ſouth of that city, with a defign to cover this part of
Macedon from farther infult.
were the orders he had given
Pella, and his naval ftores at Theffalonica; they were a con-
feffion of fears, which at preſent he was unwilling to avow,
and he refolved, at any rate, to wipe off the reproach.
What mortified him moſt,
concerning his treaſures at
manner in
off the re-
THE perfons he had employed in this fervice, were An- the cruel
dronicus and Nicias; the one had been fent to Pella, the which he
other to Theffalonica. Nicias, punctual to the directions. feeks to wipe
which he received, had caufed the treaſures to be funk proach.
in the fea. Andronicus, fufpecting that his mafter would.
foon repent, had delayed the deſtruction of the ftores until
farther orders. To have, or not to have obeyed, Perfeus
confidered as equally criminal, and put both his agents to
death. To recover the treaſure, he procured divers, who
brought up the greater part of it. They met with the re-
ward of Nicias and Andronicus; the tyrant vainly imagin-
ing, that all remembrance of his pufillanimous conduct
would be obliterated, by deſtroying thoſe who had it more
immediately in their power to diſcover it
65
THE remainder of the operations of the year did
tle towards reftoring honour to the Roman arms.
6s Liv. L. xliv. c. 10.
4 B
lit-
The
The conful
does nothing
elfe confider
able:
only
3
2
}
554
HISTORY OF GREECE
VII.
Sect. I.
Book only town the conful was able to take, was Heracleum, a place
of no great confequence, and which the Macedonians, though
their camp on the Enipeus was within fight of it, made
no motion to relieve. He next attempted certain cities on the
Thermaic gulph, Theffalonica, Torone, Caffandrea, with
Meliboea and Demetrius on the confines of Theffaly; but
all without effect; the whole of his atchievements, amount-
ing to fome tumultuary depredations, in one of which he
was even repulfed with confiderable lofs.
meanly pre-
vents fuc-
cours being
fent to Ap-
pius.
His conduct in relation to Appius Cento the praetor,
was not lefs difreputable. Appius commanded in Illyri-
cum, and, finding the fuperiority of the enemy, had ap-
plied to the Achaeans for fuecours. The Achaeans had
before fent Polybius to the conful, with an offer of march-
ing a body of troops to his aid ", which, probably defpair-
ing of making any impreffion on the Macedonian frontier, he
had refuſed; and fuch was his illiberal ſpirit, he would not
permit Appius to be reinforced from that quarter, notwith-
ſtanding his application and prefent neceffity, that he might
not be in a better condition than himſelf. The cafe was
delicate. It was of importance to the Achaeans, to be con-
fidered as the faithful allies of the Romans. And the fitua-
tion of the Roman commander required inftant relief. Po-
lybius, artfully enough, contrived to elude the praetor's ap-
plication, and withal to affect the higheſt reſpect for Rome.
He repreſented to the Achaean ftates, that by the fenate's late
edict, they were not to pay regard to any requifition made by
a Roman commander, unleſs that requifition appeared to have
66 See Polyb. Legat. lxxviii.
1
the
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
555
}
}
the fanction of the fenate. Appius had no fuch fanction to BOOK
VII.
produce; and therefore his demand could not be complied
with.
THE Confequences of the conful's mean jealoufy, proved
nearly fatal to Appius; for hiſtory" informs us, that with
the utmoſt difficulty he eſcaped being cut off by the enemy.
67 Liv. L. xliv, c, za
Sect. I.
}
器
​4 B 2
BOOK
556
*
HISTORY OF GREECE
1
す
​воок
VII.
SECTION II.
CONTENT S.
Воок
VII.
Sect. 2.
Lucius Aemilius Paulus elected conful, and appointed to conduct
the Macedonian war-reftores and improves the difcipline of
the Roman army, which had fuffered from the mifmanagement of
the preceding commanders-advances against Perfeus-forces
him from his entrenchments on the Peneus-engages, and
defeats him at Pydna.-Perfeus flies to Pella-to Amphipo-
lis-to Samothrace-furrenders himself to the Roman admi-
ral-is brought to Rome-produced before the triumphal car
of the victorious Roman, and dies in wretchedness.-Humi-
liation of Macedon under the Romans-their inhuman treat-
ment of the people of Epire-the people of Aetolia-and moſt
of the other Grecian ſtates.-Cruel defigns entertained by them
against Achaia, not carried into execution for what reafons.
T
HREE
years and upwards had the Roman arms been
employed againſt Macedon, to little advantage. At
Rome, the fault of this dilatory and unfuccefsful war was
altogether imputed to the incapacity or the corruption of
the
{
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
557
}
Sect. 2.
Lucius Ae-
milius Pau-
lus;
the ſeveral commanders, to whom the conduct of it had Book
hitherto been intruſted; and it was now the general voice
VII.
of the people, that, regardleſs of the intrigues of ambition,
fome perſon ſhould be called forth to this ſervice, whoſe
known abilities and integrity merited the public confidence *.
In Lucius Aemilius Paulus they feemed to have found the
man whom they were ſeeking; fon to the conful Aemi-
lius Paulus, who had refuſed to furvive the carnage of his
countrymen on the fatal day of Cannae: He had been con-
ful fifteen years before, and in the diſcharge of that office, his character:
as well as the other offices through which he had paffed,
was confpicuous both for military ſkill and unblemiſhed
honour. But having ſtood a fecond time for the conful-
ſhip without fuccefs, he had retired from public life, un-
tainted by the contagion of diffipated manners, which be-
gan to be the diſgrace of the Roman nobility. His only
reproach was, that he had divorced his wife Papiria, a
lady unexceptionable in her conduct, and defcended from
one of the nobleſt families in Rome. She had lived with
him many years in wedlock, and had brought him fe-
veral children, two of them fons, who promiſed to be the
ornaments of their illuftrious houfe. At the fame time it
muſt be confeffed, that this was not fo much the reproach
of Aemilius as of the times; the Roman law and man-
ners, by the free permiffion of divorces, having now entire-
ly levelled that important fence of domeſtic happineſs and
national virtue, reverence for the marriage bond 2. He
made,
• Plutarch in Paul. Aemilio.
2 How lightly the Romans accounted the marriage-compact, we may judge
from an anecdote mentioned by Plutarch (in Paul. Aemilio). A certain Roman
had
558
GREECE
HISTORY OF
✓
Book made, however, fome amends to his young family, for the
VII. lofs which they fuftained in being deprived of their mother,
Sect. 2.
by the extraordinary care he bestowed on their education.
Removed from the buſtle of the world, he gave up his
whole attention to the cultivation of their minds, fuperin-
tending their ſtudies and exerciſes with the moſt watchful
tenderneſs and attention. At this period Aemilius was in
his fixtieth year, but ftill in the full vigour of body and
mind; and from his natural firmneſs and ſeverity of man-
ners, was well qualified to correct that licentiouſneſs of the
Roman foldiery, to which the late relaxation of diſcipline
had afforded much encouragement.
F
is appointed
to the con-
ing of the
AEMILIUS having been prevailed on to appear among the
fulfhip, and candidates, was elected conful by the unanimous fuffrages
the conduct of all the tribes; and, if we are to believe Plutarch, im-
Macedonian mediately upon his election was appointed to the command
in Macedon, without fuffering the lots to be caft³, as ge-
nerally was the cuſtom in the difpofal of provinces.
war;
THE fpirited and judicious manner in which he en-
tered on the department affigned to him, fhewed, that their
his judicious choice had not been mifplaced. Report had made very unfa-
precautions. vourable reprefentations of the fituation of the Roman affairs
in Greece. But report was not to be trufted. He therefore
had divorced his wife, and being preffed by the expoftulations of his friends,
who aſked, was ſhe not fair? was she not chaste? was ſhe not fruitful? holding
up
his fhoe to them, replied, is it not handsome? is it not new? yet none knows
where it pinches but he that wears it.
3 Livy (L. xliv. c. 17.) fays otherwiſe.
10
obtained
>
A
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
559
}
}
1
4
obtained of the fenate, that commiffioners ſhould be ſent
thither, with orders to enquire minutely into the ſtate
both of the fleets and armies on fervice in the Macedonian
war; what progrefs the land-forces had made; what ma-
gazines they had eſtabliſhed, and how they were ſupplied;
what poſts and places of ftrength they were maſters of; how
near they were to the enemy; what allies the Romans had,
and how far thefe allies were to be depended on.
THE report of the commiffioners fully explained why fo little
had been done'. The late conful Marcius, they faid, had, with
the utmoſt riſque, paffed certain defiles, which he might as
well not have paffed. The Romans, it is true, were in fight
of the Macedonian camp; but befides that the Macedonians
had the command of all the country, Perfeus, who was
pofted on the Enipeus, feemed unwilling to hazard an en-
gagement, and to force him to it was not in the power of
his enemies: thus were the Romans hemmed in on all
fides, without a poffibility of attempting any thing, and
with provifions for only fix days. The condition of the
Roman fleet was equally bad; diſeaſe had carried off a great
number of the feamen; moſt of thoſe who had furvived,
had deferted; and the few that remained on board, had
neither fubfiftence nor even cloathing. The fituation of
Appius Cento in Illyricum, was ſtill more wretched; a ſtrong
and immediate reinforcement being neceffary to prevent a
Roman commander from owing his fafety to flight!
Boo K
VII.
Sect. 2.
The diftrefs-
ful ſtate of
the Roman
Greece;
affairs in
← Liv. L. xliv. c. 18.
$ See Liv. ibid. c. zo.
AEMILIUS
560
HISTORY OF GREECE
1
Book
VII.
he endea-
vours to re-
ftore them.
AEMILIUS made it his firft care, to recover every part
of the Roman army under his command from this ftate of
Sect. 2. debility. Anicius the praetor was ordered into Illyricum
with a large body of forces. Octavius, another of the prae-
tors, was appointed to command the fleet. Aemilius him-
ſelf haftened the neceffary levies with all poffible expedi-
tion; and in eleven days from the time of his leaving Brun-
dufium, though on his way he ſtopped at Delphi to facrifice,
he was in perfon at the head of the army in Macedon.
mitted by
Perfeus.
BUT, whatever advantages Aemilius might obtain from
thefe vigorous exertions, he derived more from the timi-
Faults com- dity and fordidneſs of Perfeus. During the winter, which
had been uncommonly fevere, whilft the Romans, hemmed
in on every fide, had ſcarcely the means of fubfiftence, and
every road, excepting to the hardy and experienced native,
was utterly impaffable, the Macedonian king had not made
the leaſt attempt to drive his enemies from that part of the
country, and to regain the ftreights of Tempe. A winter's
campaign, to his Thracian auxiliaries a matter certainly of little
difficulty or hardſhip, had probably completed the ruin of
this part of the Roman army, and reſtored the king to the
poffeffion of all thoſe important paffes which in the phrenzy
of fear he had abandoned.
}
WHAT is ſtill more extraordinary, Perfeus had at length
prevailed on a tribe of the Baftarnae ' from the banks of the
Danube, to march to his affiftance, by the promiſe of a
♣ Liv. L. xliv. c. 20.
7 Liv. L. xliv. c. 26. Plutarch in Paul. Aemilio.
large
4
$
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
561
1
VII.
Sect. 2.
his fordid
treatment
of the Baſtar-
large ſubſidy, ten pieces of gold to every horfeman, five to Book
every foot foldier, and a thouſand to every chieftain; and
they were already, to the number of ten thouſand horfe and
as many foot, within feventy miles of the Macedonian camp.
When the king ſaw that he muſt part with his money, his
predominant paffion interfered ; and in hopes of putting
off the payment, or perhaps of eluding it, he ſent Antigo-
nus with fplendid prefents to the leaders, and the ftrongeſt
afſurances, that they ſhould find plenty of proviſions and
every kind of refreſhment prepared for them, on their
march. But, barbarians as they were, they were not to be
ſo trifled with. Clondicus their leader, immediately demanded
of Antigonus, "Have you alſo brought the promiſed fubfi-
dy?" who returning an evaſive anſwer, "Let
"Let your maſter
"then know,” replied the barbarian," that the Baſtarnae
"ſhall not advance one ſtep farther, until the ftipulated gold
" is paid down to them." The fole expedient that now
occurred to Perfeus, was, at leaſt to fave a portion of his
darling treaſure, by taking into pay a part only of the aux-
iliaries; pretending to his lords, that they might prove dan-
gerous inmates, ſhould ſo large a body be permitted to enter
Macedon. Antigonus was again diſpatched, to inform Clon-
dicus, that his maſter had only occafion for five thoufand
horſemen. This prevaricating propofal was anſwered with
a cry of indignation from the whole army: "However,"
faid Clondicus, "have you brought the gold for theſe five
"thouſand, whom you demand?" when, perceiving by the
confufion of Antigonus, what the cafe was, he turned from
him with indignant rage, inftantly commanded his troops to
move homeward, and in revenge, as well as for ſubſiſtence,
4 C
marked
nae.
562
HISTORY OF GREECE
VII.
Sect. 2.
Book marked his return with ravage and deſolation. It was extraor-
dinary, that Antigonus was not made the victim of their fury.
His eſcape, as Livy tells us, was more than he himſelf expect-
ed. Theſe barbarians, it feems, of whofe manners we are apt
to conceive very injurious ideas, refpected the ſacred cha-
racter with which Antigonus was inveſted, notwithſtanding
the perfidiouſneſs they had experienced from his maſter.
The lofs
fuſtained by
him in con-
fequence of
it.
8
THE return of the Baftarnae proved an irreparable mis-
fortune to Perfeus. They were, Plutarch informs us, the
In ftature,.
fineft body of men Macedon had ever feen.
in activity, agility of body, and expertnefs at every kind of
martial exerciſe, they were not to be excelled; while energy
was given to all theſe advantages, by an uncommon boldneſs.
of ſpirit and contempt of danger. The occupations of na-
vigation, agriculture, and paftoral life, being accounted dif
reputable among them, to fight and to conquer was their only
object. Had the whole of this fierce emigration therefore
been permitted to advance, and been employed in ſpread-
ing devaſtation through Theffaly, whilft Perfeus, by maintain-
ing his poft on the Enipeus, kept the confular army at bay,
the Romans, Livy acknowledges, had with difficulty efcaped.
The learned reader will recollect, that the facking of Rome by the Celtic
tribes from Gaul, was occafioned by the violation of the rights of nations, of which
the Roman embaſſadors had been guilty: theſe embaffadors had been fent to the
* Gauliſh camp before Clufium, to deprecate the deſtruction of that neighbouring city;
but not fucceeding in their fuit, they departed from the character of minifters of
peace, and fought under the Clufian banners; provoked at which, the Gauls inftantly
raiſed the ſiege, and marched to Rome.
}
}
THE
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
563
t
Boo K
VII.
Sect. 4.
with Eu-
menes, and
is avarice.
lofes him by
THE fame fordidnefs of temper prevailed through all the
tranſactions of this weak and impolitic prince. He might at
this time have gained the friendſhip and affiftance of Eu-
menes; but he loft both by his avarice. That king, long
the zealous friend of Rome, was faid to be diſguſted by cer-
tain infults, which he had received from the haughty Mar-
cius'; and he began perhaps alſo to perceive, what he him-
felf might expect from this formidable power, which he
was aiding to advance to univerfal dominion. He entered
therefore into a fecret negotiation with Macedon ". On the Negotiates
payment of a thoufand talents, he offered to withdraw his
affiſtance from the Romans; and for fifteen hundred, to oblige
them to conclude a peace; engaging at the fame time to give
fufficient hoftages for the performance of his ftipulations.
The bargain to Perfeus was highly advantageous; but with
him, the difficulty was, to part with his money. He was
willing enough to promife; but Eumenes, from experience of
the man, was unwilling to place confidence on fuch unfolid
grounds. After much negotiating, little to the honour of ei-
ther party, Perfeus confented to pay down the fum required;
provided it was depoſited in the temple at Samothrace, until
Eumenes fhould fulfil his engagements. But this ifland be-
ing fubject to Perfeus, Eumenes confidered it as perfectly
the fame, whether the money were in the coffers of the Ma-
cedonian king or in the temple at Samothrace: and thus the
negotiation proved abortive ".
♥ Liv. L. xliv. C. 13.
10 Liv. ibid. c. 25.
¹¹ Some time after, the Romans diſcovered the intended treaty, and never forgave
Eumenes for the fhare he had in the tranfaction.
4 C 2
BUT
564
HISTORY OF GREECE
1
Воок
VII.
BUT the baſeneſs of the Macedonian monarch appears
moft confpicuous in his treatment of Gentius the Illyrian ".
Sect. 2. The diſtrict of Illyricum which he reigned over, was waſhed
His mean and on its western extremity by the Hadriatic, on the eaſtern
perfidious
dealing with it was divided from Macedon by a ridge of mountains,
Gentius.
and it extended fouthward to that part of Illyricum which
the Romans claimed by right of conqueft. The fituation
therefore of this prince rendered him to Rome, as well as
to Macedon, a convenient friend or a troubleſome enemy..
Perfeus and the Romans had both fought his alliance; but.
his inclination led him to the Macedonian intereft; which
he offered to join, on payment of three hundred talents.
Perfeus, however, had hitherto protracted the negotiation, in
hopes of bringing him down to lower terms.
But the pre--
ſent emergency would not admit of a longer delay. Peace,
he faw, was not now to be obtained; and two envoys:
had at this very time arrived at the court of Gentius, in
order to put the finiſhing hand to an alliance between Il-
lyricum and Rome. In this fituation Perfeus had recourſe to.
a ftratagem. He agreed to the terms of Gentius, and defired
that his embaſſadors might attend to receive the fubfidy,
and to fwear to the due performance of the treaty; when
he ordered the three hundred talents to be delivered to
them; and in order to give the greater folemnity to the:
act, the treaty was executed in prefence of his whole
army. It was now proper, that meffengers fhould be fent
to the Illyrian king with an account of the tranfaction;
and as the weight of treaſure would have prevented the
neceffary diſpatch, they took with them only ten talents,
leaving the remainder fealed up with
with the
the fignets of
12 Liv. L. xliv. c. 27. Plutarch in Paul. Aemilio.
J
the
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
565
?
1
VII.
Sect. 2.
the Illyrian embaffadors, to be delivered to confidential per- Book
fons, who were to convey it without delay. Gentius en-
tertained no fufpicion; the money he was told was on the
way; and, as a proof of his attachment to Macedon, he
immediately ſeized and impriſoned the Roman envoys. This
was the very thing that Perfeus had in view. "He has
now," ſaid he, "advanced too far to recede; and ſhould
66
“he even repent, it is impoffible. the Romans ſhould forgive
1
1
"him." Exulting in the fuccefs of his fcheme,. he com- Gentius un
manded the money to be ſtopped. This deſpicable policy, done by it.
however, produced no advantage to Perfeus.
advantage to Perfeus. It facrificed,
on the contrary, an ally, by precipitating the ruin of Gentius.
This wretched prince, by the perfidy of the Macedonian king,
lofing both his crown and his liberty; Anicius, the Roman
praetor, having ſoon after attacked him, reduced his whole
kingdom, and carried him, with all his family,, into cap-
tivity.
13
this Illyrian:
THIS tranfaction ftrongly marks the character of Perfeus.
Gentius indeed appears, from hiſtory, to have been a prince of Character of
a very unamiable character "3; being a violent, mercileſs tyrant, prince.
rendered ſtill more brutal by intemperance, to which he was
much addicted. He ftands charged with having facrified to
caprice or jealouſy, fome of his moſt valuable ſubjects, and
with having even imbrued his hands in the blood of his bro-
ther, whoſe virtues he probably confidered as his own re-
proach. But however unworthy of our pity the Illyrian
may have been, the conduct of Perfeus was not the lefs im-
politic and unprincipled.
13. See Liv, L. xliv. c. 3oà
HAD
506
OF GREECE
HISTORY
#
1
Воок
VII.
Sect. 2.
The Greek
and Afiatic
ftates well
affected to the
interefts of
Macedon :
Perfeus ne-
glects to im-
prove theſe
favourable
difpofitions.
Activity af
Aemilius;
his attention
to the difci
pline
HAD the king of Macedon adopted a more manly and
more liberal ſyſtem; had he made a proper ufe of the wealth
and other reſources of which he was ftill mafter, the Ro-
mans had found his overthrow a work of infinite difficulty.
Had he been brave, generous, and honeft, not only merce-
naries, but voluntary fuccours had poured into him from
every quarter. Moſt of the Grecian ftates fecretly wifhed
him fucceſs, well knowing, that in the fortune of Macedon
was involved the fate of Greece. The Afiatics, in like
manner, whatever connections many of them appeared to
have with Rome, could not, without the moſt painful ap-
prehenfions, look forward to the probable confequences of
the extinction of the Macedonian power. Even Prufias of
Bithynia the moſt fervile of the Roman vaffals, had ven-
tured to remonftrate, by his embaffadors, againſt the conti-
nuance of the war. The Rhodians did more: they required
both the Romans and the Macedonian king to lay down
their arms, threatening to declare war againſt whichever
power fhould refuſe to adopt pacific meaſures. But fuch was
the folly of this prince, that every refource which might
have contributed to his fafety, was either rejected or miſem-
ployed; and he was at laſt deſerted by all, only becauſe he
was the firft to defert himſelf.
THE prefence of Aemilius gave new vigour to the Ro-
man arms. He began by improving their diſcipline ". The
advanced pofts had been permitted the ufe of fhields, from
which many inconveniences had arifen. Trufting to this
defenſive armour, they were often lefs watchful of the ap-
14 Liv. L. xliv. c. 14.
as Liv. ibid. c. 33. Plut. in Paul. Amelio.
A
9
proach
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
567
Sect. 2.
proach of the foe; and even ventured to ſtand and ſkirmiſh, Book
VII.
when their duty was to have retreated, and alarmed the poſts
behind them. They had frequently been found reclined on
their fhields aſleep; and the gleaming of the braſs had been
known to diſcover them to the enemy: the conful, there-
fore, gave directions, that when employed on this duty, they
fhould leave their fhields 16 behind them. It had been the
cuſtom alſo, to give out the daily orders aloud to the whole
army; hence the pretence, that they had not been heard diſtinct-
ly, afforded an excuſe, or at leaſt a palliation for every failure
in duty; and what was still more dangerous, no fooner had
the orders been delivered out, than the enemy generally was
appriſed of them. The conful, therefore, gave it in com-
mand, that thenceforth the military tribunes fhould whiſper
their orders to the first centurion, he to the officer under
him, and ſo on, until every perſon had received them. At
the fame time, notwithſtanding the ſeverity with which
theſe regulations were inforced, the attention he paid to
every thing which could contribute to the ſecurity or re-
freſhment of the troops, endeared him to them all. At his
arrival, they were in great want of water, which, in this
climate, and at this feafon of the year ", was exceedingly
diſtreffing; and thoſe who had been fent to look out for
fome, reported, that none but brackish water was to be
found. The verdant and leafy fummits of the mountains
around, induced Aemilius,, nevertheless, to pronounce, that
16 Plutarch fays, their pikes alſo were left behind, that they might guard the more
against fleep, when they were fenfible that they had nothing to defend themſelves.
17 It was now
midfummer.
and wants of
his army:
LA
!
Springs
568
HISTORY OF GREECE -
}
VII.
Sect. 2.
BooK fprings could not be far diftant; but poffibly the water was
abſorbed in the fands, or diſcharged through fome fubterra-
neous ducts into the neighbouring ocean; deep pits were,
therefore, funk at certain diftances along the fhore, he him-
ſelf ſuperintending the workmen. The conful's opinion was
juſtified by the event. Freſh water guſhed out in great abun-
dance, and the army was relieved. The diligence of the
foldier was equal to the attention of the general. In-
ſtead of fullen murmuring, or the uproar of tumult, lately
the difgrace of the Roman arms, nothing was now to be
heard throughout the camp, but the polishing or ſharpen-
ing of arms, and the chearful bustle of men bufied in pre-
paring for action.
finds it dif-
ficult to force
nian lines;
PERSEUS, meanwhile, was ftill pofted" on the oppofite
the Macedo fide of the Enipeus, and as the channel at this time was
fordable in many places, he had added to the fecurity of
his camp, by fortifying it towards the river with a ſtrong
pallifade, which, together with the height and ſteepness of
the bank, rendered the approach difficult, and an attack ex-
ceedingly hazardous. Aemilius, after fome attempts, find-
ing, that hore no impreffion was to be made, changed his
plan ". Being informed of a bye-path over Mount Olym-
pus, by the caſtle of Pythium, which led to the rear of the
Macedonian
where it was not defended by any in-
trenchment, he detached a body of eight thouſand men,
under the command of Scipio Nafica, and Fabius Maximius
attacks, by
furpriſe,
the rear of
the Macedo-
nian camp.
camp,
18 OLYMP. CLII. 4. BEFORE CHRIST 164.
Plutarch in Paul. Aemilio.
19 Liv. xliv. c. 35.
A
his
?
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
569
Sect. 2.
his eldeſt ſon. This detachment had public orders to em- Book
bark on board the fleet then on the coaſt, and make a deſcent
VII.
on fome of the maritime parts of Macedon; but with fe-
cret inſtructions to return as foon as night had ſet in, and
afcend the mountain, the fummit of which, by computa-
tion, they were to gain early in the morning of the third
day; Aemilius, mean time, employing the enemy's atten-
tion in the plain, by repeated attacks on their lines. The
Macedonians had neglected the paſs by Olympus, fo that
the Romans advanced without oppofition, till a Cretan de-
ferter having at length given notice of their approach, a
detachment of twelve thouſand men was fent to repulſe them.
But it was now too late; the enemy were already in poffeffion
of the fummit; and, after a fhort though ſharp conflict, drove
the Macedonians down the mountains; who, in their flight
to the camp, ſpread the alarm, that the Romans were preſſ-
ing hard upon their rear.
Perfeus ;
who flies to
STRUCK with terror, the king, as ufual, loft fight at once Terror of
of all the advantages of his fituation; and, as if on the
point of being immediately ſurrounded, broke up his camp, Pydna:
and fled to Pydna: he wished to have retreated even farther.
He talked of diſbanding his army; of fecuring all the cattle
and grain in the ſeveral ſtrong holds throughout Mace-
don; of laying the country waftè to deprive the Romans of
fubfiftence; and of retreating into his interior provinces,
where the numberlefs defiles and intricate windings would
enable him to baffle for ever the purſuing enemy.
The re-
preſentations of his officers checked theſe timid and unmanly
purpoſes. He had ftill, they told him, a force far fuperior
4 D
in
}
}
570
HISTORY OF GREECE
Book in numbers to the Roman army; and his men, fighting as
VII. they now would, in defence of their altars and their fami-
Sect. 2. lies, thofe pledges which every generous mind holds moſt.
dear, and animated befides by the prefence of their fove-
reign ſharing every danger with them, would certainly ex--
ert a vigour that could hardly fail of proving victorious.
Aſhamed, though probably not convinced, he affumed a
more refolute countenance, and commanded his army to form
under the walls of Pydna; where, foon after, Aemilius ap-
againſt him; peared in order of battle, having been previouſly joined by
the detachment from the mountains..
Aemilius
advances
but defers
fighting until
the enfuing
day;
account.
NASICA, fluſhed with his late fuccefs, urged the conful to
19 But the Macedonians were re--
begin the attack inſtantly
freſhed, while the Romans were fatigued and almoſt parched
with drought after their precipitate march through fandy
roads, expofed to the fultry heat of the mid-day fun..
Young man,” replied the conful," at your years I. ſhould
"have thought as you do; at mine, you will act as I ſhall :
and on what and having given directions to mark out the ground for in--
camping, and to incloſe it with a ditch and rampart, he
ordered the rear to move into it, as ſoon as it was com-
pleted; the front ranks ftill preſenting an unbroken face to
the enemy, until the reſt of the battalions having fucceffively
quitted the field, they alfo fell back in like manner without
confufion, though in the prefence of an embattled foe:
a remarkable inftance of the excellence of Roman dif--
cipline.
19 See Liv. L. xliv. c. 36. Plutarch in Paul. Aemilio.
5.
THE:
វ
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
571
THE enſuing night, there happened an eclipſe of the moon".
The Roman foldiers were apprized of it; the tribune Sul-
picius Gallus having foretold it to the conful, and, with his
permiffion, to the whole army. But in the Macedonian camp
it occafioned the greateſt difmay. This phaenomenon they
were accuſtomed to view with terror; and they now confidered
the darknening of the lunar orb as a fure prefage of the
extinction of the glory of Macedon.
NEXT morning the two armies were drawn out in order
of battle; but, however ſpirited and determined in appear-
ance, probably rather for the purpoſe of obferving each
other's motions, than with any ferious intentions to engage ";
the conful as well as the king betraying, in their whole
conduct, much irrefolution and anxiety. Early in the day
Perfeus withdrew from the field into Pydna, " to offer,"
he told his foldiers," his fupplications to Hercules;" a
god, fays Plutarch, who never hears the coward's prayer.
Aemilius, more artfully protracted the time, facrificing
beaſt after beaſt, under pretence that the omens were not
yet propitious, until, upon the flaying of the twenty-first
victim, the arufpices' had orders to announce to the army,
"that the gods had promiſed them the victory, on condi-
tion they ſtood on the defenfive." The Roman writers
ſcruple not to acknowledge, that this language of piety was
all an artifice deviſed by the conful himſelf. During the
former part of the day, the Romans had the fun in their
faces; Aemilius wiſhed to defer engaging, until his declination
Boo K
VII.
Sect. 2.
Eclipfe of the
different ef-
fects it had
moon;
on the Roman
and Macedo-
nian foldiery.
Battle of
Pydna;
20 Liv. L. xliv. c. 37. Plut. ubi ſup.
4 D 2
21 Liv. ibid. c. 37, 49.
to
572
HISTORY OF GREECE
*
Book to the weft had relieved his army from this inconvenience.
VII.
The Macedonian phalanx, befides, was pofted on advantage-
Sect. 2.
ous ground, and prefented to view fuch an impenetrable-
front of interwoven ſhields and pikes, as feemed to bid defi-
ance to the moſt vigorous affault. Aemilius himſelf was wont
to confeſs, that fo ftrong was the impreffion which the
fight of this formidable phalanx had made on his mind, that
a certain terror always attended the recollection of that day..
He was therefore defirous, that the Macedonians fhould be-
gin the attack, in hopes they might break their ranks as they
advanced.
brought on
by an unlook-
dent.
2.3
THESE where the reaſons which the conful alleged for his
ed-for inci- conduct. Livy², however, is of opinion, that his real purpoſe
was to amuſe and reſtrain the Roman foldiery, who were
impatient of delay; and, at leaſt for that day, not to have
ventured a battle. At length, an unlooked-for incident
put an end to all farther heſitation. Towards three in the-
afternoon, ſome Thracian foldiers endeavouring to intercept a
Roman convoy, or, according to others, to feize a horſe that:
had eſcaped from the Roman to the Macedonian lines, a
ſkirmiſh enſued, and large reinforcements being detached:
from both armies, the engagement foon became general..
AN exact detail of this battle is not at prefent to be ob-
tained, as moſt part of the narrative, which Polybius and
Livy had given of it, is long fince loft; the principal circum--
ftances, however, may be gathered from the few facts which
Plutarch and the later hiftorians have preſerved..
22 Liv. L. xliv. c. 40.
23 Plutarch in Paul. Aemilio.
IT
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
573
VII.
Sect. 2.
It began in a manner that threatened utter difcomfiture Book
to the Romans. Having attempted to make an impreffion
on the front of the Macedonian phalanx, the length of whofe
pikes rendered it impoffible for the Roman foldiers to reach The Romans
in danger at
the enemy with their ſwords, their firſt line was broken, and the begin
cut in pieces; and the fecond, difcouraged by the fate of ning;
their companions, declined the charge, and retreated. Could
this body of Macedonian infantry now have puſhed on,
without lofing that compact form and folidity which confti-
tuted its ſtrength, the fate of the Roman army had been at
once decided. The conful's prefence of mind faved them
from deſtruction. He immediately ordered his men to divide
into ſmall platoons; and, inſtead of ruſhing againſt this
dangerous rampart with unavailing intrepidity, to mark the
feveral breaks and interftices into which the long-extended
front muſt neceffarily open as it advanced, from the irregu--
larity of the ground, and the different exertions of the com-
batants; to penetrate between the pikes into thofe vacant
ſpaces, and charge the enemy fword-in-hand. This ma- but obtain a
noeuvre had all the fuccefs that could have been expected.. tory.
The inftant a void ſpace appeared, the Romans, piercing
through it into the very heart of the phalanx, dealt de-
ftruction on every fide. The pike, meanwhile, remained a
cumberous embarraffment in the hands of the Macedonian
foldier; and the ranks, from their being wedged together, were
ſlaughtered without the power of reſiſtance. The Roman ar-
mour, beſides, had confiderable advantage over the Macedonian
in clofe combat. The fword of the Macedonians was fhort, and
their bucklers fmall and flight; the Romans, on the contrary,
had ſhields that covered them from head to foot, and fwords
ponderous, well-tempered, and of powerful execution..
A'T
complete vic
&
1
1
574
Воок
VII.
Sect. 2.
Young Ca-
to's diſtreſs at
lofing his
fword;
its effects
fatal to the
enemy.
¿
HISTORY OF GREECE ·
Ar the fame time that diſcomfiture was thus fpreading along
the whole front of the phalanx, both the flanks and the rear
were likewiſe fuccefsfully attacked. So that this formidable
maſs of warriors, which had lately fo fierce an aſpect, now
exhibited one continued ſcene of diſorder and carnage.
THE Victory was no longer doubtful, and the rage
of battle was beginning to fubfide, when an unexpected
event unhappily added to the flaughter of this bloody day.
The younger Cato, fon to the cenfor, and afterwards married
to one of the conful's daughters, had loft his fword 24. Af-
ter diftinguiſhing himſelf in the attack on the phalanx by
many acts of valour, it had fprung from his hand in the
heat of action, and he had hitherto ſearched for it in vain.
For a foldier to have returned without his fword, though
he had even returned victorious, had been highly reproach-
ful 5..
He hurried from rank to rank, bewailing the dif
after and imploring the affiftance of every companion and
friend. A confiderable number foon joined him, and under
his command, again ruſhed impetuouſly on the foe, relentleſs
flaughter marking their way as they advanced; until at length
they diſcovered the fatal fword under an heap of arms and
dead bodies. Elevated with this fuccefs, they charged the
few that remained unbroken, with redoubled ardour. Three
thouſand Macedonians, all choſen men, had hitherto kept
their ranks; they were now cut off to a man. The rest of
the army fled; but few eſcaped; neither flight nor dark-
nefs faving them from the Roman fword; the purfuit
being eagerly continued during the night, for upwards of
34 Plutarch. in Paul. Aemilio et in Catone. 25 Excerpt. Polyb. L. vi. c. 25,
fifteen
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
575
fifteen miles. The fides of the neighbouring hills were co-
vered with the dead and dying; and the river Leucus, which
the Romans paffed the following morning, was even then
tinged deep with blood 26
If we are to believe Plutarch ", this important action
was determined in lefs than one hour. It began, he tells
us, at the ninth hour 28; and before the tenth hour the Ro-
mans were in full poffeffion of victory. The returns which
he gives us of the dead, is not lefs amazing. Twenty-five
thouſand of the Macedonians fell; and of the Romans, one
hundred at moſt; according to Scipio Nafica, only eighty".
BoO K
VII.
Sect. 2.
Remarkable
+
circumſtances-
that attended.
this battle:
auxiliaries,
ཟ
It is alſo remarkable, that the auxiliary troops of the Ma- the Thracian
cedonian king, and particularly the Thracian horſe, who defert.
at the battle on the Peneus had done. important fervice,
and might have retrieved, perhaps, the fortune of the day,
appear to have taken no ſhare in the engagement. Are we to
ſuppoſe, that they had received the conful's gold? or that they
difdained to fight for a prince who had not the fpirit to fight:
for himſelf? We certainly have it on Livy's "authority, that:
the Bifaltae, a Thracian tribe to whom Perfeus made appli--
26 From this memorable day, the Macedonian phalanx feems to have been held?
in low eſtimation. It gained little credit at Cynofcephalae; but the battle of Pydna
completely ruined its reputation.
27 In Paul. Aemilio.
28 The fame with our three in the afternoon.
•
29. The circumftances of this battle, as related by Plutarch, will fuggeft to the
reader of reflection, many reaſons for doubting the truth of this account.
3. Liv. L. xliv. C. 42.
31 Ibid. c. 45,
cation:
576
HISTORY OF GREECE
Book cation in his flight, denied him affiftance; and that the
VII.
Thracians he had in pay, as foon as they had reached the
Sect. 2.
banks of the Strymon, abandoned his ſervice, and retired
homeward.
Perfeus flies
to Pella;
his diſtraction
and ferocity :
IMMEDIATELY on the defeat of his army, Perfeus, in terror,
fled from Pydna, eſcorted by a confiderable body of cavalry;
but numbers of the Macedonian infantry, who were making
their eſcape from the field, coming up, and infulting the
horſemen, to whofe cowardice and treachery they imputed
the diſcomfiture, Perfeus began to fear, that an affray would
follow, in which he might poffibly be involved. Appre-
henfive of the confequences, he ftruck off from the road
into the thickest part of a wood, through which, with great
difficulty, and with only a few attendants, he at length,
about midnight, made his way to Pella.
THE anguish of diſappointed ambition, remorſe, and ter-
ror, racked the tyrant's mind, and added to his natural fero-
city. Euetus and Eudaeus, two principal officers of his
exchequer, having ventured to blame fome part of his con-
duct, he ſtabbed them with his own hand ³. Shocked and
alarmed at this act of barbarity, his other lords refuſed to ap-
proach him; fo that, not knowing where to hide himſelf,
or whom to truft, he fet off again from Pella before break
of day, taking with him what treaſure he could
carry. The
whole force he had now to attend him 33. confifted of
by the Mace three captains of auxiliaries (every Macedonian having de-
obliged to
leave Pella;
abandoned
donians;
?
32 Plut. in Paul. Aemilio. 3ª Liv. ubi fup. c. 43. Plut in Paul. Aemilio.
1
ferted
F
1
1
1
1
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
577
ferted him) Evander the Cretan, Neon the Boeotian, and BooK
VII.
Archidamus the Aetolian, together with five hundred Cretan
Sect. 2.
mercenaries, who had been allured by the hopes of fharing
the treaſure of which they faw him in poffeffion. He fuf-
pected their motive; and, to fave the reft, fuffered them to
carry off a number of veffels of gold and filver, which he
had defignedly cauſed to be ſcattered in their way.
flees to Am-
phipolis,
from thence;
mothrace ;
THE third day after the battle, he entered Amphipolis 34,
to as little purpoſe as he had entered Pella. He would have
addreffed the people, before whom he prefented himſelf
with his eldeſt fon, in hopes of exciting their compaffion,
when a guſh of tears ſtopping his utterance, he made figns
to Evander to ſpeak for him; but they unanimouſly refufed and is driven
to hear him, exclaiming with indignation,
"Away, away,
" left we alfo fhould be involved in ruin." Driven in this feeks to
diſgraceful manner from Amphipolis, he haftened to the efcape to Sa-
fea-fide, in order to pafs over into Samothrace, where the
reputed holiness of the place promiſed him, he imagined,
a fecure afylum. But anxious to fave his treaſure, not
leſs than to fave his life, he could not think of leaving
with the Cretans what his fears had induced him to dif-
perſe among them. Among the veffels which they had car- over-reaches
ried off, he told them, were certain vafes which had be-
longed to Alexander the Great, for which, if reſtored, they
ſhould receive the moſt ample recompence. The Cretans
of thoſe days are faid to have furpaffed all the nations of
the earth in fraud and artifice: they were, nevertheleſs,
overmatched on this occafion, Depending on his royal
34 Liv. L. xliv. c. 45-
4 E
word,
his Cretan
mercenaries.
Կ
{
1
5
578
HISTORY OF GREECE
Book word, they reſtored to Perfeus moſt of the vaſes he required,
to the amount of thirty talents; but he forfeited his pro-
mife: they received nothing in return.
VII.
Sect. 2.
Total re-
volution
throughout
Macedon.
By this time, a total revolution had taken place through--
out Macedon, one of the moſt rapid recorded in the
of
page
hiſtory. In fifteen days after Aemilius had begun to put
his army in motion, all that formidable armament under
Perfeus was broken and difperfed; and in two days after
the defeat at Pydna, the whole country had fubmitted to
the conful. This extraordinary change, effected fo foon and
with fo much facility, Plutarch " ſeeks to aſcribe to fome:
miraculous interpofition of the gods, exerted in favour of
Rome; "that a people, hitherto eminent for the love they.
"bore to their kings, fhould now, as if the chief bulwark.
"of their conftitution were overthrown, and all were fallen
"with it, have at once given up all thoughts of refiſtance,
"and have renounced their native and kindred princes!"
But the cauſe is eaſily diſcovered in the conduct of Perfeus
himſelf. The pufillanimity, the cruelties, and fordidnefs
of this unhappy prince, had loft him that affection which
he certainly poffeffed in the beginning of his reign, and.
from which a wife and virtuous king had derived ſtrength
and fecurity. But even a foreign yoke feemed now, to the
Macedonian nation, morè tolerable than the domination of a
native tyrant, equally mercileſs and oppreffive ".
A's
35 In Aemilia.
36 We are ſometimes apt to queftion the character which the Roman writers have -
drawn of this prince, and to fufpect, that the colouring, has been overcharged ::
but that he ſhould have been thus abandoned by his own fubjects, forms a prefump--
tive
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
579
+
Evander
As ſoon as it was known that Perfeus had filed to Sa❤
mothrace, the praetor Octavius failed thither in purſuit of
him ". Perfeus had taken fhelter in the temple of Caſtor
and Pollux. The difficulty was, how to draw him from
thence without violating the privileges of a fanuctuary, held
in the higheſt reverence by the pagan world.
had accompanied him; and the Romans availed themſelves of
this circumftance. The prieſts to whom the fuperinten-
dency of the iſland belonged, were aſked, whether it was
not a defilement of the facred ground, that a polluted per-
ſon ſhould there find a retreat? and why this holy afylum
was permitted to Evander, the afſaſſin of king Eumenes, and
the impious profaner of the Delphic temple? Perfeus, who
foon had notice that Evander was not to be protected, felt,
with excruciating agony, the confequences of his being de-
livered up. The king had not one guilty fecret, to which this
worthleſs aſſociate was not privy, and in the hands of the
Romans, the hopes of life might tempt him to reveal all.
Apprehenfive of the event, he endeavoured to perſuade Evan-
der to prevent, by a voluntary death, the tortures that cer-
tainly awaited him, ſhould the Romans once have him in their
power. The Cretan feemed convinced, and agreed to poiſon
himſelf; but the king perceiving that he procraftinated, and
beginning to fear that he meditated an eſcape, procured him
to be murdered; and corrupted Theondas, chief of the Sa-
mothracian prieſts, to report that he died by his own hands.
tive evidence againſt him, to which it is difficult to give an anſwer. Forfaken by a
people, lately zealous in his fervice, it is hardly poffible, but his adminiftration
must have been beyond meaſure oppreffive.
17 Liv. L. xlv. e. 5 & feq.
Bo o K
Воок
VII.
Sect. 2.
The Romans
purſue Per-
feus to Sa-
mothrace :
the daftard-
ly and perfi
has recourſe
dious arts he
to:
4 E 2
This
1
580
HISTORY OF GREECE
Sect. 2.
38
Book This perfidious treatment of the unhappy inftrument he him-
VII.
ſelf had employed, and whofe chief guilt it was, that he
had too faithfully obeyed the orders of ſuch a maſter, de-
prived Perfeus of his few attendants that remained, almoſt
all of them going over to the Romans. The Macedonian
monarch had before this, folicited Aemilius
to accept his
fubmiffion ; but though this requeft was conceived in the
moſt abject terms, the conful refuſed to liſten to any pro-
pofal that was not accompanied with a refignation of the
regal title. The only refource that now remained to this
wretched prince, was to attempt an eſcape to the Thracian
coaft, and to implore the protection of Cotys his late ally,
Oroandes, the captain of a Cretan veffel, who lay off Samo-
thrace, had engaged to take him on board the enfuing
night, when under favour of the darknefs he might elude
the vigilance of his enemies. He had accordingly cauſed
his treaſure to be ſhipped; but when he reached the
ſhore, to his inexpreffible mortification, Oroandes was al-
ready failed with all his wealth. Thus bereaved of his
treaſure, and expofed to his enemies, he wandered diſconfo-
late for ſome hours along the beach, and was forced, at the
approach of morning, to fhrink back to his fanctuary, which
with difficulty he reached before the Romans could pre-
pare to intercept him. In addition to his misfortunes, Ion.
of Theffalonica, his chief favourite, to whoſe care he had in-
trufted the younger part of his family, now deſerted alſo to the
Roman admiral, to whom he delivered up all the royal chil-
dren committed to his charge. Abandoned thus by all but
his eldeſt fon Philip, without a probability of eſcape, with-
finds it im-
poffible to
fave himfelf,
and furren-
ders to the
Romans.
5
38 Liv. L. xlv. C. 4.
out
+
.
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
581.
$
•
out means even of fubfiftence, he was under the neceffity Book
of ſurrendering at laſt to Octavius, who immediately fet fail
VII.
with his prifoner to Amphipolis, and from thence tranſported
him to the conful's camp.
6.6
CC
Sect. 2.
our of Aemi.
AEMILIUS: received the king" in a manner which, what- The behavi-
ever Perfeus deferved, did the victor little honour.
The lius.
Macedonian, remarkably mean under every reverſe of for-
tune, approached with the moſt abject fervility, bowing
his face to the earth, and endeavouring, with his fuppliant
arms, to grafp the knees of Aemilius.. Why, wretched
man," ſaid the proud Roman, " doft thou acquit fortune
of what might feem her crime, by a behaviour which
"makes it appear that thou deſerveſt her indignation? Why
"doſt thou diſgrace my laurels, and detract from my glory,
"by fhewing thy felf an abject adverfary, and unworthy of
"having a Roman to contend with? Courage in the unfor-
"tunate is revered even by an enemy, and cowardice, though
“attended with fuccefs, is, by the Romans, treated with con--
tempt."
6
་
THIS ftern and humiliating addreſs, which a more ge-
nerous conqueror would have ſpared, he ſeemed afterwards
to temper, by raifing him from the ground, and bid-
ding him, nevertheleſs, to hope every thing from the cle-
mency of the Roman people. Of this boaſted clemency,
Perfeus foon had the moſt bitter experience.. A fpectacle-
to his enemies in the ftreets of Rome, he was forced to
adorn the victor's pomp, expoſed, with all his family, before:
39 Plutarch in Paul. Aemilio.
1
the
582
HISTORY OF GREECE
Death of
Perfeus.,
40
Book the conful's triumphal car. With much earneſtneſs, he
VII.
begged of Aemilius to fave him from this ignominy: "It
Sect. 2.
"is in his own power to fave himſelf," replied the obdu-
rate Roman. The triumph ended, he was caft into a dank
and dreary priſon, the common receptacle of the meaneſt
malefactors, and fed on the fame allowance with theſe out-
cafts of ſociety; until Aemilius, probably aſhamed *° of ſuch
exceſs of cruelty, procured his removal to a cleaner apart-
ment, and took care he ſhould be fupplied with better food;
but, unable to brook his almoſt unparalleled reverſe of for-
tune, and the contempt with which he was treated, this
wretched prince foon after ſtarved himſelf to death. If we are
to believe others, he ended his days in a manner yet more
dreadful. The foldiers who guarded him, from fome pro-
vocation which he had given, marked him as the object
of their vengeance; and, finding no other means more effec-
tual, contrived to hinder him from fleeping. They watched
him by turns, and uſed fuch diligence to effect their purpoſe,
that, worn out at last with want of reft, he expired. His
eldeſt fon Philip" and one of his younger fons, are fup-
poſed to have died before him. Another ſon, Alexander,
became fo great a proficient in the Roman language, as to be
able to diſcharge the office of a writing clerk; in which ca-
pacity he is ſaid to have been employed by the chief magi-
Fate of his
family.
ftrates of Rome.
រ
4• Plutarch tells us, that thofe Macedonian nobles who were obliged to remove
to Rome, found afterwards an active protector in Aemilius.
4²‹Livy (L. xlii. c. 52.) fays he was his brother, and his fon only by adoption.
SUCH
\
£
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
583.
3
SUCH the uncertainty of human greatnefs! and fuch the
cloſe of the royal houſe of Macedon, once one of the moſt il-
luſtrious the world had ever feen, and whoſe empire feem-
ed, by its strength and vigour, to promife ftability for a
length of ages! Perfeus reigned eleven years. And from
the death of Alexander the Great, to the final fubverfion of
the Macedonian monarchy, one hundred and fixty years only
had elapfed..
42-
Boo K
VII.
Sect. 2.
and humilia--
tion of Ma--
cedon.
THE ſpirit of Rome appeared: ftill more glaringly defpotic Settlement
in the ſettlement of Macedon ; and the policy fhe now ob-
ferved towards the ſeveral ſtates of Greece. Ten commif
fioners were appointed to affift the conful in arranging the
Macedonian affairs; the principal outlines of which arrange-
ment, had previouſly been traced out to them at Rome.
In confequence of this plan, a new form of government took
place throughout Macedon. The whole kingdom was di-
vided into four diftricts; the inhabitants of each were to
have no connexion, intermarriages, or exchange of poffef--
frons, with thofe of the other diftricts, but every part to
remain totally ſeparated and diftinct from the reft. They
were neither to fell timber themſelves, nor to permit others
to fell any. They were not to import falt; nor even.
where they had it in plenty, to export it, but under certain
regulations laid down by their Roman mafters. They were
prohibited the uſe of arms, unleſs in thoſe places which
were expoſed to the incurfions of the barbarian borderers.
They were permitted to work their iron and
copper mines;
but the working of thoſe of gold and filver was ſtrictly pro-
►
14
șª Liv. L, xlv. c. 29:
hibited:
t
}
1
584
HISTORY OF GREECE
VII.
Sect. 2.
Book hibited; probably left the Macedonians, by thus acquiring
wealth, ſhould regain any portion of their former greatneſs.
They were excluded from all ſhare in the adminiſtration of
government; fome unimportant offices in the civil depart-
ment excepted, which were delegated to certain municipal
officers annually chofen by the Macedonian people. Whilſt
all the nobles of Macedon, all who had held any command in
the king's fleets or armies; all governors of towns, and of-
ficers of his court; all, in a word, who had been in any ſhape
diſtinguiſhed by high birth, large poffeffions, elegant living,
or any circumftance which raiſed them above the level of the
vulgar, were ordered, with all their children above the age
of fifteen, under pain of death, to leave their native land, and
tranſport themſelves into Italy +3.
3
1
tations of the
of Rome.
43
A MORE fevere humiliation could hardly have been de-
viſed: indeed, a more complete debaſement almoſt baffles
Mifreprefen- imagination. Muft we not then turn with diſguſt and in-
Roman writ- dignation from thoſe writers, who, after the narration of fuch
ers in favour facts, with to convey the idea, that the Roman conqueſt be-
ftowed liberty on Macedon? But it feems, that the over-
throw of royalty, and the fubjecting a kingdom to the
far more oppreffive yoke of a Roman fenate, was, in the
language of Rome, to give liberty to a people. In one point
alone, the alteration feems at firft fight to have been fa-
yourable to the conquered. They were to pay the Romans
one half only of the taxes they were accustomed to pay to
their kings. Had this indulgence been even meant as a
relief, it had been a poor compenfation for a dismembered
•
"
*3 Liv. L..xlv. c. 32.
1
1
kingdom,
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
585
}
kingdom, bereaved of its chief ſtrength by the expulfion of its Boo K
VII.
nobleſt and moſt refpectable families, and laid proſtrate
Sect. 2.
beneath a foreign yoke. But, in truth, even this dimi-
nution of taxes, in the prefent impoverished ſtate of Ma-
cedon, far from being dictated by mercy, was the reſult of
neceffity. It was the utmoſt that Macedon could bear. The
Roman conful had not only poffeffed himſelf of the numerous
magazines and granaries which Perfeus had erected through-
out his territories, and plundered the royal palaces of all the
rich furniture, precious vafes, and other coftly manufactures,
in which they are faid to have abounded; he had alſo drain-
ed the kingdom of its wealth, having every where feized
44
ap-
Prodigious
value of the
plunder of
on all the treaſure he could find. The amount, there is
reaſon to conjecture, muſt have been prodigious, as it
pears, that the Romans themſelves were induſtrious to con- Macedon.
ceal it, every one of their hiſtorians giving us a different
account of the matter. From one circumftance, however,
which we have on the authority both of Cicero ** and Plu-
tarch, fome judgment may be formed. In confequence of
the money brought into the treaſury by Aemilius on his
return from the Macedonian war, the Romans were exempted
from taxation during the fpace of an hundred and twenty-
five years 45.
THE arrangement of the adminiftration of government in
Illyricum, was conducted on the fame plan with that of
Macedon.
44 Tantum in aerarium pecuniae (Paulus) invexit, ut unius imperatoris praeda
finem attulerit tributorum-fays Cicero. De Off. L. ii. 22.
45 Until the confulſhip of Hirtius and Panfa, who were confuls in the firft war
between Caefar and Antony.
4 F
AEMILIUS
t
*.
586
HISTORY OF GREECE
Воок
VII.
Sect. 2.
Triumphal
games ce-
lebrated by
the conful
at Amphi-
polis.
+
AEMILIUS Concluded the ſettlement of Macedon with the
celebration of triumphal games at Amphipolis"; to` which
all the neighbouring nations both of Europe and of Afia
were invited. The magnificence exhibited on this occafion
furpaffed, we are informed, all that this part of the world
had ever feen. Beſides the extraordinary pomp and ele-
gance with which the various fports were introduced, and
the richness of the prizes bestowed on the fuccefsful candi-
dates, all the ornaments of gold and filver, with every thing
precious, elegant, and rare, that had been found in the
numerous palaces of the Macedonian princes, were often-
tatiouſly diſplayed, and the fcenery beautifully diverfified
with ſuch prodigious quantities of curious armour, exqui-
fite paintings, and finiſhed ſtatues, that the eye was not only
filled, but dazzled with the variegated profufion. The con-
ful prided himſelf in exhibiting theſe fplendid marks of
victory, and he was probably no lefs pleaſed with the op-
portunity of impreffing on the different nations who wit-
neffed them, an awful idea of the power of Rome, before
which, an empire, feemingly fo formidable, and provided
with fuch ample means of ſtrength and defence, had not been
able to ſtand. The vaft concourfe of people that crowded to
the fight, as well as the Roman armies in the neighbourhood,
were all entertained, at the fame time, by Aemilius, in the
moſt ſumptuous manner, from the ftores which had lately
belonged to the Macedonian king. And fuch was the abun-
dant proviſion of all things, that theſe feaſts were not only
continued as long as the games lafted, but the gueſts were, at
their departure, prefented with whatever they chofe to take
217,2}
·46 Liv. L. xlv. c. 32, 33. Plut. in Paul, Aemilio,
6
away.
&
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
587
away. In the midſt of the different pompous pageants pro-
duced at this feſtival, was ſeen to ariſe an immenſe pile of
various weapons and inftruments of war, which at the clofe
of the folemnity the Roman foldiers, upon a certain fignal, ſet
on fire and deſtroyed. Theſe, it feems, were the leaft valua-
ble part of the Macedonian arms, not worth the tranſporting
to Rome, and improper to be left in the hands of a van-
quiſhed people.
Book
VII.
Sect. 2.
FROM Amphipolis Aemilius directed his courfe to Epire.
The Epirots had fubmitted fome time before; and thofe Treatment
of Epire by
leaders who had been inftrumental in promoting the alli- the Romans;
ance with Macedon, and who had not faved themſelves by
flight, had all fallen by the fword, or been delivered up
to the Romans. The conful now gave out, that the Roman
garriſons were immediately to be withdrawn from Epire, and
the whole country reſtored to the enjoyment of it's liberties;
and having fummoned ten of the principal inhabitants from
every town to attend him, commanded them to collect what-
ever filver or gold was to be found in their houfes or
temples, in order to be delivered, at an appointed day, to
perſons to be commiffioned by him for that purpoſe. The
requifition was punctually complied with: and, lulled into
profound ſecurity, the Epirots fondly pleaſed themſelves with
the thought, that this heavy contribution was all the penalty
they were to incur.
BUT they knew not the atrocity of Roman policy. Par-
ties of foldiers, under various pretences, were diſpatched to
´ 47 Liv, L. xlv. c. 34. Plut. in Paul. Aemilio.
4 F 2
their
{
1
1
$88
GREECE
HISTORY OF
$
VII.
Sect. 2.
their per-
fidioufnefs
and cruelty.
Book their different towns fo as to arrive about the ſame time; with
orders, that on the fame day, and at the fame hour, they
ſhould ſeize, for flaves, every native of Epire, level the walls
of their cities, and totally defpoil them of all they pof-
feffed. The gold and filver having, in obedience to the
conful's commands, been accordingly brought in and deli-
vered to the Roman officers, the fignal was given, and an
hundred and fifty thouſand perfons, unheard, unconvicted,
unſuſpecting, without any particular crime even alledged
againſt them, were, at one inftant, doomed to flavery, their
dwellings given up to the fpoiler, and all their towns, to
the number of feventy, laid in ruins: a deed fo horrid,
and of ſuch exceeding perfidy, that, to uſe the words of a
judicious hiſtorian, I ſhould not believe it, had any one writer
faid to the contrary **.
49
48
PLUTARCH endeavours to exculpate Aemilius. This mi-
litary execution, he would have us believe, was altogether
contrary to the gentleneſs of his difpofition: and he only
yielded, obedience to orders, which it was not in his power
to control. Should this excufe be admitted, in what light
muft the Roman fenate appear! But from the manner in
which Aemilius had just before treated the Aetolians, we are
led to form of him. a very different judgment. Violent difputes
had for fome time. prevailed among the people of Aetolia,
of the Aeto- a great number of them having declared. in favour of the
Barbarous
treatment
lians.
48- Raleigh's Hiftory of the World.
*
49 Plutarch fays, Every foldier had only eleven drachmas to his flare (fomewhat
more than feven fhillings.) Livy fays, That every horfeman got 400 denarii (about
121. 18s. 4d.) and every foot-foldier half that fum.
Y
Romans,
1
7
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
589.
Romans, whilſt others were ftill for maintaining an oppofi-
tion to a power, which they faw threatened ruin to the
Aetolian liberties. Encouraged by the fuccefs of Aemilius
in Macedon, two chiefs of the Roman faction ", Lyfifcus
and Tifippus, obtained from A. Baebius, the Roman com-
mander in Aetolia, a body of foldiers; and furrounding
the place where the convention of the Aetolian eftates was
held, fell unexpectedly on thoſe in the contrary intereſt, and
having put to the ſword five hundred and fifty of the prin-
cipal perfons, baniſhed the reft, and confifcated the poffeffions
of them all. The matter was foon after laid before Aemi-
lius; and the families of thofe who had periſhed, together
with the unhappy exiles, made application to him for re-
drefs. His anſwer is memorable. The only queſtion be-
fore him, he ſaid ", was, "To what party the fufferers had
belonged; if not friends to Rome, whatever they had ſuf-
"fered, they had fuffered defervedly:" nor would he reverſe:
the iniquitous decree. Yet fo flagitious in the eyes of the Ro-
mans themſelves was the barbarous deed, that this acquittal
of the perpetrators of it, did not fave Baebius; he was pro--
nounced guilty of having debaſed the Roman foldiery, by mak-
ing them the inhuman inftruments of the perfidious maffacre..
65
Bo 0 K
VII.
Sect. 2.
FROM Livy it appears, that this decifion of the Aeto- Humiliation
lian cauſe, in which Rome feems indeed to have laid afide of Greece.
all diſguiſe, completed the humiliation of moſt of the Gre-
cian commonwealths. The creatures of Rome became now
alt-powerful in almoſt every place: they obtained poffeffion of
every magiſtracy; and the direction of every meaſure : whilſt |
so Liv. L. xlv. c. 48.
2
g☛ Ibid. C.-31.-
thoſe
A
HISTORY OF GREECE
590
VII.
Sect. 2.
BooK thofe who prefumed to vindicate their ancient liberties, or
even to recommend temperate counfels, were marked out as
harbouring treaſonable defigns againſt their Roman lords, or
of having ſome fecret connection with their enemies.
Tyrannical
proceedings
throughout
the Grecian
Atates;
THE Romans, on their part, did every thing to confirm them
of the Romans in this fervile dejection. Neon the Boeotian, and Andronicus
the Aetolian, two perfons of the first rank in their refpec-
tive countries, had ferved under Perfeus; they were both
beheaded, as having departed from the allegiance they owed
to Rome. Emiffaries were diſpatched throughout Boeotia,
and all the adjacent ftates, with ſpecial inftructions, to make
inquiry concerning all who had favoured the Macedonian
intereft, and report them to Aemilius; when the accufed
were commanded immediately to attend him to Italy, in or-
der to take their trial. This mode of inquiry was extended
even to Afia. And it having appeared that Antiffa, a city
of Lefbos, had in the courſe of the late war received the
Macedonian fleet into her harbour, and ſupplied them with
provifions, Labeo was fent to exterminate the inhabitants,
and to lay the place in ruins.
Achaia ex-
cepted;
whence this
exception.
Of all the Grecian ſtates, Achaia alone remained not yet
totally fubdued; having hitherto been exempted from this
fpecies of inquiry. The reaſons of this apparent lenity,
however, we are not to look for in the moderation of the
Romans. A portion of the ſpirit of ancient days ftill ani-
mated that republic, from which they apprehended much
oppofition. And though even there they had gained over
ſeveral leaders, who were prepared to betray the liberties of
Achaia, it was neceffary to proceed with great circumfpec-
tion,
80
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
591
}
52
Sect. 2,
tion, left the deſtruction of their own creatures fhould de- Book
feat the Roman defigns. Theſe confiderations Livy " him- VII.
felf mentions. He adds another confideration; which, for
the honour of his country, a leſs candid hiftorian had con- Deſigns of
cealed.
Rome againſt
"After the fevereft fcrutiny, not the leaft veftige the Achae
was found of a correfpondence having ever fubfifted be- ans.
tween any member of the Achaean body and the late king
of Macedon." Accordingly, in order to ground an accuſation,
invention was to fupply the place of evidence. On this ac-
count it was thought expedient, that fome of the Roman
commiffioners ſhould, in perfon, pafs over into Achaia, and
either by terror or ſubtilty, bring the Achaean diet to make
conceffions, of which advantage might be taken at fome
future period.
THE difhonourable ſcheme was accordingly carried into
execution; with what fuccefs, will be ſeen in the following
pages.
32 See Liv. L. xlv. c. 31. See alfo Polyb. Legat. xcir.
HISTORY
}
HISTORY OF GREECE.
BOOK VIII.
SECTION I.
CONTENT S.
Infidious defigns of the Romans against Achaia.-The Achaean
chiefs tranfported into Italy-with what views-and bow
treated.-Perplexed ſtate of the Achaean councils-the per-
plexity encreaſed by the policy of Rome.-Affairs of Oropus.
The Achaeans take up arms against Sparta.-The Roman com-
miffioners attempt to difunite Achaia from the feveral ftates not
originally belonging to the Achaean body.—An infurrection is
made at Corinth.-The Romans diffemble—and from what
reafons.-New war in Macedon.-Andrifeus pretends to be
the Son of Philip—his fuccefs—and the termination of bis
fortunes.-Another pretender afcends the throne of Macedon
is overthrown—and efcapes into Dardania.-A third preten-
der appears-is defeated—and flain.
A
Вo o K
VIII.
CHAIA, guiltlefs of any connection with Macedon,
remained unfufpicious of the Roman machinations.
Whatever jealouſy ſhe might have entertained of the defigns
of Rome againſt Greece, or however averſe, in general, the Cautious
Sect. I.
councils of
1
4 G
Achaeans
*
!
{
594
ftates
*
HISTORY OF GREECE
BOOK Achaeans might have been to the total overthrow of the Mace--
VIII.
donians; yet the follies and the crimes of Perfeus, with the ap-
Sect. I. prehenfion of being involved in his ruin, had given a bias fo
the Achaean different to the national councils, that, far from affifting
that depraved and pufillanimous monarch, repeated offers had
even been made to fecond the Roman operations in Macedon
with the united ſtrength of Achaia. But their innocence or
guilt was a matter perfectly indifferent to the Romans. Is
Achaia formidable? was the fole queſtion at Rome.
Romejealous
of Achaia;
THOUGH much fallen from her antient fplendour, Achaia
ſtill maintained a refpectable appearance. That form of go--
vernment, which had been the foundation of her power, not--
withſtanding the wide breaches made by foreign cabals and
domeſtic faction, ftill fubfifted. She was at the head of the.
Peloponneſian ſtates, and ſhe poffeffed a territory well cultivated
and populous. Her cities were numerous; and fome of them,
Corinth particularly, fuperbly ornamented with thoſe works
of magnificence and tafte, which are confidered as indications
of opulence and power.. All theſe, to a Roman eye, were:
objects of envy and of rapacious defire. The Achaeans were
beſides. diſtinguiſhed by their difcipline, and that kind of
warlike knowledge which experience alone can teach; while
many of their leaders were equally confpicuous in the cabinet
and the field. What rendered all theſe circumſtances the more
*formidable to Roman jealouſy and fufpicion, was, that they
could not be ſuppoſed to have beheld the fate of Macedon:
with an indifferent eye; and yet not the leaft trace was to be.
diſcovered of their having had any correfpondence with Per-
feus; an alarming proof, according to the interpretation of.
7
Rome,
>
+
ゴル
​1
}
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
595
1
Rome, of their well-concerted fchemes, and of the art with
which they were conducted.
I
Boo K
VIII.
Sect. I.
miffioners to
the Achaean
FRAUGHT with theſe impreffions, C. Claudius and Cn. fends com-
Domitius Aenobarbus, the two Roman commiffioners
who had Achaia for their department, entered the Achaean diet.
diet. The infamous Callicrates, whofe perfidious practices
againft his country have been already recorded, had previoufly
delivered to Claudius and his colleague a lift of all thofe
citizens who were moſt diſtinguiſhed by their zeal for the li-
berties of Achaia, and from whom an oppofition to Roman
meaſures was of courſe to be expected. The commiffioners
accordingly opened their addreſs to the diet with a complaint
"That fome of the first men of Achaia had acted in concert
" with Macedon." At the fame time, they required that ſen-
tence of death ſhould be immediately pronounced againſt them;
and promiſed, that after fentence fhould be given, they would
produce the names of the guilty. "After fentence is given!"
exclaimed the affembly; "what fort of juſtice would that be ?´
firſt name thoſe whom you accufe, make good your charge, and
"we ſhall be ready to proceed against them."-" I name
"then,"refumed the commiffioner; "all thofe, who have borne
"the office of chief magiftrate of Achaia, or have been the Roman du-
"leaders of your armies."- "In that cafe," anſwered plicity.
Xeno, a noble Achaean of eminent worth, "I alfo fhall be
"accounted guilty, for I have commanded the armies of
<<
my in-
66
Achaia; and yet I am ready to make proof of
nocence, either here, or before the fenate of Rome.'
1
¹ See Polyb. Legat. 94. Liv. L. xlv. c. 31. Paufan. in Achaicis,
4G 2
** You
596.
HISTORY OF GREECE
Воок
VIII.
Sect. 1.
The Achaean
ported into
Italy;
"You fay well," replied the fubtle Roman, laying hold on
his laſt words; "Let the fenate of Rome then be the tribunal,.
"before which you ſhall anſwer." A decree was according-
ly obtained, by which all whom he ſhould name were to be
fent as delinquents to Rome, in order to anſwer for their
conduct".
THUS, by a fentence general, indifcriminate, arbitrary,
chiefs tranf- and ill-founded, was the ſtrength of Achaia, her noble lead-
ers, her ableft and most faithful counfellors, in number
above a thouſand, tranfported into a foreign land.
It was
an act of oppreffion, fays a Grecian writer', beyond the
moſt daring attempts even of Philip. or Alexander, in the
meridian of their power.
the princi-
pal caufe of
this iniqui-
tous mea-
fure.
THIS tranfaction, fo reproachful to Rome, exhibits the no-
ble remains of virtue which ſtill exiſted in the midst of Grecian.
degeneracy. Every other probable expedient to enflave, had:
doubtleſs been already tried by the Romans; and it was not,.
we may fafely pronounce, till after the failure of all thoſe arts
of corruption, which they had practiſed with ſuch fatal fuc-
cefs throughout the other Grecian ftates, that they had re-.
courſe to a deed fo replete with unblushing and infamous
oppreffion. What then must Achaia have been! that in this
little corner of Greece, not three or four chofen ſpirits only,
.but upwards of one thouſand patriots fhould have been-
found, whoſe integrity had remained, unſhaken, amidſt every
2 OLYMP. CLIN. 1. BEFORE CHRIST 163.
Paufan, in Achaicis..
}
}
effort
ง
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
597
VIII.
effort of corruption, and every impreffion of fear; who, Bo O K
unfeduced by the fplendid offers of Rome, and unintimidated
by her arms, devoted themſelves with a manly fteadineſs
to the fervice of their country.
Sect. I.
ment of the
Achaean ex-
iles.
THIS, as a famous hiſtorian *juſtly calls it, was truly the Cruel treat-
captivity of Greece. From the ſubſequent treatment of theſe
illuftrious priſoners, the deſigns of Rome appeared notoriouſly
confpicuous. Inftead of admitting them to an hearing, and in-
ftead of the ſmalleſt inquiry into the truth of the accuſation,
the ſenate imperiously decreed, that they ſhould be diſperſed
through the cities of Etruria. This was to add cruelty to injuf-
tice, by depriving them of that mutual intercourfe which allevi-
ates the forrows of the unfortunate. The only colouring they
could give to theſe unjuſtifiable proceedings was, that their
cauſe had been already heard, and their condemnation
pronounced, by their own countrymen. Repeated depu-
tations were in vain fent from the Achaean ftates, dif-
avowing this pretended trial, and requeſting the fenate to take
cognizance of the matter. But theſe cares were ineffectual.
The united power, however, of Roman influence and policy.
could not prove the prifoners to be guilty; and yet their ac-
quittal was a meaſure which Rome was determined never to
permit. The anſwer of the fenate to one of theſe deputa-
tions, addreſſed to the chief magiftrates of Achaia, has been
preſerved by Polybius. It betrays the whole fecret, and dif-
cloſes the ſhameleſs rapacity of Roman artifice. "It is
"neither advantageous for you," fay the fenate, (who, by
5
4 Raleigh, Hiſtory of the World.
5 See Polyb. Legat. 105. 122. 129, 130. 137. and Paufan. ub. fup.
• Legat. 105.
the
598
HISTORY OF GREECE
}
*
Воок
VIII.
Sect. I.
}
66
the removal of fo many illuftrious perfonages, are now at the
head of the Achaean affairs)" nor for the good of your
people," (whoſe wifeft policy it is to fubmit in filence, and
who might be raiſed to bolder hopes than we mean they
ſhould, were their high-ſpirited chieftains to be reſtored to
them again) "that the exiles fhould be fuffered to return into
"Achaia." Thus did the Roman fathers endeavour, at the
fame time, to work upon the hopes and fears of the Achaean
magiftrates, by reminding them, in this indirect manner,
that the exile of their countrymen had placed them in the
feat of power, and, that a fecure poffeffion could only be
infured by the abfence of thoſe illuftrious citizens; whoſe
return, with their fuperior talents, and influence in the ſtate,
would reduce them to their former infignificancy, and rouſe
the ſpirit of the people to a vain ſtruggle againſt the impofi-
tion of a yoke, which Rome was determined to impoſe..
At length, after a period of feventeen years, when more than
two thirds of the unfortunate victims had periſhed, either
by the lawleſs outrage of their tyrants, or by that confuming
anguiſh which preys on the unhappy'; and when Achaia
was fo reduced, that the interpofition of the remaining few
could be of little avail; the fenate granted to the furvivors
the permiffion fo often applied for in vain".
Nor had even
7 Paufanias informs us (in Achaicis) that "as many of theſe illuftrious captives,
as were found attempting to eſcape out of the hands of their oppreffors, were put
"to death without mercy by the Romans." What a dreadful charge is this againſt
Rome!
* After fome years, Polybius informs us, the folicitations of the Achaean ſtates
were only employed in behalf of a few of thofe captives, whom they applied for
by name; for, ſays he, length of time had confumed almost all the rest; men, whose
memories well deferve to be held in reverence: τοὺς μὲν γὰρ πλείστους σχεδὸν ἅπαντας ὁ
χρονος ήδη καταναλώκει, τοὺς γε δη και μνήμης άξιους. See Legat. 122.
this
1
FROM 5
599
THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
1
this indulgence been obtained, had it not been for Cato's Book
repeated expoftulations : "Shall we for ever be debating," VIII.
faid he to the fenate," whether a few old Greeks fhall have
"leave to be buried in their native land"?" An expreffion
of his to Polybius the hiſtorian, who was one of the exiles,
paints, on this occafion, in the ſtrongeſt colours, the opinion
which that venerable Roman entertained of his countrymen.
When the permiffion to return home had been at laſt granted to
them, Polybius implored Cato's mediation with the ſenate, that
they might alſo be restored to their honours. Polybius,"
faid he, " you do not imitate the wiſdom of Ulyffes;
you are for going back to the den of the Cyclops, in
queſt of the hat. and belt you left behind you."
4
CC.
SEVENTEEN years, abounding in events, had elapfed, as
we have obferved, from the firft perpetration of this act of
defpotiſm, to the return of the remaining exiles". We have
given an unbroken and circumftantial detail of the whole
of this memorable event; and fhall now endeavour to deli-
neate the other tranſactions of this period, which are not leſs
important or intereſting.
-
Sect. I.
tempts of the
Achaia s
THE carrying to Rome as delinquents the chief men of Farther at-
Achaia, was only a ſmall part of the Roman plan of fub- Romans
jugation. Having removed that barrier againſt her tyrannical against
defigns, the Romans took the remaining fteps with more
confidence of fuccefs, and contemplated with a fecret fatif-
faction the future completion of her ſchemes. What had
• Plutarch in Catone.
OLYMP. CLVII, 2. BEFORE CHRIST 146.
principally
•
600
HISTORY OF GREECE
}
Sect. I.
BooK principally contributed to render the Achaeans formidable,
VIII. was the affociation, which they had framed, of the ſeveral
ſtates of Peloponnefus and the adjoining parts. To diffolve
this confederacy was the object the Romans had in view".
For this purpoſe Sulpicius Gallus was fent to Greece, with
inftructions to encourage faction and diffenfion among the ſtates
compofing the Achaean league, and in the name of the Ro-
man fenate to hold out the lure of protection and affiſtance
to all who ſhould confent to be difmembered from that
powerful body. The temper of the times was but too fa-
vourable to this infidious plan. Numbers, to ingratiate
themſelves with the Romans, were affiduouſly employed
in fowing every where the feeds of difcontent, and in fofter-
ing a jealouſy of the prefent eſtabliſhment. The Spartans,
above all, bore with impatience their prefent abject condition,
and wiſhed eagerly for an opportunity of attempting a revolu-
tion. The Achaean councils too were perplexed, unſtable, and
turbulent; the families of thofe, who had been carried off
into Italy, filled all Achaia with their complaints; the people
warmly eſpouſed the fame intereft; and, under the pretence of
ſupporting this public-ſpirited caufe, the factious and moſt
contemptible of the citizens had got poffeffion of the admini-
ftration. A general ferment thus prevailed throughout all
Greece; and there was ſcarcely a fingle ftate or city that was not
tainted with corruption, or inflamed with anger.
and their fuc-
cefs.
IN fuch a fituation of affairs, it was hardly poffible that
Sulpicius could have failed to operate the purpoſes of his
commiffion. Pleuron, a city of Aetolia, which fome time
II
Juſt. L. xxxiv. c. 1. Paufan. ub. fup.
before
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
601
}
Sect. I.
before had been incorporated into the Achaean league, Book
now applied to be relieved from this connection, and was
VIII.
pronounced an independent ſtate ". A difference about their
boundaries, between the Lacedemonians and Argives, was
referred to the arbitration of the Roman commiffioner. He
might eaſily have fettled the difpute; but this would not
have accorded with his views. He chofe rather to leave it
to the decifion of Callicrates the Achaean; who, being the
moſt infolent of all the Greeks, and one of the moſt flagi-
tious inſtruments of Rome, was therefore the moſt likely to
widen the breach. There was, befides, a farther policy in
this. The Spartans, exaſperated by the treatment which they
were probably to receive from Callicrates, would have an
additional reaſon for refenting the domination of Achaia, to
whoſe fupreme court of judicature they, as part of the
Achaean body, were now amenable; and they might re-
folve upon a ſeparation, and demand their independency.
Sulpicius, accordingly, gave them a private intimation, that
Rome was ready to encourage and affist them in their ex-
pectations of this kind. Similar intimations, it appears from
Paufanias, were given to all the ftates belonging to the con-
federacy of Achaia. So that this noble fabric of alliance
being ſhaken and disjoined, became every day more feeble and
more ruinous.
THE Athenians, mean time ", impoverished by their con-
tinual wars with Macedon, had been tempted by the prof- Affairs of
Oropus.
perous circumſtances of the people of Oropus to make a
12 Pauf. in Achaicis.
on the confines of Attica.
}
14
13 Paufan. ibid. Plutarch in Catone.
4 H
14 A city
predatory
1
२
f
602
HISTORY OF GREECE
A
Sect. I.
BooK predatory incurfion on their territory, and had taken and plun-
VIII. dered their capital. The Oropians carried their complaint
before the fenate of Rome; who, with what view is ob-
vious, inſtead of determining the matter themſelves, left it
to the decifion of the Sicyonians. They accordingly con-
demned Athens to pay a fine of five hundred talents; from
which fentence the Athenians having appealed to the Roman
fenate, the Romans, ftill farther to excite the mutual
enmity
15 The conteft, in which this affair of Oropus involved the Athenians, holds a
diftinguiſhed place in hiftory, from the ſhare it had in introducing the arts of Greece
into Rome. The Athenians, according to Plutarch (in Catone) had fent thither
Carneades the Academic, and Diogenes the Stoic, (to whom Cicero (Orator. 1. ii.)
and Aulus Gellius (vii. 14.) add Critolaus the Peripatetic,) to plead their cauſe before
the fenate; the three perfons, doubtless, from whofe eloquence they thought the
greateſt ſucceſs was to be expected. Some years before, certain Greek philoſophers
and orators had attempted to eſtabliſh themſelves in Rome; but thofe Romans who
ftill retained the ancient ſpirit of their anceſtors, apprehenfive that this kind of ſtudy
might check that martial ardour, which they rather wished to encourage, procured
an edict to be iſſued, by which they were expelled the city. This, according to Sue-
tonius, (de Clar. Rhetor.) happened in the year of Rome 592, in the confulſhip of Caius
Fannius Strabo and Marcus Valerius Meffalla. The preſent philofophers ſtood on
a different footing. They came inveſted with the facred character of ambaſſadors ;;
and by the law of nations were entitled to an honourable reception upon their arrival..
All the Roman youths, therefore, who had a tafte for learning, crouded to hear
them. Above all, they were charmed with the impetuous and forcible eloquence-
of Carneades, who, fays Cicero, never attempted to support an argument, which he
did not eſtabliſh, or to combat an opinion, which he did not overthrow: "qui nullam.
unquam rem defendet, quam non probârit;. nullam oppugnavit, quam non
"everterit," fo that his reputation filled in a fhort time the whole city, and
drew an audience of the politeft and moſt confiderable perfons in Rome.. The report
was, "that there had come from Greece a man of aſtoniſhing powers, whofe elo-
quence, more than human, was able to control and difarm the fierceft paffions,
“ and who had made ſo ftrong an impreſſion on the Roman youths, that, abandon-.
«ing every former amuſement and purſuit, they burned with an enthuſiaſtic love of
" philoſophy alone." The fathers in general were delighted to behold their fons.
thus fondly receive the Grecian literature, and follow thefe wonderful men. Cato,,
an
;
1
603
Sect. I.
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
enmity and contention of the Grecian ſtates, pronounced the BooK
VIII.
puniſhment to be exceffive, and reduced it to a mulct of an
hundred talents, but without taking the leaſt ſtep to inforce
its payment. The Oropians, thus baffled, implored the pro-
tection of Menalcidas, at this time firſt magiftrate of Achaia;
who, in confideration of a reward of ten talents, engaged to
oblige the Athenians to do them juftice. Callicrates, then
at the head of the Roman faction, and therefore exceed-
ingly powerful in the ftate, was prevailed upon, by the
promiſe of three talents, to join with him in perſuading
the Achaean diet to ſupport the cauſe of Oropus. This com-
pact, however, was of little fervice to that city; for the
on the contrary, was alarmed. From the moment he perceived this paſſion for
Grecian learning prevail, he began to fear, that the Roman youths would turn
their ambition that way, and prefer the glory of eloquence to reputation for arms.
When he found, that the fame of theſe philofophers was rifing higher every day,
and that even fome of the ſenatorial order did not diſdain to tranflate their ſpeeches
into Latin, he had no longer patience, but went to the ſenate, and preferred a com-
plaint against the magiftrates for detaining fo long fuch ambaffadors as thefe, who
could perfuade the people to whatever they pleaſed. "Decide in their affairs," faid
he to them, as fpeedily as poffible, that, returning to their ſchools, they may
"hold forth to the Grecian youth; and that our young men may again give at-
<tention to the laws and the magiftrates." He had conceived an opinion, Plutarch
tells us, which he was wont to deliver with a kind of prophetic confidence,
" that,
"when the Romans came thoroughly to imbibe the Grecian literature, they would
lofe the empire of the world." The event in fome meaſure juftified the predic-
tion; Rome having loft her conſtitution and liberties, at the very time ſhe had
reached the fummit of Grecian literature, and had made the greateſt progreſs in
every kind of erudition. This, however, is not to be charged to the account of
literary improvement; the cauſe is to be fought in that irreligion, that luxury,
that diſſoluteneſs and general immorality, the attendant and diſgrace of thoſe times,
in which the greateſt politeneſs of taſte and refinement of living are found. Rome
ceaſed to be free, not becauſe the ceafed to be rude and ignorant, but becauſe,
corrupted by profperity, the ceafed to be virtuous. The reader will readily
conclude, that, defended by fuch ablè advocates, the Athenian caufe was vic-
torious.
1
4 H 2
Athenian
-
604
HISTORY OF GREECE
BOOK Athenian garrifon, as foon as they heard that the Achaeans
VIII.
were haſtening to its relief, pillaged it a fecond time, and, carry-
Sect. I.
ing off every thing of value, had evacuated the place, and
Character of marched back to Athens, before Menalcidas appeared. This
the Achaean hireling protector contrived, however, to extort the ten ta-
magiſtrates.
lents from the wretched Oropians; and, to compleat his
baſeneſs, he defrauded Callicrates of his ſhare, under the pre-
tence that this Achaean, who in fact had fulfilled his en-.
gagements, having failed in the performance of the ftipulated
fervices, was entitled to no reward. The vengeance of dif-
appointed avarice is blind and unrelenting. As foon there-
fore as Menalcidas was out of office, Callicrates, though him-
ſelf a traitor to his country, accuſed him before the con-
vention of the Achaean eſtates, of having betrayed the intereſts
of Achaia to the Romans, and of having laboured to detach
Sparta from the Achaean confederacy. And, fo powerful was
his influence, that the condemnation of Menalcidas was ine-
vitable, had he not, with the three talents which were to
have been the portion of Callicrates, bribed Diaeus of Me-
galopolis, his fucceffor in the office of chief magif-
trate; who managed the bufinefs with fuch dexterity, that
he was acquitted, in oppofition to the general fenſe of the
affembly.
Attempts of
Diaeus
against the
liberties of
Sparta,
THESE intrigues in the Achaean councils, which ſtrongly
marked the degeneracy of Grecian manners, had ferious confe-
quences. Diaeus, finding " that the protection given to Menal-
cidas had loft him the confidence of his countrymen, became
folicitous to reinftate himſelf in their affections, and formed the
• Paufan. in Achaicis.
IO
plan
纯
​FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
605
VIII.
Sect. I.
plan of bringing the Spartans into a total fubjection to Achaia; Book
a meaſure moft grateful to the Achaean people, whoſe jea-
loufy of Sparta nothing could extinguiſh. By the laſt arrange-
ment made by the Romans, all matters of a civil nature, in which
Sparta had any concern, were to be finally determined by the
Achaean diet. Diaeus pretended, that by this arrangement all
their criminal caufes were likewife to be decided by the ſame
tribunal. The admiffion of this claim, with their former
ſubjection in civil matters, inveſted Achaia with full power
over the property and lives of the Spartans, and reduced them
to the moſt abject ſtate of dependence. The legality of the
claim was therefore denied, and Sparta would have appealed
to Rome; but the Achaeans alledged, that fuch an appeal
could not conftitutionally be made, unleſs with the con-
currence of the Achaean ftates, and immediately prepared to
eſtabliſh their pretended right by force of arms. It was in
vain for Sparta to attempt refiftance. And Diaeus,, to inſure
the fuccefs of his fchemes, imperiously demanded, that
twenty-four of their principal cititizens, who had moft ftre-
nuouſly afferted this laft immunity of their country, ſhould
be delivered into his hands. The Spartans durft not refuſe;
and to have obeyed, had been the higheſt cruelty. They
took a middle courfe.. The obnoxious. perfons were fuffered
to eſcape, and, under colour of having fled from juſtice, their
eftates were confifcated, and the fentence of baniſhment was
pronounced againſt them. They had, however, been previouſly The Spartans
inſtructed to repair to Rome, in order to lay the whole appeal to
matter before the fenate; and the Achaeans, being foon ap-
prized of their intention, fent. alfo a deputation thither to
juſtify their proceedings..
Rome.
1
THE
606
OF GREECE
HISTORY
1
Воок
Sect. I.
of the Ro-
mans.
THE Romans acted on this occafion with their ufual du-
VIII. plicity. They heard, and gave hopes to both parties; and
at laſt, inſtead of deciding, appointed commiffioners, whom
The artifice they promiſed to ſend into Greece, to inveſtigate and deter-
mine the matter in difpute. But theſe commiffioners, being on
various pretences artfully detained in Rome, every thing was
ftill left in fufpence; and both parties returned elated with
the fuccefs of their negociations, without having obtained
any formal decifion. The Achaeans afferted, with exultation,
that the fubjection of Sparta was unquestionably decided;
while the other party maintained, with equal confidence, that
ſhe was henceforth to be confidered as independent.
War between
Achaia and
Sparta.
THESE Contradictory accounts led to confequences which
were agreeable to the wishes of the Romans. The con-
tending powers had recourfe to arms; the Spartans in vin-
dication of their liberties; the Achaeans to inforce their
fubjection. A battle enfuing, the Spartans were defeated,
with the lofs of above a thouſand of their beſt troops; and
Sparta itſelf muſt probably have fallen, had not Damocritus,
then at the head of the Achaean commonwealth, preferred
plunder to the main object of the war; for which he was
afterwards condemned, and fined in fifty talents. - To Da-
mocritus, Diacus fucceeded; who, at the requeſt of Metellus,
then commanding in Macedon, granted the Lacedemonians
a truce, which was merely illufory; for Diaeus employed
the refpite it afforded in gaining over and garriſoning all the
circumjacent towns; ſo that the unfufpecting Spartans foon
found themſelves environed by their enemies. Irritated by
theſe treacherous proceedings, they renewed the unequal war;
which,
3
+
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
607
VIII.
Sect. I.
which, from their enfeebled condition, turned out as un- BooK
profperous as before; their depopulated country could not
raiſe an adequate military force", nor could their exhauſted
treaſury afford the neceffary ſupplies.
miffioners.
and decree
the difmem-
berment of
AFTER the ftrength of Peloponnefus had thus, during Roman com-
more than two years, been wafted in theſe inteſtine
wars, the come to
Roman commiffioners at length appeared, with Aurelius Oref Corinth;
tes at their head, and required the attendance of the Achaean
chiefs at Corinth, in order to receive the final determination
of the fenate. The Roman plan now began to unfold itſelf.
The Achaeans were commanded to retire within their ancient
boundaries; and thofe ftates, not originally of the Achaean
league, but which, in the courſe of time, had been incor- Achaia.
porated into their confederacy", were pronounced by the
Romans to be diffevered from it, and henceforth unconnected
and independent. This was evidently no more than a prelude
to future humiliations; and was probably intended by the
Romans as a kind of experiment. Should the Achaeans
tamely fubmit, it was eafy to proceed by degrees to the total
diffolution of the league; if they made refiftance, that would.
ferve to palliate whatever violent meaſures Rome ſhould find it
neceffary to adopt. The beſt expedient that ſeemed left to this
devoted nation, was apparently to have fubmitted for the
preſent to what it was not in their power to prevent. But
the republican fire was not yet extinguifhed; and it burft forth
on this occafion with uncommon ſpirit.
17 Paufan, ub. fup.
Sparta, the Arcadians of Orchomenus, the people of Heracleum, near-
Mount Oeta,, Argos,, and. Corinth.
THE
608
HISTORY OF GREECE
}
Воск
VIII.
Sect. 1.
Infurrection
of the A-
chaeans.
The Romans
affect gentle.
nefs;
THE Roman envoys had not yet made an end of reading
the decree, when the Achaean chiefs quitted the affembly in
a tranſport of indignation, and ſpread the alarm among the
populace, who had crouded in numbers to Corinth. The
rage of the multitude was inexpreffible; and, as if Sparta alone
had been guilty, it proved fatal to every Spartan that could be
found. Popular fury, as blind as it is violent, could not
difcern that Rome was the fource of all the miſchiefs of which
they had to complain, and that, under this pretended regard
for Sparta, fhe was only executing her own defigns. The
facred character with which the Roman minifters were
inveſted, could not, however, command reſpect amidſt this
ftorm of tumultuary violence. Their houſe was forced open,
and every Spartan torn from that afylum: nay, the envoys
themſelves, fay the Roman hiſtorians, owed their ſafety only
to their flight".
It was to be expected, that the Romans would have called
Achaia to a rigorous account for an outrage fo violent. They
nevertheleſs ſent a ſecond embaffy thither, with particular in-
ſtructions, not to animadvert with feverity on the infult, but
to employ only gentle expoftulations; to conciliate, if poffible,
the minds of the Achaeans; and to leave to themſelves the
detection and puniſhment of the guilty. It is not difficult
to trace the reafons of this uncommon and unexpected le-
nity". They are diſcoverable in the fituation of the Roman
affairs
19 Juft. L. xxxiv. c. 1. See alfo Polyb. Legat. 143, and Florus L. ii. c. 16.
20 Polybius, (Legat. 140 and 144) willing to excufe the Romans, pretends to
believe, that their purpoſe, in thus threatening to difmember from the Achaean
commonwealth the ftates which had been incorporated into it, was, not to carry
their
>
}
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
609
t
affairs at this period. The final deftruction of Carthage, BOOK
alike the object of the hatred and dread of Rome, was not
a
VIII.
Sect. I.
their menaces into execution, but only to intimidate a people, whofe high ſpirit on what ac-
had often been troubleſome to them, and to awe thoſe turbulent republicans into count.
more reſpectful obfervance of the dictates of Rome. And hence, according to
him, aroſe that conciliatory temper, which they fhewed on this occafion. How-
ever, there were others, he himſelf acknowledges, who accounted for this lenity
in a very different manner; afcribing it, not to any regard they had for the Achaeans,
but to their own apprehenfions of what the confequence might be, fhould they at
this time have provoked Achaia to take up arms against them, when Carthage was
not yet deftroyed, and Spain was endeavouring to throw off the yoke. But never-
theless, fays Polybius, the charge is ill-grounded: "the intentions of Rome to-
"wards Achaia had nothing hoſtile in them; ſhe had admitted the Achaeans into
"her friendſhip, and repoſed a confidence in their faith, far greater than in that of
any other of the ſtates of Geece." Is it poffible to read this-without amazement!
And could Polybius, who knew fo well how treacherously the Romans had brought hu
miliation on Achaia, and with what excefs of cruelty they had treated her illuftri-
ous chiefs; Polybius, who was himſelf one of the number, (fee Legat. 105, and
122;) Polybius, who was able to point out, as he fully does, the flagitious motives
that engaged them in the Dalmatian war, viz. to keep their military men in practice,
who, now the Macedonians were fubdued, had no other nation in thoſe parts, in
whoſe blood they could drench their weapons, (fee Legat. 125 ;) Polybius, who
had been himſelf a witneſs of the prevarication they had been guilty of in the cafe
of Demetrius of Syria, fon to Seleucus Philopator, and grandfon to Antiochus the
Great, whom, in the view of having Syria at their diſpoſal, they endeavoured to
defpoil of his paternal throne, (ſee Legat. 114. fee alſo this tranſaction fully ſet
forth in the ninth book of this work); Polybius, who had alſo witneſſed how infidi-
ouſly they had drawn in, firft the Aetolians, (fee Legat. 13) and afterwards the
Carthaginians, (fee Legat. 142) to intruft their deareft interefts to the faith of the
Roman people; I fay, with fuch examples before his eyes, could Polybius be at a loſs
to know, by what motives Rome was now actuated?
It is not impoffible to diſcover what mifguided the pen of this excellent hiftorian.
He was a captive of Rome, and Scipio's friend. Either therefore his attachment to
the one led him to think more favourably of the Romans than they deferved; or his
dread of the other induced him to fupprefs fentiments, which he could not avow
without danger. So difficult is it for the hiftorian, who lives near the times of
<which he writes, to keep clofe to the line of truth, unwarped by fear or by
affection.
4 I
yet
610
HISTORY OF GREECE
Sect. I.
BooK yet effected. The Roman arms, befides, had lately been
VIII. unſucceſsful in Spain; while new commotions, on a detail of
which we are just about to enter, and which were not yet
compofed, had ariſen in Macedon. In theſe circumſtances, a
war in Greece, an event to be expected from the prefent
violence of the Achaean counfels, would have added con--
fiderably to the embarraffment of the Roman affairs. The
Achaeans, however, from all that now appears, might have
derived important advantages from the mild and pacific afpect
which the Romans affumed on this occafion. It certainly
preſented them with the opportunity of foothing a power,
which they could neither expect to fubdue nor to refift; and.
of obtaining more favourable terms upon the fubverfion of
their conftitution, which, it was obvious, could not long be.
preferved..
Refentment
of the Acha-
eans.
Character
and impru-
dent conduct
of Critolaus,
their chief
magiftrate.
GUIDED, however,, only by their refentments, they acted
in direct oppofition to all fuch prudential confiderations..
Unfortunately too for the Achaeans, their chief magiftrate,.
Critolaus ", was a man daring and precipitate.. He had rifen.
to power by encouraging the frantic multitude in their de-
fiance of Rome, and, of confequence,, befides the impulse of
his natural temper, was impelled to violent meaſures by the
additional inſtigations of popularity and ambition. Sextus,.
who was at the head of the Roman embaffy, had, upon his
arrival, demanded of him, to convene the national council,,
J
21 Sec Paufan. in Achaicin
{
that
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
611
that he might lay before them his commiffion from the fenate 22.
Critolaus, in appearance, complied; and accordingly iffued his
fummons; but he fent at the fame time private directions to the
feveral members of the Achaean diet not to obey it; fo that,
upon the appointed day, the Roman ambaffadors had none but
Critolaus to confer with; who, as if to add to the mockery, told
them, that they had only to wait the expiration of fix months,
and a fecond diet ſhould be convened. The confequence was,
that the Romans, highly offended, returned to Italy without
executing the buſineſs of their embaffy; and no fooner were
they departed, than Critolaus, to evince that he meant to keep
no meaſures with Rome, affembled the national council at Co-
rinth”, and, notwithſtanding the conciliatory interpofition of
Metellus, by his deputies Papirius and Scipio Africanus the
younger, obtained a declaration of war againſt Sparta, though
avowedly protected by Rome; to which mad refolution
Thebes and Chalcis imprudently acceded.
Boo K
VIII.
Sect. I.
We have entered into a minute detail of the intrigues and Views and
conteſts, which appear to have agitated theſe petty republics Rome.
policy of
during this period, in order that the infidious policy of Rome,
as far as regards them, might be developed and expoſed to view.
We have beheld her affecting the moſt ſolicitous concern for
the immunities of fome particular city, that ſhe might kindle
the fire of variance and contention in the neighbouring
ftates, and thus excite them to mutual hoftilities, and mu-
tual deſtruction. We have feen her beftowing her favours
on the meaneſt and moſt worthleſs among the Greeks, becauſe,
2.2
Polyb. Legat. 144.
23 Polyb. Pauſan. ibid.
4 I 2
falfe
612
HISTORY OF GREECE
VIII.
Sect. I.
Book falfe to their country, they were the ready and pliant inftru--
ments of her ambitious purpoſes; whilſt thoſe diſtinguiſhed
by wiſdom, authority, and temperate counfels, by whoſe faith-
ful fervices the public ruin might have been retarded, were
diſcountenanced, oppreffed, and baniſhed. And lastly, we
have ſeen her employing the very miſchief which ſhe herſelf
had encouraged, the madneſs of an incenſed populace, which
her own oppreffions had provoked, as an excufe for the vi-
olence and flagrant cruelty fhe exerciſed on this unfortunate
people..
War in Ma-
cedon.
Claims and
hiſtory of
Andrifcus ;
DURING thefe tranfactions in Achaia, a war had agains
broken out in Macedon"; which, from the few imperfect
hints hiſtory has preſerved to us, appears to have been at--
tended with circumftances of a very extraordinary nature..
Andrifcus, a man of obfcure extraction, fay the Roman
writers, originally of Adramyttium, a town of Troas, was
thought to bear a ftrong reſemblance to the late Macedonian:
king. Sixteen years had elapfed fince the defeat of Perfeus..
Upon the credit, nevertheleſs, of this ſuppoſed reſemblance, a
ſtory was fabricated, that he was fon to Perfeus by a concu--
bine; that his father had directed that he ſhould be educated
in the utmoſt privacy, left, if his parentage ſhould be known,
he ſhould be involved in the fame deftruction with the reſt of
his royal houſe; and that he had. intrufted the fecret to cer--
tain perſons, who had authentic vouchers to produce in fup-
port of the allegation. Andrifcus firft applied to Demetrius.
Soter, king of Syria, whofe fifter had been. wife to Perfeus;.
34 Liv. Epitom. L. xlix. and 1. Florus, L. ii. c. 14. Zonaras, Töm. 26-
who
+
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
613
VIII.
Sect. 1.
I.
is acknow--
ledged by
the Mace-
donians :
who doubting the truth of the ſtory, or probably fearing Book
the Romans, feized him as an impoftor, and fent him to
Rome. But in fuch contempt, from his appearance and
manners, was he held by the Romans, that they paid no
attention to the confinement of their priſoner; who ſoon
after effected his eſcape, and fled for refuge into Thrace.
Here, the tale of his birth and misfortunes being eagerly
liſtened to, and readily believed by this plain people, he had
foon formed a party, and through them had introduced himſelf
to their Macedonian neighbours. The fpirit of diſcontent
which, at this time, univerfally prevailed in Macedon, fe-
cured him a favourable reception: the nation began to feel
the ſeverity of the Roman yoke; and, without fcrupuloufly
inveſtigating the claims of Andrifcus, confidered him only as
a daring adventurer, through whom they had a chance of
being delivered from their oppreffors. There is much reafon
to ſuſpect, that the Romans were not ill pleaſed at ſeeing
theſe diſcontents ripen into open rebellion; and that they at
firſt connived at them, in the hope of availing themſelves of
the pretence with. which they furniſhed them. Exhauſted
and humbled as the Macedonians were,. ftill a little property,
and a few privileges remained to them; and a new war would
afford the Romans an excuſe for doing what they had hitherto -
been reſtrained from by motives of policy alone. But the
deſpair of an oppreffed people found refources, of which the
Romans were not aware; and where they expected only to
find an opportunity of gratifying their defpotiſm and rapacity,
they met a war difficult and dangerous. When accounts ar-
rived at Rome, that the infurrection in Macedon would pro-
bably become a much more ſerious buſineſs than had been
imagined, Scipio Nafica, who, fince the time he had ferved
under.
ㄓ
​$14
HISTORY OF GREECE
}
1
1
2
VIII.
Sect. I.
1
BooK under Aemilius Paulus, had a confiderable influence in Greece,
was diſpatched thither to obſerve the fituation of affairs.
His report was, that, by the affiftance which he had ob-
tained from the Achaeans and fome of the cantons of Thef-
faly, he had with difficulty covered the northern provinces of
Greece from the incurfions of the enemy; but that the revolt
was general throughout Macedon, where Andrifcus was in
poffeffion of the throne, and had affumed the name of Philip ;
that moſt of the Thracian tribes had likewife declared for
him; that ſeveral of the Grecian ftates were fufpected of
favouring the fame caufe; and that, unlefs the Romans ex-
erted themſelves fpeedily, and with vigour, the iffue of the
war was to be dreaded. In confequence of this intelligence,
a confiderable army was immediately ordered into Greece,
under the command of the prætor Juventius Thalna. Ju-
ventius, at the fame time raſh and conceited, marched im-
mediately againſt the ufurper, with a fettled contempt of
this pageant-king, and in the full affurance that he durft not
meet him in the field. His vanity had its reward. The
Macedonian took care, by various feints, to confirm the
fumption of the prætor, until at laft he drew him on to an
engagement, on the terms he wished, in which the Romans
were totally defeated, with the flaughter of the greateſt part
of the army; Juventius himſelf falling, while he endea-
voured in vain, by perfonal courage, to compenſate for his
want of abilities as a general.
meets the
Romans in
battle,
.and defeats
them.
The Romans
alarmed;
pre-
THIS unfortunate event was attended with circumftances
exceedingly alarming. Theffaly, with moft of the northern
provinces of Greece, acknowledged the claims of the victor,
and took up arms in fupport of him. And though the
5
Achaeans
T
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
615
}
VIII.
Sect. I.
Achaeans had not followed their example, yet the prefent Book
diſcontents of that people, and the manner in which their
fervices had been repaid in the beginning of the Macedonian
war, afforded little hopes that they would again be active in
the interefts of Rome. Even as far as Africa did the influ-
ence of this revolution appear to have reached; and an em-
baffy arrived from the Carthaginians to congratulate the new
king, and to negotiate an alliance with Macedon. To guard-
againſt theſe impending dangers, a powerful force was levied
with all poffible expedition, and Metellus, an illuftrious Ro-
man, of high reputation, was appointed to conduct the war..
?
By this time, if the hiftorians of Rome may be depended
on, the blandiſhments of royalty were beginning to effect
what the Roman arms had in vain attempted. Andrifcus,
thinking himſelf eſtabliſhed upon the throne, abandoned him-
felf to a viciouſneſs of diſpoſition, which he had before con-
cealed. Not content with indulging to a fhameful exceſs in
all the gratifications of luxury, he ruled with all the wan-
tonneſs of infult, rapacity, and cruelty; fo that the unhappy
Macedonians, inſtead of that freedom, in hopes of which.
they had crouded to his banners, experienced all the miſeries
of flavery. This as a Roman account, eſpecially when compared.
with facts to be gathered from the fame hiftorians, feems liable
to fome objections. Notwithſtanding his dubious title, the
Macedonians, unprovoked by all thefe alledged vices, pre-
ferved to him an unalterable fidelity; a kind of proof, that:
either he was not altogether fo diffolute and oppreffive as the
Roman writers pretend, or that the Romans themſelves were:
fuch execrable mafters, that the yoke of the moſt outrageous:
tyrant was deemed light, and thought preferable to theirs.
fend Metel.
him.
lus against
And.
Clofe of the
Andrifcus ::
fortunes of
6.16
OF GREECE.
HISTORY
}
VIII.
Sect. I.
his con-
tempt of the
cauſe of his
ruin.
Book And fo far was he from being odious among his allies, that,
even when overpowered by the Romans, he found a friendly
and ſafe retreat in Thrace, nor was he delivered up until
Roman gold, it is to be fufpected, proved an overmatch
for Thracian honefty. His misfortunes feem to have been
enemy, the chiefly owing to his temerity, and the contempt he entertained
of his enemy. Though Metellus, who had advanced againſt
him, was far fuperior in cavalry, yet the Macedonian ven-
tured an engagement, and obtained a complete victory. Elated
with this ſucceſs, and thinking that the Romans would hardly,
for fome time, hazard a ſecond battle, he made a confiderable
detachment for the fecurity of Theffaly. This proved fatal
to him. Metellus marked the opportunity; and, attacking
him with a great fuperiority of numbers, cut his little army
to pieces, and obliged him to take refuge among the Thra-
cians. The Thracian princes foon fupplied him with freſh
troops. But the Roman commander had improved in ſuch
a manner the advantages derived from his late victory, and
was fo well prepared for his reception, that, notwithſtand-
ing the moſt ſpirited exertion on the part of Andrifcus, he
was routed, with the lofs of the greater part of his army,
and found himſelf under the neceffity of again retiring into
Thrace. The prætor could not purfue him thither; the
commotions, we have before mentioned, in Achaia, which
now threatened to involve all the adjacent ftates, calling off
his attention to the fouthern provinces of Greece. Mean
while, it was not his purpoſe that Andrifcus ſhould eſcape.
He had already entered into a negotiation with the Thracian
chiefs, at whoſe court the fugitive prince had taken fanctuary,
who, for certain confiderations eafily to be conjectured, but
which
}
{
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER,
617
which the Roman writers have not thought proper to ſpecify, Book
delivered him up to Metellus.
J
ap-
→
VIII.
Sect. I.
venturer af-
cends the
throne of
Macedon;
THE unhappy fate of Andrifcus, it might have been ex-
pected, would have reftored peace to Macedon. But, fuch
now was the deplorable fituation of the miſerable Macedo-
nians, that they were eager to fupport the pretenfions of every
claimant, through whom they had the moſt diſtant proſpect
of deliverance. No fooner had Andrifcus periſhed, than A fecond ad-
Alexander, another pretended fon of Perfeus, made his
pearance, and met with the fame loyal welcome from this
oppreffed and credulous people; and nearly with the fame
fuccefs. A confiderable party had taken up arms in fupport
of his title, but, unequal to a conteft with Metellus, who,
upon the firſt tidings of this infurrection, had haſtened back
into Macedon, they were foon diſperſed; the pretended prince
making his eſcape into Dardania. To the hoſpitality and in-
corruptible honefty of the inhabitants of this country, he
was much more indebted than the unfortunate Andrifcus
had been to thofe of Thrace. The Romans, after the
ftricteft inquiry and the moſt laviſh offers, could never dif-
cover his place of concealment. And from this time, as
hiſtory is filent, nothing more is known of this adven-
turer.
THESE repeated infurrections in Macedon effectually an-
fwered the end, which the Romans doubtlefs had in view.
We have already feen the ſeverity of the terms impoſed on
that kingdom, by the arrangement of Aemilius Paulus.
Thefe terms, nevertheless, the Romans confidered as the ex-
4 K
cefs
is over-
thrown,
but efcapes.
The Romans
infurrections
turn thefe
to advantage,
618
HISTORY OF GREECE
و
Book cefs of mercy. It was thought expedient to finiſh more
VIII. completely the ſubjection of the Macedonian people; which
Sect. I. accordingly we are told was now fully accompliſhed. This
event took place about twenty years after the fettlement by
Aemilius. And henceforward Macedon remained in the
humiliated ſtate of a Roman province. By what arrange-
ments the final humiliation of the Macedonians was effected,
hiſtory has not exactly informed us; but of this it is eafy
to form very probable conjectures. The Macedonians had,
at firſt, been allowed to have judges of their own for the.
decifion of trivial matters; but even this faint fhadow of
judicial power they now loft; and, according to the cuf-
tomary Roman practice with conquered nations, a general
confifcation probably took place of all the eftates through-
out Macedon, which were in the ſmalleſt degree objects of de-
fire to theſe rapacious conquerors.
A third ad
venturer
appears in
Macedon;
Y
In this manner did Rome eſtabliſh her dominion on the
ruins of every national conſtitution. At first, her yoke was
for the moſt part laid on with an affectation of gentleneſs;
but, afterwards, repeated arbitrary and oppreffive proceedings
having provoked refiftance, every manly effort againſt
them became an excufe for additional exertion of power; un-
til the ſyſtem was by degrees completed, and appeared in all
the ſtern ſeverity of defpotifm.
SOME years after, there appeared a third adventurer ",
a fecond Philip, and another pretended fon to Perfeus
3 Liv. Epitom. L. liii. Eutrop. L. iv.
5
who
"
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
619
who found that Macedonian credulity was not yet exhauſted, Book
and that their defire of liberty was not yet at an end.
BUT his career
career was foon run.
engagement with Tremellius Scrofa,
der, his army was totally defeated,
flain.
&
VIII.
Sect. I.
with no
Having hazarded an and meets
the Roman comman- fuccefs.
and he himself was
'
4 K 2
воок
}
620
HISTORY OF GREECE
BOO K
VIII.
REC
SECTION II.
CONTENT S.
སའཁ བས
Book
VIII.
Sect. 2.
Achaean
war;
The Achaeans, provoked by the perfidioufnefs of Rome, take up
Arms - Metellus marches against them-defeats them-is
fuperfeded by Mummius,-who continues the war-obtains a
decifive victory-takes, and burns Corinth-puts an end to
the Achaean Commonwealth, and to the liberties of Greece.-
The principal causes that produced the decline and final over-
throw of the Grecian ftates.
T
HE Macedonian infurrection under Andrifcus was not
yet completely fuppreffed, when the flames of war,
which the Achaeans had lighted up, were already ſpreading
through the fouthern provinces of Greece. Metellus had
at firſt endeavoured, by repeated remonftrances, to ſtop the
progreſs of theſe commotions. But, finding his repreſen-
tations to be ineffectual, he had, as foon as the Macedonian
affairs permitted him, advanced fouthward, to intimidate,
fince he could not perfuade; and perhaps not without the
hope,
1
**
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
6.21
hope, that to the reduction of Macedon, he fhould have the Boox
glory of adding the conquest of Peloponnefus.
VIII.
Sect. 2.
to it;
FROM the extraordinary ſpirit diſplayed by the Achaeans inducerants
on this occafion, and from the precipitancy with which they
ruſhed into this war, a judgment may be formed of the vi-
olence of their refentment. The Roman arms, from their
late fuccefs in Macedon, were become more formidable than
ever; and of all the Grecian ftates without the Ifthmus,
whatever might be their fecret wiſh, not one had ventured
to avow itſelf the confederate of Achaia; Thebes, and the
people of Chalcis excepted. The Achaeans nevertheleſs, as imprudence
if unconſcious of their own weaknefs, and infenfible of the
recent fate of Macedon, provoked a conteft, which was
evidently to terminate in diſcomfiture and fervitude.
;
in attempt-
ing it.
racleum.
THE fiege of Heracleum, near Mount Oeta, which had Siege of He-
revolted and declared for Rome, was the commencement' of
hoftilities. It was inveſted and taken by Critolaus who
afterwards hearing, that Metellus was on his march to at-
tack him, endeavoured to retreat to Scarphaea, where, the
Romans coming up with him, before he could get into the
city, he was forced to engage *. The iffue was fatal to the Metellus;
• See Paufan. in Achaicis.
2 OLYMP. CLVIII. 2. BEFORE CHRIST 144.
3 A city of the Locri.
* Paufanias (in Achaicis) blames Critolaus for his retreat to Scarphaea; and thinks
that he ought rather to have fecured the ftraits of Thermopylae, and thus have
ſtopped the progreſs of the Roman army. But the way over the mountain was no
longer confidered as impracticable; and, unleſs he had ſecured the paffes above,
for which probably his forces were not fufficient, his being poffeffed of the
traits below had been of little fervice.
9
Achaeans.
Achaeans
defeated by
622
GREECE
HISTORY OF
1
VIII.
Sect. 2.
Book Achaeans. They were defeated, and the greater part of their
army flain or made prifoners. The fate of Critolaus himſelf
is uncertain, his body not having been found. He is fup-
poſed to have perished in fome of the moraffes ", which
then covered a great part of this country, from the Maliac
bay towards the foot of Mount Oeta. In addition to the
loſs ſuſtained by the Achaeans in the field, a thouſand Ar-
cadians, who had eſcaped, were intercepted in their retreat
homeward by Metellus, and all put to the ſword.
who takes
Thebes;
offers terms
of peace to
THE Roman general marched then to Thebes, which
he found deferted; moſt of the inhabitants having fled to
the mountains upon his approach. To induce them to
return and ſubmit, he gave orders to fpare the city; and
required only, that Pytheas the Boeotian chief, who had
adviſed the league with Achaia, fhould be put to death.
His intention now was, to enter Peloponnefus, and at
the Achaeans, once, if poffible, to put an end to the war. However, as
if averfe from the decifion of arms, he once more endeavoured
to gain the Achaeans by expoftulation and friendly profef-
fions; and even offered to conclude a peace, on the condition
that Sparta, and the other ſtates they held in fubjection, ſhould.
be reſtored to their antient privileges. But, either governed
by paffion, or perhaps diftruſting an enemy by whom they
had been ſo often deceived, the Achaeans rejected his propoſals.
It appears indeed from the account given by the Romans
}
which are
rejected.
+ So fays Paufanias: Livy's epitomizer, (1. lii.) in contradiction to him, fays, that
he poiſoned himſelf.
F
themſelves,
t
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
623
2
+
themſelves, that this proffered peace was but a political
expedient, in which the Achaeans would have found, but
little fecurity; and that in fact, under the pretence of ſerv-
ing them, the Roman general was only confulting the in-
tereſts of his own ambition. For Mummius, one of the new
confuls, had been appointed his fucceffor; and, jealous of
having the fruits of his victory wrefted from him, it
might be his wiſh to ſettle the affairs of Peloponnefus on any
terms, rather than allow his fucceffor to reap the glory of
terminating the war'.
Bo O K
VIII.
Sect. 2.
ans prepare
MUMMIUS foon after arrived, and affumed the command. Metellus fu-
But neither the arrival of the new general, nor the fupplies Mummius.
perfeded by
he brought with him, occafioned the leaft alteration in the
Achaean councils. Diaeus the Megalopolitan, a man not
inferior in daring enterprife, to Critolaus, had been appointed The Achae-
chief magiſtrate in his ſtead. Immediately upon his appoint- for a vigo-
ment, he fummoned to the field every Achaean and Arcadian rous defences
who was able to bear arms, and confiderably augmented his
forces by the manumiffion, and inlifting of the flaves. With
an army, amounting at moſt to twenty thousand men, this
impatient and adventurous commander prepared to difpute the
~
fate of Achaia with Rome. A trifling advantage, obtained emboldened
at the beginning, emboldened him the more. Mummius, by a trifling
being encamped within the Ifthmus, that he might be apprized
of the motions of the enemy, had poſted a body of auxiliaries
at its fouthern extremity, where the ftreight opens into Pelo-
ponnefus. The apparent remiffneſs and ſecurity of this ad-
5 See Paufan, ub. fup.
!
vanced
1
:
624
HISTORY OF GREECE
1
}
Sect. 2.
BooK vanced guard, tempted the Achaeans. They attacked, and
VIII.
carried the poſt, after having flain about five hundred of the
detachment. This fuccefs to thefe vain republicans was a
fure prefage of victory. In full confidence that the defeat of
Mummius might as eafily be accomplished, they with the
utmoſt ardour demanded to be inſtantly led againſt him; and
their demand was readily complied with by the impetuous-
Diaeus.
are totally*
routed.
MEAN while Mummius, who marked the exultation and
confidence of the Achaean troops, and forefaw the confe-
quences, had already formed his army in order of battle;
and, upon the approach of the enemy, commanded his horſe
to charge the Grecian cavalry; who, thrown into confufion by
this unexpected vigour, after a ſhort reſiſtance, were broken,
and put to flight. The infantry, undaunted by this misfor-
tune, for ſome time maintained. their ground with reſolution.
and firmness; but, deferted by their cavalry, and attacked in
flank by a detachment, which the conful had kept in reſerve
for that purpoſe, they were at length totally routed ".
THIS battle was fought within the ftreights. And ſo well
affured were the Achaeans of the victory, that all the hills
around were covered with their women and children, whom
they had brought to be ſpectators of the diſcomfiture of the
Roman army. The purfuit was continued by the conful,
as far as Corinth, to which it was his intention to lay fiege;
Corinth a- but, to his great amazement, he found the gates open, and
bandoned.
• Paufan. ub. fup.
7 Juſt. L. xxxiv, c. 2.
7.
the
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
625
Sect. 2.
the city deſerted. The remains of the Achaean army had Boo K
puſhed through it; and the bulk of the inhabitants, abandon-
VIII.
ing themſelves to deſpair, accompanied them in their flight.
This extraordinary appearance, fo different from what he
expected, ftruck the cautious Roman. A city, the pride
of Greece, famous from the fieges it had fuftained, and
known to be of confiderable ftrength, forfaken, without
an attempt to fave it, induced him to apprehend a fnare.
Impreffed with fufpicions, it was not until the third day,
after he had encamped before it, that he ventured with- taken;
in the walls. On entering the city, a ſcene, the moſt ſplendid
that Greece had to difplay, was exhibited to the eyes of the
Roman army. Befide the advantages derived from the fer-
tility of its territory, Corinth had for ages been the great
emporium of both the eaſtern and weſtern worlds; and, fince
its reſtoration to freedom by Aratus, it had become the prin-
cipal city of the Achaean confederacy. From theſe copious
fources, its opulence had encreaſed to a wonderful degree.
Whatever decorations either private wealth or public mag-
nificence, under the direction of the moſt delicate and refined
taſte, had ever beſtowed on any city, it had accordingly enjoyed.
Its noble edifices, porticos, temples, and palaces, were the
admiration even of the Greeks, to whom objects of this
kind were familiar; and its paintings and ftatues, in number
as well as in value, were not inferior to what Athens her-
ſelf had to boaſt. Its elegance accordingly had paffed into
a proverb❜.
4
Horat. Epift. L. i. Epiſt. xvii. v. 36.
·
"Non cuivis homini contingit adire Corinthum."
- 4 L
}
OF
1
}
626-
1
HISTORY OF GREECE.
Book
VIII.
Of all this wealth Mummius became now the mafter.
The poffeffion of Corinth, a prize of fuch value, and fo
Sect. 2. eafily gained, afforded ſuch a ſtriking acknowledgment of the
and burnt.
humiliation of Achaia, as might have difarmed the refent-
ment of the victor.. But the fternnefs of Roman ſeverity was
not thus to be foftened. The fituation of Corinth made it for-
midable', and confequently pointed out its deftruction, accord--
ing to the defolating plan of Rome. The horrid fcene began
with the maffacre of the few men found in it, and the fale
of the women and children. The Conful having then directed
his foldiers to remove the moſt valuable of the paintings and:
ftatues, with which the temples and other public buildings
were adorned, commanded the city to be fet on fire, and all
its boaſted monuments of art, and genius to be confumed..
And fuch, it is faid,, was the quantity of curious, works in
gold, filver, and brafs, thus devoted to the flames, that,.
during the conflagration, the united ſtreams of theſe various
metals poured along the ſtreets of this unhappy city 10, form-
ing that famous confolidated mixture, which obtained the:
name of Corinthian brass, and which, for many ages, was
held in the higheſt eſtimation.. This unprovoked deſtruction
many of the Romans, however, feem to have lamented; and:
the nollem Corinthum " of one of the fineſt geniuſes of Rome,;
is a laſting teſtimony of this opinion..
• This reafon is affigned by Cicero himself. See Leg. Manil. 32. Offic. L. i. 112.
12 Flor. L. ii. c. 16:
¤¹-See Cicer, de Offic. L. i. c. 11. et L. iii. c. 1}. .
To
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
627
VIII.
Sect. 2.
ty of Mum-
mius :
To the honour of Mummius, it is nevertheleſs to be ob- Book
ferved, that he ſtands altogether clear of a fpecies of guilt,
with which other Roman commanders. are generally charged.
To the unpoliſhed taſte of the rough ſoldier, hiſtory has, with The integri-
fome apparent reaſon, afcribed his contempt for thofe ex-
quifite productions of art, which an improved and travelled
Roman would have beheld with admiration. Being prefent,
we are told ", at the fale of ſome of theſe Corinthian paintings,
when the Bacchus of Ariſtides, a piece efteemed one of the
fineſt in the world, was purchaſed for king Attalus, at the
price of fix hundred thouſand ſeſterces"; "it is impof-
* fible," cried out Mummius, "it ſhould be of fuch value,
"unleſs ſome magical power is concealed in it; and if ſo,
"it muſt not be poffeffed by an Afiatic." He then com-
manded it to be ſet aſide. And fo little was he acquainted.
with the unrivalled excellence of the great Grecian maſters,
that he is ſaid to have bargained with the commanders of the
veffels, to whoſe care he intruſted the ſtatues and paintings,
which he was fending to Italy, that, in caſe any of them
"were loft, they ſhould deliver him new ones in their
"ſtead"." However much, at the fame time, men of tafte
may lament the unrefined manners of the Roman Conful,.
his difintereſtedneſs ſtands unimpeached in hiftory. No por-
tion of the riches of Corinth were applied by Mummius to
his own private emolument: Cicero himſelf informing us ",
that, though feveral of thofe curious works of the painter
and ftatuary, which he had faved out of Corinth, were to be
* Plin. L. xxxv. C. 4.
64
s
*3 £.4843. 15 s. od.
34
** See Vell. Patercul. L. i. c.
13.
+
* In Verrem, i. 21. et Offic. L. ii. 22.
4 L 2
feen
>
628
OF GREECE
HISTORY
1
BOOK feen in the temples and public edifices throughout Italy, yet
VIII. in the houſe of Mummius not one was to be found. And
Sect. 2.
in fuch indigence, after all his conquefts, did he leave his
daughter, an only child, that provifion was made for her by
the fenate out of the public treaſury.".
his motives.
for deſtroy-
MAY it not then be fufpected, that theſe Corinthian works:
ing Corinth. owed their deſtruction rather to the virtuous and. patriotic:
apprehenfions of the honeft Roman, than to inelegance of
mind? While the fine arts had been progreffively carried to
an uncommon degree of perfection in this part of Greece,.
every kind of luxury had kept pace with them.. And, dif
tinguiſhed by their delicacy of tafte, the Corinthians had not
been lefs remarkable for their voluptuouſneſs and diffolute
manners. Hence probably, the apprehenfions of Mummius,.
that the introduction of the fame arts. into. Italy would'
give riſe to a fimilar degeneracy. The ftatues and paintingss
he preſerved, as they appeared to him the leaſt dangerous ar--
ticles of Corinthian fplendour ":. the reft, he confidered as
tending only to enervate; and, in this view, he deſtroyed
what he feared might prove: fatal: to his countrymen. To
fave Rome, he burnt Corinth "..
16 Front. Stratag. L, iv. ca 3. 15-
•
* And yet this very introduction of theſe productions of the great. Grecian -
mafters into Italy, Salluft, certainly an able judge, numbers among the cauſes -
of the corruption of the Roman people. Velleius Paterculus ufes the fame lan-
guage. Better, fays he, fpeaking of Mummius's ignorance in the arts, that the
Roman tafte bad ftill remained thus unimproved, than that it fhould have acquired the
improvement it now has, at the expence of the public manners. See Vell. Paterç. L. i. .
C. 13.
-
as About 103 years after, it was rebuilt and colonized by Julius Caefar..
1
THEBESS
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
629
Boo K
VIII.
Sect. 2:
Chalcis
Defpair of
the Achae-
ans.
THEBES and Chalcis, now fell the victims of their Achaean
alliance. Mummius, to whom an affectation of lenity was
no longer neceffary, razed them to the ground". Meanwhile
Achaia remained in a ſtate of inactivity, without. forming a Thebes and
fingle plan, or attempting the leaſt exertion for felf-defence. razed to the
ground.
Diaeus, whoſe raſhneſs had principally contributed to bring
on the preſent calamity, had fled from the field of battle to
Megalopolis, and in the frenzy of defpair, murdered his wife,
and laid violent hands on himſelf. The Achaean cities were,
moſt of them, forſaken. by their chiefs; many of them were
abandoned by numbers of their inhabitants; and all of them
waited the determination of their fate with anxious and trem-
bling folicitude. The demolition of three great cities, feeming
in the mean time to have ſtayed the victor's fury, he now con--
tented himſelf with diſmantling every place of ftrength, and
with obliging the inhabitants to furrender up their arms. Even.
this, however, was but a temporary fufpenfion of fervitude.
and ruin. Mummius, in fact, could not proceed farther,
till the arrival of commiffioners from Rome, jointly with.
whom, he was to be impowered finally to fettle the affairs of.
Achaia. And, accordingly, upon their arrival, the long-pro-.
jected ſcheme of Roman policy was carried into execution..
They began by the diffolution of the Achaean conſtitution,: Diffolution of.
and by declaring the ſeveral ſtates and cities, formerly compo- the rehaia.
republic
nent parts of that refpectable league, to be henceforth entirely
diſtinct and independent.. All popular affemblies were forbid-
den throughout Peloponnefus, and that ſmall ſhare of the civil
adminiſtration which, the natives were permitted to retain,.
was transferred from the people, and placed in the hands of
1 Lir. Epitom, L. lii.
3.
the.
2
630
HISTORY OF GREECE
(
BooK the richer few, whofe refponfible circumftances the Romans
VIII.
Sect. 2.
Reafons for
the Roman
feverity.
confidered as a pledge of their fubjection. At the fame
time, left any individual ſhould acquire an influence that
might be troubleſome to Rome, by the poffeffion of ex-
tenfive property, they not only took care to impoverish the
more opulent families, by fines and fevere taxations, but alſo
enacted, that a Grecian fhould be incapable of encreaſing his
poffeffions by the purchaſe of any lands in Greece.
IT had, in former times, been the conftant policy of
Rome, in giving laws to the conquered, at first to diſguiſe
the feverity of the humiliation to which the deftined them.
But now Achaia, for many years the moſt reſpectable
of the Grecian ftates, of whofe aid Rome had frequently
availed herſelf, and whofe greateſt crime was, that ſhe had
liberties, which were dear to her, faw herſelf doomed at
once to the moſt abject vaffalage. The reafon is evident: in
thoſe days of ſeeming gentleneſs, Syria, Macedon, and Carthage
were ſtill formidable; and had Rome at once avowed her pur-
poſes, the mingled feelings of intereſt, indignation, and deſ-
pair, would furely have united theſe nations in a cauſe, which
was in reality the cauſe of them all; and Rome might have
been involved in a conteſt pregnant with difficulty and dan-
ger; whereas now, neither Syria nor Macedon was in a
condition to excite her apprehenfions; and the final deſtruc-
tion of Carthage by the younger Africanus, which had taken
place about the fame time with that of Corinth, enabled them
to throw afide the maſk of gentleneſs, as it left them not an
enemy to fear.
"
THE
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
631
$
THE terms granted to Achaia, which we have mentioned, Book
20
•
VIII.
Sect. 2.
are recorded by Paufanias 2. But the particular ſeverities em-
ployed on this occafion, he and every other hiftorian have
paffed over in filence. Indeed an exact relation of all oc-
currences of this kind, which fuch a revolution muſt have
produced, was hardly to be expected from the writers of
thoſe days; who, whether Grecian or Roman, influenced
either by fear or fhame, would avoid a minute detail of the
melancholy ftory. With what unrelenting acrimony the
Romans purſued thefe wretched remains of the Grecian
people,. we may, however, gather from a circumſtance which
Polybius", though in a great meaſure the advocate of Rome,
has preferved to us. The commiffioners encouraged the pre- Extraordinary
ferring an accufation againſt thoſe Achaean chiefs, who of fet on foot by
profecution
old had diſtinguiſhed themſelves in advancing the profperity, the Roman
or vindicating the liberties of Achaia. Philopoemen and
Aratus were arraigned as criminals! and even Achaeus, the
fuppofed founder of the Achaean people, as if on this ac-
count he ought to be numbered among the enemies of
Rome, was to have fuffered by a pofthumous condemnation! A
request was preferred to the commiffioners, that all the decrees
which had been enacted to the honour of theſe patriots ſhould
be refcinded, and their ſtatues overthrown. But while this
extraordinary trial was carrying on, and when ſentence was on
the point of being pronounced, Polybius arrived in Peloponne-
fus, in his return from the fiege of Carthage, whither he had
accompanied his friend Scipio.. Difpofed, as Polybius might
In Achaicis.
See Polyb. de virtat. & vitiis, P. 1483, & feqq. Cafaub. 8.
commiffion-
rs.
1
be,,
632
GREECE
HISTORY
OF
1
1
1
$
VIII.
Sect. 2.
The fpirited
BooK be, from a regard to his perfonal fafety and intereſt, and ſtill
more, perhaps, from an attachment to his Roman friend, to
give way to the prejudices of that all-powerful people, and
well apprized of the jealouſy they entertained of theſe illuf
trious citizens, the boaſt and honour of Achaia; ftill this
great man could not fupprefs his indignation at the ungene-
rous attempt. Philopoemen he had perfonally known in his
earlier years, and had in part been a witneſs of the exalted
virtues of that excellent patriot; " and ſhall then," faid he,
"that integrity of conduct, which was his glory, be now
conduct of
Polybius:
his guilt! Far from having been the inveterate enemy
"of Rome, he ſupported your cauſe, he fought under your
"banners, againſt Philip, againſt Antiochus; and if at any
"time he engaged in oppofition to you, it was only when,
66
impelled by the leading motive of all his actions, regard
"for his country. Such as he was, fuch were alſo Aratus,
"and thofe other Achaean chiefs, whofe ftatues you are
“about to demoliſh; criminal, only becauſe unalterably
faithful to the intereſts of Achaia. And will you con-
"demn in a Grecian, what in a Roman you would have
"accounted worthy of the higheſt praiſe ?"
THE Commiffioners feemed convinced; and, probably con-
ſcious of the infamous part they were acting, artfully gave
up to Polybius what they could not have inſiſted on, with-
out making themſelves altogether odious. They not only
dropped the profecution, but likewife caufed the ftatues of
Achaeus, Aratus, and Philopoemen, which had already been
tranfported out of Peloponnefus, to be brought back. They
even affected to do Polybius particular honour; and orders
were iffued to prefent him with whatever portion of the
confifcated
the
}
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
633
}
eſtedness;
confifcated eſtates he ſhould think worthy of his acceptance; Book
an offer which he nobly refuſed, difdaining to grow rich by VIII.
the ſpoils of his unhappy countrymen. His difinterefted Sect. 2.
ſpirit raiſed him ſtill higher in the eſtimation of the Romans; his difinter-
and he had a commiffion given him, to vifit the feveral dif-
tricts of Achaia, and to re-eſtabliſh tranquillity and cultivation
throughout that diſtracted and defolated country. The abi-
lity and zeal with which he acquitted himſelf in the diſcharge
of this delicate office, endeared him to all. To have en-
couraged the Achaeans in the moſt diftant hopes of that
liberty which they were never more to enjoy, would have
been the higheſt cruelty. He therefore endeavoured to re-
concile them to their prefent fate; to allay the various dif-
contents and perſonal animofities which the late times of
tumult and confufion had engendered; and to induce them to
acquiefce in a peaceable ſubmiſſion to thoſe laws, under which
they were now deftined to live.
him by his
countrymen.
AMIDST unavailing regret for having been fo long deprived
of the prefence of a citizen, whofe falutary inftructions might
poffibly have prevented their ruin, the Achaeans gratefully ac-
knowledged the importance of his prefent fervices by every
mark of public eſteem. Some of the ſtatues then erected in honours paid
honour of this patriot, Paufanias, who lived three hundred
and twenty years after the deſtruction of Corinth, tells us,
remained till his time. On one, which he faw in Arcadia,
within the facred precinct of the Despoina, the moſt revered of
the Arcadian deities, appeared the following honourable in-
fcription": Polybius, from whofe counfels Greece might
CC
*² See Pauf. in Arcadicis.
4 M
" have
634
HISTORY OF GREECE
Во ок
VIII.
Sect. 2.
Greece form-
ed into a
province;
""
"have derived fafety, had Greece fuffered herſelf to be
guided by them; and in whom he found her only pro-
"tector, in the day of her diftrefs."
THE Overthrow of the Achaean commonwealth finiſhed
the debaſement of Greece, which foon after funk into a Ro-
man diſtrict, under the denomination of the province of
Achaia; becauſe with the overthrow of this republic was
compleated the final reduction of the Grecian ſtates 23. In
this province were compriſed Peloponnefus, Attica, Boeotia,
Phocis, and all that part of Greece lying to the ſouth of
Epire and Theffaly. All to the north of that line, as far as the
utmoſt verge of the Macedonian frontier, was the province of
Macedon. Theſe two provincial governments of Macedon and
Achaia, including the antient dominions of the Macedonian
princes, together with the feveral ſtates and republics of
Greece—that once illuftrious land! ennobled by a number.
of glorious atchievements! the chofen feat of liberty, ſcience,
polity, and arts! were henceforward to be configned to hu-
miliation and fervitude!.
THE Roman writers, however, fpeak of Greece, and par-
ticularly of Athens, as ftill retaining, under all the difad-
vantages of this provincial eſtabliſhment, that pre-eminence:
in literature, by which he was diſtinguiſhed in her days of
freedom and glory. Accordingly, for fome ages after, we
find the Roman youth reforting thither, in queft of that im-
provement, or at leaſt of that reputation, which the arts and.
22 Paufan. in Achaicis,
fciences
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
635
}
VIII.
Sect. 2.
literature
ſciences of Greece were fuppofed capable of beſtowing. But Boo K
nevertheleſs, rather to the fame of antient days, than to any
merit ſhe from this period poffeffed, is the eftimation of
Rome to be afcribed. The liberties and genius of Greece its decline in
gradually declined, and at laſt expired together. For, though after this
her philoſophical ſchools for a while maintained a reſpectable period.
name; though, at diftant intervals, a few writers of dif
tinguiſhed merit made their appearance, efpecially in the
antiquarian and hiftorical lines, yet did the general turn
of the Grecian people foon become frivolous, and, in reſem-
blance of their fortunes, groveling and fervile. Their walk
of learning ſeldom produced any thing higher than the pro-
feffional rhetorician or the captious difputant; and what
abilities they poffeffed were meanly proſtituted in humour-
ing the follies, or in adminiftering to the depravity of their
Roman mafters. By degrees, therefore, the very appella-
tion of Greek, which once implied fuperior talents and the
higheſt mental improvement, came to fignify fomewhat ex-
ceedingly abject; and under the Roman Caeſars was frequently
ufed, by the fatiriſts", as a term of the utmoſt reproach.
Even thoſe literary productions, which in this decline of
Greece do her moft honour, when compared with what went
before, can only be confidered as the feeble rays of the even-
ing fun, when contraſted with his meridian ſplendor. What
praiſe foever we may be willing to allow them, we fearch
in vain for that originality; that juſt obſervance of nature;
that richneſs of invention; that nervous ſenſe; that glow and
dignity of fentiment; that power of expreffion, which
34 See Juvenal paffim.
4 M 2
characterize ·
1
}
•
*
636
GREECE
HISTORY OF
1
Book characterize her earlier poets, hiftorians, philofophers, and
VIII.
Sect. 2.
Age of glory
of the Gre-
cian people;
cauſes of
their decay
and final
overthrow.
Divifion in-
to ſmall, and
principa-
lities;
orators.
FROM the days of Cimon, when Greece had attained the
fummit of her glory, to her final fubjection to the Roman
power, about three hundred and twenty years had elapſed;
and from the death of Alexander the Great, when the whole
Perfian monarchy confeffed the Grecian dominion, about
one hundred and fixty. It may then be matter of uſeful in-
ftruction to inquire, from what cauſes that total alteration was
brought on, which, within this period of time, appears to
have taken place in the Grecian character; and whence, a.
people, whofe civil inftitutions, prowefs, and extenfive
accompliſhments, feemed to lead to univerfal empire, fhould
have thus declined, and with fo little ſtruggle have funk in-
to dependence and infignificancy.
I. THERE was originally a principle of weakneſs and de-
independent cay in the very conftitution of the Grecian government.
Greece, parcelled out into a number of fmall ftates, each
enjoying an independent fovereignty, was incapable of
that exertion of ftrength, which refults from confpiring
counfels, and the joint efforts of an embodied people. On the
important day of Marathon, of all the Grecian ſtates, only, ten.
thouſand Athenians, and one thouſand Plataeans appeared in
ſupport of the common caufe. And though afterwards, rouzed
by the example of Athens, other Grecian powers armed
againſt the Perfians, yet was this the armament only of a few
ftates; formed too by most of them on a partial and confined.
plan, rather for the prefervation of their own particular ter-
ritories, than in vindication of the general liberties, and the
defence
}
9
C
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
637
!
defence of the country at large; fo that, had not the artifice
as well as the firmneſs of Themistocles been employed on this
intereſting occafion, it had been hardly poffible to have faved
Greece. The council of the Amphictyones was indeed a
kind of national fenate, and probably in its firſt inftitution was
defigned to be the center of unity of the ſeveral ſtates, whoſe
repreſentatives compofed this auguft affembly. But this tri-
bunal was chiefly adapted to the infant times of Greece.
As particular ſtates advanced in power, it was often too feeble
to control the refractory, and at length found itſelf, as in the
cafe' of the ſecond facred war (that fatal aera, from which
Greece dates her decline) under the neceffity of calling in
foreign affiſtance to render its decifions effectual.
Book
VIII.
Sect. 2.
thence arif--
ing.
II. FROM theſe numerous fovereignties there aroſe, befides, jealoufies
endleſs jealoufies and contefts; the weaker ftates ftill fuf- and contests
pecting the ſtronger; and the ſtronger by their ambitious
encroachments juſtifying but too much the fufpicions of
the weaker. Scarcely had Greece recovered from the terror
of the Perfian invafion, when Sparta, regardleſs of the noble
part that Athens had lately acted, could not conceal her
envy
at ſeeing this rival city fpring more powerful from her ruins,
and endeavoured to perpetuate her defolation. Throughout
all the Grecian commonwealths the fame unhappy ſpirit
of envy and diffention prevailed, which was conſtantly en-
-couraged and fomented, by the policy of the feveral princes
who fat after Xerxes on the Perfian throne. Confcious of their
inferiority in arms, they endeavoured to divide thoſe whom
they could not fubdue, and their intrigues and treaſure were
but
1
{
1
638
VIII.
Sect. 2.
HISTORY OF
<
GREECE
Book but too fuccefsfully employed. "Ten thouſand archers" have
"driven me out of Afia,” ſaid Agefilaus", when the orators
of Athens and Thebes, penfioners to the Perfian king, had
ftirred up a a war againſt Sparta, which obliged him to
abandon his Afiatic conquefts, and haften to the defence
of his own kingdom. To the like practices the Macedonian
kings owed whatever advantage they obtained over Greece:
And the Romans purſued the fame arts with ftill greater effect;
until, exhauſted by her own domeftic feuds, Greece fell an
eaſy prey to her oppreffors.
Difference in
their forms
of govern-
ment.
A
III. THE flame of inteftine animofity acquired more fierce-
nefs, and more deſtructive rapidity from the difference in the
forms of government that fubfifted in the feveral Grecian
commonwealths. Throughout Greece the eſtabliſhment
was, at leaſt in part, democratical; but in fome places, as
in Athens, the power was lodged in the hands of the
people at large; in fome, as in Sparta, it was delegated only
to a few. Where the many had the power, they not only were
ſuſpicious of whatever ſeemed to threaten their own privi-
leges, but wiſhed to eſtabliſh the dominion of the multitude
in every ſtate around them.
ſtate around them. And, in like manner, the few,
not content with ſecuring themſelves at home againſt the en-
croachments of the many, aimed at the introduction of their
own contracted form of government, into all the neighbouring
cities. Private ambition had here many tempting opportu-
nities: the feeds of diffention every where prevailed: in
as An archer was the imprefs on the Perfian coin.
See Plut. in Agefilao.
every
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
639
}
2
every city two parties were at all times prepared for civil
broils; mutually jealous, and mutually credulous of every
mifreprefentation; and equally violent in executing their
refolves, as precipitate in forming them. So that under the
fpecious pretence, either of defending the caufe of freedom,
or of controlling the exceffes of a licentious populace, in-
tereſted and ambitious leaders had always numbers at their
call. The powers of Afia, of Macedon, and of Rome, in
their fucceffive attempts on the liberties of Greece, prac-
tifed the fame kind of artifice; under the guife of friendly
interpofition, playing one party againſt the other, and thus
betraying the true interefts of the ſtate, and gradually waft-
ing it into debility and ſubjection. At one period of time,
we ſee in Diodorus, the number of exiles, whom party-
violence had driven out of their native cities, amounted to
twenty thouſand. In the days of Polybius, we find the
fame fpirit of diffention ftill continued; and it was happy
for the ſufferers, when this atrocious fpirit was contented.
with băniſhment alone..
Boo K
VIII.
Sect. 2.
democracy in
IV. THE democratical form, which, as we have feen, Difficulty of
prevailed under various modes throughout Greece, however preferving a
friendly we may fuppofe it to liberty, was attended with its purity.
inconveniences of confiderable detriment to the national prof-
perity. It opened an ample field to the factious and the
turbulent; to the pretended patriot and the venal orator: It
frequently rendered the public councils paffionate, infolent,
capricious, and unſtable: It baniſhed the ableſt chiefs:
It gave birth to thoſe cruel and reproachful edicts, which
we meet, with even in the Athenian annals, againſt the:
Aeginetae,.
3.
+
640
HISTORY OF GREECE
Sect. 2.
BooK Aeginetae, againſt the Samians, againſt the ten admirals:
VIII. and, what is yet a ſtronger inftance of the folly often pre-
valent in popular affemblies, it produced that abfurd Athe-
nian law", which diverted to the amuſement of a giddy
multitude thoſe funds, which had been originally appro-
priated to the moſt important department of government,
"the fupport of their naval ſtrength." That, in a political
form, of which we are apt to conceive great things, and which,
it muſt be confeffed, has often wrought the nobleſt atchieve-
ments, theſe miſchiefs fhould be found, arifes from the
very nature of that form. The vital principle of democracy,
as a celebrated writer justly obferves", is virtue. And
therefore, whilſt invigorated by this exalting principle, de-
mocracies have reached an height of glory, which other forms
of
government emulate in vain. But on this very account
alſo have democracies been more rapid in their declenfion
than other political conftitutions. Great opulence, and ex-
tent of empire, thofe darling objects of human ambition,
whofe allurements are ſo ſeldom refifted by political wiſdom,
have been always fatal to them; becauſe, ſo prone to corrup-
tion is the human heart, that it is hardly poffible this vital
principle ſhould preferve its vigour, beneath the baneful in-
fluence of an opulent and wide-extended dominion. The
fage founder of the Spartan laws faw this, and endeavoured to
provide for the fecurity of Sparta, by excluding the purſuit
of wealth and of extenfive empire. But the temptations of
fuccefsful war, and the avidity of man, defeated the purpoſes
27 It was made death to move for a repeal of this law.
28 Efprit des Loix, L. iii. c. 3.
*
of
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
648
of the lawgiver". In contempt of the barriers, which he
had raiſed, avarice and the luft of conqueft made their way
into Sparta, and produced their wonted effects of corruption
and diffolution. The truth of this obfervation appears
yet more remarkably in the fate of Athens. The hiſtory of
the Pagan world has not a more auguft fcene to produce than
what Athens exhibited, from the third year of the fixty-feventh
Olympiad, the expulfion of the Pififtratidae, to the third
year of the eighty-fecond, the death of Cimon. During
this memorable period, fhe told the number of her heroes by
that of her citizens; and every virtue, that can give ſtrength
and dignity to a ſtate, was found among that illuftrious people.
But too foon there fucceeded the intoxication of proſperity ";
and that very democracy which, whilft they continued virtuous,
was a fource of glory, now, as their degeneracy advanced, added
to the public calamity. Corrupted by that excefs of power
which they enjoyed, and which made them fupreme in the dif-
penſation of rewards and puniſhments, in the difpofal of
honours, in the decifion of the most important queftions of
government; corrupted by the adulation with which their.
leaders and orators generally addreſſed them, the people con--
fidered themſelves as above controul; and, in full confidence,
of their own ftrength, and vain, at the fame time, of the
glory derived to them from the prowess of their anceſtors,
they looked down with contempt on other nations, and with
fond credulity entertained every vifionary ſcheme of conqueſt,
19 See Polyb. L. vi. c. 46. 47.
30 See Polyb. L. vi. c. 42.
4 N
with
Book
VIII.
Sect. 2.
t
$
642
OF GREECE
HISTORY
1
VIII.
Sect. 2.
BOOK with which their flattering demagogues fought to amufe
them. Athens had extended her eſtabliſhments along the
coafts of Thrace and of Afia, and over moſt of the adjacent
iſlands; yet, as if this were little, both Sicily and Egypt
became the objects of her ambition; and a city, that fcarcely
muſtered twenty thouſand citizens, is faid to have conceived
the mad project of attempting the empire of the world.
Meanwhile, they had rendered their yoke infupportable
even to their Grecian neighbours; their confederates they
treated as vaffals; and the contributions which they received
from them, and which they were to have adminiſtered for
the general good, they wantonly laviſhed on the pride and
magnificence of their own city; in name the protectors of
Greece, but in reality its oppreffors. Amidst all this info-
lence and bold fhew of enterprize, the Athenians nevertheleſs
had nothing of their antient vigour remaining. Employed in
the buſtle of their popular affemblies, or in the oftentatious diſ-
play of thoſe trappings of fovereignty, with which the citizen of
Athens was inveſted, they had ſubſtituted the clamour and chi-
cane of debate to military exertion; and while they were care-
ful of their proficiency in intrigue and cabal, they were back-
ward to maintain a fuperiority in arms. This debaſement was
manifeſted at Chaeronea; and, as if the reproach of that defeat
had only ferved to encreaſe their cowardice and abjectneſs,
they ſhewed it in a manner ſtill more opprobrious at Lamia.
Only two hundred Athenians, Paufanias " tells us, had fallen
there; and yet, as if cut off from all refource, they tamely
opened their gates, and fubmitted, without reſerve, to Anti-
8
31 In Achaicis.
pater.
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
643
pater. But indeed profperity, the pride of dominion, the
vacant and unwarlike eaſe of a municipal life, had produced
a total change in the Athenian character. That people, whom
the devaſtation of their territories, and their city in flames,
had not diſcouraged from fupporting the liberties of Greece
againſt the powers of Afia, were now reduced to the moſt
pufillanimous defpondency, by the flighteſt reverſe of fortune;
and, ſtrangers to the ſpirit of their anceſtors, becauſe ftran-
gers to their virtues, they refigned themſelves to fervitude
with an abject timidity, fcarcely to be believed of a republic,
lately the haughtieft to be found in the annals of hiſtory.
<<
Boo x
VIII.
Sect. 2.
V. BUT what ſeems to have had the largeſt ſhare in
bringing decay and humiliation on the Grecian people, was
the fatal prevalence of Atheistical tenets, which, for above Fatal influ-
a century, had been ſpreading from the Epicurean fchool ence of ir-
religion.
through every part of Greece. It was the wifh of Fabri-
cius ", when told by Cineas of the opinions which Epi-
curus was then propagating, "that they might be adopted
by the enemies of Rome!". The event did honour to the
wiſdom and forefight of this virtuous Roman. The baneful doc-
trine completed the ruin of Grecian manners. Naturally vola-
tile, of a fceptical turn, and, from the arts of refinement and
elegance which were familiar to them, prone to diffipation and
pleaſurable indulgences, the Greeks but too eagerly embraced
a fyftem, that levelled all religious reftraints, and left them
without a God to infpect human actions. The conſequence
was, what in the like cafe it will ever be.
32 See Plut. in Pyrrho.
We have it
4 N 2
料
​from
644
HISTORY OF GREECE
}
33
Воок
from Polybius ", who was an eye-witneſs, that venality, fraud,
VIII. treachery, an utter diſregard of country, of the moſt facred
Sect. 2. oaths, of all ties whatſoever, human and divine, crimes which
indicate in the ſtrongeſt manner the corruption of a nation,
and are the ſureft prefages of its ruin, foon became prevalent
throughout most of the ftates of Greece.. The Achaeans
feem to have been the only exception. Poffibly, as they
were a plainer people, and lefs converfant in philoſophical
reſearches, the contagion had made lefs progrefs among them.
Accordingly the Romans, who, from the vicious and enervated
ſtate of the other Grecian commonwealths, had obtained an eaſy
conqueft, met here with a vigour and ftrength of virtue, fuch
as they little expected; and, amidst that general, wreck of
principle that marks thoſe degenerate days, it was the glory of
Achaia, to have a number of citizens who, fteady to the intereſts
of their country, treated the temptations held out by Rome
with their merited contempt, and beheld her warlike oper-
ations without difmay.. To defeat this formidable oppoſition,
the Romans contrived. the expedient already related. Under
the pretence of tranfmitting them to Rome to prove their
innocence of a charge which the Romans themſelves knew
to be groundleſs, they feized on upwards of a thouſand of
the moſt reſpectable of the Achaean nobles, and ſent them
to perish in. Italy.. In the mean while, taking advantage of
the diſtracted councils of a people who were now.. abandoned
to the mifrule of demagogues of equal turbulence and in-
capacity, they effected their long-concerted project, the final:
overthrow of the Achaean liberties..
33 See Polyb. L. ii. c. 45. L. vi. c. 54. 55. L. xii. ∞ 1. L. xiii. de virtutibus et -
vitiis.
!
:
Br
1
季
​++
*
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
64-5
VIII.
Sect. 2.
Abje&t ftate
of Greece
after its fub-
jection to the
Roman power,
It would have been, however, fome recompence to Greece, BooK
for the lofs of her independence, if ſhe had found an effectual de-
fence in that power, to which ſhe was thus fubjected; and if,
under the protection of her new maſters, ſhe had feen her tran-
quillity re-eſtabliſhed; but ſhe had not even this confolation.
Confounded in that maſs of nations, which formed the enormous
and unwieldy body of the Roman empire, fhe ceaſed to have
any
fortunes of her own; and at the fame time, though,
from her fituation, it was forbidden to her to partake unmixed
of whatever proſperity the Romans happened to enjoy, ſhe
fhared largely in moſt of their calamities; in the diftreffes-
of the Mithridatic war; in the depredations of the Cilician
pirates; in the bloody conteſts between Caefar and Pompey;
between the republican party of Brutus, and the avengers of
Caefar's death; between Octavius and Mark Antony; in
the various oppreffions, of which the defpotiſm of the em-
perors was afterward's productive; and, at length, in that
general devaſtation which overſpread this mighty ſtate
from the repeated incurfions of barbarian nations. Not to
mention, how feverely the private vices of the Romans them-
felves were often felt by this unhappy country, in the ex-
actions and infults which fhe had often to fuffer from her
defpotic governors; the common fate of all the provinces
under the yoke of Rome. Until, from thefe feveral cauſes,
Greece finally was left, as ſhe is
trace of her former glories..
་
at this day, with hardly a
A CURSORY view of what is most memorable in thefe:
latter events fhall cloſe this part of our hiſtory.
BOOK
1
646
$
HISTORY OF GREECE
BOOK
SECTION III.
CONTENTS.
VIII.
+
Book
VIII.
Greece threatened by the Cimbri-joins Mithridates.-Character
and views of that prince.—Siege and ruin of Athens by Sylla.
-Sylla overthrows the armies of Mithridates-clofe of the for-
tunes of Mithridates.-Greece ravaged by the Cilician corfairs
-involved in the civil wars between Caefar and Pompey;
between the republican party and the avengers of Caefar's
death; between Octavius and Mark Antony.-Abject con-
dition of Greece under the Roman Emperors.-Irruption of
the Goths.-Reigns of Conftantine - Conftantius-Julian-
Jovian-Valentinian-Valens-Gratian-Theodofius-Arca-
dius, and Honorius.-Overthrow of the Roman empire in the
Weft.-Ruin
-Ruin of Greece by the Barbarians.-Decline and fall
of the empire of Conftantinople.-Prefent ftate of Greece.
GR
REECE, debilitated and exhauſted, and ſtill bleeding
from the wounds of Rome, beheld, with all the terror
Sect. 3. of conſcious weakneſs, the Cimbri hovering on her northern
Greece
threatened
by the Cim-
› Liv. Epitom. L. lxiii,
bri,
boundaries.
1
}
1
+
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
647
VIII.
Sect. 3.
boundaries. To complete her misfortunes, this impending Boo K
form of war had ſcarcely blown over, when the ambitious
ſchemes of Mithridates of Pontus expofed her to new dangers,
and involved her in freſh calamities.
tunes:
THIS extraordinary prince, the moſt powerful of his time, Mithridates ;
and the moſt able and enterprifing who had ever taken up
arms againſt Rome, demands particular notice. He was the
eighth in defcent from that Mithridates who, fleeing from the
prefence of Antigonus to the Euxine fea, had laid the foun-
dation of the kingdom of Pontus. The voice of flattery gave
him an origin ſtill more illuftrious, tracing his anceſtry down
from the antient line of the princes of the houſe of Cyrus.
A minor at the time of his father's death, who had periſhed his early for-
by domeſtic treaſon, and himſelf expoſed to a fimilar fate, he
was driven to feek for fafety in the forefts; where, under the
pretence of purſuing the chafe, he changed his haunts night
after night, taking his repoſe on the ground, like the inha-
bitants of the wild; and never, during feven years, entering
into any city, nor venturing under the cover of a roof. By
this means he acquired an hardineſs of body, that was proof
againſt every extreme of weather, and not to be fubdued by
any toil. The danger of his fituation fuggeſted an additional
precaution: he fortified himſelf with a certain medicine, of
which he is faid to have been the inventor, and which is re-
ported to have been an infallible antidote againſt the effects
of the moſt powerful poiſon.
* See Appian de Bello Mithridat. Plutarch. in Syllâ, Lucullo, Pompeio.
*
HIS
>
648
HISTORY OF GREECE
41
attempts to
overthrow
the Roman
empire in
Afia.
BooK His father had been in friendship with the Romans, and
Вооки
VIII. had done them important fervices in their war againſt An-
Sect. 3. dronicus, the laft of the Pergamenian kings. The fon was
too formidable to be admitted to the fame friendly intercourſe.
The Romans viewed him with jealouſy, and reſolved to ac-
complish his humiliation. With this view, the ſenate
judged it expedient to circumfcribe his fovereignty within
narrower limits. Provoked at the prefumption of this arbi-
trary attempt, Mithridates conceived the bold deſign of over-
throwing the Roman empire in Afia; a great part of which he
foon united under his own banners. Three Roman generals
marched againſt him; the proconful Lucius Caffius, Quintus
Oppius, and Manius Aquilius, a man of confular dignity,
who had been honoured with a triumph, and was at this time
at the head of the Roman commiffioners for the ſettlement
of Afia. Mithridates defeated them all, and having gotten
the three commanders into his hands, regardleſs of their qua-
lity, expoſed them to ridicule and fcorn, producing them by
way of ſpectacle through the Afiatic cities. Aquilius particu-
larly, whom he charged with being the author of the war,
was treated with the utmoſt contumely. He loaded him with
chains, and mounting him on an aſs, compelled him, as
he paſſed along, to inform the gazing multitude of his name,
and his rank in the Roman armies³. To mark yet farther the
execration
Mithridates probably confidered this as an act of juftice. Manius Aquilius was
in fact a perſon who merited infamy: he had triumphed at the cloſe of the Perga-
menian war, though, in the conduct of it he had done little ſervice; Perpenna hav-
ing brought that war nearly to a conclufion; but, he dying, Aquilius ſtepped into
the command, and claimed the merit of what another had atchieved. A few of
the Afiatic cities ftill remaining to be reduced, he, in violation of the laws of war,
treacherously
+
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
649
4
Bo o K
VIII.
3.
Sect.
nary orders.
execration in which he held the Roman name, he iffued
orders to the Afiatics in the feveral provinces throughout his
dominions, on an appointed day to maſſacre * every Roman
and Italian they could find among them, without regard to his fangui-
age, fex, or condition; the debtor to have half the fortune
of the creditor, whom he ſhould murder, and the flave, who
had flain his maſter, his liberty; and forbidding them, under
the pain of death, to fave any of their lives, or, when dead, to
give them burial. The atrocity of theſe orders, and, ftill
more, the horrid zeal with which they were executed, ftrong-
ly evince how odious the Romans must have been to the
Afiatic nations; eighty thouſand, by the loweft accounts, Maffacre of
having periſhed in this maſſacre; neither the feelings of hu- and Italians
manity, the claims of gratitude, the ties of friendſhip, nor throughout
the reverence of religion, fhielding thofe unhappy victims
from the favage fury of unrelenting vengeance; even thoſe
who fled for refuge to the temples, being torn from them,
or flaughtered at the altars. The death of Manius Aquilius
cloſed this ſcene of horror; Mithridates cauſing molten gold
to be poured down his throat, in reproach of Roman
avarice.
the Romans
Afia.
treacherously poifoned the fprings, from whence they were fupplied with water, and
thus compelled them to ſurrender. We may judge, accordingly, how the Afiatics,
who had ſuffered fo much from his perfidiouſneſs, muſt have enjoyed his humiliation.
See Florus, L. ii. c. 20.
• Liv. Epitom. L. lxxviii. Appian. ub. fup.
• An hundred and fifty thouſand, fays Plutarch (in Sylla).
4 0
THE
650
HISTORY OF GREECE
Воок
VIII.
Sect.
3.
Mithridates
forms an al-
liance with
the Grecian
ftates.
THE object of Mithridates was now to attempt an al-
liance with the ſtates of Greece; with their affiftance to
purſue his plan of hoſtilities in the neighbourhood of Italy;
and, fhould circumftances favour him, to carry the war into
the heart of the Roman empire. The conjuncture was fa-
vourable to his defigns. The Romans, diftreffed at home,
firſt by the Italian infurgents or the confederate war, and after-
ward's by the diffentions which Marius and Sylla had ex-
cited, feemed to have withdrawn their attention from Greece.
Theſe circumſtances, with the powerful arguments that Mi-
thridates had to offer, "of the exploits already atchieved by
"him," and "of his avowed enmity to Rome," could not
fail of eſtabliſhing an intereft with a people, in their happieſt
days impatient and changeable, and at this time ſharpened to
a keener fenfe of the oppreffions they endured, by the very re-
membrance of the liberties which they had enjoyed. The Athe-
nians even prevented his wiſhes. Exafperated by certain fines,
which the Romans had lately impoſed on them, they had fent.
an embaſſy to the king of Pontus, to implore his protection.
Nothing could coincide more opportunely with his views..
A confiderable body of land-forces, under the command of
his fon Ariarathes', and another under that of Archelaus,,
with a large naval armament, were immediately ordered to.
their affiſtance. At the fame time that his troops under
Archelaus took poffeffion of Athens, his fleet was employed,.
with the moſt rapid fuccefs, in reducing the numerous iſlands.
that cover the Aegean fea; and Ariarathes extended his con-
queſts through Thrace and Macedon. In Greece, the Roman
commander Brutius Sura oppofed Archelaus at firft with vi-
• Appian calls him Arcathias.
gour,
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
651-
1
Sect. 3.
gour, and in one engagement obliged him to retreat to his Book
fhips. But this check produced nothing decifive. And the
VIII.
whole province of Achaia, from Theffaly to the Cretan ſea,
had ſoon acknowledged Mithridates; the little city of Thef-
piae having been, it is faid, the only place, whoſe refiftance
rendered a ſiege neceſſary.
}
Greece;
MEAN while Sylla, having expelled the Marian faction, Sylla enters
prepared to puniſh the Grecian revolt. His very name
impreſſed terror and diſmay. As foon as his approach was
known, the Grecian cities, Athens alone excepted, confcious
of guilt, fent to deprecate his wrath, and to tender their ſub-
miffion. The other more important wars, to which his am-
bition was exciting him, probably faved them. Difdaining
to ſtoop to any mean game, he marched with rapidity to marches
against
Athens, where the chief of the Mithridatic force feemed to Athens.
be collected. His aim was, to extinguish at once the war
in Greece, by ſtorming Athens. But this he found a taſk
more difficult than he expected.
Athens:
ATHENS was divided into two parts, the upper town, and
the lower. The upper, comprehending the city properly fo State of
called, together with the Acropolis or Athenian citadel, was
incloſed within one common wall of confiderable ſtrength.
The lower, diſtant about five miles from the upper, was the
great fea-port of Athens, generally known by the name of
the Piraeus; famed for its noble arſenal, for its docks,
and the variety and extent of its buildings for naval pur-
poſes; for the number of ſeamen and artifans with which
it was crouded; and above all, for its harbour, the work
of Themistocles, faid to have been large enough to afford
4 0 2
Shelter
ང་
652
HISTORY OF GREECE
VIII.
Sect. 3.
1
BooK fhelter to a thouſand ſhips, and opening its capacious bofom
to the trade, not only of the adjacent iſlands, but to that
of Afia and Egypt. Around it was a fortification of ſtone,
raiſed by Pericles, fixty feet in height, and of proportional
thickneſs, remarkable for the maffy fize of the ſtones with:
which it was conftructed, and yet more fo for the com-
pactneſs and folidity of their junctures. From the Piraeus to
Athens there was a road, fecured on each fide by a ftrong
wall, which formed a communication between the port and.
the city..
defended by
Ariftion,
In the upper town Ariftion poffeffed the command; a
factious demagogue, who had risen to power by an abject com-
pliance with the follies and vices of the multitude; and who by
profeffion was an Epicurean philofopher, but, like many of that
dangerous fect, concealed under this philofophic diſguiſe the
blackeſt flagitiouſneſs of mind. By intrigue he had been ap-
pointed ambaſſador to Mithridates, into whofe favour he had:
infinuated himſelf by the fervility of his deportment, and by
betraying to him the intereſts of his country.. On his return,,
he had amuſed the Athenians with affurances, that the great
views of Mithridates were pointed folely to the humiliation:
of Rome, with the reſtoration of the popular government,,
* So fays Pliny, L. vii. c. 37. Strabo, probably more exact, fays four hundred.
Span (Voyage de la Grece, tom. ii.) fuppofes, that in its prefent ftate it could:
hardly be capable of receiving fifty of our large fhips. See Chandler's Travels in
Greece, chap. 5. for a full account of this famed harbour. From a marble lion, of:
admirable workmanſhip, ten feet high, which was placed at the inmoſt extremity,
of this harbour, it has been known by the name of Porto Draco, or Porto Liono.
The lion has been carried away by the Venetians, and is now to be feen before the
arfenal, at Venice,
}
and:
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
653
}
and all the ancient liberties of Greece. Having, by theſe arts, BooK
VIII.
obtained by degrees the unlimited confidence of the multitude,
Sect. 3.
he foon ufurped the fovereign authority, and uſed it like a
tyrant, exercifing the fevere fcourge of arbitrary fway on the
very people who had truſted him with power; murdering or
baniſhing, under pretence of having diſcovered their connec-
tions with Rome, every man whofe wealth could tempt his ava-
rice, or whoſe ftation or virtues could alarm his fears. Urged
on therefore by his crimes, Ariftion, though not truly brave,
which a villain never is, was deſperate; and had embraced
the reſolution to fuffer every extremity, rather than yield to a
foe, from whom, he well knew, he had no mercy to expect.
ર
laus.
In the lower town, Archelaus had the direction of the and Archz-
military operations, a brave and experienced officer, who was
attentive to improve every advantage of his fituation. Beſide
a numerous garrifon,. he had a ſtrong fleet at his difpofal,
which enabled him to command from abroad every neceſſary
ſupply.. And, in addition to theſe advantages, there was
an army
of above an hundred thouſand men in Macedon, ready.
to march to his affiftance..
SYLLA, on the contrary, after fome fruitless attempts to
carry the place by ſtorm, ſaw himſelf befet with difficulties. He
had brought with him only five legions and a few cohorts,
in all about thirty thouſand men; a force far inferior to that
of the enemy. Befides, he had neither the machines. necef-
fary, for a fiege, nor military ftores of any kind, nor money
to purchaſe them. But in his own daring mind he found
refources for every want. He fent Lucullus into Egypt for
naval fuccours. He prevailed on the inhabitants of Aetolia.
I.
and:
Sylla's diffi
culties,
1
{
1
654
Book
VIII.
Sect.
3.
and refour-
ces.
1
in his feveral
attempts;
HISTORY OF
GREECE
and Theffaly, probably by way of atoning for their late defection,
to ſend him a reinforcement of men, and a fupply of arms and
provifions. He cut down all the facred groves round Athens,
and ſpared not thofe of the Lycaeum and Academy in the Athe-
nian fuburbs, in order to procure timber for his engines; and he
feized on the holy treaſures at Epidaurus, Olympia, and Delphi.
His answer to Caphis, a certain Phocian, whom he diſpatched
on this errand to the Delphic temple, is memorable; and
ſhews, that this ftern Roman was as little embarraffed by
fcruples of religion, as by the feelings of humanity. Juft
as Caphis was preparing to feize the facred offerings, the
prieſts contrived that the lyre of Apollo ſhould be heard to
found from the inmoſt fanctuary; Caphis, ftruck with a re-
ligious horror, immediately defifted, and fent the Roman
commander an account of the tremendous prodigy. Sylla
replied jeſtingly, that he was ſurpriſed Caphis did not
"know, that mufic was the expreffion, not of anger but of
joy. And that he might therefore boldly take the trea-
fures, fince Apollo gave them with fuch good will.”
�
6.6
WITH all theſe aids, however, Sylla had not much to
He is baffled boast of. He attempted to ſcale the walls, and was repulſed.
His warlike engines were ſet on fire, and deſtroyed in a fally
of the befieged. He battered their works in vain, while a
new wall inſtantly appeared behind every breach that had been
made. He tried to proceed by mining; but the Athenians
countermined his works, and ſlew or put to flight his miners.
Thus baffled in every attempt, and winter coming on, he
refolved to change the fiege into a blockade, in hopes of re-
• Plut. in Syllâ.
ducing
t
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
655
1
VIII.
Sect. 3.
forms the
plan of re-
ducing the
place by fa-
mine.
ducing the place by famine. He had already thrown down BOOK
part of the long walls, which joined the Piraeus to Athens,
and had made a lodgement on the very road, which ferved as
a communication between them, fo that the former method
of conveying provifions from the port to the city, was ren-
dered almoſt impracticable. Difficulties, however, he ftill
had to combat; and theſe arofe chiefly from Archelaus, who,
active and enterprifing, took every opportunity, and often
with fuccefs, to attack the Roman lines, and to throw relief
into Athens; but the treachery of two Athenians belonging
to the Piraean garrifon, at length enabled Sylla to prevent even
theſe precarious and hazardous ſupplies. Expert at the ſling,
they diſcharged a number of leaden bullets into the Roman
camp, day after day, infcribed with notices of whatever
Archelaus was preparing to do" to-morrow we ſhall
* make a fally".
"on a part of your lines is the attack
be".
* to be”———————“* at fuch an hour the convoy fets- out”—and
Sylla took his meafures accordingly..
>
DEPRIVED in this manner of every refource, Athens foon Diftreſs of
began to feel the utmoſt ſeverity of want.
10
"'
A bushel of wheat A hens:
was fold for a thouſand drachmas the people feeding not
only on the herbs and roots that grew fpontaneously in the
citadel, but on fodden leather and oil-bags, fome even on
human carcafes,. while the tyrant indulged in plenty and
riot; and when applied to by the prieſts and chief men of
Athens, who conjured him to compaffionate the public mifery,
and treat with the Romans,, he commanded his guards to an-
ſwer them with a ſhower of arrows, and drive them from his
10
1º £. 32. 5. 10.
prefence.
te
6.56
HISTORY OF GREECE
!
1
VIII.
Sect. 3.
taken by
form.
BooK prefence. Sylla had information of all theſe proceedings;
and rightly judging, that now was the favourable moment,
determined once more to try whether ftorming might not
fucceed. A part of the wall having been obferved to be lower
than the reft, there he directed the attack to be made; and
taking the opportunity of the dead hour of the night, he
carried his point with little difficulty; the inhabitants, from
furpriſe, or from their prefent feeble condition, or perhaps
from the difaffection of many to a fervice, which terror alone
had made them fubmit to, fcarcely attempting oppofition.
Theſe confiderations, the laſt eſpecially, from a more merci-
ful conqueror, might have obtained fome degree of favour
for Athens in this hour of its mifery. But of a temper na-
turally rigid and vindictive, and by long practice made fami-
liar with deeds of blood, Sylla had become a perfect ſtranger
to all the tender feelings of humanity. He had befides been
irritated by the obftinate reſiſtance he had met with; and ſtill
more, if we are to believe Plutarch", by certain perſonal in-
fults he had received from Ariftion, who, during the fiege,
fearleſs of the iffue, had wantonly infulted the Roman
general as he paffed under the walls; and Sylla poffeffed not
that greatneſs of mind which forgives or contemns fuch in-
dignities.
Vindictive
ſpirit of
Sylla.
1
A
EAGER therefore for revenge, he abandoned to his foldiers
the plunder of the city, with expreſs orders, that all within
the walls, whether citizens or foldiers, male or female, young
or aged, ſhould be indiſcriminately put to the fword.
The
** Ubi fup.
fcene
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
657
1
fcene that followed is one of the moſt dreadful that is recorded Book
in the Grecian annals. Goaded on by the fiercenefs of Sylla,
VIII.
and, not leſs ſtrongly perhaps, by their own refentments and Sect, 3.
avarice, the foldiery ruſhed furiouſly againſt this emaciated, dif-
pirited, defenceleſs multitude; the darkneſs of the midnight
hour, the found of trumpets, the blowing of horns, the
clang of arms, the ſhouts of the conquerors, and the ſcreams
of defpair, all contributing to the horrors of this inhuman
maffacre. Unchecked by any refiftance, flaughter had foon
made its way from quarter to quarter; many of the miſerable
inhabitants, worn out with want, offering themſelves to
the ſtroke of death; and ſome, even before the fword of the
enemy reached them, unwilling to outlive the liberties, or the
exiſtence of their country, or wiſhing to prevent the violence
of the brutal foldier, falling by their own hands.
The num-
ber of the flain, according to Plutarch, was fo great, that it
exceeded all computation, and was only to be judged of from
the quantity of blood, which is faid to have poured in tor-
rents through the gates of the city.
ed mercy.
SATED at length with carnage, Sylla yielded to the impor-
tunities of thoſe about him, and with ill-feigned mercy, his ill-feign-
confented to ſpare what remained of this wretched people.
He granted their lives, he faid, from the high reſpect he bore
to their illuftrious anceſtors, " forgiving the many on account.
"of the few, the living for the fake of the dead" "
tion.
AMIDST the confufion of the night, Ariſtion and his mi- Fate of Arif-
nions had eſcaped into the citadel; but in a few days the want
1 Plut. in Syllâ.
4 P
of
}
¡
658
Book
VIII.
Sect. 3.
The Piraeus
taken.
D'eftruction
of Athens.
HISTORY OF GREECE
of water obliged them to furrender: the tyrant was put to
death by the command of Sylla, and together with him, ac--
cording to Appian ", all who had ſhared in his councils.
Soon after the taking of Athens, the Piraeus was evacu--
ated; Archelaus, who faw that it was no longer defenfible,
now that the higher grounds were in the poffeffion of the
enemy, drawing off his troops, and contenting himſelf with
blocking up the mouth of the harbour. with his fleet.. Here
therefore human victims were wanting to fatisfy the extermi--
nating ſpirit of the conqueror; and inftead of theſe, the mag-
nificent ſtructures, and various decorations, with which Athe-
nian pride and genius had during three hundred years been.
adorning this favourite port, fupplied freſh objects to his fury..
He fet fire to the place, and then demoliſhed whatever the
flames had not deftroyed.. In the facking of the upper city,,
a confiderable part. of it had been levelled with the ground..
But here Sylla reduced the whole to one difmal maſs of
ruins, not a fingle edifice efcaping from his more than gothic
barbarity..
Gomp
THIS was the most complète deſtruction that Athens had.
ever experienced fince the Perfian invafion! and it was with.·
difficulty, and by flow degrees that the ever rofe again to
confideration. When the devaftations. of war had ceafed, the.
few Athenian families that furvived returned to their ruined.
city; and both public and private munificence were employed:
from time to time in repairing her breaches.. But ſtill many;
>
{
13 De bello Mithrid. .
monuments
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
659
monuments of Sylla's vengeance remained long; and it was BooK
VIII.
not till the days of the emperor Hadrian, the moſt bountiful
of her latter benefactors, that she began to reſume ſomewhat
of her former fplendor.
Sect. 3.
THE deftruction of Athens was, however, but a part of
what Greece had to ſuffer from the hands of Sylla. He had
ſcarcely taken poffeffion of that city, when Taxiles, who had
fucceeded to the command of the army of Mithridates, on
the death of Ariarathes, the king's fon ", and now, by re-
peated fupplies, had increaſed his forces to an hundred and
twenty thouſand men, marched againſt him from Macedon; and
having been joined by Archelaus, advanced into Boeotia. Sylla's
numbers, with all the reinforcements he could procure, were
two-thirds ſhort of thofe of the enemy. To intrench himſelf
within the Athenian ruins, where it had been difficult for the
Afiatics to force him, feemed his only reſource. But the
country of Attica being now a waſte, and his troops being in
danger of periſhing by famine ſhould he attempt to remain
in his preſent pofition, he determined to advance into the
plain, and boldly truft the event to Roman courage.
particular account of the action that followed, belongs to
another hiſtory. It is fufficient to ſay, that, the two armies
having joined battle at Chaeronea, Sylla obtained a complete Sylla defeats
victory, with the poffeffion of the enemies camp, while an
A
14 From the private papers of Mithridates, which Pompey (Plutarch in Pompeio)
found in the caftle of Caenon, it appeared, that the young prince had fallen a
victim to eastern jealoufy; he was taken off by poifon by his father's orders; whofe
envy and fufpicions were probably both awakened by the martial reputation he had
aequired in Macedon.
4 P 2
hundred
the armies of
Mithridates;
A
660
HISTORY OF GREECE
J
Sect. 3.
15
BooK hundred and ten thouſand of their men were left dead upon
VIII. the field. Mithridates, unappalled by misfortunes, and fruit-
ful in reſources, immediately difpatched Dorylaus at the head
of an army of eighty thouſand men, to oppofe Sylla. They
engaged at Orchomenos in Boeotia; where, notwithſtand-
ing the moft fpirited exertion on the part of the Afiatics,
which at one time had nearly proved fatal to the Romans
Sylla proved again victorious. Hiſtory ſpeaks highly of his va-
lour as well as conduct on both theſe occafions. It is fuf-
pected, however, that another caufe contributed much to his
fuccefs. Archelaus is faid to have been drawn into a trea-
fonable correſpondence with Sylla, and to have fold his mafter.
Of this Mithridates himſelf, in a letter to Arfaces, king of
the Parthians appears to have entertained ſtrong ſuſpicions.
It is certain, that. Sylla ever after treated Archelaus with ex-
traordinary regard, preſented him with a large tract of land ",
in the iſland of Euboea, and conferred. on him the title of
the FRIEND AND ALLY OF THE ROMAN PEOPLE; favours,
which he would never have beſtowed, had they not been pur-
chaſed by important ſervices.
executes
16
THE firſt uſe that Sylla made of his victories, was;. to ex-
vengeance on ecute vengeance on the Boeotians. This unhappy people,
whofe country had been the ſcene of the late battles, had
the Boeotians.
-
15 The Romans were retreating in confufion, when Syllä, frantic at the fight;
leaped off his horſe, ſeized one of the enfigns, and ruſhing in among the fugitives,
here,” cried he, "fhall I die with honour: and you, Romans, when aſked,
"where you betrayed your general, remember to tell, it was at Orchomenos."
Shame, and a fenfe of honour, ftopped their fight, and turned the fortune of the
day. Plut. in Sylla.
16 Fragm. Salluft. L. iv.
37 Ten thouſand acres.
already
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
661
18
VIII.
Sect. 3.
already ſuffered feverely by the common defolations of war, and Boo K
the infolence and rapine of the Afiatics as well as Romans.
Sylla's refentment was not ſo eaſily to be appeafed. Befide
the guilt of the firſt defection, in which they ſhared with
the rest of Greece, they were charged, and probably not
without reaſon, with having given affiftance to both the
Afiatic armies. In revenge, he abandoned Boeotia to maſſacre
and devaſtation; many of the cities" were laid in ruins ", and
the inhabitants condemned to indifcriminate flaughter. To
complete the whole, he deprived the Thebans of half their
territory, confecrating it to the Pythian Apollo and the Olym-
pian Jupiter, "to make compenfation," ſaid the pious ravager,
"to thoſe gods for the treaſures that he had taken from
"them."
·
tunes of Mi- -
A's to Mithridates, though Greece had no connection with Latter for-
his fubfequent fortunes, yet here the following ſhort ſketch thridates;
of them may not improperly be placed. However humbled
by repeated overthrows, he ſtill roſe fuperior to every diſaſter;
continuing, through a long feries of wars, of victories, of
defeats, of negotiations, and of conventions, the irreconcile-
* A fhort time before the battle of Chaeronea, the barbarians, though feemingly
in friendſhip with the Boeotians, had in their excurfions facked two Boeotian cities,
Panopea and Lebadea, and pillaged the oracular temple, for which the latter was
famed. Plut. in Syllâ.
19 Three of them, Anthedon, Larymna, and Alaeae, are particularly mentioned.
20 We have from Plutarch (in Syllâ) the following anecdote, from which we may
judge, with what an unfeeling feverity thefe wretched cities had been treated. Sylla
one day in his walks meeting with fome fishermen, who prefented him with a
curious diſh of fish, inquired, whence they were; when hearing they were Alaeans,
“-what,” ſaid he,
"faid he, "are any of the Alagans alive !"-
!'
able.
662
HISTORY OF GREECE
VIII.
Sect. 3.
BooK able enemy of Rome. Though oppoſed at different periods
by three of the greateſt generals of his time, Sylla, Lucullus,
and Pompey, yet he was never totally fubdued. At laſt, when
feemingly bereaved of all his hopes, and driven into a re-
mote and inhofpitable corner of his dominions, we fee him
with aſtoniſhment forming the bold deſign of an irruption into
Italy, by the very road, which fome ages after the northern
bands attempted and profecuted with fuch fatal fucceſs.
At the time he conceived this daring plan, he was drawing
near his feventieth year; and yet, even thus circumſtanced,
Rome had probably found him a fecond Hannibal, had not
the revolt of his fon Pharnaces difconcerted his councils, and
put an end to all his ſchemes. Of all his fons he held
him deareft, confidered him as the laft fupport of his royal
houſe, and had appointed him his fucceffor; as from him,
amidſt the various treafons, which he had experienced from
the rest of his children, he had always met with attach-
ment and fidelity. Overwhelmed by this unexpected blow,
the hoary monarch, in a fit of deſpair, at once put a period to
his own misfortunes, and to the fears of Rome. How for-
midable he must have been to the Romans, we may judge
from the intemperate joy they indulged upon receiving the
tidings of his death, "as if," fays Plutarch, "ten thouſand
"of their enemies had been flain in Mithridates "."
his death.
Rife and pro-
To the calamities of the Mithridatic war there foon fucceeded,
grefs of the what proved nearly as fatal to Greece, the depredations of the
Cilician corfairs. Theſe lawleſs rovers had their original
Cilician cor-
fairs;
21 Plutarch, in Pomp.
fettlement
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
663
1
fettlement among the rocks and faſtneſſes of the Cilician BooK
coaft 22; where, enriched by numerous prizes, which the
VIII.
Sect. 3.
adjacent feas and iſlands afforded them, and taking advan-
tage of the conteſts or the weakneſs of the Afiatic princes
around, in whofe fervice they were occafionally employed,
they acquired a degree of ftrength, which rendered them at
length the terror of all the neighbouring ſtates. In this
fituation Mithridates found them, when that enterprifing
prince was meditating the empire of Afia. He faw at once
the important advantage to be derived from the intrepidity
and naval experience of theſe ravagers, and difdained not to
inrol them among his confederates. Emboldened by this al-
liance, they now adventured on expeditions more diſtant and
hazardous, and had foon extended their excurfions from the
pillars of Hercules to the fhores of Egypt; whilſt the Ro-
mans, embarraffed on every fide by inteftine commotions,
and the precarious condition of many of their moſt valuable
provinces, marked the gathering ftorm, without being able to
guard againſt it..
and fuccefs;
ELATED and affifted by incidents fo alluring and favourable, their power
theſe ſons of rapine roſe to a degree of power, that ſeemed
to promiſe nothing less than the fovereignty of the Mediterra-
nean. Not.contented with attacking ſhips, they affailed towns
and iflands. They had in various parts their arſenals, their
ports, their watch-towers,, all ſtrongly fortified. The num-
ber of their gallies amounted to a thoufand, which were moſt
completely equipped; and the cities, of which they were in
poffeffion, were not fewer than four hundred.
2 See Strab. L. xiv. p. 459, Flor. L. iii. c. 6.
Rom
Nor was
there
·
664
HISTORY OF GREECE
}
VIII.
Sect. 3.
Book there one place almoſt of note throughout the whole Me-
diterranean fea, that had not paid them contributions, or
fuffered from their depredations. Even the legions of Italy
could not fecure her from theſe piratical invaders. They in-
fulted her coaſts; they even ventured upon inland incur-
fions, plundering villas, and carrying off both plunder and
people; fo that within a certain diſtance of the fea-fide there
was no longer any travelling with ſafety.
To theſe predatory invaſions Greece, by her fituation, was
neceffarily much expofed. The multitude of iſlands which
furrounded her, and the great extent of coaft open to the
Aegean, the Cretan, and the Ionian feas, abounding with
creeks and harbours, and prefenting to the view flouriſhing
eities, rich pafturages, and various ſcenes of rural wealth, which
overſpread this beautiful country, were objects too inviting
to be paffed over without a vifit from theſe rapacious fpoilers.
· Accordingly, few countries appear to have fuffered more.
they ravage They plundered her fhips; they pillaged her towns; they
laid waſte her territory. And on the Peloponnefian coaſt
with ſuch ſucceſs were their depredations carried on, that the
promontory of Malea, the fouth-eaft point of this part of
Greece, received from them the name of the golden promon-
tory". They did not fpare even the temples of the gods.
Plutarch reckons feven of the most revered temples of
Greece, which, until that period, the rapacious hand of the
invader had never dared to violate. But theſe now were laid
in ruins; amongſt which number we find the famous temple
of Juno at Argos, and that of Aefculapius at Epidaurus,
Greece;
5
23 Florus, ubi fup.
7
4
DURING
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
665
1
!
Воок
VIII.
3.
Sect.
are extir-
DURING a period of near forty years, theſe enemies of man-
kind had thus continued their outrages, when the Romans,
now in ſome meaſure relieved from their late embarraffments,
reſolved to employ every effort for their extirpation. The
arms of Pompey, to whom the conduct of the war was com-
mitted, were completely ſucceſsful. He deſtroyed their fleets,
purſued them to their moſt ſecret haunts, and difpoffeffed pated by
them of all their fortreffes. Having at laft reduced them
to unconditional fubmiffion, he diſperſed them in different
countries, appointing them inland fettlements, that, having
no profpect of the fea, they might not again be tempted to
renew their naval depredations. As to Greece, from a re- Deplorable
markable circumftance, recorded by Plutarch on this occafion,
we may judge what at this period was her deplorable ftate
of depopulation, in conſequence of theſe calamities.
It was
found expedient, in order to re-people the country, to tranf-
plant a confiderable body of theſe pirates into Peloponnefus.
Pompey affigned them the territory of the Dymeans, lately
one of the principal tribes of the Achaean confederacy;
this whole diſtrict, as large, and formerly as fruitful as any
in Achaia, being now, to ufe Plutarch's words, widowed of
inhabitants**
of
tate of
Greece.
liberties.
THE guilty ſcenes, that foon after followed, are well known; The Romans
when ambition finiſhed what corruption had begun; and when lofe their
the ruin of the Roman liberties, which rapacity, venality,
and diffoluteneſs had been preparing, was completely effected
by the bold and ardent ſpirit of Caefar, the diffipation of
Antony, and the calm time-watching hypocrify of Octavius.
24
Χηρεύουσαν άνδρων. In Pompeio.
4 Q
The
666
HISTORY OF GREECE
VIII.
Sect. 3.
The civil
wars of the
Book The fword of civil difcord had not long been unsheathed,
when Italy poured the whole war into this unfortunate land;
and by the contending factions of Rome were the plains of
Pharfalia drenched in blood. Upon Caefar's death, the con-
Romans fatal test was renewed; and Greece became again the field, in
which the prize of empire was to be difputed. The jealou-
fies of Octavius and Antony produced a third war; and ſtill
was Greece, as before, the ſcene of action; on the coaſt of
Epire being fought the battle that gave to Octavius the
world.
to Greece.
25
WITHOUT the aid of hiſtory, the mind may eaſily con--
ceive what muſt have been the defolations 5 of a country,,
the theatre of all theſe hoftile operations, compelled to take
an active part in civil broils, and thinned of its people by:
wars not its own; whilft a multitude of foreign bands, many
of them fierce barbarians, from Gaul, from Thrace, from
Africa, from the forefts of Germany, and from the wilds of
Caucafus, invited thither by the hopes of ſpoil, completed the
diſtreſs. Yet even theſe calamities, infeparable perhaps from
convulfions fuch as theſe, and which, it might be expected,
25 When Antony was preparing to fight Octavius, Plutarch (in Antonio) informs
us, the reapers and aſs-drivers, even the very boys, throughout Greece, were forced
away to man Antony's fleet. Plutarch's great grandfather, Nicarchus, was at this
time at Chaeronea, his place of refidence; and he uſed to relate, that the inha-
bitants of this part of the country, not having horfes, were compelled to carry the
corn on their own backs to the fea-coaft, as far as Anticyra on the Corinthian
gulph, and were driven by the foldiers with ſtripes, like beaſts of burthen. And
after the battle of A&tium, in fuch extreme indigence were the cities of Greece,
having been plundered of all they had, that Caefar, though highly diſpleaſed with
them for their attachment to Antony, was induced by their diſtreſs, to order the
corn, which had been provided for the uſe of the war, to be diftributed among
them.
2
would
}
*
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
6.67.
+
VIII.
Sect. 3.
would have terminated with the ceffation of hoſtilities, Greece Boo K
found to her forrow only the commencement of her ſufferings.
The war being ended, whoever had not been the victor's
friends, were now confidered as his foes; vengeance and ra-
paciouſneſs, eafily found out pretences againſt all, from whom
plunder might be expected; and the pillage of cities, and
the confiſcation of territories, were as the right and the reward
of the conqueror.
Caefar himſelf, the moſt clement tyrant
that ever rose to power by the fword, was not altogether
innocent of theſe vindictive executions. The Athenians had
´declared againſt him; and their whole country, now beginning
to recover from Sylla's defolations, he again reduced to
a ruinous waſte. The people of Sicyon, who together with
the reſt of Peloponnefus, had been active in the intereſts of
Pompey, he defpoiled of the Corinthian territory, which had
formerly been affigned to them; and, probably to humble this
part of Greece, he raiſed Corinth from its ruins, colonizing
it with a body of his veterans, and a number of enfranchiſed
Alaves from Italy ".
WHEN, upon the fall of Antony, Octavius or rather Au-
guftus, for fo had flattery now named him, faw himſelf in
the uncontrolled poffeffion of fovereign power, the fuppreffion
of the ſpirit of liberty, wherever in the courſe of the late con-
teſts any exertion of it had appeared, became his principal
object. Greece was not forgotten. Several of her ſtates had
not only inliſted under Pompey's banners, but had afterwards
eſpouſed the caufe of the confpirators, and latterly that of
26 See Plutarch, in Caefare. Paufan. in Corinth. Strabo. Cafaub, L, ix. p. 263.
4 Q 2
Antony.
State of
Greece un-
der Auguftus;
668
HISTORY OF GREECE
BOOK Antony. The Athenians had even celebrated the death of
Book
VIII.
Caefar as the aera of the re-eſtabliſhment of freedom, and:
Sect. 3. had placed the ſtatues of Brutus and Caffius next to thoſe of
Harmodius and Ariftogiton. Auguftus made it his ſtudy to
humble theſe infolent republicans. He abridged the few pri-
vileges that remained to the Athenians, and deprived them of
Aegina. The Meſſenians he reduced to a ſtate of vaſſalage; and
he plundered the Arcadians of their very ſtatues and the mo-
numents of their antiquity. He obſerved a ſimilar policy to-
wards every other Grecian ftate. And though the Lacedae-
monians had declared in his favour, he thought it expedient,
in order to reduce their power, to difmember from them
twenty-four cities of Laconia, declaring them to be thence-
forward independent, and diſtinguiſhing them by the name of
Eleutherolacons, or free Laconians ".
under the
fucceeding
emperors.
FROM the days of Auguftus the iron fceptre of defpotiſm.
has been extended over this unhappy land.
UNDER the firft Roman emperors, indeed, Greece is faid.
to have ſcarcely felt the feverity of her lot; and her own
writers who lived in theſe times, Strabo " and Paufanias
28
L
1
27 See Paufan. in Corinthiac. Laconic. et Meffeniacis.
εν
28 Méxps vov (fays Strabo, L. ix. p. 274, fpeaking of Athens) iv inevlepix lori xat
τιμῇ παρὰ τῆις Ῥωμαίοις. Strabo tells us he lived under Augufus and Tiberius,
during whofe reigns, ſays he, Rome and her ſubject provinces enjoyed a proſperity ſuch
as they had hitherto never known. See Strab. L. vi, in fin. May not the teſtimony
of fuch a witneſs be queftioned
See Paufan, in Atticis, Eliacis, Achaicis.
Ipeak
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
669>
VIII.
fpeak largely of the profperity fhe derived from the Roman Book
government. It is not difficult to account for this partiality.
Sect. 3.
The latter days of Grecian liberty had been times of con-
fufion and inteftine mifery. From the commencement of the
war of the Triumvirs, Greece had been one continued ſcene
of devaftation and bloodſhed.. In the eſtabliſhment there-·
fore of the imperial power, which extinguiſhed all theſe
conteſts, this unhappy country found relief; and without re-
gret gave up a freedom, long fince little more than nominal,
in exchange for domeftic peace and protection from foreign
invafion. It is likewife to be obſerved, that the crimes of the
earlier Roman tyrants were generally confined to Italy, where
the objects of their defires or of their jealoufy were moſtly
found; and the provinces, whether from their fuppofed in-
fignificancy, or from the policy of their Roman maſters,
were often permitted to enjoy a fecurity, which was denied
to the firſt families of Rome. "I will have my fheep. fhorn,
"not flayed," faid the unfeeling but fubtile Tiberius to
a certain governor of Egypt, who, with the view of recom-
mending himſelf to his favour, had laboured to augment the
imperial revenues by mercileſs exactions 3°. He would enjoy;
but, attentive to his own intereft, he was unwilling to
exhaust. The legionary armies, befides, afterwards the
formidable controllers of the Roman world, feemed as yet
unconſcious of their own ftrength, and diſdained. not to re-
ceive orders, which they were foon to impofe. In addi-
tion to thefe confiderations, there is much reaſon to fufpect,
that this very repreſentation of the profperity of Greece under
>
·
Teftimony of
writers not
the Greek
to be relied
on.
....
* Dior. Caffius. Hanov. 1606. LVII. 608.
5.
the-
бус
HISTORY OF GREECE
Sect. 3.
Book the Roman Government was in a great meaſure the language of
Воок
VIII.
fervitude, in order to court the favour of theſe lords of nations;
and that Greece was far from poffeffing" that ſhare of hap-
pineſs, which fome of her writers would perfuade us fhe
enjoyed. What ſtrengthens the fufpicion is the fervile adu-
lation, which Greece appears to have paid even to a Nero.
Never did a more flagitious tyrant difgrace the imperial pur-
ple. And yet has Greece inrolled him among her deliverers.
Vain of his mufical and dramatic excellence, he had paffed
over thither, to exhibit himſelf on the Greek ſtage, and to
diſpute the wreath of victory with the Grecian performers,
who had the reputation of being the moſt excellent then ex-
ifting. His fuccefs in the courſe of this whimſical expedi-
tion equalled his utmoſt vanity. Wherever he appeared,
and in whatſoever character, (and he attempted every character,
high or low, male or female) the judges with one voice, as
may well be ſuppoſed, when the lord of legions was the per-
former, proclaimed him victor. At the celebration of the
Ifthmian games, which foon after followed,
which foon after followed, he expreffed his
Greece re-
ftored to free- gratitude by publicly declaring Greece free and independent.
dom by Nero: This was a grant of little value to a people, who had neither
་
3 It is not to be fuppofed, that a detail (which there were fo many powerful
reaſons for fuppreffing) fhould have reached us, of all the fufferings of Greece
under the imperial defpots of Rome; but among Pliny's letters, there is one (viii.
24.) to his friend Maximus, upon his being appointed to the government of Achaia,
ftill extant, where, from many expreffions, and the earnest charge he gives him,
"to remember the reſpect due to this once-illuftrious people, whom," fays he, to
defpoil of that little fhadow and name of liberty, now left to them, it were hard,
"it were cruel, it were barbarous !" one is apt to conclude, that they had not
been always treated with a gentle hand. Pliny's reprefentations to his friend ſeem
to form a kind of contraft between what Greece had experienced from former go-
vernors, and what Pliny required of Maximus.
A
the
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
671
32
VIII.
Sect. 3•
This refto-
ration an e-
the virtue to enjoy nor the power to preſerve it; and it tend- Book
ed only to renew among them the fatal conteſts of their po-
pular affemblies. It was a grant alfo, which Nero himſelf
violated with the fame levity with which it was bestowed:
having, at the very time he announced freedom to them, feized
every relic of Grecian fplendor which could be found; and vent of little
having plundered the very temples of all the valuable ftatues importance.
which had hitherto eſcaped the hand of the fpoiler ". For
this piece of mockery Paufanias 3 nevertheleſs is laviſh in
Nero's praiſe, as if the reſtoration of Grecian liberty had been
really his intention; and he confiders it as a mark of " innate
greatneſs of mind” in that emperor, to have been, with
"all his crimes, capable of fo generous a purpofe." Cer--
tainly little of the ſpirit of antient Greece was remaining when
the pen of her hiſtorian could thus attempt to dignify the
capricious follies of a madman. -
33
66
THIS pretended reſtoration of freedom ended, as it was
eafy to foreſee it would. With the revival of the municipal
rights of the Grecian tribes their contentions revived alfo ;
fuch at leaſt is the Roman account. In order therefore to
re-eſtabliſh` tranquillity in Greece, Vefpafian declared it ne--
ceffary to reduce it again to fervitude **.
34
In reviewing the lift of the fucceeding emperors, it is pain-
ful to reflect, how few of their names," deferve to be recorded
Greece is
again re- -
duced into
Vefpafian.-
fervitude by
Characters of
ing empe-
the fucceed-
1
1
32- Paufan. in Boeotia. Dion Chrifoftom. Orat. xxxI.
33 In Achaicis.
34 Paufan. ibid. Suetonius in T. Vefpafiano.
35 The two illuftrious Antonines, a Trajan, a Titus, a Nerva, perhaps are all
that can be mentioned with approbation.
with
6.7.2
HISTORY OF GREECE
{
VIII.
Sect. 3.
rors, and in
what manner
Greece was
affected by
them.
tunes.
BOOK with honour, in compariſon of thoſe who in cruelty, and
in diffolutenefs, were the fcourges, and, ftill more, the re-
proach of human kind. 'To add to the ſeverity of the oppref-
fion, theſe tyrants feldom roſe to the feat of dominion by
peaceable fucceffion, but generally made their way to it by
military force; fo that the defeat of the unſucceſsful candidate,
and the ſubſequent depofition of the fuccefsful one, proved
fatal to all who, however innocent of their crimes, were
even ſuſpected of having had any connection with their for-
When Geta fell by the hand of Caracalla, "it was
"computed, that under the vague appellation of the friends
"of Geta, above twenty thouſand perſons of both ſexes
"fuffered death. His guards and freedmen, the miniſters
" of his ferious bufinefs, and the companions of his loofer
"hours, thofe, who by his intereſt had been promoted to
any command in the army, or in the provinces, with the
long-connected train of their dependents, were included
"in the profcription, which endeavoured to reach every
one who had maintained the fmalleft correſpondence with
"Geta, who lamented his death, or who even mentioned
" his name 36." Marked in like manner with blood and de-
vaſtation was every revolution, that placed a new family on
the imperial throne; the removal of even the most guilty
"6
C¿
3 See Gibbon's Decline of the Roman Empire, Ch. VI.
With particular pleaſure I take the opportunity of acknowledging my obligations.
to the elegant work, from which the above quotation is borrowed. I have had fre-
quent recourſe to it in this part of my hiftory. If I have attempted to place fome
matters in a different light from that in which this ingenious writer feems to have
confidered them, I fhall hope, from the liberality of fentiment which his writings
affure me he poffeffes, that he will not difapprove of a freedom of inquiry, always
ferviceable to the caufe of truth,
tyrant
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
673
}
5
tyrant becoming a public calamity, from the fanguinary and Book
extenſive miſchiefs of which it was productive. Not only
party-rage armed the military ruffian; private animofity alfo
availed itſelf of the opportunity, and under the femblance of
loyal zeal executed its ſelfiſh and vindictive purpoſes. What
vengeance did not perpetrate, avarice executed; the plunder-
ing of every wealthy individual being frequently the only re-
fource that remained to the tyrant of the day to fatisfy the
demands of the clamorous foldiery, whoſe fedition had raiſed
him to the purple. Not lefs than thirteen of theſe revolu-
tions within the ſpace of feventy years, from the death of
Commodus to the acceffion of Decius, have diſgraced the
Roman annals, and now excite a mixed ſenſation of pity and
deteftation in the human breaſt.
VIII.
Sect. 3.
AMIDST that variety of mifery, which Greece, in com-
mon with the other Roman provinces, had to fuffer from this
fierce line of tyrants, fhe had hitherto however been fafe
from the inroads of thofe barbarian tribes, which for a con-
fiderable time had inſulted the Roman frontier; and at a dif-
tance from the ſcene of hoſtilities fhe paid little attention to
dangers, which the fondly thought were never to reach her.
The reigns of Decius, of the unhappy Valentinian and his
fon Gallienus, fhewed her the vanity of her fecurity. The
Goths, a new race of adventurers, hitherto almoſt unknown The Goths
to the Romans even by name, had iffued from the northern invade
extremities of Germany, and after various fortunes had pro-
ceeded to the Danube; the feveral tribes of barbarians that
lay on their way, having either fled before them, or, by
joining the invaders, added ſtrength to the increaſing hive.
Againſt this irruption of ravagers, the feeble efforts of an
4 R
exhauſted
Greece.
1
ا
674
GREECE
HISTORY OF
3
2
Book exhauſted empire could avail little. Decius, a prince worthy
VIII.
of happier times, attempted to oppoſe their progrefs; but,
Sec. 3. together with his fon, his affociate in the empire, he unfor-
tunately periſhed in the attempt; and but few years had
elapfed fince their first appearance, when almost every pro-
vince, from the banks of the upper Danube to the ſhores of
the Euxine fea; and along the Afiatic coaſts, from the mouth of
the Phafis to the opening of the Hellefpont, had felt their vio-
lence, or been forced meanly to purchaſe with gold a temporary
and precarious forbearance. They now entered the Archipelago,
and plundered moſt of the iflands. They advanced into Attica;
and getting poffeffion of the once-famed Piraean port, they
ſpread themſelves over the whole country. Greece, after
all her fufferings, ftill poffeffed many valuable remains; and
could yet diſplay various monuments of the magnificence and
arts of ancient times. From a civilized conqueror, theſe noble
memorials of human genius would have challenged fome degree
of reſpect; but they now ferved only to provoke the indignation
and fcorn of barbarians accuſtomed to live in the open field, to
whom the dwelling in houfes was impriſonment, and the
knowledge of letters the badge of fervitude. Hence the
whole of this devoted country, from the eastern point of
Sunium to the fartheft verge of Epire, prefented one con-
tinued fcene of defolation. Finding it neceffary at length to
retire from the defart, they prepared to pafs over into Italy,
where the daftardly Gallienus completed the difgraces of
the Roman name. The defence of the empire refted on him;
and he had actually affembled a powerful force, under pre-
tence of covering the Italian coafts from the inſults of theſe
plunderers. But fubdued by his fears, he declined oppofing them
in battle, and fubmitted to accept of peace on terms at once
6.
pregnant
}
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
675
J
Sect. 3.
3:
pregnant with ignominy and with danger, "the receiving of Book
a confiderable body of them among his troops," and "the VIII.
"inveſting one of their chieftains with confular honours."
The remainder of thefe bold invaders filed off to the north-
ward laden with the ſpoils of Afia and of Europe; return-
ing home unoppofed, to difplay to their countrymen what
fplendid rewards awaited the daring adventurer.
porary relief.
UNDER the fucceeding emperors, from the warlike Clau- Greece en-
dius to the bloody Dioclefian, Greece, though her coafts joys a tem-
were ſtill expofed to the tumultuary defcents of barbarian
rovers, began to enjoy better days, and had little more to
complain of than her ſhare in the general humiliation, the
common fate of every people in fubjection to the yoke of
Rome.
of Conftan-
tine;
why favour.
Greece.
THE acceffion of the great Conftantine feemed to promife The acceffion
to the Grecian annals a new aera of glory. Sole maſter of the
Roman world by the removal of his imperial rivals, he ſaw
himſelf relieved from the confequences of that jealouſy ever
incident to a divided empire, and which had often drenched
the Roman provinces in blood. Of the barbarians, many of
the moſt formidable had either felt and dreaded his ftrength
in war; or, having acquired an eſtabliſhment in the countries, able to
which the fears of Rome had formerly affigned to them, had
formed an acquaintance with the arts of peace, and affifted
in cultivating the lands they once had ravaged. The empe-
ror himſelf, intelligent, enterprifing, refolute, and vigorous,
appeared to have both the defire and the ability to advance
the proſperity of his people. The confines of Greece, alfo,
he had made choice of for his place of refidence, and the
4 R 2
fhores
1
1
1
676
HISTORY
་
OF GREECE
Book ſhores of the Thracian Bofphorus, where the Grecian colony
VIII. of the Byzantines had been feated, were now to give a new
Sect. 3. capital to the world. Amidſt theſe intereſting events, a re-
volution ſtill more important took place; the gloomy fhades
of paganiſm fled before the light of the Goſpel, and in-
ſtead of the abfurd and frequently impure fictions which
Chriſtianity; had hitherto difgraced the religion of Greece, there fuc-
ceeded the beneficent and exalting doctrines of Chriſtianity.
Eſtabliſh-
ment of
why hither-
to impeded.
37
THE difciples of Chrift, from their earlieſt appearance,
had to encounter the moſt obftinate contradiction, firſt from
the Jewiſh zealots, and afterwards from the pagan votaries ;-
and ten perſecutions had tried and attefted the fincerity
and undaunted firmneſs of the profeffors of the Gospel. Their
virtues, their fervent piety, their refolute ſpirit fuperior to
reproach, to tortures, to death, had often made a deep im-
preffion on their enemies; and even of thofe, who had been
the moſt inveterate perfecutors of the Chriſtian faith, many
had become its moſt zealous preachers. Some of the em-
perors themſelves are faid to have beheld with admiration.
theſe uncommon exertions of the human mind; and to have
éntertained a ſtrong fufpicion, if nothing more,
" that a.
* faith fo active, fo generous, fa much fuperior to every worldly
"concern, muſt have had a divine origin." Still however the
ancient ſuperſtition, fupported by the deep-rooted, bigotry of
the multitude, by the illufive pageantry of pompous rites,,
by the captivating decorations. of painting and ſculpture,:
with which the temples of Greece efpecially abounded,,
where the beings, of fiction feemed, to ſtart into life, and fa-.
37 Sulpis, Severus, (L. ii. c. 48,), fays nine only?.
ble
}
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
677
1
ble aſſumed a kind of reality. But, above all, by the in-
trigues of an intereſted, fubtile, and numerous prieſthood,
paganifm ftill kept its ground; and its moft ftrenuous ad-
vocates bore witnefs in behalf of Chriftianity, by their
alarms at every appearance of its fuccefs, and the earneſt
endeavours they employed for its fuppreffion.
Boo K
VIII.
Sect.
verfion.
3.
SUCH, during near three hundred years, had been the Conftan-
ſtate of the Chriſtian church, when the great Conftantine, tine's con
in obedience to an heavenly vifion, according to fome
writers, or, according to others, inftructed by his mother
Helena, who, in full perfuafion of the truth of Chriſtianity,
had taught him from his early years to hold the goſpel in
reverence, avowed himſelf the diſciple of Chrift, renounced
the worſhip of the gods of paganiſm, and invited the
various nations, who lived beneath his imperial fway, to
embrace with him a religion, whofe DIVINE OBJECT, whofe.
PRECEPTS,. and whofe PROMISES, prefented to the mind
whatever can alleviate, purify, and enliven, the hope of man;
whatever can either adorn and bleſs private life, or give
increaſe and ſecurity, to public happineſs..
t
EVERY circumftance here feemed to announce to Greece
a profperity which,. in the times that follow, we look for
in vain, It may be of ufe to trace the caufes,, to which
the diſappointment is principally to be aſcribed..
I. THE Crowd of pagan worshippers, firmly attached,,
from the ftrong dominion of ignorance, domeſtic example,
and habit, to the altars of their country, faw with a kind of
religious horror the triumphs of Chriſtianity; and employed'
every
Greece dif-
appointed of
tages expect
the advan-
ร
ed from it,
and the
cauſes of this...
;
678.
HISTORY OF GREECE
VIII.
to Chriftia-
nity,
38
Book every device ", that prieftly craft or popular fuperftition
could ſuggeſt, to obftruct its eſtabliſhment. Paganiſm had
Sect. 3. always abounded with prodigies. Thefe were now the arms
Oppofition employed in defence of her caufe. Spectres were feen;
the order of nature was inverted by monftrous births; the
hallowed grove
refounded with nocturnal voices; all omens
of tremendous import, menacing the empire with the ven-
geance of its deferted gods. At the fame time, every pub-
lic difafter became a convenient inftrument, to imprefs new
terror on the credulous multitude. Was any part of the
Roman dominions defolated by earthquakes, laid waſte by
tempefts, or afflicted with contagious diſeaſe? it was the in-
dignation of Aefculapius, the vindictive arm of Apollo, the
wrath of Neptune, the anger of the capitoline Jove, that
had fent forth the judgment. Or did the barbarians ſpread
again the waſte of war, and had difcomfiture difgraced the
imperial banners? it was the goddeſs of victory who abạn-
doned a people, by whofe daring hands her ftatue, once the
pride of Rome, had been overthrown. Or did intemperate
ſeaſons blaſt the hopes of the huſbandman? the goddeſs of
harvefts was the caufe, who, defrauded of her due honours,
had reſented the impious violation.
by the fo-
phifts,
WITH the fame active zeal, and with ftill greater art,
the Grecian fophifts joined in the oppofition: Theſe fo-
phifts, the boafted fucceffors of the Grecian fages of an-
tiquity, ashamed of the legendary tales of paganiſm, and not
honeſt enough to confefs with the excellent Socrates, the
" See Montefquieu Grand. et Decad. des Romains, c. 19. See alfo Libanius
& Ammian, Marcellin. paffim.
weakneſs
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
679
A
1
سحر
VIII.
Sect. 3.
Yak
weakneſs of human reafon, had adopted the fubtile but illi- Boo x
beral plan of difgulfing what they could not fupport. With
them the whole pagan theogony became the myfterious repo-
fitory of wisdom. Beneath the rough covering of the moft
uncouth fable fome valuable truths, they pretended, lay
concealed; and the feveral pagan divinities were, according
to their interpretation, to be confidered as fubordinate mi-
niſters of the Sovereign of the univerfe, or as allegorical per-
fonages, emblems of his operations or his attributes.
carried on;
THE attempt was fpecious. Ancient wiſdom had frequently fpecioufly
Been employed in reducing many of the fables of heathen
ftory to the allegorical rank, which feems primarily to have
belonged to them; and in withdrawing the reverence of the
pagan world from thoſe beings of fiction, whom the fimpli
city of the timorous and fuperftitious villager, or the artifice
of fome defigning impoftor, had erected into gods.
FAR different were the views of the fophifts. By clearing their da-
away the various abfurdities, which enveloped and obfcured plicity,
the pagan ſyſtem, their purpoſe was to give it a more plaufible
appearance, and a permanent eſtabliſhment. For, whilft they
paid their offerings at the fhrine of every fabulous god, and
required of their diſciples a ſtrict compliance with every ido-
latrous and abfurd rite of the pagan worſhip, it was their art-
ful boaft, that to the SUPREME ORIGIN OF ALL GOOD
their piety was afcending gradually, and in Him was ulti-
mately to terminate.
In fapport of this laft refuge of paganifm (tó which pro- and fuccefs,
bably it had been driven by the bold attacks of the Chriſtian
converts)
E
1
680
GREECE
HISTORY
OF
}
VIII.
Sect. 3.
39
Book converts) all the various aids that Grecian literature could
furniſh, and the keeneſt weapons that fophiftry had to wield,
were inceffantly employed "; with what fuccefs, the length of
time during which the ſchools of the fophifts continued to
flouriſh, bears ample teftimony. Sixty years elapfed from the
iffuing of Conftantine's edict in favour of Chriſtianity, be-
fore theſe ſons of fallacy had funk into the neglect and ob-
fcurity, which they had long deſerved.
'The Grecian
converts too
fond of ab-
ftrufe difpu-
tation.
II. THESE however were not the enemies, from whom the
churches of Greece had moft to fear. In theſe days of Grecian
degeneracy, verſatility of genius, an acute and ready wit, a
reſtleſs inquifitiveneſs, a fondness for argument and cavil,
formed the principal lines of the Grecian character. This
was more conſpicuouſly the characteriſtic of the Athenians.
As long as their democracy had fubfifted, political conteſts, and
the bustle of popular affemblies had been their favourite oc-
cupation; after its diffolution the captious difputations of
the ſophiſts, to whoſe direction the ſeveral ſchools of philo-
ſophy in Athens were now entruſted, became their chofen
amuſement. Many of the Greeks therefore, who embraced
the Goſpel, brought with them into the Chriſtian church the
practice of diſputation, with a ſtrong habitual fondneſs for
curious difquifition and fubtile argument. Not fatisfied to
abide within the boundaries, which the Almighty feems to
have preſcribed to man here below, their bold fancy attempted
to explore the regions of the invifible world; and to pry into, to
unfold, and to judge, the ſecret counfels of Infinite Wiſdom.
39 See Julian. Epift. ad Athen. et Epift. paflim. Ammian. Marc. L. xxi. c.'1,&c.
Liban. Or. Eutrop. in Maxim.
2
Points
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
681
{
VIII.
Points the moſt abftruſe, and probably not meant for human B o o K
diſcuſſion, were brought into debate. The pride of ſcience
Sect. 3.
begot contention, obftinacy, and mutual hatred. The haughty
diſputant levelled his anathemas at thoſe who prefumed to quef-
tion his decifions; and his opponents, not lefs abfurd, by way
of vindication, retorted on him the condemnation he had dared
to pronounce. Doctrine was fet up againſt doctrine; tribunal
againſt tribunal; and at the very time it was uncertain, and
perhaps even of no importance, which of the two parties was
in poffeffion of the truth, the cauſe of the higheſt importance
to the happineſs of mankind, the cauſe of real religion, of
brotherly affection and mercy, was deeply injured by both "°.
40
III. LOVE of fame, the imperious pride of the decifive
dogmatist, and impatience at being vanquished in the field of ar-
gument, had almoſt in the earlieſt periods difturbed the peace
of the Grecian church: confiderations ftill more fordid ſoon
contributed to provoke new conteſts, and to ſpread the flame of
animofity. Conftantine choſe to fignalize his zeal for the
Chriſtian eſtabliſhment by the favour he fhewed to its mi-
nifters. The ample revenues and ſumptuous offerings, with The empe-
which the miſtaken piety of the early ages had enriched the
temples of paganifm, and the magnificent and oftentatious church;
diſplay employed in the celebration of its feftive folemni-
ties, were known to have contributed principally to the ve-
neration of its votaries. Conſtantine would have thought
he had been wanting in what he owed to the true God, had
he affigned a lefs refpectable fituation to thoſe who were
40 See Euf. de vitâ Conftant. L. iii. c. 4, 5. Sulp. Sev. L. iii. c. 50. & fqq.
See also Fleury Hilt. Eccl. L. x. xi, xii. &c.
4 S
more
ror's munifi-
cence to the
682
HISTORY OF GREECE
Emoluments
42
BooK more immediately engaged in his fervice.
VIII.
and honours were therefore liberally, perhaps profufely, be-
Sect. 3. ftowed ".
ftowed ". The noble and wealthy emulated the example
till, by a natural progreffion, to add to the facred patrimony
was accounted the fureft pledge the difciple of the church
could give of his piety, or of his repentance.
attended
THE days of tribulation had been days of glory to the
Chriftian church 3; fhe was difhonoured by fplendor and
opulence. The experience of many generations has fuffi-
ciently informed us, that the human heart, even within the
fanctuary of religion, is not exempted from frailty; it found
here numberleſs temptations to avarice, to ambition, to in-
folence, and but too often confeffed their fatal influence.
with dange- With many, the ftation more than the duties of the church-
man became the object of purſuit. Religious debates mul-
tiplied, and were maintained with additional acrimony, when
an epifcopal throne, and princely treaſures were to be the re-
wards of victory. And within leſs than forty years after the
death of, Conftantine, the prudence of a Chriftian emperor,.
Valentinian **, was exerted to confult the real interefts of re-
ligion, by preſcribing limits to the property of the church.
rous confe-
quences.
44
4ª Euſeb. de vit. Conftant. L. iii. c. 15. & L. iv. d. 1.
IV. THE
42 For an account of the liberalities of Helena, the emperor's mother, fee Eufeb.
L. iii. c. 44, 45·
43 See Sulp. Sev. L. ii. c. 47.
44 By an edict of his (Cod. Theod. L. xvi. tit. 2. leg. 20) addreſſed. to Da-
mafus biſhop of Rome in 370, and publiſhed in the (feveral churches on the 3d of
the kalends of Auguft, the director was no longer permitted to receive from his
ſpiritual
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
683
1
Sect. 3.
His zeal in
behalf of her
exerted.
IV. THE unbounded munificence of the firſt Chriſtian em- Book
VIII.
perors had brought reproach on the church; and the exceſs of
their zeal in behalf of the purity of her doctrine proved nearly
as dangerous. Conftantine himſelf had led the way. Too
fond of taking an active ſhare in religious controverfy, he doctrines;
frequently encouraged and foſtered thoſe contentions, which
he ought to have repreffed or terminated". Instead of ex- improperly
tending a parental, and perhaps conciliatory tenderneſs to all
thoſe of his ſubjects whofe opinions were their only crimes,
he fet up party againſt party, and by lending the ſanction of
his imperial name to whatever tenets he happened to honour
with his approbation, often gave ſtrength and continuance to
paffions and enmities, which it was in his power at leaſt to
have ſoothed, and perhaps to have extinguiſhed. Conftan-
tine went too far; his fucceffors proceeded farther; and the
diſciple of the goſpel has it to lament", that under Con-
ftantius", Valens, Gratian, Theodofius, Juftinian, &c. &c.
the church, emboldened by the imperial protection, fre-
quently exerted againſt the unhappy recufant the fame mer-
cileſs violence, which the herſelf had fo juftly complained
of, when the fcourge of power was exerciſed by pagan
authority.
V. EVEN
ſpiritual daughter any gift, legacy, or inheritance: every teftament contrary to
this edict was to be null and void. See Fleury Hift. Eccl. L. xvi. Mr. Gibbon
(ch. xxv.) thinks, that by a fubfequent regulation, all ecclefiaftical perfons were
rendered incapable of receiving teftamentary gifts.
45 See Eufeb. de vit. Conftant. L. iii. c. 64, & 65.
46 See Sulp. Sev. L. ii. c. 64, 65 See alfo Fleury, L. xiii. xiv. xv. & fqq.
47 The words of l'Abbé Fleury are worthy of notice. Il troubla, fays he, fpeak-
ing of Conftantius, la Religion Chretienne, fimple d'elle meme, par une fuper-
4S 2
ftition
684
HISTORY OF GREECE
Book
VIII.
Sect. 3.
The vicinity
of Conftanti-
nople not fa-
vourable to
Greece.
Conftantine
dies;
difpofal of
his domini-
ons,
and the evils
that follow-
ed;
V. EVEN the neighbourhood of Conftantine's imperial
city, whofe rifing glories Greece beheld with conſcious.
pride, and fond expectation, afforded little encreaſe to the
Grecian happineſs. The opulence and pomp of Rome had
been removed thither; but fo had her vices. And all that
Greece appears to have derived from the fplendid vicinity of
Conſtantinople was nothing more than what provinces bor-
dering on a great city have generally to boaft of, the fatal
pre-eminence of being exhauſted to ſupport her magnificence,
and of being corrupted by her example.
48
THE act, that cloſed the life of Conftantine was as inju
rious to the public profperity as any that hiſtory has charged
him with. His dominions he divided'" among his three fons,
Conſtantine, Conftantius, and Conftans, and his two nephews,
Dalmatius and Hannibalianus ";. bequeathing to the Roman
world the melancholy legacy of inteftine wars and deſolated
provinces. Scarcely was the celebration of his obfequies
ended, when Dalmatius and Hannibalianus perished in a
military infurrection, excited by the creatures, and probably
ftition de vielle; et s'appliquant plus a l'examiner curieufement qu'a la regler
ferieuſement, il excita plufieurs divifions, qu'il fomenta enfuite par des diſputes.
de mots. Hift. Ecclef. L. xiv. p. 575.
48 See Gibbon's Decline of the Roman Empire, Ch. xvii. p. 19, oct.
49 See Gibbon, Ch. xviii.
50 Conftantine had Spain, Gaul, and the British ifles; Conftantius Afia, with
Egypt, and all the eaſtern provinces; Conftans Italy, Africa, Sicily, and Illyricum 5
Dalmatius Thrace, and all Greece; Hannibalianus Cappadocia, Armenia, and
Pontus. Aurel. Victor. 7 Epiſt. Eutropius (L. x. c. 9.) makes no mention of
Hannibalianus. Socrates alfo (L. ii. c. 25.) mentions only Dalmatius.
A
{
by
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER,
685
Sect.
K
3.
by the arts", of Conftantius. The crime of theſe two young Book
princes evidently was, that a part of the imperial dominions VIII.
had been affigned to them; beſide this, Dalmatius ftood alſo
charged with having inherited a large fhare of the late empe-
ror's abilities. Such guilt was not to be expiated but with
their blood. Seven other princes of the imperial houſe,
uncles or couſins to the fufpicious Conftantius, fhared their
unhappy fate, together with all their friends, officers, and de-
pendents; fome of whom had been high in the favour and
confidence of Conftantine himſelf. Two princes more,
Gallus and Julian, coufins likewife to Conftantius, would
have fuffered in the maffacre, had not the policy of the
tyrant faved them. Julian, a child only fix years old, was
too inconfiderable to be the object of his kinfinan's jealoufy:
Gallus was aged twelve, but his infirm ſtate of health af-
forded to Conftantius the pleafing hope, that nature would
foon relieve him from the neceffity of employing againſt him
the hand of the affaffin.
But each
THE three fons of Conſtantine had now the whole extent
of the Roman empire to divide among them.
afpired to the whole. Conftantine, the eldeſt, fell by the
fword in attempting to defpoil his brother Conftans of his
dominions. Conftans himſelf, a prince, if hiſtory may be
trufted, of the moft defpicable character, derived but little
advantage from a victory, in which neither his prowefs nor
his conduct had any part. Magnentius, one of his chief
51 Conftantio, fays Eutropius (ub. fupra) fpeaking of the death of Dalma-
tius, finente potius quàm jubente. Socrates (loc. praedicto) fpeaks ftill plainer,
Τον κελεύονος Κωνσταντίου τὴν φαγὴν, ἀλλὰ μὴ κωλύοντος.
unfortunate
end of two
of his fons.
officers,
686
HISTORY OF GREECE
1
Book officers, tempted by his incapacity and diffolutenefs, con-
VII. fpired againſt him, put him to death, and boldly affumed the
Sect. 3. imperial purple, in thoſe days of military defpotiſm the cuſ-
}
tomary reward of the ſucceſsful traitor. Of the fons of
Conftantius Conftantine the Great, Conftantius alone now remained.
reigns alone;
Called forth by his brother's, wrongs, and probably incited
ftill more powerfully by the voice of ambition, he haftened
from the eaſtern provinces, over which he reigned, to chaſtiſe
the guilty ufurper. He found in this enterpriſe more dif-
ficulty than his flattering courtiers had taught him to expect.
And it was not until after a deſtructive war of three years,
which in two bloody fields " fwept away the flower of the
Roman legions, that vengeance at length overtook the
fidious Magnentius ".
revenges the
death of his
brother Con-
ftans ;
per-
DURING the inteſtine commotions of the weſtern empire
from the ambitious attempts of the younger Conftantine,
and the feeble adminiſtration of the diffolute Conftans, Con-
ſtantius had been engaged in a doubtful and unprofperous war
his treatment against his Perfian neighbours. Amidst the confuſion of
theſe bufy times, Gallus and Julian had been fuffered to live.
And the cautious defpot had contented himſelf with conceal-
ing them from public notice in a lonely caftle of Cappadocia,
of Gallus
and Julian;
52 At Murfa in Pannonia, now Effek in Hungary, and at Mons Selenei, in the
Cottian Alps.
53 During the revolt of Magnentius, Vetranio had affumed the purple in Illyri-
cum, as colleague to Magnentius, but had afterwards abdicated in favour of Con-
ftantius. Nepotian alfo, the nephew of Conftantine by the princeſs Eutropia, had
been faluted emperor at Rome, in oppofition to Magnentius, but periſhed, aftèr
a reign of twenty-eight days. Eutrop. L. x. c. II.
7
formerly
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
687
}
VIII.
Sect. 3.
Gallus the
him.
formerly the place of refidence of the Cappadocian kings. Upon BooK
the murder of Conftans, and the erection of the ftandard
of rebellion by Magnentius, the whole weight of the em-
pire at this ſeaſon of anxiety reſted on Conftantius. He felt
the burden, and venturing to feek relief in the affiftance
of Gallus, removed him from a prifon to his court; and,.
under the title of Caefar, affociated him to the honours and confers on
toils of the imperial ſtation;, leaving him to provide for title of Cae-
the ſecurity of the Afiatic provinces, whilſt he himſelf ad- far;
vanced againſt the rebel. After the overthrow of Magnentius,
and the re-eſtabliſhment. of the public tranquillity, Con-
ftantius found himſelf at leiſure to examine more attentively
into the conduct of Gallus, fince his elevation. Gallus had is jealous of
faults, and he had enemies. The eunuchs, at this time the def-
picable and infolent rulers of a luxurious court, deadly foes to
whomfoever they could not govern, had placed their emif-
faries around him, who marked with jealous obſervation all
his moments of pride or of paffion. It was diſcovered, that
Gallus affected an independence, which the emperor and his
miniſters did not mean to allow him. And fome unjufti-
fiable acts of violence committed at Antioch againſt certain
confidential, fervants of the emperor, with the connivance,
if not by the orders of Gallus, had thrown a deeper fhade
on the errors of which he had been guilty. Credulous ne-
vertheleſs of what was artfully fuggefted to him, that it was his
intereft to have an interview with Conftantius, and that his
prefence would diffipate every complaint, he was prevailed on
to intruft himſelf to this infidious court, and in a few days
after his arrival in Pannonia, on his way, as he thought, to Death of.
Milan, where the emperor then refided, he was on a fudden
1
carried
Gallus.
688
HISTORY OF GREECE
1
Book carried away under a ftrong guard to Iftria, and there beheaded
VIII.
privately without even the formality of a trial $4.
Sect. 3.
Julian's dan-
gerous fitua-
tion;
court;
54
JULIAN ftill furvived. For fome time his fate hung in fuf-
pence. And it was a queſtion, whether the enjoyment of life
could ſafely be permitted to a prince, who had ſo many domeſtic
and perſonal injuries to revenge. To the generous interpo-
fition of the emprefs Eufebia, wife to Conftantius, he owed
his preſervation. Her lenient counfels, inforced by the mul-
tiplicity of cares with which the emperor found himſelf. op-
preffed, did even more. Softened by her reprefentations,
Conftantius at laſt confented to admit his young kinfman into
is brought to his preſence, to inveſt him with the fame imperial honours
that Gallus had been graced with, and to appoint him to
the important ſervice of defending the frontier of the Gallic
far; appoint- province againſt the warlike tribes of Germany ". Julian
vernment of executed his truſt with ſpirit and fuccefs. Repeated accounts
affured the emperor of the abilities and atchievements of the
Conftantius governor of Gaul. He became alarmed. At the head of
a victorious army, by whom he was adored, the Caefar might
be tempted to forget what he owed to the emperor; and the
fword of Julian, which was to have guarded the throne, might
be employed to invade it. It was refolved to fecure his alle-
giance, by depriving him of the means of revolt. The Per-
fian bands ftill infefted the eaſtern borders of the empire,
and often made inroads into the adjacent provinces. Orders
were iffued, that the ftrength of the Gallic legions ſhould
created Cae-
ed to the go-
Gaul;
jealous of
him.
54 See Ammian. Marcellin. L. xiv. c. 1, 7, 9, 11.
55 See Ammian. Marcellin. L. xx. c. 4. Eutrop. L. x. c. 14, 15. Abbé de
la Bleterie. Vie de Julien; and Gibbon's Dec. of Rom. Emp. c. xxii.
6
immediately
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
689
$
1
VIII.
Sect.
3.
ful manage-
ment;
immediately be diſpatched to protect the Afiatic frontier. BooK
The tidings ſpread a general confternation. Theſe legions
were moſtly compoſed of provincials, fondly attached to their
native foil; and who, in violation of a promiſe ſaid to have
been folemnly pledged to them, now faw themſelves torn
away from their families and homes, probably never to re-
viſit them more. Julian, with much pretended zeal for the Julian's art-
honour of the emperor, and a ſeeming firmneſs in requiring
obedience to the imperial orders, appeared however to ſhare
deeply in their affliction; and having on the eve of their de-
parture convened them together, that he might take his laſt
farewell of the beloved companions of his toils and of his
victories, after a grateful recital of their gallant actions, af-
fectionately lamented a diſtreſs, which, bound as he was to obey,
it was not in his power to relieve. The hint was greedily
caught up.
"The Caefar, once emperor, might prefcribe
"the orders, inſtead of receiving them," was the cry of
numbers of the friends of Julian, who doubtlefs had been
duly inftructed; and "Long live our emperor Julian!" is proclaimed
inſtantly refounded from all the ranks.
16
Ir is ſcarcely poffible to avoid remarking how much of the
artifice of the fophift, Julian's conduct betrays on this oc-
cafion. An apparent amazement at what he muſt have ex-
pected, and what probably his own dark arts had been labour-
ing to accompliſh, was firſt of all affumed; he next anſwered
their acclamations with all the femblance of the moſt poig-
s6 See his dream in Ammian. Marcellin. L. xx. c. 5. and his own account of
another dream (Epift. 17.) to which, he confeffes, he gave credit.
4 T
nant
emperor by
his army;
690
GREECE
HISTORY OF
H
Воок
VIII.
Sect.
3.
prepares to
march
ftantius;
nant concern; he expoftulated; he conjured; he menaced;
he bewailed; he even fled from their folicitations, and fhut
himſelf up during the whole enfuing night; confirming them
the more effectually, by this appearance of unambitious re-
luctance, in the very choice he affected to refift. The farce
concluded with his fubmiffive acceptance of their fplendid
offer, and his promifing to reward their fedition with a
fuitable gratification; the plunder of the public treaſure
being, in theſe days of corruption, the ufual recompence,
which the gratitude of the new emperor bestowed on the in-
ftruments of his fortune.
THE army of Gaul had created an emperor. Their next
againſt Con- object was to ſupport him. And theſe very legions who,
rather than encounter the inconveniences of a diſtant ſervice,
had plunged into rebellion, were now impatient to brave every
danger of an Afiatic expedition, under the banners of their
favourite Julian. But the death of Conftantius faved the
new emperor from the guilt of civil bloodshed; he died at
Mopfucrene " in Cilicia, on his way to difpute the empire of
the world.
Conftantius
dies.
war on the
JULIAN did not long furvive him. Ambitious of dif-
tinguiſhing himſelf in a war, which hitherto had generally
Julian makes baffled the Roman arms, he formed the plan of humbling
the Perfian king. Some inconfiderable advantages obtained
at the beginning encouraged him to penetrate into a country
with which he was ill acquainted. A defeat was the con-
Perfians,
and falls in
battle:
OFF
57 The fountain of Mopfus. An oracle had formerly been there.
fequence
1
1
1
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
691
1
fequence of his imprudence; and in the confufion of dif-
comfiture, he was pierced by an arrow from an unknown,
and probably an ignoble hand.
ક્
Book
Bo OK
VIII.
Sect. 3.
life;
Few princes have been more variouſly ſpoken of than
Julian, few more the object of exaggerated praiſe and reproach:
dignified by fome writers with all the attributes of the hero,
he is held forth by others to univerfal execration. From both
parties a more temperate decifion ought doubtleſs to have
come, and would perhaps have approached nearer to the truth.
In his private life he feems to have been deferving of praife; his character
his manners were unſtained with licentious pleaſures; his meals, in private
his fleep, were the frugal, flight refreſhments of the philo-
fopher; and his leiſure hours, inſtead of being wafted in
diffipation and frivolous amufements, were generally employed
in the purfuit of knowledge, though in the road to it
he was unhappily miſtaken. As a foldier, the character he
bears is high; not to be deterred by difficulty, nor difcouraged
by hardship; firm in the hour of battle, and always among the
foremoſt in the path to glory. As a general, his abilities may as a general;
be called in queſtion. In his Gallic campaigns, he was ſup-
pofed to have acquitted himſelf with honour; in the Perfian
war, where we have a more diſtinct view of him, he appears
to have been injudicious, rafh, prefumptuous; and in the action
in which he fell, he diſcovered himſelf to have been animated
with a valour that bordered on infanity.
BUT what ſeems chiefly to have engaged philofophic at-
tention in the hiftory of Julian, is his character as a religi-
oniſt. He had been educated in the Chriſtian faith from his
early years; had profeffed himſelf a Chriſtian; and had
grown
4 T 2
up
as a ſoldier ;
as a religi-
oniſt ;
3-
?
}
}
}
692
Sect. 3.
HISTORY OF
GREECE
Book up to manhood in that profeffion. Yet no fooner were his
VIII.
fears from Conftantius removed, than he threw off the mafk,
abjured the faith of his former days, avowed himſelf the de-
termined enemy of the religion of Chrift, and, with all the
virulence of an enraged, but crafty adverſary, laboured for
its extirpation to the laſt gafp. of his life. What
What appears
ſtill more extraordinary; an infidel with relation to the Goſpel,
he became the zealous believer of the whole Grecian mytho-
logy; adopted its gods, its legends, and its facrifices. Even
its divinations, one of the most dangerous illufions that ever
debaſed the human mind, of which, in the gloom of the dark.
ages, heathen prieſtcraft had frequently made fatal uſe, and
which in a more enlightened age had been reprobated by
the wifeft of the pagan world, he reftored, and protected
with all the credulity of the moſt abject and uninformed
bigot; importuning the altars of every divinity with
anxious inquiries, and oftentimes with his own eyes, and
an unfeeling curiofity, feeking his future deſtiny in the
panting entrails of the innocent victim. Could it be from
principle, that he renounced Chriſtianity? If it was, how
could the ſceptic, who found it difficult to believe what the
Goſpel teaches, thus relax from the ſturdiness of unbelief,.
and embrace with ſo eafy a faith, all the abfurdities of pagan
fable? Or ſhall we fay, with certain infidious advocates, that
whatever might be his profeffion, Christianity or Paganiſm,.
the liberal-minded Julian was of both equally an unbeliever;
a Chriſtian by conſtraint, a Pagan from policy ?
THE various revolutions of fortune which he experienced.
may perhaps, when more attentively confidered, throw fome
light on this dark part of Julian's hiſtory.
2
HE
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
693
1
1
3
VIII.
Sect. 3.
what in-
duced him to
leave the
Chriftian
Church,
He was a child, when the arm of violence deprived him Boo K
of his father, and robbed him of his liberty. To the ftern
officers of a jealous tyrant was his education of courſe in-
truſted; and under the impreffions of terror, natural in fuch a
fituation, he received the rudiments of Chriftianity. The
truths of the Gospel, conveyed to the young diſciple by in-
ftructors of this kind, inſtead of conciliating his affections,
had all the ſtubborn prepoffeffions of diflike, of fufpicion, of
refentment, to contend with. Thefe prepoffeffions, deeply
rooted in the heart, grew up with his years, and ſtrengthened
with his ftrength. When he was firft permitted to approach
the imperial court, new and more powerful prejudices took
place in his breaft. He ſaw in Conftantius the mercilefs
aſſaſſin of his family. And Conftantius was a Chriftian.
The croud of eunuchs, and fawning fycophants with which
the throne was furrounded, the counfellors or minifters of
the tyrant's crimes, and who in their treatment. of Julian
meaſured the reſpect they were to fhew to him by the degree
of regard paid him by Conftantius, were alſo Chriſtians. How
many objections to the religion they profeffed muſt have ariſen
here in the fufceptible mind of Julian, irritated. by paſt
wrongs, and inflamed by preſent contempt! And is-it a mat-
ter of wonder, that he ſhould have been led to confound a
religion, which they diſgraced, with the principles which ſeem-
ed to actuate their conduct?
1
brace pagan
THE votaries of paganiſin were ftill numerous; and, though
humbled, were powerful. Sufpicious of Conftantius and and to em-
his miniſters, they exulted in the thought, that in Julian ifm.
their party might find a friend and protector. They marked,
and ſtrengthened, the impreffions he had received. They
2
courted
}
t
1
694
HISTORY OF GREECE
BooK
VIII.
Sect.
courted his confidence. The moſt plauſible and feducing of
their fophifts were employed to infinuate themſelves into his
3 intimacy. Julian's attachment to Chriſtianity, if he had
any remaining, was flight and wavering. A total rejection of
all religion is a ſtate ill ſuited to the human mind. Even
the boldeſt pretender to infidelity will have his fcruples, his
moments of irreſolution, diffidence, and anxiety. Julian felt,
that a religion was wanting to him; this the heathen ſophiſts
were ready to ſupply. They offered him a religion, the religion
faid they, of his forefathers, under whofe propitious aufpices
Greece had reached the fummit of human glory, and Rome
had triumphed over a fubjected world; a religion now puri-
fied by philofophy, and fet free from thoſe abfurd diſguiſes
that a pious ignorance had caft over it. A multiplicity of
gods, `indeed, crouded their temples, but in doing honour
to theſe, they were in fact paying homage to the perfections
of the Supreme Father of the univerſe, of which theſe em-
blematical perfonages were reprefentations; or expreffing their
gratitude to thoſe intermediate intelligences appointed by the
great Firſt Cauſe to minifter unto man. Neither were theſe
intelligences the airy creation of an enthuſiaſtic fancy; their
exiſtence had been aſcertained by the ſtrongeſt proofs, by
the oracles, the dreams, the monitory omens, which they
had repeatedly addreffed to faithful votaries. They had even
been known to affume a vifible form, and perfonally to in-.
struct or protect the humble fuppliant in his hour of dif-
ficulty. And the all-powerful evocations and holy rites, of
which the guardian of the facred myfteries was in poffef-
fion, could fummon them from their aerial or fubterranean
abodes, and force them to reveal the dark fecrets of fu-
turity.
་
9
24
L
*
To
•
!
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
695
·
+
ap-
a
VIII.
Sect. 3.
To this artful repreſentation Julian liftened with pleasure. Bo o K
His mind ſeems to have been prediſpoſed to meet it with
probation. Homer was his favourite
Homer was his favourite", and there appeared
wonderful agreement between the poet's mythology and the
fophift's fyftem. Probably, the one was a tranfcript of the
other. What rendered theſe tales of deceit the more captivating
to Julian was a fpecies of flattery well adapted to his hopes.
They perfuaded him that the oracular voice of all the gods, and
the promiſe of every victim, announced to him the ſpeedy poſ-
feffion of the imperial throne". Julian was not ungrateful.
He ſteadily adhered to the altars of thoſe gods, of whoſe
veracity he had received fuch a convincing proof; and here per-
haps it is not unjuſt to rank him among the moſt ſuperſti-
tious of the pagan zealots.
of Athens
active in mif-
lian's mind.
It is the reproach of Athens, that ſhe had a principal The people
fhare in miſleading the mind of Julian. Some time before
he was inveſted with the honours of the Caefar, he obtained leading Ju-
permiffion from Conftantius to purſue his ſtudies in that city.
His paffionate attachment to paganifm has its date from that
period; before the friend of that religion, here he became a
bigot to it. Thoſe pretended philoſophers, alſo, who were
afterwards moſt affiduous in faftening their bandage of illu-
58 He appears to have had moſt of his works by heart.
59 The dreams, and vifions, which Julian's hiftorians (Zoffimus, L. iii. p. 155.
Ammianus, L. xx c. 5. Libanius paffim) tell us he had, and which he himſelf
avowed (Epift. xvii. ad Oribafium) fpeak him, if not an artful impoftor, cer-
tainly a confirmed enthufiaft. The latter probably is the truth. And in a mind
fo difpofed, the fond perfuafion, that he was the peculiar care of the gods, and by
them destined to the empire of the world, might eafily find admittance.
fion
696
HISTORY OF GREECE
Book fion on this unhappy prince, were moſtly from the Athenian
VIII.
ſchool, in thoſe days the great ftore-houſe of heathen ſuper-
Sect. 3.
ftition. In a fucceeding reign we have a ſtrong proof of the
powerful dominion of ſuperſtition over that infatuated people.
They petitioned the emperor Valentinian to permit the cele-
bration of the Eleufinian myfteries; which, upon the re-
eftabliſhment of Chriftianity, had been fuppreffed; and to
reftore to Athens a folemnity on which depended her glory
and happineſs. So little had the city of Socrates profited by
a LIGHT, which that venerable ſage would have beheld with
rapture!
Summary of
Julian's cha-
racter.
The family
FROM this delineation of Julian's character, however we
may be induced to pronounce lefs feverely againſt him, and
to behold him even with compaffionate indulgence, as a
deferter of the Gospel, yet either as an hero, or a philofopher,
the candid hiftorian can afford him little praiſe. The op-
preffions of Conftantius, and the manners of a fervile court,
may have driven him from the Chriftian church; but vanity,
credulity, the curiofity of an ambitious mind, fixed him a
pagan. How he has deſerved the exalted name, which certain
writers have been pleaſed to beſtow on him, it is not for us
to determine. Some perhaps will be apt to ſuſpect, that his
panegyrifts would have been fewer, had he not inlifted
among the enemies of Christianity.
IN Julian ended the houſe of Conftantine. From the death
of Conftan- of the latter to that of Julian, about twenty-fix years had
elapſed". At the time of Conftantine's death the imperial
tine extinct.
do Conftantine died in the year of Chriſt 337, Julian in 363.
family
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
697
family was in the moſt flouriſhing condition; hiſtory num- Boo K
bers no leſs than thirteen princes, brothers, fons, nephews, VIII.
Sect. 3•.
to the deceaſed emperor, the ornament and ſtrength of the
imperial houſe. In this fhort period of time they had all
periſhed, two only by the ſtroke of ſickneſs, and one in war
againſt a foreign foe, all the reft by the fword of difcord or
domeſtic treachery. Such, in thofe ages of arbitrary power,
- was the precarious tenure even of imperial greatneſs.
Julian;
tion,
THE emperors, who fucceeded Julian, reftored the religion Succeffors of
of the Gofpel, but without being able to re-eſtabliſh the
public proſperity; of which a general profligacy of manners,
and the fierce defpotiſm of a military government, had been
long before preparing the ruin. To theſe internal evils were their fitua-
added the terrors of hoſtile invafion. An
An enemy, provoked
by a wanton war, and now fluſhed with victory, threatened
the eaſtern boundaries. And Jovian, whom Julian's army
had called to the vacant throne, fignalized his acceffion by
yielding to the Perfian monarch a confiderable territory, to
atone for his predeceffor's raſh attempt. Similar dangers fur-
rounded the empire on every fide. In Britain, the Roman
rampart oppoſed but a feeble and impotent barrier to the im-
petuous valour of the warriors of the north, and even the
legionary troops had been found unable to withſtand the
onfet of the Caledonian ravagers. In Gaul, the defencelefs
condition of the frontier, most of whoſe braveft protectors
had followed the banners of Julian, had encouraged the Ger-
man tribes to renew their hoftilities. Africa was in re-
bellion; and, among the barbarian tribes of the Danube;
there were ſtrong indications of a ſpirit of commotion.
4 Մ
WHAT
1
698
HISTORY OF GREECE
Воок
VIII.
WHAT rendered this fituation of things the more formi-
dable, theſe ſeveral inſurrections, and forebodings of war
Sect. 3. had been excited by repeated cruelties and oppreffions..
oppreffions. Moſt
ters.
of the nations that bordered on the empire had revered.
the name of Conftantine, but they could not continue their
and charac- refpect for a line of princes, of whoſe follies, incapacity, or
crimes, they were inceffantly the witneffes, often the victims..
The meaſures purſued by the imperial court to defeat theſe
impending dangers, fully fhew the guilty policy by which
it was governed; and have left an indelible ftain on the mi-
nifters that could adviſe, and the princes that could adopt,
them. The following inſtances are a füfficient illuſtration of
this truth. Two princes, a king of Armenia, and a king of
*¹ the Quadi, were both, within a few years of each other, under
the vague pretence that. their fidelity was fufpected,, murdered
at interviews to which they had been treacherouſly invited;
and, in both cafes, was the unguarded hour of the hoſpitable
banquet chofen for the perpetration of this work of blood.
Valentinian, the fucceffor of Jovian, is accuſed of the one; his
brother Valens, to whom he had refigned the eaſtern throne,.
ftands charged with the guilt of the other.
The Huns
attack the
Gothic fet-
tlements.
61
VALENS foon after received the merited reward of his per-
fidious counfels.. The Huns, a new tribe of Barbarians 62, from
the north-eaſt extremities of Afia, in manners and aſpect
more horrid than any that had hitherto appeared on the Ro-
man frontier, attacked the Gothic fettlements on the further
fide of the Danube. The affrighted Goths implored the pro--
tection of Valens, and were permitted to take refuge within
5.
A Gothic nation.
62 Ammian. Marc. L.-xxix.
his
1
1
+
699
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
{
*
*
VIII.
Sect. 3.
his dominions. The peaceful habits of a fettled home had Book
already confiderably diminiſhed, the native ferocity of theſe
Gothic tribes; and under the mild government of equal laws,
and in poffeffion of an eſtabliſhed property, they might with-
out much difficulty have been improved into uſeful fubjects.
Valens had not the wiſdom to avail himself of this valuable Valens's
per-
ment of the
encreafe of population. Seduced by the fears of his mi- fidious treat-
niſters, and perhaps not leſs by his own, he repented of what he Goths;
had done; he had promiſed theſe ſtrangers a ſupply of pro-
vifions, and he violated his promife. They complained;
their complaints were difregarded; neglect was aggravated by
infult; infult by violence. The Goths, naturally haughty
and impatient, were exaſperated; they flew to arms;
long, fierce, and deſtructive war enfued, which in the courſe
of it proved fatal to Valens himſelf. After having feen the his defeat
total diſcomfiture of his army under the walls of Hadrianople,
he was burned alive in a cottage, where he had taken refuge
from the victorious and purſuing enemy 63.
and a
THE calamities of the times raiſed Theodofius to the im-
perial throne. Gratian, the fon and fucceffor of Valentinian,
the nephew and now the heir to Valens, was ill able to fuftain
the weight of two empires, one of them over-run by a re-
vengeful and victorious enemy: he therefore configned the pre-
carious empire of the eaſt to the valour of Theodofius; in whoſe
hiſtory is feen one of thoſe ſignal revolutions, that is fome-
times to be met with in the fortunes of this world. His fa-
ther, of the fame name, was of all Valentinian's generals the
ableſt and moſt faithful. In Britain he had checked the in-
€3 See Ammian. Marc. L xxxì. c. 12, 13.
4 U.2
roads
and death.
Gratian in
poffeffion of
the whole
empire;
fhares it with
Theodofius.
700
HISTORY OF GREECE
BooK roads of the Caledonians; he had repulfed the Germans
VIII.
from the Gallic frontier; and he had reduced the infurgents
Sect. 3.
of Africa. Theſe feveral exploits had raiſed him in the eyes
of a fordid court to a dangerous pre-eminence. Valentinian
was dead, and his fon Gratian, as yet a youth, was under the
control of a vicious miniſtry, who pretended that Theodofius
entertained ambitious views, and facrificed his life to their
Theodofius's fufpicious jealoufy. For fome years the young Theodofius
had ſerved with glory under his illuftrious father, and had
ſhewn himſelf already emulous of his noble example. But
every afpiring hope being thus blafted by his father's death, he
withdrew from a court which he must have held in abhor-
rence, and was cultivating the virtues of retirement on his
paternal eſtate, in an obfcure corner of Galicia, when the
commands of Gratian called him forth to the public ſervice.
domeftic hif
tory,
character,
ties;
THEODOSIUS, with confiderable abilities, had alſo many
amiable qualities. But the licentiouſneſs of a diffolute age
often difappointed the one; and the baneful influence of
defpotic power fometimes contributed to obfcure the other.
and difficul- No fooner was he placed at the head of the armies of the eaſt,
than he diſcovered, with equal amazement and regret, that the
boaſted ſtrength of the Roman legions had ceafed to exiſt.
Corrupted by the example of the times, by the infolent do-
minion they had ufurped over the throne, by the profuſe do-
natives they extorted from the tranfient objects of their fa-
your, by the indulgences they obtained from the fears or the
ambition of their leaders, the legionary troops had become
ftrangers to that frugal life, that patience of toil, and ob-
ſervance of diſcipline, which had triumphed over the fuc-
ceffors of Alexander, and had laid Carthage in the duft. The
ponderous
7
{
C
13
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
701
1
ment.
64
ponderous helmet and maffy ſhield were caft afide; and the Book
VIII.
effeminate foldier chofe rather to expofe himſelf defenceleſs to
Sect. 3.
the weapons of the foe, than to ſubmit to the oppreffive weight
of an armour, which his gallant anceſtor deemed his orna-
Even the neceffary work of entrenching a camp,
which the companions of Caefar, and the partners of his
glory, did not diſdain to execute with their own hands, had
become the ſcorn of a delicate and indolent foldiery **.. One
reſource remained to Theodofius, and he adopted it. Thoſe
Goths, whom, after a four-years war, and many a bloody con-
flict, he found it impracticable to exterminate, he refolved to
tempt with offers of amity and confidence; he received them
into the imperial fervice, intruſted their leaders with impor-
tant commands, and affigned them emoluments, honours,
poffeffions; flattering himſelf that he ſhould thus convert
enemies into friends, and that the late ravagers of the Roman
territories would now become the defenders of a country in
which they had acquired rank and property.
This expe-
す
​dient, the refult probably not.of choice but of neceffity,
proved however a ruinous meaſure. Acquainted with the
legionary arms, and inftructed in the Roman diſcipline, the
Goths no longer felt that inferiority in war, which was
owing to the want of military fcience; they faw, and de-
ſpiſed, a weakneſs, which they were called to protect; the
Danube, no longer guarded by a refpectable barrier, fup-
plied them with continual recruits from that variety of bar-
barian tribes, which, though divided against each other by
internal feuds, yet always fhewed the utmoſt cordiality in
their attacks upon the Roman empire; and thefe new confe-
64 See Veget. de re militari, L. i. c. 20.
derates
dangerous
expedient he
had recourſe
to;
.
HISTORY OF GREECE
1
70.2
BooK derates of Theodofius foon learned to control a government,
VIII. whofe exiftence or diffolution was totally in their power.
Sect. 3.
dreadful in.
ftance of his
vindictive
ſpirits
65
BUT if all the ruinous confequences of this fatal expe-
dient are not to be imputed to Theodofius, he muſt ſurely bear
the whole guilt of the maffacre at Theffalonica "5. An infur-
rection had broken out in this part of Greece; and in the
madneſs of popular fury an imperial officer had been torn in
pieces. Such an infult to ſovereign power was not, it ſeems,
to be expiated but with the extermination of the Theffalonians.
A body of troops marched into Theffalonica, with orders
to put
all the inhabitants to the fword, without diftinction of
guilt or innocence, of age, fex, or condition. Theſe orders
were executed in their fullest extent. And to cruelty was
added perfidiouſneſs. Care was taken to remove all appre-
henfion of danger from theſe devoted victims; and when the
whole city, fully affured of the emperor's clemency, had
affembled in the circus to enjoy a feſtive ſpectacle, theſe
military ruffians were let looſe on the unfuſpecting multi-
tude. According to fome writers, upwards of fifteen thou-
fand perfons periſhed in this maffacre. Such a violation
of all the laws of justice and humanity would at one time
have armed more than one half of Greece againſt the tyrant
that durft attempt it; but, fuch is the fubduing power of
defpotiſm, it now ferved only to add to the terrors, and
confirm the fervitude of this abject people; and the epif
copal reproof of Ambrofe biſhop of Milan was the only op-
pofition Theodofius had to encounter. A penance of eight
months, to which the emperor piouſly ſubmitted, was fup-
• Soz. L. vii. c. 25. Ru. Hif. c. 18. See Gibbon, c. 27.
pofed
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
703
+
เฟ
>
ザ
​VIII.
Sect. 3.
pofed to have atoned for all this bloodſhed. At the time Boo K
Theodofius reigned in the eaſt, Gratian held his imperial
feat at Treves; Gaul, Spain, and the Britiſh ifles were fubject
to his fway, while Valentinian, the youngeſt ſon of the late
emperor Valentinian the fecond, reigned in Italy. But Max- gets poffef-
imus of Britain having revolted againſt Gratian, and deprived whole em
him of empire and life, and Valentinian having fallen by do- pire;
meſtic treachery, Theodofius, after revenging both their
deaths, remained in poffeffion of all the Roman dominions.
fion of the
FROM the abilities and perfonal valour of Theodofius,
the empire, during his reign, maintained an appearance of
vigour; the reign of his fons revealed the fatal fecret of the
public debility. Warped by the fond partiality of a parent,
he divided his dominions between them; to the eldeft, Ar-
cadius, a youth of eighteen, he bequeathed the throne of the
eaft;
to the youngeft, Honorius, aged only eleven, the
weſtern empire": an appointment as unhappy to themſelves,
as it was unfortunate to their people. With a natural imbe-
cillity of mind, in which their ripening years made little al-
teration, and brought up in the bofom of a luxurious palace,.
they both funk into a ſlothful inactivity, the eaſy dupes of
every minifter, who had the boldneſs or the art to feize
the reins of government, which fell from their feeble hands..
The fatal partition of the imperial dominions brought on an
encreaſe of calamities. The empire was weak before;
vided, it was weaker. A longer line of frontier was
to be defended; and the means of defence were leffened. In-
ftead of the whole ftrength of the empire acting in concert, an
66. A. D. 395.
divides it be-
fons, Arca-
dius and He--
tween his two
norius ;
di- confequences
now
of this ap-
pointment.-
1
oppofition
704
HISTORY OF GREECE.
篇
​Sect. 3.
•
BOOK oppofition of interefts and councils took place. Jealous of
VIII.
the ſovereign of the weft, the court of Conftantinople faw
with unconcern, and even with pleaſure, the bordering na-
tions pour the war on the weſtern provinces, and enjoyed a
diſtreſs, in which their own territories were foon to be in-
volved; whilft the barbarian leaders, feated in the heart of
the empire, many of them invefted with offices of truft and
dignity, and in full poffeffion of the opportunity of marking
and encouraging every internal miſchief, profited by the fol-
lies of theſe nominal princes, and on the ruins of the imperial
A detail of the dif
power planned an empire of their own.
aftrous events that enfued, belongs to another hiftory. Here
it is fufficient to obſerve, that the Roman empire in the weſt
cloſed with the ignoble reign of Honorius. In less than
Rome taken twenty-five years after the death of Theodofius, Alaric, the
by the Goths Gothic chief, who in the days of that emperor deemed it his
command of glory to follow the imperial banners, after having ſpread the
ravages of war throughout Italy, compelled Rome to ſubmit
to his victorious arms, and faw himſelf the uncontrolled arbiter
of the throne of the Caefars.
under the
Alaric.
Alaric in-
vades
Greece.
ROME, long the haughty tyrant of the world, was now
made to feel, what ſhe had often impoſed, the humiliation of
fervitude. The eaſtern empire, mean while, had not eſcaped.
Previous to his irruption into Italy, Alaric, at the head of his
fierce bands, had attempted the dominions of the eaſt, and
Greece, which feldom failed to fhare largely in the adverſe
fortunes of her imperial mafters, was again made the ſcene
of devaſtation". Hiftory has charged Rufinus, by whom
67 A. D. 396.-
}
the
Į
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
705
VIII.
Sect. 3.
the councils of Arcadius were then directed, with the guilt Boox
of having opened Greece to
opened Greece to the ravagers; for, if we
are to believe the united teftimony of all the writers of thoſe
days, never did a more flagitious minifter difgrace the con-
fidence of his fovereign. It may however be a queſtion,
whether the abandoning of Greece to the barbarians was not
rather his policy than his crime. Had this impetuous torrent
of war ruſhed with unſpent fury againſt the capital of the
empire, the iffue might have been doubtful. And it was
poffibly to fave Conftantinople, that Rufinus gave up
Greece.
pre-
A CALAMITY fo great completed the defolation of this
unhappy country. Whatever the cruelty, the avarice, the
luft, of an infolent and brutal conqueror could inflict, Greece
now experienced. Her magnificent cities became a maſs of
ruins, her numerous towns were levelled with the ground, and
thoſe monuments of her glory, which had hitherto been
ſerved from violation, were all defaced and overthrown; while
the inhabitants, either flaughtered by the barbarian ſword,
or dragged from their homes to a life of flavery, left this once-
populous and well-cultivated country a lonely wafte. Where
every ſcience and every art had, during a long fucceffion of ages,
eftabliſhed their abode, there now reigned a melancholy fi-
lence; the voice of the rural pipe was no longer heard on the
hills of Arcadia; and of all the noble ſtructures, which the
piety, the gratitude, or the pride of ancient ages had erected,
only mouldering palaces, defolated temples, defaced infcriptions,
and mutilated ſtatues, remained, at once the objects of regret
and of admiration. In this humbled ſtate, with very little
variation, Greece continued from the Gothic invafion to the
-
4 X
final
State of
Greece from
this period.
*
}
}
706
VIII.
Sect.
3.
Decline of
Conftanti-
nople;
tune.
HISTORY OF
GREECE
BooK final overthrow of the throne of Conftantine's fucceffors;
her principal inhabitants being the few families, who having
eſcaped to the mountains during the late inundation of the
barbarians, had afterwards taken up their dwelling amidſt
theſe fequeftered ruins, and whofe only wealth was the pro-
duce of their hives and of the filk-worm 68. Some of the
emperors feem indeed to have remembered what Greece had
been, and to have wiſhed to raiſe her again to an happier for-
But the embarraffments of a declining empire ftill
defeated the vifionary plan. Conftantinople herſelf, during
the greater part of this gloomy period, retained little more
than a faint fhadow of imperial greatneſs:
greatneſs. Governed moſtly
by weak or oppreffive princes, diſtracted by domeſtic factions,
and, what is worſe, by endleſs controverfies, which were dif-
graced by all the virulence of religious difputation, this
empreſs-city funk by degrees into contempt with every people
around her. Having neither fecurity at home,, nor ftrength
abroad, fhe was often compelled to purchaſe, at the price
of her faireft poffeffions, a temporary peace from the bar-
barian tribes by whom the was encompaffed; who, making
ufe of the very conceffions they extorted from the fears
of one prince to exact larger conceffions from his ſucceſ-
for, reduced at length the extenfive dominions of this
mighty empire to the narrow compaſs of a few provinces.
68 The filk-worm is faid to have been brought from India to Conftantinople about
the year 550. The artificers, who introduced the culture of filk into Sicily,
from whence it paffed into Italy, were brought from Greece by Roger the firſt king
of Sicily, in 1130. The flow progrefs of this art may ferve as a proof of the low
ftate of induſtry, and the difficulties of intercourfe and communication during that
period.
;
At
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
707
VIII.
Sect.
3.
At the fame time, a general profligacy of manners had Book
prevailed. Private luxury and magnificence advancing as the
public fortune declined, the people, with an unfeeling levity,
indulged in all the gay diffipations of the highest profperity,
in the midſt of the miſeries of their country. In ad-
dition to theſe menacing appearances, the throne itſelf, always
infecure when founded in defpotiſm, was become more pre-
carious than ever, ſtained not unfrequently with the blood of
the ſhort-lived poffeffor, and but too often the reward of the
fucceſsful crime of the rebel, the traitor, the ruffian; fo that
Porphyrogeneta, of imperial birth", came to be the diftin-
guiſhing appellation of thoſe few emperors, who could boaft
fo illuftrious a parentage. Such is the melancholy fummary
of the Byzantine hiſtory, till, in the year 1453, the Othman taken by the
arms put an end to this phantom of an empire.
Of the fhock of the various revolutions, which, during
this bloody period, began, advanced, and at length effected
the final overthrow of the imperial throne, Greece however
appears to have felt little, probably from the obfcurity of her
condition. Too infignificant to be the object of ambition,
thoſe who had in view the diſmembering of the eaſtern empire,
paſſed her by; beholding with indifference a land without in-
habitants or cultivation; and leaving the poffeffion of it to
any of the rovers of thoſe days, who were inclined to at-
tempt a temporary fettlement in that defolated country.
For fome centuries Greece even feems to have been altogether
forgotten; or if remembered, was only confidered as over-
• See Grandeur et Decadence des Romains, Ch. 21.
Othmans.
Greece ne-
forgotten;
glected and
4 X 2
ſpread
708
GREECE
HISTORY
OF
VIII.
Sect. 3.
BooK ſpread with heaps of ruins, in which human induſtry might
in vain ſeek to trace any of thoſe venerable ſcenes recorded in
antient ftory. The tale of the traveller, who talked of having
diſcovered the fite of Athens, and made his way to the remains
of that illuſtrious city, was heard at firſt with amazement, if
not with incredulity. The report, that amidſt this rubbiſh
of ages many veftiges of the arts of antient Greece were ftill
to be deſcried, induced others to vifit this long-neglected
tract; and numbers of adventurers from different countries,
but especially from the Italian cities, formed eſtabliſhments
on various parts of the Grecian coaſt.
is vifited by
different ad-
venturers;
now fubject
to the throne
of the Oth-
mans;
her preſent
inhabitants.
L
By degrees the modern Conftantinople, now the capital of
the Turkish empire, has once more reaffumed a dominion
over the Grecian territory. Muftapha the fecond colonized
anew feveral diſtricts of it. And at this day Greece, with
her adjacent ifles, acknowledges fubjection to the throne of
the Othmans.
THE preſent Greeks appear to be a mixed race, of whom
few, if any, are of the antient Grecian lineage. Moſt of
them have been tranſplanted into this country from different
parts, and at different periods, by thoſe who were attracted
by curioſity, or views of gain. In addition to theſe partial
colonizations, the Othman princes have, from their firft in-
vafion of Greece, at different times thrown in a confiderable.
encreaſe of inhabitants. Thefe coloniſts, of every defcription,.
the Turks only excepted, have long fince coalefced into one
people, who, unmindful of their original extraction, ſeem to
regard Greece as their parent-foil. And it is worthy of
remark, that the Greeks of this day, whether from the influ-
ence
*
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
709
VIII.
ence of climate, or from having fallen into an early imi- Book
tation of the manners, which on their arrival they found
Sect. 3.
here eſtabliſhed, bear in feveral particulars a ftriking refem-
blance to the antient inhabitants. Even now, inftruments
of mufic are to be met with in every hamlet, and fong and
dance are ſtill the delight of the Grecian peafant. The Boe-
otians are remarked for credulity and ignorance. And among
the Greeks of Attica, low as their ſtate of literature now is,
we find a confiderable ſhare of that vivacity and acuteneſs,
by which the Athenians of antient times were peculiarly
diſtinguiſhed. More ſtrongly ſtill does their ſpeech exhibit
this affinity to the Greeks of old, of whofe language
the modern Greek is a manifeft corruption. The Turks ſtill
remain diſtinguiſhed from the other inhabitants, perfevering
with a lordly inflexibility in their national dreſs, language,
and mode of living; in obedience poffibly to the law of
their Koran, but more probably from a contempt for the
manners of a people whom they equally defpife and op-
prefs.
ty in Greece.
THE Goſpel was known early in Greece. Before the The ſtate-
middle of the first century, Athens, Corinth, with moſt of of Chriftiani-
Achaia, and many parts of Macedon, Theffalonica, Beroea,
Philippi, had been enlightened by the labours of the
great Apoſtle of the Gentiles. A fpecies of Chriſtianity
Greece ftill retains, but fuch as would move the indignation
of that excellent Apoftle", not lefs than did formerly the
८
70
70 See Spon. Voy. de la Grece; Tournefort Voyage du Levant, Lettre iii; and
Dr. Chandler's Travels into Greece, ch. 28.
z¹ See Acts of the Ap. xvii. 16,
ΙΟ
fuperftitious
}
A
710
HISTORY OF GREECE
VIII.
Sect. 3.
BooK fuperftitious exceffes of idolatrous Athens. A number of
abfurd obſervances, a paltry difplay of the figures of faints
and martyrs in their places of worſhip, a profound reverence
for the Panagia or mother of God, as they ſtill blaſphemouſly
ftyle the Bleffed Virgin, an obftinate adherence to every opi-
nion faid to have been held by their Chriſtian anceſtors, and
a loquacious zeal in defending theſe opinions, as far as their
ſcanty portion of learning will permit them, make up nearly
the whole of what is dignified with the name of Chriſtianity
by this ignorant and degraded people.
The prefent
Greeks
grofsly ig-
norant.
།
Remarkable
revolution
In the ſeveral arts, once the boaſt of Greece, they are equally
uninſtructed; and, for the moſt part, ſeem hardly conſcious
of the former glories of their country. What a Solon taught,
or a Themistocles atchieved, Athens herſelf has long fince
ceaſed to remember. And thoſe precious monuments of the
power and wiſdom of antient days, which might inrich the
cabinets of princes, are now fuffered to be ſpurned by the
infolent foot of the illiterate Janizary, or perhaps employed,
like vulgar materials, in fencing an incloſure, or in repairing
the dwelling of ſome turbaned exactor. The cunning and in-
tereſted Greek may fometimes be found to fet an high value
on the ſculptured fragment he poffeffes; but what tafte
might be ſuppoſed to do in another, is in him the effect
of avarice; he only feeks to enhance the price of what he
wiſhes to part with; and, from the earneſtneſs of the curious
traveller, he judges of that which he would otherwiſe want the
ſkill to eſtimate.
Of how uncertain a tenure are even the advantages of
in the hiftory human genius! Greece, famed for arts and arms, from whofe
of mankind.
う
​horizon
FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
711
+
•
horizon beamed forth thoſe rays of ſcience, which have
gradually illumined our European world, now ftands in need
of the inftruction ſhe was wont to give. From thoſe nations,
whom ſhe held moſt in contempt, fhe is at this day to learn
what Greece once was. And were it not for the learned
reſearches of the defcendants of thofe very barbarians, whom
in her age of glory ſhe had deemed it a reproach to have num-
bered among her denizens, the fierce German, the unlettered
Caledonian, the barbarous Briton, the rude Gaul”, many of
her moſt highly-valed marble records had remained unread,
and fome of her nobleft memorials had been buried in obli--
vion.
72 It were fuperfluous, and indeed fcarcely poffible, to mention here all the illuf-
trious perfonages of theſe nations, to whofe munificence and labours theſe later
ages owe the many inftructive monuments we poffefs of the atchievements and arts
of antient days. To Britain's glory be it however remembered, that among her
fons antient literature has found a greater number of bountiful patrons, than any
other country has to boaſt of; and that at this very time there exifts in the midſt of
her a ſociety of perfons, not leſs diſtinguiſhed by their taſte and public ſpirit, than
by their opulence and noble birth, (The Dilettanti) who are employed in the ge-
nerous plan of animating the ftudies and promoting the information of the rifing
generation. See Chandler's Travels, and the Ionian Antiquities, for which we are
indebted to this refpectable Society
Boo K
VIII.
Sect.
3.
THE END..
+
ERRAT A.
Page 44. Line 1. from the bottom, for ufian, read Pelufian.
p. 47. 1. 11. from the top, for Tircus, read Tire
p. 48. margin, for emoved, read removed.
57 1.6 from the bottom, for Macedonians, sead Macedonian.
64 in the note, 1. 6. from the bottom, for Zadracanta, read Zadracarta.
p. 77. 1. 11. from the top, for Ariftarcbus, read Anaxarchus.
p. 1o. 1. 3. from the top, for Arxines, read Orxines.
p. 213. 1. 6. from the top, for Theotoi, read Theoroi,
p. 241. l. 3. from the bottom, for Arcus, read Areus.
p. 256. 1. zo. from the top, for Gonatus, read Gonatas..
P. 257. 1. 13. from the top, for A fpecies of power lefs odious and equally effectual, than if he bad beld
them in immediate and avowed fubjection, read A species of power lefs odious than if he bad beld them in
abowed fubjection, and not less effectual.
p. 284. 1. 20. from the top, for fentiment, read aft̃.
p. 311. 1. 10. from the top, for Efa, read Eva. -
P. 335. 1. 7. from the bottom, for thefe martial exploits, read his martial exploits.
p. 418. in the note, 1. 2. from the bottom, for Dion. Italian. read Dion. Halicarn.
F. 434. 1. 22. from the top, for unjust, read utter.
P. 441. 13. from the top, for four thousand men was read four thousand men were,
p. 537. 1. 7. from the top, for his year, read this year.
p. 572. 1. 12. from the top, for where, read were.
p. 609. in the note, I. 13, from the bottom, delete theſe words, See alſo this tranſaction fully ſet forth
in the ninch book of this work.
*If there are any other miflakes of the prefs in this volume, the impartial reader will be fo kind
as to excuſe them, and to accept it as a fufficient apology for the Author, that he was at a great distance
from London, where his book was printed.
*
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UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
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