PLUTARCHI SULLA HOLDEN ] 888 PG V H73s CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS ARTES 1837 SCIENTIA LIBRARY VERITAS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN PLUMIBUS U TUEBOR SI QUERIS PENINSULAN AMG NAN CIRCUMSPICE 1 150 888 P6V H783 Pitt Press Series W ΠΛΟΥΤΑΡΧΟΥ ΣΥΛΛΑΣ HOLDEN London C. J. CLAY AND SON CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE AVE MARIA LANE Cambridge DEIGHTON BELL AND CO. Leipzig F. A. BROCKHAUS ΠΛΟΥΤΑΡΧΟΥ ΣΥΛΛΑΣ PLUTARCH'S LIFE OF LUCIUS CORNELIUS SULLA WITH INTRODUCTION NOTES AND LEXICON BY' THE REV. HUBERT A. HOLDEN, M.A. LL.D. EXAMINER IN GREEK TO THE UNIVERSITY OF LONDON SOMETIME FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE CAMBRIDGE EDITOR OF PLUTARCH'S LIVES OF THE GRACCHI AND OF THEMISTOKLES AND OF XENOPHON'S HIERON AND OECONOMICUS EDITED FOR THE SYNDICS OF THE UNIVERSITY PRESS CAMBRIDGE AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS 1886 All Rights reserved Cambridge PRINTED BY C. J. CLAY M.A. AND SON AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS PREFACE THERE is not any more marvellous character in history; certainly none more prominent among the warriors and statesmen of the Roman Republic, than Lucius Cornelius Sulla, nor is there any among Plutarch's lives of Roman worthies that surpasses in importance and interest that of the great Dictator, based, as it undoubtedly is, upon the autobiographical Memoirs, which occupied him in his retirement near Puteoli until a few days before his death. Yet, notwithstanding the interest attaching to the subject, it has shared the general neglect in which Plutarch's Biographies have fallen among Scholars, nor has an Editor been found to bestow any care upon this historical portrait of the foremost figure in a most eventful epoch-the deliverer of Rome and the accomplisher of Italian unity-since the year 1795, when E. H. G. Leopold published the first and only adequately annotated, though uncritical, edition of the Life of Sulla, combining with it those of Marius, Lucullus and Sertorius. It The educational value of the writings of Plutarch has been hitherto, I believe, unduly disregarded. is no mere assumption that there is a large class of persons to whom the study of Greek as a language is distasteful, simply because the authors and subjects that vi PREFACE have been put before them fail to command their interest and sympathy. I cannot but think that if the at present narrow range of Greek authors commonly read in our great seats of education were extended, as has been done in France, Germany and other countries, so as to admit Plutarch, a somewhat different feeling would be excited in such minds towards the most perfect of languages. Of one special class of students-I mean the theo- logical-it may safely be said that they would receive more direct,benefit from an acquaintance with the Greek of Plutarch than from a study of the great masterpieces of the Periclean age. Not that I wish for one moment to underrate the importance of the latter as an instrument of sound education, but for the interpretation of the Greek Testament there is surely no author who affords so much help as the delightful old sage of Chaironeia; and, if he were more widely read, we might possibly be spared the complaint of Dr Hatch' that 'in spite of the great importance of the subject in itself, and in spite of the great interest which is shown in it throughout the 1 Sermon preached before the University of Oxford, February 23, 1879. The most recent words of the eminent American scholar Pro- fessor Gildersleeve in the American Journal of Philology, No. 24, p. 485 are worth quoting on this subject: 'It is strange that while stretches of Greek literature lie absolutely untilled, at least by scholars of English speech, and men prefer to limit their vision to fields where only the scantiest gleanings can possibly fall to the lot of the most resolute and sagacious explorer, rather than subdue an immense extent of important territory, because the ground is post- classic; as if the classic could be understood without the post-classic! To be bold, who reads Plutarch outside of a few of the Lives? And yet who is not richer for reading Plutarch? *** To Plutarch, Mommsen (in the fifth volume of his History of Rome), no lover of Greeklings generally, does ample justice.' PREFACE vii Christian world, the knowledge of the language of the several writers of the New Testament is only now in its infancy.' Be that as it may, I have done my best to smooth the path of any who may be led in their study of the Greek language into fresh woods and pastures new, and shall be amply repaid for any labour I have bestowed on this as on other Biographies of Plutarch, if the result be as I presume to anticipate. The present Edition proceeds on the lines of the companion volume, the Lives of the Gracchi. The addition of complete Summaries of the contents of each Chapter will, I hope, enhance the usefulness of the book proportionately to the increase of its bulk. The Text, which I have adopted, is mainly that of Bekker (Tauchnitz 1855-6), between which and that of Sintenis in his latest and improved edition (Teubner 1874), there is not any essential difference. In marking the Sections I have followed the latter. In one instance only have I ventured to introduce a conjectural emenda- tion of my own, viz. in Ch. xXVIII § 1, wherе ĤпείƑЄто, which seems to satisfy the requirements both of the text and of palaeography, has been substituted by me for the unsatisfactory and unmeaning eineто of the oldest MS and йптето of later MSS, for which previous editors have proposed readings even more unmeaning and unsatis- factory, as may be seen in the Critical Appendix. TT H. A. HOLDEN ATHENAEUM CLUB LONDON S. W. May 12th 1886 INTRODUCTION TABLE OF CONTENTS §§ 1-10 Life of Plutarch §§ 11, 12 The Parallel Lives The Life of Sulla §§ 1-10 Sources of information CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE ADDENDA ET CORRIGENDA MAP OF BOEOTIA THE GREEK TEXT EXPLANATORY NOTES APPENDIX ON THE TEXT . INDEX I MATTERS INDEX II GRAMMATICAL INDEX III LEXICAL PAGE xi-xxv xxv-xxxi xxxi-xxxiv xxxiv-lxxiv . lxxv-lxxxvii lxxxix-xci xciii 1-55 56-194 197-204 206-220 221-226 227-270 " ΑΓΑΘΙΟΥ ΣΧΟΛΑΣΤΙΚΟΥ εἰς εἰκόνα Πλογτάρχου Σείο πολυκλεεΝΤΑ ΤΥΠΟΝ CTHCAN, Χαιρωνεί Πλούταρχε, κρατερῶν γἱέες AŞconίωN, ὅττι παραλλήλοισι βίοις Ἕλληνας ἀρίστογ Ῥώμης επολέμοις fpMOCAC ΕΝΝΑΤΑΙ. ἀλλὰ τεοί Βιότοιο παράλληλου ΒΙΟΝ ἄλλος ΟΥΔΕ Υ Γ᾽ ἂν Γράψας ο Γάρ ὁΜΟΙΟΝ ἔχεις. I. INTRODUCTION a. Life of Plutarch 1. Nothing is known of the personal history of Plu- tarch, but what may be gathered from various notices. scattered through his own writings'. He was born be- tween A.D. 46 and A.D. 51 at Chaironeia in north-west Boeotia, a town small and insignificant, but rich in his- torical memories. It was one of the five cities in the famous plain, called by his favourite hero Epameinondas 'the dancing-plot of Ares" at the time when the two great battles³ which were named after it were as yet not fought. Here his family had been settled for many years, and was of good standing and local repute. He speaks incidentally of his great-grandfather Nikarchos, who was at his native place at the time of the struggle between Antony and Octavius', and makes constant mention of ¹ Cp. M. Octave Gréard de la morale de Plutarque ed. 3 Paris 1880: 'nul écrivain, grec ou latin, n'a fait pour lui ce qu'il avait fait pour tant d'autres; le biographe de l'antiquité n'a pas de biographie.' *Αρεως ὀρχήστραν vit. Marcell. c. 21, πολέμου ορχήστραν αφο- phthegm. reg. et imperat. § 18. 3 That in B.C. 338 when Philip of Macedon defeated the united forces of the Athenians and Boeotians,.a day fatal to the liberties of Greece; and that in B.C. 86 when Sulla defeated the Pontic army. → Vit. Anton. c. 68. xii INTRODUCTION Lamprias, his grandfather, as taking part in the ovμmо- σιAKȧ πρоßλńμAra or 'Table talk,' which occupy so consi- derable a portion of his miscellaneous writings'; and of his father, who also was a man of cultivation and could occasionally take part in the discourses on various topics. recorded by his son. He had two brothers, Lamprias" and Timon'. He married, it is not known at what period of his life, Timoxena, daughter of Alexion, by whom he had four sons and one daughter. The eldest and fourth died young. To his two surviving sons, Autobulos and Plutarchos, he dedicated his treatise περὶ τῆς ἐν Τιμαίῳ 4vxoyovías or 'concerning the procreation of the soul as discoursed in the Timacos of Plato.' His only daughter, named Timoxena after her mother, died when she was only two years old during her father's temporary absence. It was on occasion of her death that the affectionate and sensible letter of consolation (παραμυθητικὸς πρὸς τὴν ἰδίαν yuvaîka) was addressed by Plutarch to his wife, 'showing him' as has been said 'in a very tender and attractive light as a husband and father, and affording us glimpses of a family life, the existence of which we are too apt to forget when taking account of the moral condition of' the ancient heathen world." e.g. I 5, 5 ἦν δὲ Λαμπρίας, ὁ ἡμέτερος πάππος, ἐν τῷ πίνειν εὑρετικώτατος αὐτὸς αὑτοῦ καὶ λογιώτατος. Comp. IV 5 where he takes part in a discourse on the reasons why the Jews abstain from pork; also I 2, 2, V 2, 6 and vit. Ant. c. 28, where Lamprias repeats a story told him by the physician Philotas, illustrating the luxuriousness of Antony's life in Egypt. 6 Sympos. I 2, 5; II 2, I; VIII 6, 5; IX 5, 1. 7 Sympos. I 2; II 5. 8 De consol. ad uxorem c. 5 : ἤδη δὲ καὶ περὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα πολλὴν εὐστάθειαν ἐπεδείξω, τὸ πρεσβύτατον τῶν τέκνων ἀποβαλοῦσα καὶ πάλιν ἐκείνου τοῦ καλοῦ Χαίρωνος ἡμᾶς προλιπόντος. Archbp. Trench Five lectures on Plutarch p. 32, who compares INTRODUCTION xiii 2. Plutarch commenced his philosophical studies at Athens, under the direction of Ammonios, with a fellow- pupil named Themistokles, a descendant of the hero of Salamis¹, in the year A.D. 66 when Nero was travel- ling in Greece". On the completion of his studies under Ammonios, he returned from Athens, where the freedom of the city was conferred upon him, to his home at Chai- roneia, where he continued his literary pursuits. Not long after this he went on a voyage to Alexandria ¹º, on his return from which he was fêted by his friends. 3. In later years, some time before A.D. 90, he paid a visit to Italy and Rome, which exercised considerable in- fluence on his after life. He makes a general reference to this visit in his Life of Demosthenes, where (after plead- ing the necessity for an author who has undertaken to compile a history of some foreign country from materials not ready to his hand but dispersed in different places, that he should reside in some historically famous, culti- vated and populous town, where he can have unlimited access to books of all kinds, and where he can also pick up trustworthy information on such particulars, as rest upon popular tradition) he says of himself yµeîs dè µikpàv οἰκοῦντες πόλιν καί, ἵνα μὴ μικροτέρα γένηται, φιλοχωροῦν- τες, ἐν δὲ Ῥώμῃ καὶ ταῖς περὶ τὴν Ἰταλίαν διατριβαῖς οὐ two striking passages, amator. c. 24 and praec. coniug. c. 34. Cf. Volkmann, Leben, Schriften und Philosophie des Plutarch von Chaeronca Berlin 1873, p. 29. 10 Vit. Them. c. 32, 4. 11 περὶ τοῦ ΕΙ ἐν Δελφοῖς c. I; ἃ πάλαι ποτε, καθ᾿ ὃν καιρὸν ἐπεδήμει Νέρων, ἠκούσαμεν ᾿Αμμωνίου καὶ τινῶν ἄλλων διε- ξιόντων. 12 Sympos. v. 5, I ἐν ταῖς ὑποδοχαῖς ἂς ἐποιεῖτο τῶν φίλων ἕκα V. 1 στος ἑστιῶν ἡμᾶς ἥκοντας ἀπὸ τῆς ᾿Αλεξανδρείας. 13 C. 2. xiv INTRODUCTION no σχολῆς οὔσης γυμνάζεσθαι περὶ τὴν Ῥωμαϊκὴν διάλεκτον ὑπὸ χρειῶν πολιτικῶν καὶ τῶν διὰ φιλοσοφίαν πλησιαζόντων, ὀψέ ποτε καὶ πόρρω τῆς ἡλικίας ἠρξάμεθα Ῥωμαϊκοῖς γράμ µaσiv évтvyxáveiv, 'as to myself, I live in a small town and am fond of living in it, that the small town may not be made yet smaller by the absence of even one in- habitant. But when I was in Rome and during my stay in different parts of Italy, I found my time so taken up with the public commissions with which I was charged, and with the number of those who came to be instructed by me in philosophy, that I had not leisure to study the Latin language. Consequently it was not till late, at an advanced period of my life, that I began to read Latin books.' Plutarch then goes on to explain that it was not words that assisted him to discover the meaning of things, but rather his knowledge of the history that enabled him to find out the meaning of the words. To appre- ciate the beauty and fluency of the Latin language, its various figures and the exquisite symmetry of its diction, and all the other graces of its structure, though an ele- gant and agreeable accomplishment, he professes himself unable, because to do so would require more practice and pains than he had time for¹. The above passage is for Plutarch's life, in more than one respect, instructive. the first place we have his own confession that he was but an indifferent Latin scholar, a fact which, to say nothing of his defective method of employing his Roman authori- ties, is proved by the errors into which he falls, as often 14 In 14 κάλλους δὲ Ῥωμαϊκῆς ἀπαγγελίας καὶ τάχους αἰσθάνεσθαι καὶ μεταφορᾶς ὀνομάτων καὶ ἁρμονίας καὶ τῶν ἄλλων, οἷς ὁ λόγος ἀγάλλε ται, χάριεν μὲν ἡγούμεθα καὶ οὐκ ἀτερπές· ἡ δὲ πρὸς τοῦτο μελέτη καὶ ἄσκησις οὐκ εὐχερής, ἀλλ᾽ οἷστισι πλείων τε σχολὴ καὶ τὰ τῆς ὥρας ἔτι πρὸς τὰς τοιαύτας ἐπιχωρεῖ φιλοτιμίας. INTRODUCTION XV 15 as he has occasion to explain Latin words and phrases ¹³. Secondly, we learn that Plutarch was engaged in some public business at Rome, probably as representing his native town 16, that he gave lectures or held conversaziones in philosophy, and that he availed himself of the oppor- tunity his residence there gave him to make excursions in Italy, and that he must have stayed there some length of time. One limit for the date of his visit is given in the treatise ‘on the skill of animals", where in recording an instance of wonderful sagacity in a dog, which he had himself witnessed in the theatre of Marcellus at Rome, ευ π 15 Thus he speaks of πάτρωνας for πατρώνους = patronos, vit. Rom. c. 13; he uses a false construction with sine, oive Táтρis (=patris), oîov äveν Tатрós, quaest. Rom. 103. His remark that the Latin language, which had become almost the universal lan- guage, had taken away nearly all prepositions' (o 'Pwμaiwv Xóyos, ᾧ νῦν ὁμοῦ τι πάντες ἄνθρωποι χρῶνται...προθέσεις ἀφῄρηκε πλὴν ὀλί- ywv åπáσas) is very suspicious. He betrays his imperfect acquaint- ance with Latin also by his curious derivation of the word fetialis (Num. c. 12), and by his confusion of the meaning of vicus (Lucull. c. 37), where he gives it the meaning of 'village' instead of street (τὰς περιοικίδας κώμας, ὃς οὐΐκους καλοῦσιν, eioríaσe); again, by his imagining the form prosecuisset to belong to prosequi and translating this word by karakoλov@eîv (vit. Cam. c. 5 compared with Liv. v 21). Cf. H. Peter die Quellen Plutarchs in den Biographieen der Römer, p. 52. But it may be said that such slips are to be found in Dionysios of Halicarnassos, though he boasts of himself (Antig. I 7) ἔτων δύο καὶ εἴκοσι—ἐν Ρώμῃ διατρίψας διά- λεκτόν τε τὴν Ῥωμαϊκὴν ἐκμαθών; and some critics will concur with G. Lagus Plutarchus vitae Ciceronis scriptor Helsingf. a. 1847 p. 18 sqq. who says:-Quomodo opinari possumus leviter tantum latinis literis eruditum, qui et Catonis et Caesaris et Sallusti et Livi alio- rumque permultorum, quos longum est enumerare, scripta adierit, lectitarit, contulerit, saepe graece reddiderit? 16 Tout le temps, qu'il demeura en Italie, il fut, en quelque sorte, le chargé d'affaires de sa ville natale.' Gréard l. c. p. 32. 17 c. 19. xvi INTRODUCTION 19 Plutarch distinctly mentions the presence of the old Emperor Vespasian-παρὴν γὰρ ὁ γέρων Ουεσπασιανὸς ἐν τῷ Μαρκέλλου θεάτρῳ. This must have been before the year A.D. 79, in which Vespasian died. Again he relates casually in his treatise de curiositate¹8, how on one occa- sion, when he was lecturing, Arulenus Rusticus, who was put to death in A.D. 94 by the Emperor Domitian, was amongst his audience. A passage in the Symposiaca shows that Plutarch paid at least two visits to Rome, Σύλλας ὁ Καρχηδόνιος εἰς Ῥώμην ἀφικομένῳ μοι διὰ χρόνου τὸ ὑποδεκτικόν, ὡς Ῥωμαῖοι καλοῦσι, καταγγείλας δεῖπνον ἄλλους τε τῶν ἑταίρων παρέλαβεν οὐ πολλοὺς κτλ. At that time he was accompanied by his compatriot Philinos. Now we know from the Life of Publicola" that Plutarch was again in Greece and at Athens before A.D. 82, the year when the Capitol was restored by Domitian, for he saw there the columns of Pentelican marble destined for that building. He goes on to state that at Rome they were again cut and polished, and had lost thereby some of their original symmetry, being too slender, and he ends with a description of the imperial palace; from which it follows that Plutarch must have been at Rome after A.D. 82. We find also many other notices of his pre- sence at Rome scattered throughout his writings, as when he refers to various bad customs existing in his time"¹, or speaks of buildings and localities seen by him, such as the sacred island of the Tiber 22, the temple of Vica Pota2, 18 c. 15. 20 19 VIII 7, I. C. 15 οἱ δὲ κίονες ἐκ τοῦ Πεντελῆσιν ἐτμήθησαν λίθου κάλλιστα τῷ πάχει πρὸς τὸ μῆκος ἔχοντες· εἴδομεν γὰρ αὐτοὺς ᾿Αθήνησιν. ἐν δὲ Ρώμῃ πληγέντες αὖθις καὶ ἀναξυσθέντες οὐ τοσοῦτον ἔσχον γλα- φυρίας, ὅσον ἀπώλεσαν συμμετρίας <καὶ> τοῦ καλοῦ, διάκενοι καὶ λα- γαροι φανέντες. 21 Vit. Marcell. c. 3 extr. 22 Vit. Public. c. 8. 23 ib. c. IC. INTRODUCTION xvii the bronze statue of Titus Quintus Flamininus, opposite the Circus, with the Greek inscription on it, or the Tεрáтwν άyoрá 'monster-market 25. In the Life of Numa he states that he had himself heard many Romans narrate how in obedience to an oracle bidding the Romans set up a statue of the wisest and the bravest of the Greeks in their own city, they had erected in the forum two bronze statues, one of Alkibiades, the other of Pythagoras 26. π 4. At Rome Plutarch became acquainted with many eminent men, and also renewed his acquaintance. with several whom he had known before in Greece, as with Favorinus, the renowned rhetorician and philoso- pher to whom he dedicated his treatise on the principle of сold' (περì тоû прάтоν чνɣроî) and a lost tract ‘on friend- ship', and with Sextius Sulla of Carthage, ovte μovoŵv οὔτε χαρίτων ἐπιδεὴς ἀνήρ. Thus he was on terms of intimacy with Gaius Sosius Senecio, one of Pliny's correspondents 23, to whom Plutarch dedicates several of his Parallel Lives 29. It was at his suggestion also that he compiled his Symposiaca or 'Records of Table talk', held at entertainments in which he played the part of host or guest to a circle of scholars or gentlemen devoted to literature and philosophy at Rome and elsewhere". 28 24 Vit. Flam. c. I. 26 25 De curios. c. 10. c. 8: αὐτοὶ δ᾽ ἀκηκόαμεν πολλῶν ἐν Ρώμῃ διεξιόντων ὅτι χρησμοῦ ποτὲ Ρωμαίοις γενομένου τον φρονιμώτατον καὶ τὸν ἀνδρειότατον ῾Ελλήνων ἱδρύσασθαι παρ' αὑτοῖς, ἔστησαν ἐπὶ τῆς ἀγορᾶς εἰκόνας χαλκᾶς δύο, τὴν μὲν ᾿Αλκιβιάδου τὴν δὲ Πυθαγόρου. 27 Vit. Rom. c. 15. 28 Plin. ep. 1 13. 29 Those of Theseus and Romulus, of Demosthenes and Cicero, of Dion and Brutus, probably also those of Agis and Kleomenes, and the Gracchi, as well as the treatise de profectibus in virtute (mŵs ἄν τις αἴσθοιτο ἑαυτοῦ προκόπτοντος ἐπ᾿ ἀρετῇ.) 30 Prooem. § 4: ᾠήθης τε δεῖν ἡμᾶς τῶν σποράδην πολλάκις ἔν τε H. S. b xviii INTRODUCTION Now we know from the Fasti that Sosius was four times consul under Trajan, viz., consul suffectus in A. D. 98 and consul ordinarius in A.D. 99, 102, 107. We do not, how- ever, know whether Plutarch made his acquaintance first at Rome or in Greece, where it is certain from refer- ences in the Symposiaca, that he stayed some consider- able time. Another man of consular rank, a scholar and archaeologist", was also a friend of Plutarch's, viz. Mestrius Florus. It was in his company that he travelled through Gallia Cisalpina, where the family of Mestrius. was well known, and visited the battle-field of Bedria- cum 33, Brixellum³, Ravenna, where he saw the marble statue of Gaius Marius. Fundanus, another friend, who is the principal interlocutor in the dialogue about dopyn- Τ Ρώμῃ μεθ' ὑμῶν καὶ παρ' ἡμῖν ἐν τῇ Ελλάδι, παρούσης ἅμα τραπέζης καὶ κύλικος, φιλολογηθέντων συναγαγεῖν τὰ ἐπιτήδεια. 31 From II I, I it is plain that Plutarch was once at Patrae with him; and in v I, I he speaks of their being in each other's company at Athens. Again in IV 3, I he tells us that Sosius was present at the marriage feast of his son Autobulos (ἐν τοῖς Αὐτοβού- λου τοῦ υἱοῦ γάμοις συνεώρταζεν ἡμῖν παρὼν ἐκ Χαιρωνείας (ἐν Χαιρω- νείᾳ Volkmann) ὁ Σόσιος Σενεκίων). 32 φιλαρχαίος, Symp. VII 4: cf. ib. VIII 2, 2, Sueton. Fespas. C. 22. 33 Vit. Oth. c. 14: ἐμοὶ δὲ ὕστερον ὁδεύοντι διὰ τοῦ πεδίου Μέ στριος Φλώρος, ἀνὴρ ὑπατικὸς τῶν τότε μὴ κατὰ γνώμην ἀλλ᾽ ἀνάγκῃ μετὰ τοῦ Ὄθωνος γενομένων, νεὼν ὄντα παλαιὸν ἐπιδείξας διη γεῖτο μετὰ τὴν μάχην ἐπελθὼν ἰδεῖν νεκρῶν σῶρον τηλικοῦτον ὥστε τοὺς ἐπιπολῆς ἅπτεσθαι τῶν ἀετών (the pediments). 34 ib. c. 18: εἶδον δ᾽ ἐν Βριξίλλῳ γενόμενος καὶ μνῆμα μέτριον καὶ τὴν ἐπιγραφὴν οὕτως ἔχουσαν, εἰ μεταφρασθείη, δηλώσει (δαίμοσι dis manibus Bekker auctore Lobeckio ad. Soph. Aiac. p. 159) Μάρκου Όθωνος. 35 Fit. Mar. c. 2: τῆς δ᾽ ὄψεως τῆς Μαρίου λιθίνην εἰκόνα κειμέ νην ἐν Ραβέννῃ τῆς Γαλατίας ἐθεώμεθα, πάνυ τῇ λεγομένῃ περὶ τὸ ἦθος στρυφνότητι καὶ πικρίᾳ πρέπουσαν. INTRODUCTION xix oía, 'the cure of anger,' a very noble and humane cha- racter and the counterpart of Plutarch himself in his domestic life, is probably to be identified with Minu- cius Fundanus, a distinguished friend of Pliny the younger³. A common friend of Sulla, Fundanus and Plutarch was Paccius, to whom the treatise πepì evðvµíos 'of tranquillity of mind' is dedicated, a distinguished forensic speaker and a friend of the emperor³. 5. Plutarch's occupation during his residence at Rome was akin to that of the ancient grammaticus, whom we should describe as lecturer or private tutor³, ready to give advice to any one consulting him on questions of practical morality, a sort of physician of the soul, able to make a diagnosis of a diseased moral condition, one of 'the domestic chaplains of heathendom,' as Bishop Light- foot calls them, ready to help all who sought his assist- ance as their spiritual director and adviser. He had cultivated, in a greater or less degree, the three branches. of study recognized by the ancients, viz. mathematics, rhetoric and philosophy". But his attention was mainly given to moral and religious speculations, in all of which he took the most profound interest; the one end and aim of his life and writings being the illumination of the 36 Volkmann 7. c. p. 41. 37 See his three Epistles, 19, IV 15, VI 6. There is also a fourth letter (v 6) concerning the death of his young daughter in which Pliny speaks of his being eruditus et sapiens, ut qui se ab ineunte aetate altioribus studiis artibusque dederit. 38 De tranquill. animi c. 1. 39 Vit. Dem. c. 2, already quoted § 3, where he speaks of his being prevented from learning much of the Latin language vπò τῶν διὰ φιλοσοφίαν πλησιαζόντων. 40 Sympos. IX 14 § 3 ἁπάσας τὰς διὰ λόγου περαινομένας ἐπιστή- μας καὶ τέχνας οἱ παλαιοὶ καταμαθόντες ἐν τρισὶ γένεσιν οὔσας, τῷ φιλοσόφῳ καὶ τῷ ῥητορικῷ καὶ τῷ μαθηματικῷ κτλ. b 2 XX INTRODUCTION intellect by the force of morals. Thus Poetry, in his judgment, was mischievous, if it had not a direct moral tendency; his rhetorical precepts and his rules of histori- cal criticism are alike based upon morals; does he find himself in presence of some physical phenomenon¹¹, or confronted by a question of erudition, the solution is to be found only by recurring to moral principles. Even his rules for the preservation of health are for the most part observations of moral hygiene. If he attacks the Stoics and Epicureans, it is to vindicate providence and the moral government of the world against their tenets. Politics, moreover, are in his view nothing but the most perfect exercise of moral philosophy applied to the ame- lioration of society *2/ 42 Thus we see why, from the first, his miscellaneous essays on all sorts of topics were comprised under the common title of 'Moral Works.' His Parallel Lives are but the complement of his moral essays; his leading purpose in writing them was not, as will be seen here- after, historical but ethical: history is only a school of manners for him; what he looks for in the example of 'Vivid moral por- great men is some lesson or other¹³. traiture' says Archbishop Trench is what he aimed at, and this is what he achieved.' And this is the secret of his vast popularity, which has stood the test of so many ages, from the fourth century, when he could be spoken of as ὁ θειότατος, ὁ θεσπέσιος, ἡ φιλο- 41 Vit. Nic. c. 23. с 43 с 42 περὶ τοῦ ὅτι μάλιστα τοῖς ἡγεμόσι δεῖ τὸν φιλόσοφον διαλέγε- σθαι c. 1; πρὸς ἡγεμόνα ἀπαίδευτον c. 3. 43 Heeren de fontibus et auctoritate vitarum parallelarum Plutarchi Commentatio prima: prooem. p. 5 etc., Trench 7. c. p. 90. 44 7. c. p. 43. INTRODUCTION xxi σοφίας ἁπάσης ἀφροδίτη καὶ λύρα", or as ὁ τῆς ἐπιστήμης πλοῦτος 46. 48 47 6. We can readily imagine what a profound impres- sion must have been made upon Plutarch by the great City, which was the heart and centre of the world's ac- tivity, with its glorious name and associations ¹7, its beau- tiful and magnificent sights, not so much from isolated expressions as from his whole method of speaking of the Roman power, and the profound interest which he mani- fested in Roman history at a later period of his life. He regarded the Roman empire as a special creation of Pro- vidence for helping men to lasting peace and undis- turbed possession of their property after a long and dreary period of warfare. 49 7. From the noise and bustle of Rome he returned to the modest and quiet place of his birth, where he spent the remaining years of his tranquil life. He made a point of undertaking its humblest offices at first 50 -entertaining as he did the strong conviction that the exercise of public functions was the duty and the proper education of Man. Subsequently he became its apxwv èπúvνμos for more than one year¹ and was nominated by his fellow-townsmen to the office of Boeotarch 5º. He was 45 Eunapius de vitis sophistarum, prooem. p. 3 ed. Boissonade. Theophylact Sim. Q.P. p. 22. 47 Rom. c. I: τὸ μέγα τῆς Ρώμης ὄνομα καὶ δόξῃ διὰ πάντων κεχωρηκός. 18 Such as ʼn kaλǹ 'Pwµŋ, de sollertia animal. c. 5. 49 Vit. Rom. c. 8: οὐκ ἂν ἐνταῦθα προὔβη δυνάμεως (τὰ Ῥωμαίων πράγματα) μὴ θείαν τινα ἀρχὴν λαβόντα καὶ μηδὲν μέγα μηδὲ παρά- došov Exovσav. Cf. vit. Pomp. c. 75, vit. Philopoem. c. 17, de jortuna Romanorum p. 316 C—326 c. 50 Praec. reip. ger. 15, 17. 51 Sympos. II IO, I; VI 8, 1. An seni ger. sit resp. c. 4; praec, reip. ger. c. 17. xxii INTRODUCTION 53 likewise chosen to officiate as priest of Apollo at Delphi a still higher testimony to the worth of his character-and at a later period as dywvolérns at the Pythian games 54. But his public duties did not hinder him from making. frequent excursions so that he was familiar with all the principal localities, not to say the nooks and corners of Greece; he delights to relate his personal reminiscences and all he has seen of the memorials and records of her past splendour55. 8. In the retirement of a happy domestic life Plu- tarch had abundant leisure for the pursuit of his favourite literary and moral studies. But his useful virtues were actively employed for the good of others. Besides taking his full share in the civil and religious duties of his sta- tion, he disbursed the stores of his learning liberally, dif- fusing knowledge in an age which stood greatly in need of education. His profound sympathy with the young made the task of their spiritual direction a pleasant one: his lecture room was open to those who, longing to order their lives according to some higher rule in a corrupt age, sought special help in private and familiar intercourse. He gave lectures on philosophical and other subjects, expounding at one time some writing of Plato, at another answering offhand the various questions (Tроßλńμата) put to him, or warning his hearers against the manifold. corrupt practices and luxury of the time. Many of these lectures were afterwards enlarged by him and published 53 Sympos. VII 2, 2 where he speaks of Euthydemos as his col- league in the priesthood (ovviepeús). 54 ib. V 2, 3. 55 See especially vit. Phok. c. 18, c. 22, Demosth. c. 7, c. 31, Nikias c. 3, Perikl. c. 13, Agesil. c. 19, c. 35, Lykurg. c. 18, Ari- steid. c. I, c. 17, c. 19-21, c. 27, Themist. c. 22, Sol. c. 25, Alex- andr. c. 69, Kim. c. 16. INTRODUCTION xxiii as separate treatises", and it is plain that they were no mere showy declamations, like those of ordinary sophists, but 'earnest efforts, as of a spiritual physician, to heal the hurts of men's souls"7", Plutarch must have been an extensive reader, and had access to a select library, which contained a good many treasures, but he felt the want of a large library of reference 58 at Chaironeia, so necessary to a literary man. His wont at Rome, where he commanded an ample store of books, had been to make Extracts from the more emi- nent writers in Biography, History or Philosophy for his pupils or audience, which he afterwards employed in the composition of his miscellaneous Works; most of which were originally written or added to on some particular occasion, some festive event in the circle of his acquaint- ance, or at the special request of some friend 5º. 9. As to the chronological order of his works we are left very much in the dark. Most of them must have been written in his riper years after the reign of Domi- tian. For the date of his Biographies, there is an im- portant passage in that of Sulla c. 21, where, after describing the battle of Orchomenos, fought in B.C. 85, he 56 To this category belongs the treatise de audiendis poetis: of which he says (c. 1) ἃ δ᾽ οὖν ἐμοὶ περὶ ποιημάτων εἰπόντι πρώην ἐπῆλθε, νῦν πρὸς σὲ γεγραμμένα πέμψαι διενοήθην : and that de audi- endo which begins thus : τὴν γενομένην μοι σχολήν, ὦ Νίκανδρε, περὶ τοῦ ἀκούειν ἐπέσταλκά σοι γράψας : also the ὑγιεινὰ παραγγέλ- μara or de sanitate praecepta. 57 Trench . c. p. 107. 58 See above § 3; also de EI ap. Delph. c. 1. 59 'He was as indefatigable a gleaner of literary and ethical curiosities as Southey himself: and could we have his Common- place Book, it might be far more valuable and interesting than the very unequal collection of Photius.' Edinburgh Review, Jan. 1869 P. 73. xxiv INTRODUCTION says that many relics of the dead were found in the neighbouring marshes-σχεδὸν ἐτῶν διακοσίων ἀπὸ τῆς μάχης ἐκείνης διαγεγονότων. From which it follows that Plutarch must have composed the Life of Sulla at least not much before A.D. 115, at the close of Trajan's reign. He does not appear to have lived long after A.D. 120. For he speaks in his Life of Solon c. 32 of the Olympieion at Athens as unfinished, which we know. that Hadrian completed some time between A.D. 125 and A.D. 130°. There is a passage in Artemidorus Daldianus which refers to his death "1. IO. There is sufficient evidence that Plutarch's works were much read and used soon after his death. Aelios Aristeides 62, the celebrated rhetorician of the second century, and Polyaenos, author of the σTрarnуn- μaτa, borrowed largely from him. He is quoted by A. Gellius and Galen 63 and referred to by Tatian the Apolo- gist in his λόγος πρὸς Ἕλληνας. In the 3rd century we find Athenaeos constantly quoting or making tacit refer- ence to him, also Porphyrios the neo-Platonist, and Eunapios*. Stobaeos in his collection made extracts of all kinds from his works, including some that are lost. Macrobios in his Saturnalia has made constant use of his 'Table-talk.' In the 6th century he was carefully read by Sopater the younger of Apameia, the eighth and twelfth book of whose ekλoyaì diάpopoi contained extracts from his writings, among others from his lost lives of Krates, Daïphantos, Pindaros, Epameinondas: also from 60 Dyer's Ancient Athens p. 173. 61 Oneirocritica IV 72. 62 V. Sintenis ad Plut. Pericl. Excurs. 3 p. 302 ff. ed. Lips. a. 1835. 63 De dogmate Platonis et Hippocratis. 64 See above note 45. INTRODUCTION his philosophical treatise περὶ φύσεως καὶ πόνων, and from another πeρì opуns, a fragment of which is found in the Florilegium of Stobaeos. It is remarkable that Sopater made extracts from his spurious works also, such as that 'on rivers' and 'the apophthegms of Kings and Generals.' Ecclesiastical writers, as Clement of Alexandria and even Basil, the great Bishop of Cappadocia, were not ashamed to adorn themselves with his feathers, an easy proceeding which proved too tempting for compilers like Zonaras and Michael Psellos not to imitate. II. b. The Parallel Lives of Plutarch Plutarch's Parallel Lives comprise nearly the whole of the history of ancient Greece and Rome from Theseus to the Emperors Galba and Otho. They are of extraordinary value for the knowledge of Greek and Roman Antiquity, in fact for many periods the only remaining source of information, and are still regarded as the legacy of a highly-cultivated man, a thorough- going advocate of truth and morality. 'It is a mistake to suppose that he was content with writing merely amusing or popular biographies' says Dr Paley; 'the Lives are works of great learning and research and they must for this very reason, as well as from their considerable length, have taken many years in their compilation.' They are of course of unequal merit. His Roman Lives, for instance, do not exhibit such an extent of research or such a range of authorities as the Greek, partly because he had only an imperfect acquaint- ance with the Latin language and with Roman history, partly because in Chaironeia his native town, where he 65 65 See § 8 p. xxiii. Avi INTRODUCTION is supposed to have composed most of them, he had not access to so great a store of books. His original idea in writing them was simply to set a Greek warrior, states- man, orator or legislator side by side with some noted Roman, celebrated for the same qualities. In his age, when Rome held the supremacy, but Greece was still looked up to as the centre and source of wisdom and art, such a comparison of the greatest men of both na- tions had a special propriety and significance and was more than a mere literary exercise. It was a patriotic theme, to shew the superiority of this or that race; and Plutarch, in a sense, belonged to both. The forty-six extant Lives are as follows, each pair constituting one book (Bißior) usually followed by a comparison (σuykpiois) between Greek and Roman:- I. Theseus and Romulus. 2. Lykurgos and Numa. 3. 4. 5. Ň ☹ j in ☹ Ń ∞ ci 6. 7. Solon and Valerius Publicola. Themistokles and Camillus. Perikles and Q. Fabius Maximus. Alkibiades and Coriolanus. Timoleon and Aemilius Paulus. 8. Pelopidas and Marcellus. 9. IO. Aristeides and Cato the elder. Philopoemen and Flamininus. Pyrrhos and Marius. Lysander and Sulla. II. I 2. 13. Kimon and Lucullus. I 4. Nikias and Crassus. 15. Eumenes and Sertorius. 16. Agesilaos and Pompeius. 17. Alexander and Caesar. 18. Phokion and Cato the younger. INTRODUCTION XX 19, 20. 21. 22. 23. Agis and Kleomenes and Tiberius and Gaius Gracchus. Demosthenes and Cicero. Demetrios Poliorketes and Marcus Antonius. Dion and M. Junius Brutus. The earliest series was, as he himself tells us 66 , com- 66 Introduction to Life of Timoleon c. i (ed. Sintenis, Life of Acm. Paulus ed. Held c. 1):-ἐμοὶ μὲν τῆς τῶν βίων ἅψασθαι μὲν γραφῆς συνέβη δι' ἑτέρους, ἐπιμένειν δὲ καὶ φιλοχωρεῖν ἤδη καὶ δι' ἐμαυτόν, ὥσπερ ἐν ἐσόπτρῳ τῇ ἱστορίᾳ πειρώμενον ἀμωσγέπως κοσμεῖν καὶ ἀφομοιοῦν πρὸς τὰς ἐκείνων ἀρετὰς τὸν βίον. Οὐδὲν γὰρ ἄλλ᾽ ἢ συνδιαιτήσει καὶ συμβιώσει τὸ γινόμενον ἔοικεν, ὅταν ὥσπερ ἐπιξενού- μενον ἕκαστον αὐτῶν ἐν μέρει διὰ τῆς ἱστορίας ὑποδεχόμενοι καὶ παρα- λαμβάνοντες ἀναθεωρῶμεν, ὅσσος ἔην οἷός τε, τὰ κυριώτατα καὶ τὰ κάλλιστα πρὸς γνῶσιν ἀπὸ τῶν πράξεων λαμβάνοντες. φεῦ, φεῦ· τί τούτου χάρμα μεῖζον ἂν λάβοις; πρὸς ἐπανόρθωσιν ἠθῶν ἐνεργότερον;...ἡμεῖς δὲ τῇ περὶ τὴν ἱστορίαν διατριβῇ καὶ τῆς γραφῆς τῇ συνηθείᾳ παρασκευάζομεν ἑαυτοὺς τὰς τῶν ἀρίστων καὶ δοκιμωτάτων μνήμας ὑποδεχομένους ἀεὶ ταῖς ψυχαῖς, εἴ τι φαῦλον ἢ κακόηθες ἢ ἀγεννὲς αἱ τῶν συνόντων ἐξ ἀνάγκης ὁμιλίαι προσβάλλουσιν, ἐκκρούειν καὶ διωθεῖσθαι πρὸς τὰ κάλλιστα τῶν παρα- δειγμάτων ἵλεω καὶ πρᾳεῖαν ἀποστρέφοντες τὴν διάνοιαν i.e. It was for the sake of others that I first undertook to write biographies, but I at once began to dwell upon and delight in them for my own sake, while I endeavoured to the best of my ability to regulate my own life and to make it resemble their virtues, which were reflected in their history as in a mirror. For it seems just as if we lived in personal intercourse with them, when we welcome each character in turn as a guest by the study of their lives, and think 'how great, how noble he was,' as we appropriate from their acts the best and most important as a means of judging of them. Ah! what greater joy than this could'st thou receive?' what more efficacious for the elevation of character?...By our familiarity with history and prac- tice in writing it, we train ourselves constantly to receive into our minds the memorials of the best and most approved characters, so that, if anything low or vicious or degrading is thrown in our way by the society into which we are ecessarily thrown, we reject and viii INTRODUCTION 67 posed at the suggestion of some friends; these are of an historical rather than ethical character, although here. and there moral reflexions are interspersed, as might be expected in a moralist like Plutarch. To this class of biographies belong those of Lysander and Sulla, of Kimon and Lucullus, of Demosthenes and Cicero. (the fifth book of the series) with some others. The Book of Perikles and Fabius Maximus, forming the tenth" of the series, forms a new departure. The work which he had undertaken to please some friends proved so interesting and agreeable to his taste that he did not need any external pressing to continue it; but his treat- ment of his subject becomes more ethical, and the historical narrative a canvas on which he loves to paint beautiful pictures of virtue. 67 This Second Series of Parallel Lives, in which the moral aspect of actions is made prominent, comprises in addition to the Book already mentioned, those of Dion and Brutus (the twelfth book of the series), of Alex- ander and Caesar, of Agesilaos and Pompeius, of Pyrrhos and Marius with others. Then after having introduced in his gallery of portraits all the great cha- racters of Greek and Roman history, worthy of being proposed as models, still desirous to continue writing his Lives, he determined, not without regret, to teach virtue by painting its opposite, like Ismenias of Thebes, who showed his pupils how to play the flute and how not to play it. Plutarch confined himself in this last class expel it from our thoughts, by turning them away, calmly and gently, to the most beautiful models.' 67 See Introd. to the Lives of the Gracchi, p. ix note 1. G8 Life of Demetrios c. I : ἡμεῖς δὲ τὴν μὲν ἐκ διαστροφῆς ἑτέ- ρων ἐπανόρθωσιν οὐ πάνυ φιλάνθρωπον οὐδὲ πολιτικὴν ἡγούμεθα, τῶν δὲ κεχρημένων ἀσκεπτότερον αὐτοῖς καὶ γεγονότων ἐν ἐξουσίαις καὶ INTRODUCTION xxix to two pairs only of Parallel Lives, those of Demetrios and Antonius, Coriolanus and Alkibiades. Lastly, as he did not choose to give the history of too many bad examples, he turned his attention else- where, overleaped the limit of historical times and plung- ing into 'unknown countries' attempted to resuscitate Theseus and Romulus, Numa and Lykurgos. 69 A small number of biographies, to be ranged under the first or second class, have been lost, as those of Epameinondas and Scipio. The four extant Lives of Artoxerxes and Aratus on the one part and of Galba and Otho on the other, to- gether with the lost Lives of Herakles, Aristomenes, Hesiod, Pindar, Daiphantos, Krates the Cynic philosopher, and others were not composed as connected with one another or with other biographies: they do not In the come under the category of Parallel Lives. < πράγμασι μεγάλοις ἐπιφανῶν εἰς κακίαν οὐ χεῖρον ἴσως ἐστὶ συζυγίαν μίαν ἢ δύο παρεμβαλεῖν εἰς τὰ παραδείγματα τῶν βίων, οὐκ ἐφ' ἡδονῇ μὰ Δία καὶ διαγωγῇ τῶν ἐντυγχανόντων ποικίλλοντας τὴν γραφήν, ἀλλ᾿ ὥσπερ Ἰσμηνίας ὁ Θηβαῖος ἐπιδεικνύμενος τοῖς μαθηταῖς καὶ τοὺς εὖ καὶ τοὺς κακῶς αὐλοῦντας εἰώθει λέγειν ' Οὕτως αὐλεῖν δεῖ καὶ πάλιν Οὕτως αὐλεῖν οὐ δεῖ”...οὕτω μοι δοκοῦμεν καὶ ἡμεῖς προθυμότεροι τῶν βελτιόνων ἔσεσθαι καὶ θεαταὶ καὶ μιμηταὶ βίων, εἰ μηδὲ τῶν φαύλων καὶ ψεγομένων ἀνιστορήτως ἔχοιμεν. ን 69 Life of Theseus c. 1: ὥσπερ ἐν ταῖς γεωγραφίαις, ὦ Σόσιε Σενεκίων, οἱ ἱστορικοὶ τὰ διαφεύγοντα τὴν γνῶσιν αὐτῶν τοῖς ἐσχάτοις μέρεσι τῶν πινάκων πιεζοῦντες ἐνίοις παραγράφουσιν ὅτι “τὰ δ᾽ ἐπέ- κεινα θίνες ἄνυδροι καὶ θηριώδεις ἢ πηλὸς ἀϊδνής ἢ ‘Σκυθικὸν κρύος ἢ πέλαγος πεπηγός', οὕτως ἐμοὶ περὶ τὴν τῶν βίων τῶν παραλλήλων γραφὴν τὸν ἐφικτὸν εἰκότι λόγῳ καὶ βάσιμον ἱστορίᾳ πραγμάτων έχου μένῃ χρόνον διελθόντι περὶ τῶν ἀνωτέρω καλῶς εἶχεν εἰπεῖν ‘τὰ δ᾽ ἐπέκεινα τερατώδη καὶ τραγικὰ ποιηταὶ καὶ μυθόγραφοι νέμονται καὶ οὐκέτ᾽ ἔχει πίστιν οὐδὲ σαφήνειαν. 70 V. C. Th. Michaelis de ordine vitarum parallelarum Plu- tarchi (Berlin 1875). XXX INTRODUCTION greater number of MSS, including the best, the lives of Galba and Otho are ranged in the middle of what are called the Moral Works. 12. In order to form a proper estimate of the merits of Plutarch as a Biographer we must consider his pro- fessed purpose and the rules by which he was guided as to what he should admit or omit in his narrative. In his Introduction to the Life of Alexander the Great, where he makes an apology for the brevity with which he is. compelled to treat of the numerous events in the lives of that hero and of Caesar, ‘I am not' he says 'a writer of histories but of biographies. My readers therefore must excuse me if I do not record all events or describe in detail, but only briefly touch upon, the noblest and most famous. For the most conspicuous do not always or of necessity show a man's virtues or failings, but it often happens that some trifling incident, a word or a jest, gives a clearer insight into character, than battles with their slaughters of tens of thousands, the greatest arrays of armies and sieges of cities. Now as painters produce. a likeness by a representation of the countenance and the expression of the face, in which the character is revealed, without troubling themselves about the other parts of the body, so must I be allowed to look rather into the signs of a man's character, and by these means to give a por- trait of his life, leaving to others the description of their great deeds and their battles"? In Plutarch the whole 71 ch. 1 § 1: οὐδὲν ἄλλο προεροῦμεν ἢ παραιτησόμεθα τοὺς ἀναγι γνώσκοντας, ἐὰν μὴ πάντα μηδὲ καθ᾽ ἕκαστον ἐξειργασμένως τι τῶν περιβοήτων ἀπαγγέλλωμεν ἀλλὰ ἐπιτέμνοντες τα πλεῖστα, μὴ συκο- φαντεῖν. Ούτε γαρ ἱστορίας γραφομεν αλλα βίους οὔτε ταῖς ἐπιφα- νεστάταις πράξεσι παντως ἔνεστι δήλωσις ἀρετῆς ἢ κακίας, ἀλλὰ πρᾶγμα βραχὺ πολλάκις καὶ ῥῆμα καὶ παιδιά τις ἔμφασιν ἤθους ἐποίησε μᾶλλον ἢ μάχαι μυριόνεκροι καὶ παρατάξεις αἱ μέγισται καὶ INTRODUCTION xxxi becomes lost in the individual, history in biography: his interest is for personal character and individual actions and motives to action: more or less of historical back- ground he was obliged to give to the portraits he drew, but always in subordination to the portrait itself: he is, in short, only accidentally an historian; he is really and essentially a philosopher and moralist; and his Biographies take their tone from the spirit which animated the writer in his philosophical works, a proof of which is furnished by the preamble to the Life of Perikles, which is to the moral treatises what the example is to the rule 72. C. The Life of Lucius Cornelius Sulla This Biography falls into the following divisions :— A. c. I—c. 2: (1) Sulla's lineage, (2) his early life, habits and associations, (3) his personal appearance, with some anecdotes concerning him. B. c. 3-c. 4: his campaigns under Marius (1) in the Jugurthine and (2) Cimbrian Wars, and the origin of the feud between them. πολιορκίαι πόλεων. ὥσπερ οὖν οἱ ζωγράφοι τὰς ὁμοιότητας ἀπὸ τοῦ προσώπου καὶ τῶν περὶ τὴν ὄψιν εἰδῶν, οἷς ἐμφαίνεται τὸ ἦθος, ἀνα- λαμβάνουσιν, ἐλάχιστα τῶν λοιπῶν μερῶν φροντίζοντες, οὕτως ἡμῖν δοτέον εἰς τὰ τῆς ψυχῆς σημεῖα μᾶλλον ἐνδύεσθαι καὶ διὰ τούτων εἶδο- ποιεῖν τὸν ἑκάστου βίον, ξάσαντας ἑτέροις τὰ μεγέθη καὶ τοὺς ἀγῶνας. Cf. also the Life of Kimon c. 2, quoted in note 6 p. xi of my Intro- duction to the Lives of the Gracchi. 72 Each of the two halves of Plutarch's writings, of his Lives and Morals, constitutes a complement to the other; the one half setting forth to us and, so far as this was possible, from ideal points of view, what the ancient world had aimed at and accomplished in the world of action; the other what, in like manner, it had aimed at and accomplished in the world of thought.' Trench l.c. p. 90. xxxii INTRODUCTION C. c. 5. c. 10: (1) Sulla's appointment as Praetor and his subsequent mission to Cappadocia. (2) Out- break of the Social War. (3) Sulla's superstition. In- consistency of his character. (4) His promotion to the consulship; his marriage. (5) Intrigues of Marius for the conduct of the Mithridatic War, the immediate cause of the Civil War: ominous portents. The Coalition of Marius and Sulpicius, and the transfer of the command of the war to Marius. Sulla's march upon the city; flight and outlawry of Marius. (6) Election of Cinna to the consulship. D. C. II—c. 26. (1) Sulla's departure for Greece. 2) The limits of the dominions of Mithridates vi, King of Pontos. (3) Corruption of the soldiers of other Roman commanders by Sulla. His conduct in Greece contrasted by the Greeks with the behaviour of the other Roman generals who drove Antiochos out of Greece. Siege and capture of Athens and death of Aristion. Capture of the Peiraeus. (4) Victory of Sulla at Chai- roneia and at Orchomenos. (5) Negociations of peace. and conference at Dardanos between Sulla and the King. (6) Suicide of Fimbria, and departure of Sulla. from Asia for Greece and Italy. (7) Story about the writings of Aristotle which Sulla carries to Rome. E. c. 27—c. 32: Sulla in Italy. (1) (Battle of Mount Tifata.) (Burning of the Capitol.) Desertion of the troops of the consul Scipio. Defeat of the younger Marius at Sacriportus. 2 Battle with the Samnites before the Colline gate and narrow escape of Sulla. Massacre of 6000 prisoners in the Hippodrome. (3) Change for the worse in Sulla's character after INTRODUCTION his possession of absolute power. His proscriptions and confiscations in Rome and throughout Italy. Anecdote illustrative of the times. (4) Surrender of Praeneste and death of the younger Marius. Charge against Lucius Sergius Catilina. F. c. 33-c. 38. Sulla's Dictatorship. His treat- ment of Cn. Pompeius Magnus and of Lucretius Ofella. (2) His triumph. His assumption of the designation 'Felix' as a formal surname. (3) His abdication and retirement to the coast of Campania. His remark to Pompeius on the election of Lepidus to the consulate. (4) His offering to Hercules of a tenth of his substance and feasting of the people. (5) The death of Metella. Sulla's subsequent marriage with Valeria. He still con- tinues his dissolute course of life. (6) The manner of his death and (7) funeral. We must not look to Plutarch for any consistent account of constitutional crises, reforms or development. Accordingly he is silent about the laws enacted under Sulla's administration (leges Corneliae). All the essential features of his legislation-the deprivation of the eques- trian order, as created by Gaius Gracchus, of its political. existence, the re-organisation of the senate and increase of its power by restoring to it the initiative in legislation, the admission to that body through the quaestorship, the abolition of the censorial right to eject a senator from the senate, the restoration of the right of co-optation in the priestly colleges, the weakening of the tribunate of the people and the conversion of the office into an instrument of the senate for fettering the imperium, the limitation of the consular and praetorian functions and separation of the political and military authority, the re-organisation of the judicial system, the regulation of H. S. C INTRODUCTION the finances-all these institutions, planned and carried. out by Sulla under the greatest difficulties, are passed over in silence by his Biographer. Not one of his laws is extant in its original form and we only know them from the writings of Cicero and other authors and from the Pandects and Digest of Justinian. The cardinal facts of his life, however, as related by Plutarch, are no doubt founded on the evidence of trustworthy contemporaneous writers, which were extant in the time of the Biographer but are now irrecoverably lost. What these sources were is an important and interesting subject of inquiry. d. The sources of information accessible to Plutarch for his Life of Sulla 1. Herman Peter in his Die Quellen Plutarchs in den Biographicen der Römer enumerates sixty-five authors, who furnished Plutarch in greater or less measure with materials for the composition of his Roman Lives. Five only are named or quoted by Plutarch himself in the present Biography as his authorities for particular state- They are as follows:- ments. (1) Sulla himself in his Memoirs (voμvýμara) (2) Titus Livius (ó Tíros) (3) Iuba (ó 'Ióẞas) (4) Strabo (ó Eτрáẞwv) (5) Fenestella (Deveσréλas) In the Λυσάνδρου καὶ Σύλλα σύγκρισις (c. 3), Sallust (Eaλovorios) also is quoted. 'Very many of the leading men at Rome' says Merivale wrote their own lives. An instinct of vanity 73 History of the Romans under the Empire, ch. lxiv, Vol. VII p. 310-1. The three books of the Autobiography of M. Aemilius INTRODUCTION XXXV the outward show of which they curbed sedulously in themselves and ridiculed in others, impelled them to leave a minute record of their deeds, coloured as they themselves wished, for posterity. Their longing for posthumous fame exceeded even their anxiety for honour or power during life. The cynical Sulla could relinquish the dictatorship, but he could not refrain from leaving his own panegyric behind him.' He might have occupied an eminent position among Roman prose-writers, if these Scaurus, (b. 163/591, cos. 115/639 and princeps senatus, censor 109/645) whose widow Caecilia was married to Sulla in 88/666, is re- ferred to by Cicero (Brut. 29, 112; 35, 132), his great admirer, who prefers it to the Cyropaedia of Xenophon, by Tacitus Agricola c. I (see my Introduction to Plutarch's Lives of the Gracchi, p. XXXVIII n. 80), and by Valerius Maximus IV 4, II. The Memoirs of the upright statesman, warrior and man of letters, P. Rutilius Rufus (cos. 105/649) on his own life in five, if not more, books, are coupled by Tacitus with those of Scaurus. He was living in exile at Smyrna at the time of the great massacre of Romans in Asia by Mithridates, and declined Sulla's offer to reinstate him at Rome. See below p. XXXIX n. 86 and my n. on Cic. de off. III § 10 l. 5. ΙΟ Q. Lutatius Catulus (cos. 652/102) wrote an historical Memoir on his own consulship (twice quoted by Plutarch, vit. Mar. c. 25 and c. 26), 'to which' says Ihne 'we are in all probability in- debted for most of the nonsense and the lies which disfigure the narrative of the campaign against the Cimbri. He did all he could to tarnish the laurels of Marius by his lying reports of his own superior services'. It is praised by Cicero Brutus, 35, 132: iam Q. Catulus, non antiquo illo more sed hoc nostro eruditus, multae litterae, summa non vitae solum atque naturae sed orationis etiam comitas, incorrupta quaedam Latini sermonis integritas ; quae perspici cum ex orationibus eius potest, tum facillume ex eo libro, quem de consulatu et de rebus gestis suis conscrip- tum molli et Xenophonteo genere sermonis misit ad A. Furium poetam, familiarem suum. See my n. on Cic. de off. I § 109 1. 29, Herman Peter Historr. Romann. reliqq. Vol. I p. cclii-cclxxv. C2 xxxvi INTRODUCTION Memoirs had not been lost; for the scanty fragments 74 that remain afford us no means of forming a judgment about them, except perhaps that they were written in Latin and not, as Heeren75 assumes, in Greek. The work was dedicated to Lucius Licinius Lucullus, as we learn from Plutarch76, who also informs us that the writer was occupied with the composition of the twenty- second book only two days before his death". The in- complete book was finished, according to Suetonius 78, by Sulla's freedman Cornelius Epicadus. Plutarch depended upon these Memoirs in his Life of Marius, and the author of them is cited by name in three places. This will account for the partial and 74 Aulus Gellius Noct. Att. I 12, 16: L. Sulla rerum gestarum libro secundo ita scripsit: P. Cornelius, cui primum cognomen Sullae impositum, est flamen Dialis captus (praetor 542/212); Priscian IX p. 476 H: Sulla in vicesimo primo rerum suarum: ad summam perniciem rem publicam perven- turum esse. 75 de fontibus et auctoritate vit. parall. Plut. p. 151: cum utraque lingua esset exercitatissimus, commentarios suos, quos Lucullo dedicaverat, scripsit graece; quo ipso maxime Plutarcho facilis ad eos aditus patebat. 76 vit. Luc. c. r ὁ δὲ Λούκουλλος ἤσκητο καὶ λέγειν ἱκανῶς ἑκα- τέραν γλώσσαν, ὥστε καὶ Σύλλας τὰς αὑτοῦ πράξεις ἀναγράφων ἐκείνῳ προσεφώνησεν, ὡς συνταξομένῳ καὶ διαθήσοντι τὴν ἱστορίαν ǎμeivov i.e. 'Lucullus had been trained also to speak both Latin and Greek competently, so that Sulla, when he was writing of his own experiences, dedicated the work to him, in the belief that he would put it together and arrange the narrative better (than himself)'. Cf. Vit. Sull. c. 6, 7 Λευκόλλῳ ἐν τοῖς ὑπομνήμασιν, ὧν ἐκείνῳ τὴν γραφὴν ἀνατέθεικε, παραινεῖ κτλ. 77 Vit. Sull. c. 37, I. 78 de gramm. 12 Cornelius Epicadus, L. Cornelii Sullae li- bertus,...librum..., quem Sulla novissimum de rebus suis imper- fectum reliquerat, ipse suppleverat. 79 c. 25, c. 26 and c. 35. INTRODUCTION xxxvii biassed presentation which he gives of some facts, e. g. the events immediately preceding the conclusion of the Jugurthine war (c. 7—c. 10), differing as it does from that of Sallust. Plutarch's report of the punishment of Turpilius seems inspired by hostility to Marius. Ac- cording to him, Metellus wished to save Turpilius, who was Ek πаTÉρWV έévos to him; but this was a reason with Marius for insisting on his punishment. Plutarch adds. that Marius afterwards boasted that he had compelled Metellus to put his own friend to death; but he is silent about the massacre of the Roman garrison at Vaga, from which the commander Turpilius contrived to make his escape, and he goes so far as to assert that the innocence of Turpilius came afterwards to light". How the re- lation between Marius and Metellus was further depicted in the Memoirs may be easily seen from the following words of the Biographer, 'At last retribution for his conduct overtook Marius; for he was deprived of the glory of his victories by Sulla (in the capture of Jugurtha), just in the same way as he had himself deprived Metellus of his credit. Again, the improbable statement that Marius when, on his appointment as Consul, he was rais- ing an army for Numidia, admitted slaves as well as those of the lowest class, may doubtless be fathered on Sulla 82. 80 c. 8 μετ' ὀλίγον δὲ τῆς αἰτίας ψευδούς φανείσης οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι συνήχθοντο τῷ Μετέλλῳ βαρέως φέροντι, Μάριος δὲ χαίρων καὶ ποιούμενος ἴδιον τὸ ἔργον οὐκ ᾐσχύνετο λέγειν περιιών, ὡς αὐτὸς εἴη προστετριμμένος ἀλάστορα τῷ Μετέλλῳ ξενοκτόνον. 81 c. 10 περιήλθέ τις νέμεσις ἐν τῷ τέλει τῶν πράξεων Μάριον ἀφηρέθη γὰρ ὑπὸ Σύλλα τὴν τοῦ κατορθώματος δόξαν, ὡς ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνου Μέτελλος. 82 C. 9 αναγορευθεὶς δὲ λαμπρῶς (ὕπατος) εὐθὺς ἐστρατολόγει παρὰ τὸν νόμον καὶ τὴν συνήθειαν, πολὺν τὸν ἄπορον καὶ δοῦλον κατα- ypάpwv. Sallust Jug. 86, 3 says ipse interea milites scribere, non xxxviii INTRODUCTION In the Cimbric War, in which Sulla was engaged, Marius is placed, it is true, in a more favourable light, but some features in the description of the great battle in the Raudian plain near Vercellae, which depreciate the merits of Marius and extol those of Catulus, are accord- ing to Plutarch taken from Sulla's Memoirs. 'We can see quite distinctly that jealousy of Marius guided the writer's pen. He says that Marius purposely placed Catulus and his twenty thousand and three hundred men in the centre of his line of battle, and drew the centre further back than the wings, in order that Catulus might not have a chance of coming upon the enemy before the wings where his own troops fought had closed with them and decided the victory 83. But, we are told further, the result was very different from what Marius had designed. Clouds of dust arose before him and hid the enemy from his view, so that he advanced in the wrong direction, where he did not meet the enemies at all. Meanwhile Catulus' army came right upon the main body of the Cimbri and had the greatest share in the victory'. 'But' as Ihne84 also remarks 'we should bear in mind that Sulla left these Memoirs unfinished to the care of Lucullus, and it is at least possible that the guilt of misrepresenta- tion rests partly on other shoulders'. It is remarkable that the authority of Catulus is quoted in confirmation more maiorum neque ex classibus sed uti cuiusque libido erat, capite censos plerosque, but he does not include slaves. It is an anticipa- tion of what was sometimes practised in the civil wars. 83 c. 25 καί φησιν (ὁ Σύλλας) τὸν Μάριον ἐλπίσαντα τοῖς ἄκροις μάλιστα καὶ κατὰ κέρας συμπεσεῖν τὰς φάλαγγας, ὅπως ἴδιος ή νίκη τῶν ἐκείνου στρατιωτῶν γένοιτο καὶ μὴ μετάσχοι τοῦ ἀγῶνος ὁ Κάτλος μηδὲ προσμίξειε τοῖς πολεμίοις, κόλπωμα τῶν μέσων, ὥσπερ εἴωθεν ἐν μεγάλοις μετώποις, λαμβανόντων, οὕτω διαστῆσαι τὰς δυνάμεις. 81 Hist. Rome, Vol. V p. 109 f. INTRODUCTION xxxix of the narrative of this campaign, and it may be that Sulla copied from Catulus 85. Still greater antipathy to Marius is shown in the narrative of the struggle between him and Sulla (c. 28-c. 35). Once only does Plutarch appeal directly to an authority in this section of his Biography viz. Rutilius Rufus,-as a voucher for the statement that Marius obtained his sixth consulship by bribery. A representation such as is here given of the events of the year 100/654, about which we are so im- perfectly informed-and in particular of the ambiguous attitude of Marius in regard to the clause compelling each senator to confirm by oath the law proposed by Saturninus for the distribution of conquered lands among his veterans-could hardly have proceeded from any other pen than that of his enemy Sulla, or one of Sulla's blindest adherents, retailing the common scandal of the day concerning the pitiful part which Marius played. The depreciation of the services rendered by Marius in the Social War (c. 33), and the spiteful remarks on his ridiculous attempts to appear young and active in his 85 c. 25 ὁμοῖα δὲ καὶ τὸν Κάτλον αὐτὸν ἀπολογεῖσθαι περὶ τούτων ἱστοροῦσι, πολλὴν κατηγοροῦντα τοῦ Μαρίου κακοήθειαν πρὸς αυτόν, and again c. 26 fn. ὡς τὸν Κάτλον αὐτὸν ἱστορεῖν λέγουσι, μεγαλύνοντα τοὺς στρατιώτας; also c. 27 τὰ δὲ λάφυρα—εἰς τὸ Κάτλου στρατόπεδον ἀνενεχθῆναι λέγουσιν· ᾧ καὶ μάλιστα τεκμηρίῳ χρῆσθαι τὸν Κάτλον, ὡς κατ' αὐτὸν ἡ νίκη γένοιτο. C. 86 c. 28 ὡς δὲ Ρουτίλιος ἱστορεῖ, τὰ μὲν ἄλλα φιλαλήθης ἀνὴρ καὶ χρηστός, ἰδίᾳ δὲ τῷ Μαρίῳ προσκεκρουκώς, καὶ τῆς ἕκτης ἔτυχεν ὑπατείας ἀργύριον εἰς τὰς φυλὰς καταβαλὼν πολὺ καὶ πριάμε- νος τὸ Μέτελλον ἐκκροῦσαι τῆς ἀρχῆς. Η. Peter is of opinion that Plutarch did not take this statement directly from the histories of Rutilius Rufus but from Poseidonios, whom he appears to have used as an authority in the latter part of the Biography. Hist. Rom. reliq. Vol. 1 p. cclxviii, die Quellen Plutarchs etc. p. 103. xl INTRODUCTION old age (c. 34), point also to the same conclusion. In one instance Plutarch himself seems to have had mis- givings about the trustworthiness of the Sullan Memoirs. After giving the current story-according to which Sulla in the disturbances consequent on the promulgation of the Sulpician laws, in which the son of his colleague Pompeius was butchered, made his escape into the house of Marius, and owed his life to the generosity of his enemy, he adds that, according to his own account of the incident, Sulla did not fly for refuge to the house of Marius, but withdrew thither to consult with him, and went direct from the house to the Rostra, where acting under compulsion he revoked the order for a iustitium87. In the Life of Sulla the whole colour of the narrative is such as to leave little doubt that Plutarch drew upon the Memoirs, as his fons primarius. He has reproduced. from them in his own delightful and uncritical manner stories and anecdotes, illustrative of his hero's character, which, however, he intersperses with excerpts from other authors not very partial to Sulla 88. Reference to the 87 Vit. Mar. c. 35 Σύλλας δὲ παρὰ τὴν οἰκίαν τοῦ Μαρίου διωκό- μενος . ὑπ' αὐτοῦ Μαρίου λέγεται κατὰ θύρας ἑτέρας ἀσφαλῶς ἀποπεμφθεὶς διεκπεσεῖν εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον. αὐτὸς δὲ Σύλλας ἐν eis τοῖς ὑπομνήμασιν οὔ φησι καταφυγείν πρὸς τὸν Μάριον ἀλλ' ἀπαλλαχθῆναι βουλευσόμενος ὑπὲρ ὧν Σουλπίκιος ἠνάγκαζεν αὐτὸν ἄκοντα ψηφίσασθαι κτλ. Cf. vit. Sull. c. ro, I, 2. 88 Such passages are easily distinguishable. Div. A, which presents some anecdotical traits of his early life till his quaestor- ship, cannot have been taken from Sulla any more than the state- ments in Div. C, (1) c. 5 that he obtained the praetorship Tò μév Tɩ θεραπείᾳ, τὸ δὲ καὶ χρήμασι προσαγαγόμενος or (2) that, while some praised Sulla, οἱ δὲ ὡς φορτικὸν ᾐτιάσαντο καὶ ἀκαίρως φιλότιμον. Again when in c. 6 Plutarch speaks of his uncertainty and incon- sistency (ȧvwuaλla) of character, or says, as in c. 9, that he set fire to Rome Kar' ovdéva Xoyioµóv, or as in c. 10, that a reward was set INTRODUCTION xli Memoirs is indicated by the introductory formula o Σύλλας λέγει οι φησίν, oι φησὶν αὐτός, or simply φησί, with the variations ἐν τοῖς ὑπομνήμασι λέγει or φησίν, οι γέγραφεν οι ἀπολογεῖται. Special books or or are referred to, viz. the xth * and xxIInd 95. 94 It is only when he comes to speak of Sulla's attainment of absolute power, that remembering Sullam dissimilem fuisse bellatorem ac victorem, ut, dum vinceret, cautissimo lenior, post victoriam audito esset crudelior, Plutarch throws aside the authority which he has hitherto been following and trusts to his own moral judgment". But there are also other passages in Div. F of the Biography which obviously could not have been taken from the Sullan Memoirs, such as the story of the death of Q. Aurelius ⁹ and of Lucretius Ofella", that of the murder of his own brother by the notorious L. Sergius Catilina before he had obtained leave to have him proscribed¹00, the occa- sion of putting up the proscription lists 10, the compul- sory marriage of Cn. Pompeius to Sulla's step-daughter 102 and similar instances of arbitrary conduct on the part of Sulla, the circumstances of his own marriage with upon the head of Marius οὐκ εὐγνωμόνως οὐδὲ πολιτικῶς, because Sulla's own life had been spared by him, or as in c. 12, that he plundered the sanctuaries of Greece, he must have been quoting from some other authorities. The description of the site of Chaironeia and of the surrounding country (c. XVI) has all the appearance of being original. 89 c. 6, 7; c. 19, 4; c. 28, 8; c. 37, 2. 91 c. 5, I; c. 6, 5; c. 27, 6; c. 37, I. 6; c. 17, I. 90 C. 4, 3. 92 c. 6, 5, 6; c. 14, 2, 94 93 C. 17, I. 95 c. 37, I. c. 23, 3. 96 Velleius Paterculus II 25, 3. 97 c. 30, 4-5. 98 c. 31, 6. 99 c. 33, 3. 102 100 c. 32, 2. 101 c. 31, 2-4· C. 33, 3.. xlii INTRODUCTION Valeria 103, the continuance of his dissolute course of life and his fondness for the society of players, singers and dancers 104, his last sickness 105, death and funeral 106. On the other hand, it is probable that the prodigies and other occurrences deemed supernatural, so carefully noted by Plutarch as having befallen Sulla, were originally recorded in the Memoirs: in fact, Plutarch quotes Sulla himself as a voucher for three of the most remarkable of them¹07; hence it may be assumed without any great 197 violation of probability that he is the source whence the others are derived 108, especially when it is known that Sulla so often plumed himself on the intercourse which the immortals held with him in dreams and omens and other communications. He fondly flattered himself that he was the chosen favourite of the gods-and in an altogether special manner of that goddess to whom down to his latest years he assigned the pre-eminence, Aphro- ditê,—and it answered his purpose to record any ex- amples of their supposed direct interference with his affairs, in order that he might make the rest of the world share his belief. 'His superstition¹ says Mommsen ' was that of the fortunate player, who deems himself privileged by fate to throw on each and every occasion the right number; not the plebeian superstition of Marius, who got a priest to prophesy to him for money and determined his actions accordingly, nor yet the sullen belief of the fanatic in destiny'. Plutarch himself seems to give expression to his incredulity about these prodigies and supernatural occurrences when he says c. 6: Σύλλας δὲ οὐ μόνον ἡδέως προσιέμενος τὸν τοιοῦτον 103 C. 35, 4. 106 c. 36, 4. 104 107 105 c. 36, I. c. 36, 2. c. 17, 1; c. 27, 6; c. 37, 2. 108 c. 5, 5; c. 7, 2 sq.; c. 9, 3 sq.; c. II, 1; c. 27, 4; c. 28, 4; c. 29, 6. 109 Hist. Rom. III p. 401. INTRODUCTION xliii εὐδαιμονισμὸν καὶ ζῆλον, ἀλλὰ καὶ συναύξων καὶ συνεπιθειάζων τὰ πραττόμενα τῆς τύχης ἐξῆπτεν, εἴτε κόμπῳ χρώμενος, εἴθ᾽ οὔ- τως ἔχων τῇ δόξῃ πρὸς τὸ θεῖον. Yet in practical questions Sulla understood very well how to satisfy ironically the demands of religion, as is proved by his frivolous answer to the Delphic priests (c. 12). One of the strangest whims in which Sulla indulged, that of regularly stating the numbers of those who had fallen in battle on his side as comparatively nil, was no doubt intended to serve the same purpose. Thus after the battle of Chaironeia, in which the Romans fought with only 15,000 infantry and 1500 horse against a fabulous number of the enemy, Plutarch 10, after Sulla, records that only fourteen men were missed and two of these, he is careful to add, afterwards turned up again; after that of Sacriportus only twenty-three, while the enemy lost twenty thousand, and eight thousand were taken prisoners. Sulla wished to show his readers that the gods favoured himself and his enterprises uniquely not only by prognostications of success but by actual success ¹¹¹. 111 2. Titus Livius was born in 59/615 and died in 17/771 at the age of 76. His history (divided by himself into Books) extended from the earliest times of Rome to the death of Drusus, nine years before the Christian era. It was contained in 142 Books, as is proved by the authentic periochae now extant, of which two only, namely those of Books cxxxvi and cxxxvii, including the events of nine years from 25/729 to 15/739, have been lost. These Epitomes have been generally attributed to Florus, owing to the fact of their being commonly found in the MSS of that 110 C. 19, 4. 111 c. 28, 8. xliv INTRODUCTION writer's works, but without sufficient ground. Niebuhr (Hist. of Rome Vol. III n. 932) remarks that the author of these epitomes was nearly contemporary with Livy and well acquainted with the ancient relations', but in his Lectures he regards them as less ancient. We know from Polybius (XI, r) that it was customary for historians to write their own προγραφαί, such as he himself employed in his first ten (?) books, which were of a more meagre character than the προεκθέσεις which he afterwards introduced ἴσως δέ τινες ἐπιζητοῦσι πῶς ἡμεῖς οὐ προγραφὰς ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ βύβλῳ, καθάπερ οἱ πρὸ ἡμῶν, ἀλλὰ (καὶ) προεκθέσεις καθ' ἑκάστην όλυμπιάδα πεποιήκαμεν τῶν πράξεων, ἐγὼ δὲ κρίνω χρήσιμον μὲν εἶναι καὶ τὸ τῶν προγραφῶν γένος καὶ γὰρ εἰς ἐπίστασιν ἄγει τοὺς ἀναγιγνώ- σκειν θέλοντας καὶ συνεκκαλεῖται καὶ παρορμᾷ πρὸς τὴν ἀνάγνωσιν τοὺς ἐντυγχάνοντας, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις πᾶν τὸ ζητούμενον ἑτοίμως ἔνε- στιν εὑρεῖν διὰ τούτου (τούτων?)· θεωρῶν δὲ διὰ πολλὰς αἰτίας καὶ τὰς τυχούσας ὀλιγωρούμενον καὶ φθειρόμενον τὸ τῶν προγραφών γένος, οὕτως καὶ διὰ ταῦτα πρὸς τοῦτο τὸ μέρος κατηνέχθην τῆς γὰρ προεκ- θέσεως οὐ μόνον ἰσοδυναμούσης τῇ προγραφῇ ἀλλὰ καὶ πλεῖόν τι δυνα- μένης, ἅμα δὲ καὶ χώραν ἐχούσης ἀσφαλεστέραν διὰ τὸ συμπεπλέχθαι τῇ πραγματείᾳ, τούτῳ μᾶλλον ἐδοκιμάσαμεν χρῆσθαι τῷ μέρει παρ' ὅλην τὴν σύνταξιν πλὴν ἓξ (ι Cobetus) τῶν πρώτων βιβλίων· ἐν ἐκεί- νοις δὲ προγραφὰς ἐποιησάμεθα διὰ τὸ μὴ λίαν ἐναρμόζειν ἐν αὐτοῖς τὸ τῶν προεκθέσεων γένος, i.e. perhaps some would like to know how it is that I have not followed the fashion of my prede- cessors in the present book and composed chronological summa- ries of the events recorded in them, but (also) introductions. I believe in the utility of summaries; they serve to fasten the atten- tion of those who are desirous to read the whole work and awake and excite the curiosity of those who read them to peruse the whole: besides, they enable any one to find readily anything he wants. But, as I observe that for many ordinary reasons summaries of this kind are apt to be neglected and lost, I have been led to adopt the plan of a regular introduction. For the latter is, if anything, more valuable than a mere summary, and it is also less likely to be lost, because it is interwoven with and forms a part of the history. This is why I determined to employ this kind in all except six (ten) books of my history, to which introductions were not so suitable’. The above passage seems to show that Livy himself may possibly have been the author of the Periochae, and Cobet (Mnemosyne XI INTRODUCTION xlv p. 15) goes so far as to say: nihil in summariis Livianis inesse quod ab ipso Livio sic scribi non potuerit, omnes, credo, mihi con- cedent, et, nisi haec idoneis argumentis infringentur, posthac censeo ea quae nescio quis e Livio excerpsisse putabatur ab ipso Livio scripta esse pro certo habeamus. On the other hand, Madvig, in his Preface to Livy Vol. IV. Part II. p. vi. expresses his surprise at this conclusion of Cobet's in the following words:—Aliquoties in minoribus rebus et quae ad orationis formam pertinent, incertum iudicium facit et ignota eius, qui epitomas confecit, aetas et difficilis, quid sibi in dicendo permiserit, existimatio; nam colori orationis universe ad Livianum exemplum attemperato nonnulla ex inferioris et sui temporis sermone admiscuit. Horum quaedam ita manifestam habent notam, ut valde miraturus fuerim, ne ad haec quidem at- tendisse virum doctum, qui ante paucos annos suspicatus est, ab ipso Livio has epitomas compositas esse, nisi incredibilius videretur, non sensisse eum, quam ab antiquorum scriptorum (historicorum et Livianae superiorisve aetatis) instituto abhorreret totum hoc sua opera in eiusmodi epitomas redigendi consilium, omnis in epitomis rerum de- lectus et expositio. Hae periochae eo tempore, quo omnia studia in exi- guum orbem contrahebantur, Romanarum autem rei publicae rerum cognitio ex solo fere Livii opere hauriebatur, eo consilio scriptae sunt, ut in quotidiano et scholastico usu integrorum Livii librorum, magnae molis magnique pretii voluminum, locum tenerent, eaque ipsa videtur fuisse causa, cur narrationes exemplaque ad rhetorum themata ornanda apta prolixius quam pro reliqua brevitate excerperentur, atque aliorum librorum, nobiles celebratasque fama res tractantium (ut eorum, quibus continebatur bellum Punicum tertium et Achaicum), longiores, aliorum (ut libri LIII) breviores conficerentur periochae, eorum quidem brevissimae, qui ad Caesaris iam Augusti tempora pertinentes res haberent motibus et varietate minus insignes minus- que fama claras, quam qui in liberae rei publicae temporibus versa- bantur. The Epitomes which contain the life and times of Sulla are the LXVIth to the xcth. On account of the accidental preservation of the early and the loss of the later books of his history, we are accustomed to consider Livy as an antiquarian compiler, but he was in truth regarded in quite a different light, xlvi INTRODUCTION when his entire work was extant. 112 His principal object was to relate the events of the period immediately pre- ceding his own life, and partly contemporary with it. The Books of his History beginning with cIII and extend- ing to CXLII, being nearly a third part of the entire work, were coincident with his own life-time. He himself, in his proem¹¹², supposes his readers to be more solicitous to read the history of the civil wars, than to dwell on the early period. Augustus likewise considered him mainly in the light of a contemporary historian, when he called. him a Pompeian 113. The first Book of his History con- tains the entire regal period of 244 years; the nine following Books, the events from the beginning of the Republic to the latter part of the Samnite wars, a period of 217 years. The ten following Books (which are lost) included the history of 72 years, and the twenty-five next (which have been preserved) the his- 112 Et legentium plerisque haud dubito quin primae origines proximaque originibus minus praebitura voluptatis sint, festinan- tibus ad haec nova, quibus iam pridem praevalentis populi vires se ipsae conficiunt. 113 Titus Livius, eloquentiae ac fidei praeclarus in primis, Cn. Pompeium tantis laudibus tulit, ut Pompeianum eum Augustus appellaret; neque id amicitiae eorum offecit. Tacit. Ann. IV 34, where fidei refers to the trustworthiness of Livy as a historical wit- ness. Becker, Vorarbeiten zu einer Geschichte des zweiten Pu- nischen Krieges (Altona, 1823) p. 206 remarks, that Livy's main object was the history of the period from the fall of the Gracchi to Augustus. He thinks, moreover, that the first decads were the production of Livy's youth, while the last decads were the fruit of his mature age, ib. p. 207; also that on account of the bulk of the work, few persons could afford to procure the whole of it, and that the majority of Romans probably only possessed and read the part containing the history of the last century of the Republic'. Lewis ubi supra. INTRODUCTION xlvii tory of 51 years. The ped of ninety years from 168/586, after the termination to the death of Sulla in 78/676, war with Perseus forty-five books-an average of about book. The only exception to the genera scale of Livy's work is that the first Punic war the next" each on a more contracted scale than the preceding w Pyrrhos and the Gauls. 'We might cheerfully res says Dr T. Arnold 115 'not the second decade only but the first, third and fourth; in short, every line of Livy's history which we at present possess, if we could so pur- chase the recovery of the eighth and ninth decades, which contained the history of the Italian war and of the civil war of Marius and Sulla, which followed it. For this period, of which we know, as it is, so little, Livy's history would have been invaluable. He would have been writing of times and events sufficiently near to his own, to have been perfectly understood by him, his sources of infor- mation would have been more numerous and less doubt- ful; and then his fair and upright mind, and the beauty of his narrative would have given a picture at once faith- ful, lively and noble.' There is only one reference in the Life of Sulla to Livy, namely in ch. vi., where his statement, taken from the LXXVIIth book, is quoted concerning the gossip of various classes at Rome to which Sulla's marriage with Caecilia Metella gave rise. Dion Cassius¹ quotes a 114 G. C. Lewis, Credibility of early Roman History, Vol. I. P. 44 f. 115 Hist. of Rome II p. 360. 116 Planudis excerpt. Dionis in A. Maii script. vet. nov. coll. II 548 (Dio Cass. ed. Bekk. fr. 102 Vol. 1, 91): µéXλovtos év Púµn μέλλοντος Ρώμῃ τοῦ ἐμφυλίου ἐγείρεσθαι πολέμου ἄλλα τε πολλὰ Λιούιος καὶ Διόδωρος xlviii INTRODUCTION passage from the same b the Civil War and generations Plute about the portents preceding Etruscan seers' theory of eight responds nearly word for word with 2, 3. Augustin' also makes a quota- same book which agrees exactly with a the Ixth chapter of Plutarch. The unhappy Quintus Aurelius, recorded in the xxxIst chapter, mentioned by Orosius ¹¹8 who, we know, made excerpts from Livy, and therefore probably copied it from him; that of Lucretius Ofella is related in the Periocha of the LXXXIXth Book 119. The reasonable inference is that in ἱστόρησαν καὶ ἐξ ἀνεφέλου τοῦ ἀέρος καὶ αἰθρίας πολλῆς ἦχον ἀκου- σθῆναι σάλπιγγος ὀξὺν ἀποτεινούσης καὶ θρηνώδη τον φθόγγον, καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἀκούσαντας ἅπαντας ἔκφρονας ὑπὸ τοῦ δέους γενέσθαι, τοὺς δὲ Τυῤῥηνῶν μάντεις μεταβολὴν τοῦ γένους καὶ μετακόσμησιν ἀποφήνα- σθαι σημαίνειν τὸ τέρας· εἶναι μὲν γὰρ ἀνθρώπων ὀκτὼ γένη, διαφέ- ροντα τοῖς ἤθεσιν ἀλλήλων, ἑκάστῳ δ᾽ ἀφωρίσθαι χρόνον ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ συμπεραινόμενον ἐνιαυτοῦ μεγάλου περιόδῳ τῆς δ᾽ οὖν προτέρας περιό- δου τελευτώσης καὶ ἑτέρας ἐνισταμένης κινεῖσθαί τι σημεῖον ἐκ γῆς ἢ οὐρανοῦ θαυμάσιον, ᾗ δῆλον εὐθὺς τοῖς ταῦτα σοφοῖς γίνεσθαι, ὅτι καὶ τρόποις ἄλλοις καὶ βίοις ἄνθρωποι γεγόνασι χρώμενοι καὶ θεοῖς ἧττον τῶν πρότερον μέλοντες. 117 de civ. Dei II 24:Sulla cum primum ad urbem contra Marium castra movisset, adeo lacta exta immolanti fuisse scribit Livius, ut custodiri se Postumius haruspex voluerit, capitis suppli- cium subiturus, nisi ea, quae in animo Sulla haberet, dis iuvantibus implevisset. 118 V, 21: item alia (tabula proscriptionis) proposita est, quam cum Lollius, quippe securus nihilque sibi conscius, legeret, ubi suum repente nomen offendit, dum se trepidus adoperto capite foro subtra- hit, interfectus est. Orosius, it is true, tells the story of Lollius, but this divergence is due to a clerical error of either Orosius or Plutarch. Diodoros (Exc. Vatic. p. 616 м, p. 160 Dind.) gives no name, but otherwise he agrees with Plutarch and Orosius. 119 Q. Lucretium Ofellam adversus voluntatem suam consula- INTRODUCTION xlix the Life of Sulla also, as in that of Marius (especially cc. 35-40), Plutarch drew upon Livy, as a supplement. to the Sullan Memoirs. 3. Juba II was a mere child at the death of his father Juba, king of Numidia. When Caesar in 46/708, at the conclusion of his campaigns, celebrated his fourfold. triumph over Gaul, Egypt, Pharnakes and Africa, Juba was one of the most important of the captives, whose presence graced the conqueror's triumphal procession 120. He was instructed by the best masters in Rome, and obtained a high place in the favour of Octavianus, under whose banner he fought against Antonius. In the general settlement of the affairs of the East, after the battle of Action, he was reinstated by Augustus in the possession of his paternal kingdom of Numidia, and, owing doubt- less to the influence of Octavia, he concluded a marri- age 121 with Cleopatra Selene, daughter of Antonius and Cleopatra. A few years afterwards, in 25/729, part of tum petere ausum iussit occidi in foro, et, cum hoc indigne ferret populus Romanus, contione advocata se iussisse dixit. 120 J. C. Vollgraff Greek Writers of Roman History (Leyden 1880) p. 72 sqq. who quotes Plut. Vit. Caes. c. 55 TÓTE Kai 'Ióẞas κομιδῇ νήπιος ἐν τῷ θριάμβῳ παρήχθη μακαριωτάτην ἁλοὺς ἅλωσιν, ἐκ βαρβάρου καὶ Νομάδος Ελλήνων τοῖς πολυμαθεστάτοις ἐνάριθμος γενέσθαι συγγραφεύσιν, Appian B. C. II c. Οι ἔνθα καὶ Ἰόβα παῖς, Ιόβας ὁ συγγραφεύς, βρέφος ὢν ἔτι, παρήγετο. 121 Dion Cassius LI c. 15 ή τε Κλεοπάτρα Ιόβᾳ τῷ τοῦ Ἰόβου παιδὶ συνῴκησε· τούτῳ γὰρ ὁ Καίσαρ τραφέντι ἐν τῇ Ἰταλίᾳ καὶ συστρατευσαμένῳ οἱ ταύτην τε καὶ τὴν βασιλείαν τὴν πατρῴαν ἔδωκεν; Plut. Vit. Ant. c. 87 Κλεοπάτραν τὴν ἐκ Κλεοπάτρας Ιόβα, τῷ χα- ριεστάτῳ βασιλέων, συνῴκισεν; Strabo Geogr. XVII c. 3 8 7 p. 828 ; Sueton. Vit. Calig. c. 26 leve ac frigidum sit his addere, quo pro- pinquos amicosque pacto tractaverit Ptolomaeum, regis Iubae filium, consobrinum suum (erat enim et is M. Antonii ex Selene filia nepos) etc. H. S. d 1 INTRODUCTION Numidia was annexed to the Roman province of Africa (Africa nova), but Juba received in exchange for it the two provinces of Mauretania 122, called afterwards Tingi- tana and Caesariensis, the former kingdoms of Bocchus. and Bogud, and in addition a part of Gaetulia. Juba's reign was long and for the most part prosperous, an in- surrection of the Gaetuli 123, which was finally suppressed by the aid of the Romans, being the only disturbing event. The date of his death is supposed to be about A.D. 19 or 20¹³¹. But Juba distinguished himself more as a scholar and writer than as a monarch: studiorum 2o2. 122 Dion Cass. LIII c. 26: παυσαμένου δὲ τοῦ πολέμου τούτου ὁ Αὔγουστος τῷ Ἰόβᾳ τῆς τε Γαϊτουλίας τινὰ ἀντὶ τῆς πατρῴας ἀρχῆς, ἐπείπερ ἐς τὸν τῶν Ῥωμαίων κόσμον οἱ πλείους αὐτῶν ἐσεγεγράφατο, καὶ τὰ τοῦ Βόκχου τοῦ τε Βογονου ἔδωκεν (25/729); Strabo XVII C. 3 § 7 p. 828 μικρὸν μὲν οὖν πρὸ ἡμῶν οἱ περὶ Βόγον βασιλεῖς καὶ Βόκχον κατεῖχον αὐτήν (Mauretania), φίλοι ῾Ρωμαίων ὄντες· ἐκλιπόντων δὲ τούτων, Ἰούβας παρέλαβε τὴν ἀρχήν, δόντος τοῦ Σεβαστοῦ Καίσαρος καὶ ταύτην αὐτῷ τὴν ἀρχὴν πρὸς τῇ πατρῴᾳ, vi c. 4 § 2 p. 288 νυνὶ δ᾽ εἰς Ἰούβαν περιέστηκεν ἥ τε Μαυρουσία καὶ πολλὰ μέρη τῆς ἄλλης Λιβύης διὰ τὴν πρὸς Ρωμαίους εὔνοιάν τε καὶ φιλίαν. 123 Dion Cass. LV c. 28 Γαιτοῦλοι, τῷ τε Ιόβᾳ τῷ βασιλεῖ ἀχθόμενοι καὶ ἅμα ἀπαξιοῦντες μὴ οὐ καὶ αὐτοὶ ὑπὸ τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἄρχεσθαι, ἐπανέστησαν αὐτῷ καὶ τὴν πρόσχωρον ἐπόρθησαν καὶ συχνοὺς καὶ τῶν Ρωμαίων ἐπιστρατεύσαντας σφίσιν ἀπέκτειναν. Τὸ δὲ σύμπαν ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ἐπηυξήθησαν, ὥστε Κορνήλιον Κόσσον τὸν κατεργασάμενον σφᾶς τιμάς τε ἐπινικίους καὶ ἐπωνυμίαν ἀπ᾿ αὐτοῦ λαβεῖν. Cf. Florus IV 12, 40, Vell. Paterc. II 116. 124 Strabo, who wrote the conclusion of the sixth book of his Geography between the years A.D. 17 and A.D. 19, there refers to Juba as a reigning prince, but in c. 3 § 7 p. 828 of his last or seventeenth book he mentions Juba's death and the succession of his son Ptolomaeos as recent occurrences. From a passage also of Tacitus (Annal. IV c. 23) it appears that in A.D. 24 Ptolomaeos had held the reins of government for some years. Again, the most recent of the coins stamped with Juba's image bear the date of the 48th year of his reign. INTRODUCTION li claritate memorabilior etiam quam regno fuit says Pliny125. He must have been a polyhistor almost like Varro or Pliny himself, whose admiration for his writings appears. not only from the praise with which he loads him, but most clearly from the fact that in his Historia Naturalis he refers to him by name at least forty times and almost always to appeal to his authority. Plutarch too never speaks about Juba without the greatest respect, often quotes him as well in the Lives as in the Moralia, and has frequently made a copious use of his works 120. Pausa- nias, a contemporary of Hadrian and the Antonini, relates that in the gymnasium of Ptolomaeos, situated close to the Theseion at Athens, he saw, in addition to the bronze statue of the Founder, the statues of Juba the Libyan and of Chrysippos, the great Stoic 127; from which it may be inferred that his works were held in some sort of estimation by the Athenians. Of the twelve separate works enumerated by C. Müller 128 embracing history, antiquities, ethnography, botany, zoology, painting and philology, Juba's Roman History (Pwμaïky ioтopía) or Archaeology, comprised in at 125 Nat. Hist. V 1, 1, 16; Athenaeos Deipnos. III p. 83 B calls him ἀνὴρ πολυμαθέστατος and Plutarch vit. Sertor. c. 9 ὁ πάντων ἱστορικώτατος βασιλέων. 126 Comp. Pelop. c. Marc. c. 1, 5: ǹµeîs dè Aißiw, Kaloapı, Νέπωτι καὶ τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν τῷ βασιλεῖ Ἰόβᾳ πιστεύομεν. By Καί- σap is meant the Emperor Augustus, whose funeral oration over his youthful son-in-law Marcellus must have been well known to Juba living as he did on so friendly a footing with him. 127 I 1 17, 2: ἐν δὲ τῷ γυμνασίῳ τῆς ἀγορᾶς ἀπέχοντι οὐ πολύ, Πτολεμαίου δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ κατασκευασαμένου καλουμένῳ, λίθου τέ εἰσιν Ερμαῖ θέας ἄξιοι καὶ εἰκὼν Πτολεμαίου χαλκῆ· καὶ ὅ τε Λίβυς Ιόβας ἐνταῦθα κεῖται καὶ Χρύσιππος ὁ Σολεύς. 128 Fragm. Hist. Graec. III p. 467. dz lii INTRODUCTION least two books, is twice mentioned by Stephanos of Byzan- tion. The close and literal agreement between certain historical and antiquarian statements, which Plutarch ex- pressly declares that he read in Juba, and those that are found in the Archaeologia of Dionysios his contemporary, lead inevitably to the conclusion that Juba must have consulted the latter work; in fact his knowledge of the most ancient period of Roman history appears to have been wholly or in part taken from Dionysios. Ludwig Keller129 has shown that in his history of the years 204/550 -201/553, Appian who differs considerably from Livy, Polybios, Dion Cassius and Zonaras, must have borrowed from an African source, who, as it is easy to see from his de bello Hannibalico c. 13, must have been a contemporary of Augustus and personally ac- quainted with him; from whom then more likely than Juba, the πάντων ἱστορικώτατος βασιλέων, the direct descendant of Masinissa, who had access to the writings of his grandfather Hiempsal, and of course many other special sources of information? The probability becomes still greater when we remember that Appian was a native of Alexandria, and, being procurator of Egypt, wrote his Histo- ries there 130 It appears from the fragments of the work that it treated of the origin and earliest history of the City 131, the history of Hannibal (fr. 17), the siege of Numantia (fr. 15) and Sulla's campaign in Greece (fr. 18); and there is reason to believe that it contained a continuous history of Rome down to the writer's own time 132. 129 Der zweite Punische Krieg und seine Quellen, Marburg 1875. 130 Just in the same manner whole chapters in the Historiae of Nikolaos of Damascus, known to Plutarch (vit. Brut. c. 53), were copied from Juba word for word. Cf. C. Müller Fr. Hist. Gr. III p. 313 fr. 69 and 79 with Dionys. I c. 82 sqq. and 11 c. 32 sqq. 131 Fr. Hist. Gr. III p. 465. 132 See also Appian B. C. 11, IOI quoted in note 120. INTRODUCTION liii Dr Vollgraff has shown the great probability that in his Life of Antony, to which, especially the part of it relating to Egypt and Cleopatra, historical critics agree in attributing the highest value, Plutarch's principal authority was King Juba, whose account was based upon the Commentarics of Augustus. 134 The passage in the Life of Sulla in which Juba is directly quoted by Plutarch relates to Chaironeia his birth-place; a mistake therefore on Plutarch's part is highly improbable. But, as Dr Vollgraff points out, we may attribute with great probability the derivation of Ooúptov from up 135 also to Juba, of whose predilection Θούριον Θώρ for tracing derivations we have sufficient evidence in the extant fragments of his works. 4. Strabo, a native of Amasia in the kingdom of Pontos, before he composed his Historical Geography, wrote an historical work, entitled ὑπομνήματα ἱστορικά, which, as he professes, were to be χρήσιμα εἰς τὴν ἠθικὴν καὶ πολιτικὴν φιλοσοφίαν. It was comprised in 47 books, the fifth of which was the first Twv μETà Пoλúẞtov 136, i.e. began where the history of Polybios ended. There is a quotation from it by Josephus 137, relating to the defeat of Antigonos the last of the Maccabees and the establishment of Herod as King in 38/716, from which it is plain that the history was brought down certainly to his own age and possibly to the year when Augustus became Emperor. There are also several other quotations from it by the same author, 133 7. c. p. 107 sqq. 134 7. c. p. 102 sqq. 135 C. 17, 5. 136 Strab. Geogr. XI p. 515 ap. C. Müller Fragm. Hist. Gr. III P. 491. 137 Antiq. Fud. XV 1, 2. liv INTRODUCTION one referring to the period of Sulla 138, where he speaks of his expedition to Greece against the Pontic army, and of the simultaneous mission of Lucullus to put down the insurrection of the Jews in Kyrene, and takes occasion to animadvert on the rapid spread of the Jews on the borders of the Mediterranean, and the great influence they exer- cised everywhere. Plutarch also, in his Life of Lucullus 139, quotes a remark of Strabo's on the battle under the walls of Tigranocerta in which the Romans defeated Tigranes, and in his Life of Caesar his mention of the portents that ushered in Caesar's death 140. 5. Fenestella (his nomen and praenomen are un- known) was born in 52/702¹¹¹. His great work, entitled Annales, is referred to by Asconius, A. Gellius and Pliny the Elder. Accurate quotations from it are to be found only in Nonius, one from the xxIInd Book. Like Varro, he was fond of investigating antiquarian lore and devoted much attention to the history of Roman manners and to the political condition of Rome¹. His style seems to have been rather discursive and circumstantial; hence an 138 ib. XIV 7, 2. 142 139 c. 28, η Στράβων δ', ἕτερος φιλόσοφος, ἐν τοῖς ἱστορικοῖς ὑπομνήμασιν αὐτοὺς λέγει τοὺς Ρωμαίους αἰσχύνεσθαι καὶ καταγελᾶν ἑαυτῶν ἐπ' ἀνδράποδα τοιαῦτα δεηθέντας ὅπλων. 140 c. 63, 2. 141 Hieronym. on Euseb. Chron. ad a. Abr. 2035-6 Tiberii =772 u. c.: Fenestella historiarum scriptor et carminum septua- genarius moritur sepeliturque Cumis. See W. S. Teuffel Hist. of Rom. liter. § 254 (tr. by W. Wagner, London 1873). 142 Lactant. inst. div. 1, 6, 14 speaks of him as diligentissimus scriptor and again de ira Dei 22, 5 plurimi et maximi auctores tradiderant...nostrorum Varro et Fenestella. The fragments of Fenestella were collected for the last time in Corte's Sallust (ed. Frostcher Lips. 1825) I p. 489–494. INTRODUCTION lv abridgment of the Annals was made, which is mentioned. by Diomed. I p. 365, 7 sq.:-apud Fenestellam in libro epitomarum secundo; quemadmodum Caesar a piratis captus sit. The fourth and fifth chapters of Plutarch's Life of Crassus seem to have been entirely borrowed from Fenestella143; and probably the first also, as we may infer from a statement in Macrobius 144. 6. Gaius Sallustius Crispus, whose life reached from 86/668 to 34/720, besides his monograph on the Conspiracy of Catiline and the Life of Jugurtha, wrote also on the same plan five books of Historiae commenc- ing with the year of Sulla's death and carried down to 67/687145, though they were perhaps never completed. They extended bis senos per annos according to Auso- nius 146. It is certain that they opened with 78/676, the first words being res populi Romani M. Lepido Q. Catulo coss. ac deinde militiae et domi gestas composui. We have only fragments of the work, except two letters (those of Cn. Pompeius and Mithridates) and four speeches (by Lepidus, Philippus, Cotta and Macer), originally be- longing to it. The History of Sulla was purposely omitted 147. Plutarch refers to the Historiae of Sallus- tius twice in his narrative of the campaigns of Lucullus ▼ 143 τούτων φησὶ τὴν ἑτέραν ἤδη πρεσβύτιν οὖσαν ὁ Φαινεστέλ- λας ἰδεῖν αὐτὸς καὶ πολλάκις ἀκοῦσαι μεμνημένης ταῦτα (i.e. the incidents narrated in cc. 4 and 5) kai diežiovons тpolúµws. 144 Saturn. I, 10, 6. 145 Kritz, Sallust. Hist. fragm. p. 18. 146 Idyll. 4, 61 599. 147 Jugurth. c. 95: sed quoniam nos tanti viri (sc. L. Sullae) res admonuit, idoneum visum est de natura cultuque eius paucis dicere : neque enim alio loco de Sullae rebus dicturi sumus, et L. Sisenna, optume et diligentissime omnium, qui cas res dixere, persecutus, parum mihi libero ore locutus videtur. lvi INTRODUCTION 149 in Asia ¹¹8, and again in the Comp. Lys. et Sullae¹¹. There are a few fragments in the first Book which are supposed with a slight degree of probability to refer to Sulla, but the speech which the historian puts into the mouth of M. Aemilius Lepidus 150, the renegade from the Optimate party, against him exists entire. It is a bitter invective against the ex-dictator, and an impotent attempt to under- mine the influence which he undoubtedly exercised after his retirement from office. No apology is needed for printing the text in full, as it is not often found in the editions of Sallust in common use. 1 Clementia et probitas vestra, Quirites, quibus per ceteras gentes maxumi et clari estis, plurumum timoris mihi iniciunt advorsum tyrannidem L. Sullae, ne, quae ipsi infanda aestumatis, ea parum credendo de aliis, circumveniamini (praesertim cum illi spes omnis in scelere atque perfidia sit, neque se aliter tutum putet, quam si peior atque intestabilior metu vostro fuerit, quo captis libertatis curam miseria eximat), aut si provideritis, in vitandis periculis magis 2 quam ulciscendo teneamini. Satellites quidem eius, homines maxumi Kr. metu captis § 1. circumveniamini i.q. opprimamini, cf. Catil. 16, 3; 31, 9: Cic. de off. II 14, 51. intestabilior i.q. detestabilior, cf. Jugurth. 67, 3; Hor. Sat. 2, 3, 181; Tac. Ann. 6, 40. vostro, i.e. quam vos timetis: cf. infra § 6. i.e. dolo aut scelere irretitis et oppressis. Kr. § 2. satellites i.e. optimates qui eius causae favebant. optumis maiorum exemplis, abl. of attendant circum- Kr. 148 Tit. Luc. c. II, 4 Σαλλουστίου δὲ θαυμάζω τότε πρῶτον φθαι Ρωμαίοις καμήλους λέγοντος, εἰ μήτε πρότερον τοὺς μετὰ Σκι- πίωνος νικήσαντας ᾿Αντίοχον ᾤετο μήτε τοὺς ἔναγχος πρὸς Ορχομενῷ καὶ περὶ Χαιρώνειαν ᾿Αρχελάῳ μεμαχημένους ἐγνωκέναι κάμηλον : ib. c. 33, 3 Σαλλούστιος μὲν οὖν φησὶ χαλεπώς διατεθῆναι τοὺς στρα- τιώτας πρὸς αὐτὸν (sc. τὸν Λούκουλλον) εὐθὺς ἐν ἀρχῇ τοῦ πολέμου πρὸς Κυζίκῳ καὶ πάλιν πρὸς ᾿Αμισῷ, δύο χειμώνας ἑξῆς ἐν χάρακι δια- γαγεῖν ἀναγκασθέντας. 149 c. 3: τοὺς περὶ γάμων καὶ σωφροσύνης εἰσηγεῖτο νόμους τοῖς πολίταις αὐτὸς ἐρῶν καὶ μοιχεύων, ὥς φησι Σαλλούστιος. 150 Plut. Sulla c. 34, 4; c. 37, 3; Appian B. C. I c. 105. INTRODUCTION Ivii nominis, optumis maiorum exemplis, nequeo satis mirari, qui domi- nationis in vos servitium suum mercedem dant, et utrumque per 3 iniuriam malunt, quam optimo iure liberi agere, praeclara Brutorum atque Aemiliorum et Lutatiorum proles, geniti ad ea, quae maiores 4 virtute peperere, subvortunda! Nam quid a Pyrrho, Hannibale Philippoque et Antiocho defensum est aliud quam libertas et suae 5 cuique sedes, neu cui nisi legibus pareremus? quae cuncta scaevus iste Romulus, quasi ab externis rapta, tenet, non tot exercituum clade neque consulum et aliorum principum, quos fortuna belli consumpse- rat, satiatus, sed tum crudelior, cum plerosque secundae res in mise- 6 rationem ex ira vortunt. Quin solus omnium post memoriam hu- = stances quibus optima maiorum exempla sunt. utrumque sc. dominari in vos ac simul ipsi servire. liberi agere i.e. libertate frui. Kr. Kr. Brutos § 3. Brutorum atque Aemiliorum et Lutatiorum. dixit, ut pungeret D. Junium Brutum, sequentis anni con- sulem, de quo v. Cic. Brut. 47, 175; Aemilios, ut notaret Mamer- cum Aemilium Lepidum, Bruti collegam; Lutatios, ut mor- deret Q. Lutatium Catulum, collegam suum, qui omnes a Sullae partibus stabant. a praepositio indicat unde exstiterit periculum, quod Romani propulsarunt. Kr. Kr. suae § 4. libertas i.e. ut libertatem tueremur. cuique sedes, 'one's home', see my n. on Cic. de off. I 110 1. II 86 1. 24. Kr. 3 $ 5. scaevus iste Romulus. Ut Romulus urbis conditor fuit, ita Sulla, qui legibus latis rempublicam labefactatam restituisse se et quasi denuo condidisse gloriabatur (v. Cic. or. p. Rosc. Am. 47, 137), perquam acerbe a Lepido scacvus Romulus i.e. Romulo dissi- millimus sive reipublicae eversor vocatur. quasi ab externis rapta. Cf. infra § 17 bona civium quasi Cimbricam pracdam. This may refer to some saying of Sulla's, which is reported by Plutarch comp. Lys. et Sull. c. 3 év pavefŵ TоTÈ TOÛ δήμου περιεστῶτος οὐσίαν μεγάλην διαπιπράσκων τιμῆς τῆς τυχούσης εἰς ἕνα τῶν φίλων ἐκέλευε κατακηρύσσειν, ἑτέρου δὲ τὴν τιμὴν ὑπερ- βαλομένου καὶ τοῦ κήρυκος τὸ προστεθὲν ἀγορεύσαντος, διηγανάκτησε, δεινά γε, ὦ φίλοι πολῖται, καὶ τυραννικὰ πάσχω φάμενος ' εἰ τὰ ἐμά ŵ kai μοι λάφυρα διαθέσθαι μὴ ἔξεστιν ὡς βούλομαι. Cf. Cic. or. in Verr. 3, 35, 81: Sulla tantum animi habuit ad audaciam, ut dicere in concione non dubitaret, bona civium Romanorum cum venderet, se praedam suam venderc. consulum. ut Cinnae (Appian B. C. I c. 78), Marii, Gai Marii f. (ib. c. 94), Norbani (ib. c. 91), Cn. Papiri Carbonis (ib. c. 96). principum (viro- rum). Cf. Plut. Sull. c. 31, Appian B. C. I c. 95 sq., c. 103; Flor. 3, 21, 25; Valer. Max. 9, 2, 1; Eutrop. 5, 9; Oros. 5, 22; August. de civ. Dei 3, 28. Kr. cum plerosque etc. Cf. Plut. Sull. c. 30, 5· > lviii INTRODUCTION mani generis supplicia in post futuros composuit, quis prius iniuria quam vita certa esset; pravissumeque per sceleris immanitatem ad- huc tutus fuit, dum vos metu gravioris serviti a repetunda libertate 7 terremini. Agendum atque obviam eundum est, Quirites, ne spolia vostra penes illos sint; non prolatandum neque votis paranda auxi- lia; nisi forte speratis taedium iam aut pudorem tyrannidis Sullae 8 esse, et cum per scelus occupata periculosius dimissurum. At ille eo processit, uti nihil gloriosum nisi tutum, et omnia retinendae domi- 9 nationis honesta aestumet. Itaque illa quies et otium cum libertate quae multi probi potius quam laborem cum honoribus capessebant, 10 nulla sunt. Hac tempestate serviundum aut imperitandum; haben- 11 dus metus est aut faciundus, Quirites. Nam quid ultra? quaeve humana superant, aut divina impolluta sunt? Populus Romanus, § 6. in post futuros. Cf. Plut. Sull. c. 31, 4. pravissume- que i.e. quod pravissimum est or pravitate nostra factum est, ut, most unjustifiably'. Ceterum similem sententiam Sallus- tius aliis quoque turbulentis oratoribus tribuit, notante Kritzio, velut Memmio (lug. 31, 14): ita quam quisque pessime fecit, tam maxime tutus est, et Licinio Macr. (frag. 111 82, 13): nunc animum advortere (sc. nobiles) ad ea quae agitis, et nisi viceritis, quoniam omnis iniuria (sc. quae infertur) gravitate (sc. potentia et viribus) tutior est (sc. quam infirma potentia), artius habebunt (i.e. magis vos prement). § 7. agendum est, you must be up and doing'. spolia vestra, cf. Ċic. de off. 111. 5 § 22 illud natura non patitur, ut aliorum spoliis nostras facultates augeamus. Cortius. Sullanos. ram. Kr. penes illos sc. taedium-Sullae. Alludit ad abdicatam dictatu- occupata, sub. periculose. § 8. tutum. Cf. § I. omnia retinendae dominationis all the means and appliances for securing absolute power', cf. Cat. c. 6, 7, Cic. Verr. 2, 53, 132, Caes. B. G. 4, 17, 10. § 9. otium cum libertate: cf. infra § 25. lost, extinct', Cat. 52, 21; Iug. 86, 3. nulla sunt, are § 11. quid ultra? i.e. quid ultra est, quo Sullae domi- natio ac superbia adhuc procedere possit? Profecto finem malorum attigimus. Cf. Cic. or. in Verr. 5, 45, 119. Kr. humana sc. iura s. ea quae homo ut sua sibi vindicare po- test. superant i.e. relicua sunt: cf. Iug. 70, 2. exutus imperio etc. Cf. Appian B. C. I 100. agitandi i.e. vitam servilia alimenta, a slave's allowance of food'. Cf. Sen. Epist. LXXX servus est: quinque modios accipit. The allusion is to Sulla's abolition of largesses, in the shape of regular distributions of corn to the burgesses, which were introduced by C. Gracchus. See Plut. C. Gr. c. 5, Appian B. C. I c. 21. sustentandi. INTRODUCTION lix paullo ante gentium moderator, exutus imperio gloria iure, agitandi 12 inops despectusque ne servilia quidem alimenta relicua habet. Socio- rum et Lati magna vis civitate, pro multis et egregiis factis a vobis data, per unum prohibentur, et plebis innoxiae patrias sedes occupa- 13 vere pauci satellites, mercedem scelerum. Leges, iudicia, aerarium, provinciae, reges penes unum, denique necis civium et vitae licentia. 14 Simul humanas hostias vidistis, et sepulcra infecta sanguine civili. 15 Estne viris relicui aliud quam solvere iniuriam, aut mori per virtu- tem? quoniam quidem unum omnibus finem natura vel ferro saeptis statuit; neque quisquam extremam necessitatem nihil ausus nisi 16 muliebri ingenio exspectat. Verum ego seditiosus, uti Sulla ait, qui praemia turbarum queror, et bellum cupiens, qui iura pacis repeto. M § 12. sociorum-prohibentur. Cf. Appian B. C. 1 96 πολλὴ δὲ καὶ τῶν Ἰταλιωτῶν ἀναίρεσίς τε καὶ ἐξέλασις καὶ δήμευσις ἦν, ὅσοι τι Κάρβωνος ή Νωρβανοῦ ἢ Μαρίου ἢ τῶν ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνοις στρατηγούντων ὑπήκουσαν.—Ὡς δ᾽ ἐξέλιπε τὰ καθ᾿ ἕνα [ἄνδρα ἐγκλήματα], ἐπὶ τὰς πόλεις ὁ Σύλλας μετῄει καὶ ἐκόλαζε καὶ τάσδε, τῶν μὲν ἀκροπόλεις κατασκάπτων ἢ τείχη καθαιρῶν ἢ κοινὰς ζημίας ἐπιτιθεὶς ἢ εἰσφοραῖς ἐκτρύχων βαρυτάταις ταῖς δὲ πλείοσι τοὺς ἑαυτῷ στρατευσαμένους ἐπῴκιζεν, ὡς ἕξων φρούρια κατὰ τῆς Ἰταλίας· τήν τε γῆν αὐτῶν καὶ τὰ οἰκήματα ἐς τούσδε μεταφέρων διεμέριζεν, Cic. or. p. dom. 30, 79 populus Romanus L. Sulla dictatore comitiis centuriatis municipiis civitatem ademit: ademit iisdem agros, Plut. Sull. c. 33. Kr. mercedem scelerum, acc. in appos. to the previous sentence. § 13. iudicia sc. senatui tradita, qui Sullae ex arbitrio pen- debat. Cetera lucem accipiunt ex Appiano de B. C. 1, 102 0vn πάντα, καὶ βασιλεῖς ὅσοι σύμμαχοι, καὶ πόλεις οὐχ ὅσαι μόνον ὑποτελεῖς ἀλλὰ καὶ ὅσαι ἑαυτὰς ἐνεκεχειρίκεσαν ἐπὶ συνθήκαις ἔνορκοι, καὶ ὅσαι διὰ συμμαχίαν ἤ τινα ἀρετὴν ἄλλην αυτόνομοί τε καὶ φόρων ἦσαν ἀτε- λεῖς, τότε πᾶσαι συντελεῖν ἐκελεύοντο καὶ ὑπακούειν, χώρας τε ἔνιαι καὶ λιμένων κατὰ συνθήκας σφίσι δεδομένων ἀφῃροῦντο. Σύλλας δὲ καὶ Αλέξανδρον, τὸν ᾿Αλεξάνδρου τοῦ ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ βασιλεύσαντος υἱὸν ἐψηφίσατο βασιλεύειν ᾿Αλεξανδρέων. § 14. sepulcra infecta sanguine ; in allusion to the murder of Marius Gratidianus by the tomb of Catulus. § 15. solvere iniuriam i.e. finem ponere iniuriae. Cf. Liv. 1, 49, 7 Tarquinius Superbus regum primus traditum a pri- oribus morem solvit. extremam necessitatem: cf. Tac. Ann. 15, 61, 4 intromisit ad Senecam unum ex centurionibus, qui neces- sitatem ultimam denunciaret, Hist. 1, 3, 1 supremae clarorum virorum necessitates, 1, 72, 3 accepto supremae necessitatis nuntio secuit fauces. § 16. qui praemia turbarum queror etc. I, who complain of the prizes to be won from political disturbances,...I who want to get back the rights and privileges (of peace, of which he has robbed us).' lx INTRODUCTION At 17 Scilicet quia non aliter salvi satisque tuti in imperio eritis, nisi Vettius Picens et scriba Cornelius aliena bene parta prodegerint, nisi approbaritis omnes proscriptionem innoxiorum ob divitias, cruciatus virorum illustrium, vastam urbem fuga et caedibus, bona civium 18 miserorum quasi Cimbricam praedam venum aut dono datam. obiectat mihi possessiones ex bonis proscriptorum ; quod quidem scelc- rum illius vel maxumum est, non me neque quemquam omnium satis tutum fuisse, si recte faceremus. Atque illa, quae tum formidine mercatus sum, pretio, soluto iure, dominis tamen restituo, neque pati 19 consilium est ullam ex civibus pracdam esse. Satis illa fuerint, quae rabie contracta toleravimus, manus conserentis inter se Romanos exer- citus, et arma ab externis in nosmet versa. Scelerum et contumelia- rum omnium finis sit. Quorum adeo Sullam non paenitet, ut et facta in gloria enumeret, et, si liceat, avidius fecerit. 20 Neque iam quid existumetis de illo, sed quantum audeatis vereor, ne alius alium principem exspectantes ante capiamini (non opibus § 17. Scilicet etc. The reason, forsooth, why Sulla pronounces me to be a disturber of the public peace, is because he wants every man to take an optimist view of the present political situation. Vettius, one of Sulla's emissaries. Cornelius i. e. P. Corne- lius Sulla, a nephew of the dictator, who presided at the sales of confiscated property in the lifetime of his uncle. See my n. on Cic. de off. II 8, 29 1. 30. ob divitias stands in attributive relation to proscriptionem. quasi Cimbricam praedam. Cf. § 5. Cim- bricam dicit quia Sullae in illo bello haud exiguae partes fuerunt; cf. Plut. in Mario c. 25, 26. Kr. datam. Cf. a similar at- traction of gender in Corn. Nepos Themist. 7, 5 illorum urbem ut propugnaculum oppositum esse barbaris and see my supplemen- tary note on Cic. de off. 1 35, 128 l. 9. § 18. Lepidus says that Sulla charged him with having got possession of the property of some of those who had been pro- scribed. His answer was that this charge was one of Sulla's greatest crimes, for that neither himself nor any one else was safe in the terrible days of proscription, when to act honestly would have been a man's ruin. He says that he bought the property of the proscribed through fear and that he was ready to restore it to the owners on repayment of the purchase-money. soluto iure, "though they forfeited their right of possession (at the compulsory auction)'. § 19. rabie contracta, 'brought upon us by the madness of civil war'. adeo Sullam non paenitet i.e. tantum abest ut Sul- lam paeniteat, ut etc. facta sc. esse. § 20. Lepidus concludes by calling on the people to follow him as their leader in the recovery of liberty. principem i.e. INTRODUCTION lxi eius, quae futiles et corruptae sunt, sed vostra socordia), quam captum 21 ire licet, quem haud pudeat tam videri felicem. Nam praeter satel- lites commaculatos quis eadem volt? aut quis non omnia mutata prae- ter victorem? Scilicet milites, quorum sanguine Tarulae Scyrtoque, pessumis servorum, divitiae partae sunt! An, quibus praelatus in magistratibus capiundis Fufidius, ancilla turpis, honorum omnium 22 dehonestamentum? Itaque maxumam mihi fiduciam parit victor exercitus, cui per tot volnera et labores nihil praeter tyrannum quae- 23 situm est. Nisi forte tribuniciam potestatem evorsum profecti sunt, per arma conditam a maioribus suis, utique iura et iudicia sibimet extorquerent, egregia scilicet mercede, cum relegati in paludes et silvas contumeliam atque invidiam suam, praemia penes paucos intel- 24 legerint. Quare igitur tanto agmine atque animis incedit? Quia secundae res mire sunt vitiis obtentui; quibus labefactis, quam formidatus est, tam contemnetur; nisi forte specie concordiae et pacis, quae sceleri et parricidio suo nomina indidit; neque aliter rempubli- initium facientem. ante capiamini (i.e. a Sulla oppri- mamini) quam (vobis eum) captum ire (i.e. ad capiendum vos parare) licet. Kr. felicem, in reference to the formal surname he had arrogantly assumed. § 21. Nam refers to a suppressed sentence meaning, 'His luck scilicet, ironical, 'his is not so great as he supposes, for etc.' soldiers, forsooth, don't want a change, who have got nothing them- selves, but enriched others." Fufidius; cf. Vit. Sull. c. 31, 3. ancilla, so called, because of his effeminacy; cf. Cic. ep. ad Att. 1, 14 concursabant barbatuli iuvenes, duce filiola Curionis. suam is here used predicatively. § 23. $ 24. igitur refers to a sentence implied in the preceding, 'why then (since he has so little confidence in his disappointed sol- diery) does he parade in public with such a retinue and so much arrogance?' The answer is 'because prosperity serves in a marvel- lous manner to cover a man's faults of character (for if these were detected, his soldiers would perhaps leave him at once in the lurch)'. 4 secundae res etc. This passage is discussed by Seneca con- trov. 9, 1, 13 who compares Sallust's sentiment with a similar one in Thucydides (an error for Demosthenes Olynth. II § 20 p. 23) ai γὰρ εὐπραξίαι δειναὶ συγκρύψαι [καὶ συσκιάσαι] τὰ τοιαῦτα ἐνείδη. quam formidatus est, tam contemnetur, he will be as much an object of contempt henceforward, as he has hitherto been of dread.' Cf. Iug. 31, 14 quam quisque pessume fecit, tam maxume tutus est, Cato de R. R. 65 quam acerbissima olea oleum facies, tam oleum optimum erit. Kr. parricidio i.e. nefario facinori quo in libertatem civium saeviit. Kr. neque i.q. nam non. Ixii INTRODUCTION cam et belli finem ait, nisi maneat expulsa agris plebes, praeda civilis acerbissuma, ius iudiciumque omnium rerum penes se, quod populi 25 Romani fuit. Quae si vobis pax et concordia intelleguntur, maxuma turbamenta reipublicae atque exitia probate, annuite legibus impositis, accipite otium cum servitio et tradite exemplum posteris ad populum 26 Romanum suimet sanguinis mercede circumveniundum. Mihi, quamquam per hoc summum imperium satis quaesitum erat nomini maiorum, dignitati atque etiam praesidio, tamen non fuit consilium privatas opes facere, potiorque visa est periculosa libertas quieto servitio. 27 Quae si probatis, adeste, Quirites, et bene iuvantibus dis M. Aemi- lium consulem ducem et auctorem sequimini ad recipiundam liber- tatem! finem sc. esse. ius iudiciumque i. e. summam rerum potestatem atque imperium. Cf. Gronov. ad Liv. 36, 39, 9. Kr. § 25. Quae si vobis—intelleguntur, 'if this is what you mean by peace and harmony.' exitia i.e. calamitates et mise- rias. otium cum servitio: cf. § 9. ad populum—circumveni- undum, i.e. ita opprimendum ut suum met sanguinem pro servitute profundat et quasi mercedis loco tyrannis praebeat. § 26. summum imperium: i.e. consulatum. versative after negative clause. que, ad- § 27. verba consulem-libertatem ad evocationis formulam composita. Wass. Cf. Servium ad Verg. Aen. vIII: si esset tu- multus, quia singulos interrogare non vacabat, qui fuerat ducturus exercitum, ibat ad Capitolium et exinde proferens duo vexilla dice- hat: qui rempublicam salvam vult, me sequatur. Donat. ad Ter. Eun. IV, 7, 2: huiusmodi militia per tumultum repente suscipitur et dicitur evocatio, ubi dux alloquitur cives: qui rempublicam sal- vam vultis, me sequimini. 153 152 7. Such are the authorities which Plutarch himself expressly quotes in this Life; others are indicated by him in vague terms such as ἔνιοι λέγουσι 151, λέγουσι 163, λέ- γεται 188, ἱστοροῦσι, ἱστορεῖται 155, οἱ δέ φασι, φασί 157. oi Of course the credibility of his narrative depends upon its being traceable to the testimony of original witnesses, contemporary with the events described. 151 31, 3. 153 154 2, I. 1, 2; 5, 4; II, 1; 14, 1; 26, 1; 38, 2. 155 5, 5. 152 1, 1, 2, 1, 2 ; οἱ ἐπιχώριοι λ. 17, 1. 156 17, 5. 157 27, 2; 29, 7; 38, 4. INTRODUCTION Ixiii We have already158 seen that Q. Lutatius Catulus (cos. 102/652) wrote an historical account of his own consulship and actions, which Plutarch appears not to have read, but he quotes it at second hand 159-a plan of intermediate reference, often pursued by Ap- pian, Dion Cassius, and others of the later compilers, following writers who had drawn their accounts from contemporary histo- rians, on whose evidence they thus indirectly relied. The work of P. Rutilius Rufus also doubtless included the political events in which he had borne a part, and that of M. Aemilius Scau- rus, who appears to be the earliest of those who composed their own Memoirs, was another authentic 160 source of the history of his own period. L. Otacilius Pilitus composed a memoir of his pupil Cn. Pompeius Magnus, as well as of his father Cn. Pom- peius Strabo, which must have included the events of the Marsic war and the times of Marius and Sulla 161. C. Licinius Macer (B.C. 106—66) wrote a history of Rome; but whether he brought his work down to his own times is uncertain. Q. Claudius Quadrigarius may be considered as an original authority for the period from B.C. 140 to 78162. He wrote a history which began with the capture of Rome by the Gauls. The Third Book narrated the war with Pyrrhos, the Fifth and Sixth Books included the second Punic war. In the Nine- teenth Book the siege of Athens by Sulla and the seventh Consul- ship of Marius in 86/668 were described. As the Twenty-third Book is cited, it has been conjectured that the work ended with the death of Sulla in 78/676. Facts in the Cimbrian invasion of 105/649 are cited from Valerius Antias, whose voluminous history of Rome reached from the foundation of the city to his own time. 158 p. xxxv n. 73. 159 p. xxxix n. 85. 160 Tac. Agric. c. 1 ac plerique suam ipsi vitam narrare fidu- ciam potius morum quam arrogantiam arbitrati sunt, nec id Rutilio et Scauro citra fidem aut obtrectationi fuit. 161 Sueton. de claris rhet. 3, Krause vit. et fragm. vet. hist. Rom. (Berolini 1853) p. 223, quoted by G. C. Lewis in his Inquiry into the credibility of early Roman History 1 p. 24. 162 Lewis ubi supra p. 25. I lxiv INTRODUCTION He is quoted by name (Ovaλépios 'Arrías) in several of the Bio- graphies 163. His L. Cornelius Sisenna (born about 120/634, praetor 78/676164), wrote, besides other works, a history of his own time. He was a contemporary historian in the strictest sense of the word. Historiae, contained in at least 12 books, extended from the Marsic war to the civil war of Sulla and Marius 165. Most of the fragments. found in Nonius refer to the Marsic war 168. His sixth contained the narrative of the civil strife of Marius and Sulla, of which ac- cording to Sallust 167 he wrote the best and most accurate account, though he was too reserved in the expression of his own opinions, which is the fault of a contemporary writer. Lucullus, likewise, who had served in the Marsic war, com- posed a history of it in Greek 168; and L. Lucceius, the friend of Cicero 169, undertook and partly completed a contemporary history of Rome, commencing with that war. Besides these, Poseidonios, the continuator of Polybios, wrote a history extending from 146/608 to 96/658 or to a still later date, 163 Rom. c. 14, Num. C. 22 οἱ περὶ ᾿Αντίαν ἱστοροῦσι κτλ, Fla- min. c. 18. Cf. de fortun. Rom. c. 10 p. 323 E. Kiessling (De Dionys. Halicarnassei antiqq. auctoribus Latinis, Lips. 1858 p. 24), followed by H. Peter, considers that he is the source upon which Plutarch drew directly for his Life of Valerius Poplicola. 164 sc. de Asclepiade in Corp. Inscr. lat. I p. 110 sq.: Cos. Q. Lutatio Q. f. Catulo et M. Aemilio...Lepido, pr. urbano et inter peregrinos L. Cornelio...f. Sisenna, cf. Cic. Cornel. 1, 18. 165 Cic. de legg. 1, 2, 7; Brut. 64, 228; Vellei. Paterc. II 9, 5: historiarum (O. Jahn milesiarum) auctor iam tum (i.e. at the time of the orators Antonius and Crassus) Sisenna erat iuvenis: sed opus belli civilis (=socialis?) Sullanique post aliquot annos ab eo seniore editum est. He was joined with his friend Hortensius in the defence of Verres. Teuffel ubi supra § 143. 166 Cf. Cic. de div. 1, 44, 99. 167 Iug. c. 95: L. Sisenna optime et diligentissime omnium, qui eas (i.e. Sullae) res dixere, persecutus, parum mihi libero ore locutus videtur. 168 Plut. Luc. c. 1 and 2. 169 Cic. ep. ad fam. V, 12. INTRODUCTION lxv and occupying more than fifty books. He appears to have lived from 136/618 to 51/703 and therefore was contemporary with the chief part of the period included in his history. He was likewise a personal witness of many of the events related. Thus he had an interview with Marius 170 in his last illness, as ambassador from Rhodes to Rome, and had accompanied Cn. Pompeius in his Asiatic campaigns. The curious account of the Servile War in Sicily in the remains of the thirty-fourth book of Diodoros Siculus appears to be borrowed from him 171. The abridgment of the history of Rome in the time of the Re- public which bears the name of Granius Licinianus, arranged in the manner of Annals, in 40 Books, belongs probably to the second century of the imperial epoch 172, though others 173 assume that the work was published under Augustus and epitomized in the time of the Antonines. 170 Plut. vit. Mar. c. 45. C. Müller Fragm. hist. gr. Vol. III P. 266. 171 Lewis l.c. p. 31 who in his note adds that Kiene in his Röm. Bundesgenossenkrieg p. 318 thinks that both Appian and Plutarch, in their account of the wars of Sulla and Marius, made great use of Poseidonios. etc. 172 W. S. Teuffel .c. § 355. 173 The Bonn editors, Bücheler and others, Grani Liciniani quae supersunt emendatiora edidit philologorum Bonnensium heptas, Lips. (Teubner) 1858. Madvig fixes its composition in the third or fourth century of the Christian era. The work was discovered by P. de Lagarde and subsequently by G. H. Pertz at the British Museum in an Egyptian codex ter scriptus or double palimpsest, more closely examined in 1856 and edited by his son C. A. F. Pertz Berlin 1857, 4to [Gai] Grani Liciniani annalium quae supersunt The fragments are of books XXVI, XXVIII and XXXVI. The latter contains several stories in a very mutilated state concerning Marius, which are found in Appian and Plutarch's Lives of Marius and Pompey and in Valer. Max. 1, 5: also an account of Sulla's pro- ceedings at Athens before the battle of Orchomenos (Mommsen's Hist. of Rome III p. 321 n.). The passage describing the meeting between Archelaos and Sulla and the terms of the treaty between them is preserved entire and affords a good specimen of his style. It is as follows:-Archelaus parvulo navigio Chalcidem deporta- H. S. e lxvi INTRODUCTION 8. We are not, however, justified in concluding from these vague indications of authorities given by Plutarch. that he had himself consulted all or any of them. It is quite possible that we have to do with merely second- hand quotations. Thus we find in the biographies of Galba and Otho, in which there is a general agreement between Plutarch, Tacitus, and Suetonius,—an agreement that can only be explained by supposing that tur. regii, qui Abderae praesidebant, captis Philippis dilabuntur. colloquium Sullae et Archelao in Aulide fuit et condiciones impo- sitae, si rex pacem mallet, quibus ille tandem paruit: nam et Fimbriae adventum timebat, ut mox ordine indicabo, et se de conventis nihil novaturum Sulla praedixerat. fuerunt autem hae: Archelaus classem traderet Sullae; rex insulis omnibus, Asia, Bi- thynia, Paphlagonia decederet; item Gallo-graecis Q. Oppium et M. Aquilium legatos redderet; item ceteros omnis captivos, quorum non parvus numerus erat, dimitteret. inprimis excepti Macedones, quo- rum fides insignis fuerat, ut uxores et liberi redderentur. praeterea naves viginti quinquaginta tectas instructas sociis daret, frumentum, vestem, stipendium ipse praestaret. Iis ipse Mithridates cum Sulla apud Dardanum compositis, relicta classe, gratia e re conciliata, Ariobardianen ut servum respuit, in Pontum proficiscitur, ac, dum de conditionibus disceptatur, Medos et Dardanos qui socios vexabant Hortensius retro fugaverat. ipse Sulla exercitum in Me- diam induxerat. Priusquam in Asiam ad conloquium transiret, Dardanos quoque et Denseletas, ceterosque qui Macedoniam vexa- bant, in deditionem recepit. Ephesi, causis cognitis, principes belli securibus necat, civitates pecunia multat, oppida inpacata redigit in suam potestatem. Nicomedi regnum Bithyniae restituit, [quod] est appellatum Paphlagonia. The same Book contains an account also of the funeral of Sulla: condi corpus iusserat, non comburi. sed L. Philippus cremandum potius censuit, ne idem Sullae eveniret quod G. Mario, cuius corpus milites inimici extractum monumento disiecerant. itaque iustitium fuit, matronaeque cum toto anno luxe- runt. in campo Romae sepultus est, amplissimo funere elatus, magna populi frequentia. cuius rogo cum ignis esset inlatus, non medi- ocris imber est insecutus. INTRODUCTION lxvii 174 similar vague they each used one and the same source references εἴτε ὡς φασιν ἔνιοι (Galb. c. 19) and ὡς πλεῖστοι λέγουσιν, ἔνιοι δ' ἱστοροῦσιν (c. 27). We might think ourselves justified in concluding from these expressions. that Plutarch had consulted a number of authors; yet we observe in Tacitus (Hist. 1, 41) the same discrepancies of statements mentioned in the same connexion and in similar terms. 9. The close and occasionally even literal agreement between the History of Appian and certain of the Lives of Plutarch, has led some scholars to consider Plutarch as one of Appian's principal sources. But detailed investi- gations such as those of Wjinne 175 and H. Peter lead to a different conclusion. We find now one, now the other, giving a more complete representation of the facts, each according to the peculiar aim of his writing. They are, in fact, complementary to each other, so that the narra- tive of the one is only made intelligible by that of the other. Vollgraff maintains that an enquiry into the sources of Appian leads to the following conclusions:— (1) The only author, whom Appian can be proved to have directly followed, is Polybios. (2) Appian may have directly followed Dionysios, Livy and Sallust, upon whose works many of his state- ments are evidently founded. But he may also have drawn his information from them at second hand. Cer- 17+ This was either Cluvius Rufus, an historian contemporary with both emperors, or the history of C. Plinius Secundus. See Teuffel Hist. Rom. Lit. 332, 4. (II p. 182 transl.) 175 de fide et auctoritate Appiani pp. 23-27, PP. 53—55, PP. 71-73. € 2 lxviii INTRODUCTION tainty on this point is not to be attained. It may, how- ever, be observed that the former supposition is by no means the more plausible. (3) From the passages in Appian, where Latin authors such as Caesar, Tanusius Geminus, Asinius Pollio, Augustus, Messalla Corvinus and Volumnius are quoted, it has been erroneously concluded that he must have borrowed materials for his work from their writings. From a collation with Plutarch's Lives nearly all these quotations are proved to have already appeared in some source, from which Plutarch and Appian have both drawn. (4) This source or these sources were written in Greek. Appian probably added to his main excerpt less material drawn from various sources than Plutarch did. The Historian had no such keen literary appetite as the Biographer. Neither of them made any careful study or critical examination of documents and traditions. Even where they had several sources, more or less differ- ing from each other, at their disposal, they often borrowed information with unlimited confidence exclusively from the author, whose personal qualities had once gained their confidence, or whose manner of writing for some reason or other pleased them most. They adhered to one chief authority, whose statements they sometimes reproduce literally, sometimes shorten or amplify, each according to the aim of his writing, and whom they only exceptionally, and even then hardly ever unless in matters of subordinate interest, refute and correct. They do not care to arrive at the greatest possible degree of cer- tainty, in great as well as small matters; their only object. INTRODUCTION lxix It is to produce a work at once fascinating and instructive ¹76 Plutarch's different method of working will account in some measure for the divergences in their narratives. was his habit apparently, not to copy wholesale from this or that chronicler, but having fixed upon one as his fons primarius, to read him through, in order to form a con- ception of the character to be described, and then to write his life independently from memory. As he shaped his story dramatically, he would often draw upon the rich treasures of his wide reading for some anecdote or digression to enliven his narrative, or borrow some ex- tract from the common-place book, in which he had pro- bably, during his residence at Rome as a grammaticus, collected passages from the more eminent writers in biography, history or philosophy for the use of his lec- tures. 10. We have no other direct sources of information concerning the period of Sulla, besides those of Plutarch 176 Comp. Grote Hist. of Greece, Vol. v p. 9 n. 2 ed. 1849:-‘the Moralists and Rhetoricians of ancient times were very apt to treat history, not as a series of true matters of fact, exemplifying the laws of human nature and society, and enlarging our knowledge of them for purposes of future inference-but as if it were a branch of fiction, so to be handled as to please our taste or improve our mo- rality'. Dionysios (of Halikarnassos ad Cn. Pompeium de praecip. historicis iudic. p. 768 Reiske), blaming Thucydides for the choice of his subject, goes so far as to say that the Peloponnesian War, a period of ruinous discord in Greece, ought to have been left in oblivion and never to have passed into history (σιωπῇ καὶ λήθῃ παραδοθείς, ὑπὸ τῶν ἐπιγιγνομένων ἠγνοῆσθαι)—and that especially Thucydides ought never to have thrown the blame of it upon his own city, since there were many other causes to which it might have been imputed (ἑτέραις ἔχοντα πολλαῖς ἀφορμαῖς περιάψαι τὰς αἰτίας D. 770). lxx INTRODUCTION and Appian and the periochae of the last books of Livy, except the summaries of Florus and Eutropius, Vel- leius Paterculus and Orosius, the sayings and doings of great men by Valerius Maximus, and lastly the fragments of Diodoros Siculus and Dion Cassius. The design of the Iuli Flori Epitomae de Tito Livio bellorum omnium annorum DCC libri duo, from the foundation of the City to the establishment of the Empire under Augustus in A. D. 20. The chief source is Livy, whom the author often copies verbatim. author, who lived under Trajan or Hadrian, is non tam narrare bella romana quam romanum imperium laudare (Augustin. de civ. Dei 111, 19). The first book treats of the good time of the Roman people, the second of its decline (since the period of the Gracchi). The work abounds in mistakes, confusions, contradictions, chrono- logical and geographical errors, conceits and bombastic passages; but it was popular in later centuries and in the Middle Ages on account of its brevity and rhetorical style. Eutropii breviarium Historiae Romanae is contained in ten books, extending from the foundation of the city to the death of Jovianus in A. D. 364 and accession of Valens, to whom it is inscribed. It is a compilation made from the best authorities with good judgment, discrimination and impartiality, and written in a pure, simple and unaffected style. Its brevity and practical arrangement made it a very popular book at an early period. The substance of it is copied into the chronicles of Hieronymus, Cassiodorus and others, and it is closely followed by Orosius. Vellei Paterculi historiae romanae ad M. Vinicium Consulem libri duo. The first book brings the Roman History down to the fall of Carthage. As it approaches the Historian's own time, the work becomes more extensive. He is fond of interspersing anecdotes; though given to exaggeration and full of personal sympathies and antipathies, he excels in the delineation of character, particularly when writing of the great men of the republican period. In general he follows the current historical works, e.g. the abridgment of Atticus, Cornelius Nepos and Pompeius Trogus, in all foreign history and biographical details: with Livy he disagrees more frequently INTRODUCTION lxxi than otherwise. See Teuffel Hist. Rom. lit. 11 § 273. The History of the period of Sulla is contained in II 15 ff. The Spanish presbyter Orosius, born towards the close of the fourth century, was the author of a compendious History of the World from Adam to A. D. 416 (Historiarum adversus paganos libri VII). It was written at the request of Augustine, Bishop of Hippo, as an apology for Christianity, as its title indicates, to silence the clamour of the heathens, who asserted that Christianity had been injurious rather than beneficial to mankind and attributed the de- cline of the Roman Empire to the indignation of the ancient deities at seeing their worship neglected and their altars profaned. Book v contains the History of Rome from the taking of Corinth to the first Civil War: Book vi that from the wars with Mithridates to the birth of Christ. Orosius drew his materials chiefly from Hie- ronymus' version of Eusebius' Chronicles and some lost Epitome of Livy¹77, probably that from which the extant periochae are them- selves abridged, for they are frequently found to agree in their diver- gence from Livy. There is strong evidence that Cassiodorus in his Chronicon or Summary of Universal History used the same Epitome as Orosius; and Vopiscus, Aur. Victor in his de viris illustribus, Eutropius, Sextus Rufus, Julius Obsequens (in his History of Miracles 249/505—12/742) all used the same abridgment, as is demonstrated by Mommsen Cassiodor. p. 552 and 696. Orosius desired to create the impression that he used a great many works for his book, and therefore copied from his authorities those passages in which other authors are mentioned. He records only such facts as were suited to his purpose, but though liable to mistakes. and confusions, he sometimes states them clearly and in such a way that we readily admit that he must have found them in the old books he used 178. Even his style varies with the sources he is copying. 177 Zangemeister Praef. p. xxv to his edition forming the vth volume of the Corpus Scriptorum ecclesiasticorum (Vienna 1882). Cf. Niebuhr's Lectures on the History of Rome I p. 63 transl. 178 Cf. Theodorus de Mörner de Orosii vita p. 130: In singulis, in nominibus et numeris, in rebus et rerum consecutione, quae quan- taque sit diversitas apud scriptores tam Graecos quam Latinos de bello Mariano Sullano, mirum est. Sic apud Nostrum in quavis lxxii INTRODUCTION The reputation of this History was so great in the time of King Alfred, that he determined to transfer the substance of it from the original Latin into Anglo-Saxon for the benefit of his subjects 179. Valerii Maximi factorum et dictorum memorabilium libri novem, a collection of anecdotes and examples for the use of rhetor- icians and their schools, addressed to Tiberius, was compiled from few but good sources, but without critical method, taste or discrimination, and written in an artificial and pompous style. It is arranged ac- cording to certain terms (e.g. de religione, auspiciis, somniis, testa- mentis), chiefly moral terms (fortitudine, moderatione, pudicitia etc.), and each chapter is divided again into instances taken from Roman and foreign history. The work was very popular in the Middle Ages; and two abridgments were made of it by Julius Paris at the close of the 4th century and by Januarius Nepotianus in the 6th or 7th century. Plutarch does not appear to have used Valerius Maximus, though he mentions him Marc. c. 30 and Brut. c. 53. See Teuffel 7. c. II § 274. 'Many brief notices of Roman affairs are introduced by Dio- doros Siculus, under the proper years, in his Universal History (Βιβλιοθήκη ιστορική), the composition of which occupied him thirty years. It was published under Augustus, and extended from the remotest fabulous ages to the Gallic Wars of Julius Caesar. He states that having been a native of the Sicilian town of Agyrium, he had, from frequent intercourse with the Romans in Sicily, acquired a familiar knowledge of their language, and that he had related the events of their history from memoirs preserved among them from early times 180. The voyage of Aeneas to Latium, and the foundation of Rome, were only mentioned in his VIIth book, and the reign of Tarquinius Superbus in his xth book; and of the paene periodo vel conversiones vel differentia, vel nusquam obvia habes; in quibus tamen observes, eum maxime cum Latinis, imprimis cum Livio facere ubicumque. 179 J. Bosworth's Introduction to King Alfred's Anglo-Saxon version of Orosius p. 15. 180 I C. 4. 'This statement indicates that his notices of Roman History were extracted from Roman, not from Greek writers'. INTRODUCTION lxxiii books of his History, from VI to X, fragments alone are extant. Various events of Roman history from the consulship of Sp. Cassius and Verginius in 486/268 to that of Livius and Aemilius in 302/452 are mentioned in the ten extant books from XI to Xx181'. The third portion of his work, which contained books XXI-XL, is lost with the exception of a considerable number of fragments and the Excerpta, which are partly in Photios (Bibl. Cod. 244) and partly in the Eclogae made at the command of Constantinus Porphyro- genitus. The work might have been valuable to the student of history, because of the sources which were accessible to the writer, but for its absence of criticism and lack of all the higher requisites of a history. Dion Cassius Cocceianus was born about A. D. 155 at Nicaea in Bithynia, in the reign of Antoninus Pius, and coming to Rome at an early period of his life, remained there from 30 to 40 years. He was consul in A. D. 229 for the second time. Dion began by writing a history of the reign of Commodus, the favourable recep- tion of which work encouraged him to write a history of Rome from the earliest times. The 'Pwμaikǹ iσropía, his great work, consisting of 80 books, embraced the whole history of Rome from the earliest times until A. D. 229, the year in which he quitted Italy for Nicaea, his birth-place. The history of republican Rome is treated by him. briefly: unfortunately we possess only a number of scattered frag- ments 182 of the first 24 books, and the excerpta, which Ursinus, Valesius and A. Mai have published successively from the collections made by command of Constantinus Porphyrogenitus. The only complete part is from the 36th to the 54th book, from the wars of Lucullus and Cn. Pompeius against Mithridates to the death of Agrippa A. D. IO. Of the first 20 books we have the abridgment made by Zonaras a compiler of the 12th century, and from the 36th to the 80th that by Xiphilinus in the eleventh century. His history is valuable because he wrote with a thorough knowledge of his subject, and possessed an acquaintance with the political history of Rome and constitutional matters, as well as with military tactics. 181 Lewis l. c. 1 p. 73 sq. 182 The fragments down to 282/472 occupy 36 pages in the edition of Bekker (Lips. 1849). lxxiv INTRODUCTION He did not acquiesce in the information he gathered from Livy, but consulted authentic sources, and he endeavoured to trace events to their causes and to analyse the motives of men's actions. After the time of Dion Cassius, the Greeks as well as the Romans confined themselves to making excerpta and compilations. The great works were neglected and the sketches of Florus, Eutropius and Orosius were regarded as the sources of Roman history. CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF THE PRINCIPAL EVENTS IN THE LIFE OF SULLA P. Corn. Scipio Nasica Dec. Iun. Brutus Servius Fulvius Flaccus Q. Calpurnius Piso P. Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus II. L. Calpurnius Piso B.C./A.U.C. COSS. 138/616 135/619 134/620 C. Fulvius Flaccus 133/621 P. Mucius Scaevola Frugi 132/622 P. Popillius Laenas P. Rupilius 131/623 129/625 125/629 123/631 122/632 barbus C. Fannius Strabo 121/633 Q. Fabius Maximus L. Opimius P. Licinius Crassus Mu- cianus L. Valerius Flaccus C. Sempronius Tudi- tanus M'. Aquillius M. Plautius Hypsaeus M. Fulvius Flaccus Q. Caecilius Matellus T. Quinctius Flamini- nus Birth of Lucius Cornelius Sulla Slave war in Sicily, conducted by Eunus (Plut. vit. Sull. c. 36, 4). Jugurtha, C. Marius (aet. 23), Sempronius Asellio the historian, Gaius Gracchus and Lucilius the satirist serve under Scipio at Numantia. Agrarian law of Tib. Sempronius Gracchus. End of the Sicilian slave-war. Aristonikos, pretender to the throne of Pergamon, conquers many cities in Asia. Eunus taken prisoner. Two plebeian censors for the first time. Execution of Aristonikos at Rome. M'. Aquillius organises the new province of Asia. First extension of conquest in Transalpine Gaul. Revolt of the Latin colony of Fregellae, on refusal of civitas. Tribunate of C. Gracchus. Establishment of the Equites as a new order. Cn. Domitius Aheno- Leges Liviae. 120/634 P. Manlius 119/635 C. Papirius Carbo L. Caecilius Metellus L. Aurelius Cotta Foundation of Aquae Sextiae (Aix). Death of C. Gracchus and execution of his partizans. Temple of Concord erected by Opimius. Conquest of Southern Gaul and foundation of the Provincia Narbonensis. Pontos-Accession of Mithridates VI Eupator. Gaius Marius, tribune, carries a law against corrupt practices at elections in opposition to the Senate. lxxvi CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE B.C./A.U.C. COSS. 118/636 M. Porcius Cato Q. Marcius Rex Foundation of Narbo Martius first transmarine colony with citizen rights. Death of Micipsa, King of Numidia. Micipsa Massinissa (238-149) ר Adherbal Hiempsal I Micipsa T Gulussa Mastanabal L Massiva Gauda Jugurtha m. daughter of Bocchus (Sull. c. 3, 2) Hiempsal II. Oxyntas Juba I. 117/637 L. Caec. Metellus Q. Mucius Scaevola 116/638 C. Licinius Geta Q. Fabius Maximus M. Aemilius Scaurus M. Caecilius Metellus 115/639 114/640 113/641 112/642 111/643 110/644 109/645 108/646 M'. Acilius Balbus C. Porcius Cato C. Caecilius Metellus Cn. Papirius Carbo M. Livius Drusus L. Calpurnius Piso P. Corn. Scipio Nasica L. Calpurnius Bestia M. Minucius Rufus Sp. Postumius Albinus Q. Caecilius Metellus M. Iun. Silanus Serg. Sulpicius Galba M. Aurelius Scaurus Juba II. (Sull. c. 16, 8). C. Marius an unsuccessful candidate for the Aedileship (Plut. vit. Mar. c. 5). Equal Division of the Kingdom of Numi- dia between Jugurtha and Adherbal. Birth of M. Terentius Varro. C. Marius Praetor. C. Marius goes to Further Spain (vit. Mar. c. 6). Defeat of the consul Cato in Macedonia. Birth of Q. Hortensius (Sull. c. 17, 7; c. 35, 4). L. Licinius Lucullus quaestor (Plut. vit. Luc. c. 1). Sulla aet. 25. Defeat of the consul Carbo by the Cimbri. Siege and Capture of Cirta by Jugurtha and beginning of the Jugurthine War. Jugurthine War under the command of the Consul Bestia. Jugurtha comes to Rome but suddenly leaves it after procuring the murder of his cousin Massiva (Sallust Iug. cc. 33, 34). The consul Albinus returns from Africa to Rome for the elections, leaving his brother Aulus in command. The latter is defeated and concludes a peace. The consul Metellus, with P. Rutilius Rufus and Gaius Marius as his legati, carries on the campaign against Jugurtha (Plut. vit. Mar. c. 7). Defeat of Silanus by the Cimbri in Southern Gaul (ib. c. 11) Construction of Via Aemilia (in Liguria) and Pons Mulvius. Metellus continues in the command as proconsul. Vaga kills its Roman garrison. A plebiscite is passed to confer the pro- vince of Numidia with the command of CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE lxxvii B.C./A.U.C. COSS. 107/647 106/648 L. Cassius Longinus Gaius Marius C. Atilius Serranus Q. Servilius Caepio 105/649 P. Rutilius Rufus Cn. Mallius Max. 104/650 C. Marius II C. Flavius Fimbria 103/651 C. Marius III L. Aurelius Orestes 102/652 C. Marius IV Q. Lutatius Catulus the war against Jugurtha on Gaius Marius consul elect for 107/647, annul- ling the decree of the senate who had voted for the continuation of that pro- vince to Metellus (Plut. vit. Mar. c. 10). Marius leaves for Rome to be a candidate for the consulship (ib. c. 11). Defeat of Scaurus by the Cimbri (ib. c. II). Metellus is superseded by C. Marius, who appoints Sulla his quaestor (Plut. vit. Mar. c. 9, Sull. c. 3, 1) aet. 31. Indecisive Campaign of Marius against Jugurtha. Overtures made to Bocchus. Disastrous defeat of consul Cassius in Gaul (Plut. vit. Mar. c. 11). Metellus obtains a triumph (Vell. Paterc. 2 11). Treaty made with Bocchus through Sulla (vit. Mar. c. 9, Sull. c. 3, 3). Jugurtha, betrayed by his father-in-law, is taken to Rome. Numidia divided between Bocchus and Gauda elder brother of Jugurtha. The consul Caepio recovers Tolosa. Lex iudiciaria (Tac. Ann. XII 60) of Q. Servilius Caepio, proposing to restore the judicial functions to the Senate. Birth of Gnaeus Pompeius and M. T. Cicero. Annihilation of two Roman armies under the proconsul Caepio (Plut. vit. Sertor. c. 3) and the consul Mallius by the Cimbri at Arausio on the Rhone. (Plut Lucull. c. 27, 4, Camill. c. 19, Mar. 19, 2, Sertor. 3, 1). Caepio is deposed from his command by a plebiscite and removed from the senate. Marius re-elected consul II. in his absence to oppose the barbarians. Marius celebrates his triumph over Jugur- tha on Jan. 1 (Mar. 12, 2) and enters on his second consulship. Sulla, serving under him as legatus, takes Copillus, King of the Tectosages (Sull. 4, 1). Diver- sion of the Cimbri into Spain (Mar. 14, 1). Organisation of the army by Marius. and employment of it in public works. He demands auxiliary troops of King Nikomedes of Bithynia. The Cimbri, driven from Spain by the Celtiberi, move eastward and are joined by the Helvetians and Teutons. Marius remains on the defensive in Gaul. Second Sicilian Slave-war under Athenio and Trypho (103-99). Sulla military tribune under C. Marius. (4, 1). Marius re-elected consul for the fourth time by the aid of the tribune L. Appuleius Saturninus (Mar. 14, 4). lxxviii CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE B.C./A.U.C. Coss. 101/653 C. Marius V M'. Aquillius 100/654 C. Marius VI L. Valerius Flaccus M. Antonius 99/655 A. Postumius Albinus Reappearance of the German tribes in Gaul. Division of their forces for the invasion of Italy (Mar. 15). Decisive victory of Marius at Aquae Sextiae over the Ambrones and Teutones (Mar. c. 19-21). Sulla joins Catulus in North Italy (4, 2). C. Attempt of the censor Metellus Numidicus to exclude Saturninus and Glaucia from the Senate. Embassy from King Mithri- dates insulted by Saturninus. Great battle on the 30th of July between the combined armies of C. Marius consul (vit. Mar. c. 22) and Q. Catulus proconsul and the Cimbri in the Raudian plain near Vercellae and total destruction of the hostile army (vit. Mar. c. 25). Triumph of Marius and Catulus (vit. Mar. 27, 5). Second election of Saturninus to the tribu- nate. Coalition between him, Marius and Glaucia the praetor (vit. Mar. c. 29). Leges Appuleiae (vit. Mar. c. 28). (1) distribution of land in Gaul, the law to be sworn to by the Senate within five days of its being passed by the people (Reversal of the old order of legislation). (2) foundation of colonies in Sicily, Achaea and Macedonia, in which Italians are to have a share. (3) cheapening the price of corn. Refusal of Metellus to accept the oath of obedience to the first Law of Saturninus and his consequent retirement into voluntary exile. (Cic. or. p. Cn. Plancio $ 89 n., or. p. Sest. § 37.) Tumults at the consular elections ending in the murder of C. Memmius by the Marians. Marius thereupon, appealed to by the Senate, turns against the popular party (vit. Mar. c. 30). Murder of Saturninus, Glaucia and others (ib.). Discomfiture of the popular party and departure of Marius from Rome for Asia, where he attempts to embroil Mithrida- tes with Nikomedes (vit. Mar. c. 31). Sulla aet. 38. Birth of C. Iulius Caesar. C. Iulius Caesar 111. Marcia C. Iul. Caesar 772. Aurelia C. Iul. Caesar T Iulia 1. C. Marius Sextus Iulius Caesar cos. 91/663 Suppression of the insurrection of slaves under Athenio by Manius Aquillius. Return of Metellus. CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE lxxix B.C./A.U.C. COSS. Cn. Cornelius Lentulus P. Licinius Crassus T. Didius under whom Q. Sertorius serves as trib. mil. (Plut. vit. Sert. c. 3) wages successful war in Spain. Cn. Domitius Aheno- Q. Sertorius distinguishes himself in Spain barbus 97/657 96/658 C. Cassius Longinus 95/659 L. Licinius Crassus Q. Mucius Scaevola L. Domitius Aheno- barbus 94/660 C. Caelius Caldus 93/661 C. Valerius Flaccus M. Herennius. 92/662 C. Claudius Pulcher M. Perperna 91/663 90/664 L. Marcius Philippus Sext. Iulius Caesar L. Julius Caesar P. Rutilius Lupus (Plut. vit. Sert. c. 4). Ptolemaeus Apion bequeaths his kingdom of Cyrene to Rome (vit. Luc. c. 3). Lex Licinia et Mucia, prohibiting non- citizens from claiming the franchise. Alienation of the Italians. Birth of Lucretius the poet. C. Norbanus (27, 5) tribune of the plebs. Q. Hortensius, the orator, in his 19th year, primum in foro dixit (Cic. Brut. c. 64). Sulla an unsuccessful candidate for the Praetorship (5, 1). Birth of M. Cato. Sulla elected praetor peregrinus (5, 2). Year of peace. Aggressions of Mithridates. Sulla sent out, as propraetor of Cilicia, on a mission to Cappadocia, restores Ariobarzanes to his kingdom (5, 3). Meeting between him and the envoys. from Arsakes, king of Parthia (5, 4, 5). Condemnation and exile of P. Rutilius, legatus of Q. Mucius Scaevola in Asia. The closing of the schools of the Latin teachers o Rhetoric by an Edict of the censors Crassus and Domitius. Repeal of the leges Liviae and murder of their proposer M. Livius Drusus, tribune of the people (son of the opponent of C. Gracchus in 122/632), followed by the revolt of the Italians. Death of L. Crassus. Expulsion of Ariobarzanes from Cappa- docia and of Nikomedes from Bithynia by Tigranes, at the instigation of Mithri dates (11, 2). Outbreak of the Marsian or Social War, vit. Mar. c. 32, Sull. 6. 2 (where see note), Sertor. c. 4, Luc c. 2. Northern and Central Italy. The two consuls, assisted by 10 legati, were charged with the duty of making war on the allies. The consul Rutilius Lupus having fallen in the war against Pom- paedius Silo, the command of his ariny was divided between two of the legati Q. Caepio and C. Marius. Q. Caepio having fallen in his turn, the legate C. Marius exercised alone, at the bidding of the Senate, the command of the con- sular army, Appian B. C. I C. 44. Defeat of Perpenna. Success of Cn. Pompeius in Picenum. Revolt of Umbria and Etruria. Southern Italy. lxxx CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE B.C./A.U.C. COSS. 89/665 88/666 Cn. Pompeius Strabo L. Porcius Cato L. Cornelius Sulla Q. Pompeius Rufus The consul L. Iulius Caesar opposed to C. Papius Mutilus. Capture of Aesernia and Nola by the Sam- nites. Defeat of Mutilus. M'. Aquillius restores the deposed Kings, Nikomedes and Ariobarzanes. Dedica- tion of the Periegesis ascribed to Scym- nus of Chios to Nikomedes. The freedom of the city is given to those states which had remained in allegiance, on which occasion eight new tribes ap- pear to have been added (Clinton Fasti Hell. Vol. II p. 148). The second grant was made in 87/667 to those who were in arms (Liv. Epit. 80, Appian B. C. 1, 53) when the eight new tribes may have been augmented to ten. Social War continues. Northern and Central Italy. Cn. Pompeius Consul Marsos acie vicit Liv. Epit. 74. M. T. Cicero serves under him (Cic. or. Phil. XII II). Capture of Asculum after a great battle. Death of the other consul (Liv. Epit. 75, Orosius v. 18). South-east Italy. Sulla retakes Stabiae from C. Papius Mu- tilus and entirely destroys it (Liv. Epit. 75, Plin. Nat. Hist. 3, 5). Conspicuous services of Sulla; he takes Bovianum. L. Sulla Hirpinos domuit, Samnites pluribus proeliis fudit, aliquot populos recepit, quantisque raro quisquam alius ante consulatum rebus gestis ad petitionem consulatus Romam est pro- fectus (Liv. Epit. 75, Plut. vit. Sull. 6, 2). Sulla παρελθὼν εἰς τὴν πόλιν ὕπατος ἀπο- δείκνυται μετά Κοΐντου Πομπηίου πεντήκοντα έτη γεγονώς (6, 1ο). He marries Caecilia Metella. Murder of Albinus by his own men (6, 9). Removal of the seat of Government by the Confederates from Corfinium. Lex Plautia Papiria (Cic. or. p. Arch. 4, 7). Lex Pompeia, giving the ins Latii to all the towns of Transpadane Gaul. Cispadane Gaul becomes a part of Italy. The Padus (Po) becomes the boundary of Italy until 49/705. Mithridates prepares for war and forms a close alliance with Tigranes. Sulla now consul aet. 50 (6, 10) is ap- pointed to the command of the Asiatic War (9, 10). His colleague takes the command in Italy. Conclusion of Social War. CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE lxxxi B.C./A.U.C. Coss. H. S. Silo, the confederate leader, recaptures Bovianum, but falls soon after. Metellus takes Venusia. Sulla invests Nola and captures the Sam- nite camp. The Civil War between Marius and Sulla; their first open quarrel respecting the command in the Mithridatic war. League between Marius and the tribune P. Sulpicius Rufus (8, 1), who pro- poses certain obnoxious measures, 8, 2. The Consuls, to prevent these being put to the vote, proclaim a iustitium, which however, Sulpicius declares illegal and void. They yield finally to force and Sulla leaves Rome for Nola (8, 3). A plebiscitum Sulpicium carried in spite of the Senate, transferring the Mithri- datic war from the consul Sulla to Marius who was a privatus homo (Sull. 8, 4, Diod. Sic. 37, 29, 2). Thereupon Sulla marches from Nola on Rome at the head of six legions (9, 3). First invasion of Rome by a Roman army. The Leges Sulpiciae annulled (Appian B.C. I c. 59) Sulpicius put to death and ten other leaders of his faction declared out- laws by the Senate. Escape of Gaius Marius. Constitutional changes made by Sulla :- (1) addition of 300 members to the Senate (κατέλεξαν εἰς τὸ βουλευτήριον, όλιγαν θρωπότατον δὴ τό τε μάλιστα ὂν καὶ παρὰ τοῦτ᾽ εὐκαταφρόνητον, αθρόους ἐκ τῶν ἀρίστων ἀνδρῶν τριακοσίους, Appian B. C. I c. 59). (2) votes to be taken in the Comitia cen- turiata, not in the tributa (ras XELρOTO- νίας μὴ κατὰ φυλὰς ἀλλὰ κατὰ λόχους, ὡς Τύλλιος βασιλεὺς ἔταξε, γίγνεσθαι). (3) μηδὲν ἔτι ἀπροβούλευτον ἐς τὸν δῆμον ἐσφέρεσθαι. First Mithridatic War. After his defeat of Nikomedes and Manius Aquillius, the Roman Commissioner, Mithridates advances into the Roman province Asia (11, 2). Great massacre of the Romans and Italians in Asia by his order (24, 4). Murder of the consul Q. Pompeius Rufus by his own soldiers, on going to receive the command from Cn. Pompeius Strabo, who retains his command thereupon. L. Cornelius Cinna and Cn. Octavius. elected consuls. Sulla tries to make himself more popular by allowing the election of Cinna as consul (10, 3). f lxxxii CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE B.C./A.U.C. 87/667 86/668 COSS. Gnaeus Octavius L. Cornelius Cinna L. Cornelius Cinna II C. Marius VII succeeded on his death by L. Valerius Flaccus (20, 1) The Samnites and Lucani being still in arms, Sulla leaves Q. Caecilius Metellus Pius and Appius Claudius in lower Italy and sails for Greece (11, 1), where he lands probably about Midsummer, and having marched through Aetolia and Thessaly into Boeotia, where he is wel- comed, and appearing in Attica in the autumn lays siege to Peiraeus, which was occupied by Archelaos, commander of the Pontic fleet (15, 1). During the winter he sends his legate L. Licinius Lucullus to collect a fleet (Plut. Luc. c. 3). Cinnan Revolution. Contest of the consuls Cinna and Octavius. Cinna breaks his oath to observe the con- stitution (19, 4) and proposes (1) to equalise new citizens and freedmen with the old citizens. (2) to recall the Sulpician exiles. Deposition of Cinna and victory of Octavius and the Sullan party in the Forum (Plut. vit. Sertor. c. 4., Cic. or. p. Sest. § 77, or. in Cat. 3 § 24). Election by the Senate of L. Cornelius Merula as consul in place of the deposed Cinna. Appeal of Cinna to the Italian allies, and march upon Rome with the army from Nola. Return of Marius to Italy. Surrender of Rome to them (Liv. Epit. 80, Plut. Mar. c. 42-44, Oros. 5, 19). Marian reign of terror. Murder of the consul Octavius and of M. Antonius the orator, Q. Catulus, L. Caesar consul of 90/664 and his brother Gaius, Publius Crassus consul of 97/657 and his son (Appian B. C. 1, 72, 73), Pub. lius Lentulus and other victims of demo- cratic vengeance. Flight of Sulla's wife Metella from Rome with her children (22, 1). Marius elected consul with Cinna. Birth of Catullus. Capture of Athens by Sulla on March 1 (14, 3). Defeat of the combined Pontic armies at Chaironeia (15—19). Revolutionary government of Cinna. Liv. Epitom. 80 Cinna et Marius-citra ulla comitia consules in sequentem annum se ipsos renuntiaverunt: Marius editis multis sceleribus Idibus Ianuariis de- cessit, Plut. Mar. c. 46 áπobvýokeι ó Μάριος ἡμέρας ἑπτακαίδεκα τῆς ἑβδόμης ὑπατείας ἐπιλαβών. Repeal of Sulla's laws and supersession of him by the consul Flaccus (29, 1), who, CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE lxxxiii B.C./A.U.C. COSS, 85/669 84/670 L. Cornelius Cinna III Cn. Papirius Carbo L. Cornelius Cinna IV Cn. Papirius Carbo II with Fimbria for his legatus, marches into Asia (23, 6). Birth of Sallust. Greece. Defeat of Archelaos at Orchomenos (21). Peace Negotiations between Mithridates and Sulla at Dardanos (24, I). Asia. Murder of Flaccus by Fimbria who takes Pergamon (23, 6), Liv. Epitom. 83: Flavius Fimbria in Asia, fusis proelio aliquot praefectis Mithridatis, urbem Pergamum cepit, obsessumque regem non multum afuit quin caperet. Flight of the most prominent members of the aristocratic party to Sulla's camp, where they formed a kind of opposition senate 22, I. (Liv. Epitom. 85 ad Sullam se nobilitas omnis conferebat, ita ut deserta urbe ad castra veniretur, Orosius 5, 20 interea residui senatorum, qui potentiam Cinnae, Marii crudeli- tatem, insaniam Fimbriae Sertoriique audaciam fuga evaserant, transvecti in Graeciam coegere precibus Sullam ut periclitanti, immo iam pene perditae, patriae opem ferret.) Birth of M. Brutus. Liv. Epitom. 83 cum L. Cinna et Cn. Papirius Carbo, a se ipsis consules per biennium creati, bellum contra Sullam praepararent, effectum est per L. Vale- rium Flaccum principem senatus, qui orationem in senatu habuit, et per cos qui concordiac studebant, ut legati ad Sullam de pace mitterentur. Cinna ab exercitu suo, quem invitum cogebat naves conscendere et adversus Sullam proficisci, interfectus est (cf. Plut. Pomp. c. 5); consulatum Carbo solus gessit. Termination of the first Mithri- datic War (24, 3). Liv. 1. c. Sulla, cum in Asiam traiecisset, pacem cum Mithridate fecit, ita ut his cederet pro- vinciis Asia, Bithynia, Bithynia, Cappadocia. Death of Fimbria. Fimbria desertus ab exercitu, qui ad Sullam transierat, ipse se percussit impetravitque de servo suo, praebens cervicem, ut se interfice- ret. Settlement of the province of Asia by Sulla (25, 2). He leaves Murena with two legions to govern Asia and Gaius Scribonius Curio to restore order in Bithynia and Cappadocia. Sulla acquires the library of Apellikon, the friend of the tyrant Aristion (26). lxxxiv CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE B.C./A.U.C. COSS. 83/671 82/672 Liv. Epit. 84 Sulla legatis, qui a senatu missi erant, futurum se in potestate senatus respondit, si cives, qui pulsi a Cinna ad se confugerant, restituerentur. Quae conditio, cum iusta senatui vide- retur, per Carbonem factionemque eius, cui bellum videbatur utilius, ne con- veniret effectum est...... Q. Metellus Pius, qui partes optimatium secutus erat, cum in Africa bellum moliretur, a C. Fabio praetore pulsus est. Libertini in XXXV tribus distributi sunt. L. Corn. Scipio Asiati- Sulla after an absence of four years lands cus Gaius Iunius Norbae- nus C. Marius C. fil. Cn. Papirius Carbo with five legions in Italy (27, 4) in the beginning of the year. He is joined by Q. Metellus Pius, M. Crassus and others. (Liv. Epit. 86): L. Philippus, legatus Sullae, Sardiniam Q. Antonio practore pulso et occiso occu- pavit. Cn. Pompeius (now in his 23rd year), raises three legions in Picenum (Plut. Pomp. c. 6. 7), joins Sulla and is saluted Imperator. Defeat of Norbanus and siege of Capua (27, 5). Desertion of Scipio's army en masse to Sulla 28, 1. (Liv. Epitom. 85 Sulla in Italiam cum exercitu traiecit missisque legatis, qui de pace agerent, et ab consule Norbano vio- latis, eundem Norbanum proelio vicit; et cum L.Scipionis,alterius consulis,castra oppugnaturus esset, universus exercitus consulis, sollicitatus per emissos a Sulla milites, signa ad Sullam transtulit; Scipio, cum occidi posset, dimissus est.) Flight of Sertorius to Spain. (Appian B.C. I c. 86, Plut. Sert, c. 6.) Sulla and Metellus winter in Campania. and maintain the blockade of Capua. Asia Liv. Epitom. 86 bellum a L. Mu- rena adversus Mithridatem in Asia renovatum. Evacuation of Cappadocia by the Romans. Burning of the Temple of Jupiter Capi- tolinus on the sixth of July, 27, 6. Liv. Epitom. 87: Sulla C. Marium, exercitu eius fuso deletoque ad Sacri- portum (28, 4), in oppido Praeneste obsedit (28, 7). Orosius 20, 4: Damasippus praetor, incen- tore Mario consule, Q. Scaevolam C. Carbonem L. Domitium P. Antistium in curiam quasi ad consultandum voca- tos crudelissime occidit, corpora inter- fectorum per carnifices unco tracta at- que in Tiberim missa sunt. Eodem tempore Sullae duces plurima proelia CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE lxxxv B.C./A.U.C. 81/673 COSS. M. Tullius Decula Cn, Cornelius Dolabella adversum Marianas partes infelicis- sima felicitate gesserunt. nam et Q. Metellus Carrinatis copias fudit et Cn. Pompeius Carbonis equitatum graviter trucidavit: etiam castris exuit fugien- temque insecutus, nunc caedendo nunc ad deditionem cogendo plurima exer- citus parte privavit. Metellus Norbani agmen oppressit. Liv. Epitom. 88: Sul- la Carbonem, excrcitu ad Clusium ad Faventiam Fidentiamque caeso, Italia expulit (28, 8); cum Samnitibus, qui soli ex Italicis populis nondum arma posuerant, iuxta urbem Romam ante portam Collinam debellavit, recu- perataque republica, pulcherrimam vic- toriam crudelitate, quanta in nullo hominum fuit, inquinavit 29. Surrender of Praeneste and suicide of Marius (32, 1). Sulla's proscriptions and confiscations. Liv. Epitom. 89 Sulla dictator factus, quod nemo umquam fecerat, cum fasci- bus xxiv processit 33, I. Liv. ib. Q. Lucretium Ofellam adversus voluntatem suam consulatum petere ausum iussit occidi in foro, et cum hoc indigne ferret pop. Rom., contione advo- cata se iussisse dixit 33, 3, 4. Birth of C. Licinius Calvus and P. Terentius Varro Atacinus. Sulla Dictator. His Triumph, 34, 1. Liv. Epitom. 89: legibus novis reip. sta- tum confirmavit; tribunorum plebis potestatem minuit et omne ius legum ferendarum ademit; pontificum augu- rumque collegium ampliavit ut essent XV; senatum ex equestri ordine supple- vit; proscriptorum liberis ius peten- dorum honorum eripuit et bona eorum vendidit, ex quibus plurima rapuit; redactum est sestertium ter millies quingenties. Sulla's abolition of the Gracchan Institutions. He considerably weakens the power of the tribunate, by subjecting their legis- lative rogationes to the preliminary ap- proval of the Senate, and especially by the exclusion of tribunicii from curule magistracies. [This last restriction was abolished as early as 75/679 by a lex Aurelia and in 70/684 a lex Pompeia restored to the tribunes all their former powers.] Abolition of the system of middle-men (publicani) for the collection of taxes from the Asiatics. f3 lxxxvi CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE B.C./A.U.C. COSS. 80/674 L. Cornelius Sulla Felix II Q. Caecilius Metellus. Pius The equestrian Order deprived of its political existence and excluded from the law-courts. The Senate is made the only privileged order. The number of Quaestors augmented to twenty and the quaestorship recognised as a title to a seat in the Senate; the censorial supervision of the Senate done away with, as being superfluous, now that provision was made for a sufficient regu- lar recruiting of its ranks. Co-optation is restored in the priestly colleges by the cancelling of the lex Domitia of 104/650. Regulation of the qualifications for office (a) proper order in the tenure of magis- tracies, (b) interval of ten years before the same office could be held a second time. Separation of the political and military authority of consuls and praetors; the first year to be in Italy (south of the Rubico) without military power; second year in one of the ten provinces, with military command. By this arrangement the whole military power became formally depend- ent on the senate, who nominated and dismissed propraetors and proconsuls. Cisalpine Gaul erected into a province. Sulla's reorganization of the judicial system. (a) establishment of criminal courts, (b) se- parate quaestiones. Sulla's sumptuary laws for the re- straint of luxury at banquets, funerals, &c. Liv. Epitom. 89: Cn. Pompeius in Africa Cn. Domitium proscriptum et Hiarbam, regem Numidiae, bellum molientes, victos occidit, et quattuor et viginti annos natus, adhuc eques Romanus, quod nulli contigerat, ex Africa trium- phavit. Q. Sertorius quits Spain. Cicero's speech pro Quinctio at the age of 26. Surrender of Volaterrae after two years' siege, and slaughter of its garrison. Asia. Liv. Epitom. 89: Mitylenae in Asia, quae sola urbs post victum Mithridatem arma retinebat, expugnatae dirutaeque sunt. Caesar was present at the siege, Sueton. Caesar c. 2 (Caesar) stipendia prima in Asia fecit M. Thermi praetoris con- tubernio: et a Thermo in expugnatione Mitylenarum corona civica donatus est Cicero's Speech p. Sexto Roscio Amerino (A. Gell. 15, 28). CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE lxxxvii B. C. A.U.C. COSS. 79/675 P. Servilius Vatia Appius Claudius Pul- cher 78/676 M. Aemilius Lepidus Q. Lutatius Catulus * Resignation of Sulla, 34, 3. (Appian B. C. 1 c. 103 : τῷ δ᾽ ἑξῆς ἔτει ὁ μὲν δῆμος καὶ τότε τὸν Σύλλαν θεραπεύων ἡρεῖτο ὑπατεύειν· ὁ δὲ οὐκ ἀνασχόμενος ὑπάτους μὲν αὐτοῖς ἀπέφηνε Σερουίλιον Ἰσαυρικὸν καὶ Κλαύδιον Πούλχρον, αὐτὸς δὲ τὴν μεγάλην ἀρχὴν οὐδενὸς ἐνοχλοῦντος ἑκὼν ἀπέθετο.) He had been ten years in command from his first consulship 88/666, Plut. comp. Lys. c. Sull. r: ἅπαξ αίρε- θεὶς στρατεύματος ἡγεμὼν ἔτη συνεχώς δέκα, νῦν μὲν ὕπατον νῦν δὲ δικτάτορα ποιῶν ἑαυτόν, ἀεὶ δ᾽ ὧν τύραννος, ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις έμενεν. Cicero goes to Athens. Appian B. C. 1 τος ὕπατοι αὐτοῖς τοῖς Ρωμαίοις) καθίστανται Κόιντός τε Κάτλος ἀπὸ τῶν Συλλείων καὶ Λέπιδος Αιμίλιος ἀπὸ τῶν ἐναντίων, ἐχθίστω τε αλλήλοιν καὶ εὐθὺς ἀρξαμένω διαφέρεσθαι. Plut. Sull. 34, 4, 5, Death of Sulla 37, 4. (Appian Z. c. ἐτελεύτησεν ἑξήκοντα ἔτη βιώσας [sexagesimum ingrediens annum Valer. Max. 9, 3, 8]—γίγνεται δ᾽ εὐθὺς ἐν ἄστει στάσις ἐπ' αὐτῷ, τῶν μὲν ἄγειν αξιούντων τὸ σῶμα διὰ τῆς Ἰταλίας ἐπὶ πομπῇ καὶ ἐς τὴν Ῥώμην ἐν ἀγορᾷ προτι- θέναι καὶ ταφῆς δημοσίας ἀξιοῦν, Λεπίδου δὲ καὶ τῶν ἀμφὶ Λέπιδον ἐνισταμένων. ἐξε νίκα δ' ὁ Κάτλος καὶ οἱ Σύλλειοι.) Plut. Sull. 38, Ι. Liv. Epitom. 90: Sulla decessit honosque Vi ei habitus est ut in campo Martio sepe- liretur. M. Lepidus cum acta Sullae temptaret rescindere, bellum excitavit ; a Q. Catulo collega Italia pulsus, et in Sardinia frustra bellum molitus periit (a. 77). Plut. Pomp. c. 16. Spain. Eutrop. VII M. Aemilio Lepido, Q. Catulo coss., cum Sulla remp. compo- suisset, bella nova exarserunt: unum in Hispania.-nam Sertorius, qui partium Marianarum fuerat, timens fortunam ceterorum, qui interempti erant, ad bellum commovit Hispanias. Missi sunt contra eum duces Q. Caeci- lius Metellus, filius eius qui Iugurtham regen_vicit, et L. Domitius praetor. Plut. Sertor. C. 10—C. 13. Cicero hears Milo at Rhodes. C ADDENDA ET CORRIGENDA P. 59, c. II § 2, 1. 16 add: Cf. Plut. comp. Lysandri et Sullae c. 3, 5: ZúλXAS ÅKÓλAOTOS ὢν καὶ πολυτελὴς ἐσωφρόνιζε τοὺς πολίτας...ὥστε ἁμαρτάνειν αὐτὸν Övтa Xelpova тtŵv idíwv vóµwv, Cic. de fin. III 22, 75 Sulla trium pestiferorum vitiorum, luxuriae, avaritiae, crudelitatis magister fuit, Sallust Iugurth. c. 95 cupidus voluptatum, otio luxurioso esse; tamen ab negotiis numquam voluptas remorata, nisi quod de uxore potuit honestius consuli, Sallust Hist. fr. 40 insanum aliter sua sen- tentia atque aliarum mulierum, i.e. insana alias libidine flagrantem atque aliarum mulierum moechum,-a passage which Kritz suggests may be the original referred to by Plutarch, comp. Lys. et Sull. c. 3, 2: Σύλλας οὔτε νέος ὢν περὶ τὰς ἐπιθυμίας ἐμετρίαζε διὰ τὴν πενίαν οὔτε γηράσας διὰ τὴν ἡλικίαν, ἀλλὰ τοὺς περὶ γάμων καὶ σωφροσύνης εἰσηγεῖτο νόμους τοῖς πολίταις αὐτὸς ἐρῶν καὶ μοιχεύων, ὡς φησι Σαλλούστιος. P. 77, §6, 1.52 add: Orosius v 18 mentions a similar prodigy as happening in the same year: In Samnitibus vastissimo terrae hiatu flamma prorupit et usque ad caelum extendi visum est and Iulius Obsequens 54 [114] writes: L. Marcio Sex. Iulio coss. cum bellum Italicum consurgeret, prodigia multa apparuerunt urbi.—Aeserniae terrae hiatu flamma exorta in caelum emicuit, from which passages H. Peter hazards the conjecture that Plutarch wrote Aesernia. See his Hist. Rom. Rell. 1. p. 198. P. 117, ch. XVIII § 2, l. 17. For a description of these falcatae quadrigae see Liv. XXXVII c. 41. ( P. 128, ch. XXII § 1, 1. 7 add:-Siakλé¥aoa éavrýv: On this sense of κλέπτειν clam aliquid facere cf. Caes. 1, 4 συχνόν τινα χρόνον πλανώμενος ἐν Σαβίνοις ἔκλεπτεν ἑαυτόν, i.e. hid himself from his pursuers, Timol. 17, 1 λάθρα κλέπτων καὶ παρεισάγων τὴν ovμμaxiav dissimulans et clam introducens auxilia, Pindar Olymp. VI 6ο οὐδ᾽ ἔλαθ᾽ Αἴπυτον...κλέπτοισα θεοῖο γόνον, Pyth. IV 17ο κλέπτων δὲ θυμῷ δεῖμα προσέννεπε. XC ADDENDA ET CORRIGENDA P. 149, ch. XXVII § 6, 1. 47 add:—kpáros toλéµov kal vĺkny, πολέμου νίκην, 'mastery in war and victory', víkŋy is added as an explanation of кpáros πολέμου. Cf. Aem. Paul. c. 10, 3 νίκην καὶ κράτος πολέμου κομίζων καὶ διδοὺς τοῖς πολίταις, Mar. 17, 4 ἐφθέγξατο νίκην καὶ μέγα κράτος πολέμου Ρωμαίοις ὑπάρχειν, Demosth. de fals. leg. p. 381 12 κράτος πολέμου καὶ νίκην αὑτοῖς καὶ τοῖς συμμάχοις διδόναι. P. 153, § 2, 1. 6 add :- Cf. Vell. Paterc. II 25, 2; Liv. Epitom. LXXXV, Cic. Philipp. XII II, 27 Sulla cum Scipione inter Cales et Teanum, cum alter nobilitatis florem, alter socios belli adhibuisset, de auc- toritate senatus, de suffragiis populi, de iure civitatis leges inter se et condiciones contulerunt. Non tenuit omnino colloquium illud fidem: a vi tamen periculoque afuit. There is a fragment of Sallust Hist. 1, 28 which apparently refers to this conference: cuius (i. e. Sertorii, cf. Plut. Sertor. c. 6) adversa voluntate colloquio militibus permisso (sc. a Scipione) corruptio facta paucorum et exercitus Sullae datus est. P. 162, ch. XXVIII § 8, 1. 1 for exercitus read exercitum. ib. 1. 67 at the end of note add :— Cf. Valer. Max. IX 13, 2; Liv. Epit. LXXXIX, Plut. Pomp. c. 10, Sallust Hist. I fr. 42. Ө P. 166, ch. XXIX § 6, 1. 49 add to the exx. quoted:-Plut. Galb. c. 7 ταῦτ᾽ ἀπαγγελλόμενα λαμπρὸν ἦρε τὸν Γάλβαν, Phoc. c. 23 λαμπρὸς йpon, Eumen. c. 8, 1 đóšŋ µèv йpoŋ µéyas, Plat. Protag. p. 327 C οὗτος ἂν ἐλλόγιμος ηυξήθη, de rep. VIII p. 565 C τρέφειν τε καὶ αὔξειν μέγαν. P. 168, § I, 1. 1 add:- There is a fragment in the Historiae of Sallust (1, 33) which refers to this escape: ut Sullani in fugam componerent. P. 169, § 4, 1. 25 add:- S Kritz suggests that these words may have been borrowed from Sallust Hist. fr. 39 quo patefactum est rempublicam praedae, non libertati repetitam. Cf. Appian B. C. I cc. 98, 99, Valer. Max. 7, 6, 4: C. Mario et Cn. Carbone coss. bello civili cum L. Sulla dissidentibus, quo tempore non reipublicae victoria quaere- batur sed praemium victoriae res erat publica. P. 170, § 5, 1. 31 add:- ib. 28, 2 videbantur finita civilis belli mala, cum Sullae crudelitate aucta sunt. Quippe dictator creatus-imperio in immo- dicae crudelitatis licentiam usus est, Sallust Hist. I fr. 34 mox tanta flagitia in tali viro pudet dicere, comp. with Augustin. de civ. Dei 11, 18: dicit deinde plura Sallustius de Sullae vitiis cete- raque foeditate reipublicae. P. 172, § 3, 1. 18 add:- Cf. Appian B. C. 1, 95 fr. 36, 45, 17-18, Cic. de leg. 81; or. p. dom. 17, 43; or. p. 3, 28. sqq., Sallust Cat. 51, 34, Hist. I agr. 2, 21, 56; or. in Verr. 3, 35, Quinct. 24, 76; Aug. de civ. Dei ADDENDA ET CORRIGENDA xci P. 176, § 2, 1. 16 add:- Cf. August. de civ. Dei 3, 28, Sallust Hist. 1 fr. 35: ut in M. Mario, cui fracta prius crura, bracchia, et oculi effossi, scilicet ut per singulos artus expiraret. P. 178, ch. XXXIII § 1, 1. 6 Snuevσews: This was the punish- ment inflicted on Julius Caesar, when he refused to divorce his wife at the bidding of Sulla. See Suet. Iul. Caes. c. I who says that Caesar was et sacerdotio et uxoris dote et gentiliciis hereditatibus multatus. These however were restored to him at the urgent entreaty of his friends. P. 180, § 3, 1. 17 yaμerηv apeîvaι: Velleius Paterculus Hist. rom. II 41 says of Julius Caesar: Cinnae filiam ut repudiaret nullo metu compelli potuit, cum M. Piso consularis Anniam, quae Cinnae uxor fuerat, in Sullae dimisisset gratiam, Sueton. vit. Iul. Caes. c. I Corneliam Cinnae quater consulis filiam duxit uxorem, neque ut repudiaret compelli a dictatore Sulla ullo modo potuit. P. 184, ch. XXXIV § 4, 1. 31 add: The Histories of Sallust (1, 45) contain the full speech of Lepidus against Sulla (M. Aemili Lepidi consulis ad populum Romanum oratio contra Sullam) couched in very bitter language. See Introd. p. lvi-lxii. E Stanford's Geog! Estab! O Delium CHALCIS BOEOTIA Parapo Hyampolis Chaeronea Hyphantias Orcholmenus Tegyra O C R Corsea S arymma S 11. u S Copae Erythrail Prons M. Euboi cu S Anthedon Eu Salganeus phissu Acraephi Lebadea Hyle Treph Stiris aa Coronea Okatea Helicon M Haliarios HylikeL Schoonus Glisas Hypatus M Mycales sus Aulis Harmo Teumessus Onchostus Hyria? Bulis Corsiae Thisbe ermessus Aphormion Sinus Corinthiacus Ascra The spae THEBAE Tenmessus M. Pharac Tanagra Eutresis Therapne Leuctra Isopust Scolus Erythrae Sida Oeroe Crensis Plataeae Ca th MEGARIS Hystai M n æ G ENG.STAT. 7 MILES. Cambridge University Press. 5 ΠΛΟΥΤΑΡΧΟΥ ΣΥΛΛΑΣ Ed. Francof. 1620 Ed. Paris 1624 of L. Cornelius His early life. I Λεύκιος δὲ Κορνήλιος Σύλλας γένει μὲν ἦν ἐκ 451 πατρικίων, οὓς εὐπατρίδας ἄν τις εἴποι, The lineage τῶν δὲ προγόνων αὐτοῦ λέγουσι Ρου- Sulla. φῖνον ὑπατεῦσαι, καὶ τούτῳ δὲ τῆς τιμῆς ἐπιφανεσ- τέραν γενέσθαι τὴν ἀτιμίαν· εὑρέθη γὰρ ἀργυρίου κοίλου κεκτημένος ὑπὲρ δέκα λίτρας, τοῦ νόμου μὴ διδόντος, ἐπὶ τούτῳ δὲ τῆς βουλῆς ἐξέπεσεν. οἱ δὲ μετ᾿ ἐκεῖνον ἤδη ταπεινὰ πράττοντες δι- ετέλεσαν, αὐτός τε Σύλλας ἐν οὐκ ἀφθό- το νοις ἐτράφη τοῖς πατρῴοις. γενόμενος δὲ μειράκιον 2 ᾤκει παρ' ἑτέροις ἐνοίκιον οὐ πολὺ τελῶν, ὡς ὕστερον ὠνειδίζετο παρ' ἀξίαν εὐτυχεῖν δοκῶν. σεμνυνομένῳ μὲν γὰρ αὐτῷ καὶ μεγαληγοροῦντι μετὰ τὴν ἐν Λιβύῃ στρατείαν λέγεταί τις εἰπεῖν τῶν καλῶν τε κἀγαθῶν 15 ἀνδρῶν καὶ πῶς ἂν εἴης σὺ χρηστός, ὃς τοῦ πατρός σοι μηδὲν καταλιπόντος τοσαῦτα κέκτησαι; καὶ γὰρ 3 οὐκέτι τῶν βίων ἐν ἤθεσιν ὀρθίοις καὶ καθαροῖς μεν- όντων, ἀλλ' ἐγκεκλικότων καὶ παραδεδεγμένων τρυφῆς καὶ πολυτελείας ζῆλον, εἰς ἴσον ὅμως ἔνειδος ετίθεντο 20 τοὺς ὑπάρχουσαν εὐπορίαν ἀπολέσαντας καὶ τοὺς πενίαν πατρώαν μὴ διαφυλάξαντας. ὕστερον δ᾽ ἤδη 4 κρατοῦντος αὐτοῦ καὶ πολλοὺς ἀποκτιννύντος ἀπε < Η. S. I 2 I 4 ΠΛΟΥΤΑΡΧΟΥ ελευθερικὸς ἄνθρωπος, δοκῶν κρύπτειν ἕνα τῶν προ- γεγραμμένων καὶ κατακρημνίζεσθαι διὰ τοῦτο μέλ λων, ὠνείδισε τὸν Σύλλαν ὅτι πολὺν χρόνον ἐν μιᾷ 25 συνοικία διῃτώντο, φέροντες ἐνοίκιον αὐτὸς μὲν τῶν ἄνω δισχιλίους νούμμους, ἐκεῖνος δὲ τῶν ὑποκάτω τρισχιλίους, ὥστε τῆς τύχης αὐτῶν τὸ μεταξὺ χιλίους εἶναι νούμμους, οἳ πεντήκοντα καὶ διακοσίας δραχμὰς Αττικὰς δύνανται. His personal 30 II Ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἱστοροῦσι περὶ τῆς παλαιᾶς τοῦ Σύλλα τύχης, τοῦ δὲ σώματος αὐτοῦ τὸ appearance. μὲν ἄλλο εἶδος ἐπὶ τῶν ἀνδριάντων φαί- νεται, τὴν δὲ τῶν ὀμμάτων γλαυκότητα δεινῶς πικρὰν καὶ ἄκρατον οὖσαν ἡ χρόα τοῦ προσώπου φοβερω- 5 τέραν ἐποίει προσιδεῖν. ἐξήνθει γὰρ τὸ ἐρύθημα τραχὺ καὶ σποράδην καταμεμιγμένον τῇ λευκότητι· πρὸς ὁ καὶ τοὔνομα λέγουσιν αὐτῷ γενέσθαι τῆς χρόας ἐπίθετον, καὶ τῶν ᾿Αθήνησι γεφυριστῶν ἐπ- έσκωψέ τις εἰς τοῦτο ποιήσας ‘συκάμινόν ἐσθ᾽ ὁ το 2 Σύλλας ἀλφίτῳ πεπασμένον. τοῖς δὲ τοιούτοις τῶν native τεκμηρίων οὐκ ἄτοπόν ἐστι χρῆσθαι περὶ ἀνδρὸς ὃν οὕτω φιλοσκώμμονα φύσει 452 γεγονέναι λέγουσιν ὥστε νέον μὲν ὄντα His sense of humour led him to fondness for the society of come- dians, even in his later life. Ο καὶ ἄδοξον ἔτι μετὰ μίμων καὶ γελωτο- 15 ποιῶν διαιτάσθαι καὶ συνακολασταίνειν, ἐπεὶ δὲ κύριος ἁπάντων κατέστη, συναγαγόντα τῶν ἀπὸ σκην ῆς καὶ θεάτρου τοὺς ἰταμωτάτους ὁσημέραι πίνειν καὶ διαπληκτίζεσθαι τοῖς σκώμμασι, τοῦ τε γήρως ωρότερα πράττειν δοκοῦντα καὶ πρὸς τῷ καταισχ- 20 ύνειν τὸ ἀξίωμα τῆς ἀρχῆς πολλὰ τῶν δεομένων ἐπι- 3 μελείας προϊέμενον. οὐ γὰρ ἦν τῷ Σύλλᾳ περὶ δεῖπνον ὄντι χρήσασθαι σπουδαῖον οὐδέν, ἀλλ' ἐνερ- III 2 3 ΣΥΛΛΑΣ γὸς ὢν καὶ σκυθρωπότερος παρὰ τὸν ἄλλον χρόνον 25 αθρόαν ἐλάμβανε μεταβολὴν ὁπότε πρῶτον ἑαυτὸν εἰς συνουσίαν καταβάλοι καὶ πότον, ὥστε μιμῳδοῖς καὶ ὀρχησταῖς τιθασὸς εἶναι καὶ πρὸς πᾶσαν ἔντευξιν ὑποχείριος καὶ κατάντης. ταύτης δὲ τῆς ἀνέσεως ἔοικε γεγονέναι νόσημα καὶ ἡ πρὸς τοὺς ἔρωτας 30 εὐχέρεια καὶ ῥύσις αὐτοῦ τῆς φιληδονίας, ἧς οὐδὲ γηράσας ἐπαύσατο. καὶ συνήντησεν αὐτῷ τὸ τοιού- 4 τον· ἀρξάμενος γὰρ ἐρᾶν κοινῆς μὲν εὐπόρου δὲ γυναικός, ὄνομα Νικοπόλεως, καὶ διὰ συνήθειαν καὶ χάριν, ἣν ἀφ᾿ ὥρας εἶχεν, εἰς ἐρωμένου σχῆμα περιελ- 35 θών, ἀπελείφθη κληρονόμος ὑπὸ τῆς ἀνθρώπου τελευτ- ώσης. ἐκληρονόμησε δὲ καὶ τὴν μητρυιὰν ἀγαπηθεὶς ὥσπερ υἱὸς ὑπ' αὐτῆς. III to Gaius Marius against Jugurtha. Και μετρίως μὲν ἀπὸ τούτων εὐπόρησεν, ἀπο- δειχθεὶς δὲ ταμίας ὑπατεύοντι Μαρίῳ His appoint- τὴν πρώτην ὑπατείαν συνεξέπλευσεν εἰς ment as quaestor Λιβύην πολεμήσων Ἰογόρθαν. γενόμε- γενόμε- in the campaign 5 νος δὲ ἐπὶ στρατοπέδου τά τε ἄλλα παρεῖχεν ἑαυτὸν εὐδόκιμον, καὶ καιρῷ παραπεσέντι χρησάμενος εὖ φίλον ἐποιήσατο τὸν τῶν Νομάδων βασιλέα Βόκχον πρεσβευτὰς γὰρ αὐτοῦ λῃστήριον Νομαδικὸν ἐκφυγόντας ὑποδεξάμενος καὶ φιλοφρον- ηθείς, δώρα καὶ πομπὴν ἀσφαλῆ παρασχὼν ἀπέστειλεν. ὁ δὲ Βόκχος ἐτύγχανε μὲν ἔτι γε πάλαι γαμβρόν 2 ὄντα μισῶν καὶ φοβούμενος τὸν Ἰογόρθαν, τότε δὲ ἡττημένῳ καὶ πεφευγότι πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐπιβουλεύων ἐκάλει τὸν Σύλλαν, δι᾽ ἐκείνου μάλιστα βουλόμενος τς τὴν σύλληψιν καὶ παράδοσιν τοῦ Ἰογύρθα γενέσθαι ἢ δι᾽ αὑτοῦ. κοινωσάμενος δὲ τῷ Μαρίῳ καὶ λαβὼν στρατιώτας ὀλίγους ὁ Σύλλας τὸν μέγιστον ὑπέδυ ΙΟ I-2 4 III 2 ΠΛΟΥΤΑΡΧΟΥ κίνδυνον, ὅτι βαρβάρῳ καὶ πρὸς τοὺς οἰκειοτάτους ἀπίστῳ πιστεύσας ὑπὲρ τοῦ παραλαβεῖν ἕτερον : ἑαυτὸν ἐνεχείρισεν. οὐ μὴν ἀλλ᾽ ὁ Βόκχος ἀμφοτέ- ρων κύριος γενόμενος, καὶ καταστήσας ἑαυτὸν εἰς ἀνάγκην τοῦ παρασπονδῆσαι τὸν ἕτερον, καὶ πολλὰ διενεχθεὶς τῇ γνώμῃ, τέλος ἐκύρωσε τὴν surrender of Ju- πρώτην προδοσίαν καὶ παρέδωκε τῷ IV Treacherous gurtha by Boc- Numidia, to the Ο 20 Thus King of Σύλλᾳ τὸν Ἰογόρθαν. ὁ μὲν οὖν θριαμ. 25 Romans. βεύων ἐπὶ τούτῳ Μάριος ἦν, ἡ δὲ δόξα τοῦ κατορθώματος, ἣν ὁ Μαρίου φθόνος Σύλλα προσετί- 4 θει, παρελύπει τὸν Μάριον ἡσυχῇ. καὶ γὰρ αὐτὸς ὁ Σύλλας φύσει τε μεγάλαυχος ὢν καὶ τότε πρῶτον ἐκ βίου ταπεινοῦ καὶ ἀγνῶτος ἔν τινι λόγῳ γεγονώς 50 παρὰ τοῖς πολίταις καὶ τοῦ τιμᾶσθαι γευόμενος εἰς τοῦτο φιλοτιμίας προῆλθεν ὥστε γλυψάμενος ἐν δακτυλίῳ φορεῖν εἰκόνα τῆς πράξεως, καὶ ταύτῃ γε χρώμενος ἀεὶ διετέλεσεν. ἦν δ᾽ ἡ γραφὴ Βόκχος μὲν παραδιδοὺς Σύλλας δὲ παραλαμβάνων τὸν Ἰογόρθαν. 35 Ηνία μὲν οὖν ταῦτα τὸν Μάριον· ἔτι δὲ ἡγούμενος ἐλάττονα τοῦ φθονεῖσθαι τὸν Σύλλαν menansgatus ἐχρῆτο πρὸς τὰς στρατείας, τὸ μὲν δεύ- Lateras rings τερον ὑπατεύων πρεσβευτῇ τὸ δὲ τρίτον militum. χιλιάρχῳ, καὶ πολλὰ δι᾽ ἐκείνου τῶν χρησίμων κατωρθοῦτο· πρεσβεύων τε γὰρ ἡγεμόνα Τεκτοσάγων Κόπιλλον εἷλε, καὶ χιλιαρχῶν μέγα καὶ πολυάνθρωπον ἔθνος Μαρσοὺς ἔπεισε φίλους γενέσ 2 θαι καὶ συμμάχους Ῥωμαίων. ἐκ δὲ τούτων τὸν Μάριον αἰσθόμενος ἀχθόμενον αὐτῷ καὶ μηκέτι προ- 453 ϊέμενον ἡδέως πράξεων ἀφορμὰς ἀλλ᾽ ἐνιστάμενον τῇ αὐξήσει, Κάτλῳ τῷ συνάρχοντι τοῦ der Catulus. Μαρίου προσένειμεν ἑαυτόν, ἀνδρὶ χρησ- Sulla's appoint. to Marius in Cimbric War, and His doings un- 5 II V 2 5 ΣΥΛΛΑΣ τῷ μὲν ἀμβλυτέρῳ δὲ πρὸς τοὺς ἀγῶνας. ὑφ' οὗ 15 τὰ πρῶτα καὶ μέγιστα πιστευόμενος εἰς δύναμιν ἅμα δόξῃ προῄει. καὶ πολέμῳ μὲν αἱρεῖ πολὺ μέρος τῶν 3 ἐν ταῖς Αλπεσι βαρβάρων, ἐπιλιπούσης δὲ τῆς ἀγο- ρᾶς ἀναδεξάμενος τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν τοσαύτην ἐποίησε περιουσίαν ὥστε τῶν Κάτλου στρατιωτῶν ἐν ἀφθό- 20 νοις διαγόντων καὶ τοῖς Μαρίου προσπαρασχεῖν, ἐφ' ᾧ φησὶν αὐτὸς ἰσχυρῶς ἀνιᾶσαι τὸν Μάριον. ἡ μὲν 4 οὖν ἔχθρα βραχεῖαν οὕτω καὶ μειρακιώδη λαβοῦσα τὴν πρώτην ὑπόθεσιν καὶ ἀρχήν, εἶτα χωροῦσα δι' αἵματος ἐμφυλίου καὶ στάσεων ἀνηκέστων ἐπὶ τυραννίδα καὶ 25 σύγχυσιν ἁπάντων πραγμάτων ἀπέδειξε τὸν Εὐριπί- δην σοφὸν ἄνδρα καὶ πολιτικῶν ἐπιστήμονα νοσημάτ των, διακελευσάμενον φυλάττεσθαι τὴν φιλοτιμίαν ὡς ὀλεθριωτάτην καὶ κακίστην δαίμονα τοῖς χρωμένοις. V Ὁ δὲ Σύλλας οἰόμενος αὑτῷ τὴν ἀπὸ τῶν πολεμ ικῶν δόξαν ἐπὶ τὰς πολιτικὰς πράξεις He becomes a praetorship, διαρκεῖν, καὶ δοὺς ἑαυτὸν ἀπὸ τῆς στρατ- candidate for the είας εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὴν τοῦ δήμου πρᾶξιν, ἐπὶ 5 στρατηγίαν πολιτικὴν ἀπεγράψατο καὶ διεψεύσθη τὴν δ᾽ αἰτίαν τοῖς ὄχλοις ἀνατίθησιν· φησὶ γὰρ αὐ τοὺς τὴν πρὸς Βόκχον εἰδότας φιλίαν, καὶ προσδεχο- μένους, εἰ πρὸ τῆς στρατηγίας αγορανομοίη, κυνηγέ- σια λαμπρὰ καὶ Λιβυκών θηρίων ἀγῶνας, ἑτέρους ἀποδεῖξαι στρατηγοὺς ὡς αὐτὸν ἀγορανομεῖν ἀναγκά- ἔοικε δὲ τὴν ἀληθῆ τῆς ἀποτεύξεως αἰτίαν 2 οὐχ ὁμολογῶν ὁ Σύλλας ἐλέγχεσθαι τοῖς πράγμασιν· ἐνιαυτῷ γὰρ κατόπιν ἔτυχε τῆς στρατηγίας, τοῦ δήμου τὸ μέν τι θεραπείᾳ τὸ δὲ καὶ χρήμασι προσαγαγό- 15 μενος, διὸ δὴ καὶ στρατηγοῦντος αὐτοῦ καὶ πρὸς Καίσαρα μετ' ὀργῆς εἰπόντος ὡς χρήσεται τῇ ἰδίᾳ ΙΟ σοντας. 6 V 2 ΠΛΟΥΤΑΡΧΟΥ 3 Cappadocia. sador. Orobazos the Ο 20 30 πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐξουσίᾳ, γελάσας ὁ Καῖσαρ ‘ὀρθῶς ἔφη ‘τὴν ἀρχὴν ἰδίαν νομίζεις· ἔχεις γὰρ αὐτὴν πριά- is appointed to μενος.” μετὰ δὲ τὴν στρατηγίαν εἰς τὴν Καππαδοκίαν ἀποστέλλεται, τὸν μὲν ἐμφανῆ λόγον ἔχων πρὸς τὴν στρατείαν Αριοβαρ- ζάνην καταγαγεῖν, αἰτίαν δ᾽ ἀληθῆ Μιθριδάτην ἐπισχεῖν πολυπραγμονοῦντα καὶ περιβαλλόμενον ἀρχὴν καὶ δύναμιν οὐκ ἐλάττονα τῆς ὑπαρχούσης. ἰδίαν μὲν οὖν δύναμιν οὐ πολλὴν ἐπήγετο, χρησάμενος 25 δὲ τοῖς συμμάχοις προθύμοις, καὶ πολλοὺς μὲν αὐτῶν Καππαδοκών πλείονας δ᾽ αὖθις ᾿Αρμενίων προσβοη- θοῦντας ἀποκτείνας, Γόρδιον μὲν ἐξήλασεν, Αριοβαρ 4 ζάνην δ' ἀπέδειξε βασιλέα. διατρίβοντι δ' αὐτῷ His interview παρὰ τὸν Εὐφράτην ἐντυγχάνει Πάρθος Parthia mb Ορόβαζος, ᾿Αρσάκου βασιλέως πρεσ- βευτής, οὔπω πρότερον ἀλλήλοις ἐπιμε μιγμένων τῶν γενῶν· ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῦτο τῆς μεγάλης δοκεῖ Σύλλα τύχης γενέσθαι, τὸ πρώτῳ Ρωμαίων ἐκείνῳ Πάρθους συμμαχίας καὶ φιλίας δεομένους διὰ 35 λόγων ἐλθεῖν, ὅτε καὶ λέγεται τρεῖς δίφρους προθέ μενος, τὸν μὲν ᾿Αριοβαρζάνῃ τὸν δ᾽ Ὀροβάζῳ τὸν δ᾽ 5 αὑτῷ, μέσος ἀμφοῖν καθεζόμενος χρηματίζειν. ἐφ᾽ ᾧ τὸν μὲν Ὀρόβαζον ὕστερον ὁ τῶν Πάρθων βασιλεὺς ἀπέκτεινε, τὸν δὲ Σύλλαν οἱ μὲν ἐπῄνεσαν ἐντρυφή- 40 σαντα τοῖς βαρβάροις, οἱ δὲ ὡς φορτικὸν ᾐτιάσαντο καὶ ἀκαίρως φιλότιμον. ἱστορεῖται δέ τις ἀνὴρ τῶν μετὰ Ὀροβάζου καταβεβηκότων, Χαλδαῖος, εἰς τὸ τοῦ Σύλλα πρόσωπον ἀπιδὼν καὶ ταῖς κινήσεσι τῆς τε διανοίας καὶ τοῦ σώματος οὐ παρέργως ἐπιστήσας, 45 6 ἀλλὰ πρὸς τὰς τῆς τέχνης ὑποθέσεις τὴν φύσιν ἐπι- σκεψάμενος, εἰπεῖν ὡς ἀναγκαῖον εἴη τοῦτον τὸν ἄνδρα VI 3 7 ΣΥΛΛΑΣ μέγιστον γενέσθαι, θαυμάζειν δὲ καὶ νῦν πῶς ἀνέχεται 454 μὴ πρῶτος ὢν ἁπάντων. ἀναχωρήσαντι δ᾽ αὐτῷ 50 δίκην ἔλαχε δώρων Κηνσωρῖνος ὡς πολλὰ He is accused χρήματα συνειλοχότι παρὰ τὸν νόμον ἐκ of extortion. φίλης καὶ συμμάχου βασιλείας. οὐ μὴν ἀπήντησεν ἐπὶ τὴν κρίσιν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀπέστη τῆς κατηγορίας. VI ΙΟ and Origin growth feud between Sul- τοιικ of the Ἡ μέντοι πρὸς Μάριον αὐτῷ στάσις ἀνερριπίζετο καινὴν ὑπόθεσιν λαβοῦσα τὴν Βόκχου φιλοτιμίαν, ὃς τόν τε δῆμον ἅμα θερα- πεύων ἐν Ρώμῃ καὶ τῷ Σύλλᾳ χαριζό- la and Marius. 5 μενος ἀνέθηκε Νίκας ἐν Καπιτωλίῳ τροπαιοφόρους καὶ παρ᾽ αὐτὰς χρυσοῦν Ἰογόρθαν ὑφ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ Σύλλᾳ παραδιδόμενον. ἐφ᾽ ᾧ τοῦ Μαρίου βαρυθυμουμένου 2 καὶ καθαιρεῖν ἐπιχειροῦντος, ἑτέρων δ᾽ ἀμύνειν τῷ Σύλλᾳ, καὶ τῆς πόλεως ὅσον οὔπω διακεκαυμένης ὑπ' ἀμφοῖν, ὁ συμμαχικὸς πόλεμος πάλαι τυφόμενος ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν ἀναλάμψας τότε τὴν στάσιν ἐπέσχεν. ἐν τούτῳ μεγίστῳ καὶ ποικιλωτάτῳ γενομένῳ καὶ πλεῖστα κακὰ καὶ βαρυτάτους παρασχόντι κινδύνους Ρωμαί οις, Μάριος μὲν οὐδὲν ἀποδεῖξαι μέγα δυνηθεὶς ἤλεγχε 15 τὴν πολεμικὴν ἀρετὴν ἀκμῆς καὶ ῥώμης δεομένην, Σύλλας δὲ πολλὰ δράσας άξια λόγου δόξαν ἔσχεν ἡγεμόνος μεγάλου μὲν παρὰ τοῖς πολίταις, μεγίστου δὲ παρὰ τοῖς φίλοις, εὐτυχεστάτου δὲ καὶ παρὰ τοῖς ἐχθροῖς. ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἔπαθε ταὐτὸ Τιμοθέῳ τῷ τοῦ Κόνωνος, ὃς εἰς τὴν τύχην αὐτοῦ τὰ κατορθώματα τῶν ἐχθρῶν τιθεμένων καὶ γραφόντων ἐν πίναξι κοιμώμενον ἐκεῖνον, τὴν δὲ Τύχην δικτύῳ τὰς πόλεις περιβάλλου- σαν, ἀγροικιζόμενος καὶ χαλεπαίνων πρὸς τοὺς ταῦτα ες ποιοῦντας ὡς ἀποστερούμενος ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν τῆς ἐπὶ ταῖς 20 Unlike Timo- theos της Athe nian, Sulla gave Fortune all the credit of treator his do ings. 3 8 VI 3 ΠΛΟΥΤΑΡΧΟΥ πράξεσι δόξης, ἔφη ποτὲ πρὸς τὸν δῆμον, ἐπανήκων ἐκ στρατείας εὖ κεχωρηκέναι δοκούσης, ἀλλὰ ταύτης γε τῆς στρατείας οὐδέν, ἄνδρες Αθηναῖοι, τῇ τύχῃ 4 μέτεστι πρὸς Τιμόθεον μὲν οὖν φασὶν οὕτω φανέντα φιλότιμον ἀντιμειρακιεύεσθαι τὸ δαιμόνιον, ὥστε μηδὲν 30 ἔτι πρᾶξαι λαμπρόν, ἀλλ᾽ ὅλως ἀποτυγχάνοντα ταῖς πράξεσι καὶ προσκρούοντα τῷ δήμῳ τέλος ἐκπεσεῖν τῆς πόλεως· Σύλλας δ᾽ οὐ μόνον ἡδέως προσιέμενος τὸν τοιοῦτον εὐδαιμονισμὸν καὶ ζῆλον, ἀλλὰ καὶ συναύξων καὶ συνεπιθειάζων, τὰ πραττόμενα τῆς τύχης ἐξῆπτεν, 35 εἴτε κόμπῳ χρώμενος εἴθ' οὕτως ἔχων τῇ δόξῃ πρὸς τὸ 5 θεῖον. καὶ γὰρ ἐν τοῖς ὑπομνήμασι γέγραφεν ὅτι τῶν καλῶς αὐτῷ βεβουλεῦσθαι δοκούντων αἱ μὴ κατὰ γνώμην ἀλλὰ πρὸς καιρὸν ἀποτολμώμεναι πράξεις ἔπιπτον εἰς ἄμεινον. ἔτι δὲ καὶ δι᾽ ὧν φησὶ πρὸς 40 τύχην εὖ πεφυκέναι μᾶλλον ἢ πρὸς πόλεμον, τῇ τύχῃ τῆς ἀρετῆς πλέον ἔοικε νέμειν καὶ ὅλως ἑαυτὸν τοῦ δαί- μονος ποιεῖν, ὅς γε καὶ τῆς πρὸς Μέτελλον ὁμονοίας, ἰσότιμον ἄνδρα καὶ κηδεστήν, εὐτυχίαν τινὰ θείαν αἰ- τιᾶται· πολλὰ γὰρ αὐτῷ πράγματα παρέξειν ἐπίδοξον 45 ὄντα πραότατον ἐν τῇ κοινωνίᾳ γενέσθαι τῆς ἀρχῆς. 6 ἔτι δὲ Λευκόλλῳ μὲν ἐν τοῖς ὑπομνήμασιν, ὧν ἐκείνῳ τὴν γραφὴν ἀνατέθεικε, παραινεῖ μηδὲν οὕτως ἡγεῖσ His firm belief θαι βέβαιον ὡς ὅ τι ἂν αὐτῷ προστάξῃ in dreams. νύκτωρ τὸ δαιμόνιον. ἐκπεμπομένου δ' αὐτοῦ μετὰ δυνάμεως εἰς τὸν συμμαχικὸν πόλεμον ἱστορεῖ χάσμα τῆς γῆς μέγα γενέσθαι περὶ Λαουέρνην, ἐκ δὲ τούτου πῦρ ἀναβλῦσαι πολὺ καὶ φλόγα λαμ- η πρὰν στηρίσαι πρὸς τὸν οὐρανόν. εἰπεῖν δὴ καὶ τοὺς μάντεις ὡς ἀνὴρ ἀγαθὸς ὄψει διάφορος καὶ περιττὸς 55 ἄρξας ἀπαλλάξει τῇ πόλει ταραχὰς τὰς παρούσας. 50 VI 10 9 ΣΥΛΛΑΣ Ο τοῦτον δὲ αὑτὸν εἶναί φησιν ὁ Σύλλας τῆς μὲν γὰρ ὄψεως ἴδιον εἶναι τὸ περὶ τὴν κόμην χρυσωπόν, ἀρετὴν δ᾽ οὐκ αἰσχύνεσθαι μαρτυρῶν ἑαυτῷ μετὰ 6ο πράξεις καλὰς οὕτω καὶ μεγάλας. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν περὶ τῆς ὁσιότητος, τὸν δ᾽ ἄλλον τρόπον His manifold ἀνώμαλός τις ἔοικε γεγονέναι καὶ διάφο- inconsistencies. 455 ρος πρὸς ἑαυτόν, ἀφελέσθαι πολλά, χαρίσασθαι πλείονα, τιμῆσαι παραλόγως, παραλόγως ἐφυβρίσαι, 65 θεραπεύειν ὧν δέοιτο, θρύπτεσθαι πρὸς τοὺς δεομέ- νους, ὥστ᾽ ἀγνοεῖσθαι πότερον ὑπερόπτης φύσει μᾶλ λον ἢ κόλαξ γέγονε. τὴν μὲν γὰρ ἐν ταῖς τιμωρίαις 8 ἀνωμαλίαν, ἐξ ὧν ἔτυχεν αἰτιῶν ἀποτυμπανίζοντος αὐτοῦ καὶ πάλιν τὰ μέγιστα τῶν ἀδικημάτων πράως το φέροντος, καὶ διαλλαττομένου μὲν ἐπὶ τοῖς ἀνηκέστοις μετ᾿ εὐκολίας, τὰ δὲ μικρὰ καὶ φαῦλα προσκρούσματα σφαγαῖς καὶ δημεύσεσιν οὐσιῶν μετιόντος, οὕτως ἂν τις διαιτήσειεν ὡς φύσει μὲν ὀργὴν χαλεπὸν ὄντα καὶ τιμωρητικόν, ὑφιέμενον δὲ τῆς πικρίας λογισμῷ πρὸς 75 τὸ συμφέρον. ἐν αὐτῷ γε τούτῳ τῷ συμμαχικῷ 9 πολέμῳ τῶν στρατιωτῶν αὐτοῦ στρατηγικὸν ἄνδρα πρεσβευτήν, ᾿Αλβῖνον ὄνομα, ξύλοις καὶ λίθοις δια χρησαμένων παρῆλθε καὶ οὐκ ἐπεξῆλθεν ἀδίκημα τοσοῦτον, ἀλλὰ καὶ σεμνυνόμενος διεδίδου λόγον ὡς 2ο προθυμοτέροις διὰ τοῦτο χρήσοιτο πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον αὐτοῖς, ἰωμένοις τὸ ἁμάρτημα δι' ἀνδραγαθίας. τῶν δ᾽ ἐγκαλούντων οὐδὲν ἐφρόντιζεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἤδη καταλῦσαι Μάριον διανοούμενος καὶ τοῦ πρὸς τοὺς συμμάχους πολέμου τέλος ἔχειν δοκοῦντος ἀποδειχθῆναι στρατ- 85 ηγὸς ἐπὶ Μιθριδάτην, ἐθεράπευε τὴν ὑφ᾽ ἑαυτῷ στρ- ατιάν. Καὶ παρελθὼν εἰς τὴν πόλιν ὕπατος μὲν ἀποδείκ- 10 10 VI 10 ΠΛΟΥΤΑΡΧΟΥ Sulla chosen Consul; his mar- riage with Cae- cilia Metella. νυται μετὰ Κοΐντου Πομπηίου, πεντή- κοντα ἔτη γεγονώς, γαμεῖ δὲ γάμον ἐνδοξ- ότατον Καικιλίαν τὴν Μετέλλου θυγατ- έρα τοῦ ἀρχιερέως· ἐφ᾽ ᾧ πολλὰ μὲν εἰς αὐτὸν ᾖδον οἱ δημοτικοί, πολλοὶ δὲ τῶν πρώτων ἐνεμέσων, οὐκ ἄξιον ἡγούμενοι τῆς γυναικὸς ὃν ἄξιον ὑπατείας ἔκρι- 11 ναν, ὥς φησιν ὁ Τίτος. οὐ μόνην δὲ ταύτην ἔγημεν, ἀλλὰ πρώτην μὲν ἔτι μειράκιον ὢν Ἰλίαν ἔσχε τὴν 95 καὶ θυγάτριον αὐτῷ τεκοῦσαν, εἶτα μετ' ἐκείνην Αἰλίαν, τρίτην δὲ Κλοιλίαν, ἣν ἀπεπέμψατο μὲν ὡς στεῖραν ἐντίμως καὶ μετ᾽ εὐφημίας καὶ δῶρα προσθείς, ὀλίγαις δὲ ὕστερον ἡμέραις ἀγαγόμενος τὴν Μετέλλαν ἔδοξε 12 διὰ τοῦτο τὴν Κλοιλίαν οὐ καλῶς αἰτιάσασθαι. τὴν το μέντοι Μετέλλαν ἐν πᾶσι θεραπεύων διετέλεσεν, ὥστε καὶ τὸν Ρωμαίων δῆμον, ὅτε τοὺς περὶ Μάριον φυγά- δας ἐπεθύμει καταγαγεῖν, ἀρνουμένου τοῦ Σύλλα δεόμενον ἐπιβοήσασθαι τὴν Μετέλλαν. ἐδόκει δὲ καὶ τοῖς ᾽Αθηναίοις ἑλὼν τὸ ἄστυ προσενεχθῆναι τραχύ- 1ος τερον, ὅτι τὴν Μετέλλαν ἀπὸ τοῦ τείχους γεφυρίζοντες ἐλοιδόρησαν. VII to com- thridatic War. ICO ᾿Αλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ὕστερον, τότε δὲ τὴν ὑπατείαν πρὸς His ambition τὰ μέλλοντα μικρὸν ἡγούμενος ἐπτόητο τῇ Fanarthe M- γνώμῃ πρὸς τὸν Μιθριδατικὸν πόλεμον. ἀντανίστατο δ' αὐτῷ Μάριος ὑπὸ δοξο- μανίας καὶ φιλοτιμίας, ἀγηράτων παθῶν, ἀνὴρ τῷ τε 5 σώματι βαρὺς καὶ ταῖς ἔναγχος ἀπειρηκως στρα- τείαις διὰ γῆρας ἐκδήμων καὶ διαποντίων πολέμων 2 ἐφιέμενος. καὶ τοῦ Σύλλα πρὸς τὰς ἐπιλιπεῖς πράξε εις ὁρμήσαντος εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον αὐτὸς οἰκουρῶν ἐτεκταίνετο τὴν ὀλεθριωτάτην ἐκείνην καὶ ὅσα σύμ- το παντες οἱ πόλεμοι τὴν Ῥώμην οὐκ ἔβλαψαν ἀπεργο VII 5 I I ΣΥΛΛΑΣ ασαμένην στάσιν, ὡς καὶ τὸ δαιμόνιον αὐτοῖς προ- εσήμηνε, πῦρ μὲν γὰρ αὐτόματον ἐκ τῶν Strange portents τὰ σημεῖα δοράτων ὑποφερόντων ἀνέ- before the Civil 15 λαμψε καὶ κατεσβέσθη μόλις, κόρακες δὲ War. The Tuscan eight periods. 4 τρεῖς τοὺς νεοσσοὺς εἰς τὴν ὁδὸν προαγαγόντες κατ- έφαγον, τὰ δὲ λείψανα πάλιν εἰς τὴν νεοσσιὰν ἀν ήνεγκαν. καὶ μυῶν δ᾽ ἐν ἱερῷ χρυσὸν ἀνακείμενον δια- 3 φαγόντων μίαν οἱ ζάκοροι πάγῃ θήλειαν λαμβάνουσιν, 20 ἡ δ᾽ ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ πάγῃ τεκοῦσα πέντε κατανάλωσε τὰ τρία. τὸ δὲ πάντων μέγιστον, ἐξ ἀνεφέλου καὶ διαίθρου τοῦ περιέχοντος ἤχησε φωνὴ σάλπιγγος ὀξὺν ἀπο- τείνουσα καὶ θρηνώδη φθόγγον, ὥστε πάντας ἔκφρονας 456 γενέσθαι καὶ καταπτῆξαι διὰ τὸ μέγεθος. Τυρρηνῶν 25 δ' οἱ λόγιοι μεταβολὴν ἑτέρου γένους ἀπεφαίνοντο καὶ μετακόσμησιν άποση- seers theory of μαίνειν τὸ τέρας. εἶναι μὲν γὰρ ὀκτὼ τὰ σύμπαντα γένη, διαφέροντα τοῖς βίοις καὶ τοῖς ἤθεσιν ἀλλήλων, ἑκάστῳ δ᾽ ἀφωρίσθαι χρόνων ἀριθμὸν ὑπὸ 30 τοῦ θεοῦ συμπεραινόμενον ἐνιαυτοῦ μεγάλου περιόδῳ. καὶ ὅταν αὕτη σχῇ τέλος, ἑτέρας ἐνισταμένης κινεῖσ- θαί τι σημεῖον ἐκ γῆς ἢ οὐρανοῦ θαυμάσιον, ὡς δῆλον εἶναι τοῖς πεφροντικόσι τὰ τοιαῦτα καὶ μεμαθηκόσιν εὐθύς, ὅτι καὶ τρόποις ἄλλοις καὶ βίοις ἄνθρωποι χρώ- 35 μενοι γεγόνασι καὶ θεοῖς ἧττον ἢ μᾶλλον τῶν προτέ- ρων μέλοντες τά τε γὰρ ἄλλα φασὶν ἐν τῇ τῶν γενῶν 5 αμείψει λαμβάνειν μεγάλας καινοτομίας, καὶ τὴν μαντικὴν ποτὲ μὲν αὔξεσθαι τῇ τιμῇ καὶ κατατυγ- χάνειν ταῖς προαγορεύσεσι, καθαρὰ καὶ φανερὰ 4ο σημεῖα τοῦ δαιμονίου προπέμποντος, αὖθις δ᾽ ἐν ἑτέρῳ γένει ταπεινὰ πράττειν, αὐτοσχέδιον οὖσαν τὰ πολλὰ καὶ δι᾿ ἀμυδρῶν καὶ σκοτεινῶν ὀργάνων τοῦ μέλλοντος 12 VII 5 ΠΛΟΥΤΑΡΧΟΥ VIII ἁπτομένην. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν οἱ λογιώτατοι Τυρρηνῶν καὶ πλέον τι τῶν ἄλλων εἰδέναι δοκοῦντες ἐμυθολό γουν, τῆς δὲ συγκλήτου τοῖς μάντεσι περὶ τούτων 45 σχολαζούσης καὶ καθημένης ἐν τῷ ναῷ τῆς Ἐννοῦς στρουθὸς εἰσέπτη πάντων ὁρώντων τέττιγα φέρων τῷ στόματι, καὶ τὸ μὲν ἐκβαλὼν μέρος αὐτοῦ κατ- έλιπε, τὸ δ᾽ ἔχων ἀπῆλθεν. ὑφεωρῶντο δὴ στάσιν οἱ τερατοσκόποι καὶ διαφορὰν τῶν κτηματικῶν πρὸς τὸν 50 ἀστικὸν ὄχλον καὶ ἀγοραῖον· φωνάεντα γὰρ τοῦτον εἶναι καθάπερ τέττιγα, τοὺς δὲ χωρίτας ἀρουραίους. Gaius Marius and fus. Μάριος δὴ προσλαμβάνει δημαρχοῦντα Σουλπί League between κιον, ἄνθρωπον οὐδενὸς δεύτερον ἐν ταῖς P. Sulpicius Ru άκραις κακίαις, ὥστε μὴ ζητεῖν τίνος ἐστὶν ἑτέρου μοχθηρότερος, ἀλλὰ πρὸς τί μοχθηρότατος ἑαυτοῦ. καὶ γὰρ ὠμότης καὶ τόλμα 5 καὶ πλεονεξία περὶ αὐτὸν ἦν ἀπερίσκεπτος αἰσχροῦ καὶ παντὸς κακοῦ, ὅς γε τὴν Ῥωμαίων πολιτείαν ἐξελευθερικοῖς καὶ μετοίκοις πωλῶν ἀναφανδὸν ἠρίθ- 2 μει τιμὴν διὰ τραπέζης ἐν ἀγορᾷ κειμένης. ἔτρεφε δὲ τρισχιλίους μαχαιροφόρους, καὶ πλῆθος ἱππικῶν το νεανίσκων πρὸς ἅπαν ἑτοίμων περὶ αὐτὸν εἶχεν, οὓς ἀντισύγκλητον ὠνόμαζε. νόμον δὲ κυρώσας μηδένα συγκλητικὸν ὑπὲρ δισχιλίας δραχμὰς ὀφείλειν, αὐτὸς ἀπέλιπε μετὰ τὴν τελευτὴν ὀφλήματος μυριάδας τριακοσίας. οὗτος εἰς τὸν δῆμον ἀφεθεὶς ὑπὸ τοῦ Μαρίου, καὶ συνταράξας πάντα τὰ πράγματα βίᾳ καὶ σιδήρῳ, νόμους ἔγραφεν ἄλλους τε μοχθηροὺς καὶ τὸν διδόντα Μαρίῳ τοῦ Μιθριδατικοῦ πολέμου τὴν ἡγεμ- 3 ονίαν. ἀπραξίας δὲ διὰ ταῦτα τῶν ὑπάτων ψηφισ αμένων, ἐπαγαγὼν αὐτοῖς ἐκκλησιάζουσι περὶ τὸν νεὼν τῶν Διοσκούρων ὄχλον ἄλλους τε πολλοὺς καὶ 15 20 IX 3 13 ΣΥΛΛΑΣ Ο τὸ Πομπηίου τοῦ ὑπάτου μειράκιον ἐπὶ τῆς ἀγορᾶς ἀνεῖλεν· αὐτὸς δὲ Πομπήιος λαθὼν ἐξέφυγε. Σύλλας δὲ εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν τοῦ Μαρίου συνδιωχθεὶς ἠναγκάσθη 25 προελθὼν τὰς ἀπραξίας λῦσαι· καὶ διὰ τοῦτο τὸν 4 Πομπήιον ἐπάρχοντα παύσας ὁ Σουλπίκιος οὐκ ἀφο είλετο τοῦ Σύλλα τὴν ὑπατείαν, ἀλλὰ τὴν ἐπὶ Μιθρι δάτην στρατείαν μόνον εἰς Μάριον μετ- ήνεγκε. καὶ πέμπει χιλιάρχους εὐθὺς εἰς 30 Νολαν παραληψομένους τὸ στράτευμα καὶ πρὸς τὸν Μάριον ἄξοντας. IX The command of the Mithridatic Ware transferred Gaius Marius. from Sulla to Φθάσαντος δὲ τοῦ Σύλλα διαφυγεῖν εἰς τὸ στρα- τόπεδον, καὶ τῶν στρατιωτῶν, ὡς ἐπύθοντο ταῦτα, καταλευσάντων τοὺς χιλιάρχους, οἱ περὶ τὸν Μάριον αὖθις ἐν τῇ πόλει τοὺς Σύλλα φίλους ἀνῄρουν καὶ 5 χρήματα διήρπαζον αὐτῶν. ἦσαν δὲ μεταστάσεις καὶ φυγαί, τῶν μὲν εἰς πόλιν ἀπὸ στρατοπέδου, τῶν δ᾽ ἐκεῖσε διαφοιτώντων ἐκ τῆς πόλεως, ἡ δὲ σύγκλη- 2 τος ἦν μὲν οὐχ αὐτῆς, ἀλλὰ τοῖς Μαρίου καὶ Σουλπι- κίου διῳκεῖτο προστάγμασι, πυθομένη δὲ τὸν Σύλλαν 457 ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν ἐλαύνειν ἔπεμψε δύο τῶν στρατηγών, Βροῦτον καὶ Σερουίλιον, ἀπαγορεύσοντας αὐτῷ βαδ ίζειν. τούτους θρασύτερον Σύλλᾳ διαλεχθέντας ὥρμη- σαν μὲν ἀνελεῖν οἱ στρατιῶται, τὰς δὲ ῥάβδους κατέκλασαν καὶ τὰς περιπορφύρους ἀφείλοντο καὶ πολλὰ περιυβρισμένους ἀπέπεμψαν, αὐτόθεν τε δεινὴν κατήφειαν, ὁρωμένους τῶν στρατηγικῶν παρασήμων ἐρήμους, καὶ τὴν στάσιν οὐκέτι καθεκτὴν ἀλλ᾽ ἀν- ήκεστον ἀπαγγέλλοντας. οἱ μὲν οὖν περὶ τὸν Μάριον 3 ἐν παρασκευαῖς ἦσαν· ὁ δὲ Σύλλας ἄγων II 15 March of Sul- upon Rome. 20 ἓξ τάγματα τέλεια μετὰ τοῦ συνάρχον- 1n with his army τος ἀπὸ Νώλης ἐκίνει, τὸν μὲν στρατὸν 14 IX 3 ΠΛΟΥΤΑΡΧΟΥ 25 30 ὁρῶν πρόθυμον ὄντα χωρεῖν εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν, ἐνδοιάζων δὲ τῇ γνώμῃ παρ' ἑαυτῷ καὶ δεδοικὼς τὸν κίνδυνον. ὁ δὲ μάντις Ποστούμιος θύσαντος αὐτοῦ καταμαθὼν τὰ σημεῖα, καὶ τὰς χεῖρας αμφοτέρας τῷ 2 Σύλλα προτείνας, ἠξίου δεθῆναι καὶ φυλάττεσθαι μέχρι τῆς μάχης, ὡς, εἰ μὴ πάντα ταχὺ καὶ καλῶς αὐτῷ συντελεσθείη, τὴν ἐσχάτην δίκην ὑποσχεῖν 4 βουλόμενος. λέγεται δὲ καὶ κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους αὐτῷ Σύλλα φανῆναι θεὸν ἣν τιμῶσι Ῥωμαῖοι παρὰ Καπ- παδοκῶν μαθόντες, εἴτε δὴ Σελήνην οὖσαν εἴτ᾿ ᾿Αθη- νἂν εἴτ᾿ Ενυώ. ταύτην ὁ Σύλλας ἔδοξεν ἐπιστᾶσαν ἐγχειρίσαι κεραυνὸν αὐτῷ, καὶ τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἕκαστον ὀνομάζουσαν τῶν ἐκείνου βάλλειν κελεῦσαι, τοὺς δὲ πίπτειν βαλλομένους καὶ ἀφανίζεσθαι. θαρσήσας δὲ 35 τῇ ὄψει καὶ φράσας τῷ συνάρχοντι μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν ἐπὶ 5 τὴν Ῥώμην ἡγεῖτο. καὶ περὶ Πικτὰς αὐτῷ πρεσβείας ἐντυχούσης καὶ δεομένης μὴ βαδίζειν εὐθὺς ἐξ ἐφόδου, πάντα γὰρ ἔσεσθαι τὰ δίκαια τῆς βουλῆς ψηφισα- μένης, ὡμολόγησε μὲν αὐτοῦ καταστρατοπεδεύσειν καὶ διαμετρεῖν ἐκέλευε χώρας, ὥσπερ εἰώθει, τῷ στρα- τοπέδῳ τοὺς ἡγεμόνας, ὥστε τοὺς πρέσβεις ἀπελθεῖν πιστεύσαντας· ἐκείνων δ᾽ ἀπελθόντων εὐθὺς ἐκπέμψας Λεύκιον Βάσιλλον καὶ Γάιον Μόμμιον καταλαμβάνει τὴν πύλην δι᾽ αὐτῶν καὶ τὰ τείχη τὰ περὶ τὸν λόφον τὸν Αἰσκυλῖνον· εἶτ᾽ αὐτὸς ἁπάσῃ σπουδῇ συνῆπτε. τῶν δὲ περὶ τὸν Βάσιλλον εἰς τὴν πόλιν Sulla's troops and ἐμπεσόντων καὶ κρατούντων, ὁ πολὺς Gaius Mariusand καὶ ἄνοπλος δῆμος ἀπὸ τῶν τεγῶν κερά- μῳ καὶ λίθῳ βάλλοντες ἐπέσχον αὐτ- 50 οὺς τοῦ πρόσω χωρεῖν καὶ συνέστειλαν εἰς τὸ τεῖχος. ἐν τούτῳ δ᾽ ὁ Σύλλας παρῆν ἤδη, καὶ & Conflict between P. Sulpicius Ru- fus. Ο 40 45 Χ 3 15 ΣΥΛΛΑΣ 55 συνιδὼν τὸ γινόμενον ἐβόα τὰς οἰκίας ὑφάπτειν, καὶ λαβὼν δάδα καιομένην ἐχώρει πρῶτος αὐτός, καὶ τοὺς τοξότας ἐκέλευε χρῆσθαι τοῖς πυροβόλοις ἄνω 7 τῶν στεγασμάτων ἐφιεμένους, κατ᾽ οὐδένα λογισμὸν ἀλλ' ἐμπαθὴς ὢν καὶ τῷ θυμῷ παραδεδωκὼς τὴν τῶν πρασσομένων ἡγεμονίαν, ὅς γε τοὺς ἐχθροὺς μόνον ἑώρα, φίλους δὲ καὶ συγγενεῖς καὶ οἰκείους εἰς οὐδένα ω λόγον θέμενος οὐδ᾽ οἶκτον κατῄει διὰ πυρός, ᾧ τῶν αἰτίων καὶ μὴ διάγνωσις οὐκ ἦν. τούτων δὲ γινομένων Μάριος ἐξωσθεὶς πρὸς τὸ τῆς Γῆς ἱερὸν ἐκάλει διὰ κηρύγματος ἐπ᾿ ἐλευθερίᾳ τὸ οἰκετικόν, ἐπελθόντων δὲ τῶν πολεμίων κρατηθεὶς ἐξέπεσε τῆς πόλεως. X Σύλλας δὲ τὴν βουλὴν συναγαγὼν καταψηφίζεται θάνατον αὐτοῦ τε Μαρίου καὶ ὀλίγων Flight of Ma- Measures of Sul- ἄλλων, ἐν οἷς Σουλπίκιος ἦν ὁ δήμαρχος. rius from Rome. ἀλλὰ Σουλπίκιος μὲν ἀπεσφάγη προδο- la against his po 5 θεὶς ὑπὸ θεράποντος, ὃν ὁ Σύλλας ἠλευθέ litical opponents. ρωσεν, εἶτα κατεκρήμνισε, Μαρίῳ δ᾽ ἐπεκήρυξεν ἀργύρ ιον, οὐκ εὐγνωμόνως οὐδὲ πολιτικῶς, ᾧ γε μικρὸν ἔμ- προσθεν ὑποχείριον εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν δοὺς ἑαυτὸν ἀσφα- 2 λῶς ἀφείθη. καίτοι Μαρίῳ τότε μὴ διέντι Σύλλαν ἀλλ᾽ ἀποθανεῖν ὑπὸ Σουλπικίου προεμένῳ πάντων κρατεῖν ὑπῆρχεν· ἀλλ᾽ ὅμως ἐφείσατο, καὶ μεθ᾿ ἡμέρας ὀλίγας τὴν αὐτὴν λαβὴν παρασχὼν οὐκ ἔτυχε τῶν ὁμοίων. ἐφ᾽ οἷς ὁ Σύλλας τὴν μὲν σύγκλητον ἀδήλως ηνίασεν, 14 ἡ δὲ παρὰ τοῦ δήμου δυσμένεια καὶ νέμεσις αὐτῷ 3 458 φανερὰ δι' ἔργων ἀπήντα. Νώνιον μέν γε τὸν ἀδελ φιδοῦν αὐτοῦ καὶ Σερονήιον ἀρχὰς μετιόντας ἀποψηφ ισάμενοι καὶ καθυβρίσαντες ἑτέρους κατέστησαν ἄρ- χοντας, οὓς μάλιστα τιμῶντες ώοντο λυπεῖν ἐκεῖνον. ὁ δὲ τούτοις τε προσεποιεῖτο χαίρειν, ὡς τοῦ δήμου 16 Χ 3 ΠΛΟΥΤΑΡΧΟΥ τῷ ποιεῖν ἃ βούλοιτο δι᾽ αὐτὸν ἀπολαύοντος τῆς 20 ἐλευθερίας και, θεραπεύων τὸ τῶν πολλῶν μίσος, ὕπατον κατέστησεν ἀπὸ τῆς ἐναντίας στάσεως Λεύ κιον Κίνναν ἀραῖς καὶ ὅρκοις καταλαβὼν εὐνοήσειν 4 τοῖς ἑαυτοῦ πράγμασιν. ὁ δ᾽ ἀναβὰς εἰς τὸ Καπιτ- ώλιον ἔχων ἐν τῇ χειρὶ λίθον ὤμνυεν, εἶτα ἐπαρα- 25 σάμενος ἑαυτῷ μὴ φυλάττοντι τὴν πρὸς ἐκεῖνον εὔνοιαν ἐκπεσεῖν τῆς πόλεως ὥσπερ ὁ λίθος διὰ τῆς χειρός, κατέβαλε χαμᾶζε τὸν λίθον οὐκ ὀλίγων παρ- όντων. παραλαβὼν δὲ τὴν ἀρχὴν εὐθὺς ἐπεχείρει τὰ καθεστώτα κινεῖν, καὶ δίκην ἐπὶ τὸν Σύλλαν παρ- 30 εσκεύασε καὶ κατηγορεῖν ἐπέστησεν Οὐεργίνιον, ἕνα τῶν δημάρχων, ὃν ἐκεῖνος ἅμα τῷ δικαστηρίῳ χαίρειν ἐάσας ἐπὶ Μιθριδάτην ἀπῆρεν. XI Departure of 5 Λέγεται δὲ ὑπὸ τὰς ἡμέρας ἐκείνας ἐν αἷς ὁ Σύλ λας ἀπὸ τῆς Ἰταλίας εκίνει τὸν στόλον, Sulla for Greece. ἄλλα τε πολλὰ Μιθριδάτῃ διατρίβοντι περὶ τὸ Πέργαμον ἐπισκῆψαι δαιμόνια, καὶ Νίκην στεφανηφόρον καθιεμένην ὑπὸ τῶν Περγαμηνῶν ἐπ᾿ αὐτὸν ἐκ τινῶν ὀργάνων ἄνωθεν ὅσον οὔπω τῆς κεφα λῆς ψαύουσαν συντριβῆναι, καὶ τὸν στέφανον ἐκπεσ- όντα κατὰ τοῦ θεάτρου φέρεσθαι χαμάζε διαθρυπτό- μενον, ὥστε φρίκην μὲν τῷ δήμῳ ἀθυμίαν δὲ πολλὴν Μιθριδάτη παρασχεῖν, καίπερ αὐτῷ τότε τῶν πραγ 2 μάτων ἐλπίδος πέρα προχωρούντων. αὐτὸς μὲν γὰρ Ασίαν τε Ρωμαίων καὶ Βιθυνίαν καὶ kingdom of Mi Καππαδοκίαν τῶν βασιλέων ἀφῃρημένος ἐν Περγάμῳ καθῆστο, πλούτους καὶ δυνα- στείας καὶ τυραννίδας διανέμων τοῖς φίλοις, τῶν δὲ 15 παίδων ὁ μὲν ἐν Πόντῳ καὶ Βοσπόρῳ τὴν παλαιὰν ἄχρι τῶν ὑπὲρ τὴν Μαιώτιν ἀοικήτων ἀρχὴν κατεῖχεν Extent of the thridates. XII 2 17 ΣΥΛΛΑΣ ων οὐδενὸς παρενοχλοῦντος, Αριαράθης δὲ Θρᾴκην καὶ Μακεδονίαν ἐπῄει στρατῷ μεγάλῳ προσαγόμενος. 20 ἄλλους δὲ οἱ στρατηγοὶ τόπους ἐχειροῦντο δυνάμεις 3 ἔχοντες, ὧν ὁ μέγιστος ᾿Αρχέλαος ταῖς μὲν ναυσὶν ὁμοῦ τι συμπάσης ἐπικρατῶν τῆς θαλάττης τάς τε Κυκλάδας νήσους ἐδουλοῦτο καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ὅσαι Μαλέας ἐντὸς ἵδρυνται, καὶ τὴν Εὔβοιαν αὐτὴν εἶχεν, 25 ἐκ δ' ᾿Αθηνῶν ὁρμώμενος τὰ μέχρι Θετταλίας ἔθνη τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἀφίστη, μικρὰ προσκρούσας περὶ Χαι- ρώνειαν. ἐνταῦθα γὰρ αὐτῷ Βρέττιος Π Brettius Surra. ΕΠ 4 Σούρρας ἀπήντησε, πρεσβευτὴς μὲν ὢν Σεντίου τοῦ στρατηγοῦ τῆς Μακεδονίας, ἀνὴρ δὲ 30 τόλμῃ καὶ φρονήσει διαφέρων. οὗτος Αρχελάῳ δίκην ρεύματος φερομένῳ διὰ τῆς Βοιωτίας ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἀντιστάς, καὶ τρισὶ μάχαις διαγωνισάμενος περὶ Χαιρώνειαν, ἐξέωσε καὶ συνέστειλε πάλιν ἐπὶ τὴν θάλατταν. Λευκίου δὲ Λευκόλλου κελεύσαντος αὐτὸν 5 ὑποχωρεῖν ἐπιόντι Σύλλᾳ καὶ τὸν ἐψηφισμένον ἐκείνῳ ἐᾶν πόλεμον, εὐθὺς ἐκλιπὼν τὴν Βοιωτίαν ὀπίσω πρὸς Σέντιον ἀπήλαυνε, καίπερ αὐτῷ τῶν πραγμάτων ἐλπίδος πέρα προχωρούντων καὶ τῆς Ἑλλάδος οἰκείως ἐχούσης πρὸς μεταβολὴν διὰ τὴν 4· ἐκείνου καλοκαγαθίαν. 35 40 XII ᾿Αλλὰ γὰρ Βρεττίῳ μὲν ταῦτα λαμπρότατα τῶν πεπραγμένων· Σύλλας δὲ τὰς μὲν ἄλλας πόλεις εὐθὺς εἶχεν ἐπιπρεσβευομένας καὶ καλούσας, ταῖς δ᾽ ᾿Αθήναις διὰ τὸν τύραννον ᾿Αριστίωνα Blockade of 5 βασιλεύεσθαι ἠναγκασμέναις άθρους Parus οι by ἐπέστη καὶ τὸν Πειραιᾶ περιλαβὼν Sulla. ἐπολιόρκει, μηχανήν τε πᾶσαν ἐφιστὰς καὶ μάχας παντοδαπὰς ποιούμενος. καίτοι χρόνον οὐ πολὺν 2 II. S. Athens and siege 2 18 XII 2 ΠΛΟΥΤΑΡΧΟΥ IO ἀνασχομένῳ παρὴν ἀκινδύνως ἑλεῖν τὴν ἄνω πόλιν, ὑπὸ λιμοῦ συνηγμένην ἤδη τῇ χρείᾳ τῶν ἀναγκαίων εἰς τὸν ἔσχατον καιρόν· ἀλλ᾽ ἐπειγόμενος εἰς Ρώμην καὶ δεδιὼς τὸν ἐκεῖ νεωτερισμόν, πολλοῖς μὲν κινδύ- νοις πολλαῖς δὲ μάχαις μεγάλαις δὲ δαπάναις κατά 459 έσπευδε τὸν πόλεμον, ᾧ γε δίχα τῆς ἄλλης παρα- σκευῆς ἡ περὶ τὰ μηχανήματα πραγματεία ζεύγεσι 15 μυρίοις ὀρικοῖς ἐχορηγεῖτο, καθ᾽ ἡμέραν ἐνεργοῖς οὖσι 3 πρὸς τὴν ὑπηρεσίαν. ἐπιλειπούσης δὲ τῆς ὕλης διὰ τὸ κόπτεσθαι πολλὰ τῶν ἔργων περικλώμενα τοῖς αὑτῶν βρίθεσι καὶ πυρπολεῖσθαι βαλλόμενα συνεχῶς ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων, ἐπεχείρησε τοῖς ἱεροῖς ἄλσεσι, καὶ 20 τήν τε ᾿Ακαδήμειαν ἔκειρε δενδροφορωτάτην προα- στείων οὖσαν καὶ τὸ Λύκειον. ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ χρημάτων ἔδει πολλῶν πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον, ἐκίνει τὰ τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἄσυλα, τοῦτο μὲν ἐξ Επιδαύρου τοῦτο δ' the treasures of ἐξ Ὀλυμπίας τὰ κάλλιστα καὶ πολυτελ- 25 the temples. έστατα τῶν ἀναθημάτων μεταπεμπό- 4 μενος. ἔγραψε δὲ καὶ τοῖς ᾿Αμφικτύοσιν εἰς Δελφοὺς ὅτι τὰ χρήματα τοῦ θεοῦ βέλτιον εἴη κομισθῆναι πρὸς αὐτόν· ἡ γὰρ φυλάξειν ἀσφαλέστερον ἢ καὶ ἀποχρη- Mission of Ka. σάμενος ἀποδώσειν οὐκ ἐλάττω· καὶ τῶν 30 φίλων ἀπέστειλε Κάφιν τὸν Φωκέα κελ- εύσας σταθμῷ παραλαβεῖν ἕκαστον. ὁ δὲ Κάφις ἧκε μὲν εἰς Δελφούς, ὤκνει δὲ τῶν ἱερῶν θιγεῖν, καὶ πολλὰ τῶν ᾿Αμφικτυόνων παρόντων ἀπεδάκρυσε τὴν 5 ἀνάγκην. ἐνίων δὲ φασκόντων ἀκοῦσαι φθεγγομένης 35 τῆς ἐν τοῖς ἀνακτόροις κιθάρας, εἴτε πιστεύσας εἴτε τὸν Σύλλαν βουλόμενος ἐμβαλεῖν εἰς δεισιδαιμονίαν ἐπέστειλε πρὸς αὐτόν. ὁ δὲ σκώπτων ἀντέγραψε θαυμάζειν τὸν Κάφιν, εἰ μὴ συνίησιν ὅτι χαίροντος, Plundering of phis. τα XII 9 IG ΣΥΛΛΑΣ Sharp contrast between the con duct of Sulla and that of former Roman' generals in Greece. 7 τ· οὐ χαλεπαίνοντος εἴη τὸ ἄδειν· ὥστε θαρροῦντα λαμβ άνειν ἐκέλευσεν ὡς ἡδομένου τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ διδόντος. τὰ μὲν οὖν ἄλλα διέλαθε τούς γε πολλούς Ελληνας 6 ἐκπεμπόμενα, τὸν δ᾽ ἀργυροῦν πίθον, ὃς ἦν ὑπόλοιπος ἔτι τῶν βασιλικῶν, διὰ βάρος καὶ μέγεθος οὐ δυναμ 45 ένων αναλαβεῖν τῶν ὑποζυγίων, ἀναγκαζόμενοι κατακόπτειν οἱ ᾿Αμφικτύονες εἰς μνήμην ἐβάλοντο τοῦτο μὲν Τίτον Φλαμινίνον καὶ Μάνιον ᾿Ακύλιον τοῦτο δ' Αἰμίλιον Παῦλον, ὧν ὁ μὲν ᾿Αντίοχον ἐξελά- σας τῆς Ἑλλάδος, οἱ δὲ τοὺς Μακεδόνων βασιλείς 50 καταπολεμήσαντες οὐ μόνον ἀπέσχοντο τῶν ἱερῶν τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν, ἀλλὰ καὶ δῶρα καὶ τιμὴν αὐτοῖς καὶ σεμνότητα πολλὴν προσέθεσαν. ἀλλ᾽ ἐκεῖνοι μὲν ἀνδρῶν τε σωφρόνων καὶ μεμαθηκότων σιωπῇ τοῖς ἄρχουσι παρέ- 55 χειν τὰς χεῖρας ἡγούμενοι κατὰ νόμον, αὐτοί τε ταῖς ψυχαῖς βασιλικοὶ καὶ ταῖς δαπάναις εὐτελεῖς ὄντες, μετρίοις ἐχρῶντο καὶ τεταγμένοις ἀναλώμασι, τὸ κολακεύειν τοὺς στρατιώτας αἴσχιον ἡγούμενοι τοῦ δεδιέναι τοὺς πολεμίους· οἱ δὲ τότε 8 ο στρατηγοὶ βίᾳ τὸ πρωτεῖον, οὐκ ἀρετῇ κτώμενοι, καὶ μᾶλλον ἐπ᾽ ἀλλήλους δεόμενοι τῶν ὅπλων ἢ τοὺς πολεμίους, ἠναγκάζοντο δημαγωγεῖν ἐν τῷ στρατηγεῖν, εἶθ᾽ ὧν εἰς τὰς ἡδυπαθείας τοῖς στρατευομένοις ἀν- ήλισκον ὠνούμενοι τοὺς πόνους αὐτῶν, ἔλαθον ώνιον 65 ὅλην τὴν πατρίδα ποιήσαντες ἑαυτούς τε δούλους τῶν κακίστων ἐπὶ τῷ τῶν βελτιόνων ἄρχειν. ταῦτ᾽ ἐξήλαυνε Μάριον, εἶτ᾽ αὖθις ἐπὶ Σύλλαν κατῆγε, ταῦτ᾽ Οκταουίου τοὺς περὶ Κίνναν, ταῦτα Φλάκκου τοὺς περὶ Φιμβρίαν αὐτόχειρας ἐποίησεν. ὧν οὐχ το ἥκιστα Σύλλας ἐνέδωκεν αρχάς, ἐπὶ τῷ διαφθείρειν 9 2-2 20 XII 9 ΠΛΟΥΤΑΡΧΟΥ XIII to demoralise the army. καὶ μετακαλεῖν τοὺς ὑπ᾽ ἄλλοις ταττομένους κατα- Sulla is the first χορηγῶν εἰς τοὺς ὑφ᾽ αὑτῷ καὶ δαπαν- ώμενος, ὥστε ἅμα τοὺς ἄλλους μὲν εἰς προδοσίαν τοὺς δὲ ὑφ᾽ αὑτῷ εἰς ἀσωτίαν διαφθείρων χρημάτων δεῖσθαι πολλῶν, καὶ μάλιστα πρὸς τὴν 75 πολιορκίαν ἐκείνην. Δεινὸς γάρ τις ἄρα καὶ ἀπαραίτητος εἶχεν αὐτὸν ἔρως ἑλεῖν τὰς ᾿Αθήνας, εἴτε ζήλῳ τινὶ Sulla's motives for wishing take Athens. Aristion. to 6 ΙΟ πρὸς τὴν πάλαι σκιαμαχοῦντα τῆς πόλ- εως δόξαν, εἴτε θυμῷ τὰ σκώμματα φέροντα καὶ τὰς βωμολοχίας αἷς αὐτόν τε καὶ τὴν 460 Μετέλλαν ἀπὸ τῶν τειχῶν ἑκάστοτε γεφυρίζων καὶ ο κατορχούμενος ἐξηρέθιζεν ὁ τύραννος Αριστίων, ἄνθρωπος ἐξ ἀσελγείας ὁμοῦ 2 καὶ ὠμότητος ἔχων συγκειμένην τὴν ψυχήν, καὶ τὰ χείριστα τῶν Μιθριδατικών συνερρυηκότα νοσημάτων καὶ παθῶν εἰς ἑαυτὸν ἀνειληφώς, καὶ τῇ πόλει μυρ- ίους μὲν πολέμους πολλὰς δὲ τυραννίδας καὶ στάσεις διαπεφευγυία πρότερον ὥσπερ νόσημα θανατηφόρον εἰς τοὺς ἐσχάτους καιροὺς ἐπιτιθέμενος· ὃς χιλίων δραχμῶν ὠνίου τοῦ μεδίμνου τῶν πυρῶν ὄντος ἐν 15 ἄστει τότε, τῶν ἀνθρώπων σιτουμένων τὸ tress in Athens. περὶ τὴν ἀκρόπολιν φυόμενον παρθένιον, 3 ὑποδήματα δὲ καὶ ληκύθους ἑφθὼς ἐσθιόντων, αὐτὸς ἐνδελεχῶς πότοις μεθημερινοῖς καὶ κώμοις χρώμενος καὶ πυρριχίζων καὶ γελωτοποιῶν πρὸς τοὺς πολεμ- 20 ίους τὸν μὲν ἱερὸν τῆς θεοῦ λύχνον ἀπεσβηκότα διὰ σπάνιν ἐλαίου περιεῖδε, τῇ δ᾽ ἱεροφάντιδι πυρῶν ἡμίεκτον προσαιτούσῃ πεπέρεως ἔπεμψε, τοὺς δὲ βουλευτὰς καὶ ἱερεῖς ἱκετεύοντας οἰκτεῖραι τὴν πόλιν καὶ διαλύσασθαι πρὸς Σύλλαν τοξεύμασι βάλλων 25 Famine and dis. XIV 3 2I ΣΥΛΛΑΣ διεσκέδασεν. ὀψὲ δ᾽ ἤδη που μόλις ἐξέπεμψεν ὑπὲρ 4 εἰρήνης δύο ἢ τρεῖς τῶν συμποτῶν· πρὸς οὓς οὐδὲν ἀξιοῦντας σωτήριον, ἀλλὰ τὸν Θησέα καὶ τὸν Εὔμολ- πον καὶ τὰ Μηδικά σεμνολογουμένους ὁ Σύλλας 30΄ ἄπιτε᾽ εἶπεν ὦ μακάριοι, τοὺς λόγους τούτους αναλαβόντες· ἐγὼ γὰρ οὐ φιλομαθήσων εἰς ᾿Αθήνας ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων ἐπέμφθην, ἀλλὰ τοὺς ἀφισταμένους καταστρεψόμενος. XIV Ο ω εν Ἐν δὲ τούτῳ λέγεταί τινας ἐν Κεραμεικῷ πρεσβ- υτῶν ἀκούσαντας διαλεγομένων πρὸς ἀλλήλους καὶ κακιζόντων τὸν τύραννον, ὡς μὴ φυλάττοντα τοῦ τείχους τὴν περὶ τὸ Ἑπτάχαλκον ἔφοδον καὶ προσ- 5 βολήν, ᾗ μόνῃ δυνατὸν εἶναι καὶ ῥᾴδιον ὑπερβῆναι τοὺς πολεμίους, ἀπαγγεῖλαι ταῦτα πρὸς τὸν Σύλλαν. ὁ δ᾽ οὐ κατεφρόνησεν, ἀλλ' ἐπελθὼν νυκτὸς καὶ 2 θεασάμενος τὸν τόπον ἁλώσιμον εἴχετο τοῦ ἔργου. λέγει δ᾽ αὐτὸς ὁ Σύλλας ἐν τοῖς ὑπομνήμασι τὸν πρῶ- 1ο τον ἐπιβάντα τοῦ τείχους Μάρκον ᾿Ατήιον ἀντιστάν- τος αὐτῷ πολεμίου δόντα πληγὴν ἐκ καταφορᾶς τῷ κράνει περικλάσαι τὸ ξίφος, οὐ μὴν ὑφέσθαι τῆς χώρας ἀλλὰ μεῖναι καὶ κατασχεῖν. κατελήφθη μὲν οὖν ἡ πόλις ἐκεῖθεν, ὡς Αθηναίων οἱ Capture 15 πρεσβύτατοι διεμνημόνευον· αὐτὸς δὲ Athens by Sulla. Σύλλας τὸ μεταξὺ τῆς Πειραϊκῆς πύλης καὶ τῆς ἱερᾶς κατασκάψας καὶ συνομαλύνας περὶ μέσας νύκτας εἰσήλαυνε φρικώδης ὑπό τε σάλπιγξι καὶ κέρασι πολλοῖς, ἀλαλαγμῷ καὶ κραυγῇ τῆς δυνάμεως το ἐφ᾽ ἁρπαγὴν καὶ φόνον ἀφειμένης ὑπ' αὐτοῦ καὶ φερομένης διὰ (τῶν) στενωπῶν ἐσπασμένοις τοῖς ξίφεσιν, ὥστ᾽ ἀριθμὸν μηδένα γενέσθαι τῶν ἀποσφαγ- έντων, ἀλλὰ τῷ τόπῳ τοῦ ῥυέντος αἵματος ἔτι νῦν > of 3 22 XIV 3 ΠΛΟΥΤΑΡΧΟΥ 4 μετρεῖσθαι τὸ πλῆθος. ἄνευ γὰρ τῶν κατὰ τὴν ἄλλην πόλιν ἀναιρεθέντων ὁ περὶ τὴν ἀγορὰν φόνος ἐπέσχε 25 πάντα τὸν ἐντὸς τοῦ Διπύλου Κεραμεικόν πολλοῖς δὲ λέγεται καὶ διὰ πυλῶν κατακλύσαι τὸ προάστειον. ἀλλὰ τῶν οὕτως ἀποθανόντων τοσούτων γενομένων, οὐκ ἐλάσσονες ἦσαν οἱ σφᾶς αὐτοὺς διαφθείροντες οἴκτῳ καὶ πόθῳ τῆς πατρίδος ὡς ἀναιρεθησομένης. 30 τοῦτο γὰρ ἀπογνῶναι καὶ φοβηθῆναι τὴν σωτηρίαν ἐποίησε τοὺς βελτίστους, οὐδὲν ἐν τῷ Σύλλᾳ φιλάν- 5 θρωπον οὐδὲ μέτριον ἐλπίσαντας. ἀλλὰ γὰρ τοῦτο μὲν Μειδίου καὶ Καλλιφῶντος τῶν φυγάδων δεομένων καὶ προκυλινδουμένων αὐτοῦ, τοῦτο δὲ τῶν συγκλητο 35 ικῶν, ὅσοι συνεστράτευον, ἐξαιτουμένων τὴν πόλιν, αὐτός τε μεστὸς ὢν ἤδη τῆς τιμωρίας, ἐγκώμιόν τι τῶν παλαιῶν ᾿Αθηναίων ὑπειπὼν ἔφη χαρίζεσθαι 6 πολλοῖς μὲν ὀλίγους, ζῶντας δὲ τεθνηκόσιν. ἑλεῖν δὲ 461 τὰς ᾿Αθήνας αὐτός φησιν ἐν τοῖς ὑπομνήμασι Μαρτ- 40 ίαις καλάνδαις, ἥτις ἡμέρα μάλιστα συμπίπτει τῇ νουμηνίᾳ τοῦ ᾿Ανθεστηριώνος μηνός, ἐν ᾧ κατὰ τύχην ὑπομνήματα πολλὰ τοῦ διὰ τὴν ἐπομβρίαν ὀλέθρου καὶ τῆς φθορᾶς ἐκείνης δρῶσιν, ὡς τότε καὶ περὶ τὸν χρόνον ἐκεῖνον μάλιστα τοῦ κατακλυσμοῦ συμπεσόν- 45 7 τος. ἑαλωκότος δὲ τοῦ ἄστεος ὁ μὲν τύραννος εἰς τὴν ἀκρόπολιν καταφυγὼν ἐπολιορκεῖτο, Κουρίωνος ἐπὶ τούτῳ τεταγμένου· καὶ χρόνον ἐγκαρτερ- falls into the hand ήσας συχνὸν αὐτὸς ἑαυτὸν ἐνεχείρισε bonius Curio. δίψει πιεσθείς. καὶ τὸ δαιμόνιον εὐθὺς 50 ἐπεσήμηνε τῆς γὰρ αὐτῆς ἡμέρας τε καὶ ὥρας ἐκεῖνόν τε Κουρίων κατῆγε, καὶ νεφῶν ἐξ αἰθρίας συνδραμ- όντων πλῆθος ὄμβρου καταρραγὲν ἐπλήρωσεν ὕδατος τὴν ἀκρόπολιν. εἷλε δὲ καὶ τὸν Πειραιά μετ᾿ οὐ The Akropolis of Gaius Scri- Εν Ο XV 4 23 ΣΥΛΛΑΣ 55 πολὺν χρόνον ὁ Σύλλας, καὶ τὰ πλεῖστα κατέκαυσεν, ὧν ἦν καὶ ἡ Φίλωνος ὁπλοθήκη, θαυμαζόμενον ἔργον. Ἐν δὲ τούτῳ Ταξίλης ὁ Μιθριδάτου στρατηγὸς ἐκ Θράκης καὶ Μακεδονίας καταβεβηκὼς XV Pontic armies. Archelaos sum- δέκα μυριάσι πεζῶν καὶ μυρίοις ἱππεῦσι enter Greece. καὶ τεθρίπποις ἐνενήκοντα δρεπανηφό- moned by Taxiles 5 ροις ἐκάλει τὸν ᾿Αρχέλαον, ἔτι ναυλο- ΙΟ from Peiraeus. χοῦντα περὶ τὴν Μουνυχίαν καὶ μήτε τῆς θαλάττης βουλόμενον ἀποστῆναι μήτε πρόθυμον ὄντα συμπλέ- κεσθαι τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις, ἀλλὰ χρονοτριβεῖν τὸν πόλε- μον καὶ τὰς εὐπορίας αὐτῶν ἀφαιρεῖν. ἃ δὴ πολὺ 2 το μᾶλλον ἐκείνου συνορῶν ὁ Σύλλας ἀνέζευξεν εἰς Βοιω- τίαν ἐκ χωρίων γλίσχρων καὶ μηδ' ἐν εἰρήνῃ τρέφειν ἱκανῶν ὄντων. καὶ τοῖς πολλοῖς ἐδόκει σφάλλεσθαι τὸν λογισμόν, ὅτι τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν τραχεῖαν οὖσαν καὶ δύσιππον ἀπολιπὼν ἐνέβαλεν ἑαυτὸν πεδιάσι καὶ 15 αναπεπταμέναις ταῖς περὶ τὴν Βοιωτίαν χώραις, ὁρῶν ἐν ἅρμασι καὶ ἵπποις τὴν βαρβαρικὴν οὖσαν ἀλκήν. ἀλλὰ φεύγων, ὥσπερ εἴρηται, λιμὸν καὶ σπάνιν ἠναγ- 3 κάζετο διώκειν τὸν ἐκ τῆς μάχης κίνδυνον. ἔτι δὲ Ορτήσιος αὐτὸν ἐφόβει, στρατηγικὸς ἀνὴρ καὶ φιλό- 20 νεικος, ὃν ἐκ Θετταλίας ἄγοντα τῷ Σύλλᾳ δύναμιν ἐν τοῖς στενοῖς οἱ βάρβαροι παρεφύλαττον. διὰ ταῦτα μὲν εἰς τὴν Βοιωτίαν ἀνέζευξεν ὁ Σύλλας· Ορτήσιον δὲ Κάφις, ἡμέτερος ὤν, ἑτέραις ὁδοῖς ψευ- σάμενος τοὺς βαρβάρους διὰ τοῦ Παρνασσοῦ κατῆγεν ὑπ' αὐτὴν τὴν Τιθόραν, οὔπω τοσαύτην πόλιν οὖσαν 4 ὅση νῦν ἐστίν, ἀλλὰ φρούριον ἀπορρῶγι κρημνῷ περικοπτόμενον, εἰς ὃ καὶ πάλαι ποτὲ Φωκέων οἱ Ξέρξην ἐπιόντα φεύγοντες ανεσκευάσαντο καὶ διε- σώθησαν. ἐνταῦθα καταστρατοπεδεύσας Ορτήσιος 25 οι 24 XV 4 ΠΛΟΥΤΑΡΧΟΥ XVI Junction of the ἡμέρας μὲν ἀπεκρούσατο τοὺς πολεμίους, νύκτωρ δ' 30 ἐπὶ Πατρωνίδα ταῖς δυσχωρίαις καταβὰς forces of Sulla ἀπαντήσαντι τῷ Σύλλᾳ μετὰ τῆς δυνά- μεως συνέμιξεν. and Hortensius. Their opera- 5 Γενόμενοι δὲ κοινῇ καταλαμβάνονται βουνὸν ἐκ μέσων ἑστῶτα τῶν Ἐλατικών πεδίων, tions in Boeotia. εύγεων καὶ ἀμφιλαφῆ καὶ παρὰ τὴν ῥίζαν ὕδωρ ἔχοντα· Φιλοβοιωτὸς καλεῖται, καὶ τὴν φύσιν αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν θέσιν ἐπαινεῖ θαυμασίως ὁ Σύλλας. στρατοπεδεύσαντες δὲ παντάπασιν ὀλίγοι τοῖς πολεμίοις κατεφάνησαν· ἱππεῖς μὲν γὰρ οὐ πλείους πεντακοσίων καὶ χιλίων ἐγένοντο, πεζοὶ δὲ 2 πεντακισχιλίων καὶ μυρίων ἐλάττους. ὅθεν ἐκβια- σάμενοι τὸν ᾿Αρχέλαον οἱ λοιποὶ στρατηγοὶ καὶ παρα- 10 τάξαντες τὴν δύναμιν, ἐνέπλησαν ἵππων ἁρμάτων ἀσπίδων θυρεῶν τὸ πεδίον. τὴν δὲ κραυγὴν καὶ ἀλαλαγμὸν οὐκ ἔστεγεν ὁ ἀὴρ ἐθνῶν τοσούτων ἅμα καθισταμένων εἰς τάξιν. ἦν δὲ ἅμα καὶ τὸ κομπ- ὧδες καὶ σοβαρὸν αὐτῶν τῆς πολυτελείας οὐκ ἀργὸν 15 οὐδ᾽ ἄχρηστον εἰς ἔκπληξιν, ἀλλ᾽ αἵ τε μαρμαρυγαὶ τῶν ὅπλων ἠσκημένων χρυσῷ τε καὶ ἀργύρῳ διαπρεπε 3 ὡς, αἵ τε βαφαὶ τῶν Μηδικῶν καὶ Σκυθικῶν χιτώνων 462 ἀναμεμιγμέναι χαλκῷ καὶ σιδήρῳ λάμποντι πυροειδῆ καὶ φοβερὰν ἐν τῷ σαλεύεσθαι καὶ διαφέρεσθαι προσ- 20 έβαλον ὄψιν, ὥστε τοὺς Ῥωμαίους ὑπὸ τὸν χάρακα συστέλλειν ἑαυτούς, καὶ τὸν Σύλλαν μηδενὶ λόγῳ τὸ θάμβος αὐτῶν ἀφελεῖν δυνάμενον, βιάζεσθαί τε ἀπο- διδράσκοντας οὐ βουλόμενον, ἡσυχίαν ἄγειν καὶ φέρειν βαρέως ἐφυβρίζοντας ὁρῶντα κομπασμῷ καὶ 25 γέλωτι τοὺς βαρβάρους. ὤνησε μέντοι τοῦτο μάλιστα 4 πάντων αὐτόν. οἱ γὰρ ἐναντίοι καταφρονήσαντες XVI 8 25 ΣΥΛΛΑΣ 40 Ο ἐτράποντο πρὸς ἀταξίαν πολλήν, οὐδ᾽ ἄλλως ὑπήκοοι τῶν στρατηγῶν διὰ πολυαρχίαν ὄντες· ὥστ᾽ ὀλίγοι 30 μὲν ἐν τῷ χάρακι διεκαρτέρουν, ὁ δὲ πλεῖστος ὄχλος ἁρπαγαῖς καὶ πορθήμασι δελεαζόμενος ὁδὸν ἡμερῶν πολλῶν ἀπὸ τοῦ στρατοπέδου διεσπείρετο. καὶ τήν τε τῶν Πανοπέων πόλιν ἐκκόψαι λέγονται καὶ τὴν Λεβαδέων διαρπάσαι καὶ συλῆσαι τὸ μαντεῖον, οὐδ 35 ενὶς στρατηγοῦ πρόσταγμα δόντος. ὁ δὲ Σύλλας, ἐν τ ὄμμασιν αὐτοῦ πόλεων ἀπολλυμένων, δυσανασχετῶν καὶ λυπούμενος οὐκ εἴα τοὺς στρατιώτας σχολάζειν, ἀλλὰ προσάγων αὐτοὺς ἠνάγκαζε τόν τε Κηφισσὸν ἐκ τοῦ ῥείθρου παρατρέπειν καὶ τάφρους ὀρύσσειν, ἀνάπαυλαν οὐδενὶ διδοὺς καὶ τῶν ἐνδιδόντων ἀπαραί τητος ἐφεστὼς κολαστής, ὅπως ἀπαγορεύσαντες πρὸς τὰ ἔργα διὰ τὸν πόνον ἀσπάσωνται τὸν κίνδυνον. ὃς καὶ συνέβη· τρίτην γὰρ ἡμέραν ἐργαζόμενοι τοῦ Σύλλα παρεξιόντος ἐδέοντο μετὰ κραυγῆς ἄγειν ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους. ὁ δ᾽ οὐ μάχεσθαι βουλομένων ἀλλὰ μὴ βουλομένων πονεῖν ἔφησεν εἶναι τὸν λόγον· εἰ δ᾽ ὄντως ἔχουσιν ἀγωνιστικῶς, ἐκέλευσεν ἤδη μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων ἐλθεῖν ἐκεῖσε, δείξας αὐτοῖς τὴν πρότερον μὲν γενομένην ἀκρόπολιν τῶν Παραποταμίων, τότε δ' τ ἀνῃρημένης τῆς πόλεως λόφος ἐλείπετο πετρώδης καὶ περίκρημνος, τοῦ Ἡδυλίου διωρισμένος ὄρους ὅσον ὁ Ασσος ἐπέχει ῥέων· εἶτα συμπίπτων ὑπὸ τὴν ῥίζαν αὐτὴν τῷ Κηφισσῷ καὶ συνεκτραχυνόμενος ὀχυρὰν ἐνστρατοπεδεύσαι τὴν ἄκραν ποιεῖ. διὸ καὶ τοὺς 55 χαλκάσπιδας ὁρῶν τῶν πολεμίων ὠθουμένους ἐπ᾿ αὐτὴν ὁ Σύλλας ἐβούλετο φθῆναι καταλαβὼν τὸν τόπον. καὶ κατέλαβε χρησάμενος τοῖς στρατιώταις προθύμοις. ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἀποκρουσθεὶς ἐκεῖθεν ὁ ᾿Αρχέλαος 8 45 50 اد Ο 26 XVI 8 ΠΛΟΥΤΑΡΧΟΥ ὥρμησεν ἐπὶ τὴν Χαιρώνειαν, οἱ δὲ συστρατευσά- μενοι τῶν Χαιρωνέων ἐδέοντο του Σύλλα μὴ τ προέσθαι τὴν πόλιν, ἐκπέμπει τῶν χιλιάρχων ἕνα Γαβίνιον μετὰ τάγματος ἑνὸς καὶ τοὺς Χαιρωνεῖς ἀφίησι, βουληθέντας μέν, οὐ μὴν δυνηθέντας φθῆναι τὸν Γαβίνιον· οὕτως ἦν ἀγαθὸς καὶ προθυμότερος εἰς τὸ σῶσαι τῶν σωθῆναι δεομένων. ὁ δ᾽ Ἰόβας οὐ ἐς Γαβίνιον φησι πεμφθῆναι, ἀλλ᾽ Ερίκιον. ΤΟ mens and oracu- victory to Sulla. 10 Ἡ μὲν οὖν πόλις ἡμῶν παρὰ τοσοῦτον ἐξέφυγε XVII Favourable o- τὸν κίνδυνον, ἐκ δὲ Λεβαδείας καὶ τοῦ la prophecies or Τροφωνίου φῆμαί τε χρησταὶ καὶ νικη- φόρα μαντεύματα τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις ἐξεπέμ ποντο. περὶ ὧν οἱ μὲν ἐπιχώριοι πλείονα λέγουσιν· ὡς δὲ Σύλλας αὐτὸς ἐν δεκάτῳ τῶν ὑπομνημάτων 5 γέγραφε, Κόιντος Τίτιος, οὐκ ἀφανὴς ἀνὴρ τῶν ἐν τῇ Ελλάδι πραγματευομένων, ἧκε πρὸς αὐτὸν ἤδη τὴν ἐν Χαιρωνείᾳ νενικηκότα μάχην ἀπαγγέλλων ὅτι καὶ δευτέραν ὁ Τροφώνιος αὐτόθι μάχην καὶ νίκην προ- 2 σημαίνει ἐντὸς ὀλίγου χρόνου. μετὰ δὲ τοῦτον ἀνὴρ τῶν ἐν τάξει στρατευομένων ὄνομα Σαλουήνιος ἀν- ήνεγκε παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ τέλος οἷον αἱ κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν πράξεις ἔμελλον ἕξειν. ἀμφότεροι δὲ ταὐτὰ περὶ τῆς ὀμφῆς ἔφραζον· τῷ γὰρ Ὀλυμπίῳ Διὶ καὶ τὸ κάλλος 3 καὶ τὸ μέγεθος παραπλήσιον ἰδεῖν ἔφασαν. ἐπειδὴ 15 δὲ διέβη τὸν Ασσον ὁ Σύλλας, παρελθὼν ὑπὸ τὸ Ἡδύλιον τῷ ᾿Αρχελάῳ παρεστρατοπέδευσε, βεβλη- μένῳ χάρακα καρτερὸν ἐν μέσῳ τοῦ ᾿Ακοντίου καὶ τοῦ Ἡδυλίου πρὸς τοῖς λεγομένοις ᾿Ασσίοις. ὁ μέντοι 463 τόπος, ἐν ᾧ κατεσκήνωσεν, ἄχρι νῦν ᾿Αρχέλαος ἀπ᾿ 20 ἐκείνου καλεῖται. διαλιπὼν δὲ μίαν ἡμέραν ὁ Σύλλας Μουρήναν μὲν ἔχοντα τάγμα καὶ σπείρας δύο πρὸς ΤΟ XVII 7 27 ΣΥΛΛΑΣ 5 τὸ τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐνοχλῆσαι παραταττομένοις ἀπέλι- πεν, αὐτὸς δὲ παρὰ τὸν Κηφισσὸν ἐσφαγιάζετο, καὶ 4 25 τῶν ἱερῶν γενομένων ἐχώρει πρὸς τὴν Χαι- Sulla's advance ρώνειαν, ἀναληψόμενός τε τὴν αὐτόθι to Chaironeia. στρατιὰν καὶ κατοψόμενος τὸ καλούμενον Θούριον ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων προκατειλημμένον. ἔστι δὲ κορυφὴ τρα- χεῖα καὶ στροβιλῶδες ὄρος, ὃ καλοῦμεν Ὀρθόπαγον, 30 ὑπὸ δ᾽ αὐτὸ τὸ ῥεῦμα τοῦ Μόλου καὶ Θουρίου νεως Απόλλωνος. ωνόμασται δ᾽ ὁ θεὸς ἀπὸ Θουροὺς τῆς Χαίρωνος μητρός, ὃν οἰκιστὴν γεγονέναι τῆς Χαιρω- νείας ἱστοροῦσιν. οἱ δέ φασι τὴν Κάδμῳ δοθεῖσαν ὑπὸ τοῦ Πυθίου καθηγεμόνα βοῦν ἐκεῖ φανῆναι, καὶ τὸν 35 τόπον ἀπ' αὐτῆς οὕτω προσαγορευθῆναι· θωρ γὰρ οἱ Φοίνικες τὴν βοῦν καλοῦσι. προσιόντος δὲ τοῦ Σύλλα πρὸς τὴν Χαιρώνειαν ὁ τεταγμένος ἐν τῇ πόλει χιλίαρ- χος, ἐξωπλισμένους ἄγων τοὺς στρατιώτας, ἀπήντησε στέφανον δάφνης κομίζων. ὡς δὲ δεξάμενος ἠσπάσατο 6 4ο τοὺς στρατιώτας καὶ παρώρμησε πρὸς τὸν κίνδυνον, ἐντυγχάνουσιν αὐτῷ δύο τῶν Χαιρωνέων ἄνδρες, Ὁμο- λώιχος και Αναξίδαμος, ὑφιστάμενοι τοὺς τὸ Θούριον κατασχόντας ἐκκόψειν, ὀλίγους στρατιώτας παρ' ἐκεί- νου λαβόντες· ἀτραπὸν γὰρ εἶναι τοῖς βαρβάροις ἄδη- 45 λον, ἀπὸ τοῦ καλουμένου Πετράχου παρὰ τὸ Μουσεῖον ἐπὶ τὸ Θούριον ὑπὲρ κεφαλῆς ἄγουσαν, ᾗ πορευθέντες οὐ χαλεπῶς ἐπιπεσεῖσθαι καὶ καταλεύσειν ἄνωθεν αὐ τοὺς ἢ συνώσειν εἰς τὸ πεδίον. τοῦ δὲ Γαβινίου τοῖς τ ἀνδράσι μαρτυρήσαντος ἀνδρείαν καὶ πίστιν, ἐκέλευ- 50 σεν ἐπιχειρεῖν ὁ Σύλλας· αὐτὸς δὲ συνέταττε τὴν φάλαγγα καὶ διένειμε τοὺς ἱππότας ἐπὶ κέρως ἑκατέ ρου, τὸ δεξιὸν αὐτὸς ἔχων, τὸ δ᾽ εὐώνυμον ἀποδοὺς Μουρήνα. Γάλβας δὲ καὶ Ορτήσιος οἱ πρεσβευταὶ 28 XVII i ΠΛΟΥΤΑΡΧΟΥ XVIII σπείρας ἐπιτάκτους ἔχοντες ἔσχατοι παρενέβαλον ἐπὶ τῶν ἄκρων φύλακες πρὸς τὰς κυκλώσεις· ἑωρῶντο 55 γὰρ οἱ πολέμιοι κατασκευάζοντες ἱππεῦσι πολλοῖς καὶ ψιλοῖς ποδώκεσιν εἰς ἐπιστροφὴν τὸ κέρας εὐκαμ τό πὲς καὶ κούφον, ὡς μακρὰν ἀνάξοντες καὶ κυκλωσο- μενοι τοὺς Ρωμαίους. Ἐν δὲ τούτῳ τῶν Χαιρωνέων Ερίκιον ἄρχοντα Battle of Chai. παρὰ τοῦ Σύλλα λαβόντων καὶ περιελθόν- roneia. Τ των ἀδήλως τὸ Θούριον, εἶτ᾽ ἐπιφανέντων, θόρυβος ἦν πολὺς καὶ φυγὴ τῶν βαρβάρων καὶ φόνος ὑπ᾽ ἀλλήλων ὁ πλεῖστος· οὐ γὰρ ὑπέμειναν, ἀλλὰς κατὰ πρανοῦς φερόμενοι τοῖς τε δόρασι περιέπιπτον αὐτοὶ τοῖς ἑαυτῶν καὶ κατεκρήμνιζον ὠθοῦντες ἀλλή λους, ἄνωθεν ἐπικειμένων τῶν πολεμίων καὶ τὰ γυμνὰ παιόντων, ὥστε τρισχιλίους πεσεῖν περὶ τὸ Θούριον. 2 τῶν δὲ φευγόντων τοὺς μὲν εἰς τάξιν ἤδη καθεστὼς ὁ το Μουρήνας ἀπετέμνετο καὶ διέφθειρεν ὑπαντιάζων, οἱ δ᾽ ὠσάμενοι πρὸς τὸ φίλιον στρατόπεδον καὶ τῇ φάλαγγι φύρδην ἐμπεσόντες ἀνέπλησαν δέους καὶ ταραχῆς τὸ πλεῖστον μέρος, καὶ διατριβὴν τοῖς στρα- τηγοῖς ἐνεποίησαν οὐχ ἥκιστα βλάψασαν αὐτούς. 15 ὀξέως γὰρ ὁ Σύλλας ταρασσομένοις ἐπαγαγὼν καὶ τὸ μέσον διάστημα τῷ τάχει συνελὼν ἀφείλετο τὴν τῶν 3 δρεπανηφόρων ἐνέργειαν. ἔρρωται γάρ μάλιστα μήκει δρόμου σφοδρότητα καὶ ῥύμην τῇ διεξελάσει διδόντος, αἱ δ᾽ ἐκ βραχέος ἀφέσεις ἄπρακτοι καὶ 20 Attack of Ar. ἀμβλεῖαι, καθάπερ βελῶν τάσιν οὐ λα- chelaos. βόντων. ὃ δὴ καὶ τότε τοῖς βαρβάροις ἀπήντα, καὶ τὰ πρῶτα τῶν ἁρμάτων ἀργῶς ἐξελαυ- νόμενα καὶ προσπίπτοντα νωθρῶς ἐκκρούσαντες οἱ Ρωμαῖοι μετὰ κρότου καὶ γέλωτος ἄλλα ᾔτουν, ὥσπερ : 25 XIX 2 29 ΣΥΛΛΑΣ 40 εν εἰώθασιν ἐν ταῖς θεατρικαῖς ἱπποδρομίαις. τοὐντεῦ- 4 θεν αἱ πεζαὶ δυνάμεις συνερράγησαν, τῶν μὲν βαρ- 164 βάρων προβαλλομένων τὰς σαρίσας μακρὰς καὶ πειρωμένων τῷ συνασπισμῷ τὴν φάλαγγα διατηρεῖν 30 ἐν τάξει, τῶν δὲ Ῥωμαίων τοὺς μὲν ὑσσοὺς αὐτοῦ καταβαλόντων, σπασαμένων δὲ τὰς μαχαίρας καὶ παρακρουομένων τὰς σαρίσας, ὡς τάχιστα προσμί ξειαν αὐτοῖς δι᾽ ὀργήν. προτεταγμένους γὰρ ἑώρων 5 τῶν πολεμίων μυρίους καὶ πεντακισχιλίους θεράπον- 35 τας, οὓς ἐκ τῶν πόλεων κηρύγμασιν ἐλευθεροῦντες οἱ βασιλέως στρατηγοὶ κατελόχιζον εἰς τοὺς ὁπλίτας. καί τις ἑκατοντάρχης λέγεται Ῥωμαῖος εἰπεῖν ὡς ἐν Κρονίοις μόνον εἰδείη τῆς παρρησίας δούλους μετ- έχοντας. τούτους μὲν οὖν διὰ βάθος καὶ πυκνότητα 6 βραδέως ἐξωθουμένους ὑπὸ τῶν ὁπλιτῶν καὶ παρὰ φύσιν μένειν τολμῶντας αἵ τε βελοσφενδόναι καὶ οἱ γρόσφοι, χρωμένων ἀφειδῶς τῶν κατόπιν Ῥωμαίων, ΧΙΧ ἀπέστρεφον καὶ συνετάραττον· ᾿Αρχελάου δὲ τὸ δεξιὸν κέρας εἰς κύκλωσιν ἀνάγοντος, Ορτήσιος ἐφηκε τὰς σπείρας δρόμῳ προσφερομένας ὡς ἐμβαλῶν πλα- γίοις. ἐπιστρέψαντος δὲ ταχέως ἐκείνου τοὺς περὶ αὑτὸν ἱππεῖς δισχιλίους, ἐκθλιβόμενος ὑπὸ πλήθους προσεστέλλετο τοῖς ὀρεινοῖς, κατὰ μικρὸν ἀπορρηγνύ- μενος τῆς φάλαγγος καὶ περιλαμβανόμενος ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων. πυθόμενος δὲ ὁ Σύλλας ἀπὸ τοῦ δεξιού 2 μήπω συμπεπτωκότος εἰς μάχην ἐδίωκε βοηθῶν. Αρχέλαος δὲ τῷ κονιορτῷ τῆς ἐλάσεως ὅπερ ἦν τεκμηράμενος, Ορτήσιον μὲν εἴα χαίρειν, αὐτὸς δ᾽ ἐπιστρέψας ὥρμησεν ὅθεν ὁ Σύλλας πρὸς τὸ δεξιόν, ὡς ἔρημον ἄρχοντος αἱρήσων. ἅμα δὲ καὶ Μουρήνα Ταξίλης ἐπῆγε τοὺς χαλκάσπιδας, ὥστε τῆς κραυγῆς 5 IO 30 XIX 2 ΠΛΟΥΤΑΡΧΟΥ Defeat and flight of Archelaos. T 20 διχόθεν φερομένης καὶ τῶν ὀρῶν ἀνταποδιδόντων τὴν περιήχησιν ἐπιστήσαντα τὸν Σύλλαν διαπορεῖν, 3 ὁποτέρωσε χρὴ προσγενέσθαι. δόξαν δὲ τὴν ἑαυτοῦ τάξιν αναλαμβάνειν, Μουρήνα μὲν ἀρωγὸν ἔπεμψεν Ορτήσιον ἔχοντα τέσσαρας σπείρας, αὐτὸς δὲ τὴν πέμπτην ἕπεσθαι κελεύσας ἐπὶ τὸ δεξιὸν ἠπείγετο καὶ καθ᾿ ἑαυτὸ μὲν ἀξιομάχως ἤδη τῷ Αρχελάῳ συνεστηκός, ἐκείνου δ᾽ ἐπι- φανέντος παντάπασιν ἐξεβιάσαντο καὶ κρατήσαντες ἐδίωκον πρός τε τὸν ποταμὸν καὶ τὸ ᾿Ακόντιον 4 ὄρος προτροπάδην φεύγοντας. οὐ μὴν ὅ γε Σύλ- 25 λας ήμέλησε Μουρήνα κινδυνεύοντος, ἀλλ᾿ ὥρμησε τοῖς ἐκεῖ βοηθεῖν· ἰδὼν δὲ νικῶντας, τότε τῆς διώξεως μετείχε. πολλοὶ μὲν οὖν ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ τῶν βαρβάρων ἀνηροῦντο, πλεῖστοι δὲ τῷ χάρακι προσ- φερόμενοι κατεκόπησαν, ὥστε μυρίους διαπεσεῖν εἰς 30 Χαλκίδα μόνους ἀπὸ τοσούτων μυριάδων. ὁ δὲ Σύλ λας λέγει τέσσαρας καὶ δέκα ἐπιζητῆσαι τῶν αὐτοῦ στρατιωτών, εἶτα καὶ τούτων δύο πρὸς τὴν ἑσπέραν 5 παραγενέσθαι. διὸ καὶ τοῖς τροπαίοις ἐπέγραψεν "Αρη καὶ Νίκην καὶ ᾿Αφροδίτην, ὡς οὐχ ἧττον εὐτυχίᾳ κατορθώσας ή δεινότητι καὶ δυνάμει τὸν πόλεμον. ἀλλὰ τοῦτο μὲν τὸ τρόπαιον ἕστηκε τῆς πεδιάδος μάχης ᾗ πρῶτον ἐνέκλιναν οἱ περὶ ᾿Αρχέλαον μέχρι παρὰ τὸ Μόλου ῥεῖθρον, ἕτερον δ᾽ ἐστὶ τοῦ Θουρίου κατὰ κορυφὴν βεβηκὸς ἐπὶ τῇ κυκλώσει τῶν βαρ- 40 βάρων, γράμμασιν Ελληνικοῖς ἐπισημαῖνον Ὁμο- 6 λώιχον καὶ ᾿Αναξίδαμον ἀριστεῖς. ταύτης τὰ ἐπινίκια τῆς μάχης ἦγεν ἐν Θήβαις, περὶ τὴν Οἰδιπόδειον κρήνην κατασκευάσας θυμέλην. οἱ δὲ κρίνοντες ἦσαν Ἕλληνες ἐκ τῶν ἄλλων ἀνακεκλημένοι πόλεων, 45 οι Ο 35 XX 4 31 ΣΥΛΛΑΣ ΙΟ τῶν προσ- Punishment of Thebes by Sulla. Sulla goes to confront Flaccus, news of the inva Dorylaos. sion of Greece by ἐπεὶ πρός γε Θηβαίους ἀδιαλλάκτως εἶχε, καὶ τῆς χώρας αὐτῶν ἀποτεμόμενος τὴν ἡμίσειαν τῷ Πυθίῳ καὶ τῷ Ὀλυμπίῳ καθιέρωσεν, ἐκ όδων κελεύσας ἀποδίδοσθαι τὰ χρήματα τοῖς θεοῖς ἅπερ αὐτὸς εἰλήφει. XX Μετὰ ταῦτα πυνθανόμενος Φλάκκον ἀπὸ τῆς 465 ἐναντίας στάσεως ὕπατον ᾑρημένον δια- περᾶν τὸν Ιόνιον μετὰ δυνάμεως, λόγω μὲν ἐπὶ Μιθριδάτην ἔργῳ δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ἐκεῖνον 5 αὐτόν, ὥρμησεν ἐπὶ Θετταλίας ὡς ἀπαν- τήσων. γενομένῳ δ᾽ αὐτῷ περὶ πόλιν Μελίτειαν ἀφικνοῦνται πολλαχόθεν ἀγγελίαι πορθεῖσθαι τὰ κατόπιν αὖθις οὐκ ἐλάττονι στρατιᾷ βασιλικῇ τῆς πρότερον Δορύλαος γὰρ εἰς Χαλκίδα καταχθεὶς 2 το παρασκευῇ νεῶν πολλῇ, ἐν αἷς ἦγεν ὀκτὼ μυριάδας ἠσκημένας καὶ συντεταγμένας ἄριστα δὴ τῆς Μιθρι δατικῆς στρατιᾶς, εὐθὺς εἰς Βοιωτίαν ἐνέβαλε καὶ κατεῖχε τὴν χώραν, προθυμούμενος εἰς μάχην ἐπι- σπάσασθαι τὸν Σύλλαν, οὐ προσέχων ᾿Αρχελάῳ 15 διακωλύοντι, καὶ λόγον περὶ τῆς προτέρας μάχης διαδιδοὺς ὡς οὐκ ἄνευ προδοσίας μυριάδες τοσαῦται διαφθαρεῖεν. οὐ μὴν ἀλλ᾽ ὁ Σύλλας ταχέως ὑπο- στρέψας ἀπέδειξε τῷ Δορυλάῳ τὸν ᾿Αρχέλαον ἄνδρα φρόνιμον καὶ τῆς Ῥωμαίων ἐμπειρότατον ἀρετῆς, 20 ὥστε μικρὰ αὐτὸν τῷ Σύλλᾳ περὶ τὸ Τιλφώσιον ἐμπεσόντα πρῶτον εἶναι τῶν οὐκ ἀξιούντων κρίνεσ- θαι διὰ μάχης, ἀλλὰ δαπάναις καὶ χρόνῳ τρίβειν τὸν πόλεμον. ὅμως δὲ θάρσος τι τῷ ᾿Αρχελάῳ παρ- εἶχεν ὁ πρὸς Ορχομενῷ τόπος, ἐν ᾧ κατεστρατο- 25 πέδευσαν, εὐφυέστατος ὢν ἱπποκρατοῦσιν ἐναγωνί- σασθαι. τῶν γὰρ Βοιωτίων πεδίων ὅ τι πέρ ἐστι 4 3 32 XX 4 ΠΛΟΥΤΑΡΧΟΥ Ο κάλλιστον καὶ μέγιστον, τοῦτο τῆς Ὀρχομενίων ἐξηρτημένου πόλεως ὁμαλὸν ἀναπέπταται καὶ ἄδεν δρον, ἄχρι τῶν ἑλῶν ἐν οἷς ὁ Μέλας καταναλίσκεται ποταμός, ἀνατέλλων μὲν ὑπὸ τὴν πόλιν τῶν Ὀρχο- 30 μενίων πολὺς καὶ πλώιμος ἐν πηγαῖς μόνος τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν ποταμῶν, αὐξόμενος δὲ ὑπὸ τροπὰς θερινὰς ὥσπερ ὁ Νεῖλος, καὶ φέρων ὅμοια τοῖς ἐκεῖ τ τὰ φυόμενα, πλὴν ἄκαρπα καὶ ἀναυξῆ. πόρρω δ᾽ οὐ πρόεισιν, ἀλλὰ τὸ μὲν πλεῖστον εὐθὺς εἰς λίμνας 35 τυφλὰς καὶ ὑλώδεις ἀφανίζεται, μέρος δ᾽ οὐ πολὺ τῷ Κηφισσῷ συμμίγνυται, περὶ ὃν μάλιστα τόπον ἡ λίμνη δοκεῖ τὸν αὐλητικὸν ἐκφέρειν κάλαμον. XXI Roman victory Ο 5 Ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἐγγὺς κατεστρατοπέδευσαν, ὁ μὲν ᾿Αρχέ- λαος ἡσύχαζεν, ὁ δὲ Σύλλας ὤρυττε at Orchomenos. τάφρους ἑκατέρωθεν, ὅπως, εἰ δύναιτο, τῶν στερεών καὶ ἱππασίμων ἀποτεμόμενος τοὺς πολεμίους ὤσειεν εἰς τὰ ἕλη. τῶν δὲ οὐκ ἀνασχομέ νων, ἀλλ' ὡς ἀφείθησαν ὑπὸ τῶν στρατηγῶν, ἐντόνως καὶ ῥύδην ἐλαυνόντων, οὐ μόνον οἱ περὶ τὰ ἔργα τοῦ Σύλλα διεσκεδάσθησαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῦ παρατεταγμένου - συνεχύθη τὸ πλεῖστον φυγόντος. ἔνθα δὴ Σύλλας αὐτὸς ἀποπηδήσας τοῦ ἵππου καὶ σημεῖον ἀναρπάσας ὠθεῖτο διὰ τῶν φευγόντων εἰς τοὺς πολεμίους, βοῶν “ἐμοὶ μὲν ἐνταῦθά που καλὸν ὦ Ῥωμαῖοι τελευτάν, ὑμεῖς δὲ τοῖς πυνθανομένοις, ποῦ προδεδώκατε τὸν αὐτοκράτορα, μεμνημένοι φράζειν ὡς ἐν Ὀρχομενῷ. τούτους τε δὴ τὸ ῥηθὲν ἐπέστρεψε, καὶ τῶν ἐπὶ τοῦ 15 δεξιοῦ κέρως σπειρῶν δύο προσεβοήθησαν, ἃς ἐπ- 3 αγαγὼν τρέπεται τοὺς πολεμίους. ἀναγαγὼν δὲ μικρὸν ὀπίσω, καὶ δοὺς ἄριστον αὐτοῖς, αὖθις ἀπετάφρευε τὸν χάρακα τῶν πολεμίων. οἱ δ᾽ αὖθις ἐν τάξει 10 XXII 2 33 ΣΥΛΛΑΣ 20 μᾶλλον ἢ πρότερον προσεφέροντο. καὶ Διογένης μὲν ὁ τῆς ᾿Αρχελάου γυναικὸς υἱὸς ἀριστεύων ἐπὶ τοῦ δεξιοῦ περιόπτως ἔπεσεν, οἱ δὲ τοξόται, τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἐκβιαζομένων, οὐκ ἔχοντες αναστροφὴν ἀθρόοις τοῖς ὀιστοῖς ἐκ χειρὸς ὥσπερ ξίφεσι παίοντες ἀνέκοπτοι 25 αὐτούς, τέλος δὲ κατακλεισθέντες εἰς τὸν χάρακα μοχθηρῶς ὑπὸ τραυμάτων καὶ φόβου διενυκτέρευσαν. ἡμέρας δὲ πάλιν τῷ χάρακι τοὺς στρατιώτας προσ- αγαγὼν ὁ Σύλλας ἀπετάφρευεν. ἐξελθόντας δὲ τοὺς 4 πολλοὺς ὡς ἐπὶ μάχην συμβαλὼν τρέπεται, καὶ πρὸς τὸν ἐκείνων φόβον οὐδενὸς μένοντος αἱρεῖ κατὰ κρά- 466 τος τὸ στρατόπεδον. καὶ κατέπλησαν ἀποθνήσκον- τες αἵματος τὰ ἕλη καὶ νεκρῶν τὴν λίμνην, ώστε μέχρι νῦν πολλὰ βαρβαρικά τόξα καὶ κράνη καὶ θωράκων σπάσματα σιδηρῶν καὶ μαχαίρας ἐμβεβαπτ- 35 ισμένας τοῖς τέλμασιν εὑρίσκεσθαι, σχεδὸν ἐτῶν διακοσίων ἀπὸ τῆς μάχης ἐκείνης διαγεγονότων. 30 τό Τὰ μὲν οὖν περὶ Χαιρώνειαν καὶ πρὸς Ορχομενῷ XXII τοιαῦτα λέγεται γενέσθαι· Κίννα δὲ καὶ Proceedings of at Rome. tella and her Κάρβωνος ἐν Ῥώμῃ τοῖς ἐπιφανεστά- the two consuls τοις ἀνδράσι χρωμένων παρανόμως καὶ βιαίως, πολλοὶ τὴν τυραννίδα φεύγοντες ὥσπερ εἰς 5 λιμένα του Σύλλα τὸ στρατόπεδον κατεφέροντο, καὶ περὶ αὐτὸν ὀλίγου χρόνου σχῆμα βουλῆς ἐγεγόνει. καὶ Μετέλλα μόλις διακλέψασα ἑαυτὴν Flight of Me- καὶ τοὺς παῖδας, ἧκεν ἀγγέλλουσα τὴν children. οἰκίαν αὐτοῦ καὶ τὰς ἐπαύλεις ὑπὸ τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἐμπε- πρῆσθαι καὶ δεομένη τοῖς οἴκοι βοηθεῖν. ἀπορουμένῳ 2 δ᾽ αὐτῷ, καὶ μήτε τῆς πατρίδος ἀμελεῖν ὑπομένοντι κακουμένης μήτε ὅπως ἄπεισιν ἀτελὲς λιπών τοσοῦ τον ἔργον, τὸν Μιθριδατικὸν πόλεμον, ἐπινοοῦντι, ΤΟ H. S. 3 34 XXII 2 ΠΛΟΥΤΑΡΧΟΥ 3 Conference be- tween Archelaos lion. 20 παραγίνεται Δηλιακὸς ἔμπορος Αρχέλαος, ἐλπίδας τινὰς καὶ λόγους κρύφα παρὰ τοῦ βασιλικοῦ κομίζων 15 Αρχελάου, καὶ τὸ πρᾶγμα Σύλλας οὕτως ἠγάπησεν ὥστ᾽ αὐτὸς εἰς λόγους σπεῦσαι τῷ ᾿Αρχελάῳ συνελ- θεῖν. καὶ συνῆλθον ἐπὶ θαλάττῃ περὶ and sulla apo Δήλιον, οὗ τὸ ἱερὸν τοῦ ᾿Απόλλωνος ἔστιν. ἀρξαμένου δὲ τοῦ ᾿Αρχελάου διαλέγεσθαι, καὶ τὸν Σύλλαν ἀξιοῦντος ἀφέντα τὴν Ασίαν καὶ τὸν Πόντον ἐπὶ τὸν ἐν Ρώμῃ πόλεμον πλεῖν, χρήματα λαβόντα καὶ τριήρεις καὶ δύναμιν ὅσην βούλοιτο παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως, ὑπολαβὼν ὁ Σύλλας Μιθριδάτου μὲν ἀμελεῖν ἐκέλευεν, αὐτὸν δὲ 25 βασιλεύειν ἀντ᾽ ἐκείνου σύμμαχον Ρωμαίων γενόμε- 4 νον καὶ παραδόντα τὰς ναῦς. ἀφοσιουμένου δὲ τοῦ ᾿Αρχελάου τὴν προδοσίαν ‘εἶτα᾽ ἔφη “σὺ μὲν ὦ Αρχέλας, Καππαδόκης ὢν καὶ βαρβάρου βασιλέως δοῦλος, εἰ δὲ βούλει, φίλος, οὐχ ὑπομένεις ἐπὶ τηλι- 30 κούτοις ἀγαθοῖς τὸ αἰσχρόν, ἐμοὶ δὲ ἡγεμόνι Ῥωμαίων ὄντι καὶ Σύλλα τολμᾷς διαλέγεσθαι περὶ προδοσίας, ὥσπερ οὐκ ἐκεῖνος ὢν ᾿Αρχέλαος ὁ φυγων μὲν ἐκ Χαιρωνείας ὀλιγοστὸς ἀπὸ μυριάδων δυοκαίδεκα, κρυφθεὶς δὲ δύο ἡμέρας ἐν τοῖς Ὀρχομενίων ἕλεσιν, 35 ἄβατον δὲ τὴν Βοιωτίαν ὑπὸ νεκρῶν πλήθους ἀπολε- 5 λοιπώς; ἐκ τούτου μεταβαλὼν ὁ ᾿Αρχέλαος καὶ προσκυνήσας ἐδεῖτο παύσασθαι τοῦ πολέμου καὶ διαλλαγῆναι πρὸς τὸν Μιθριδάτην. δεξα- peace on which μένου δὲ τοῦ Σύλλα τὴν πρόκλησιν ἐγέ- 40 The terms of T they agree. νοντο συνθῆκαι, Μιθριδάτην μὲν ᾿Ασίαν ἀφεῖναι καὶ Παφλαγονίαν, ἐκστῆναι δὲ Βιθυνίας Νικομήδει, Καππαδοκίας Αριοβαρζάνῃ, καταβα- λεῖν δὲ Ρωμαίοις δισχίλια τάλαντα καὶ δοῦναι XXIII 4 35 ΣΥΛΛΑΣ 45 ναῦς ἑβδομήκοντα χαλκήρεις μετὰ τῆς οἰκείας παρα- σκευῆς, Σύλλαν δ᾽ ἐκείνῳ τήν τ᾽ ἄλλην ἀρχὴν βεβαι οὖν καὶ σύμμαχον Ῥωμαίων ψηφίζεσθαι. XXIII 5 ΙΟ T Hesitation of Mithridates. Τούτων ὁμολογηθέντων ἀναστρέψας ἐβάδιζε διὰ Θετταλίας και Μακεδονίας ἐπὶ τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον, ἔχων μεθ᾽ αὑτοῦ τὸν ᾿Αρχέλαον ἐν τιμῇ. καὶ νοσή σαντος ἐπισφαλῶς περὶ Λάρισαν ἐπιστήσας τὴν πορείαν, ὡς ἑνὸς τῶν ὑπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἡγεμόνων καὶ στρατη- γῶν ἐπεμελήθη. ταῦτά τε δὴ διέβαλλε τὸ περὶ 2 Χαιρώνειαν ἔργον ὡς οὐχὶ καθαρῶς ἀγωνισθέν, καὶ ὅτι τοὺς ἄλλους Μιθριδάτου φίλους, οὓς εἶχεν αἰχμα λώτους, ἀποδοὺς ὁ Σύλλας ᾿Αριστίωνα μόνον τὸν τύραννον ἀνεῖλε διὰ φαρμάκων ᾿Αρχελάῳ διάφορον ὄντα, μάλιστα δ᾽ ἡ δοθεῖσα γῆ τῷ Καππαδόκῃ μυρίων πλέθρων ἐν Εὐβοίᾳ, καὶ τὸ Ῥωμαίων φίλον αὐτὸν καὶ σύμμαχον ὑπὸ Σύλλα ἀναγραφῆναι. περὶ μὲν 3 οὖν τούτων αὐτὸς ὁ Σύλλας ἐν τοῖς ὑπο- Ο 467 μνήμασιν ἀπολογεῖται· τότε δὲ πρεσβευ- 16 τῶν παρὰ τοῦ Μιθριδάτου παραγενομένων καὶ τὰ μὲν ἄλλα φασκόντων δέχεσθαι, Παφλαγονίαν δ' ἀξιούντων μὴ ἀφαιρεθῆναι, τὰς δὲ ναῦς οὐδ᾽ ὅλως ὁμολογηθῆναι, χαλεπήνας ὁ Σύλλας “τί φατε; εἶπε Μιθριδάτης Παφλαγονίας ἀντιποιεῖται καὶ περὶ τῶν νεῶν ἔξαρνός ἐστιν, ὃν ἐγὼ προσκυνήσειν ἐνόμιζον, εἰ τὴν δεξιὰν αὐτῷ καταλείποιμι χεῖρα, δι' ἧς τοσού- τους Ῥωμαίων ἀνεῖλεν; ἑτέρας μέντοι τάχα φωνὰς 4 ἀφήσει διαβάντος εἰς ᾿Ασίαν ἐμοῦ· νῦν δ᾽ ἐν Περγάμῳ 25 καθήμενος ὃν οὐχ ἑώρακε διαστρατηγεῖ πόλεμον. οἱ μὲν οὖν πρέσβεις φοβηθέντες ἡσύχαζον, ὁ δ᾽ ᾿Αρχέ λαος ἐδεῖτο τοῦ Σύλλα καὶ κατεπράυνε τὴν ὀργήν, ἁπτόμενος τῆς δεξιᾶς αὐτοῦ καὶ δακρύων. τέλος δ' Ο 3-2 36 XXIII 4 ΠΛΟΥΤΑΡΧΟΥ Conference be- 40 ἔπεισεν ἀποσταλῆναι αὐτὸς πρὸς τὸν Μιθριδάτην διαπράξεσθαι γὰρ ἐφ᾽ οἷς βούλεται τὴν εἰρήνην, εἰ δὲ 30 5 μὴ πείθοι, κτενεῖν αὐτὸς αὐτόν. ἐπὶ τούτοις ἐκπέμ ψας ἐκεῖνον αὐτὸς εἰς τὴν Μαιδικὴν ἐνέβαλε, καὶ τὰ πολλὰ διαπορθήσας πάλιν ἀνέστρεψεν εἰς Μακεδ- ονίαν, καὶ τὸν ᾿Αρχέλαον ἐδέξατο περὶ Φιλίππους ἀγγέλλοντα καλῶς ἔχειν πάντα, δεῖσθαι δὲ πάντως 35 6 αὐτῷ τὸν Μιθριδάτην εἰς λόγους ἐλθεῖν. αἴτιος δ' ἦν μάλιστα Φιμβρίας, ὃς τὸν ἀπὸ τῆς ἑτέρας στάσεως ἄρχοντα Φλάκκον ἀνελὼν καὶ τῶν Μιθριδατικών στρατηγών κρατήσας ἐπ᾿ αὐτὸν ἐκεῖνον ἐβάδιζε ταῦτα γὰρ δείσας ὁ Μιθριδάτης μᾶλλον εἵλετο το 10 Σύλλα φίλος γενέσθαι. XXIV Συνῆλθον οὖν τῆς Τρῳάδος ἐν Δαρδάνῳ, Μιθρι δάτης μὲν ἔχων ναῦς αὐτόθι διακοσίας tween Sula and ἐνήρεις καὶ τῆς πεζῆς δυνάμεως ὁπλίτας μὲν δισμυρίους ἱππεῖς δ᾽ ἑξακισχιλίους καὶ συχνὰ τῶν δρεπανηφόρων, Σύλλας δὲ τέσσαρας σπείρας καὶ διακοσίους ἱππεῖς. ἀπαντήσαντος δὲ τοῦ Μιθριδάτου καὶ τὴν δεξιὰν προτείναντος, ηρώτη- σεν αὐτὸν εἰ καταλύσεται τὸν πόλεμον ἐφ᾽ οἷς ὡμολό- γησεν ᾿Αρχέλαος· σιωπῶντος δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως ὁ Σύλλας ἀλλὰ μήν᾽ ἔφη τῶν δεομένων ἐστὶ τὸ προ- 10 τέρους λέγειν, τοῖς δὲ νικῶσιν ἐξαρκεῖ τὸ σιωπᾶν. 2 ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἀρξάμενος τῆς ἀπολογίας ὁ Μιθριδάτης ἐπει- ρᾶτο τοῦ πολέμου τὰ μὲν εἰς δαίμονας τρέπειν τὰ δ᾽ αὐτοὺς αἰτιᾶσθαι τοὺς Ρωμαίους, ὑπολαβὼν ὁ Σύλ λας ἔφη πάλαι μὲν ἑτέρων ἀκούειν νῦν δ᾽ αὐτὸς 15 ἐγνωκέναι τὸν Μιθριδάτην δεινότατον ὄντα ῥητορεύειν, ὃς ἐπὶ πράξεσιν οὕτω πονηραῖς καὶ παρανόμοις λόγων 3 ἐχόντων εὐπρέπειαν οὐκ ἠπόρηκεν. ἐξελέγξας δὲ τὰ Mithridates Dardanos. at XXV 2 37 ΣΥΛΛΑΣ πεπραγμένα πικρῶς ὑπ' αὐτοῦ καὶ κατηγορήσας, 20 πάλιν ἠρώτησεν εἰ ποιεῖ τὰ συγκείμενα δι᾿ Αρχελάου. φήσαντος δὲ ποιεῖν, οὕτως ήσπάσατο και περιλαβὼν ἐφίλησεν αὐτόν, ᾿Αριοβαρζά- νην δ' αὖθις καὶ Νικομήδην τοὺς βασι- Ο Their formal reconciliation and consequent termi Mithridatic war. nation of the first λεῖς προσαγαγὼν διήλλαξεν. ὁ μὲν οὖν Μιθριδάτης 25 ἑβδομήκοντα ναῦς παραδοὺς καὶ τοξότας πεντακοσί ους εἰς Πόντον ἀπέπλευσεν, ὁ δὲ Σύλλας αἰσθόμενος 4 ἀχθομένους τοὺς στρατιώτας τῇ διαλύσει (τὸν γὰρ ἔχθιστον τῶν βασιλέων καὶ δεκαπέντε μυριάδας ἡμέρᾳ μιᾷ τῶν ἐν ᾿Ασίᾳ Ῥωμαίων κατασφαγῆναι παρασκευ- 30 άσαντα δεινὸν ἡγοῦντο μετὰ πλούτου καὶ λαφύρων ὁρᾶν ἐκπλέοντα τῆς ᾿Ασίας, ἣν ἔτη τέσσαρα λεηλατῶν καὶ φορολογῶν διετέλεσεν) ἀπελογεῖτο πρὸς αὐτοὺς ὡς οὐκ ἂν ἅμα Φιμβρίᾳ καὶ Μιθριδάτῃ πολεμεῖν, εἰ συνέστησαν ἀμφότεροι κατ' αὐτοῦ, δυνηθείς. XXV ΙΟ bria. Ορμήσας δ' ἐκεῖθεν ἐπὶ Φιμβρίαν πρὸς Θυατεί ροις στρατοπεδεύοντα καὶ πλησίον κατα- Suicide of Fim- ζεύξας, τάφρον τῷ στρατοπέδῳ περιέ- βαλεν. οἱ δὲ τοῦ Φιμβρίου στρατιῶται μονοχίτωνες 5 ἐκ τοῦ στρατοπέδου προϊόντες ήσπάζοντο τοὺς ἐκεί- νου καὶ συνελάμβανον αὐτοῖς τῶν ἔργων προθύμως. ὁρῶν δὲ ὁ Φιμβρίας τὴν μεταβολὴν καὶ τὸν Σύλλαν ὡς ἀδιάλλακτον δεδοικώς αὐτὸς ἑαυτὸν ἐν τῷ στρα- τοπέδῳ διέφθειρε. Σύλλας δὲ κοινῇ μὲν Sulla's punish- vince of Asia. ἐζημίωσε τὴν ᾿Ασίαν δισμυρίοις ταλάν- ment of the pro 463 τοις, ἰδίᾳ δὲ τοὺς οἴκους ἐξέτριψεν ὕβρει καὶ πολιορκίᾳ τῶν ἐπισταθμευόντων· ἐτέτακτο γὰρ ἑκάστης ἡμέρας τῷ καταλύτῃ τὸν ξένον διδόναι τέσ σαρα τετράδραχμα καὶ παρέχειν δεῖπνον αὐτῷ καὶ 15 φίλοις, ὅσους ἂν ἐθέλῃ καλεῖν, ταξίαρχον δὲ πεντή- 2 38 XXV 2 ΠΛΟΥΤΑΡΧΟΥ XXVI κοντα δραχμὰς λαμβάνειν τῆς ἡμέρας, ἐσθῆτα δ᾽ ἄλλην μὲν οἰκουρῶν ἄλλην δ᾽ εἰς ἀγορὰν προερχόμενος. ᾿Αναχθεὶς δὲ πάσαις ταῖς ναυσὶν ἐξ Ἐφέσου Departure of τριταῖος ἐν Πειραιεῖ καθωρμίσθη, καὶ Sulla from Asia. μνηθεὶς ἐξεῖλεν ἑαυτῷ τὴν ᾿Απελλικῶνος τοῦ Τηίου βιβλιοθήκην, ἐν ᾗ τὰ πλεῖστα τῶν ᾿Αριστ τοτέλους καὶ Θεοφράστου βιβλίων ἦν, οὔπω τότες σαφῶς γνωριζόμενα τοῖς πολλοῖς. λέγεται δὲ κομισθε είσης αὐτῆς εἰς Ρώμην Τυραννίωνα τὸν γραμματικὸν ἐνσκευάσασθαι τὰ πολλά, καὶ παρ' αὐτοῦ τὸν Ρόδιον ᾿Ανδρόνικον εὐπορήσαντα τῶν ἀντιγράφων εἰς μέσον θεῖναι καὶ ἀναγράψαι τοὺς νῦν φερομένους πίνακας. το 2 οἱ δὲ πρεσβύτεροι Περιπατητικοὶ φαίνονται μὲν καθ᾽ ἑαυτοὺς γενόμενοι χαρίεντες καὶ φιλολόγοι, τῶν δ᾽ ᾿Αρι- στοτέλους καὶ Θεοφράστου γραμμάτων οὔτε πολλοῖς οὔτ᾽ ἀκριβῶς ἐντετυχηκότες διὰ τὸ τὸν Νηλέως τοῦ Σκηψιου κλῆρον, ᾧ τὰ βιβλία κατέλιπε Θεόφραστος, 15 εἰς ἀφιλοτίμους καὶ ἰδιώτας ἀνθρώπους περιγενέσθαι. 3 Σύλλᾳ δὲ διατρίβοντι περὶ τὰς Αθήνας ἄλγημα Detained in ναρκώδες μετὰ βάρους εἰς τοὺς πόδας toms of an attack ἐνέπεσεν, ὅ φησιν ὁ Στράβων ποδάγρας of gout, Sulla Greece by symp- Story of Sulla of Halae. visits the ther. ψελλισμὸν εἶναι. διαπλεύσας οὖν εἰς 20 mal springs of Aedepsus. Αἴδηψον ἐχρῆτο τοῖς θερμοῖς ὕδασι, ῥᾳθ- υμῶν ἅμα καὶ συνδιημερεύων τοῖς περὶ τὸν Διόνυσον τεχνίταις. περιπατοῦντος δὲ πρὸς τὴν and the fishermen θάλασσαν ἁλιεῖς τινὲς ἰχθὺς αὐτῷ παγ- κάλους προσήνεγκαν. ἡσθεὶς δὲ τοῖς δώ- ροις, καὶ πυθόμενος ὡς ἐξ ῾Αλῶν εἶεν “ἔτι γὰρ ζῇ τις 4 Αλαίων; ἔφη· ἐτύγχανε γάρ, ὅτε τὴν πρὸς Ορχομενῷ μάχην νενικηκὼς ἐδίωκε τοὺς πολεμίους, ἅμα τρεῖς πόλεις τῆς Βοιωτίας, 'Ανθηδόνα Λάρυμναν Αλάς, αν ΟΤΕ 25 XXVII 4 39 ΣΥΛΛΑΣ 30 ρηκώς. τῶν δ᾽ ἀνθρώπων ὑπὸ δέους ἀφώνων γενομένων, διαμειδιάσας ἐκέλευσεν ἀπιέναι χαίροντας, ὡς οὐ μετὰ φαύλων οὐδ᾽ ἀξίων ὀλιγωρίας ἥκοντας παραιτητών. Αλαῖοι μὲν ἐκ τούτου λέγουσι θαρρήσαντες αὖθις XXVII εἰς τὴν πόλιν συνελθεῖν, Σύλλας δὲ διὰ Sulla prepares to Θετταλίας καὶ Μακεδονίας καταβὰς ἐπὶ embark for Italy. θάλατταν παρεσκευάζετο χιλίαις ναυσὶ καὶ διακοσίαις ἀπὸ Δυρραχίου διαβάλλειν εἰς Βρεντέσιον. ἡ δ᾽ Απολ- 5 λωνία πλησίον ἐστί, καὶ πρὸς αὐτῇ τὸ Νύμφαιον, ἱερὸς τόπος ἐκ χλοερᾶς νάπης καὶ λειμώνων ἀνα- διδοὺς πυρὸς πηγὰς σποράδας ἐνδελεχῶν ῥέοντος. ἐνταῦθά φασί κοιμώμενον ἁλῶναι σάτυρον, οἷον οἱ 2 πλάσται καὶ γραφεῖς εἰκάζουσιν, ἀχθέντα δὲ ὡς 10 Σύλλαν ἐρωτᾶσθαι δι᾽ ἑρμηνέων πολλῶν ὅστις εἴη φθεγξαμένου δὲ μόλις οὐδὲν συνετῶς, ἀλλὰ τραχεῖαν τινα καὶ μάλιστα μεμιγμένην ἵππου τε χρεμετισμῷ καὶ τράγου μηκασμῷ φωνὴν ἀφέντος, ἐκπλαγέντα τὸν Σύλλαν ἀποδιοπομπήσασθαι. μέλλοντος δὲ τοὺς 3 15 στρατιώτας διαπεραιοῦν, καὶ δεδιότος μὴ Devotion of his τῆς Ἰταλίας ἐπιλαβόμενοι κατὰ πόλεις soldiers to him. ἕκαστοι διαρρυῶσι, πρῶτον μὲν ὤμοσαν ἀφ᾽ αὑτῶν παραμενεῖν καὶ μηδὲν ἑκουσίως κακουργήσειν τὴν Ἰταλίαν, ἔπειτα χρημάτων δεόμενον πολλῶν ὁρῶντες ἀπήρχοντο καὶ συνεισέφερον ὡς ἕκαστος εἶχεν εὐπο- ρίας. οὐ μὴν ἐδέξατο τὴν ἀπαρχὴν ὁ Σύλλας, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπαινέσας καὶ παρορμήσας διέβαινεν, ὥς φησιν αὐτός, ἐπὶ πεντεκαίδεκα στρατηγοὺς πολεμίους πεντήκοντα καὶ τετρακοσίας σπείρας ἔχοντας, ἐκδηλότατα τοῦ ας θεοῦ τὰς εὐτυχίας προσημαίνοντος αὐτῷ. Several presa- θύσαντος μὲν γὰρ εὐθέως ᾗ διέβη περὶ ges of victory. 20 25 Τάραντα, δάφνης στεφάνου τύπον ἔχων ὁ λοβὸς 4 40 XXVII 4 ΠΛΟΥΤΑΡΧΟΥ 5 Tifata. Defeat Marius and Nor- banus. ὤφθη, καὶ λημνίσκων δύο κατηρτημένων· μικρὸν δὲ 469 πρὸ τῆς διαβάσεως ἐν Καμπανίᾳ περὶ τὸ Τίφατον ὄρος ἡμέρας ὤφθησαν δύο τράγοι μεγάλοι συμφερ- 30 όμενοι καὶ πάντα δρῶντες καὶ πάσχοντες ἃ συμβαίνει μαχομένοις ἀνθρώποις. ἦν δ᾽ ἄρα φάσμα, καὶ κατὰ μικρὸν αἰρόμενον ἀπὸ γῆς διεσπείρετο πολλαχοῦ τοῦ ἀέρος, εἰδώλοις ἀμαυροῖς ὅμοιον, εἶτα οὕτως ἠφανίσθη. Battle of Mount καὶ μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺν χρόνον ἐν τῷ τόπῳ 35 of the younger τούτῳ Μαρίου τοῦ νέου καὶ Νωρβανοῦ τοῦ ὑπάτου μεγάλας δυνάμεις ἐπαγαγόν των, ὁ Σύλλας οὔτε τάξιν ἀποδοὺς οὔτε λοχίσας τὸ οἰ- κεῖον στράτευμα, ῥώμῃ δὲ προθυμίας κοινῆς καὶ φορᾷ τόλμης ἀποχρησάμενος ἐτρέψατο τοὺς πολεμίους καὶ 40 κατέκλεισεν εἰς Καπύην πόλιν τὸν Νωρβανόν, ἑπτα- 6 κισχιλίους ἀποκτείνας. τοῦτο αἴτιον αὐτῷ γενέσθαι φησὶ τοῦ μὴ διαλυθῆναι τοὺς στρατιώτας κατὰ πόλεις, ἀλλὰ συμμεῖναι καὶ καταφρονῆσαι τῶν ἐναντίων πολ- λαπλασίων ὄντων. ἐν δὲ Σιλουίῳ φησὶν οἰκέτην Πον- 45 τίου θεοφόρητον ἐντυχεῖν αὐτῷ λέγοντα παρὰ τῆς Ἐνυοῦς κράτος πολέμου καὶ νίκην ἀπαγγέλλειν· εἰ δὲ Euring of the μὴ σπεύσειεν, ἐμπεπρήσεσθαι τὸ Καπιτώ- Capitol. Ο 50 λιον. ὃ καὶ συμβῆναι τῆς ἡμέρας ἐκείνης ἧς ὁ ἄνθρωπος προηγόρευσεν· ἦν δ᾽ αὕτη πρὸ μιᾶς το 7 νωνῶν Κυντιλίων, ἃς νῦν Ιουλίας καλοῦμεν. ἔτι δὲ Μάρκος Λεύκολλος, εἷς τῶν ὑπὸ Σύλλα στρατηγούν των, περὶ Φιδεντίαν ἑκκαίδεκα σπείραις πρὸς πεντή- κοντα τῶν πολεμίων ἀντιταχθεὶς τῇ μὲν προθυμίᾳ τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἐπίστευεν, ἀνόπλους δὲ τοὺς πολ- λοὺς ἔχων ώκνει. βουλευομένου δ' αὐτοῦ καὶ διαμέλ- λοντος, ἀπὸ τοῦ πλησίον πεδίου λειμῶνα ἔχοντος αὔρα φέρουσα μαλακὴ πολλὰ τῶν ἀνθέων ἐπέβαλε 55 • XXVIII 4 41 ΣΥΛΛΑΣ τῇ στρατιᾷ καὶ κατέσπειρεν αὐτομάτως, ἐπιμένοντα 6 καὶ περιπίπτοντα τοῖς θυρεοῖς καὶ τοῖς κράνεσιν αὐτῶν, ὥστε φαίνεσθαι τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐστεφανωμέ- νους. γενόμενοι δ᾽ ὑπὸ τούτου προθυμότεροι συνέ- 8 βαλον, καὶ νικήσαντες ὀκτακισχιλίους ἐπὶ μυρίοις ἀπέκτειναν καὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον εἷλον. οὗτος ὁ Λεύ 65 κολλος ἀδελφὸς ἦν Λευκόλλου τοῦ Μιθριδάτην ὕστε- ρον καὶ Τιγράνην καταπολεμήσαντος. XXVIII ΙΟ Desertion of the army of the Cor- consul L nelius Scipio to Ο Ὁ δὲ Σύλλας ἔτι πολλοῖς στρατοπέδοις καὶ μεγά- λαις δυνάμεσι περικεχυμένους αὐτῷ τοὺς πολεμίους ὁρῶν πανταχόθεν ἠπείγετο δυνάμει καὶ δι' ἀπάτης, προκαλούμενος Sulla. 5 εἰς διαλύσεις τὸν ἕτερον τῶν ὑπάτων Σκηπίωνα. δεξαμένου δ᾽ ἐκείνου σύλλογοι μὲν ἐγίνοντο καὶ κοι- 2 νολογίαι πλείονες, ἀεὶ δέ τινα παραγωγὴν καὶ πρό- φασιν ἐμβάλλων ὁ Σύλλας διέφθειρε τοὺς περὶ Σκηπίωνα τοῖς ἑαυτοῦ στρατιώταις, ήσκημένοις πρὸς ἀπάτην καὶ γοητείαν ἅπασαν ὥσπερ αὐτὸς ὁ ἡγεμών εἰσιόντες γὰρ εἰς τὸν χάρακα τῶν πολεμίων καὶ ἀναμιγνύμενοι τοὺς μὲν εὐθὺς ἀργυρίῳ τοὺς δ᾽ ὑπο- σχέσεσι, τοὺς δὲ κολακεύοντες καὶ ἀναπείθοντες προσ- ήγοντο. τέλος δὲ τοῦ Σύλλα μετὰ σπειρῶν εἴκοσι 3 15 προσελθόντος ἐγγὺς οἱ μὲν ἠσπάσαντο τοὺς τοῦ Σκη- πίωνος, οἱ δ᾽ ἀντασπασάμενοι προσεχώρησαν· ὁ δὲ Σκηπίων ἔρημος ἐν τῇ σκηνῇ ληφθεὶς ἠφείθη, Σύλλας δὲ ταῖς εἴκοσι σπείραις ὥσπερ ἠθάσιν ὄρνισι τεσσα- ράκοντα τὰς τῶν πολεμίων παλεύσας ἀπήγαγεν εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον ἅπαντας, ὅτε καὶ Κάρβωνά φασιν εἰπεῖν ὡς ἀλώπεκι καὶ λέοντι πολεμῶν ἐν τῇ Σύλλα ψυχῇ κατοικοῦσιν ὑπὸ τῆς ἀλώπεκος ἀνιῷτο μᾶλλον. ἐκ τούτου περὶ Σίγνιον Μάριος ὀγδοήκοντα καὶ πέντε 4 20 42 XXVIII 4 ΠΛΟΥΤΑΡΧΟΥ at the battle of Sacriportus. σπείρας ἔχων προὐκαλεῖτο Σύλλαν. ὁ δὲ καὶ πάνυ Defeat of the πρόθυμος ἦν διαγωνίσασθαι κατ' ἐκείνην 25 younger Marius τὴν ἡμέραν· ἐτύγχανε γὰρ ὄψιν ἑωρα- κως τοιάνδε κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους· ἐδόκει τὸν γέροντα Μάριον τεθνηκότα πάλαι τῷ παιδὶ Μαρίῳ παραινεῖν φυλάξασθαι τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν ἡμέραν ὡς μεγάλην αὐτῷ δυστυχίαν φέρουσαν. διὰ τοῦτο μὲν 30 δὴ πρόθυμος ὁ Σύλλας ἦν μάχεσθαι, καὶ μετεπέμπετο 470 5 τὸν Δολοβέλλαν ἄπωθεν στρατοπεδεύοντα· τῶν δὲ πολεμίων ἐφισταμένων ταῖς ὁδοῖς καὶ ἀποφραττόντων οἱ τοῦ Σύλλα προσμαχόμενοι καὶ ὁδοποιοῦντες ἔκαμ νον· καὶ πολὺς ὄμβρος ἅμα τοῖς ἔργοις ἐπιγενόμενος 35 μᾶλλον ἐκάκωσεν αὐτούς. ὅθεν οἱ ταξίαρχοι προσ- ιόντες τῷ Σύλλᾳ ἐδέοντο τὴν μάχην αναβαλέσθαι, δεικνύντες ἅμα τοὺς στρατιώτας ἐρριμμένους ὑπὸ κόπου καὶ προσαναπαυομένους χαμᾶζε τοῖς θυρεοῖς 6 κεκλιμένοις. ἐπεὶ δὲ συνεχώρησεν άκων καὶ πρόσ- 40 ταγμα καταζεύξεως ἔδωκεν, ἀρχομένων αὐτῶν τὸν χάρακα βάλλειν καὶ τάφρον ὀρύσσειν πρὸ τῆς στρα- τοπεδείας, ἐπήλαυνε σοβαρῶς ὁ Μάριος προϊππεύων ὡς ἀτάκτους καὶ τεθορυβημένους διασκεδάσων. ἐν- ταῦθα τῷ Σύλλᾳ τὴν κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους φωνὴν ὁ 45 δαίμων συνετέλει ὀργὴ γὰρ αὐτοῦ τοῖς στρατιώταις παρέστη, καὶ παυσάμενοι τῶν ἔργων τοὺς μὲν ὑσσοὺς κατέπηξαν ἐπὶ τῇ τάφρῳ, σπασάμενοι δὲ τὰ ξίφη καὶ συναλαλάξαντες ἐν χερσὶν ἦσαν τῶν πολεμίων. 7 οἱ δ᾽ οὐ πολὺν ὑπέστησαν χρόνον, ἀλλὰ γίνεται πολὺς 50 φόνος αὐτῶν τραπέντων. Μάριος δὲ φεύγων εἰς Πραινεστὸν ἤδη τὰς πύλας εὗρε κεκλειμένας, καλω δίου δὲ ἄνωθεν ἀφεθέντος ἐνζώσας ἑαυτὸν ἀνελήφθη πρὸς τὸ τεῖχος, ἔνιοι δέ φασιν, ὧν καὶ Φενεστέλλας τό XXIX 3 43 ΣΥΛΛΑΣ 55 ἐστίν, οὐδ᾽ αἰσθέσθαι τῆς μάχης τὸν Μάριον, ἀλλ᾽ ἐξ ἀγρυπνιῶν καὶ κόπων ὑπὸ σκιᾷ τινὶ χαμαὶ κατακλι- νέντα τοῦ συνθήματος δοθέντος ἐνδοῦναι πρὸς ὕπνον, εἶτα μόλις ἐξεγείρεσθαι τῆς φυγῆς γενομένης. ἐν8 ταύτῃ τῇ μάχῃ Σύλλας φησὶν εἰκοσιτρεῖς μόνους 6 ἀποβαλεῖν, ἀποκτεῖναι δὲ τῶν πολεμίων δισμυρίους καὶ λαβεῖν ζῶντας ὀκτακισχιλίους. καὶ τἆλλα δ' ὁμοίως εὐτυχεῖτο διὰ τῶν στρατηγών, Πομπηίου Κράσσου Μετέλλου Σερουιλίου· οὐδὲν γὰρ ἡ μικρὰ προσκρούσαντες οὗτοι μεγάλας συνέτριψαν δυνάμεις 65 τῶν πολεμίων, ὥστε τὸν μάλιστα τὴν ἐναντίαν στάσιν συνέχοντα Κάρβωνα νύκτωρ ἀποδράντα τὴν ἑαυτοῦ στρατιὰν εἰς Λιβύην ἐκπλεῦσαι. XXIX Ο Τὸν μέντοι τελευταῖον ἀγῶνα καθάπερ ἔφεδρος ἀθλητῇ καταπόνῳ προσενεχθεὶς ὁ Σαυνί της Τελεσῖνος ἐγγὺς ἦλθε τοῦ σφῆλαι καὶ καταβαλεῖν ἐπὶ θύραις τῆς Ῥώμης. Desperate at- tempt of the Sam. nites under Pon- tius to surprise the Roman capital. 5 ἔσπευδε μὲν γὰρ ἅμα Λαμπωνίῳ τῷ Λευκανῷ χεῖρα πολλὴν ἀθροίσας ἐπὶ Πραινεστὸν ὡς ἐξαρπασόμενος τῆς πολιορκίας τὸν Μάριον· ἐπεὶ δ' 2 ᾔσθετο Σύλλαν μὲν κατὰ στόμα Πομπήιον δὲ κατ' οὐρὰν βοηδρομοῦντας ἐπ᾿ αὐτόν, εἰργόμενος τοῦ πρόσω 10 καὶ ἐπίσω πολεμιστὴς ἀνὴρ καὶ μεγάλων ἀγώνων ἔμπειρος ἄρας νυκτὸς ἐπ᾿ αὐτὴν ἐχώρει παντὶ τῷ στρατοπέδῳ τὴν Ῥώμην. καὶ μικροῦ μὲν ἐδέησεν ἐμπεσεῖν εἰς ἀφύλακτον, ἀποσχὼν δὲ τῆς Κολλίνης πύλης δέκα σταδίους ἐπηυλίσατο τῇ πόλει, μεγαλο- 15 φρονῶν καὶ ταῖς ἐλπίσιν ἐπηρμένος ὡς τοσούτους ἡγεμόνας και τηλικούτους κατεστρατηγηκώς. ἅμα 3 δ' ἡμέρᾳ τῶν λαμπροτάτων νέων ἐξιππασαμένων ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἄλλους τε πολλοὺς καὶ Κλαύδιον "Αππιον, 44 XXIX 3 ΠΛΟΥΤΑΡΧΟΥ εὐγενῆ καὶ ἀγαθὸν ἄνδρα, κατέβαλε. θορύβου δ', οἷον εἰκός, ὄντος ἐν τῇ πόλει καὶ βοῆς γυναικείας καὶ 20 διαδρομῶν ὡς ἁλισκομένων κατὰ κράτος, πρῶτος ὤφθη Βάλβος ἀπὸ Σύλλα προσελαύνων ἀνὰ κράτος ἱππεῦσιν ἑπτακοσίοις. διαλιπων δ᾽ ὅσον ἀναψύξαι τὸν ἱδρῶτα τῶν ἵππων, εἶτ᾽ αὖθις ἐγχαλινώσας διὰ 4 ταχέων ἐξήπτετο τῶν πολεμίων. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ καὶ 25 Σύλλας ἐφαίνετο, καὶ τοὺς πρώτους εὐθὺς ἀριστῶν κελεύων εἰς τάξιν καθίστη. πολλὰ δὲ Δολοβέλλα καὶ Τορκουάτου δεομένων ἐπισχεῖν καὶ μὴ κατακό- πους ἔχοντα τοὺς ἄνδρας ἀποκινδυνεῦσαι περὶ τῶν ἐσχάτων (οὐ γὰρ Κάρβωνα καὶ Μάριον ἀλλὰ Σαυνί- 30 τας καὶ Λευκανούς, τὰ ἔχθιστα τῇ Ῥώμῃ καὶ τὰ πολεμικώτατα φύλα, συμφέρεσθαι), παρωσάμενος 471 αὐτοὺς ἐκέλευσε σημαίνειν τὰς σάλπιγγας ἀρχὴν ἐφόδου σχεδὸν εἰς ὥραν δεκάτην ἤδη τῆς ἡμέρας και 5 ταστρεφούσης. γενομένου δ᾽ ἀγῶνος οἷος οὐχ ἕτερος, 35 Battle of the τὸ μὲν δεξιόν, ἐν ᾧ Κράσσος ἐτέτακτο, Colline gate. vic- λαμπρῶς ἐνίκα, τῷ δ᾽ εὐωνύμῳ πονοῦντι tory of Crassus. καὶ κακῶς ἔχοντι Σύλλας παρεβοήθει, λευκὸν ἵππον ἔχων θυμοειδῆ καὶ ποδωκέστατον· ἀφ᾽ οὗ γνωρίσαντες αὐτὸν δύο τῶν πολεμίων διετείνοντο τὰς 40 λόγχας ὡς ἀφήσοντες. αὐτὸς μὲν οὖν οὐ προενόησε, τοῦ δ᾽ ἱπποκόμου μαστίξαντος τὸν ἵππον ἔφθη παρενεχθείς τοσοῦτον ὅσον περὶ τὴν οὐρὰν τοῦ ἵππου τὰς αἰχμὰς 6 συμπεσούσας εἰς τὴν γῆν παγῆναι. λέγεται δ' ἔχων τι χρυσοῦν ᾿Απόλλωνος ἀγαλμάτιον ἐκ Δελφῶν ἀεὶ 45 μὲν αὐτὸ κατὰ τὰς μάχας περιφέρειν ἐν τῷ κόλπῳ, ἀλλὰ καὶ τότε τοῦτο καταφιλεῖν οὕτω δὴ λέγων ὦ Πύθιε Απολλον, τὸν εὐτυχῆ Σύλλαν Κορνήλιον ἐν τοσούτοις ἀγῶσιν ἄρας λαμπρὸν καὶ μέγαν ἐνταῦθα Decisive XXX 2 45 ΣΥΛΛΑΣ 5· ρίψεις ἐπὶ θύραις τῆς πατρίδος ἀγαγών, αἴσχιστα τοῖς ἑαυτοῦ συναπολούμενον πολίταις; τοιαῦτά φασι 7 τὸν Σύλλαν θεοκλυτοῦντα τοὺς μὲν ἀντιβολεῖν τοῖς δ᾽ ἀπειλεῖν τῶν δ᾽ ἐπιλαμβάνεσθαι· τέλος δὲ τοῦ εὐωνύμου συντριβέντος ἀναμιχθέντα τοῖς φεύγουσιν 55 εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον καταφυγεῖν, πολλοὺς ἀποβαλόντα τῶν ἑταίρων καὶ γνωρίμων. οὐκ ὀλίγοι δὲ καὶ τῶν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως ἐπὶ θέαν προελθόντες ἀπώλοντο καὶ κατ- επατήθησαν, ώστε τὴν μὲν πόλιν οἴεσθαι διαπεπραχτ 8 θαι, παρ' ὀλίγον δὲ καὶ τὴν Μαρίου πολιορκίαν λυθή 6ο ναι, πολλῶν ἐκ τῆς τροπῆς ὠσαμένων ἐκεῖ καὶ τὸν ἐπὶ τῇ πολιορκίᾳ τεταγμένον Οφέλλαν Λουκρήτιον ἀνα- ζευγνύναι κατὰ τάχος κελευόντων, ὡς ἀπολωλότος τοῦ Σύλλα καὶ τῆς Ῥώμης ἐχομένης ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων. XXX او ΠΟ Ἤδη δὲ νυκτὸς οὔσης βαθείας ἧκον εἰς τὸ τοῦ Σύλλα στρατόπεδον παρὰ τοῦ Κράσσου δεῖπνον αὐτῷ καὶ τοῖς στρατιώταις μετιόντες· ὡς γὰρ ἐνίκησε τοὺς πολεμίους, εἰς ῎Αντεμναν καταδιώξαντες ἐκεῖ 5 κατεστρατοπέδευσαν. ταῦτ᾽ οὖν πυθόμενος ὁ Σύλλας, καὶ ὅτι τῶν πολεμίων οἱ πλεῖστοι διολώ Sulla joins Cras- λασιν, ἧκεν εἰς Αντεμναν ἅμ᾽ ἡμέρᾳ, καὶ sus at Antemne. τρισχιλίων ἐπικηρυκευσαμένων πρὸς αὐτὸν ὑπέσχετο δώσειν τὴν ἀσφάλειαν, εἰ κακόν τι τοὺς ἄλλους ἐργα- το σάμενοι πολεμίους ἔλθοιεν πρὸς αὐτόν. οἱ δὲ πιστεύ- 2 σαντες ἐπέθεντο τοῖς λοιποῖς, καὶ πολλοὶ κατεκόπη σαν ὑπ' ἀλλήλων. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ τούτους καὶ τῶν ἄλλων τοὺς περιγενομένους εἰς ἑξακισχιλίους ἀθροίσας παρὰ τὸν ἱππόδρομον, ἐκάλει Massacre of the τὴν σύγκλητον εἰς τὸ τῆς Ἐννοῦς ἱερόν. mite ἅμα δ' αυτός τε λέγειν ἐνήρχετο καὶ κατέ- Senate are κοπτον οἱ τεταγμένοι τοὺς ἑξακισχιλίους. temple of Bellona. ΙΟ surviving Sam- in the Circus, while the sembled in as- the . 46 XXX 3 ΠΛΟΥΤΑΡΧΟΥ 3 κραυγῆς δέ, ὡς εἰκός, ἐν χωρίῳ μικρῷ τοσούτων σφατ- τομένων φερομένης καὶ τῶν συγκλητικῶν ἐκπλαγέν των, ὥσπερ ἐτύγχανε λέγων ἀτρέπτῳ καὶ καθεστηκ- 20 ότι τῷ προσώπῳ προσέχειν ἐκέλευσεν αὐτοὺς τῷ λόγῳ, τὰ δ᾽ ἔξω γινόμενα μὴ πολυπραγμονεῖν· νουθετεῖσθαι 4 γὰρ αὐτοῦ κελεύσαντος ἐνίους τῶν πονηρῶν. τοῦτο καὶ τῷ βραδυτάτῳ Ῥωμαίων νοῆσαι παρέστησεν ὡς ἀλλαγὴ τὸ χρῆμα τυραννίδος, οὐκ ἀπαλλαγὴ γέγονεν. 25 Μάριος μὲν οὖν ἀπ᾿ ἀρχῆς χαλεπὸς ὢν ἐπέτεινεν, οὐ The diferent μετέβαλε τῇ ἐξουσίᾳ τὴν φύσιν· Σύλλας conduct of Sulla δὲ μετρίως τὰ πρῶτα καὶ πολιτικῶς ὁμιλήσας τῇ τύχῃ καὶ δόξαν ἀριστοκρα- 5 τικοῦ καὶ δημωφελοῦς ἡγεμόνος παρασχών, ἔτι δὲ καὶ φιλόγελως ἐκ νέου γενόμενος καὶ πρὸς οἶκτον ὑγρὸς ὥστε ῥᾳδίως ἐπιδακρύειν, εἰκότως προσετρίψατο ταῖς μεγάλαις ἐξουσίαις διαβολὴν ὡς τὰ ἤθη μένειν οὐκ ἐώσαις ἐπὶ τῶν ἐξ ἀρχῆς τρόπων, ἀλλ᾽ ἔμπληκτα καὶ χαῦμα καὶ ἀπάνθρωπα ποιούσαις. before and his supremacy 30 35 Τοῦτο μὲν οὖν εἴτε κίνησίς ἐστι καὶ μεταβολὴ raises the ques- φύσεως ὑπὸ τύχης, εἴτε μᾶλλον ὑποκει- 472 fect produced on μένης ἀποκάλυψις ἐν ἐξουσίᾳ κακίας, tion as to the ef- a man's character XXXI by change fortune. Sulla's scriptions and change of ἑτέρα τις ἂν διορίσειε πραγματεία· τοῦ massacres, pro. δὲ Σύλλα πρὸς τὸ σφάττειν τραπομένου confiscations. καὶ φόνων οὔτ᾽ ἀριθμὸν οὔθ᾽ ὅρον ἐχόντων ἐμπιπλάντος τὴν πόλιν, ἀναιρουμένων πολλῶν καὶ κατ' ἰδίας ἔχθρας οἷς οὐδὲν ἦν πρᾶγμα πρὸς 5 Σύλλαν, ἐφιέντος αὐτοῦ καὶ χαριζομένου τοῖς περὶ αὐτόν, ἐτόλμησε τῶν νέων εἷς, Γάιος Μέτελλος, ἐν τῇ συγκλήτῳ τοῦ Σύλλα πυθέσθαι τί πέρας ἔσται τῶν κακῶν, καὶ ποῖ προελθόντος αὐτοῦ δεῖ πεπαῦσθαι τὰ 2 γινόμενα προσδοκῶν· ‘παραιτούμεθα γάρ᾽ εἶπεν το ΙΟ XXXI 6 47 ΣΥΛΛΑΣ 20 25 ‘οὐχ οὓς σὺ ἔγνωκας ἀναιρεῖν τῆς τιμωρίας, ἀλλὰ τῆς ἀμφιβολίας οὓς ἔγνωκας σώζειν. ἀποκριναμένου δὲ τοῦ Σύλλα μηδέπω γινώσκειν οὓς ἀφίησιν, ὑπο- λαβὼν ὁ Μέτελλος οὐκοῦν᾽ ἔφη “δήλωσον οὓς μέλ 15 λεις κολάζειν. καὶ ὁ Σύλλας ἔφη τοῦτο ποιήσειν. ἔνιοι δ᾽ οὐ τὸν Μέτελλον ἀλλὰ Φουφίδιόν τινα τῶν 3 πρὸς χάριν ὁμιλούντων τῷ Σύλλᾳ τὸ τελευταῖον εἰπεῖν λέγουσιν. ὁ δ᾽ οὖν Σύλλας εὐθὺς ὀγδοήκοντα προέγραψεν, οὐδενὶ τῶν ἐν τέλει κοινωσάμενος. ἀγανακτούντων δὲ πάντων, μίαν ἡμέραν διαλιπών ἄλλους προέγραψεν εἴκοσι καὶ διακοσίους, εἶτα τρίτῃ πάλιν οὐκ ἐλάττους. ἐπὶ δὲ τούτοις δημηγορῶν εἶπεν 4 ὅσους μεμνημένος τυγχάνοι προγράφειν, τοὺς δὲ νῦν διαλανθάνοντας αὖθις προγράψειν. προέγραψε δὲ τῷ μὲν ὑποδεξαμένῳ καὶ διασώσαντι τὸν προγεγραμμένον ζημίαν τῆς φιλανθρωπίας ὁρίζων θάνατον, οὐκ ἀδελ φόν, οὐχ υἱόν, οὐ γονεῖς ὑπεξελόμενος, τῷ δ᾽ ἀποκτείν αντι γέρας δύο τάλαντα τῆς ἀνδροφονίας, κἂν δοῦλος δεσπότην κἂν πατέρα υἱὸς ἀνέλῃ. ὃ δὲ πάντων ἀδικώ 3ο τατον ἔδοξε, τῶν γὰρ προγεγραμμένων ἠτίμωσε καὶ υἱοὺς καὶ υἱωνούς, καὶ τὰ χρήματα πάντων ἐδήμευ σεν. προεγράφοντο δ᾽ οὐκ ἐν Ῥώμη μόνον ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐν πάσῃ πόλει τῆς Ἰταλίας· καὶ throughout Italy. φονευομένων οὔτε ναὸς ἦν καθαρὸς θεοῦ οὔτε ἑστία 35 ξένιος οὔτ᾽ οἶκος πατρῷος, ἀλλὰ καὶ παρὰ γυναιξὶ γαμεταῖς ἄνδρες ἐσφάττοντο καὶ παρὰ μητράσι παῖδες. ἦσαν δ' οἱ δι᾽ ὀργὴν ἀπολλύμενοι καὶ δι' ἔχθραν οὐδὲν μέρος τῶν διὰ χρήματα σφαττομένων, ἀλλὰ καὶ λέγειν ἐπῄει τοῖς κολάζουσιν ὡς τόνδε μὲν ἀνῄρηκεν οἰκία μεγάλη, τόνδε δὲ κῆπος, ἄλλον ὕδατα θερμά. Κόιντος δ' Αυρήλιος, ἀνὴρ ἀπράγμων καὶ 6 40 in Rome and 5 48 XXXI 6 ΠΛΟΥΤΑΡΧΟΥ XXXII XXXIII 2 Story illustra- tive of the time. τοσοῦτον· αὑτῷ μετεῖναι τῶν κακῶν νομί- ζων ὅσον ἄλλοις συναλγεῖν ἀτυχοῦσιν, εἰς ἀγορὰν ἐλθὼν ἀνεγίνωσκε τοὺς προγεγραμμένους, εὑρὼν δ᾽ ἑαυτόν ‘οἴμοι τάλας εἶπε, διώκει με τὸ ἐν 45 ᾿Αλβανῷ χωρίον. καὶ βραχὺ προελθὼν ὑπό τινος ἀπεσφάγη καταδιώξαντος. Suicide of Ma- Fallof Praeneste. Ἐν τούτῳ δὲ Μάριος μὲν ἁλισκόμενος ἑαυτὸν διέφθειρε, Σύλλας δ᾽ εἰς Πραινεστὸν rius the younger. ἐλθὼν πρῶτον μὲν ἰδίᾳ κατ᾽ ἄνδρα κρίνων ἐκόλαζεν, εἶτα ὡς οὐ σχολῆς οὔσης πάν- τας αθρόως εἰς ταὐτὸ συναγαγών, μυρίους καὶ δισχι- 5 λίους ὄντας, ἐκέλευσεν ἀποσφάττειν, μόνῳ τῷ ξένῳ διδοὺς ἄδειαν. ὁ δ᾽ εὐγενῶς πάνυ φήσας πρὸς αὐτὸν ὡς οὐδέποτε σωτηρίας χάριν εἴσεται τῷ φονεῖ τῆς πατρίδος, αναμιχθεὶς ἑκὼν συγκατεκόπη τοῖς πολ- ίταις. L. Sergius Ca- and subsequent own ΙΟ Ἔδοξε δὲ καινότατον γενέσθαι τὸ περὶ Λεύκιον Κατιλίναν· οὗτος γὰρ οὔπω τῶν πραγ- tilina's murder μάτων κεκριμένων ἀνῃρηκὼς ἀδελφὸν Pisswip brother of ἐδεήθη τοῦ Σύλλα τότε προγράψαι τὸν ἄνθρωπον ὡς ζῶντα, καὶ προεγράφη, 15 τούτου δὲ τῷ Σύλλᾳ χάριν ἐκτίνων Μάρκον τινὰ Μάριον τῶν ἐκ τῆς ἐναντίας στάσεως ἀποκτείνας τὴν μὲν κεφαλὴν ἐν ἀγορᾷ καθεζομένῳ τῷ Σύλλᾳ προσή νεγκε, τῷ δὲ περιρραντηρίῳ τοῦ ᾿Απόλλωνος ἐγγὺς ὄντι προσελθὼν ἀπενίψατο τὰς χεῖρας. ship restored in 20 Ἔξω δὲ τῶν φονικῶν καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ τοὺς ἀνθρώ- 473 The Dictator- πους ἐλύπει. δικτάτορα μὲν γὰρ ἑαυτὸν the τρεις κ ανηγόρευσε, δι᾿ ἐτῶν ἑκατὸν εἴκοσι τοῦτο Sulla. Bill τὸ γένος τῆς ἀρχῆς ἀναλαβών εψηφίσθη δ᾽ αὐτῷ πάντων ἄδεια τῶν γεγονότων, 15 person of indemnity passed in his favour. XXXIV I 49 ΣΥΛΛΑΣ ΤΟ πρὸς δὲ τὸ μέλλον ἐξουσία θανάτου δημεύσεως κληρουχιῶν κτίσεως πορθήσεως, ἀφελέσθαι βασι λείαν, ᾧ βούλοιτο χαρίσασθαι. τὰς δὲ διαπρά- 2 σεις τῶν δεδημευμένων οἴκων οὕτως ὑπερηφάνως το ἐποιεῖτο καὶ δεσποτικῶς ἐπὶ βήματος καθεζόμενος ὥστε τῶν ἀφαιρέσεων επαχθεστέρας αὐτοῦ τὰς δωρεὰς εἶναι, καὶ γυναιξὶν εὐμόρφοις καὶ λυρῳδοῖς καὶ μίμοις καὶ καθάρμασιν ἐξελευθερικοῖς ἐθνῶν χώρας καὶ πόλεων χαριζομένου προσόδους, ἐνίοις δὲ 15 γάμους ἀκουσίως ζευγνυμένων γυναικών. Πομπήιόν 3 γέ τοι βουλόμενος οἰκειώσασθαι τὸν His treatment Μάγνον, ἣν μὲν εἶχε γαμετὴν ἀφεῖναι prius. προσέταξεν, Αἰμιλίαν δὲ Σκαύρου θυγατέρα καὶ Μετέλλης τῆς ἑαυτοῦ γυναικός, ἀποσπάσας Μανίου Γλαβρίωνος ἐγκύμονα, συνώκισεν αὐτῷ· ἀπέθανε δ' ἡ κόρη παρὰ τῷ Πομπηίῳ τίκτουσα. Λουκρητίου δ' Οφέλλα τοῦ Μάριον ἐκπολιορκήσαντος 20 of Gnaeus Pom- His disregard siderations shown. in his treatment of Orella Lucre- αἰτουμένου καὶ μετιόντος ὑπατείαν πρώ- of personal con τον μὲν ἐκώλυεν· ὡς δ᾽ ἐκεῖνος ὑπὸ πολ- 25 λῶν σπουδαζόμενος εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν ἐνέ- tius. βαλε, πέμψας τινὰ τῶν περὶ αὑτὸν ἑκατονταρχῶν ἀπέσφαξε τὸν ἄνδρα, καθεζόμενος αὐτὸς ἐπὶ βήματος ἐν τῷ Διοσκουρείῳ καὶ τὸν φόνον ἐφορῶν ἄνωθεν. τῶν δ᾽ ἀνθρώπων τὸν ἑκατοντάρχην συλλαβόντων 30 καὶ προσαγαγόντων τῷ βήματι, σιωπῆσαι κελεύσας τοὺς θορυβοῦντας αὐτὸς ἔφη κελεῦσαι τοῦτο, καὶ τὸν ἑκατοντάρχην ἀφεῖναι προσέταξεν. XXIV Ο μέντοι θρίαμβος αὐτοῦ τῇ πολυτελείᾳ καὶ καινότητι τῶν βασιλικῶν λαφύρων σου Magnificence of βαρὸς γενόμενος μείζονα κόσμον ἔσχε Sulla's triumph. καὶ καλὸν θέαμα τοὺς φυγάδας. οἱ γὰρ ἐνδοξότατοι II. S. 4 4 50 XXXIV I ΠΛΟΥΤΑΡΧΟΥ 10 καὶ δυνατώτατοι τῶν πολιτῶν ἐστεφανωμένοι παρεί- 5 ποντο, σωτῆρα καὶ πατέρα τὸν Σύλλαν ἀποκαλοῦντες ἅτε δὴ δι' ἐκεῖνον εἰς τὴν πατρίδα κατιόντες καὶ 2 κομιζόμενοι παῖδας καὶ γυναῖκας. ἤδη δὲ συνῃρη- μένων ἁπάντων, ἀπολογισμὸν ἐν ἐκκλησίᾳ τῶν πρά- ξεων ποιούμενος οὐκ ἐλάσσονι σπουδῇ τὰς εὐτυχίας ἢ τὰς ἀνδραγαθίας κατηριθμεῖτο, καὶ πέρας ἐκέλευσεν ἑαυτὸν ἐπὶ τούτοις εὐτυχῆ προσαγορεύεσθαι· τοῦτο He assumes the γὰρ ὁ Φήλιξ μάλιστα βούλεται δηλοῦν name of Felixand αὐτὸς δὲ τοῖς Ἕλλησι γράφων καὶ χρη- Gallaren Faustus ματίζων ἑαυτὸν ἐπαφρόδιτος ἀνηγόρευε, 15 and Fausta. His και παρ' ἡμῖν ἐν τοῖς τροπαίοις οὕτως 3 Epaphroditosand good fortune and self-reliance. His Dictatorship. T atlication or the ἀναγέγραπται λεγκιος κορνήλιος είλ- λας επαφρόδιτος. ἔτι δὲ τῆς Μετέλ- λης παιδία τεκούσης δίδυμα τὸ μὲν ἄρρεν φαΫΣΤΟΝ τὸ δὲ θῆλυ φαγεται ὠνόμασε τὸ γὰρ εὐτυχὲς καὶ 20 ἱλαρὸν Ῥωμαῖοι φαΰστον καλοῦσιν. οὕτω δ᾽ ἄρα οὐ ταῖς πράξεσιν ὡς τοῖς εὐτυχήμασιν ἐπίστευεν ὥστε, παμπόλλων μὲν ἀνῃρημένων ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ, καινοτομίας δὲ γενομένης καὶ μεταβολῆς ἐν τῇ πόλει τοσαύτης, ἀποθέσθαι τὴν ἀρχὴν καὶ τὸν δῆμον ἀρχαιρεσιών 25 ὑπατικῶν ποιῆσαι κύριον, αὐτὸς δὲ μὴ προσελθεῖν, ἀλλ' ἐν ἀγορᾷ τὸ σῶμα παρέχων τοῖς βουλομένοις 4 ὑπεύθυνον ὥσπερ ἰδιώτης ἀναστρέφεσθαι. και τις παρὰ γνώμην αὐτοῦ θρασὺς ἀνὴρ καὶ suls for 78/676. πολέμιος ἐπίδοξος ἦν ὕπατος αἱρεθήσεσ 30 Election of con- Marcus Lepidus, a supported by candidate, is θαι, Μάρκος Λέπιδος, οὐ δι' ἑαυτὸν ἀλλὰ Pompeius against Πομπηίῳ σπουδάζοντι καὶ δεομένῳ τοῦ Sulla's wish, who 5 between the two. predicts the feud δήμου χαριζομένου. διὸ καὶ χαίροντα τῇ νίκῃ τὸν Πομπήιον ὁ Σύλλας ἰδὼν ἀπι- όντα καλέσας πρὸς ἑαυτόν ' ὡς καλόν᾽ ἔφη 'σοῦ τὸ 35 XXXV 4 51 ΣΥΛΛΑΣ Death of Sulla's wife Metella dure which he was cele- πολίτευμα ὦ νεανία, τὸ Κάτλου πρότερον ἀναγορεύ σαι Λέπιδον, τοῦ πάντων ἀρίστου τὸν ἐμπληστότα- τον. ὥρα μέντοι σοι μὴ καθεύδειν ὡς ἰσχυρότερον πεποιηκότι κατὰ σαυτοῦ τὸν ἀνταγωνιστήν. 474 Τοῦτο μὲν οὖν ὁ Σύλλας ὥσπερ ἀπεθέσπισε 41 ταχὺ γὰρ ἐξυβρίσας ὁ Λέπιδος εἰς πόλε- μου κατέστη τοῖς περὶ τὸν Πομπήιον" XXXV ἀποθύων δὲ τῆς οὐσίας ἁπάσης ὁ Σύλλας rating in honour τῷ Ἡρακλεῖ δεκάτην ἑστιάσεις ἐποιεῖτο of Hercules. τῷ δήμῳ πολυτελεῖς, καὶ τοσοῦτον περιττὴ ἦν ἡ παρασκευὴ τῆς χρείας ὥστε παμπληθῆ καθ᾽ ἑκάστην 5 ἡμέραν εἰς τὸν ποταμὸν ὄψα ῥιπτεῖσθαι, πίνεσθαι δ᾽ οἶνον ἐτῶν τεσσαράκοντα καὶ παλαιότερον. διὰ 2 μέσου δὲ τῆς θοίνης πολυημέρου γενομένης απέθνησ κεν ἡ Μετέλλα νόσῳ· καὶ τῶν ἱερέων τὸν Σύλλαν οὐκ ἐώντων αὐτῇ προσελθεῖν οὐδὲ τὴν οἰκίαν τῷ κήδει το μιανθήναι, γραψάμενος διάλυσιν τοῦ γάμου πρὸς αὐτὴν ὁ Σύλλας ἔτι ζῶσαν ἐκέλευσεν εἰς ἑτέραν οἰκίαν μετακομισθῆναι. καὶ τοῦτο μὲν ἀκριβῶς τὸ νόμιμον ὑπὸ δεισιδαιμονίας ἐτήρησε, τὸν δὲ τῆς ταφῆς ὁρίς ζοντα τὴν δαπάνην νόμον αὐτὸς εἰσενηνοχὼς παρέβη, 15 μηδενὸς ἀναλώματος φεισάμενος. παρέβαινε δὲ καὶ 3 τὰ περὶ τῆς εὐτελείας τῶν δείπνων ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ τεταγ μένα, πότοις καὶ συνδείπνοις τρυφὰς καὶ βωμολοχίας ἔχουσι παρηγορῶν τὸ πένθος. ὀλίγων δὲ μηνῶν διαγενομένων ἦν μὲν θέα μονο- with Valeria 20 μάχων, οὔπω δὲ τῶν τόπων διακεκριμένων His marriage few months later. ἀλλ᾽ ἔτι τοῦ θεάτρου συμμιγοῦς ἀνδράσι καὶ γυναιξὶν ὄντος ἔτυχε πλησίον τοῦ Σύλλα καθεζομένη γυνὴ τὴν ὄψιν εὐπρεπὴς καὶ γένους λαμπροῦ· Μεσσάλα γὰρ 4 ἦν θυγάτηρ, Ὁρτησίου δὲ τοῦ ῥήτορος ἀδελφή, 4-2 52 XXXV 4 ΠΛΟΥΤΑΡΧΟΥ Οὐαλερία δὲ τοὔνομα συνεβεβήκει δ᾽ αὐτῇ νεωστὶ 25 πρὸς ἄνδρα διάστασις. αὕτη παρὰ τὸν Σύλλαν ἐξόπισθεν παραπορευομένη τήν τε χεῖρα πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀπηρείσατο καὶ κροκύδα τοῦ ἱματίου σπάσασα παρ- ῆλθεν ἐπὶ τὴν ἑαυτῆς χώραν. ἐμβλέψαντος δὲ τοῦ Σύλλα και θαυμάσαντος οὐδέν᾽ ἔφη δεινόν, αυτό- 30 κρατορ, ἀλλὰ βούλομαι τῆς σῆς κἀγὼ μικρὸν εὐτυχίας 5 μεταλαβείν. τοῦτ᾽ ἤκουσεν οὐκ ἀηδῶς ὁ Σύλλας, ἀλλὰ καὶ δῆλος εὐθὺς ἦν ὑποκεκνισμένος ἠρώτα γὰρ ὑποπέμπων αὐτῆς ὄνομα, καὶ γένος καὶ βίον ἐμάν- θανεν. ἐκ δὲ τούτων ῥίψεις ὀμμάτων ἐπ᾽ ἀλλήλους 35 ἐγίνοντο καὶ παρεπιστροφαὶ συνεχεῖς προσώπων καὶ μειδιαμάτων διαδόσεις, τέλος δὲ ὁμολογίαι καὶ συνθέ- σεις περὶ γάμων, ἐκείνῃ μὲν ἴσως ἄμεμπτοι, Σύλλας δ᾽, εἰ καὶ τὰ μάλιστα σώφρονα καὶ γενναίαν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἐκ σώφρονος καὶ καλῆς ἔγημεν ἀρχῆς, ὄψει καὶ 40 λαμυρίᾳ μειρακίου δίκην παραβληθείς, ὑφ᾽ ὧν τὰ αἴσχιστα καὶ ἀναιδέστατα πάθη κινεῖσθαι πέφυκεν. Οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ ταύτην ἔχων ἐπὶ τῆς οἰκίας συνῆν μίμοις γυναιξὶ καὶ κιθαριστρίαις associates of his καὶ θυμελικοῖς ἀνθρώποις, ἐπὶ στιβάδων ἀφ' ἡμέρας συμπίνων. οὗτοι γὰρ οἱ τότε παρ' αὐτῷ δυνάμενοι μέγιστον ἦσαν, Ῥώσκιος ὁ 5 κωμῳδὸς καὶ Σῶριξ ὁ ἀρχιμῖμος καὶ Μητρόβιος ὁ λυσιῳδός, οὗ καίπερ ἐξώρου γενομένου διετέλει μέχρι Nature of his παντὸς ἐρῶν οὐκ ἀρνούμενος. ὅθεν καὶ τὴν νόσον ἀπ' αἰτίας ἐλαφρᾶς ἀρξαμένην ἐξέθρεψε, καὶ πολὺν χρόνον ἠγνόει περὶ τὰ σπλάγχνα το γεγονὼς ἔμπυος, ὑφ᾽ ἧς καὶ τὴν σάρκα διαφθαρεῖσαν εἰς φθεῖρας μετέβαλε πᾶσαν, ὥστε πολλῶν δι᾽ ἡμέρας ἅμα καὶ νυκτὸς ἀφαιρούντων μηδὲν εἶναι μέρος τοῦ XXXVI 2 The scenes and later life. last illness. XXXVII 3 53 ΣΥΛΛΑΣ 15 20 ἐπιγινομένου τὸ ἀποκρινόμενον, ἀλλὰ πᾶσαν ἐσθῆτα καὶ λουτρὸν καὶ ἀπόνιμμα καὶ σιτίον ἀναπίμπλασθαι τοῦ ῥεύματος ἐκείνου καὶ τῆς φθορᾶς· τοσοῦτον ἐξήν- θει. διὸ πολλάκις τῆς ἡμέρας εἰς ὕδωρ ἐνέβαινεν 3 ἐκκλύζων τὸ σῶμα καὶ ἀπορρυπτόμενος. ἦν δ᾽ οὐδὲν ὄφελος· ἐκράτει γὰρ ἡ μεταβολὴ τῷ τάχει, καὶ περιε- γίνετο παντὸς καθαρμοῦ τὸ πλῆθος. λέγεται δὲ τῶν μὲν πάνυ παλαιῶν "Ακαστον φθειριάσαντα τὸν Πελίου τελευτῆσαι, τῶν δ' ὑστέρων ᾿Αλκμάνα τὸν μελοποιὸν καὶ Φερεκύδην τὸν θεολόγον καὶ Καλλισθένη τὸν Ολύνθιον ἐν εἰρκτῇ φρουρούμενον, ἔτι δὲ Μούκιον 475 τὸν νομικόν. εἰ δὲ δεῖ καὶ τῶν ἀπ᾿ οὐδενὸς μὲν χρη- 4 26 στοῦ γνωρίμων δ᾽ ἄλλως ἐπιμνησθῆναι, λέγεται τὸν ἄρξαντα τοῦ δουλικοῦ πολέμου περὶ Σικελίαν δραπέ- την, Εύνουν ὄνομα, μετὰ τὴν ἅλωσιν εἰς Ρώμην ἀγόμενον ὑπὸ φθειριάσεως ἀποθανεῖν. XXXVII His death. ע: Ὁ δὲ Σύλλας οὐ μόνον προέγνω τὴν ἑαυτοῦ τελευ τήν, ἀλλὰ τρόπον τινὰ καὶ γέγραφε περὶ αὐτῆς. τὸ γὰρ εἰκοστὸν καὶ δεύτερον τῶν ὑπομνημάτων πρὸ δυεῖν ἡμερῶν ἢ ἐτελεύτα γρά- 5 φων ἐπαύσατο· καί φησι τούς < τε > Χαλδαίους αὐτῷ προειπεῖν ὡς δέοι βεβιωκότα καλῶς αὐτὸν ἐν ἀκμῇ τῶν εὐτυχημάτων καταστρέψαι. λέγει δὲ καὶ τὸν 2 υἱὸν αὐτοῦ, τεθνηκότα μικρὸν ἔμπροσθεν τῆς Μετέλ- λης, φανῆναι κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους ἐν ἐσθῆτι φαύλῃ παρεστῶτα καὶ δεόμενον τοῦ πατρὸς παύσασθαι τῶν φροντίδων, ἰόντα δὲ σὺν αὐτῷ παρὰ τὴν μητέρα Μετέλλαν ἐν ἡσυχίᾳ καὶ ἀπραγμόνως ζῆν μετ᾿ αὐτῆς. οὐ μὴν ἐπαύσατό γε τοῦ πράττειν τὰ δημόσια. δέκα 3 μὲν γὰρ ἡμέραις ἔμπροσθεν τῆς τελευτῆς τοὺς ἐν 15 Δικαιαρχεία στασιάζοντας διαλλάξας νόμον ἔγραψεν ΙΟ 54 XXXVII 3 ΠΛΟΥΤΑΡΧΟΥ XXXVIII αὐτοῖς καθ᾿ ὃν πολιτεύσονται· πρὸ μιᾶς δὲ ἡμέρας πυθόμενος τὸν ἄρχοντα Γράνιον, ὡς ὀφείλων δημόσιον χρέος οὐκ ἀποδίδωσιν ἀλλ᾽ ἀναμένει τὴν αὐτοῦ τελευ- τήν, μετεπέμψατο τὸν ἄνθρωπον εἰς τὸ δωμάτιον, καὶ περιστήσας τοὺς ὑπηρέτας ἐκέλευσε πνίγειν, τῇ 20 δὲ κραυγῇ καὶ τῷ σπαραγμῷ τὸ ἀπόστημα ῥήξας 4 πλῆθος αἵματος ἐξέβαλεν. ἐκ δὲ τούτου τῆς δυνάμεως ἐπιλιπούσης διαγαγὼν τὴν νύκτα μοχθηρῶς ἀπέθανε, δύο παῖδας ἐκ τῆς Μετέλλης νηπίους καταλιπών. ἡ γὰρ Ουαλερία μετὰ τὴν τελευτὴν αὐτοῦ θυγάτριον 25 ἀπεκύησεν, ὃ πόσταγμαν ἐκάλουν· τοὺς γὰρ ὕστερον τῆς τῶν πατέρων τελευτῆς γενομένους οὕτω Ρωμαίοι προσαγορεύουσιν. Public funeral. Ωρμησαν μὲν οὖν πολλοὶ καὶ συνέστησαν πρὸς Λέπιδον ὡς εἵρξοντες τὸ σῶμα κηδείας τῆς νενομισμένης Πομπήιος δέ, καίπερ ἐγκαλῶν τῷ Σύλλα (μόνον γὰρ αὐτὸν ἐν ταῖς διαθή- καις τῶν φίλων παρέλιπε), τοὺς μὲν χάριτι καὶ 5 δεήσει τοὺς δ᾽ ἀπειλῇ διακρουσάμενος εἰς Ῥώμην παρέπεμψε τὸ σῶμα, καὶ ταῖς ταφαῖς ἀσφάλειαν ἅμα 2 καὶ τιμὴν παρέσχε. λέγεται δὲ τοσοῦτο πλῆθος ἀρωμάτων ἐπενεγκεῖν τὰς γυναῖκας αὐτῷ ὥστε ἄνευ τῶν ἐν φορήμασι δέκα καὶ διακοσίοις διακομιζομένων πλασθῆναι μὲν εἴδωλον εὐμέγεθες αὐτοῦ Σύλλα, πλασθῆναι δὲ καὶ ῥαβδοῦχον ἔκ τε λιβανωτοῦ πολυ- τελοῦς καὶ κινναμώμου. τῆς δ᾽ ἡμέρας συννεφοῦς ἕωθεν οὔσης, ὕδωρ ἐξ οὐρανοῦ προσδοκῶντες ἐνάτης 3 ήραν μόλις ὥρας τὸν νεκρόν· ἀνέμου δὲ λαμπροῦ 15 καταιγίσαντος εἰς τὴν πυρὰν καὶ φλόγα πολλὴν ἐγείραντος ἔφθη τὸ σῶμα συγκομισθὲν ὅσον ἤδη τῆς πυρᾶς μαραινομένης καὶ τοῦ πυρὸς ἀπιόντος ἐκχυθῆ ΙΟ XXXVIII 4 55 ΣΥΛΛΑΣ and epitaph. ναι πολὺν ὄμβρον καὶ κατασχεῖν ἄχρι νυκτός, ὥστε 20 τὴν τύχην αὐτοῦ δοκεῖν τὸ σῶμα συνθάπτειν παρα- μένουσαν. τὸ μὲν οὖν μνημεῖον ἐν τῷ His monument πεδίῳ τοῦ ῎Αρεος ἔστι, τὸ δὲ ἐπίγραμμά φασιν αὐτὸν ὑπογραψάμενον καταλιπεῖν, οὐ κεφά- λαιόν ἐστιν, ὡς οὔτε τῶν φίλων τις αὐτὸν εὖ ποιῶν 25 οὔτε τῶν ἐχθρῶν κακῶς ὑπερεβάλετο. 4 NOTES CHAPTER I Lucius Cornelius Sulla was the architect of his own fortunes. Though a patrician by birth, he had neither an illustrious ancestry nor hereditary wealth. His father had left him so small a property that he paid for his lodgings very little more than a freedman who lived in the same house with him,—a fact of which he was tauntingly reminded, when Dictator, by the man, just before he was flung from the Tarpeian rock for harbouring a proscribed person. Sulla became rich only after he was employed in Numidia, as may be inferred from an anecdote reported of him, which shows at the same time, that although the Romans of that period had declined from the old standard of morals, it was considered even then discreditable to have emerged from the poverty of one's ancestors. $ 1. 1. 1. AEÚKLOS Sé. The concluding clause in the Life of Λεύκιος Lysander, the Greek hero with whom Sulla is compared, is rà uèv oûv περὶ Λύσανδρον οὕτως ἱστορήσαμεν ἔχοντα. ἐκ πατρικίων. The equivalent term, evπaтpidaι 'men of noble family', was the name εὐπατρίδαι by which in the early period of Athenian history the first class in the State were designated. 2. ἄν τις εἴποι, G. § 226, 2 (δ). 3. τῶν δὲ προγόνων αὐτοῦ, G. § 167, 6. 'Poupîvov: P. Cornelius Rufinus (manu quidem strenuus et bellator bonus militarisque disciplinae peritus admodum, sed furax homo et avaritia acri, A. Gell. 4, 8, 2) was twice consul, in 290/464 with M'. Curius Dentatus who defeated the Samnites, and again in 277/477 with M. Junius Brutus, when he distinguished himself in the war with Pyrrhos. (Vell. Paterc. 2, 17, 2 hic (Sulla) natus familia nobili, sextus a Cornelio Rufino, qui bello Pyrrhi inter celeberrimos fuerat duces.) In the following year he became dictator. In 275/479 he was expelled the senate ob luxuriae notam, quod decem pondo libras argenti facti haberet. A. Gell. I. c.; cf. below 1. 5. I 2 57 NOTES ON PLUTARCH'S SULLA The following is the family Stemma:- P. Cornelius Rufinus P. Corn. Rufinus, cos. 290/464 P. Cornelius Rufus, praetor 213/541, the first who was named Sulla P. Cornelius Sulla, praetor 186/568 L. Cornelius Sulla L. CORNELIUS SULLA FELIX, the Dictator. 4. ÚTTαTEÛσαι, consulem factum esse. facti, silver plate'. 6 5. ἀργυρίου κοίλου, argenti ὑπὲρ δέκα λίτρας, beyond ten pounds' weight'. The word Airpa was a Sicelo-Greek form of the Latin libra, denoting (1) a coin, (2) a weight. 6. τοῦ νόμου μὴ διδόντος, On the use of μή 'although the law did not permit', C. Gr. 2, 4. for où with participles not expressing condition see my n. to Them. 9, 3; 23, 3. 7. Tηs Bouληs ¿§éñeσev, senatu motus est, he was turned out of the senate', by the model censor C. Fabricius Luscinus, and his colleague Q. Aemilius Papus 275/479. Cf. Valer. Max. 2, 9, 4 quid de Fabrici Luscini censura loquar? narrauit omnis actas et deinceps narrabit ab eo Cornelium Rufinum duobus consulatibus et dictatura speciosissime functum, quod decem pondo uasa argentea comparasset, perinde ac malo exemplo luxuriosum in ordine senatorio retentum non esse, A. Gell. n. A. 4, 8; 17, 21, 39. C οἱ μετ᾿ ἐκεῖνον ἤδη ταπεινὰ πράττοντες διετέλεσαν, his immediate descendants continued in a mean, humble condition', C. Gr. 1, 1; Ag. 3, 1; Cleom. 18, 2. 9. ἐν οὐκ ἀφθόνοις τοῖς πατρῴοις, G. § 142, 3. § 2. 1. 11. ἐνοίκιον, ‘house-rent. 12. ὠνειδίζετο κτλ., was reproached when he was more prosperous than as it was thought he deserved to be'. 13. μετὰ τὴν ἐν Λιβύῃ στρατείαν, ' after the campaign in Africa' against Jugurtha, in which he served as quaes- tor to Marius. See below ch. III. év Sulla became decidedly rich only after he was employed in Numidia on his mission to Bocchus, which was half military, half diplomatic, and which gained him the clientship of the king of Mauretania. Bocchus needed a clever advocate in Rome for the claims which, by the surrender of Jugurtha, he had gained on the bounty of the republic, and he was willing and able to pay liberally the man who would extol his services and plead for him in the senate. IHNE Hist. Rom. 4, 228. 14. Tŵv kaλŵv тe kảyaðŵv. See lex. to Xen. Oecon. p. 66 b. καὶ Tôs, 'and, pray, how?' On this use of kal in urgent questions see lex. to Xen. Oec. p. 63 b. 16. μηdév, above 1 1. 6. 17. ορθίοις, upright', 'straightforward'. The metaphor is continued in éyke- KIKOTOV 'having declined', 'changed for the worse'. Cf. Agis 3, 5 εγκεκλικό των ἤδη τῇ διαφθορᾷ τοῦ πολιτεύματος ἁπάντων. 58 I 2 NOTES ON μενόντων, G. § 277, 5. 19. εἰς ἴσον—ὄνειδος ἐτίθεντο, pariter pro- brosos iudicabant. Cf. de adulat. c. 2 p. 49 E Tòv píλov Els TÒ KaλÒV τιθέμενοι καὶ ὠφέλιμον. § 4. 1. 22. ἀπελευθερικὸς ἄνθρωπος, one of the class of libertini. 23. δοκῶν κρύπτειν ἕνα τῶν προγεγραμμένων, ‘being suspected of concealing one of the proscribed'. els is here used for Tis qui- dam, an usage not unfrequent with the partitive genitive in later Greek. Cf. Cleom. 7, 2 τῶν ἐφόρων ἕνα, 37, 2 οἰκέτην ἕνα τῶν συνο ειδότων, Arat. 5 ἦν δὲ τῶν φυγάδων ἑνὸς Ξενοκλέους ἀδελφός, Fab. 1, 1 νυμφών μιᾶς Ηρακλεῖ μιγείσης, Crass. 1, 2 τῶν Ἑστιάδων μια παρθένων, Isae. de Pyrrh. her. § 37 ξενίας φεύγων ὑπὸ ἑνὸς τῶν φρατόρων. 24. κατακρημνίζεσθαι, “to be thrown down the (Tarpeian) rock', Dem. de f. leg. p. 445, 11. 26. συνοικίᾳ, insula, a lodging-house', a house in which several families live. τῶν avw, 'for the upper rooms'. 27. νούμμους, sestertios. 28. το μeragú, 'the difference between'. Cf. Timocl. Mapal. 1 (Mein. Frag. Com. Gr. 3, 6o7) : ὅσον τὸ μεταξὺ μετὰ κορίσκης ἢ μετὰ χαμαιτύπης—κοιμᾶσθαι. CHAPTER II We may judge of Sulla's general personal appearance from his statues, which however do not represent his remarkably blue piercing eyes, and the blotched complexion, from which he is said to have derived his name and which the wits of Athens loved to ridicule (§ 1). The associates of his youth, before he emerged from obscurity, were not such as became the future dictator; he was such a lover of drollery that he spent his time in the company of actors and buffoons; and, even when at the height of his power, he could not divest himself of these low tastes and habits, but still continued his dissolute course of life, indulging in buffoonery unbecoming his age, to the degradation of his office and the too frequent sacrifice of serious business. Stiff and inflexible as he generally was, in his hours of relaxation he aban doned himself to enjoyment so completely that his boon companions could get what they pleased from him. He was passionately eager in the pursuit of pleasure and dissipation, and continued his libertinism even in his old age (§ 2-§ 3). His slender patrimony was increased by the liberality of his step-mother and of a courtezan named Nico- polis, both of whom left him all their fortune (§ 4). § 1. 1. 3. ἐπὶ τῶν ἀνδριάντων φαίνεται, “is visible in the sta- tues of him': See ind. gr. s.v. èπl. There are two coins bearing the head of Sulla given by V. Duruy in his Histoire des Romains, T. II p. 467; one issued by the gens Cornelia. 4. δεινῶς πικράν, 'marvellously piercing'. V. ind. gr. s.v. deɩvŵs. 5. ἄκρατον, austeram, stern'. 11 2 59 PLUTARCH'S SULLA ἄκρατος, (α, κεραννύναι) non temperatus, merus, austerus veluti vinum, unde notio translata est in homines et res, quibus nil additum est, quo ad usum suaviores redderentur (Wyttenbach Not. p. 142 B): 'unmitigated', 'unchastened', untempered'. Cf. de solert. anim. 7, 5 p. 964 Β ταῦτα μὲν ἄκρατα καὶ πικρὰ φαίνεται, haec nimis acerba videtur esse et libera insectatio, de adulat. p. 49 E οὐδὲ ἀηδῆς ὁ φίλος, οὐδ᾽ ἄκρατος, coniug. praec. 29 p. 142 B ἂν δ' άρα φύσει τις αυστηρα καὶ ἄκρατος γένηται καὶ ἀνήδυντος, εὐγνωμονεῖν δεῖ τὸν ἄνδρα, Pelop. 19, Ι τὸ φύσει θυμοειδὲς αὐτῶν καὶ ἄκρατον ἀνιέναι καὶ ἀνυγραίνειν, Pomp. c. 53, 1 ή σεμνότης οὐκ ἄκρατον ἀλλ᾽ εὔχαριν ἔχουσα τὴν ὁμιλίαν, Cim. 15 άκρατον δημοκρατίαν. φοβερωτέραν προσιδεῖν, G. § 261, 2. 6. ἐξήνθει, a technical term for eruptions and skin diseases (36, 2), whence the medical term 'exanthemata'. It is applied by Thucydides to the skin on which such eruptions appear, 2, 49, 3 τὸ ἔξωθεν σῶμα φλυκταίναις μικραῖς καὶ ἕλκεσιν ἐξηνθηκός. 7. τραχύ, G. § 142, 3. 8. τούνομα τῆς χρόας ἐπίθετον, nomen suum ex colore appositum. Coriol. c. 11 τῷ τρίτῳ (ὀνόματι) ἐχρήσαντο πράξεώς τινος ἢ τύχης ἢ ἰδέας ἢ ἀρετῆς ἐπι θέτῳ. We do not know on what this etymology is founded. The word is generally derived from surula (surla, sulla) a diminutive of sura, and reckoned among the cognomina derived from some per- sonal peculiarity, such as Asper, Brutus, Capito, Cato, Naso, Scipio, Cicero. 9. Αθήνησι, a relic of an original locative case, G. § 61 Note 2, HA. § 220. γεφυριστών, 'gibers', 'scof- fers', lit. 'bridge-folk'. See ind. gr. s.v. Sulla did not forget these insults when he took Athens (c. 13). Cf. de garrul. c. 7, Mor. P. 505 C: χαλεπῶς δὲ (ὁ Σύλλας) ἔσχε πρὸς τοὺς Αθηναίους διὰ τοὺς λόγους μᾶλλον ἢ διὰ τὰ ἔργα. κακῶς γὰρ αὐτὸν ἔλεγον καὶ τὴν Με- τέλλαν, ἀναπηδῶντες ἐπὶ τὰ τείχη καὶ σκώπτοντες συκάμινον ἐσθ᾽ ὁ Σύλλας, ἀλφίτῳ πεπασμένον. 10. εἰς τοῦτο ποιήσας, making (the following verse) on it': Apophth. p. 186 Β Αισχύλου ποιήσαντος εἰς Αμφιάραον· οὐ γὰρ δοκεῖν ἄριστος ἀλλ᾽ εἶναι δοκεῖ', Nic. c. 9 σκώπτον- τας εἰς τὸν τρίβωνα καὶ τὴν κόμην, Lyc. c. 19 σκώπτοντος ᾿Αττικοῦ τινος τὰς λακωνικὰς μαχαίρας εἰς τὴν μικρότητα. συκάμινον ἀλφίτῳ πεπασμένον, ‘a mulberry sprinkled with meal. ἄλ φιτον is rarely found in the singular. 13. φιλοσκώμμονα, § 2. 1. 11. τῶν τεκμηρίων, G. § 168. 16. συνακολασταίνειν, “to be dissolute with them, to 30, 5. join in their wanton amusements', Mor. p. 140 B coniug. praec. 16 τὸ συνακολασταίνειν καὶ παροινεῖν οὐ μεταδιδόασι (οἱ Πέρσαι) ταῖς γαμεταῖς, Ρ. 594 D de gen. Socr. 25 πρὸς ἄνεσιν τραπέσθαι μετὰ τῶν εἰωθότων αὐτῷ συνακολασταίνειν, Demetr. c. 24 ὅτε... ταῖς πόρναις συνακολασταίνοι. For the allusion cf. 36, 1, Valer. Max. 6, 9, 6: L. Sulla, usque ad quaesturae suae comitia, vitam libidine, vino, ludicrae artis amore inquinatam perduxit. 17. τῶν ἀπὸ σκηνῆς, scenicorum, 'stage-players, actors'. Cf. Dem. de cor. § 180 τούτων τινα (τῶν ἡρώων τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς σκηνῆς. The members of the chorus were called θυμελικοί, 36, I. 19. διαπληκτίζεσθαι τοῖς σκώμμασι, ‘to bandy coarse jests with them. Cf. Timol. 14, 2 διαπληκτιζόμενον ἐν μέσῳ τοῖς ἀφ᾿ ὥρας ἐργαζομένοις γυναίοις (of Dionysius the Tyrant at Corinth). On this use of διά 60 II 2 NOTES ON τοῦ γήρως in composition see my note to Them. 5, 2, 1. 3. ἀωρότερα, ‘too unseasonable for, unbecoming, his old age', G. § 175, HA. § 755. 20. πρὸς τῷ καταισχύνειν τὸ ἀξίωμα τῆς ἀρχῆς, 'besides degrading the dignity of his office', HA. § 959. καταισχύνειν, 'to put to shame', 'show oneself unworthy of, is common: in Plutarch: de malign. Herod. p. 863 Ε 'Αργείοι κατῄσχυναν ἂν τὸν Ἡρακλέα καὶ τὴν εὐγένειαν, de fac. lun. p. 929 Α γῆ καταισχύνουσα τὴν καλὴν ἐπωνυ- μίαν, i.e. non se dignam tam pulchro cognomine praebens, Thes. 7, Ι τὸν πα- τέρα καταισχύνων, Num. 1ο τὴν παρθενίαν καταισχύνασα, Arist. το πειρα- σόμεθα μὴ καταισχύνειν τοὺς προηγωνισμένους ἀγῶνας (operam dabimus ne dehonesteinus priora nostra fortiter facta), Eum. 7 οὐ καταισχύνας ὁ Κρά- τερος τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον, Demetr. 24 Κλεαίνετος ἑαυτὸν κατῄσχυνεν (suam ipse pudicitiam prodidit), Artox. 9, I ὦ τὸ κάλλιστον ἐν Πέρσαις ὄνομα Κύρου κατ αισχύνων. Cf. Aristoph. Nub. 1220 ατὰρ οὐδέποτέ γε τὴν πατρίδα καται σχυνώ, Αν. 1451 τὸ γένος οὐ καταισχύνω, Dem. de cor. § 26r οὐ κατῄσχυνας οὐδὲν τῶν προϋ πηργμένων τῷ μετὰ ταῦτα βίῳ, Eur. Hel. 845 τὸ Τρωικὸν γὰρ οὐ καταισχυνώ κλέος, Ion 736 οὐ καταισχύνασ' ἔχεις τοὺς σοὺς παλαιοὺς ἐκ- γόνους αυτόχθονας. - § 3. 1. 22. οὐ γὰρ ἦν τῷ Σύλλᾳ περὶ δεῖπνον ὄντι χρήσα- σθαι σπουδαῖον οὐδέν, ‘for it was not possible to engage Sulla in any serious business, when he was once at table'. Cf. Phoc. c. 21 fin. πάντα πιστεύων καὶ πάντα χρώμενος ἐκείνῳ, Pomp. 67, Ι ἔνιοί φασι διὰ τοῦτο καὶ Κάτωνι μηδὲν ἄξιον σπουδῆς χρήσασθαι Πομπή- τον. 23. évepyós, 'a man of business'. 24. σκυθρωπότερος, 'austere rather than otherwise'. Xen. Mem. 2, 7, 12 iλapai avтi ἀντὶ σκυθρώπων ἦσαν, 3, 1ο, 4 ἐπὶ τοῖς ἀγαθοῖς φαιδροί, ἐπὶ δὲ τοῖς κακοῖς σκυθρωποί γίγνονται. 25. ἀθρόαν ἐλάμβανε μεταβολήν, 'all at once underwent a total change'. Cf. Aristot. Pol. 5, 8, 3 ἡ μετάβασις άθρόα γίγνεται. ὁπότε ἑαυτὸν—καταβάλοι, κιν cumque se abiceret, G. § 233, 'whenever he plunged into' 'gave him- self up to'. 26. συνουσίαν, 'a party of boon companions'. Dem. c. Mid. § γι ἐν συνουσίᾳ τινὶ καὶ διατριβῇ οὕτως ἰδίᾳ. πότον, potionem, a drinking-bout', 13, 3; ποτόν would mean ‘a drink', 35, 3. 27. πρὸς πᾶσαν ἔντευξιν ὑποχείριος καὶ κατάντης, ‘manageable and easily disposed to grant any kind of request'. pa, 'a diseased result or form'. μα, 29. νόση- 30. ευχέρεια, 'proclivity, proneness'. Cf. Mor. p. 271 Β τῆς πρὸς τὸν ὅρκον εὐχερείας, p. 712 A ἡ πρὸς τὰ σκώμματα καὶ βωμολοχίας ευχέρεια, Lucian Prom. 9 πρὸς ὀργὴν εὐχέρειαν. ῥύσις, incontinence. § 4. 1. 31. συνήντησεν αὐτῷ, ei obtigit, befel him'. τὸ τοιοῦτον, explained by the γάρ which follows, but which need not be translated, 31, 4. 34. χάριν, ἣν ἀφ᾿ ὥρας εἶχεν, 'the favour which he found on account of his youth'. "pa denotes the 'freshness and vigour of youth' without any accessory notion of beauty: cf. Timol. 14, 2 τοῖς ἀφ' ὥρας ἐργαζομένοις γυναίοις (quaestum corpore facien- tibus). περιελθὼν εἰς, ending in'. Cf. Herod. 7, 88 ἐς φθίσιν περιήλθε ή νόσος. 35. τῆς ἀνθρώπου. See n. to Them. 16, 2 36. ἐκληρονόμησε τὴν μητρυιάν, he succeeded to the inheritance of his step-mother'. For the construction cf. Dio Cass. 56, 32 ὧν τοὺς πατέρας ἐκεκληρονομήκει, Poseidon. ap. 1. 22. 7 III I 61 PLUTARCH'S SULLA Athenae. 5, 48 p. 24 f. áπоlavóvтα кλпроνoμýσas, Alciphron Ep. 1, 39, η ἔναγχος γὰρ πλούσιον κεκληρονόμηκε πατέρα τὸ μειρά κιον. CHAPTER III When Marius in his first consulship 107/647 was appointed to the conduct of the campaign against Jugurtha in Africa, L. Sulla ac- companied him as his quaestor. He had not yet gained much experience in war, but he soon made his mark and got the credit of bringing the war to a close by his daring and cunning. It happened that he was in favour with King Bocchus, because of the services he had once rendered the Mauretanian envoys on their way to Rome. Now the King was at this time negotiating with Marius respecting the terms of an alliance with Rome. He had a secret plan for seizing the person of Jugurtha, who had taken refuge with him after his defeat, and betraying him to the Romans. Bocchus required the cooperation of the Romans to play his game, and, as Sulla had gained his confidence and was no doubt acquainted with his schemes and intentions, he invited him to his court, intending to make use of him as an instru- ment for carrying out his design. Sulla agreed to undertake the perilous task and started on this important expedition with a small escort, to put himself in the hands of a man known to be treacherous and untrustworthy, who played a double game with the Romans and Jugurtha, and who had thus obtained provisional hostages from both sides in the persons of Sulla and his own son-in-law. Bocchus remained for some time undecided which of the two he should betray, but in the end resolved to abide by his first decision to sacrifice Jugurtha, and thus the arch-traitor fell by the treachery of his own relatives. The victory was primarily associated with the name of Marius, before whose triumphal car the King was led: but it could not be denied that he had the least important share in the actual success and the glory of the day. The credit of the capture of Jugurtha rested with Sulla, to whom people were glad to give it out of dislike for Marius. Marius, himself a vain man, was jealous of the rising fame of Sulla, who also was of an arrogant temper and not disposed to let his services be forgotten. Sulla's appetite for distinction grew when he had once tasted its sweets, and he had a seal-ring cut in commemoration of his success- ful perfidy, which he wore constantly. The device was Bocchus surrendering and Sulla receiving the surrender of Jugurtha. § 1. 1. 1. ἀποδειχθεὶς ταμίας, ‘on being appointed (lit. declared) quaestor', 107/047 in his 31st year. 2. υπατεύοντι ὑπατείαν, G. § 159. 4. πολεμήσων Ἰογόρθαν, ‘to make war upon Jugurtha'. Cf. for the construction Lucull. 6, I шоλeµÝσоνтα Ι πολεμήσοντα Μιθριδάτην, Cat. ma. 26, I πολεμοῦντας ἀλλήλους, Moral. p. 349 A πολεμῶν τοὺς βαρβάρους, Diod. Sic. 4, 61 ὁ Μίνως πολεμῶν ἐπαύ σατο τὰς Αθήνας σаTо Tàs 'A0ývas (Athenas oppugnare desiit), Pausan. 8, 46 "Av- γουστος ᾿Αντώνιον πολεμῶν (bello adgressus Antonium), Alciphr. 62 III I NOTES ON ep. 3, 22 (de vulpibus uvas infestantibus) ἐπεὶ γὰρ ἐπολέμουν τὰς σταφυλάς. 5. rd άλλa, 'generally', G. § 160, 2. 6. πарεîXEV εavтòv eúdókiμov: Sall. Iug. c. 96 Sulla...rudis antea et ignarus belli sollertissimus omnium in paucis tempestatibus factus est. It was a skilful manoeuvre of Sulla's which saved the Roman army from a great reverse on its return march from Mulucha to Cirta (ib. 101, 8). But it was more especially his brilliant expedi- tion to the desert, which led to the capture of Jugurtha, that made his courage, his presence of mind, his acuteness, his power over men to be recognized by the whole army (Mommsen H. R. II p. 169). καιρῷ παραπεσόντι χρησάμενος εὖ, making a good use of an accidental occasion, an opportunity that offered'. Cf. Thuc. 4, 23, 3 σκοποῦντες καιρὸν εἴ τις παραπέσοι, Xen. eq. mag. 7, 4 οπότε καιρὸς παραπέσοι, Plat. legg. 8, 842 A ὁπόταν γε δή μοι δόξῃ τις παραπεπτωκέναι καιρός, Dem. Olynth. r, 8 οὐ δεῖ τοιοῦτον παραπεπτωκότα καιρὸν ἀφεῖναι, Polyb. 1, 75, 9; 11, 16, I καιροῦ παραπεσόντος. Bóκxoυ, Bocchus, King of Mau- retania and father-in-law of Jugurtha, with whom he played a double game, at first supporting him in his resistance to the Ro- mans, but subsequently betraying him to them (Mar. c. 10). His kingdom, originally restricted to the region of Tingis (Morocco), afterwards extended to the region of Caesarea (province of Algiers) and to that of Sitifis (western half of the province of Constantine). As Mauretania was twice enlarged by the Romans, first in 105/649 after the surrender of Jugurtha and then in 46/708 after the breaking up of the Numidian kingdom, it is probable that the region of Caesarea was added on the first, and that of Sitifis on the second augmentation. Mommsen Hist. Rom. III p. 170 note. 8. πρεσβευτάς, legatos. The usual attic form is πρέσβεις, but see n. on C. Gr. 6, 3 and cf. Timol. 9, 2. ληστήριον Νομαδικόν, a band of Numidian brigands'. tor. c. 14, Cf. Ser- C. 14, I ἀντὶ λῃστηρίου μεγάλου στρατὸν ἐποιεῖτο τὴν δύναμιν, Dio Cass. 76, 10 ληστήριον στησάμενος ὡς ἑξακοσίων ἀνδρῶν, Xen. Hell. 5, 4, 42 ἐκπέμπων λῃστήρια ἔφερε καὶ ἦγε τοὺς Θηβαίους, Aesch. c. Timarch. p. 27, 8 § 181 αἱ προπετεῖς τοῦ σώμα τος ἡδοναὶ καὶ τὸ μηδὲν ἱκανὸν ἡγεῖσθαι, ταῦτα πληροῖ τὰ λῃστήρια. 9. ὑποδεξάμενος καὶ φιλοφρονηθείς, giving them a kind and hospitable reception'. The reader will find the meaning and con- struction of the latter word explained in my note on Tib. Gr. 4, 2. The story is thus told by Sallust Iug. c. 103: Tum rursus Bocchus ...ex omni copia necessariorum quinque deligit,...Eos ad Marium ac deinde, si placeat, Romam legatos ire iubet; agendarum rerum et quo- cumque modo belli componendi licentiam permittit. Illi mature ad hiberna Romanorum proficiscuntur; deinde in itinere a Gaetulis latronibus circumventi spoliatique, pavidi, sine decore, ad Sullam perfugiunt, quem consul, in expeditionem proficiscens, pro praetore reliquerat. Eos ille non pro vanis hostibus, ut meriti erant, sed accurate ac liberaliter habuit; qua re barbari et famam Romanorum avaritiae falsam et Sullam ob munificentiam III 3 63 PLUTARCH'S SULLA in sese amicum rati...Igitur quaestori mandata Bocchi patefaciunt; simul ab eo petunt uti fautor consultorque sibi adsit; copias, fidem, magnitudinem regis sui et alia, quae aut utilia aut benevolentiae esse credebant, oratione extollunt; dein, Sulla omnia pollicito, docti quo modo apud Marium, item apud senatum, verba facerent, circiter dies quadraginta ibidem opperiuntur. 10. πομπὴν ἀσφαλῆ παρασχών, providing a safe conduct', 'an escort to protect them', Alc. 31, ο πρέσβεσιν Αθηναίων πρὸς βασι- λέα πομπήν μετ' ἀσφαλείας παρασχεῖν, Demetr. 30 τὴν Δηϊ- δάμειαν εἰς Μέγαρα ἐξέπεμψαν μετὰ τιμῆς καὶ πομπῆς πρεπούσης, Cic. 41 ἐρχομένῃ τῇ θυγατρὶ τοσαύτην ὁδὸν οὐ πομπὴν πρέπουσαν πά- ρεσχεν. § 2. 1. 11. ἐτύγχανε ἔτι γε πάλαι... μισῶν, ‘it happened that Bocchus still disliked, as he had done for some time', G. § 200 Note 4. γαμβρὸν ὄντα, ' though he was his son-in-law. η 16. ἢ δι᾽ αὑτοῦ. There is a latent comparative force in verbs like βούλομαι, ἐλπίζω, ἐπιθυμῶ, ζητῶ, φθάνω etc. Cf. Eumen. 8, 3 λέγεται γελάσαι τὸν ᾿Αντίπατρον καὶ εἰπεῖν ὅτι θαυμάζει τὸν Εὐμένη τῆς προνοίας ἐλπίζοντα λόγον αὐτοῖς ἀποδώσειν τῶν βασιλικῶν ἢ λήψεσθαι παρ' αὐτῶν, Timol. 2, 2. κοινωσάμενος δὲ τῷ Μαρίῳ, after communicating with Marius. Sallust's version of the story is different. He says (Iug. 105, 2) that Bocchus wrote to Marius requesting him to send Sulla to him, cuius arbitratu de communibus negotiis consuleretur. Is missus cum praesidio equitum atque pedi- tum, item funditorum Balearium; praeterea iere sagittarii et cohors Peligna cum velitaribus armis, itineris properandi causa. 19. ὑπὲρ τοῦ παραλαβεῖν ἕτερον, with a view to getting another man's person from him'. On this sense of ὑπέρ see n. on Xen. Hier. 3, Plut. comp. Ag. et Cleom. 3, 1; 4, 2. < § 3. 1. 20. οὐ μὴν ἀλλά, however, an elliptical expression, see on 20, 3; 30, 2. 22. τοῦ παρασπονδῆσαι τὸν ἕτερον, ‘οἱ breaking faith with one or the other'. Cf. Polyb. 1, 10, 4 Ρηγίνους παρεσπόνδησαν, Ι, 43, 2 ἐπεβάλοντο παρασπονδεϊν αὐτούς, Diod. Sic. ut p. 576 ed. Wesseling παρεσπόνδησε τοὺς μισθοφόρους. πολλὰ διενεχθεὶς τῇ γνώμῃ, after long debate with himself', 'great fluctuations in his resolution'. See ind. gr. s. v. διαφέρειν. Sall. Iug. c. 1o8 sed ego comferior Bocchum magis Punica fide quam ob ea quae praedicabat, simul Romanos et Numidam spe pacis adtinuisse, multumque cum animo suo volvere solitum, Iugurtham Romanis an illi Sullam traderet; lubidinem advorsum nos, metum pro nobis suasisse. 26. τοῦ κατορθώματος, the successful enterprise. See ind. gr. 27. ἣν ὁ Μαρίου φθόνος Σύλλα προσετίθει, which their dislike of Marius was for ascribing to Sulla'. Cf. Mar. 1o καὶ τοῦτο (the surrender of Jugurtha) πρῶτον ὑπῆρξεν αὐτοῖς σπέρμα τῆς ἀνηκέστου καὶ χαλεπῆς ἐκείνης στάσεως, ἢ μικρὸν ἐδέησεν ἀνατρέψαι τὴν Ρώμην. Πολλοί γὰρ ἐβούλοντο του Σύλλα τὸ ἔργον εἶναι, τῷ S. v. 64 III 3 NOTES ON Μαρίῳ φθονοῦντες αὐτός τε ὁ Σύλλας σφραγίδα ποιησάμενος ἐφύρει γλυφὴν ἔχουσαν ἐγχειριζόμενον ὑπὸ τοῦ Βάκχου τὸν Ἰογόρθαν ἑαυτῷ. καὶ ταύτῃ χρώμενος ἀεὶ διετέλει, φιλότιμον ἄνδρα...ἐρεθίζων τὸν Μάριον. 28. παρελύπει τὸν Μάριον ἡσυχῇ, grieved Marius secretly. Cf. Thuc. 8, 69, 2 τοῖς δ᾽ ἐν τῇ ξυνωμοσίᾳ εἴρητο ἡσυχῇ ubi schol. explicat per κρύφα, Plut. Alc. 24 ἡσυχῇ προγνοὺς καὶ φοβηθείς. § 4. 1. 31. εἰς τοῦτο φιλοτιμίας προῆλθεν, “he advanced to such an excess of vanity'. Cf. Dem. c. Timocr. § 183 p. 757, 16 εἰς τοῦτ᾽ ἀναισθησίας καὶ τόλμης προεληλύθασι, Olynth. 3 § 3 p. 29, 18 εἰς πᾶν προελήλυθε μοχθηρίας τὰ παρόντα, c. Mid. § 131 p. 557, 24 ἐφ' ὅσον φρονήματος ἤδη προελήλυθε. 32. γλυψάμενος, G. § 199 Note 2. We have the same story in the Life of Marius c. 10, 3 quoted above, and again in the pol. praec. c. 12 p. 806 Β: ὁ γὰρ Σύλλας, ὅτε τῷ Μαρίῳ στρατηγοῦντι συνῆν ταμιεύων ἐν Λιβύῃ, πεμφθεὶς ὑπ' αὐτοῦ πρὸς Βόκχον, ἤγαγεν Ἰογόρθαν αἰχμάλωτον, οἷα δὲ νέος φιλότιμος, ἄρτι δόξης γεγευμένος, οὐκ ἤνεγκε μετρίως τὸ εὐτύχημα, γλυψάμενος δ' εἰκόνα τῆς πράξεως ἐν σφραγίδι, τὸν Ἰογόρθαν αὐτῷ παραδιδόμενον, ἐφόρει καὶ τοῦτο ἐγκαλῶν ὁ Μάριος ἀπέρριψεν αὐτόν. ἐν δακτυλίῳ, ἐπ annulo on a seal-ring'. 33. καίγε ‘and what is more. 31. ἡ γραφή = γλυφή, “the subject represented', ' device'. CHAPTER IV Notwithstanding his secret annoyance, Marius knew that Sulla would be useful, and he still thought him beneath his jealousy; so he continued to employ him as his legatus in his second consulskip in the campaigns against the Cimbri and Teutones. Here again Sulla highly distinguished himself by his capture of Copillus, King of the Tectosages. In the next year he served under him as tribunus militum (§ 1). But in the third year, secing or supposing that Marius was jealous and unwilling to give him opportunities of distinguishing himself, he joined the army of Marius' colleague Lutatius Catulus, under whom he made successful raids against the Alpine tribes. Catulus entrusted him with matters of the greatest importance. On one occasion, when the army was much in want of provisions, Sulla brought into the camp enough for the men of Catulus and also for those of Marius, who were suffering from scarcity. This circumstance, as Sulla himself states in his Memoirs, gave great offence to Marius (§ 2-§ 3). So childish was the motive which led to such disastrous results, civil broils and blood- shed and finally a despotism and revolution—a proof that Euripides did well and wisely to represent ambition as the most deally chemy to mankind (§ 4). IV I 65 PLUTARCH'S SULLA § 1. 1. 1. μὲν οὖν. The μέν has reference to δέ, the οὖν simply means 'then'. ἔτι δὲ ἡγούμενος ἐλάττονα τοῦ φθο veîolai, but, as he still continued to regard him as a person too unimportant for him to envy', 'beneath his jealousy'. Cf. Arat. 15, I μeiswv podvou, i.e. 'too great for envy to do him harm'. 3. τὸ δεύτερον ὑπατεύων (ἐχρῆτο) πρεσβευτῇ, in his second consulship (he employed him) in the capacity of legatus'. This was in 104/650 when Sulla was 34 years old. 5. χιλιάρχῳ, tribuno militum. This was in 103/651, the year in which the Cimbri and Teutones had gone to Spain. The tribuni militum belonged to the higher classes, while the centurions were taken from the lower classes of society. They were young men of educa- tion or property, who, under the system of conscription, which existed in the later Republic, might easily have avoided military service. The command of the legion was divided among six tribuni militum, each of whom commanded the whole legion for two months. For a long time the nomination of the tribuni was´ vested in the consuls, who commanded the legions to which they were attached, but in 361/393 a portion of them were chosen by the people in the Comitia tributa, and the choice of the rest left to the commander-in-chief. Those who were appointed by the people were named the tribunes of the first four legions and classed among the magistratus, as we learn from the lex Servilia of Glaucia. LONG R. R. 2, 28. πολλὰ δι᾽ ἐκείνου τῶν χρησίμων κατωρθοῦτο, ‘many useful enterprises were successfully accomplished by his means'. 6. πρεσβεύων, 'as legate. 7. TEKTOσάуWV. The Tectosages Τεκτοσάγων. were one of the two tribes of the Volcae, a powerful Celtic people in Gallia Narbonensis extending from the Pyrenees and the frontiers of Aquitania along the coast as far as the Rhone. The country of the Tectosages reached as far as Narbo Martius (Narbonne): their chief town was Tolosa (Toulouse). A portion of them left their native country and were one of the three great tribes which composed the Galatian people, occupying a position between the other two, the Trocmi and Tolistobogii, and adopting Ancyra as their seat of government, which was regarded also as the me- tropolis of the whole of Galatia (Strabo 4, 1, 13; Plin. nat. hist. 3, 4). Bp Lightfoot, Introd. to the Galatians p. 6, p. 248. 8. πoλvávůрwπov, 'numerous'. Cf. Polyb. Cf. Polyb. 3, 37, 11; Toλvav- θρωπότατα ἔθνη 10, Ι, 2. πολυαν Mapooús. The Marsi were an ancient nation of central Italy, of Sabine origin, who dwelt in the highland around the basin of the lake Fucinus, where they had for their neighbours the Peligni on the E., the Sabines and Vestini on the N., and the Aequians, Hernicans and Volscians on the W. and S. From 304/459, a few years after a peace and alliance was made between Rome and the Samnites and Sabellian tribes, which was broken by the Marsi taking up arms to oppose the foundation of the Roman colony at Carseoli, they became the brave and faithful allies of Rome (Verg. Georg. 2, 167; Hor. Carm. 2, 20, 18; 3, 5, 9) and occupied a prominent position among the 'socii', who contributed so large a share to Roman victories. They were the prime movers in the great struggle of the Italian allies against Rome, known as the Marsic or Social war, which broke out in 91/663. Pompaedius Silo, one of the chief authors of this contest, was himself a Marsian. In 90/664 the Roman consul P. Rutilius was defeated and slain by them, but C. Marius retrieved the disaster, and, in conjunction with Sulla, gained a decisive victory over them. But his colleague Q. Caepio was cut to pieces with his whole army. In the next year 89/665 the consul L. 'Porcius H. S. 5 66 IV 1 NOTES ON Cato was slain in a battle near the lacus Fucinus, but Cn. Pompeius Strabo gradually subdued the Marsians, who, notwithstanding their obstinate resistance, were admitted to favourable terms and received, in common with the rest of the Italians, the full rights of Roman citizens. § 2. 1. 9. ἐκ τούτων, propter haec. 10. αισθόμενος-μηκέτι προϊέμενον ἡδέως πράξεων ἀφορμάς, perceiving that he was no longer glad to give him opportunities of action'. After verbs of 'perceiv- ing' 'knowing' etc. où is the proper negative, when the participle But dependent upon them can be resolved into a finite sentence. Plutarch does not follow classical usage in this respect. Cf. Nic. 9 τῷ μὲν ἀδικημάτων μεγάλων, τῷ δὲ κατορθωμάτων ἀφορμάς παρείχε, Lysandr. 23 οὐ παρείχεν αὐτῷ πράξεων ἀφορμάς. ... Ι 12. Κάτλῳ προσένειμεν ἑαυτόν, Catulo se adiunxit, he attached himself to Catulus'. Cf. pseudo-Dem. c. Aristog. I § 43 P. 783, 15 οὐ σωφρονοῦσι προσνέμοντες αὑτοὺς τούτῳ, pseudo-Dem. Epist. 3 p. 1475, I ταῖς τοῦ δήμου προαιρέσεσι προσένειμεν ἑαυτόν, pseudo-Dem. epitaph. § 12 p. 1392, 12 ὅπου τὸ δίκαιον εἴη τεταγμένον, ἐνταῦθα προσνέμοντες ἑαυτούς: in the passive Dem. Olynth. 2 § 29, p. 26, 25 οἱ δ᾽ ἄλλοι προσνενέμησθε οἱ μὲν ὡς τούτους, οἱ δὲ ὡς ἐκείνους (a passage, however, bracketed by Reh- dantz-Blass; the same words occur in the pseudo-Demosthenes περὶ συντάξεως § 20, p. 172, 5), Polyb. 9, 36, 7 ὑμᾶς ἔδει Φιλίππῳ μᾶλλον ἢ τούτοις ἑαυτοὺς προσνέμειν, 6, 1ο, 9 ἔμελλον ἀεὶ τῷ δικαίῳ προσνέμειν ἑαυτούς. I have not been able to find any good classical authority for the expression. 13. ἀνδρὶ χρηστῷ, Fa worthy, kind man': Mar. 14, 4 Κάτλον ἄνδρα καὶ τιμώμενον ὑπὸ τῶν ἀρίστων καὶ τοῖς πολλοῖς οὐκ ἐπαχθῆ. ἀμβλυτέρῳ πρὸς τοὺς ἀγῶνας, ' too deficient in energy for action', 'not keen enough as a soldier'. Cf. Alcib. 30, 4 ἀμβλυτέρους ἐποίησε πρὸς τὴν μάχην, Cat. mai. 24, 6 ἀμβλύτερος εἰς τὰ πολιτικά, Nic. 9 ἀμ- βλυτέρους πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον, Mor. p. 652 D ἀμβλύτεροι πρὸς τὰς συνουσίας. ὑφ' οὗ τὰ μέγιστα πιστευόμενος, ‘by whom being intrusted with the most important commissions'. 14. The construction πιστεύομαί τι is only found in later Greek : cf. Polyb. 8, 17, 5 συνέβαινε τον Καμβύλον πεπιστεῦσθαί τι τῶν φυλακτηρίων, 2, 7, 9 παρ' οἷς πιστευθέντες πάλιν ἐσύλησαν τὸ τῆς ᾿Αφροδίτης ἱερόν, Dio Cass. 36, 8 το πιστευθῆναί με τὴν ἐπὶ τὸν Σερτώριον στρατηγίαν, 79, Ι οὗ τὴν φρουρὰν ἐπεπίστευτο, Diod. Sic. 17, 8ο πεπιστευμένον τοὺς βασιλέως θησαυρούς Ep. ad Rom. 3, 2 ἐπιστεύθησαν τὰ λόγια τοῦ θεοῦ, 1 Cor. 9, 17, Gal. 2, 7, I Thess. 2, 4. ( 15. ἅμα δόξῃ, as well as reputation'. § 3, 1. 17. άyopas, 'things sold in the market,' 'provisions' 18. τοσαύτην ἐποίησε περιουσίαν. Cf. Xen. Oec. 2, 10; II, 13, 21, 9. 19. ἐν ἀφθόνοις, 'in plenty'. Cf. Χen. An. 3, 2, 25 ἐν ἀφθόνοις βιοτεύειν, Dem. de cor. § 256 p. 312, 18 ἐν ἀφθόνοις τραφείς, Plut. Lucull. 8, 8, Crass. 19, I, Timol. 24, 4 ἐν ἀφθόνοις διάγειν. 20. προσπαρασχεῖν, ‘to furnish besides, Thuc. I, 9, 3, Plut. Timol. 8, 3 τὴν δεκάτην Λευκαδίων προσπαρασχόντων. 21. φησὶν αὐτός, in his Υπομνήματα, V 67 PLUTARCH'S SULLA which are referred to several times, 5, 1; 6, 5; 14, 2; 16, 1; 17, 1; 19, 4; 23, 3; 27, 3; 27, 6; 28, 8; 37, 1; Mar. 25, 4. loxvpas dviâσa, 'that he greatly annoyed'. See lex. to Xen. Oecon. p. 62 s. v. loxvpŵs. § 4. 1. 21. μèv oûv, 'so then', 4, 1; the our is resumptive; μév answers to the dé in the beginning of the following chapter. 22. μelpakiódη, 'childish', predicate adjective. Plat. rep. 5, 13 p. 466 Β ἀνόητος καὶ μειρακιώδης δόξα, Polyb. 1ο, 33, 6 τοὺς ἢ διὰ κενοδοξίαν ἢ μειρακιώδη στάσιν περιπίπτοντας τοῖς τοιούτοις ἀλογήμασιν. λαβοῦσα ὑπόθεσιν, ansam, materiam, occasionem nacta, 'having a foundation', 'ground', 'occasion'. Cf. 6, 1, Arat. 18, 1 ἑτέραν ἔλαβε τῆς πράξεως ὑπόθεσιν, Pyrrh. 13, Ι ἔλαβε πραγμάτων καινῶν τοιαύτην ὑπόθεσιν. 23. Xwpovσa, ‘going on and on', 'continuing'. αἵματος ἐμφυλίου, civil bloodshed. Cf. Aesch. Suppl. 449 öμaiμov aîμa yiyveтai, Eur. Suppl. 148 aîμa ovyyevés. In Soph. Oed. T. 1406 the phrase does not mean 'murder of a kinsman, but 'kindred blood', 'incestuous kinship'. See Jebb ad l. 24. ἀνηκέστων, desperate', 9, 2 τὴν στάσιν οὐκέτι καθεκτὴν ἀλλ' ἀνήκεστον. 25. ἀπέδειξε τὸν Εὐριπίδην σοφὸν ἄνδρα, 20, 3. 27. διακελευσάμενον, qui monat, G. $ 277, 2. The passage referred to is from the speech of Iocasta, Phoeniss. 531 ff.:— τί τῆς κακίστης δαιμόνων ἐφίεσαι φιλοτιμίας, παῖ; μὴ σύ γ'· ἄδικος ἡ θεός πολλοὺς δ᾽ ἐς οἴκους καὶ πόλεις εὐδαίμονας ἐσῆλθε κἀξῆλθ᾽ ἐπ' ὀλέθρῳ τῶν χρωμένων ἐφ' ᾗ σὺ μαίνει· κεῖνο κάλλιον, τέκνον, ισότητα τιμᾶν κτλ. CHAPTER V Sulla becomes ambitious for civil distinction. He is an un- successful candidate for the praetura urbana. His failure he at- tributes in his Memoirs to the common people, who, expecting from him, as a friend of king Bocchus, a rare show of African lions and other wild animals in the public games, which it was usual for a curule aedile to give, elected some one else to the praetorship, with the view of forcing Sulla to serve as aedile. But this could not have been the real ground of his rejection, for in the year following, when he was again a candidate for the praetorship, by the help of canvassing and bribery he succeeded (§ 1-§ 2). On the expiration of his year of office he is made governor of Cilicia, and is charged with a commission avowedly to settle the dispute about the possession of Cappadocia, but really to curb the aggressive spirit of the ambitious Pontic king Mithridates. With a handful of troops, and the contingents of the Asiatic allies, he crossed the Taurus and drove the governor Gordius along with his Armenian auxiliaries out of Cappadocia and set up Ario- barzanes on his throne (§ 3). 5-2 68 V NOTES ON When in following out his expedition he arrived in the region of the Euphrates, the Romans came for the first time into contact with the Parthians, the great power of the East, who, in consequence of the variance between them and Tigranes, had occasion to make approaches to the Romans for an alliance and friendship with them. This was a rare piece of good fortune for Sulla. At the interview, Sulla, bolder than Orobazus, the general of Arsaces IX, assumed and maintained the place of honour between the king of Cappadocia and the Parthian ambassador, who afterwards forfeited his life to his master's resentment at this insult to his dignity. Some were pleased with Sulla's treatment of the barbarians; others thought it an ill- timed display of pride (§ 4-§ 5). On this occasion a professed astrologer from Chaldaea prognosti cated the great future awaiting Sulla. On his return Sulla is threatened with a prosecution for bribery by C. Censorinus, but the action was never brought (§ 5-§ 6). 4. ἐπὶ § 1. 1. 3. δοὺς ἑαυτόν : cf. Tib. Gr. 13, 2 δεδωκότος ἑαυτὸν εἰς τὴν πρὸς ἐκεῖνον ἐχθρών, Dem. de Cor. p. 288, 12 § 179 ἔδωκ' ἑαυτὸν ὑμῖν εἰς τοὺς περιεστηκότας τῇ πόλει κινδύνους, § 219 ἔδωκεν ἑαυτὸν εἰς οὐδὲν τῇ πόλει, Diod. Sic. 18, 47 δόντες ἑαυτοὺς εἰς ληστείας, Plut. Timol. 13, 2 ἔδωκεναὑτὸν εἰς συμμαχίαν. την тоû dημον πρâğıν, ad populum ambiendum Cruserius, followed by Pierron and Long; ad negotia civilia Guarinus, ad rei civilis admi- nistrationem Wyttenbach Ind. p. 1313. ἐπὶ στρατηγίαν πολι- τικὴν ἀπεγράψατο, entered his name as a candidate for the city praetorship'. Plutarch speaks of him as canvassing for the prae- torship immediately after his return to Rome. The dates show that at least several years elapsed before he succeeded' (Long). 5. Slevevoon, sc. T₁s èλπídos, 'was disappointed'. Cf. Lycurg. c. 29, Demetr. c. 44 οὐ διεψεύσθη τῶν λογισμῶν, ib. c. 30 τὸ παρ' ἐλπίδα διεψεύσθαι τῶν 'Αθηναίων, Flamin. 13, 1 διεψεύσατο τὰς τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἐλπίδας. 8. ȧyopavoμoín, factus esset aedilis. kuvŋyéσia, venationes, 'hunting shows'. See Ramsay Rom. ant. P. 35I. 9. ἑτέρους ἀποδεῖξαι στρατηγούς, G. § 166. 10. ὡς—ἀναγκάσοντας, G. § 277 Note 2. ( 13. ἐνιαυτῷ § 2. 1. 12. οὐχ ὁμολογῶνἐλέγχεσθαι, G. § 280. kaтÓTTIν, anno post, G. § 189. See ind. gr. s. v. KATÓTTIV. ἔτυχε τῆς στρατηγίας: Sulla was elected practor peregrinus in 93/661. Plutarch's reasoning here, as M. Ricard observes, is not very logical. For though the people, as Sulla stated, would have liked his shows well, they probably liked his money better' (Wrang- ham). 14. θεραπεία προσαγαγόμενος, attaching them to his cause, gaining their votes, partly by flattery, partly by bribery'. Cf. Isocrat. Nicocl. § 22 p. 31 b τοὺς δὲ ταῖς ἄλλαις θεραπείαις προσ αγαγέσθαι, Plato de legg. III 3, 12 p. 695 D χρήμασι καὶ δω ρεαῖς τὸν Περσῶν δῆμον προσαγόμενος. In his praetorship he gratified the public curiosity by exhibiting the hoped-for games with a magnificence never seen before. V 3 69 PLUTARCH'S SULLA We are told that on this occasion he introduced a novelty in the exhibition of lion hunts (venationes). Hitherto the wild beasts that were baited to death had always been tied to poles. But Sulla now received from Bocchus some experienced African lion- hunters who killed the animals before the eyes of the people as in a real chase. Plin. Nat. Hist. 8, 16, 20 centum iubatorum leonum pugnam dedit primus omnium L. Sulla qui postea dictator fuit in practura, Seneca de brev. vit. 13, 6 primus L. Sulla in circo leones solutos dedit, cum alioqui adligati darentur, ad con- ficiendos eos missis a rege Boccho iaculatoribus. There was an old decree of the Senate' says Long 'which prohibited the im- portation of African wild beasts, but it was repealed by a measure proposed by the tribune Cn. Aufidius so far as to render the importation legal for the games'. Καίσαρα. 16. Kalo apa. Probably Sextus Iulius Caesar, who was consul in 91/663. According to Leopold it was Gaius Iulius Caesar, aedile 90/664, the year in which his brother Lucius Iulius Caesar was consul; he who was one of the victims of the Marian party in 87/667. Cic. de off. I § 108, § 133. eis § 3. 1. 19. εἰς τὴν Καππαδοκίαν ἀποστέλλεται. This was in 92/662. He was at the time in Cilicia as praetor, engaged prin- cipally in suppressing the piracy which was paralysing the trade of the Eastern seas. Mommsen, Hist. Rom. II p. 302. 20. τὸν μὲν ἐμφανή λόγον, the ostensible reason Cf. Agis 6, 4 ἐμφανῶς μέν ἡ δ᾽ ἀληθῶς ἀναπείσασα αἰτία. Polybios frequently uses eµpaσis for the alleged as opposed to the real cause, 5, 63, 2; 5, 110, 6; 2, 47, 10. Αριοβαρζάνην καταγαγεῖν, Ariobarzanem in regnum reducere. Appian Mithr. c. 57 makes Sulla, addressing Mithridates, say ἐς μὲν Καππαδοκίαν ἐγὼ κατ κατή γαγον Αριοβαρζάνην Κιλικίας ἄρχων, ὧδε Ρωμαίων ψηφισαμένων, Liv. Epit. 70 Ariobarzanes in regnum Cappadociae a L. Cornelio Sulla reductus est. μ 21. The story of the contest for the possession of Cappadocia by the two covetous kings Mithridates and Nikomedes is best told by Justin hist. 38, 1, 2: Mithridates parricidia nece uxoris auspicatus sororis alterius Laudices filios, cuius virum Ariarathem, regem Cappadociae, per Gordium insidiis occiderat, tollendos statuit, nihil actum morte patris existimans, si adulescentes paternum reg- num, cuius ille cupiditate flagrabat, occupassent. Igitur, dum in his cogita- tionibus versatur, interim Nicomedes, rex Bithyniae, vacuam morte regis Cappadociam invadit. Quod cum nuntiatum Mithridati fuisset, per simula- tionem pietatis auxilia sorori ad expellendum Cappadocia Nicomedem mittit. Sed iam Laudice per pactionem se Nicomedi in matrimonium tradiderat. Quod aegre ferens Mithridates praesidia Nicomedis Cappadocia expellit reg- numque sororis filio restituit, egregium prorsus factum, ni subsecuta fraus esset; siquidem interiectis mensibus simulat se Gordium, quo ministro usus in Ariarathe interficiendo fuerat, restituere in patriam velle, sperans, si obsisteret adulescens, causas belli futuras, aut, si permitteret, per eundem filium tolli posse, per quem interfecerat patrem. Quod ubi Ariarathes iunior moliri cognovit, graviter ferens interfectorem patris per avunculum potissi- mum ab exilio revocari, ingentem exercitum contrahit. Igitur cum in aciem eduxisset Mithridates peditum LXXX milia, equitum x, currus falcatos sex- centos, nec Ariarathi auxiliantibus finitimis regibus minores copiae essent, incertum belli timens consilia ad insidias transfert sollicitatoque juvene ad 70 V 3 NOTES ON colloquium, cum ferrum occultatum inter fascias gereret, scrutatori ab Ariarathe regio more misso curiosius imum ventrem pertractanti ait: caveret, ne aliud telum inveniret quam quaereret. Atque ita risu protectis insidiis revocatum ab amicis velut ad secretum sermonem inspectante utroque exercitu interficit: regnum Cappadociae octo annorum filio inposito Ariarathis nomine additoque ei rectore Gordio tradidit. 2. Sed Cappadoces crudelitate ac libidine praefectorum vexati a Mithridate deficiunt fratremque regis et ipsum Ariarathen nomine ab Asia, ubi educabatur, revocant, cum quo Mithridates proelium renovat victumque regno Cappadociae expellit. Nec multo post adulescens ex aegritudine collecta infirmitate decedit. Post huius mortem Nicomedes timens, ne Mithridates accessione Cappadociae etiam Bithyniam finitimam invaderet, subornat puerum eximiae pulchritudinis, quasi Aria- rathes tres, non duos filios genuisset, qui a senatu Romano paternum regnum peteret. Uxorem quoque Laudicen Romam mittit ad testimonium trium ex Ariarathe susceptorum filiorum. Quod ubi Mithridates cognovit, et ipse pari impudentia Gordium Romam mittit, qui senatui adseveret puerum, cui Cappa- dociae regnum tradiderat, ex eo Ariarathe genitum, qui bello Aristonici auxilia Romanis ferens cecidisset. Sed senatus studio regum intellecto, aliena regna falsis nominibus furantium, Mithridati Cappadociam et Nico- medi ad solacia eius Paphlagoniam ademit. Ac ne contumelia regum foret ademptum illis, quod daretur aliis, uterque populus libertate donatus est. Sed Cappadoces munus libertatis abnuentes negant vivere gentem sine rege posse. Itaque rex illis a senatu Ariobarzanes statuitur. The historian goes on to say that Mithridates, who was not ready for a final rupture with the Romans, per- suaded Tigranes, king of Armenia, to expel Ariobarzanes from his kingdom, and to secure his new ally he gave him his daughter Cleopatra to wife. As soon as the army of Tigranes approached, Ariobarzanes packed up (sublatis rebus suis) and went up to Rome. He was restored by Sulla in 92/662, but Sulla had scarce left Asia, when, on the instigation of Mithridates Gordius and Tigranes the king of Armenia fell upon Ariobarzanes and expelled him for the second time about go/664, reinstating in his stead the Pontic pretender Ariarathes. The Roman government then despatched to Asia Minor in support of the praetor Lucius Cassius the consular Manius Aquillius, son of the conqueror of Aris- tonicus, as ambassador, who with a small Roman corps and some additional levies, accomplished the commission entrusted to him 90/664. The wanton invasion however of Nikomedes III Philopator, who had just succeeded to the throne of Bithynia, into the territory of Mithridates, and the refusal of the Romans to aid the king in obtaining satisfaction, led to an open rupture, and Mithridates sent his son Ariarathes with a large army to seize the throne. Ariobarzanes was driven out in a short time, and his expulsion was the signal for the outbreak of the war with Rome 88/666, in which Nikomedes sustained a decisive defeat, and a second victory over M' Aquillius in Bithynia put the whole of Western Asia in the king's power. Ariobarzanes remained dispossessed of his kingdom until the peace in 84/670, when he again obtained it from Sulla (Plut. Sull. 22, 24), and was established in it by Curio (Appian c. 60). He retained possession of Cappadocia, though frequently harassed by Mithridates, until 66/688, when it was seized by Mithridates after the departure of L. Licinius Lucullus and before the arrival of Gnaeus Pompeius (Cic. p. leg. Man. 2, 5). Pompeius however not only restored Ariobarzanes but increased his dominions. About 63/691 he resigned in favour of his son. 22. Μιθριδάτην ἐπισχεῖν πολυπραγμονοῦντα, to check the rest less scheming, meddling, of Mithridates'. This was Mithridates VI Eupator, commonly called 'the Great', son of Mithridates Euer- getes, the most dangerous foreign enemy Rome had to deal with since the days of Hannibal, who succeeded his father in 120/634 when he was only eleven years old. As king of Pontus, with one blow he overthrew the Roman dominion in Asia, carried the war into Europe, united almost the whole Eastern world in an attack upon the Republic, and resisted for 25 years the first generals of his time, Sulla, Lucullus, Pompeius (Justin 37, 1, 7 cuius ea postea V 4 71 PLUTARCH'S SULLA magnitudo fuit, ut non sui tantum temporis, verum etiam superioris actalis omnes reges maiestate superaverit bellaque cum Romanis per XLVI annos varia victoria gesserit, cum eum summi imperatores Sulla, Lucullus ceterique, in summa Cn. Pompeius ita vicerit, ut maior clariorque in restaurando bello resurgeret damnisque suis terribilior redderetur). He was born and bred at Sinope, the centre of Greek commerce in the countries round the Euxine. A man of unusual mental and physical powers, a brave soldier and an enterprising general, he was distinguished from the purely Asiatic despots of the Armenian and Parthian kingdoms by his Greek education, and boundless energy and versatility, but in cruelty and heartlessness he was, as is observed by Mommsen, unsurpassed by any of them, and he was, notwithstanding his Hellenic culture, an Oriental of the ordinary stamp throughout. His thoughts were early directed to enlarging his kingdom; his rule extended over the northern and southern shores of the Black Sea of which his fleet had exclusive command, and far into the interior of Asia Minor. But it was not until he had strengthened his power by long and successful struggles in the North, where he established. the kingdom of Bosporus (embracing the modern Crimea with the opposite Asiatic property, Strabo 7, 4, 3), that he entertained the thought of conquering Western Asia. 23. περιβαλλόμενον ἀρχήν, 'scheming to annex new dominion'. See my n. to Xen. Oecon. 2, 4. 24. Tηs úπарxovσns, 'than what he already had', i. e. Pontus and the lesser Armenia, which he had converted from a dependent principality into an integral part of the Pontic kingdom, and Paphlagonia, which he occupied in concert with Nikomedes, besides the Tauric peninsula and his acquisitions in the North. He was now scheming to annex Cappadocia. 25. δύναμιν Éπńуeтo, copias secum adduxit. χρησάμενος τοῖς συμμάχοις Tроlúμois, finding the (Asiatic) allies zealous', 6, 9; 16, 7; Xen. Hier. 5, 3 n.; Oecon. 3, II. Cf. Alcib. 14 εἰ βούλεσθε χρῆσθαι μετρίοις (τοῖς) 'Αθηναίοις. 26. aútŵv, ipsorum. 28. Γόρδιον, the Cappadocian, whom Mithridates employed as his instrument in his scheme of annexation of Cappadocia. See the passage from Justin quoted above. He had been the agent of Mithridates in the murder of Ariarathes VI, and was appointed guardian to the pseudo- Ariarathes, whom the king set up in his place. He was sub- sequently sent by Mithridates as his envoy to Rome to maintain before the Senate that the youth to whom he had given the crown of Cappadocia was the son of the Ariarathes who had fallen on the side of the Romans in the war with Aristonikos. He was governor of Cappadocia, when Sulla crossed the Tauros and drove him and his Armenian auxiliaries out of Cappadocia. 29. ἀπέδειξε βασι- déɑ, regem constituit. ei § 4. 1. 31. 'Apσákov: Arsaces was the name of the founder of the dynasty of the Parthian kings, which was also borne by his successors, hence called Arsacidae by the Greeks and Romans. This Arsaces is reckoned the ninth in the series, his title being 72 V 4 NOTES ON Arsaces IX Mithridates II. According to Justin 42, 2: res gestae ei Magni cognomen dedere; quippe claritatem parentum aemulatione virtutis accensus animi magnitudine supergreditur. Multa igitur bella cum finitimis magna virtute gessit multosque populos Parthico regno addidit. Sed et cum Scythis prospere aliquoties dimicavit, ultorque iniuriae parentum fuit. Ad postremum Artavardi Arme- niorum regi bellum intulit. The epitomator of Livy (LXX) mentions this deputation: Parthorum legati ab rege Arsace missi venerunt ad Sullam, ut amicitiam populi Romani peterent. Cf. also Vell. Paterc. 2, 24. 32. οὔπω πρότερον ἀλλήλοις ἐπιμεμιγμένων τῶν γενῶν, although there had never before been any intercourse be tween the two nations'. Cf. Χen. Cyr. 7, 4, 5 νῦν οὖν χρὴ ἐπι μίγνυσθαι άλλήλοις φιλικώς, Polyb. 2, 17, 3 ἐπιμιγνύμενοι αὐτοῖς κατὰ τὴν παράθεσιν, Thuc. 2, 1, 1 ἐπεμίγνυντο παρ' ἀλλή λους. 33. τῆς μεγάλης τύχης γενέσθαι, to be a part of his great good fortune', one of the fortunate events in his very successful career', G. § 169, 1. 36. ὅτε, on which occasion'. Plutarch is fond of this coordination by the relative and its particles, e.g. below 28, 3; Sol. 30, 5 ὅτε καὶ τὸ μνημονευόμενον εἶπεν, Timol. II, 3 ὅτε καὶ παντάπασι συνέβη τοὺς Συρακοσίους ἀπογνῶναι τὴν σω- τηρίαν, ib. 23, 5. 38. χρηματίζειν, 'to give audience to ', Polyb. 3, 66, 6 έχρημάτιζε τοῖς παραγεγονόσι πρεσβευταῖς, 5, 24, ΙΙ ἐχρημάτισε τοῖς ἐκ τῆς Ῥώμης πρεσβευταῖς, Dio Cass. fr. 149 τοῖς τῶν πολεμίων πρέσβεσιν χρηματίζειν, 49, 27 τοῖς πεμφθεῖσιν ὑπ' αὐτοῦ ἐχρημάτισεν, Diod. Sic. 17, 2 ταῖς πρεσβείαις χρημα- τίσας φιλανθρώπως. § 5. I. 38. ép ♣, quam ob causam, 4, 3; 6, 2; 9, 10; 19, 5. Greek writers commonly use the plural ἐφ' οἷς. 40. ἐντρυ φήσαντα τοῖς βαρβάροις, giving himself airs with', ‘lording it over the barbarians'. For illustrations of the meaning of this verb see my note on Themist. 18, 4 1. 8, and add to the passages there quoted Pomp. c. 40 ἐντρυφώμενος ὑπ' αὐτοῦ καὶ μὴ δυσκολαίνων. 41. φορτικόν, arrogant', C. Gr. 6, 3 1. 30 n. 43. κατα βεβηκότων, from the upper country: 44. απιδών, looking steadfastly at', 'fixing his gaze on', lit. away from other objects. 45. ἐπιστήσας, immoratus, animum advertens, watching closely, 'observing carefully'. ἐφιστάναι absol. without τὴν γνώμην οι τὴν διάνοιαν οι τὸν νοῦν in the sense of 'to fix one's attention ' is used either (1) with the dative as in Polyb. 1, 14, ο παρωξύνθην ἐπιστῆσαι τούτῳ τῷ πολέμῳ, Plut. Μor. p. 32 Β έφιστάντα τοῖς οὕτω λεγομένοις, (2) or with ἐπί followed by the accusative, as in Polyb. 1, 65, 5 ἐπὶ τὸν πόλεμον τοῦτον ἐπιστῆσαι άξιον, 9, 23, Ι γνοίη δ' ἄν τις ἐπὶ πολλὰ τῶν ἤδη γεγονότων ἐπιστήσας, (3) or with περί and the genitive, as in Polyb. 6, 26, 12 μικρὸν ἐπιμελέσε τερον ἐπιστῆσαι περὶ τῶν τοιούτων. § 6. 1. 46. πρὸς τὰς τῆς τέχνης ὑποθέσεις τὴν φύσιν ἐπι· σκεψάμενος, studying his character according to the principles, rules, of his art'. 48. μέγιστον γενέσθαι: Paterc. 2, 24, 3 Tum Sulla, compositis transmarinis rebus, cum ad primum om- VI 73 PLUTARCH'S SULLA nium Romanorum legati Parthorum venissent, et in iis quidam magi ex notis corporis respondissent caclestem eius vitam et memo- riam futuram etc. θαυμάζειν δὲ καὶ νῦν πῶς ἀνέχεται μὴ πρŵтоs “v áπávтwv, ‘and that he wondered how, even as it was, he could submit not to be (to be anything less than) the foremost man of all'. The use of un instead of où after ȧvéxeraι is irregular. 50. Kηvowpivos: Censorinus was a family name of the Marcii. The person who threatened Sulla with a prosecution for bribery may have been either C. Censorinus, whom Cicero (Brutus 67, 237) speaks of as moderately versed in Greek Literature, but as iners et inimicus fori, or L. Censorinus son of L. Marcius Censorinus cos. 149/605, one of the orators who lost his life in the civil war of Marius and Sulla (Brut. 90, 311). -Ovvelλoxóti, quod collegisset. ws 52. οὐκ ἀπήντησεν, did not 53. ἀπέστη τῆς appear in court', the usual law term. Kaτηуopías, 'withdrew from the prosecution'. κατηγορίας, CHAPTER VI A fresh impulse was given to the hostility which had sprung up between Marius and Sulla, when Bocchus, king of Mauretania, presented to the Romans a group of figures in gold for dedication in the Capitol, which represented himself betraying Jugurtha into the hands of Sulla. This excited the jealousy of Marius who was with difficulty prevented from removing forcibly the trophy which was so evidently designed for the glorification of his quaestor at his expense. But their animosities, and the conflict of political parties arising from them, were interrupted by the outbreak of the Social war, with which Rome had been long threatened. In this war, remarkable for its vicissitudes of fortune, Marius lost credit, and made it plain to every one that he had grown old and clumsy and was no longer the man he had been. Sulla, on the other hand, rendered signal service, and contributed more than any other man to the subjugation of the insur- rection, so that his military genius was universally acknowledged by enemies no less than partizans, though the former said that he owed most to his good luck. Sulla did not, like the distinguished Athe- nian general Timotheos, resent this ascription of all to Fortune, as an attempt to disparage his merit, but rather favoured the notion of his being fortune's favourite, whether out of mere vanity or from a real conviction of divine agency. Hence in his Memoirs he that every improvised enterprise turned out better with him than those which were systematically planned. To the same divine agency he ascribed even the good understanding which subsisted between him- self and his father-in-law Metellus, for he expected to have found in him a troublesome colleague, whercas he proved a most obliging one. Hence also his belief in dreams, as communications from the gods, and in omens such as that afforded by a particular phaenomenon at Laverna, which the seers interpreted to refer to himself, as the coming man (§ 1—§ 7), says 74 VI NOTES ON As to his general character, he was inconsistent in the extreme and full of contradictions, alternately greedy and prodigal, proud and servile, exacting and patient. He was naturally of a violent and vindictive temper, which however he sometimes controlled by regard for self-interest, as when he overlooked the mutinous conduct of his soldiers who killed their general, the consular Albinus, one of his own legati. His great aim being to supplant Marius, he tried to make himself as popular as possible with the army (§ 7—§ 9). On his return to Rome, he was clected consul, being fifty years of age: and married for his fourth wife Metella, daughter of the Pon- tifex Maximus, a few days after divorcing Cloelia, and lived hap- pily with her to the end of his life. The marriage gave rise to several satirical effusions at the time, and at the capture of Athens it was thought that the inhabitants had harder measure dealt them, because they had used insulting language to Metella (§ 10—§ 12). τίσουσι δίκας. § 1. 1. 1. ἀνερριπίζετο, was rekindled', 'broke out afresh'. Cf. Dio. Halic. 7, 15 εἰ μὴ παύσονται τὴν στάσιν ἀναρριπίζοντες, ἀξίας 2. ὑπόθεσιν λαβοῦσα, materiam, occasionem nacta, 4, 4. G. § 166 Note 2. 6. χρυσοῦν Ἰογόρθαν κτλ., 2 bas-relief or group of figures in gold, representing the surrender of Jugurtha by himself to Sulla. Cf. Mar. 32, 2 ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ Βόκχος ἔστησεν ἐν Καπετωλίῳ Νίκας τροπαιοφόρους καὶ παρ' αὐταῖς ἐν εἰκόσι χρυσαῖς Ἰουγούρθαν ἐγχειριζόμενον ὑπ' αὐτοῦ Σύλλᾳ, τοῦτ᾽ ἐξέστησεν ὀργῇ καὶ φιλονεικίᾳ Μάριον, ὡς Σύλλα περισπώντος εἰς ἑαυτὸν τὰ ἔργα, καὶ παρεσκευάζετο βίᾳ τὰ ἀναθήματα καταβάλλειν. § 2. 1. 7. βαρυθυμουμένου, incensed', 'moody'. The middle occurs also in Mor. p. 739 Ε ὁρῶν τὸν γραμματικὸν ἀποσιωπώντα καὶ βαρυθυμούμενον. 8. ἑτέρων, sc. ἐπιχειρούντων. 9. ὅσον ούπω, tantum nondum, all but now': Timol. II, 3; 16, 4 ὅσον οὔπω παρακελευομένων ἀλλήλοις, Thuc. 6, 34, 8 ὅσον οὔπω πάρεισι, 4, 125, 1 ὅσον οὔπω παρεῖναι. διακεκαυμένης, Gin a state of complete combustion'. 10. ὁ πόλεμος—τυφόμενος, the smouldering embers of war'. Cf. Mar. 32, 3 τὴν στάσιν ὅσον οὔπω φερομένην εἰς μέσον ἔπεσχεν ὁ συμμαχικός πόλεμος ἐξαίφνης ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν ἀναρραγείς, where the metaphor is taken from the bursting of a storm. 12. ποικιλωτάτῳ, so very chequered', 'diversified. Cf. Mar. 33, Ι οὗτος ὁ πόλεμος τοῖς πάθεσι ποικίλος γενόμενος καὶ ταῖς τύχαις πολυτροπώτατος ὅσον Σύλλᾳ προσέθηκε δόξης καὶ δυνά- μεως, τοσοῦτον ἀφεῖλε Μαρίου, βραδὺς γὰρ ἐφάνη ταῖς ἐπιβολαῖς, όκνου τε περὶ πάντα καὶ μελλήσεως ὑπόλεως, Appian b. c. 40 τό τε ποικί λον τοῦ πολέμου καὶ πολυμερὲς ἐνθυμούμενοι. πλείστα κακά-παρασχόντι-Ρωμαίοις. The war, which came nearer to ruining the supremacy of Rome than anything since the Hannibalian campaign, cost the lives of two consuls. It began with the surprise and defeat of Cn. Pompeius before Asculum in Picenum 90/664, where the insurrection had broken out, the defeat of the consul L. Iulius Caesar, under whom Sulla served as legatus, in the South by the confederate general Marius Egnatius, the taking of Aesernia (Isernia), the key of the Samnite country, the surrender of Vena- frum (Venafro) to the confederate general Marius Egnatius, the disgraceful defeat of Perperna, that of P. Licinius Crassus in Lucania by the confederate VI 3 75 PLUTARCH'S SULLA general M. Lamponius, the fall of Nola in Campania, followed by the cap. ture of Stabiae on the bay of Naples and of the Roman colony of Salernum, Pompeii, Herculaneum by the confederate consul Papius Mutilus; the siege of Acerrae in the North the disastrous defeat of P. Rutilius Lupus, under whom Marius served, by Vettius Cato in the country of the Marsi with the loss of 8,000 men (Ov. Fast. 6, 557-60), the defeat of Q. Caepio by the treachery of Q. Pompaedius Silo, the revolt of the Umbrians and Etruscans, which, however, was speedily suppressed by a timely concession of the fran- chise by the lex Iulia de civitate. Thus the campaign of 90/664 had been disastrous to the Romans: that of the next year 89/665 was more favour- able; the new consul L. Porcius Cato, who took the command in the Marian district, was slain by the Marsi, but the other consul Gnaeus Pompeius Strabo, father of Pompeius Magnus, intercepted a body of 15,000 who were on their road across the Apennines to help the Etruscan insurgents, slaying 5,ooo and dispersing the rest. He followed up this success by blow after blow. One of his legati crushed the Marrucini, another subdued the Marsi: he himself fought the great battle of the war before Asculum, and accomplished the reduction of Picenum, and in the next year received the submission of the Peligni and Vestini. In the South-East Corconius became master of all Apulia, and in Campania Sulla managed the campaign in a bold masterly way. He recovered Stabiae, which had fallen into the hands of Papius Mutilus in the previous year, defeated the confederate commander Cluentius with great slaughter under the walls of Nola, and gained possession of Aeclanum on the Via Appia in the country of the Hirpini. After this success Sulla entered Samnium, which was the stronghold of the confederates, by a circuitous way, avoiding the passes which were held by them, and crossed the ridge of the Apennines to Bovianum (Bojano), where was the supreme council of the confederates, κοινοβούλιον τῶν ἀποστάντων (Αppian), with the capture of which his campaign ended. He was engaged in besieging Nola when he was recalled to Rome by the Sulpician revolution, and his election to the command against Mithridates. All that was left for the commanders of 88/666 was to crush the insurgents in the South of Italy where the Lucanians and Bruttians remained in arms. A desperate effort was made by the Samnites under the Marsian Q. Pompaedius Silo, who was slain soon after he had recovered Bovianum; and with the death of this great hero of Italian independence faded away the last gleam of hope for the cause. (Appian b. c. 1, 38-53; Liv. Epit. 72-76: Vell. Paterc. 2, 15; Diodor. Sic. Exc. 5339; Orosius 5, 18; Frontinus 1, 5, 17; Dio Cass. 43, 51.) 14. ἤλεγχε τὴν πολεμικὴν ἀρετήνδεομένην, furnished (by his example) a clear proof that excellence in war requires bodily vigour and strength'. 16. πολλὰ δράσας ἄξια λόγου, Sulla, as well as Marius, failed to distinguish himself in the first year of the War. His name is scarcely mentioned. It was only in the second year that he began to display his great military capacity. See n. on 1. 12. § 3. 1. 19. οὐκ ἔπαθε ταὐτὸ Τιμοθέῳ, “he did not behave like Timotheus', G. § 186. 20. εἰς τὴν τύχην τὰ κατορθώματα τιθεμένων, Ι, 3. 22. γραφόντων ἐν πίναξι κτλ. This story of the painting is told by Aelianus var. hist. 13, 43 ὅτι Τιμόθεος, ὁ å στρατηγὸς Αθηναίων, ἐπεπίστευτο εὐτυχὴς εἶναι. καὶ ἔλεγον τὴν τύχην αἰτίαν εἶναι, Τιμόθεον δὲ οὐδενός, κωμῳδοῦντες ἐπὶ τῆς σκηνῆς, καὶ οἱ ζωγράφοι δὲ καθεύδοντα ἐποίουν αὐτόν, εἶτα ὑπὲρ τῆς κεφαλῆς ἀπῃώρητο ἑστῶσα ἡ τύχη ἕλκουσα ἐς κύρτον τὰς πόλεις, and with some variations by Plutarch again in Apophth. Mor. p. 187 c: Τι- μόθεος εὐτυχὴς ἐνομίζετο στρατηγὸς εἶναι· καὶ φθονοῦντες αὐτῷ τινες ἐζωγράφουν τὰς πόλεις εἰς κύρτον αυτομάτως ἐκείνου καθεύδοντος ένδυο- μένας ἔλεγεν οὖν ὁ Τιμόθεος ‘Εἰ τηλικαύτας πόλεις λαμβάνω καθεύδων, τί με οἴεσθε ποιήσειν ἐγρηγορότα; 24. ἀγροικιζόμενος, 76 VI 3 NOTES ON τοὺς ταῦτα 'taking it in a boorish way', 'playing the boor'. ποιοῦντας, those who did so, sc. τοὺς γράφοντας ἐν πίναξι κτλ. See lex. to Xen. Oecon. p. 127* b. 27. εὖ κεχωρηκέναι, bene cessisse. Cf. Plat. legg. 3, 6 p. 684 Ε πῆ δή ποτε κακῶς οὕτως ἐχώρησεν ἡ κατοίκισις; Herod. 3, 39 πάντα οἱ ἐχώρει εὐτυχέως, Diod. Sic. 2, 18 κατὰ νοῦν αὐτῇ τῶν πραγμάτων χω ρούντων, Polyb. 28, 15, 2 τὰ πράγματα χωρεῖ κατὰ νοῦν, 1ο, 15, 4 ταῦτα καλῶς κατὰ νοῦν ἐχώρει αὐτῷ, Dio Cass. 48, 54 τὰ μὲν ἄλλα κατὰ γνώμην αὐτῷ ἐχώρει, Alciphr. Ep. 1, 9, 1 εναντίως ἡμῖν χωρεῖ τὰ πράγματα. The word generally used in this sense is προχωρεῖν. 7, 5. $ 4. 1. 30. αντιμειρακιεύεσθαι, 'played back his boyish petu- lance', 'showed her spite in return for his arrogance' (Long). μηδὲν ἔτι πρᾶξαι λαμπρόν, had no further brilliant success', Ι, Ι ; 31. ὅλως ἀποτυγχάνοντα ταῖς πράξεσι, ' failing com- pletely in his undertakings', Pseudo-Dem. p. 155, 30 Toîs öλws ἀποτυχοῦ σιν, Diod. Sic. 12, 12 τοὺς ἀποτυχόντας τῷ γάμῳ. Polybios uses the word with the dative and ἐν (5, 98, 6; 9, 15, 4); Xenophon with περί and gen. (Eq. 1, 16), Aristotle with κατά and the accusative. 32. προσκρούοντα τῷ δήμῳ, giving offence to the people'. See n. to Themist. 20, 2 1. 26. ἐκπεσεῖν τῆς πόλεως, 'was banished from the city', 9, 7. In B.C. 357 Timotheos and Iphikrates were sent in command of the Athenian fleet to reduce to obedience the subject states. The expedition being unsuccessful, he was arraigned in B.C. 354 and condemned to pay a fine of 100 talents, but, as he was unable to pay it, he withdrew to Chalkis in Euboea, where he died shortly after. 33. προσιέμενος, accept- ing', 'welcoming'. 34. εὐδαιμονισμόν, felicitations on his prosperity'; ζῆλον, ‘honor'. 35. συνεπιθειάζων, 'contributing to invest it with a sacred character', 'to ascribe it to divine inter- position', Mor. p. 409 C μὴ θεοῦ παρόντος ἐνταῦθα καὶ συνεπιθειά- ζοντος τὸ χρηστήριον. τὰ πραττόμενα της τύχης ἐξῆπτεν, made all his exploits depend on fortune. Cf. Timol. 36, 2 πάντα εἰς τὴν τύχην ἀνῆπτε. § 5. 1. 37. ἐν τοῖς ὑπομνήμασι, 5, I. 33. κατὰ γνώμην, of set purpose', 'deliberately', Dionys. Halic. 6, 81 πειρώμενος ἀπο- φαίνειν βραχὺ μὲν ὑπάρχον τοῦ δήμου τὸ μὴ κατὰ γνώμην ἀδικοῦν. Its usual meaning is ex sententia, according to one's wish'. 39. πρός καιρόν, i.q. ἐκ τοῦ καιροῦ (not opportune, tempestive, as in Soph. Ai. 38, Phil. 1263, Oed. R. 325, Trach. 59 but) ex tempore, prout tempus ferebat, raptim, according to circumstances', ' on the spur of the moment. Cf. Polyb. 1, 61, 4 τὰ πληρώματα τελέως ἣν ἀνάσκητα καὶ πρὸς καιρὸν ἐμβεβλημένα. 40. δι' ὧν φησί, i.q. διὰ τούτων ἅ φησι, ‘by what he says. We should expect ἐξ ὧν φησί. 41. πεφυκέναι, natura comparatum esse, cf. Χen. Μem. 4, 1, 2 οὐ τῶν τὰ σώματα πρὸς ὥραν, ἀλλὰ τῶν τὰς ψυχὰς πρὸς ἀρετὴν εὖ πεφυκότων. 42. ἑαυτὸν τοῦ δαίμονος ποιεῖν, to make himself the creature of a superior power', G. § 169, 2. 43. ös ye, quippe. VI 7 77 PLUTARCH'S SULLA qui. τῆς πρὸς Μέτελλον ὁμονοίας, “his unbroken friendship with Metellus'. Q. Caecilius Metellus Pius, son of Numidi- cus, the most distinguished member of this distinguished family, was consul with Sulla 80/674 (hence he is called ισότιμος), and it was, according to Plutarch, his daughter Metella, widow of M. Scaurus, consul 115/639, who was afterwards married to Sulla, hence M. was his κηδεστής. But Drumann has shown that she was not the daughter of this Metellus, but of another member of the family, viz. L. Caec. Metellus Dalmaticus, brother of Metellus Nu- midicus and therefore uncle of Metellus Pius. 45. πολλὰ αὐτῷ πράγματα παρέξειν ἐπίδοξον ὄντα, when he was expected to give him a good deal of trouble', the personal construction for the im- personal when it was expected that he would etc.' See note to Them. 6, 2 1. 7 and C. Gr. II, 2 1. 22. 46. ἐν τῇ κοινωνία τῆς ἀρχῆς, in societate magistratus, as his colleagues in the con- sulship. § 6. 1. 47. ἐν τοῖς ὑπομνήμασιν, ὧν ἐκείνῳ τὴν γραφὴν ἀνατέ- θεικε, in the memoirs, (the composition of which he dedicated to him'. Cf. Luc. 1, 3 ὁ δὲ Λούκουλλος ἤσκητο καὶ λέγειν ἱκανῶς ἑκα- τέραν γλώτταν, ὥστε καὶ Σύλλας τὰς αὑτοῦ πράξεις ἀναγράφων ἐκείνῳ προσεφώνησεν ὡς συνταξομένῳ καὶ διαθήσοντι τὴν ἱστο- ρίαν ἄμεινον, ib. 4, 2 τὴν γραφὴν τῶν ὑπομνημάτων ἐκείνῳ δι' εὔνοιαν ἀνέθηκε. 50. νύκτωρ, per somnium. 51. μετὰ δυνάμεως, cum copiis, 5, 4. 52. ἱστορεῖ, sc. ὁ Σύλλας. περὶ Λαουέρνην. The place is unknown, unless it be the place near the altar of Laverna, the goddess of thieves, which was near the porta Laverna- lis (the site of which is unknown) as Varro says (de ling. lat. v § 163). Horatius. (Ep. 1, 16, 60) represents the rogue as putting up a prayer to the fair Laverna' that he may appear to be what he is not, an honest man, and that night and darkness may kindly cover his sins. The phenomenon which Sulla describes appears to have been of a volcanic character; and if so, it is the most recent on record within the volcanic region of the Seven Hills. (Long.) 54. στηρίσαι, 53. ἀναβλύσαι, prorupisse, burst forth. erexisse se, 'rose like a column', 'towered high'. Cf. Eur. Hipp. 1207 κῦμ᾽ οὐρανῷ στηρίζον, Bacch. 972 κλέος οὐρανῷ στηρίζον, ib. 1081. § 7. 1. 55. περιττός, ‘uncommon', superior to ordinary men' 56. ἀπαλλάξει τῇ πόλει ταραχὰς τὰς παρούσας, turbas impen- dentes ab urbe depellet, an unusual construction for ἀπαλλάξει τὴν πόλιν ταραχῶν τῶν παρουσῶν. 57. τῆς ὄψεως ίδιον, α peculiarity in his personal appearance', G. § 168. On this use of ίδιοs see n. to Them. 18, 4 1. 12. 61. ὁσιότητος: see ind. gr. 62. ανώμαλός τις, an irregular, inconsistent sort of character': Tis is frequently used by Plutarch in this limitative sense with adjectives to increase or weaken their notion, denoting that a thing is particularly so and so. Cf. Them. 22, 2 n. διάφορος πρὸς ἑαυτόν, ‘at variance with himself. Cf. Alc. 2, I τὸ δ' ἦθος αὐτοῦ πολλὰς ἀνομοιότητας πρὸς αὑτὸ ἐπεδείξατο. 63. ἀφελέσθαι χαρίσασθαι, 33, Ι. 65. θεοαπεύειν ὢν δέοιτο S. V. 78 VI 7 NOTES ON κτλ., 'to cringe to those whose assistance he wanted, to give himself airs towards those who stood in need of him'. Cf. Flamin. 18 ἐν πότῳ τινι θρυπτόμενος πρὸς τὸν Λεύκιον, Lucian dial. meretr. 12, I θρύπτῃ πρὸς ἐμέ. § 8. 1. 67. τὴν—ἀνωμαλίαν may depend on διαιτήσειεν (see below) or be treated as an acc. of reference. 68. ἐξ ὧν ἔτυχεν αἰτιῶν, 'on any chance, slight grounds'; cf. Χen. Oec. 3, 3 ἐν χώρᾳ ἐν ᾗ ἔτυχεν. ἀποτυμπανίζοντος, 'cudgelling to death', 'bas- tinadoing'. 70. διαλλαττομένου ἐπὶ τοῖς ἀνηκέστοις, sc. προσκρούσμασιν, ready for reconciliation after the most un- pardonable offences', not with his deadly enemies' (Long). 71. μετ᾿ εὐκολίας, i.q. εὐκόλως, ‘good-naturedly'. 72. μετ τιόντος, ulciscentis, prosecuting”. οὕτως ἄν τις διαιτήσειεν, 'one might settle the question' or 'reconcile it (viz. his incon- sistency, τὴν ἀνωμαλίαν) on the theory that etc. See ind. gr. s.v. 73. ὀργήν, in temper', G. § 16ο, 1. Cf. Pyrrh. 8, 4 πρᾷος ὀργήν. 74. ὑφιέμενον τῆς πικρίας λογισμῷ πρὸς τὸ συμφέρον, 'moderating his bitterness in favour of calculations of (with a view to) his own interest. The phrase υφίεσθαί τινι πρός τι occurs again in Plutarch: Dion. et Bruti Comp. 4 ψυχῆς πρὸς μηθὲν ὑφίεσθαι φόβῳ τοῦ φρονήματος δυναμένης: and without the πρός τι frequently, as in Nic. 6 τῷ φθύνῳ τῆς δόξης ὑφιέμενος invidiae (hominibus invidis) concedens gloriam, gloria recusanda invidiam fugiens, Rom. 18 τοῦ ἀντέχειν ὑφεμένου τοῖς Σαβίνοις, Cam. II μηδὲν οἴκτῳ τῆς ὀργῆς ὑφέσθαι, Cor. η πολεμικωτάτων καὶ μηδενὶ φρονήματος ὑφιε- μένων, Pyrrh. 7 οὐδενὶ τῶν βασιλέων ὑφιέμενος, ἀλκῆς καὶ δόξης, Agesil. 18 τῆς κατὰ στόμα μάχης ὑφέσθαι τοῖς Θηβαίοις, Cat. min. φρονήματος οὐδενὶ Ρωμαίων ὑφιέμενος, Caes. 6, Galb. 20 τῶν πρω- τείων ὑφιέμενος αὐτῷ, de Isid. et Os. c. 61 p. 376 A ὑφείμην ἂν τοῦ Σαράπιδος Αἰγυπτίοις, de def. orac. c. 3 τοῖς μαθηματικοῖς οὐκ ὑφήσονται τῆς ἀκριβείας (accurata subtilitate superari se a mathe- maticis non concedent), Mor. p. 988 Β οὐδέν τι τὰ θήλεα τοῖς ἄρρεσιν ὑφίεται θυμοῦ καὶ ἀλκῆς, p. 54 Α ὑφίεται τῇ ὁμοιότητι τῆς ἰσότητος, i.e. similitudinem retinens magnitudine se vinci patitur. § 9. 1. 75. 59. 1. 75. γε, 'thus, ye, 'thus', 'for example'. 76. στρατηγικὸν ἄνδρα, ‘a man of praetorian rank. 77. πρεσβευτήν, 4, I n. ᾿Αλβίνον. Aulus Postumius Albinus who was consul with Marcus Antonius 99/655. The story is thus told by Valerius Max- imus 9, 8, 3 Age, illa quam execrabilis militum temeritas! fecit enim ut A. Albinus nobilitate, moribus, honorum omnium con- summatione ciuis eximius, propter falsas et inanes suspiciones in castris ab exercitu lapidibus obrueretur, quodque accessionem indig- nationis non recipit, oranti atque obsecranti duci a militibus causae dicendae potestas negata est. Orosius 5, 18, 22 states that he ex- cited the hatred of the soldiers by his intolerable pride: anno ab urbe condita DCLXT cum ad obsidendos Pompeios Romanus isset exer- citus et Postumius Albinus vir consularis, tunc L. Sullae legatus, intolerabili superbia omnium in se militin odia suscitasset, lapidibus VII 79 PLUTARCH'S SULLA οὐκ occisus est. 78. παρῆλθε, 'passed by ', 'overlooked'. éπe§îλ@ev, 'did not follow up, revenge'. Cf. Caes. 69, I TOÙS KAŬ' ὁτιοῦν ἢ χειρὶ τοῦ ἔργου θιγόντας ἢ γνώμης μετασχόντας ἐπεξελθεῖν. Comp. Ag. et Cleom. c. Gracch. 5, I Tòv póvov ovk éπežeλ0wv where see my n. 79. σεμνυνόμενος διεδίδου λόγον, not ‘gave it out in a boast' (Clough), but ‘affecting a grave and solemn air, with apparent seriousness, spread a report'. Cf. Them. 19, 2 n. ὡς προθυ- μοτέροιςχρήσοιτο, ‘that he should find them all the more zealous', 6, 9: XρhσOLTO is the reading of Bekker after Schaefer: the vul- gate, retained by Sintenis, is xpηoacro, 'he did find them'. 81. ἰωμένοις τὸ ἁμάρτημα, making amends for their fault'. Cf. Comp. Ag. et Cleom. 2, 1 μικρὰ καὶ κατὰ μέρος τῶν ἡμαρτημένων lâolai. Cf. Oros. 5, 18: Sulla consul civilem cruorem non nisi ἱᾶσθαι. hostili sanguine expiari posse testatus est: cuius rei conscientia per- motus exercitus ita pugnam adortus est, ut sibi unusquisque per- eundum videret nisi vicisset. 82. Kaтaλĵσa, 'to put down', 'overthrow the power of': Tib. Gr. 19, 2 KATаλÚELV TÒν тúρаvvov, C. Gr. 14, 3. 84. ἀποδειχθῆναι, 3, 1. § 10. 1. 87. Tатоs, in 88/666 with Q. Pompeius Rufus. nomen or cognomen. 89. γαμεῖ γάμον ἐνδοξότατον Καικιλίαν, forms a most dis- tinguished matrimonial alliance with Caecilia', G. § 159, 4, HA. $ 725. Her full name was Caecilia Metella, the latter borrowed from her father's cognomen. As a rule, Roman women had but one name that of the gens to which they belonged, without prae- 90. Μετέλλου, 6, 5. 91. πολλὰ eis aúτòv ĥdov, 'composed a variety of (satirical) songs on him', 2, I. 'Nam Caecilia mulier habebatur impudicissima et flagitiosis- sima, et Sulla domestica sua dedecora aut ignorabat aut dissimulabat volens' (Reiske). 92. oi Enμotikol, plebeii, vulgus. 94. ò Tiros, i.e. Titus Livius, the historian: the passage referred to is in the LXXVII th, one of the lost books. 103. κατα § 12. 1. 101. Ev đâσɩ, omnibus in rebus. γαγεῖν, 5, 3. 105. τοῖς Αθηναίοις προσενεχθῆναι τραχύτερον, treated the Athenians with greater harshness', Mar. 8, 2 Tрάws Kal φιλανθρώπως αὐτοῖς προσφέρεσθαι, Thuc. 1, 140, 6; 5, ΙΙΙ, 5. I, III, 106. γεφυρίζοντες, 2, Ι. CHAPTER VII Sulla, who was now occupied with the siege of Nola, as that city still refused to submit to the Romans, was eager for the conduct of the war against Mithridates, but his rival Marius, probably conscious of failure in the part he had taken in the Social war, instead of resigning himself to the fact that in his old age he was no longer what he had been in his prime, deluded himself with the idea that, if he had an independent command, he could still shine as the first general of the republic. Urged on by this morbid ambition, he intrigued to 85 VII NOTES ON obtain for himself the chief command in spite of his advanced age and corpulency. The guilt of the lamentable convulsion, which ensued from this rivalry and proved more ruinous to Rome than all its wars, rested with Marius only (§ 1-§ 2). I Several premonitory portents ushered in this formidable outbreak of civil strife, the most alarming of which was the sound as of a trumpet proceeding from a clear and cloudless sky. This was inter- preted by the Tuscan seers to forebode the commencement of a new period and a general change in the order of the world. While the Senate was sitting in the temple of Bellona, listening to their explan- ations, their attention was drawn to another omen, which, according to the seers, pointed to divisions between the landholders and the urban population (§ 2-§ 6). § 1. 1. 1. ταῦτα μὲν ὕστερον, ' of this hereafter', or 'these things happened later' (Langhornes). πρὸς τὰ μέλλοντα μikρóν, 'a small matter in comparison of things to come', what he expected to attain. 2. ἐπτόητο τῇ γνώμῃ πρὸς τὸν Μιθριδατι- Kòν Tóλeμoν, 'was in a great state of excitement, passionately eager, for the (command of the) war against Mithridates'. Crass. 16, 3 ᾔδεσαν πάντες ὅτι πρὸς τοῦτον τὸν πόλεμον) Κράσσος ἐπτόηται, Flamin. 5 διεπτό ηντο ταῖς ὁρμαῖς πρὸς τὸν Τίτον. 'Plutarch represents the contest for the command in the Mithridatic war as lying between Marius and Sulla; but this cannot be true. The Senate, pursuant to a law of C. Gracchus, would name in 89/665 the consular provinces for the year 88/666, and if they had determined on the war against Mithridates at the time when the consular provinces were named, we may safely affirm that the conduct of this war would be one of the consular provinces. The consuls would determine between themselves by lot or otherwise who should lead the Romans against Mithridates, and Appian states that Sulla got the command. It is possible however that early in 83/666 it was not settled who should be sent out to oppose Mithridates, and accordingly Plutarch represents Marius as intriguing for the command, and the people as divided between him and Sulla.' Decline R. R. 2, 220. LONG 4. ἀντανίστατο δ' αὐτῷ Μάριος, 'but Marius set himself up as a rival against him'. It is not asserted either here or elsewhere that Marius became formally a candidate for the Consulship. He seems only to have aimed at the chief command. Cf. Mar. c. 34 ÉπEl d' ἤδη, τῶν Ἰταλικῶν ἐγκεκλικότων, ἐμνηστεύοντο πολλοὶ τὸν Μιθριδατι- κὸν πόλεμον ἐν Ρώμῃ διὰ τῶν δημαγωγών, παρὰ πᾶσαν ἐλπίδα Σουλ- πίκιος δήμαρχος παραγαγὼν Μάριον ἀπεδείκνυεν ἀνθύπατον στρατηγὸν ἐπὶ Μιθριδάτην. Καὶ ὁ δῆμος διέστη, τῶν μὲν αἱρουμένων τὰ Μαρίου, τῶν δὲ Σύλλαν καλούντων καὶ τὸν Μάριον ἐπὶ θερμὰ κελευόντων εἰς Βαΐας βαδίζειν καὶ τὸ σῶμα θεραπεύειν ὑπό τε γήρως καὶ ρευμάτων απειρηκός, ὡς αὐτὸς ἔλεγε. Plutarch adds that Marius thereupon, in order to show to the people that in spite of his old age and cor- pulence he was still active and vigorous, went every day to the Campus Martius, where he joined in the exercises of the young and exhibited his skill in riding and other feats of military training. ὑπὸ δοξομανίας—ἐφιέμενος, out of ambition and a morbid love of glory-passions that never grow old-for, though he was VII 3 81 PLUTARCH'S SULLA unwieldy in body and had done no service because of his age in the recent campaigns, he still coveted (the conduct of) a distant war beyond the seas'. 5. τῷ σώματι βαρύς, G. § 188 Note I. Cf. Mar. 34, 3 έπεδείκνυε τὸ σῶμα κούφον μὲν ὅπλοις ἔποχον δὲ ταῖς ἱππασίαις, καίπερ οὐκ εὐσταλής γεγονὼς ἐν γήρᾳ τὸν ὄγκον ἀλλ᾽ εἰς σάρκα περιπληθῆ καὶ βαρεῖαν ἐνδεδωκώς. 6. ἀπειρηκώς, ‘al- though he had failed', 'broken down'. ἀπειπεῖν (1) renuntiare, to give up', ' call off", either from despair or want of will or strength, to flag', pseudo-Demosth. adv. Polycl. p. 1213 § 22 TWV στρατιωτῶν ἀπειρηκότων, Plut. Cleom. 30 οὐ μὴν ἀπεῖπεν ἀλλ' ἀντήρκεσε πρὸς τοὺς οἰκείους ἀγῶνας, Plat. legg. p. 931 Α απειρηκότας γήρα, Isae. de Philoct. her. § 35 άπειρηκότα υπό γήρως, Plut. Pyrrh. 18 ὑπό γήρως απειρηκώς πρὸς τὴν πολιτείαν, Cat. mai. 5 ἵππων απειρηκότων ὑπὸ πόνου τροφαί, Ages. 33, 2 πρὸς τὰς στρατείας ἀπειρήκει διὰ τὸ γῆρας. (2) 'to leave off', 'abstain from doing, with or without participle, Cleom. 34, Ι ναῦς αἰτῶν καὶ στρατιὰν απείπε, Xen. An. 5, 1, 2 ἀπείρηκα ἤδη συσκευαζόμενος καὶ βαδίζων, Thuc. 1, 121, 4 φέροντες ἀπεροῦσιν. (3) ' to fall short, fail in anything, c. dativo rei: Lyc. c. Leocr. $ 40 τοὺς τοῖς σώμασιν ἀπειρηκότας, Isocr. Paneg. § 92 τοις σώμασιν ἀπείπον ταῖς ψυχαῖς νικώντες, Dem. Olynth. I $ 3 p. 3o fin, απειρηκότων χρήμασι Φωκέων, Paus. 4, 9, 1 δαπάνῃ χρημάτων ἀπειρήκεσαν. § 2. 1. 8. πρὸς τὰς ἐπιλιπεῖς πράξεις ὁρμήσαντος εἰς τὸ στρα τόπεδον, ‘when Sulla had hastened to the camp for (to complete) some matters that still remained to be finished'. 10. ἐτεκταί νετο, 'was hatching all the while. Cf. Arist. Ach. 66ο πᾶν ἐπ' ἐμοὶ τεκταινέσθω. The order is: στάσιν τὴν ὀλεθριωτάτην καὶ ἀπεργασαμένην ὅσα (=τοσαύτας βλαβὰς ὅσας) σύμπαντες οἱ πόλεμοι τὴν Ρώμην οὐκ ἔβλαψαν, that most fatal sedition, which did Rome more mischief than all her wars put together had wrought her'. On the double acc. see G. § 159 Note 2. 12. τὸ δαιμόνιον, 6, 4; 6, 6. 14. δοράτων, 'poles', wooden staves'. Cf. Xen. Cyt. 7, 1, 4 ἦν δ᾽ αὐτῷ τὸ σημεῖον ἀετὸς χρυσοῦς ἐπὶ δόρατος μακροῦ ἀνατεταμένος. 20. 6 § 3. 1. 18. ανακείμενον, dedicated' as a votive offering. In purely classical Greek keîpat is the recognised perfect passive of τίθημι, τέθειμαι being used as p. middle. See n. on Them. 18, 1 1. 13. τα τρία: the article is used with cardinal numerals, where a division is made. 21. τὸ δὲ πάντων μέγιστον, sc. τοῦτό ἐστι 'but the greatest thing of all is this, that' etc., or the phrase may be considered as in apposition to the whole clause which it pre- cedes. 22. τοῦ περιέχοντος sc. ἀέρος, “the (circumambient) at- mosphere', a common expression in Plutarch and later Greek writers. Coriol. 38, ι ξύλα καὶ λίθοι δέχονται βαφὰς ἐκ τοῦ περιέχοντος, Alex. 52, 3 ὑπὲρ ὡρῶν καὶ κράσεως τοῦ περιέχοντος λόγων ὄντων, 58, 1 δυσκρασίαι τοῦ π., Polyb. 5, 21, 8 αἱ ἐκ τοῦ περιέχοντος διαφοραί, Strab. I, 1, 13 τὴν τοῦ περιέχοντος φύσιν, Diod. Sic. I, η ἐκ τῆς πιπτούσης ἀπὸ τοῦ περιέχοντος ὁμίχλης, Mor. p. 361 B εἶναι φύσεις ἐν τῷ περιέχοντι μεγάλας καὶ ἰσχυράς, Polyb. 1, 37, 9 πρὸς τὴν θάλατταν καὶ πρὸς τὸ περιέχον ὅταν παρα- βάλλωνται καὶ βιαιομαχῶσι, μεγάλοις ἐλαττώμασι περιπίπτουσιν: 3, 37, 4. The full expression τοῦ περιέχοντος αέρος occurs in Mor. 6 7 H. S. 82 VII 3 NOTES ON P. 333 E. 24. Τυρρηνῶν οἱ λόγιοι, “the learned Etrurians' i.e. the haruspices whose science was derived directly from Etruria. They presided over that part of divination in which omens were derived from inspecting the entrails of victims offered in sacrifice. 25. μεταβολὴν ἑτέρου γένους ἀπεφαίνοντο—ἀποσημαίνειν τὸ τέρας, 'gave it as their opinion, declared that the prodigy por tended a change to a new period'. Cf. Thuc. 6, 18, 8 απραγμοσύνης μεταβολῇ διαφθαρήναι, ib. 76, 4 ἐπὶ δεσπότου μεταβολῇ οὐκ αξυνετωτέρου κακοξυνετωτέρου δέ, Plut. Timol. 12, 1 εἰς μεταβολὴν δεσπότου καινοῦ τιθασευομένους. The construction of the verb, from which μεταβολή is derived, is either μεταβάλλειν τι εἴς τι ‘to change one thing for another' or μεταβάλλειν τι ἀντί τινος (ἔκ τινος) 'to change to one thing from another”, “to receive in ex- change', as Plut. Timol. 1, Ι ἄλλον ἐξ ἄλλου μεταβάλλουσα τύραινον, Philop. 16, 5 αναγκάσας τοὺς παῖδας αὐτῶν τὴν ᾿Αχαϊκὴν ἀντὶ τῆς πατρίου παιδείαν μεταβαλείν, Plat. Theaet. p. 181 C ὅταν χώραν ἐκ χώρας μεταβάλλῃ. § 4. 1. 29. ἑκάστῳ sc. τῷ γένει. περιόδῳ, 'by the revolution of a great year'. 30. ἐνιαυτοῦ μεγάλου This is explained by a passage in Censorinus de die natali c. 17, 5: in una quaque civitate quae sint naturalia saecula, rituales Etruscorum libri videntur docere, in quis scriptum esse fertur initia sic poni saeculorum. quo die urbes atque civitates constituerentur, de his qui eo die nati essent eum qui diutis- sime vixisset die mortis suae primi saeculi modulum finire, eoque die qui essent reliqui in civitate, de his rursum eius mortem, qui longissimam egisset aetatem, finem esse saeculi secundi. Sic deinceps tempus reliquorum terminari. Sed ea quod ignorarent homines, portenta mitti divinitus, quibus ad- monerentur unum quodque saeculum esse finitum. Haec portenta Etrusci pro haruspicii disciplinaeque suae peritia diligenter observata in libros rettulerunt. quare in Tuscis historiis, quae octavo eorum saeculo scriptae sunt, ut Varro testatur, et quot numero saccula ei genti data sint et transactorum singula quanta fuerint quibusve ostentis eorum exitus designati sint continetur. Itaque scriptum est quattuor prima saecula annorum fuisse centenum, quin- tum centum viginti trium, sextum undeviginti et centum, septimum totidem, octavum tum demum agi, novum et decimum superesse, quibus transactis finem fore nominis Etrusci. 32. 31. σχῇ τέλος, ‘has run out', 6, 9. ἑτέρας ενισταμένης, at the commencement of another'. ὡς for ὥστε, so that'. See lex, to Xen. Oec. p. 170* b. 33. τοῖς πεφροντικόσι τὰ τοιαῦτα, ‘to those who have studied such subjects. The verb φροντίζειν is generally used intransitively with περί and the gen. or the genitive alone of that which excites attention. It is not often found as transitive with the accusative. Cf. Xen. Mem. Ι, Ι, ΙΙ τοὺς φροντίζοντας τὰ τοιαῦτα μωραίνοντας ἀπεδείκνυε. 34. ευθύς, to be taken with δήλον. τρόποιςχρώμενοι γεγόνασι, have come into the world with other habits and modes of life', ΗΑ. § 968 b. § 5. 1. 37. αμείψει, succession'. μίας, 2, 2. λαμβάνειν καινοτο- 38. κατατυγχάνειν ταῖς προαγορεύσεσι, is suc- cessful in its predictions', Dem. de cor. § 178. 41. ταπεινὰ πράττειν, to be in a low, neglected, condition', Ι, Ι. αὐτο VII 6 83 PLUTARCH'S SULLA oxédiov oûσav тà moλλá, ‘being for the most part off-hand, con- jectural'. See ind. gr. s. v. άμvspŵv, 'dim', 'faint': v. Plat. Phaedr. p. 250 B, where the same phrase is applied to the 'im- perfect' organs of sense, Timae. 72 B тà μavтeîα áµνdрóтeра ËσXE τοῦ τι σαφές σημαίνειν. 43. απτομένην, attingentem, deavouring to reach', 'trying to ascertain'. P en- § 6. 1. 45. τῆς συγκλήτου σχολαζούσης τοῖς μάντεσι, while the Senate was giving up its time, attending, to the seers'. Cf. Xen. Cyr. 7, 5, 39 : πρὶν τοῖς φίλοις αὐτὸν σχολάσαι καὶ συγγενέσθαι. HA. 46. ẻv tậ vaậ rηs 'Evvoûs, ‘in the temple of Bellona', where the Senate generally assembled when circumstances rendered it necessary for them to meet outside the Pomoerium, as, for example, when they gave audience to the ambassadors of a state with which the Roman people were at war, or to a general who had not laid down his military command (imperium). The Temple of Apollo was occasionally employed for the same purpose. (Ramsay Rom. Ant. p. 43. See my note on Cic. orat. pro Sest. § 116.) The Tem- ple stood probably near the carceres of the Circus Flaminius, north- east of the Temple of Apollo; according to Livy 10, 19, Ov. Fast. 6, 203–10, it was vowed in 296/458 by Appius Claudius Caecus. See Burn Rome and the Campagna pp. 301, 314. 48. αὐτοῦ may be either cius sc. cicadae, the gen. after μépos, or adv. illico, ibi, on the spot', 'there' (Koraes). 49. exwv, 'with'. ἔχων, § 968 b. pewρ@vтo, apprehended'. 50. τῶν κτηματικών, possessorum, land-holders'. Tib. Gr. 9, 3; 10, 1; 12, 2. öxλov — dyopaîov, turbam-circumforaneam, not the merchant ὄχλον class' (Long). 51. τοῦτον must of course refer to τὸν ἀστικὸν ὄχλον. Koraes interprets the passage thus:—τὸν μὲν ἀστικὸν ὄχλον πολύφωνον καὶ ἀείφωνον εἶναι, ὥσπερ τέττιγα· τοὺς δὲ χω- ρίτας (τουτεστι τοὺς κτηματικοὺς ἐν ταῖς αὐτῶν ἀρούραις διατρί βειν, καθάπερ καὶ τοὺς στρουθούς· ὡς ἐπὶ τὸ πολὺ γὰρ ταῖς ἀρούραις, τούτεστι τοῖς σπειρομένοις πεδίοις, εμφιλοχωρεῖ ὁ στρουθός, κἀκεῖ ὡς ἐπίπαν φαίνεται. The reading found in x (anon.) is φωνάεντα τοῦτον είναι καθάπερ στρουθόν, τοὺς δὲ χωρίτας ἀρουραίους καθάπερ τέττιγας, 'the latter is always noisy like a sparrow (the bird most familiar in towns), while the farmers living in the country are like grasshop- pers'. Long says 'the sentence is corrupt' and Reiske suggests that we should leave 'ineptias suas nugaci popello vatum, qui sunt impostores'. 'Quoquo me verto' he adds 'ex hoc loco me non ex- pedio, cuius omnia sunt hiulca et impervia'. 6—2 S+ VILI NOTES ON CHAPTER VIII Marius allies himself with the tribune Publius Sulpicius Rufus, a cruel, rapacious and audacious villain, who sold the Roman citi- zenship to libertini and resident aliens and publicly received the money at a table in the Forum; who went about with a body-guard of armed men, not less than three thousand strong, and a number of six hundred knights whom he called his anti-senate, ready for any- thing. He caused a law to be passed that no senator should contract a debt to the amount of more than two thousand denarii and yet at his death left behind him a debt of three millions. Such was the man whom Marius enlisted to serve his personal interests, and who intro- duced general disorder and riot. Among other obnoxious laws, he brought forward one to take away from Sulla the chief command in the war with Mithridates (which had been in due form of law conferred on him), and to give it to Marius, who was then only a private citizen. The consuls threw formal obstacles in the way of his resolution by issuing a decree for the observance of an extra- ordinary festival which would cause a total cessation of business. Riots and acts of violence were the consequence, and the life of the consuls was in imminent danger. Pompeius sought safety in flight, but his son, Sulla's grandson, was murdered. Sulla himself only escaped a like fate by taking refuge in the house of Marius and afterwards consenting to recall the edict which proclaimed the extra- ordinary festival. Sulla was not, like his colleague, deprived of the consulship, but he made his way to the army in Campania, where he would be safe from the violence of his enemies. Sulpicius sends some tribuni militum to take over the command of the army before Nola. § 1. 1. 1. προσλαμβάνει δημαρχοῦντα Σουλπίκιον, ‘takes (P.) Sulpicius (Rufus) as his helper, while he is in office as tribune'. Cf. Mar. 35, 1 εὐφυέστατον εὑρόντος ὄργανον Μαρίου πρὸς τὸν κοινὸν ὄλεθρον τὸ Σουλπικίου θράσος, ὃς διὰ τἄλλα πάντα θαυμάζων καὶ ζηλῶν τὸν Σατουρνῖνον, ἀτολμίαν ἐπεκάλει τοῖς πολιτεύμασιν αὐτοῦ καὶ μέλλησιν, Appian b.c. I, 55: Μάριος δὲ τὸν πόλεμον (τὸν Μιθριδά τειον) εὐχερῆ τε καὶ πολύχρυσον ἡγούμενος εἶναι καὶ ἐπιθυμῶν τῆς στρα- τηγίας, υπηγάγετό οἱ συμπράσσειν ἐς τοῦτο Πόπλιον Σουλπίκιον δήμαρχον ὑποσχέσεσι πολλαῖς. 2. ἄνθρωπον, Ι, 4. οὐδενὸς Seúτepov, nulli secundum, Herod. 1, 23, G. § 175 Note 1, HA. § 175. 3. ὥστε μὴ ζητεῖν sc. τινα, 'so that one had not to enquire', 'the question was not'. 4. πρὸς τί μοχθηρότατος EavToû, 'wherein he surpassed himself in wickedness', 'exceeded ἑαυτοῦ, his own enormities', HA. § 644 a. 6. περὶ αὐτὸν ἦν, “were combined in him'. ἀπερίσκεπτος αἰσχροῦ, regardless of shame', 7. os ye, quippe qui, 9, 7. G. § 180 Note 1, HA. § 753 d. 8. eλevoeρikoîs, 'men of the class of freedmen', viz. the dediticii or Latini, Gaius 1, 12 etc. VIII 3 85 PLUTARCH'S SULLA Though Plutarch may have found this abuse in some of his authorities, it is a charge which without further evidence ought not to be accepted. Certainly many, probably most, of the libertini were citizens without paying for the privilege of a vote. and the aliens who became citizens under the Fulia Lex and the Plautia Papiria would be numerous enough without increasing the citizens by such a strange method as selling the franchise. It is possible that Sulpicius did in some way contrive to bring a great number of men to the ballot-box who were not entitled to vote; and the transfer of the command against Mithridates from Sulla to Marius is evidence of his unscrupulous character, for Marius was not fit to conduct such a war, and Sulla, besides being entitled to the command as consul, was the ablest general that Rome then had. LONG Decl. R. R. 2, 218. • πωλῶν ἀναφανδόν, offering by public sale'. ἠρίθμει τιμήν, 'counted out (and received) the price'. Its usual meaning is 'to count out and pay', as in Xen. Symp. 4, 44. § 2. 1. 10. ἱππικῶν, ex equestri ordine. 12. ἀντισύγκλη τον, ' an anti-senate', an 'opposition senate'. Cf. Mar. 35, 1 ἑξακοσί ους εἶχε περὶ αὐτὸν τῶν ἱππικῶν οἷον δορυφόρους καὶ τούτους ἀντι· σύγκλητον ὠνόμαζεν. 13. ὑπὲρ δισχιλίας δραχμας ὀφείλειν, 'should incur a debt of more than 2000 drachmas' (= Roman denarii), about £80. 'The Romans' says Long 'made many enactments for limiting expense (leges sumptuariae, see Dict. of Antig. p. 1077) in dress, entertainments, funerals (Sull. c. 35), amount of debt to be incurred and so forth, all of which were unavailing. But this measure is so absurd that we must suppose Plutarch has misunderstood it. A law by which the popular assembly affected to regulate the Roman Senate would have been a revolution greater than any Rome had seen. Our own legislation contains many instances of sumptuary laws re- lating to apparel from the time of Edward III at intervals to that of Philip and Mary, when these statutes were repealed by the 1st of James I'. 14. ὀφλήματος, “debt. See ind. gr. s. v. μυριάδας τριακοσίας, 'three millions of drachmae', about £120,000. 15. ἀφεθείς, ‘let loose'. 17. νόμους μοχθηρούς. One of his measures was di- rected towards regulating the legal condition of the new citizens who had obtained the Roman franchise in 90/664 by the lex Iulia, which restricted its benefits by ordaining that the new citizens should all be inscribed in eight only out of the old 35 tribes (Vell. Paterc. 2, 20). Sulpicius came forward with the proposal to distribute the Italians equally over all the 35 tribes. Liv. epit. 77, Appian h. c. I, 55: τοὺς ἐκ τῆς Ἰταλίας νεοπολίτας, μειονεκτοῦντας ἐπὶ ταῖς χειροτονίαις, ἐπήλπιζεν (sc. ὁ Μάριος) ἐς τὰς φυλὰς ἁπάσας διαιρήσειν, οὐ προλέγων μέν τι περὶ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ χρείας, ὡς δὲ ὑπη ρέταις ἐς πάντα χρησόμενος εύνοις. καὶ νόμον αὐτίκα ὁ Σουλπίκιος ἐσέφερε περὶ τοῦδε· οὗ κυρωθέντος ἔμελλε πᾶν ὅ τι βούλοιτο Μάριος ἢ Σουλπίκιος ἔσεσθαι, τῶν νεοπολιτῶν πολὺ παρὰ τοὺς ἀρχαίους πλειόνων ὄντων. οἱ δ' ἀρχαιότεροι συνορῶντες ταῦτα ἐγκρατῶς τοῖς νεοπολίταις διεφέροντο. § 3. 1. 19. 1. 19. ἀπραξίας, ferias, iustitium, a suspension of public business'. This proclamation was in order to prevent the law of Sulpicius being put to the vote. Cf. Appian Z.c. ξύλοις δὲ καὶ λίθοις χρωμένων αὐτῶν ἐς ἀλλήλους, καὶ μείζονος ἀεὶ γιγνομένου τοῦ 86 VIII 3 NOTES ON κακοῦ, δείσαντες οἱ ὕπατοι περὶ τῇ δοκιμασίᾳ τοῦ νόμου πλησιαζούση προὔγραψαν ἡμερῶν ἀργίας πολλῶν, ὁποῖον ἐν ταῖς ἑορταῖς εἴωθε γίγνεσθαι, ἵνα τις ἀναβολὴ γένοιτο τῆς χειροτονίας καὶ τοῦ κακοῦ. 20. ἐπαγαγὼν αὐτοῖς—ὄχλον, attacking them with a rabble, as they were holding an assembly at the temple of Castor and Pollux'. Mar. l. c. ἐπελθὼν μεθ᾽ ὅπλων ἐκκλησιάζουσι τοῖς ὑπάτοις, τοῦ μὲν ἑτέρου φυγόντος ἐξ ἀγορᾶς τὸν υἱὸν ἐγκαταλαβὼν ἀπέσφαξε. The Temple of Castor and Pollux, one of the most magnificent of the monuments of the Forum (celeberrimum clarissimumque monumentum, Cic. in Verr. 2, 1, 49), of which there are three Corinthian columns still standing, was vowed by the Dictator Aulus Postumius at the battle of the Lake Regillus in the Latin War, dedicated by his son 484/270, rebuilt by L. Metellus Dal- maticus 119/635. It was frequently used for meetings of the Senate (Cic. l. c.) and harangues (conciones) were delivered from its steps to the people in the Forum. See my n. on Cic. or. p. Sest. § 34 1.7. Appian continues the narrative thus:Σουλπίκιος δὲ τὴν ἀργίαν (iustitium) οὐκ ἀναμένων ἐκέλευε τοῖς στασιώταις ἐς τὴν ἀγορὰν ἥκειν μετὰ κεκρυμμένων ξιφιδίων καὶ ὁρᾶν ὅ τι ἐπείγοι, μηδ' αὐτῶν φειδό- μενους τῶν ὑπάτων, εἰ δέοι. ὡς δὲ αὐτῷ πάντα ἕτοιμα ἦν, κατηγόρει τῶν ἀργιῶν ὡς παρανόμων καὶ τοὺς ὑπάτους Κορνήλιον Σύλλαν καὶ Κόιντον Πομπήιον ἐκέλευεν αὐτὰς αὐτίκα ἀναιρεῖν, ἵνα προθείη τὴν δοκιμασίαν τῶν νόμων. θορύβου δ᾽ ἀναστάντος οἱ παρεσκευασμένοι τὰ ξιφίδια ἐπεσπάσαντο καὶ τοὺς ὑπάτους ἀντιλέγοντας ἠπείλουν κτενεῖν, μέχρι Πομπήιος μὲν λαθών διέφυγε, Σύλλας δ' ώς βουλευσόμενος ὑπεχώρει. κάν τῷδε Πομπήιου τὸν υἱόν, κηδεύοντα τῷ Σύλλᾳ, παρρη σιαζόμενόν τι καὶ λέγοντα κτείνουσιν οἱ τοῦ Σουλπικίου στασιώται. 23. Σύλλας δ' εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν τοῦ Μαρίου συνδιωχθείς: Α fuller account is given by Plutarch in his Life of Marius c. 35: Σύλλας δὲ παρὰ τὴν οἰκίαν τοῦ Μαρίου διωκόμενος, οὐδενὸς ἂν προσδο- κήσαντος, εἰσέπεσε· καὶ τοὺς μὲν διώκοντας ἔλαθε δρόμῳ παρενεχθέντας, ὑπ' αὐτοῦ δὲ Μαρίου λέγεται κατὰ θύρας ἑτέρας ἀσφαλῶς ἀποπεμφθεὶς διεκπεσεῖν εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον. αὐτὸς δ' ὁ Σύλλας ἐν τοῖς ὑπομνήμασιν οὔ φησι καταφυγεῖν πρὸς τὸν Μάριον, ἀλλ' ἀπαχθῆναι βουλευσόμενος ὑπὲρ ὧν Σουλπίκιος ἠνάγκαζεν αὐτὸν ἄκοντα ψηφίσασθαι, περισχὼν ἐν κύκλῳ ξίφεσι γυμνοῖς καὶ συνελάσας πρὸς τὸν Μάριον, ἄχρι οὗ προελθὼν ἐκεῖθεν εἰς ἀγοράν, ὡς ἠξίουν ἐκεῖνοι, τὰς ἀπραξίας ἔλυσε. Π. § 4. 1. 25. διὰ τοῦτο, sc. quod iustitium remiserat (Leopold). τὸν Πομπήιον ἐπάρχοντα παύσας, though he deposed Pompeius from his consular authority ', G. § 279, 1. But see cr. 29. χιλιάρχους: Mar. c. 35 δύο χιλιάρχους ἐξέπεμψε παρα- ληψομένους τὸ Σύλλα στράτευμα. One of them was Gratidius, the kinsman of Marius, according to Val. Max. 9, 7, 5: cum C. Mario lege Sulpicia provincia Asia, ut adversus Mithridatem bellum gereret, privato decreta esset, missum ab eo Gratidium legatum ad L. Sullam consulem accipiendarum legionum causa milites trucidarunt, procul dubio indignati, quod ab summo imperio ad cum qui nullo in honore versaretur transire cogerentur. 30. Νωλαν: the town before which Sulla had left his army to go to Rome on hearing of the IX I S7 PLUTARCH'S SULLA Sulpician revolution. While he was before Nola, a Samnite army came to relieve the town and encamped near it, but Sulla stormed and captured it. Cf. Vell. Paterc. 2, 18, 4: Sulla egressus urbe cum circa Nolam moraretur (quippe ea urbs pertinacissime arma retinebat exercituque Romano obsidebatur, velut poeniteret eius fidei quam omnium sanctissimam bello praestiterat Punico), P. Sulpicius ctc. CHAPTER IX On Sulla's arrival at the camp, the soldiers, hearing of the treatment he had received from Marius and Sulpicius, murdered the officers who had been sent from Rome to take over the army from him. The Marians retaliated by murdering the partisans of Sulla at Rome and plundering their property. Thereupon some hastened from the city to the camp, while others left the camp for the city (§ 1). The Senate, no longer its own master, but under the control of Marius and Sulpicius, sent two of the Practors to forbid Sulla to advance. These commissioners assumed a bold countenance before Sulla, but they were sent back with insult and narrowly escaped with their lives. They reported at Rome that the rising could not be checked and was past all remedy (§ 2). Sulla, with Pompeius his colleague, marched on Rome with six legions from Nola after much hesitation about attacking the city and many misgivings of the danger, but he was reassured by the sacrifices and the declarations of the haruspex Postumius (§ 3) and by a vision which appeared to him in a dream (§ 4). At Pictae he was met by a second embassy from the Senate, requesting him not to advance further. The consul professed compliance but, as soon as they were gone, followed close upon their heels (§ 5). He sent Basillus and Gaius Mummius to advance and occupy the Gate (per- haps the Caelimontana and part of the adjoining wall. Long). The people pelted them from the house-tops and stopped the pro- gress of the troops, until Sulla, in the heat of passion, and waving a brand, gave the order for burning the houses and discharging fire arrows at the roofs. Marius made a stand for a while at the Temple of Tellus on the Esquiline, but finally was beaten and fled from the city (§§ 6, 7). § 1. 1. 1. φθάσαντος-διαφυγείν, making his escape to the camp before' the arrival of the tribunes. ν The construction of p0άve with infin. instead of participle is seldom found in Attic Greek; more often in later writers. Cf. Appian b. c. 1, 56: ó Σύλλας—ες Καπύην ἐπὶ τὸν ἐκεῖ στρατόν, ὡς ἐκ Καπίης ἐς τὴν ᾿Ασίαν ἐπὶ τὸν Μιθριδάτου πόλεμον διαβαλῶν, ἠπείγετο. 3. καταλευσάντ των τοὺς χιλιάρχους, 8, 4 1. 29, Mar. c. 35 τοὺς δὲ χιλιάρχους, οὓς ἔπεμψε Μάριος, προσπεσόντες οἱ στρατιῶται διέφθειραν. 4. αὖθις, vicissim, in requital'. Cf. Mar. 35 πολλοὺς δὲ καὶ Μάριος ἐν Ρώμῃ τῶν Σύλλα φίλων ἀνῃρήκει καὶ δούλοις ἐλευθερίαν ἐκήρυττεν ἐπὶ συμ- δ, dè 88 IX 1 NOTES ON 6. εἰς πόλιν ἀπὸ μαχίᾳ· λέγονται δὲ τρεῖς μόνοι προσγενέσθαι. στρατοπέδου, 'from camp to city'. The article is omitted occa- sionally before πόλις, ἄστυ, ἀγρός, ἀγορά, τεῖχος, πεδίον and other local designations, and sometimes also before στρατός, στρατία, στράτευμα, στρατόπεδον, when they denote oppo- sitions between the parts of a given and presupposed principal locality, and are governed by prepositions. Madvig Gr. Synt. § 8 Rem. 2 d. 7. ἐκεῖσε, i.e. εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον. The § 2. 1. 8. ἦν οὐχ αὐτῆς, non erat sui iuris, was not its own master', G. § 169, 1. 10. στρατηγών, praetorum. These were D. Iunius Brutus and P. Servilius Albinovanus. 11. απα- γορεύσοντας αὐτῷ βαδίζειν, to forbid him to advance. correct Attic form is ἀπεροῦντας, Cobet που. lect. p. 778. 12. θρασύτερον Σύλλᾳ διαλεχθέντας, for using bolder language than was proper to Sulla'. 13. τὰς ῥάβδους, their fasces. These consisted of a bundle of rods cut from the birch or elm-tree, wattled together and bound round with thongs into the form of a fascine. They were carried by the lictors before certain of the Roman magistrates, notably the Consuls. A praetor was attended by two lictors within the city and by six when on foreign service; hence he is termed by Polybius εξαπέλεκυς ἡγεμών oι στρατηγός. 14. τὰς περιπορφύρους sc. τηβέννους, togas praetextas, togas orna- mented with a broad border of purple, worn by the chief magis- trates both at Rome and in the colonies and by the higher orders of priests, and also by all free-born youths until they assumed the toga virilis, and by girls until they married. Appian has nothing about the murder of the tribunes or rough treatment of the praetors. He merely says that, as Sulla's army was on its march to Rome, πρέσ βεις ἐν ὁδῷ καταλαβόντες ηρώτων, τί μεθ᾽ ὅπλων ἐπὶ τὴν πατρίδα ἐλαύνοι. ὁ δ᾽ εἶπεν, ἐλευθερώσων αὐτὴν ἀπὸ τῶν τυραννούντων. καὶ τοῦτο δὶς καὶ τρὶς ἑτέροις πρέσβεσιν ἐλθοῦσιν εἰπὼν ἐπήγγελλεν ὅμως, εἰ θέλοιεν τήν τε σύγκλητον αὐτῷ καὶ Μάριον καὶ Σουλπίκιον ἐς τὸ *Αρειον πεδίον συναγαγεῖν, πράξειν ὅ τι ἂν βουλευομένοις δοκῇ, c. 57. 15. αὐτόθεν τε δεινὴν κατήφειαν, ὁρωμένους: Haec cum praece- denti ἀπέπεμψαν iungenda. Sententia est: contumeliis adfectos hacque re gravioris moeroris causam remiserunt, cum praetoriis insignibus spoliati conspicerentur etc. (Leopoldt). On the meaning of κατή φεια see my n. to Them. 9, 2 1. 24. The various meanings of αὐτόθεν are (1) local illinc, ex eo loco, ἐξ αὐτοῦ τοῦ τόπου, as in Xen. Mem. 2, 8, I to the question of Socrates πόθεν-φαίνῃ; the reply is αὐτόθεν i.e. ex hac ipsa urbe, Dem. adv. Androt. § 68 p. 614 in reply to the question whether the prison was built to no purpose, the answer is καταφαίην ἂν ἔγωγε, εἴ γ᾽ ὁ σὸς πατὴρ ᾤχετο αὐτόθεν αὐταῖς πέδαις ἐξορχησάμενος. (2) temporal illico, ex (3) circumstan- tempore, vestigio, 'at once', 'immediately'. tial, ‘from this very circumstance', 'from the mere fact'. In the present passage ὁρωμένους seems to be epexegetic of αὐτόθεν: the mere sight of them, as well as the news they had to report, was a cause of terrible dejection. 17. ἀνήκεστον, 4, 4. IX 4 89 PLUTARCH'S SULLA § 3. 1. 19. ἐν παρασκευαῖς ἦσαν, were actively engaged in making preparations'. Cf. Thuc. 8, 14, 3 ἐν τειχισμῷ παντες ἦσαν καὶ παρασκευῇ πολέμου. Elsewhere the phrase has a passive meaning as in Plut. Caes. 58 ταῦτα ἐν παρασκευαῖς ἦν, Thuc. 2, 80, 2 τὸ ναυτικὸν ἐν παρασκευῇ ἦν, Aeschin. 2, 103 τὴν στρατείαν ὁρᾶτε οὖσαν ἐν παρασκευή. 20. ἓξ τάγματα τέλεια, 'six complete legions', viz. 35,ooo men: Mar. 35, 4 ἦσαν δὲ τρισμυρίων καὶ πεντά- κις χιλίων οὐ μείους ὁπλῖται. Appian l. c. ἦγεν ἓξ τέλη στρατιω τῶν αὐτίκα. According to Orosius 5, 19, 4 he had only four legions. A μετὰ τοῦ συνάρχοντος, i.e. Quintus Pompeius Rufus, who, according to this statement, must have joined Sulla at Nola. Appian I. c. says that he joined him as he was approaching the city: πλη- σιάζοντι δὲ Πομπήιος μὲν ὁ σόναρχος ἐπαινῶν καὶ ἀρεσκόμενος τοῖς γιγ νομένοις ἀφίκετο, συμπράξων εἰς ἅπαντα. 21. εκίνει sc. τὸ στρα τόπεδον (Xen. 6, 4, 27). Cf. Polyb. 2, 54, 2 αὖθις ἐκ ποδὸς ἐκίνει, Plut. Lucull. 9, ι εὐθὺς ἀπὸ δείπνου ἐκίνει, Caes. 26 κινήσας ἐκεῖθεν, but in Nic. 17, 1 ἐκίνησε τὴν στρατιὰν ἐπὶ τὰς Συρακούσας, Appian Z. c. states that all Sulla's officers left him, except one quaestor, as they would not serve against their country: αὐτὸν οἱ μὲν ἄρχοντες τοῦ στρατοῦ, χωρὶς ἑνὸς ταμίου, διέδρασαν ἐς Ρώμην, οὐχ ὑφιστάμενοι στρατὸν ἄγειν ἐπὶ τὴν πατρίδα. 22. πρόθυμον ὄντα χωρεῖν εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν : In Appian's narra- tive Sulla is said to have called together his soldiers, who were eager to go to the East, for they expected rich booty and feared that if Marius had the command he would take other troops, and discoursed to them of the treatment he had received from Marius and Sulpicius, for he did not venture to tell them his intentions, and bade them be ready. But the men knew what he intended, and they called out for him to lead them to Rome. πυθόμενος δ᾽ ὁ Σύλλας (i.e. the appointment of Marius in his place), καὶ πολέμῳ κρίνας διακριθῆναι, συνήγαγε τὸν στρατὸν εἰς ἐκκλησίαν, καὶ τόνδε τῆς ἐπὶ τὸν Μιθριδάτην στρατείας ορεγό- μενόν τε ὡς ἐπικερδούς, καὶ νομίζοντα Μάριον ἐς αὐτὴν ἑτέρους καταλέξειν ἀνθ' ἑαυτῶν. τὴν δ᾽ ὕβριν ὁ Σύλλας τὴν ἐς αὐτὸν εἰπὼν Σουλπικίου τε καὶ Μαρίου, καὶ σαφὲς οὐδὲν ἄλλο ἐπενεγκών (οὐ γὰρ ἐτόλμα πω λέγειν περὶ τοιούδε πολέμου, παρήνεσεν ἑτοίμοις ἐς τὸ παραγγελλόμενον εἶναι. οἱ δὲ συνιέντες τε ὧν ἐπενθεί καὶ περὶ σφῶν δεδιότες μὴ τῆς στρατείας αποτύχοιεν, απεγύμνουν αὐτοὶ τὸ ἐνθύμημα τοῦ Σύλλα καὶ ἐς Ρώμην σφᾶς ἄγειν θαρροῦντα ἐκέλευον. 24 24. ὁ μάντις Ποστούμιος: eadem narrat Augustinus de civ. Dci, his verbis: Sulla-cum primum ad urbem contra Marium castra movisset -adeo lacta exta immolanti fuisse scribit Livius, ut custodiri se Postumius aruspex voluerit capitis supplicium subiturus, nisi ea quae in animo Sulla haberet dis iuvantibus implevisset. Meminit quoque huius aruspicis, quem iam bello sociali secum habuit Sulla, Ĉic. de div. 1, 33, 72 et (ex eo repetit) Valer. Max. 1, 6, 4 (Lev- pold). 28. αὐτῷ συντελεσθείη, G. § 184, 3. § 4. 1. 29. κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους, 28, 4. 30. Καππαδοκών: It is difficult to conjecture what Cappadocian goddess Plutarch means, if it be not the Great Mother, Mar. 17, 5 (Long). 32. έδοξεν, fancied', 'fancied he saw. See my n. to Them. 26, 2 1. 6, and to the exx. there quoted add Timol. 8, 3 νυκτὸς ἐμβαλὼν εἰς τὸ πέλαγος.. ἔδοξεν ῥαγέντα τὸν οὐρανὸν ἐκχέαι προ ... ἐπιστᾶσαν, 'appearing to him ', lit. standing by. 90 IX 4 NOTES ON Cf. Herod. I, 34 αὐτίκα οἱ εὐδοντι ἐπέστη ὄνειρος, ib. 38 ὄψις ὀνείρου ἐν τῷ ὕπνῳ ἐπιστᾶσα, 5, 56 ἐδόκεςἄνδρα οἱ ἐπιστάντα μέγαν αἰνίσσεσθαι τάδε τὰ ἔπεα, Lucian Gall. 8 θεῖός τις ὡς ἀληθῶς ὄνειρος ἐπιστάς, Arrian Anab. 4, 13, 5 καθεύδοντι πολλάκις ἐπιστῆναι, Dio Cass. 54, 4 ὄναρ τῷ Αὐγούστῳ τοιόνδε ἐπέστη, Diod. Sic. 5, 63 τοῖς κάμνουσι κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους ἐφισταμένην φανερώς διδόναι τὴν θεραπείαν, 19, 90 τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον καθ᾽ ὕπνον ἐπιστάντα φανερώς διασημᾶναι, Theocr. 21, 5 (τὸν ὕπνον) αἰφνίδιον θορυβεῦσιν ἐφιστάμεναι μελεδώναι, Luc. Evang. 24, 4 ἰδοὺ ἄνδρες δύο ἐπέστησαν αὐτοῖς, 2, 9 άγγελος Κυρίου ἐπέστη αὐτοῖς. 34. ἐκείνου sc. Sulla, used as an indirect reflexive in subjective reference; see my n. on Tib. Gr. 12, 2 l. 13. 36. μεθ᾿ ἡμέραν, postridie, 'at day-break. § 5. 1. 37. Πικτάς: Strabo 5, 9 p. 362 mentions a place of public entertainment bearing this name (Πικτὰς πανδοχεία); it was on the via Labicana about twenty-five miles from the city. See cr. n. 38. ἐξ ἐφόδου, εx itinere, primo impetu. Cf. Polyb. 1, 24, 10 ταύ την ἐξ ἐφόδου κατὰ κράτος ἔλαβον, 76, το τὴν ἐπὶ τῆς γεφύρας πόλιν ἐξ ἐφόδου κατέσχεν. Appian's account is as follows: Μάριος δὲ καὶ Σουλπίκιος ἐς παρασκευὴν ὀλίγου διαστήματος δεόμενοι πρέσβεις ἑτέρους ἔπεμπον ὡς δὴ καὶ τούσδε ὑπὸ τῆς βουλῆς ἀπεσταλμένους, δεόμενοι μὴ ἀγχοτέρω τεσσαράκοντα σταδίων τῇ Ρώμῃ παραστρατοπεδεύειν, μέχρι ἐπισκέψαιντο περὶ τῶν παρόντων. Σύλλας δὲ καὶ Πομπήιος τὸ ἐνθύμημα σαφῶς εἰδότες ὑπέσχοντο μὲν ὧδε πράξειν, εὐθὺς δὲ τοῖς πρέσβεσιν ἀπιοῦσιν εἵποντο. καὶ Σύλλας μὲν τὰς Αἰσκυλείους πύλας καὶ τὸ παρ' αὐτὰς τεῖχος ἑνὶ τέλει στρατιωτῶν κατελάμβανε, Πομπήιος δὲ τὰς Κολλίνας ἑτέρῳ τέλει· καὶ τρίτον ἐπὶ τὴν ξυλίνην γεφύραν έχώρει καὶ τέταρτον πρὸ τῶν τειχῶν ἐς διαδοχὴν ὑπέμενεν. τοῖς δ᾽ ὑπολοίποις ὁ Σύλλας ἐς τὴν πόλιν ἐχώρει δόξῃ καὶ ἔργῳ πολεμίου, c. 57 c. 58. 45. συνήπτε, consequebatur, 'set out to join them. § 6. 1. 49. κεράμῳ καὶ λίθῳ, with tiles and stones': the former word is often used in a collective sense. Cf. Appian l. c. : αὐτὸν οἱ περιοικοῦντες ἄνωθεν ἠμύνοντο βάλλοντες, μέχρι τὰς οἰκίας ἠπείλησεν ἐμπρήσειν. 51. συνέστειλαν εἰς τὸ τεῖχος : cf. Pericl. 19 τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους συνέστειλεν εἰς τὰ τείχη (ὁ Περικλής), Timol. 9, 2 εἰς τὴν ἀκρόπολιν συνεσταλμένον. 53. συνιδὼν τὸ γινόμενον, 'seeing, observing at a glance, taking a comprehensive view of, what was going on': Them. 7, 2 l. 12. 6 § 7. 1. 55. χρῆσθαι τοῖς πυροβόλοις, to make use of their fire-darts'. By these no doubt are meant the malleoli, missiles em- ployed for firing the works of an enemy. The malleolus consisted of a reed shaft, fitted at the top with a frame of wire-work, like the head of a distaff, which was filled with inflammable materials and had an arrow affixed to the top, so that the whole figure resembled a mallet. It was set alight before being discharged, and when it reached the object against which it was directed, the arrow-head stuck firmly into it, while the tow blazed away and ignited what- ever it had fastened upon, Liv. 38, 6; 42, 64.' RICH Compan. to the Lat. Dicty. etc. s. v. 56. τῶν στεγασμάτων εφιεμένους, 'aiming at the roofs'. Caes. 45 τῶν ὄψεων ἐφιέμενοι, Pomp. 71 X 91 PLUTARCH'S SULLA κατ' ᾧ τῶν ὑψηλοῖς ἐχρῶντο τοῖς ὑσσοῖς ἐφιέμενοι τῶν προσώπων. ovdéva λoyiσµóv, nullo consilio, 'without any rational considera- tion'. 57. éμmalns, 'in a passion'. τῷ θυμῷ παραδεδωκώς τὴν τῶν πρασσομένων ἡγεμονίαν, having surrendered to his temper complete mastery over his actions'. 58. ös ye, quippe qui, 8, I; 10, I. 59. εἰς οὐδένα λόγον θέμενος, I, 2; 6, 3. αἰτίων καὶ (τῶν) μὴ (αἰτίων) διάγνωσις οὐκ ἦν, (ignis) qui nullum inter sontes ac insontes discrimen noverat, which knew no dis- tinction between the guilty and the innocent'. 62. τὸ τῆς Tns iepóv. 'The Temple of Tellus' was situated in that part of the Esquiline Hill (λόφον τὸν Αἰσκυλῖνον), which was named Carinae. It was frequently used as a place of meeting for the Senate when M. Antonius lived in the neighbouring palace, formerly that of the Pompeian family. 63. ἐπ' ἐλευθερία, 'on condition of receiving freedom'. Tò OiKETɩkóv, 'the (body of) slaves'. Cp. Appian c. 58: οἱ δ' ἀμφὶ τὸν Μάριον πρὸς τοὺς ἐπελθόντας ἀκμῆτας ἀσθενῶς μαχόμενοι τούς τε ἄλλους πολίτας ἐκ τῶν οἰκιῶν ἔτι μαχομένους συνεκάλουν καὶ τοῖς δούλοις ἐκήρυττον ἐλευθερίαν εἰ μετάσχοιεν τοῦ πόνου. οὐδενὸς δὲ προσιόντος, ἀπογνόντες ἁπάντων ἔφευγον εὐθὺς ἐκ τῆς πόλεως, καὶ σὺν αὐτοῖς ὅσοι τῶν ἐπιφανών συνε- πεπράχεσαν. 64. ἐξέπεσε τῆς πόλεως, escaped out of the city'. 1, 1, 6, 4; Thuc. 6, 95 οἱ μὲν ξυνελήφθησαν οἱ δ᾽ ἐξέπεσον ᾿Αθήναζε. It appears from Appian's narrative that Marius with his partisans had hastily armed as many men as they could and a fight was made about the market on the Esquiline. Sulla was at first repulsed, but he seized a standard and advancing to the front rallied his troops. He then summoned his legion that was lying out of the city and sent some of his men round by the Suburra quarter to attack the Marians in the rear. As the enemy were unable to resist these fresh assailants and were in danger of being surrounded, Marius attempted to collect together the citizens who were still pelting the invaders from the house-tops and sum- moned the slaves by a promise of freedom; but he was soon overpowered and made his escape from the city. CHAPTER X Sulla, making the Senate the instrument of his vengeance, had got them to declare the leaders of the expelled faction enemies of the state; any man might kill them; and their property was confis- cated. Sulpicius was betrayed by his own slave to the pursuers who put him to death. Sulla gave the traitor slave his freedom and then had him hurled down the Tarpeian rock. He set a price on the head of Marius, an unworthy return for the treatment he had himself once received from him under similar circumstances, which drew down upon him the secret dislike of the Senate and the undisguised resentment of the People (§ 1-§ 2). To spite him, the voters rejected at the elections his sister's son and Servius, whom he put forward as candidates in the consular comitia, and elected L. Corne- lius Cinna, who belonged to the most determined opposition: but Sulla concealed his disappointment and accepted the unpleasant 92 X NOTES ON election with the declaration that he was glad to see the burgesses making use of their constitutional liberty of choice (§ 3). (This he did in order to recover some of the popularity which he had lost since he entered the city with his troops. He contented himself with exacting from Cinna an oath, attended with a solemn ceremony, that he would faithfully observe the existing con- stitution.) Cinna was made to ascend the Capitol in the presence of many spectators, with a stone in his hand, and take the oath required : and, praying that if he did not keep his promise he might be cast out like the stone from his hand, he hurled it to the ground. But Cinna, directly he became consul, broke faith with Sulla, and set about reversing his policy; and instigated Verginius, one of the tribunes, to threaten him with a prosecution. However Sulla, now no longer consul, left Rome without troubling himself about tribune or court of justice, and deferred his vengeance to another day (§ 4). §1. 1. 2. ỏλlywv äλλwv. Appian states that there were about twelve ring- leaders in all; and he gives the names of Marius and his son, Sulpicius, P. Cethegus, Iunius Brutus, Gnaeus and Quintus Granius, Publius Albinovanus and Marcus Laetorius. The sentence against them, according to him, was as follows (c. 60):- ὡς στάσιν ἐγείραντας καὶ πολεμήσαντας ὑπάτοις καὶ δούλοις κηρύξαντας ἐλευ θερίαν ἐς ἀπόστασιν, πολεμίους Ρωμαίων ἐψήφιστο εἶναι, καὶ τὸν ἐντυχόντα νηποινὶ κτείνειν ἢ ἀνάγειν ἐπὶ τοὺς ὑπάτους· τά τε ὄντα αὐτοῖς ἐδεδήμευτο. He adds the following reflection:-- ὧδε μὲν αἱ στάσεις ἐξ ἔριδος καὶ φιλονεικίας ἐπὶ φόνους καὶ ἐκ φόνων ἐς πολεμους ἐντελεῖς προέκοπτον, καὶ στρατὸς πολιτῶν ὅδε πρῶτος ἐς τὴν πατρίδα ὡς πολεμίαν ἐσέβαλεν. οὐδ᾽ ἔληξαν ἀπὸ τοῦδε αἱ στάσεις ἔτι κρινόμεναι στρατο- πέδοις, ἀλλ᾽ ἐσβολαὶ συνεχεῖς ἐς τὴν ῾Ρώμην ἐγίγνοντο καὶ τειχομαχίαι καὶ ὅσα ἄλλα πολέμων ἔργα, οὐδενὸς ἔτι ἐς αἰδῶ τοῖς βιαζομένοις ἐμποδὼν ὄντος, ἢ νόμων ἢ πολιτείας ἢ πατρίδος. 4. ZovλTíkιos μèv åteσþáyn: Vell. Paterc. 2, 19: Sulpicium assccuti equites in Laurentinis paludibus iugulavere, caputque eius erectum et ostentatum pro rostris velut omen imminentis proscrip- tionis fuit. 6. εἶτα κατεκρήμνισε, then had him thrown down (the Tarpeian) rock'. Liv. Epit. LXXVII P. Sulpicius cum in quadam villa lateret, indicio servi sui retractus et occisus est. Servus, ut praemium promissum indici haberet, manumissus et ob scelus proditi domini de saxo deiectus est. Oros. adv. pag. 5, 196: Sulpicius, Marii collega, servo suo prodente prostratus est; servum vero ipsum, quod hostem indicaverat, manumitti, quod vero domi- num prodiderat, saxo Tarpeio deici consules decreverunt. plw d'èπekýpužev άpyúpiov, 'he set a price on the head of Marius'. See n. to Them. 26, 1 1. 24. 'This story' says Long 'is not cre- dible, for under the general terms of the declaration, his life might be taken by any man and a reward would be given without being promised'. 7. TOλITIKŵs, civiliter, in a citizen-like, constitu- tional, manner'. ♣ ye, quippe cui, 8, 1; 9, 7. 8. ἀσφαλῶς άpeloŋ, 'was let off safe'. Cf. Mar. c. 35. Ma- X 3 93 PLUTARCH'S SULLA § 2. 1. 9. Μαρίῳ ὑπῆρχεν, Μario licuit, G. § 222 Note 2, ΗΑ. § 897. μὴ διέντι = εἰ μὴ διῆκε, ' if he had not let him pass. 10. ἀποθανεῖν ὑπὸ Σουλπικίου προεμένῳ πάντων κρατεῖν, 'had he given him up to be put to death by Sulpicius, he might have been absolute master'. προεμένῳ=εί προεῖτο. 12. τὴν αὐτὴν λαβὴν παρασχών κτλ., ' when he gave him the same oppor tunity (lit. 'handle') of being merciful, he did not get a like return. made him'. For τῶν ὁμοίων cf. Herod. 6, 62, 3 τὴν ὁμοίην ζητέων φέρεσθαι παρ' ἐκείνου. 13. è' oîs, 4, 3; 5, 5. 14. αὐτῷ φανερά-ἀπήντα, alam ei obvenit, 18, 3. Tib. Gr. 17, 4· See my n. to 18. οὓς § 3. 1. 15. μέν γε, certe quidem, thus, to take one instance'. See n. to Xen. Hier. 8, 9 1. 647, Buttmann on Dem. Mid. § 21, n. 203, who observes on μέν—γε: 'cum quis uno argumento vel exemplo aliquid probat, potest hoc ut sufficiens afferre; quod fit particula yáp; potest etiam significare, plura quidem posse deside- rari, sed hoc unum satis grave esse; quod fit addito yé certe, saltem”. ἀδελφιδοῦν, nephew', 'sister's son'. Long suggests that the other candidate, whom Plutarch simply names Servius, was probably Servius Cornelius, Sulla's brother. 16. μετιόν τας, ambientes, C. Gr. 8, 3. ἀποψηφισάμενοι καὶ καθυβρί σαντες, contemptuously rejecting', 3, 1; 12, 5. μάλιστα τιμώντες ᾤοντο λυπεῖν ἐκεῖνον, ‘by whose preferment they expected to vex him most'. τούτοις προσεποιεῖτο χαίρειν, ὡς κτλ., ' affected to be glad of this (the choice of consuls), regarding it as a proof that the people, by doing what they liked, showed that they were really indebted to him for their independence'. 21. θεραπεύων τὸ τῶν πολλῶν μίσος, ‘by way of allaying the public hostility', 'to mitigate their dislike of him'. Cf. Lucull. 22, Ι τὰς πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἐθεράπευον ὑποψίας, Cim. c. Lucull. cp. 2 εἴτ᾿ οὐκ ἐθεράπευσε τὰς ἐν τῷ στρατιωτικῷ διαφορὰς καὶ μέμψεις, Eumen. 13 τὸν φθόνον ἐθεράπευε, Lucian adv. ind. 6 θεραπεύων τὴν δυστυχίαν. 22. ὕπατον κατέστησεν-Λεύκιον Κίνναν, i.e. he let him be appointed for the year 87/667 with Gnaeus Octavius, a man of strictly optimate views, for his colleague. ἀπὸ τῆς ἐναντίας στάσεως, one of', 'belonging to the opposite faction '. Dio Cass. fragm. Peiresc. cxv: ὁ γὰρ Σύλλας τήν τε ἀνάγκην τοῦ πολέμου ὁρῶν καὶ τῆς δόξης αὐτοῦ γλιχόμενος, τά τε ἄλλα τὰ οἴκοι πρὸς τὸ ἐπιτηδειότατον ἑαυτῷ πρὶν ἐξορμηθῆναι κατεστήσατο, καὶ τὸν Κίνναν, Γναῖόν τέ τινα Οκταούιον δια- δόχους απέφηνεν, ἐλπίσας μάλιστα ἂν οὕτω καὶ ἀπῶν ἰσχῦσαι τοῦτον μὲν γὰρ ἐπί τε ἐπιεικείᾳ ἐπαινούμενον ἠπίστατο, καὶ οὐδὲν παρακινήσειν ἐνόμιζεν. ἐκεῖνον δὲ εὖ μὲν ᾔδει κακὸν ἄνδρα ὄντα, οὐκ ἠθέλησε δὲ ἐκπολεμῶσαι, δυνάμενον τέ τι καὶ αὐτὸν ἤδη καὶ ἑτοίμως, ὥστε καὶ ἔλεγε καὶ ὤμινεν, ἔχοντα πᾶν ὁτιοῦν ὑπουργῆσαι. αυτός τε οὖν καίτοι δεινότατος ὢν τάς τε γνώμας τῶν ἀνθρώπων συνιδεῖν καὶ τας φύσεις τῶν πραγμάτων συλλογίσασθαι, πάνυ ἐν τούτῳ διεσφάλη καὶ πόλεμον τῇ πόλει μέγαν κατέλειπεν. 23. ὅρκοις καταλαβών κτλ., after binding him by solemn oaths to be faithful to his policy. Cf. Thuc. 4, 86, I ὅρκοις καταλαβὼν Λακεδαιμονίων τὰ τέλη τοῖς μεγίστοις ; 1, 9, Ι τοῖς Τυνδάρεω ὅρκοις 1 94 X 3 NOTES ON κατειλημμένους, Herod. 9, 1ο6 πίστι καταλαβόντες καὶ ὁρκίοισι. $ 4. 1. 26. μὴ φύλαττοντι κτλ., ‘if he did not preserve his friendship to Sulla'. Cf. Soph. Oed. Col. 632 To σòv μóvoν TOTÒV φυλάσσων. 27. διὰ τῆς χειρός, sc. ἐξέπεσε. kadeσtŵta kɩveîv, 'to disturb the present settlement of affairs, the constitution'. 30. τα As soon as Sulla had embarked for Greece, Cinna, supported by the majority of the college of tribunes, immediately submitted the projects of law, which had been concerted as a partial reaction against the Sullan restoration of 88/666. They embraced the political equalization of the new burgesses and the freedmen, as Sulpicius had proposed it, and the restitution of those who had been banished in consequence of the Sulpician revolution to their former status. MOMMSEN, Hist. Rom. 3, 332. In the disturbances which broke out between Cinna and the optimates, the former and his party could call the Italians to side with them, and chiefly by their aid succeeded in maintaining their power during Sulla's absence. The Social War merged into the Civil War. IHNE Hist. Rom. 5, 245. δίκην ἐπὶ τὸν Σύλλαν παρεσκεύασε: nihil hac de re apud ceteros scriptores occurrit, nisi quod Cic. in Brut. 48, 179 huc respicere videtur, qui M. Vergilium tribunum plebis L. Sullae imperatori diem dixisse refert. Haud dubie Plutarchus haec ex ipsius Sullae commentariis hausit. Actionem autem in Sullam hanc ob causam instituit Cinna, ut eum procul ab Italia amandaret, ne consiliis suis, e propinquo observatis, obsistere posset. Certe hoc ex Dione Cassio . c. colligi potest. Cf. Freinsh. in suppl. Liv. LXXVIII 29 (Leopold). Dio Cass. fragm. Peiresc. cxvII (CII ed. Bekker) o Kivvas ételdn τάχιστα τὴν ἀρχὴν παρέλαβεν, οὐδὲν οὕτω τῶν πάντων ἐσπούδασεν, ὡς καὶ τὸν Σύλλαν ἐκ τῆς Ἰταλίας ἐκβαλεῖν, πρόφασιν μὲν τὸν Μιθριδάτην ποιησάμενος, ἔργῳ δὲ ἐπιθυμήσας αὐτὸν ἀπαρτῆσαί οἱ, ὅπως μὴ ἐγγύθεν ἐφεδρεύων ἐμποδὼν πρὸς ἔπραττε γένηται. καίτοι τῇ τοῦ Σύλλου σπουδῇ ἀπεδέδεικτο καὶ οὐδὲν ὅτι οὐ κατὰ γνώμην αὐτοῦ πράξειν ὑπέσχητο. 31. kaтηyopeîv étéornoev, 'set him to be the accuser', which he might be, for Sulla was now (87/667) no longer consul. Cf. Isocr. Areop. § 37 p. 147 Β τὴν ἐξ ᾿Αρείου πάγου βουλὴν ἐπέστησαν ἐπι- μελεῖσθαι τῆς εὐκοσμίας. 32. ὃν χαίρειν ἐάσας κτλ., ' dismissing him from his mind', 'not caring for him and the Court, set out with his army'. CHAPTER XI While Sulla was moving with his army from Italy, Mithridates had made Western Asia his home; Pergamon the seat of the Roman governor became his new capital. He was greatly dispirited at an incident which occurred there, and which was regarded as an un- favourable omen, although he had up to that time met with unexpected success. Cappadocia, Phrygia, Bithynia were organized as Pontic satrapies. "The grandees of the empire and the king's favourites were loaded with rich gifts and fiefs. Asia Minor and most of the islands belonging to it were in his power; there was hardly a district which still adhered to Rome; the whole Aegean sea was commanded by his fleets. In the kingdoms of Pontos and Bosporos one of his sons held undisturbed sway: while another son Ariarathes XI I 95 PLUTARCH'S SULLA penetrated from Thrace into the weakly defended Macedonia, sub- duing the country as he advanced. The Pontic fleet, commanded by Mithridates' best general Archelaos, appeared in the Aegean sea, where scarce a Roman sail was to be found. Delos was occupied by him and Euboea, and all the islands to the east of the Malean promontory were soon in his hands. As soon as the troops of Mith- ridates gained a footing on the Greek continent, most of the small free states-the Achaeans, Laconians, Bocotians-as far as Thessaly joined him. He met, it is true, with a slight check at Chaironcia, where Bruttius Sura, the brave lieutenant of Gaius Sentius the governor of Macedonia, engaged in conflicts with Archelaos during three successive days, and forced him to retire to the coast. After this success of Sura in Bocotia, L. Licinius Lucullus, a lieutenant of Sulla, arrived and gave him notice to make room for Sulla who was coming and had a commission to carry on the war in those parts: on which Sura returned to his commander in Macedonia, not before he had by his brilliant success disposed the Greeks to view the Roman cause with more favour. 3. διατρίβοντι περὶ § 1. 1. 2. ἐκίνει τὸν στόλον, 9, 3. τὸ Πέργαμον, Tò Ilépуaμov, 'while he was staying at Pergamon', the seat of the Roman government of Asia Minor. The old kingdom of Sinope, now that the King had made Pergamon his new capital, was given to the King's son to be administered as a Viceroyship. The ancient and once splendid city of Pergamon (hod. Bergama), the capital of the Roman province of Asia, was situated in the rich and beautiful valley of the Kaikos (hod. Bakir Tschai) about ten miles from that portion of the coast of Mysia, which lies opposite Mitylene. Its akropolis was on a steep and rocky conical hill (όρος στροβιλοειδὲς εἰς ὀξείαν κορυφὴν ἀπολήγον Strabo 13, 4, 1) Ν.Ε. of the city. It remained a comparatively insignificant place until the death of Alexander and owed its rise to Lysimachos, one of his greatest generals and successors, who chose it as a place of security for his treasures (yagopvλákLov Strabo . c.), and deposited there the sum of 9000 talents under the guardian- ship of the Pontic general Philetairos. The latter remained faithful to his trust for several years, but in consequence of a quarrel with his master's wife Arsinoë, he declared himself independent in B. C. 283, and for twenty years maintained himself in the possession of the city and its treasures. ἀπέστησε τὸ χωρίον. καὶ διετέλεσεν ἔτη εἴκοσι κύριος ὢν τοῦ φρουρίου καὶ τῶν χρημάτων Strabo 7. c.) Philetairos bequeathed his treasure to his nephew Eumenes I, whose cousin and successor in 241/513, Attalus I, founded a new dynasty which he strengthened by a firm alliance with Rome. He gained a decisive victory near Perganion over the Gauls (Strabo 7. c. 2) who poured into Asia on the invitation of Niko- medes, King of Bithynia, in 278/476, and corfined them to the province, which was named after them Galatia. Under his son Eumenes II, who succeeded in 197/557. Pergamon reached the summit of its prosperity. He employed the vast wealth which he had inherited and acquired in attracting men of letters and artists to his court, and rendered Pergamon second only to Alexandria itself as a centre of Hellenic learning and civilisation in Asia Minor (Strabo 13, 3, 4 κατεσκεύασε δ᾽ οὗτος τὴν πόλιν καὶ τὸ Νικηφόριον ἄλσει κατεφύτευσε καὶ ἀναθή ματα καὶ βιβλιοθήκας καὶ τὴν ἐπὶ τοσόνδε κατοικίαν τοῦ Περγάμου τὴν νῦν οὖσαν ἐκεῖνος προσεφιλοκάλησε). We now know that one of the most remarkable of these great works was an altar of colossal size dedicated Διὶ καὶ ᾿Αθηνᾷ νικη pop, the plastic ornament of which has been recently discovered in a good state of preservation by a German expedition. See Mr W. Copland Perry's interesting article in the Fortnightly Review Sept. 1881, p. 332-P. 345. His brother and successor (in 159/595), Attalos II Philadelphos, was engaged for several years in war with Prusias king of Bithynia until the death of the latter in - 96 XI I NOTES ON 149/605. The next king was Attalos III Philometor, son of Eumenes II (616/138 -621/133), who bequeathed his kingdom, which comprised the countries in Asia Minor west of Mt Tauros, to the Roman people. See Tib. Gr. ch. XIV 1, I with note. 4. ἐπισκήψαι, invasisse. Saιpóvia, divinitus missa. 5. καθιεμένην —ἄνωθεν, as it was being lowered on him from above by means of some machinery, was broken in pieces just before it touched his head'. 6. ὅσον ούπω, ΙΙ, Ι. II, I. ἐκπεσόντα sc. τῆς Νίκης. 8. διαθρυπτόμενον, 'falling to pieces', Xen. Ages. 2, 14 àcπldas diαTEOρVµµÉVAS, Lucian dial. mort. 20, 2 διαθρύψεις αὐτοῦ τὸ κρανίον γυναικεῖον ὄν, Hom. Il. 3, 363 τριχθά τε καὶ τετραχθὰ διατρυφὲν ἔκπεσε χειρός. It is mostly found in its metaphorical sense, deliciis frangere, ‘to pamper', 'enervate'. § 2. 1. 12. Ασίαν Ρωμαίων—ἀφῃρημένος, ‘having taken Asia from the Romans, and Bithynia and Cappadocia from their (respective) kings'. He took Bithynia from Nikomedes, Cappa- docia from Ariobarzanes, in 91/663. The deposed kings were restored in the year following by M'. Aquillius, Appian Mithrid. C. IO ff. At the time when Mithridates VI ascended the throne, the dominions of Rome in Asia Minor comprised, besides what they termed the province of Asia, Phrygia, Lycaonia and Cilicia Trachea. Cappadocia and Bithynia were still ruled by independent monarchs, as was Paphlagonia also, but the petty dynasts of that country held only the interior-the kings of Pontos having already extended their dominion over the sea-coast as far as the confines of Bithynia, including the flourishing city of Sinope, which under Mithridates became the capital of his kingdom. The Galatians, who had been settled in Asia since the time of Attalus I of Pergamon, still maintained their independ- ence under their native rulers. E. H. BUNBURY Hist. Ancient Geogr. 11 p. 85 n. 14. δυναστείας καὶ τυραννίδας, ‘principalities and kingdoms. Plat. Gorg. p. 492 Β ἀρχήν τινα ἢ τυραννίδα ἢ δυναστείαν, Rep. p. 499 κ τῶν νῦν ἐν δυναστείαις ἢ βασιλείαις ὄντων υἱέσιν. 16. ỏ µÈV-KATEîxe, sc. Pharnakes, who was afterwards defeated by Caesar in a decisive action near Zela (47/707), on which occasion the conqueror wrote his famous despatch Veni vidi vici. Plutarch Caes. c. 50, Appian b. c. c. 110—121. ἐν Πόντῳ καὶ Βοσπόρῳ τὴν παλαιὰν ἄχρι τῶν ὑπὲρ τὴν Μαιώτιν ἀοικήτων ἀρχὴν κατ ЄîXEV кTλ., 'held undisturbed possession of the ancient dominions. in Pontos and Bosporos as far as the uninhabited country beyond the Moeotis'. Booπóρw, the Cimmerian Bosporos (Straits of Kaffa): the name was given to the kingdom of which Pantikapaion was the capital. 17. Maι@tiv sc. Xíµvŋv, Sea of Azof. The narrative of Appian fixes the acquisitions of Mithridates to the east and to the north in the early part of his reign, before his contest with the Romans. He conquered the Colchi and even carried his victorious arms beyond the Caucasus as some authorities state. It is certain at least that he got a footing in the Crimea and in the countries on the north shore of the Euxine.... His generals led their troops beyond the Borysthenes, westward to the Hypanis (Boug) and the Tyras (Dniester); and he finally obtained possession of the little kingdom af Bosporos in the Tauric Chersonesos (Crimea) by the cession of its king Paerisades. LONG Decline of the R. R. II p. 260-1. XI 4 97 PLUTARCH'S SULLA 19. ἐπῄει, obibat, over-ran'. win it over', 5, 2. προσαγόμενος, trying to § 3. 1. 20. οἱ στρατηγοί. Cf. App. Mithr. c. 27 αὐτός τ' ἀπὸ τοῦδε τοῖς στρατηγοῖς τὰ πολλὰ μεθεὶς ἐστρατολόγει καὶ ὁπλοποίει, καὶ τῇ Στρατονικίδι γυναικὶ διετέρπετο, καὶ δίκας ἐδίκαζε τοῖς ἐπιβου- λεύειν ἐς τὸ σῶμα αὐτοῦ λεγομένοις ἢ νεωτερίζουσιν ἢ ὅλως ρωμαί ζουσιν. δυνάμεις, coρίας, 9, 3. By ἄλλους τόπους are copias, meant Lycia, Pamphylia and other countries as far as Ionia. 22. ὁμοῦ τι, nearly', 'almost', Them. 7, 2, II. τάς τε Κυκλάδας νήσους ἐδουλοῦτο: Appian Mithrid. c. 28 Αρχέλαος ἐπιπλεύσας καὶ σίτῳ καὶ στόλῳ πολλῷ Δῆλόν τε ἀφισταμένην ἀπὸ Αθηναίων καὶ ἄλλα χωρία έχειρώσατο βίᾳ καὶ καὶ κράτει. κτείνας δ' ἐν αὐτοῖς δισμυρίους ἄνδρας, ὧν οἱ πλείονες ἦσαν Ιταλοί, τὰ χωρία προσεποιεῖτο τοῖς 'Αθηναίοις· καὶ ἀπὸ τοῦδε αὐτούς, καὶ τὰ ἄλλα κομπάζων περὶ τοῦ Μιθριδάτου καὶ ἐς μέγα ἐπαίρων, ἐς φιλίαν ὑπηγά- γετο τά τε χρήματα αὐτοῖς τὰ ἱερὰ ἔπεμπεν ἐκ Δήλου δι' Αριστίωνος ἀνδρὸς 'Αθηναίου, συμπέμψας φυλακὴν τῶν χρημάτων ἐς δισχιλίους ἄνδρας, οἷς ὁ ᾿Αριστίων συγχρώμενος ἐτυράννησε τῆς πατρίδος. 24. Μαλέας ἐντὸς ἵδρυνται, are situated within (i.e. East of) Malea, the promontory on the S. E. of Laconia' (C. St An- gelo). ἵδρυνται is perf. pass. Cf. Appian Mithr. c. 29 'Αρχελάῳ δ' Αχαιοί και Λάκωνες προσετίθεντο καὶ Βοιωτία πᾶσα χωρίς γε Θεσπιέων, οὓς περικαθήμενος ἐπολιόρκει· τοῦ δ᾽ αὐτοῦ χρόνου Μητρο- φάνης ἐπιπεμφθεὶς ὑπὸ Μιθριδάτου μεθ᾿ ἑτέρας στρατιᾶς Εὔβοιαν καὶ Δημητριάδα καὶ Μαγνησίαν, οὐκ ἐνδεχομένας τὰ Μιθριδάτεια, ἐλεηλά τει· καὶ Βρέττιος ἐκ Μακεδονίας ἐπελθὼν σὺν ὀλίγῳ στρατῷ διεναυ- μάχησέ τε αὐτῷ, καὶ καταποντώσας τι πλοῖον καὶ ἡμιολίαν ἔκτεινε πάντας τοὺς ἐν αὐτοῖς, ἐφορῶντος τοῦ Μητροφάνους. 26. μικρά προσκρούσας περὶ Χαιρωνείαν, ' after sustaining a slight reverse at Chaeroneia'. Cf. Appian l.c. ἐπί τε Βοιωτίαν τραπείς (ὁ Βρέττιος), ἑτέρων οἱ χιλίων ἱππέων καὶ πεζῶν ἐκ Μακεδονίας ἐπελθόντων, ἀμφὶ Χαιρώνειαν ᾿Αρχελάῳ καὶ ᾿Αρισ στίωνι τρισὶν ἡμέραις συνεπλέκετο, ἴσου καὶ ἀγχωμάλου παρ' ὅλον τὸν ἀγῶνα τοῦ ἔργου γιγνομένου. Λακώνων δὲ καὶ Ἀχαιῶν ἐς συμμαχίαν Αρχελάῳ καὶ ᾿Αριστίωνι προσιόντων, ὁ Βρέττιος ἅπασιν ὁμοῦ γενομένοις οὐχ ἡγούμενος αξιόμαχος ἔτι ἔσεσθαι ἀνεζεύγνυεν ἐς τὸν Πειραιά, μέχρι καὶ τοῦδε ᾿Αρχέλαος ἐπιπλεύσας κατεσχεν. The above account makes Sura retreat because he was not equal to maintaining the contest, whereas Plutarch represents him as leaving upon the order of Sulla to surrender the war to him, in spite of his fair prospect of success. 'It seems', says Ihne 5, 271, 'that Sullanian and anti-Sullanian reports lie at the bottom of these divergencies'. Plutarch's story is the more consistent of the two. § 4. 1. 28. πρεσβευτής ὢν Σεντίου, ‘a lieutenant (legatus) of Sentius'. 4, I; 6, 9. This was Gaius Sentius Saturninus, propraetor of Macedonia. He de- feated the Thracians under their king Sothimus. Orosius 5, 18, 30: Isdem tem- poribus rex Sothimus cum magnis Thracum auxiliis Graeciam ingressus cunctos Macedoniae fines depopulatus est tandemque a C. Sentio praetore superatus redire in regnum coactus est, Cic. Verr. 3, 93, 217 modo C. Sentiunt vidimus, hominem vetere illa ac singulari innocentia praeditum, propter caritatem frumenti, quae fuerat in Macedonia, permagnam ex cibariis pecuniam deportare, or. in Pison. 34, 84: Denseletis, quae natio semper 7 H. S. 98 XI 4 NOTES ON oboediens huic imperio etiam in illa omnium barbarorum defectione Mace- doniam C. Sentio praetore tutata est, bellum crudele intulisti. 33. συνέστειλε, 9, 6. 5. 1. 34. Λευκίου Λευκόλλου, L. Licinius Lucullus, quaestor or, according to Appian, legatus to Sulla. 37. ὀπίσω άπηλavve, 'he marched back again'. 39. οἰκείως ἐχούσης πρὸς Heraẞoλny, though well-disposed to a change of sides. Plutarch is fond of the phrase ἔχειν πρός τι οι τινά with an adverb; see Lex. to Gracchi p. 246 a and add to the exx. there quoted Lucull. c. 23 πάλαι υπούλως είχε πρὸς τὸν ἄνδρα. CHAPTER XII Sulla selects as the first objects of his attack the two strongholds on which the Asiatic invasion depended as its centre, viz. Athens and the port of Peiracus, the former occupied by the desperate tyrant Aris- tion, the latter by Archelaos and a strong force of Pontic troops. Being in haste to get to Rome, where he was afraid his political opponents were getting up a revolution, he pushed on the siege of the Peiraeus with vigour, had all sorts of machines constructed and spared no expense. The wood for these numerous structures he pro- cured by felling the noble old trees of the groves of the Akademeia and the Lykeion near Athens, and as he required large sums for the expenses of the war, he helped himself to the treasures contained in the temples of Epidauros, Olympia and Delphi. He was not de- terred from seizing those at the last place by the report which, in the hope of diverting him from his sacrilege, Kaphis sent him of a praeter- natural occurrence there. Most of the things were sent away secretly, but one of the four urns, offered by king Croesus, being too large to be taken away so, had to be cut in pieces. The conduct of Sulla forms a strong contrast with that of the Roman commanders who drove Antiochos out of Greece and defeated the kings of Macedonia, for they, so far from meddling with the temples, even sent presents to them. But the state of things was different, when Roman generals employed their armies against one another as much as against the enemies of their country, and had to purchase the services of their soldiers. Sulla was chiefly to blame for introducing this system by his pro- fuse expenditure on his own men and the corruption of those of other commanders. § 1. 1. 1. ἀλλὰ ảλλà yàp KTλ. 'but, however, these were Bret- tius' most brilliant feats of arms'. 2. τὰς ἄλλας πόλεις, i.e. Thebes and nearly all the other towns of Boeotia. Cf. Appian Mithr. c. 3o: Σύλλας δ', ὁ τοῦ Μιθριδατείου πολέμου στρατηγὸς ὑπὸ Ρωμαίων αἱρεθείς εἶναι, τότε πρῶτον ἐξ Ιταλίας σὺν τέλεσι πέντε καὶ σπείραις τισὶ καὶ ἴλαις ἐς τὴν Ἑλλάδα περαιωθεὶς χρήματα μὲν αὐτίκα καὶ συμμάχους καὶ ἀγορὰν ἔκ τε Αἰτωλίας καὶ Θεσσαλίας συνέλεγεν, ὡς δ᾽ ἀποχρώντως ἐδόκει εἶναι, διέβαινεν ἐς τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν ἐπὶ τὸν XII 2 99 PLUTARCH'S SULLA Αρχέλαον παροδεύοντι δ᾽ αὐτῷ Βοιωτία τε ἀθρόως μετεχώρει, χωρίς ὀλίγων, καὶ τὸ μέγα ἄστυ αἱ Θῆβαι, μάλα κουφόνως ἀντὶ ῾Ρωμαίων ἑλό- μενοι τὰ Μιθριδάτεια, ὀξύτερον ἔτι, πρὶν ἐς πεῖραν ἐλθεῖν, ἀπὸ ᾿Αρχε- λάου προς Σύλλαν μετετίθεντο. ὁ δ᾽ ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν ἐχώρει, καὶ μέρος τι στρατοῦ ἐς τὸ ἄστυ περιπέμψας Αριστίωνα πολιορκεῖν, αὐτός, ἔνθαπερ ἦν ᾿Αρχέλαος, ἐπὶ τὸν Πειραιά κατῆλθε, κατακεκλειομένων ἐς τὰ τείχη τῶν πολεμίων. 3. ἐπιπρεσβευομένας, ' sending depu- tations to him'. Αριστίωνα : Appian Mithr. c. 28 takes the opportunity of making a remark in reference to this Aristion, who was, he says, an Epicurean philosopher, on the inconsistency between the professions and practice of many Greek philo- sophers who had acquired political power: ἐδυνάστευσάν τε καὶ ἐτυράννησαν ὠμότερον τῶν ἰδιωτικῶν τυράννων, ὥστε καὶ περὶ τῶν ἄλλων φιλοσόφων ἄπορον ποιῆσαι καὶ ὕποπτον, εἴτε δι' ἀρετήν, εἴτε πενίας καὶ ἀπραξίας τὴν σοφίαν ἔθεντο παραμύθιον, ὧν γε καὶ νῦν πολλοὶ ἰδιωτεύοντες καὶ πενόμενοι, καὶ τὴν ἀναγκαίαν ἐκ τῶνδε σοφίαν περικείμενοι, τοῖς πλουτοῦσιν ἢ ἄρχουσι λοιδοροῦνται πικρώς, οὐχ ὑπεροψίας πλούτου καὶ ἀρχῆς δόξαν σφίσι μᾶλλον ἢ ζηλοτυπίας ἐς αὐτὰ προφέ ροντες. Poseidonios, the philosopher of Apameia, wrote a very particular account of Aristion, which is preserved in a long extract of Athenaeus (5, C. 48-53) where he is named Athenion. Plutarch praec. reip. ger. p. 809 E speaks of his cruel character with abhorrence and classes him with Nabis and Catiline, as a νόσημα καὶ ἀπόστημα (' an abscess', 'imposthume ') πόλεως. 5. βασιλεύεσθαι, ' to join the king's side. This was against their own inclinations, as appears from Vell. Paterc. 2, 23 : si quis hoc rebellandi tempus, quo Athenae oppugnatae a Sulla sunt, imputat Atheniensibus, nimirum veri vetustatisque ignarus est. Adeo enim certa Atheniensium in Romanos fides fuit, ut semper et in omni re, quidquid sincera fide gereretur, id Romani Attica fieri praedicarent. Ceterum tum oppressi Mithridatis armis homines miserrimae con- dicionis, cum ab inimicis tenerentur, oppugnabantur ab amicis, et animos extra moenia, corpora necessitati servientes intra muros habe- bant. ἄθρους, “with all his force'. Cf. Them. 12, 1 1. 2O n. 6. ἐπέστη, ‘advanced against', appeared before. περι- λαβών, ‘investing', 'beleaguering. Cf. Polyb. 9, 3, 1 κύκλῳ περιλαμβάνων τὸν χάρακα τοῦ ᾿Αππίου; 3, 68, 6 περιλαβὼν (v. 7. περιβαλών) τάφρῳ καὶ χάρακι τὴν παρεμβολήν. 7. μηχανὴν πᾶσαν ἐφιστάς, bringing up every variety of engine'. τὴν § 2. 1. 9. ἀνασχομένῳ =εἰ ἠνέσχετο, ‘if he had held out'. παρὴν ἑλεῖν, he might have taken. See n. on 10, 2. ἄνω πόλιν, “the Upper City, as opposed to the harbour. 10. συνηγμένην—εἰς τὸν ἔσχατον καιρόν, ‘reduced to the last ex- tremity'. Cf. Polyb. 1, 18, 10 εἰς τοῦτο συνήγοντο τῇ σιτοδείᾳ ὥστε κτλ., 1, 18, η συναγομένων τῷ λιμῷ, 1, 84, 9 ὑπὸ τῆς λιμοῦ συναγομένους ἐσθίειν ἀλλήλων ἀναγκασθῆναι. 11. ἐπειγόμενος εἰς Ρώμην, being in a hurry to get to Rome'. Cf. de garrul. c. 7 p. 505 Β Σύλλας ἐπολιόρκει τὰς ᾿Αθήνας, οὐκ ἔχων σχολὴν ἐνδιατρίψαι χρόνον πολύν “ ἐπεὶ πόνος ἄλλος ἔπειγεν, ἡρπακότος μὲν ᾿Ασίαν Μιθρι δάτου, τῶν δὲ περὶ Μάριον αὖθις ἐν Ρώμῃ κρατούντων. 13. κατέσπευδε τὸν πόλεμον, “was pushing, hastening on the war' Cf. Aesch. c. Ctesiph. § 67 τοὺς χρόνους ὑμῶν ὑποτεμνόμενος καὶ τὸ πρᾶγμα κατα 7-2 100 XII 2 NOTES ON σπεύδων. 15. ἡ περὶ τα μηχανήματα πραγματεία, machi- narum molitio, 'the business, working, of the battery engines'. ζεύγεσι ἐχορηγείτο, was supplied by means of ten thousand pairs of mules'. Xopnyeîv, suppeditare, 'to furnish' is used (1) with acc. pers. and dat. rei, as in Polyh. 3, 68, 8 δαψιλῶς ἐχορήγει τὸ στρατόπεδον τοῖς ἐπιτηδείοις, 3, 49, 11 σίτῳ ἀφθόνως ἐχορήγησε τὸ στρατόπεδον, 5, 42, 7: 10, 27, 2 ή Μηδία τούτοις τοῖς ζῴοις ἅπασαν χορηγεῖ τὴν ᾿Ασίαν. (2) with dat. pers. and acc. rei: 22, 26, 2 (21, 45, 2 ed. Hultsch) undè xopnyeîv avtoîs µndév. (3) with dat. pers. without acc. rei, as Polyb. 1, 62, 2 xopnyeiv (commeatus suppeditare) ταῖς ἐν τῇ Σικελία δυνάμεσιν, I, 16, το χορηγῶν ἀεὶ τούτοις εἰς τὰ κατεπείγοντα τῶν πραγμάτων. (4) in pass. (1) c. dat. of thing supplied and nom. pers.: 3, 75, 3 Xopηye îσ αι тois avaykalois (to be supplied with necessaries'); 9, 44, Ι βουλόμενοι σίτῳ χορηγηθῆναι, and metaph. 4, 77, 2 πλείοσιν ἀφορμαῖς ἐκ φύσεως κεχορηγημένον. (2) with dat. pers. and nom. of the thing sup- plied, as subject of the verb: 6, 15, 4 ἄνευ τοῦ τῆς συγκλήτου βουλεύματος οὔτε σίτος οὔτε ἱματισμὸς οὔτε ὀψώνια δύναται χορηγεῖσθαι τοῖς στρατοπέδοις. し ​16. ἐνεργοῖς οὖσι πρὸς τὴν ὑπηρεσίαν, ‘kept in daily employ- ment for the service'. § 3. 1. 18. περικλώμενα τοῖς αὑτῶν βρίθεσιν, ‘bent and broken by their own weight'. 20. ἐπεχείρησε τοῖς ἱεροῖς ἄλσεσιν, 'laid hands upon the sacred groves'. 'Sic Mithridates Pataras obsidens dicitur succidisse lucum Latonae ad machi- nas, donec minaci somnio iussus est abstinere a sacris arboribus; ut nobis auctor est Appianus Mithr. c. 27. Etiam Agrippas legitur silvam circa Avernum lacum, licet alio consilio, succidisse apud Dionem p. 388. Turullius év KŲ TOû 'AσKAN- πίου ὕλης ξύλα ἐς ναυτικὸν κεκοφως legitur apud Dionem p. 448 Β. In primis venit hic mihi in mentem recordari Caesaris, lucum ad Massiliam succidentis, quod eleganter describit Lucanus Phars. 111 v. 399 sqq.' REIMAR ad Dion. Cass. fragm. Peiresc. CXXI. 21. τὴν ᾿Ακαδήμειαν. The Akademeia was a well-wooded suburb about a mile on the north side of Athens, on the banks of the Kephisos and on the road to Kolonos (Liv. 31, 24). It is said to have got its name from a hero called Akademos, to whom it belonged; it became subsequently a gymnasium into which Kimon introduced streams of water, and made shady walks and broad and open drives. We know from Xenophon, Hipparch. 3, 1, that it was one of the places where the cavalry exercised. In later times it was still further improved by Attalos Philometor. The Akademeia owes its celebrity chiefly to its having been the residence and school of Plato, and thus giving rise to the so-called Academic sect. δενδροφορωτάτην, DYER, Ancient Athens ch. XIII. wooded'. Cf. Ar. Nub. 1005, Eupolis 'AσTpάTEUTO ap. Diog. Laert. 3, 7 ἐν εὐσκίοις δρόμοισιν 'Ακαδήμου Θεοῦ, Horace Ep. 2, 2, 45 inter silvas Academi quaerere verum. 22. το Λύκειον. The Lykeion was the chief of the three most famous and oldest gymnasia at Athens. It was outside the walls, not far from the Kynosarges (Themist. 1, 2). It was adorned by Peisistratos, Perikles, and Lykurgos successively. It also served as a place of exercise for the soldiery (Arist. Pac. 355-6), and was used by the archon polemarch for the administration of justice. But it owed most XII 3 PLUTARCH'S SULLA ΙΟΙ its chief renown to its being the seat of the teaching of Aristotle and the Peripatetic philosophers, so called from the 'promenade ' (TepiTaros, ambulatio) on which they walked while lecturing. 23. ἐκίνει τὰ τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἀσυλα sc. χρήματα, “he meddled with, seized, the holy treasures of Greece', not 'he violated the sacred depositaries' (Long), or 'he broke into the sanctuaries' (Clough). Cf. Thuc. 2, 24, 2 κινεῖν τὰ χρήματα ταῦτα, Ι, 143, 1 κινήσαντες τῶν Ολυμπίασιν ἢ Δελφοῖς χρημάτων, 6, 70, 4 μὴ τῶν χρημάτων ἃ ἦν αὐτόθι κινή- owσi, 8, 15, 1; Dem. c. Androt. § 71 p. 615, 22 xρnμara kɩvŵv iepá, c. Tim. $ 179 P. 755 ult. 2. 24. μέντοῦτο δέ, TOÛTO HÉV-TOÛTo Sé, 'partly-partly', G. § 148 n. 4, § 160, 'Επιδαύρου: Epidauros in Argolis on the Eastern coast of the Peloponnesus, nearly opposite the harbours of Athens from which it was distant only a six hours' sail, was once one of the chief commercial cities of the Peloponnesus, but in the time of the Romans it was little more than the harbour of the temple of Asklepios. This with its surrounding äλoos was one of the most celebrated and most frequented spots in Greece, patients flocking to it from all parts for the cure of their diseases. When L. Aemilius Paulus visited Epidauros 167/587 after the conquest of Macedonia, the sanctuary was still rich in the votive offerings (åvalýµara) of those who had been cured of their diseases, but it was afterwards robbed of most of these; see Liv. 45, 28, 3 Sicyonem inde et Argos, nobiles urbes, adit (Paulus); inde haud parem opibus Epi- daurum sed inclytam Aesculapi nobili templo, quod quinque milibus passuum ab urbe distans, nunc vestigiis revolsorum donorum, tum donis dives erat, quae remediorum salutarium aegri mercedem sacraverant deo. For an account of the excavations going on at Epidauros through which so much that is interesting in art and architecture has already been recovered the reader may consult the Handbook for Travellers in Greece, p. 461 (Murray 1884). A full and interesting account of the curious inscription recently dug up with its extraordinary list of cures effected in the temple on apparently hopeless subjects, being one of the six spoken of by Pausanias 2, 27, 3, will be found in the Quar- terly Review, April 1885, p. 301-2. 25. ¿'OXvµmías, 'from Olympia', the celebrated plain in Elis containing the sacred grove of Zeus, called Altis (the Aeolic form of aλoos), and a number of temples, the most celebrated of which was the Ολυμπιείον or that of Ζεύς 'Ολύμπιος, said to have been erected by the Eleians from the spoils of Pisa in B. C. 472, which contained the masterpiece of Pheidias, the colossal chryselephantine statue of Zeus. The whole edifice was shattered by the great earthquake of A.D. 522 or 554. The columns which supported it are the largest Grecian known. The excavations made by the Germans from Nov. 1875 to April 1881 brought to light a great number of valuable relics of art and antiquity. "This and other temples were also used' says Long 'as places of deposit for the preservation of valuable property. These rich deposits were a tempting booty to those who were in want of money and were strong enough to seize it. At the commencement of the Peloponnesian war (B.C. 431) it was proposed that 102 XII 3 NOTES ON the Peloponnesian allies should raise a fleet by borrowing money from the deposits at Olympia and Delphi (Thuc. 1, 121), a scheme which the Athenians, their enemies, appear to have looked upon as a mode of borrowing of which re- payment would form no part (1, 143).' § 4. 1. 27. τοῖς ᾿Αμφικτύοσιν. See n. to Them. 20, 2. eis Aeλþoús: Delphi (originally named Pytho, now Kastri) was celebrated for its oracle as early as the 9th century. The temple was destroyed in B. C. 548, but rebuilt at the cost of 300 talents, = £115,000, by Spintharos the Corinthian. In B.C. 480 Xerxes sent to plunder the temple, but the advance of his troops was arrested by an avalanche of crags. In B.C. 357 the Phokians under Philomelos seized Delphi with all its treasures, which they used for the purpose of paying their troops (Diod. Sic. 16, 30). This was the origin of the Sacred War, at the close of which the temple was restored to the custody of the Amphiktyonic council, and the Phokians were sentenced to refund the missing treasure, esti- mated at nearly £2,500,000. In B.C. 279 Brennus and his Gauls advanced to the attack on Delphi, but they were repulsed almost in the same manner as the Persians. It was plundered by Sulla and again by Nero, but was restored by Hadrian and the Antonines to much of its former splendour. The oracle was finally abolished by Theodosius. The Pythian sanctuary, like the more extensive Altis at Olympia, was an enclosure, surrounded by a wall (ò iepòs Teρißoλos), containing many buildings and anathemata and other monuments, besides the principal temple. No remains have been found of the latter in situ, but it appears from the fragments of columns that it was a hexastyle hypaethral temple, the exterior of the Doric, the interior of the Ionic order. Pausan. 10, 3 ff., Strabo 9, 3. ἀποχρησάμενος, 28. BéλTIOV eĽn, 'it was better' than otherwise, 'it was as well'. So Hesiod opp. 748 μηδ' ἐπ' ἀκινήτοισι καθίζειν, οὐ γὰρ ἄμεινον, Taîda duwdekataîov, non melius est quam si non facias h.e. non con- ducit. 29. áτоxpησáμevos, 'if he spent them', Them. 28, 2 n. 30. ἐλάττω sc. χρήματα. According to Appian Mithr. c. 54 he made some compensation, άντιδοὺς πρὸς λόγον τοῖς ἱεροῖς τὸ ἥμισυ τῆς Θηβαίων γῆς πολλάκις ἀποστάντων. Cf. below c. 19 § 6. þíλwv, unum ex amicis, G. § 168. 32. σταθμῷ παραλαβεῖν ékaσTOν, ut singula ad pondus acciperet, 'to receive each item by weight'. τῶν So Philomelos, though he afterwards seized the Delphic treasures, had pledged his word that he was ready to give an account of the exact weight and number of the anathemata', Diod. Sic. 16, 27 τόν τε σταθμὸν καὶ τὸν ἀριθμὸν τῶν ἀναθημάτων ἕτοιμος εἶναι παραδιδόναι τοῖς βουλομένοις ἐξετάζειν. § 5. 1. 35. 1. 35. ἀκοῦσαι φθεγγομένης, G. § 279, 2. στεύσας sc. τοῖς φάσκουσι. word to him'. εἰ πι 36. TTL- 38. ἐπέστειλε πρὸς αὐτόν, 'sent 39. θαυμάζειν τὸν Κάφιν εἰ, i.q. θαυμάζειν ei ó Kápis, 'he wondered that Kaphis' etc., the anticipatory accusative, see my n. to Xen. Oecon. 13, 3. G. § 169, 1, HA. § 732 c. 41. ὡς ἡδομένου—καὶ δδιόντος, 'since, as he said, the deity gladly offered it'. G. § 277, 6 Note 2 (a). χαίροντος εἴη, § 6. 1. 42. διέλαθε τούς γε πολλοὺς ἐκπεμπόμενα, were sent out without being observed by the greater part at least of them', G. § 279, 4. 43. πίθον τῶν βασιλικῶν: The royal presents were the gifts of Croesus, last king of Lydia B.C. 560-546, the most munificent of all the donors to the temple. Among his other presents Herodotos mentions four of these silver casks or jars, 1, 51 πίθους ἀργυρέους τέσσαρας ἀπέπεμψε, οἳ ἐν τῷ Κορινθίων XII 9. 103 PLUTARCH'S SULLA θησαυρῷ ἑστᾶσι. The rest had been taken probably by the Pho- kians, Strabo 9, 3, 8, Pausan. 10, 2, 2. 46. εἰς μνήμην ἐβάλοντο, called to mind'. Cf. Thes. 24, 1 μέγα ἔργον εἰς νοῦν βαλόμενος, Cat. ma. 13, 1, Cleom. 28, I ἔργον ἐπὶ νοῦν βάλλεται μέγα. 48. ὁ μὲν ᾿Αντίοχον ἐξελάσας τῆς ῾Ελλάδος : This was Manius Acilius Glabrio cos. 191/563, who defeated in that year Antiochos III, king of Syria, commonly called the Great (B.C. 223-187), at Thermopylae, and compelled him to return into Asia. 49. οἱ δὲ τοὺς Μακεδόνων βασιλείς καταπολεμήσαντες sc. Titus Quintius Flamininus, cos. 198/556, who defeated Philip V, king of Macedonia, at Kynoskephalae 197/557 (Liv. 33, 10), and L. Aemilius Paulus (Macedonicus), who won a signal victory over Perseus, the last king of Macedonia, at Pydna 168/586 (Liv. 45, r), upon which Macedonia became a Roman pro- vince. Plutarch has written the lives of both. The whole of this passage has been copied by Dion Cassius. 52. προσέθεσαν, 6, II. 54. μεμαθηκότων § 7. 1. 53. σωφρόνων, law-abiding'. παρέχειν τὰς χεῖρας, who had been taught to obey their leaders without a murmur'. 55. ἡγούμενοι κατά νόμον, legally ap- 56. ταῖς pointed to command', ‘lawful commanders of’. δαπάναις εὐτελείς, sparing in their expenses, Tib. Gr. 2, 3. เ § 8. 1. 59. οἱ τότε στρατηγοί, 'the then generals', G. § 141 N. 3. So in Latin: ubi ille post phaselus antea fuit comata silva, Catull. 4, 10. 60. τὸ πρωτεῖον, the lead', 'their rank. 62. δημαγωγεῖν ἐν τῷ στρατηγεῖν, militibus in imperio blandiri, Tib. Gr. 14, 1 1. 5 n. 63. ὧν ἀνήλισκον ὠνούμενοι, 'purchasing the services of their soldiers with the money which they expended on their gratification”. ὧν=τούτων ά. G. § 153, § 178. 64. ἔλα- θον ποιήσαντες κτλ., they unconsciously made their country a thing for bargain and sale, and themselves the slaves of the worst, for the purpose of governing the better'. ὤνιον—ποιήσαντες, G. § 166. 66. ταῦτα ἐπὶ Σύλλαν κατήγε κτλ., it was this which drove Marius into exile and afterwards brought him back home to oppose Sulla, it was this which made Cinna and Fimbria the murderers of Octavius and Flaccus respectively'. 67. κατήγε, εxulem reducebat, 5, 3; 6, 12. 68. Οκταουίου, Mar. 42, 5. τοὺς περὶ Κίνναν, Cinna'. See n. on Them. 7, 3. Φλάκκου, 23, 6. 65. δούλους Sc. ποιήσαντες. § 9. 1. 70. ἐνέδωκεν ἀρχάς, occasionem praebuit, Mor. p. 1118 c δ δὴ καὶ Σωκράτει ἀπορίας καὶ ζητήσεως ἀρχὰς ἐνέδωκε, Arist. Eq. 847 λαβὴν γὰρ ἐνδέδωκας. See my n. to C. Gracch. 12, 2 1. 20. ἐπὶ τῷ μετακαλεῖν, ' with the object of gaining to his side”. vit. Dion. 38 τοὺς ξένους ὑποπέμποντες κρύφα τοῦ Δίωνος ἀφίστασαν καὶ μετεκάλουν πρὸς αὐτούς. 71. καταχορηγῶν εἰς τοὺς ὑφ᾽ αὑτῷ καὶ δαπανώμενος, by lavish expenditure upon the soldiers under his own command'. 104 XII 9 NOTES ON Cf. Cat. mai. 3 καταχορηγούντα τοῖς στρατεύμασιν ἀφειδῶς τῶν χρημάτων, Lys. 9, 1 νεανιευσάμενος εἰς τὴν ἐκείνου χάριν... καταχορηγήσειν τὰ οἰκεῖα, Compar. Lys. et Sull. 3 τών καταχορηγουμένων εἰς τοὺς κόλακας, Εumen. 13 καταχορηγούντες εἰς δεῖπνα. See my n. to Xen. Oecon. 3, 61, 44. CHAPTER XIII Sulla's irresistible desire to take Athens may have been due to mere sentiment, or to indignation at the personal insults of the tyrant Aristion, a compound of lust and cruelty and the sink of all the vices and follies of Mithridates, who came like some mortal disease upon a city that had survived so many despotic rulers and so many civil commotions. The provisions in Athens were all exhausted and shoes and leather bottles were being cooked for food; yet Aristion all the time was enjoying himself, having laid up a store of good things. The members of the Boule and the priests entreated him to come to terms with Sulla, and at last he gave way and sent some of his boon companions to treat of peace. When they came to the Roman general, they could only deal in pompous generalities about the past glories of their city; Sulla cut their fine talk short by telling them he had not come to Athens to learn a lesson, but to compel rebels to submit. § 1. 1. 1. ἀπαραίτητος, ‘irresistible', chiefly used of persons, seldom of things. Cor. 34 τοῖς ἀτρέπτοις καὶ ἀπαραιτήτοις λογισμοίς, Demetr. 27, I τῆς εἰσπράξεως συντόνου καὶ ἀπαραιτή του γενομένης, Dion. 39, I ὡς ἦν ἀπαραίτητος ἡ τῶν πολλῶν φορά, Arat. 43, Ι ἀπαραίτητον ἀνάγκην. 3. πρὸς τὴν πάλαι σκιαμαχοῦντα τῆς πόλεως δόξαν, fighting, as with a sha- dow, against the former glory of the city', i.e. fighting against a city which retained only a shadow of its former glory. 4. θυμῷ 6 τὰ σκώμματα φέροντα, exasperated with the scoffs', 2, 2. 6. γεφυρίζων, 6, 12. Cf. de garrul. c. 7 p. 505 Β: χαλεπῶς δὲ πρὸς τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους ἔσχε διὰ τοὺς λόγους μᾶλλον ἢ διὰ τὰ ἔργα κακῶς γὰρ αὐτὸν ἔλεγον καὶ τὴν Μετέλλαν, ἀναπηδῶντες ἐπὶ τὰ τείχη καὶ σκώπτοντες Συκάμινόν ἐσθ' ὁ Σύλλας, ἀλφίτῳ πεπασμένον, καὶ τοιαῦτα πολλὰ φλυαροῦντες, ἐπεσπάσαντο κουφοτάτου πράγματος, λόγων, ώς φησιν ὁ Πλάτων, βαρυτάτην ζημίαν. 7. κατορχούμενος, 'treating with contumely', lit. 'dancing in triumph over'. Cf. Mor. Ρ. 57 Α κατορχούμενος τῆς ἀναισθησίας αὐτοῦ τοῖς ἐπαίνοις. § 2. 1. 14. ἐπιτιθέμενος, adoriens, attacking': but the fragm. Peiresc. of Dion Cassius has έπιγενόμενος ' supervening', perhaps a better reading. 15. δραχμών, G. § 178. 17. παρθέ νιον, ' fever-few', a plant of the chamomile kind. Plin. N. H. 22, 17, 20: perdicium sive parthenium,-nam sideritis alia est,—a nostris herba urceolaris vocatur, ab aliis astercum, folio similis ocimo, nigrior tantum, nascens in tegulis parietinisque. Medetur cum mica salis trita iisdem omnibus quibus lamium et eodem modo; item vomicae, calfacto XIV 105 PLUTARCH'S SULLA suco pota, sed contra volsa, rupta lapsusque et praecipitia aut vehiculorum eversiones singularis. Verna carus Pericli Atheniensium principi, cum is in arce templum aedificaret repsissetque super altitudinem fastigi et inde ceci- disset, hac herba dicitur sanatus monstráta Pericli somnio a Minerva; quare parthenium vocari coepta est adsignaturque ci deae. Hic est vernula cuius effigies ex aere fusa est et nobilis ille Splanchnoptes. Cf. Plut. Pericl. c. 13, and on the herb parthenium Dioscor. 111 155, IV 191, Theophr. Hist. Pl. 7, 7. § 3. 1. 18. Aŋkúlovs, 'oil-flasks' of leather. ληκύθους, Cf. Appian Mithr. c. 38: αἰσθόμενος τοὺς ἐν ἄστει μᾶλλόν τι πεπιεσμένους καὶ κτήνη πάντα καταθύσαντας δέρματά τε καὶ βύρσας ἔψοντας καὶ λιχμω- μένους τὸ γιγνόμενον ἐξ αὐτῶν, τινὰς δὲ καὶ τῶν ἀποθνησκόντων ἁπ τομένους. 19. πότοις, 2, 3 n. 20. γελωτοποιῶν πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους, TOÙS TOλEµíovs, 'playing the buffoon in sight of', or 'jeering and flouting, the enemy'. 21. ἀπεσβηκότα περιείδε, G. § 279, 3. • The incident is referred to by Plutarch, Numa 9, 6: 7ñs 'Elλádos öñоv nûρ ἄσβεστόν ἐστιν, ὡς Πυθοῖ καὶ ᾿Αθήνῃσιν, οὐ παρθένοι, γυναῖκες δὲ πεπαυμέναι γάμων ἔχουσι τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν ἐὰν δὲ ὑπὸ τύχης τινὸς ἐκλίπῃ, καθάπερ Ἀθήνῃσι μὲν ἐπὶ τῆς Ἀριστίωνος λέγεται τυραννίδος ἀποσβεσθῆναι τὸν ἱερὸν λύχ νον φασὶ μὴ δεῖν ἀπὸ ἑτέρου πυρὸς ἐναύεσθαι, καινὸν δὲ ποιεῖν καὶ νέον ἀνάπτοντας ἀπὸ τοῦ ἡλίου φλόγα καθαρὰν καὶ ἀμίαντον. At Athens the sacred golden lamp made by Kallimachos, was kept in the temple of Athena Пoλtás: it was replenished with oil on a certain day in every year, which sufficed till the same day recurred, though the lamp was kept burning day and night. It had a wick of Karpasian flax, which is the only sort that fire does not consume. The smoke was carried off through a bronze palm-tree over the lamp, which reached to the roof. (Pausan. Att 26.) 23. προσαιτούσῃ, begging', Eur. Hel. 791 οὔ που προσῄτεις • βίοτον; Hence προσαιτών =πτωχός Aristoph. Ach. 428. πεπέρεως sc. ἡμίεκτον. § 4. 1. 27. οὐδὲν ἀξιοῦντας σωτήριον, instead of making any proposals tending to save the city'. 28. τον Εύμολπον, the founder of the Eleusinian mysteries and the first priest of Demêtêr and Dionysos. 29. τὰ Μηδικά σεμνολογουμένους, talking pompously about the Persian wars'. 31. αναλαβόντες, 12, 6. I CHAPTER XIV ' It happened that some Roman soldiers, who were stationed at the outer Kerameikos, overheard some old men in the city abusing the tyrant for not guarding the approach to the wall about the Heptachalkon, the only part, as they said, where it was easy to get in. Sulla's story of the soldier who was the first to mount the wall (§ 1-§ 2). Sulla levelled the wall between the Peiraic and Sacred gates. The resistance was feeble, and at midnight the besiegers broke into the city, striking terror into the inhabitants with the sound of trumpets and horns and loud cries. Men, women and children were massacred without mercy. Many of the Athenians, seeing no hope, presented themselves to the soldiers, and some killed themselves. A large number fell about the Agora and the blood streamed down the inner Kerameikos and even into the suburbs. Aristion escaped 106 XIV NOTES ON 3—§ to the Akropolis (§ 3-S 4). Two Athenian exiles, who were with Sulla, and some Roman senators also who were in his army, at last prevailed on him to stay the slaughter (§ 5). The city was taken, as Sulla says in his Memoirs, on the Kalends of March, the anniversary of the deluge (§ 6). Sulla left an officer, C. Scribonius Curio, to besiege Aristion in the Akropolis. The tyrant was compelled by famine to surrender after some time. Portent following his surrender. After the capture of Athens, Sulla stormed the Peiraeus and burned the greater part of it together with the sheds of the dry docks and the noble arsenal constructed by the architect Philo (§ 7). 3. τοῦ τείχους § 1. 1. 1. ἐν Κεραμεικῷ, at Kerameikos, i. e. that outside the walls on the north-west side of Athens, which was connected with the Inner Kerameikos by a gate called Dipylon or the Thriasian Gate. The Kerameikos included the Akademeia as well as the Agora, whence it was sometimes called the Akademeia. Sulla was probably encamped on the Outer Kerameikos. τὴν προσβολήν, G. § 168. 4. περὶ τὸ Ἑπτάχαλκον : Plutarch tells the same story elsewhere, de garrul. c. 7 p. 505 B: πρεσβυτῶν τινῶν ἐπὶ κουρείου διαλεγομένων ὡς οὐ φυλάττεται τὸ Ἑπτά χαλκον, καὶ κινδυνεύει τὸ ἄστυ κατ' ἐκεῖνο ληφθῆναι τὸ μέρος, ἀκούσαντες οἱ κατάσκοποι πρὸς τὸν Σύλλαν ἐξήγγειλαν. Ὁ δ᾽ εὐθὺς τὴν δύναμιν προσαγαγών περὶ μέσας νύκτας εἰσήγαγε τὸ στράτευμα, καὶ μικροῦ μὲν κατέσκαψε [τὴν πόλιν] ἐνέπλησε δὲ φόνου καὶ νεκρῶν ὥστε τὸν Κεραμεικόν αἵματι ῥυῆναι. 5. —ὑπερβῆναι, G. § 260, 2 Note 2, HA. § 947. 11. § 2. 1. 8. ἁλώσιμον sc. ὄντα, a common ellipse in Plutarch. εἴχετο τοῦ ἔργου, ‘set to, about, the task '. Cf. Xen. Hell. 7, 2, 19 ἐπεὶ ἐνέτυχον τοῖς πολεμίοις, εὐθὺς ἔργου εἴχοντο, Herod. 8, II. 9. ἐν τοῖς ὑπομνήμασιν, 4, 3. πληγὴν ἐκ καταφοράς, a sword-wound". For ἐκ καταφοράς cassim, cf. Polyb. 3, 114, 3; 18, 13, 7. 12. ὑφέσθαι τῆς χώρας, gave ground'. Cf. Lucian de luct. § 2 οὐδενὶ τῆς ἄνω ὁδοῦ ὑφιέμενον, Dion. Halic. 8, 84 ἀντεῖχον τῆς χώρας, ἐν ᾗ τὸ πρῶτον ἔστησαν, οὐχ ὑφιέμενοι. 13. κατασχεῖν, held hin fast Clough). We might also understand τὴν χώραν, kept the place'. § 3. 1. 13. pèv ovv, not 'certainly' (Clough), but 'so then', 4, I; 4, 4• 16. τὸ μεταξὺ τῆς Πειραϊκής πύλης καὶ τῆς ἱερᾶς, the part of the wall which lay between the Peiraic and the sacred gate The Peiraic gate was in the valley beneath the Nymphs' Hill and was the usual road to the Peiraeeus; the Sacred gate. was identical with the Dipylon; it was so called because through it the annual procession passed at the Eleusinia on their road to Eleusis. 17. συνομαλύνας, ‘levelling to the ground' Several hundred yards of the city ramparts, which were formed of sun-baked bricks, were thrown down; hence a vast mass of ruin which completely over- whelmed and buried the lines of tombs immediately without the gate and pre- XIV 6 107 PLUTARCH'S SULLA served them almost uninjured, until one day when they were once more brought to light by a French archaeological expedition in the year 1863. The sudden- ness with which these monuments were overwhelmed is indicated by the fact that some of them were and remain unfinished; the completeness of their disappear- ance is proved by the silence of Pausanias the traveller, who, passing through all quarters of Athens in the time of the Antonines, would appear to have seen no trace of them. These monuments, all of which are of course Athenian, have been left standing, just where they were disinterred by the old road which led through Dipylon from Athens to Eleusis. PERCY GARDNER, in an interesting article on the Greek mind in the presence of Death', Contemporary Review Dec. 1877. 6 18. νύκτας, horas noctis. εἰσήλαυνε, 'was seen riding in', dramatic imperfect. ὑπὸ σάλπιγξι, ' to the blast of trumpets'. Cf. Hesiod sc. Herc. 283 ὑπ' αὐλητῆρι ἕκαστος πρόσθ᾽ ἔκιον, Lucian dial. deor. 2, 2 ὑπ' αὐλῷ καὶ τυμπάνοις εὔρυθμα βαίνε, Dio Chrysost. orat. 33 P. 407 Μ χόρους ὑπὸ τῷ μέλει τούτῳ στησόμεθα παίδων καὶ παρθένων. The genitive is more common in this sense. τῆς δυνάμεως, 6, 6. § 4. 1. 25. ἐπέσχε, extended over ', ' covered. 19. 31. φοβηθῆναι τὴν τοῦτο, ‘this conviction', viz. that their city was going to be de stroyed. ἀπογνῶναι: Tib. Gr. 5, 2 n σωτηρίαν ἐποίησε, 'made them dread to survive '. 36. ἐξαιτου- the city'. Cf. § 5. 1. 33. τοῦτο μέν—τοῦτο δέ, 12, 3. μένων τὴν πόλιν, begging of, interceding for, Dem. c. Mid. § 151 p. 563, 27 ὅρα μὴ τούτοις αὑτὸν ἐξαιτήσηται, Aesch. c. Timarch. § 169 p. 24, 35. 37. μεστὸς ὢν τῆς τιμωρίας, because he had his fll of vengeance'. 38. ὑπειπών, 'premising', Tib. Gr. 11, 4 n. ἔφη χαρίζεσθαι πολλοῖς μὲν ὀλίγους, ζώντας δὲ τεθνηκόσιν, he said that he spared the few for the sake of the many, the living for the sake of the dead '. Iul. Flor. 1, 40, 10: postquam domuerat ingratissimos hominum, tamen, ut ipse dixit, in honorem mortuorum sacris suis famaeque donavit. § 6. 1. 40. Μαρτίαις καλάνδαις, Martiis Κalendis. Appian Mithr. c. 38 gives a long account of the siege and capture of Athens: ἐσέπεσεν ἐς τὴν πόλιν (ὁ Σύλλας), καὶ εὐθὺς ἐν ᾿Αθήναις σφαγὴ πολλὴ ἦν καὶ ἀνηλεής οὔτε γὰρ ὑποφεύγειν ἐδύναντο δι' ἀτροφίαν, οὔτε παιδίων ἢ γυναικῶν ἔλεος ἦν τοῦ Σύλλα τὸν ἐν ποσὶν ἀναιρεῖν κελεύ- οντος ὑπ᾽ ὀργῆς ὡς ἐπὶ ταχείᾳ δὴ καὶ ἐς βαρβάρους ἀλόγῳ μεταβολῇ καὶ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀκράτῳ φιλονεικίᾳ· ὅθεν οἱ πλέονες, αἰσθανόμενοι τοῦ κηρύγματος, ἑαυτοὺς τοῖς σφαγεῦσιν ὑπερρίπτουν ἐς τὸ ἔργον. ὀλίγων δ᾽ ἦν ἀσθενὴς ἐς τὴν ἀκρόπολιν δρόμος· καὶ ᾿Αριστίων αὐτοῖς συνέφυγεν, ἐμπρήσας τὸ ᾠδεῖον, ἵνα μὴ ἑτοίμοις ξύλοις αὐτίκα ὁ Σύλλας ἔχει τὴν ἀκρόπολιν ἐνοχλεῖν. ὁ δ᾽ ἐμπιπράναι μὲν τὴν πόλιν ἀπεῖπε, διαρπάσαι δὲ ἔδωκε τῷ στρατῷ. 43. ὑπομνήματα, 'as memorials', in com- memoration of', predicate accusative, G. § 166, Note 2. τὴν ἐπομβρίαν, 'the deluge', in the time of Deucalion. In the time of Pausanias' (1, 18) says Long 'in the second century of our era, they still showed at Athens the hole through which the waters of the deluge ran off'. 108 XIV 7 NOTES ON 51. § 7. 1. 47. ἐπὶ τούτῳ sc. τῷ πολιορκείν, 29, 8. The officer meant is Gaius Scribonius Curio, son of the orator of that name and the friend of M. T. Cicero. He became praetor in 82/672 and consul in 76/678. As proconsul he had Macedonia for his province, and was the first Roman general who advanced in Moesia as far as the river Danube. He was appointed Pontifex Maximus in 57/697. 50. δίψει πιεσθείς: Appian c. 39 τὸν ᾿Αριστίωνα καὶ τοὺς συμπεφευγότας λιμῷ καὶ δίψει πιεσθέντας ἐξεῖλεν οὐ μετά πολύ. καὶ αὐτῶν ὁ Σύλλας ᾿Αριστίωνα μὲν καὶ τοὺς ἐκείνῳ δορυφορήσαντας... ἐκόλασε θανάτῳ. According to Plutarch below, c. 23, 2 he was poisoned; Pausanias, Att. 1, 20, relates that he took refuge in the temple of Athena and was dragged out of it. ἐπεσήμηνε: Wesseling in Diod. Sic. II, 45: τὸ δὲ δαιμόνιον τῆς τῶν ἱκετῶν σωτηρίας καταλυθείσης ἐπεσήμηνε, 19, 103 ταχὺ τὸ δαιμόνιον αὐτοῖς ἐπεσήμηνε, quibus locis ἐπισημαίνειν numinis est cum irae suae manifesta ostentat argumenta, sicuti et in Plutarch. Demetr. 12 ἐπεσήμηνε δὲ τοῖς πλείστοις τὸ θεῖον, Pausan. 3, 12 Ταλθυβίου δὲ τούτου μήνιμα-Λακεδαιμονίοις ἐπισημαίνειν. Hinc è mionμaola ipsa exprimit irati numinis indicia 16, 84 et 20, 102. 52. Kaτηуe, ex arce deducebat. 55. τὰ πλεῖστα κατ έκαυσεν: cf. Appian Mithr. 41 ὁ δὲ Σύλλας τὸν Πειραῖα τοῦ ἄστεος μᾶλλον ἐνοχλήσαντά οἱ κατεπίμπρη φειδόμενος οὔτε τῆς ὁπλοθήκης οὔτε τῶν νεωσοίκων οὔτε τινὸς ἄλλου τῶν ἀοιδίμων. 56. ἡ Φίλωνος ónλoðýêη, ‘the arsenal of Philo'. See my n. on Xen. Oecon. 8, 12 1. 74 and cf. Strab. 9, 1, 15 p. 395 d; Valer. Max. I, 12, 2 gloriantur Athenae armamentario suo, nec sine causa: est enim illud opus et inpensa et clegantia visendum. cuius architectum Phi- lonem ita facunde rationem institutionis suae in theatro reddidisse constat, ut disertissimus populus non minorem laudem eloquentiae eius quam arti tribueret, Plin. Nat. Hist. 7, 37, 125 laudatus est... Philon Athenis armamentario CD navium. See Index I s.v. Philo. CHAPTER XV Another army from Asia was now coming against Sulla under Taxiles, a general of Mithridates. He was moving from Thrace and Macedonia with 100,000 foot, 10,000 horse and 90 scythe chariots. He summoned Archelaos to join him. Archelaos' plan was to protract the war and to cut off the enemy's supplies. The chariots of the enemy and the superiority of his cavalry rendered it hazardous for Sulla to meet him in the plain of Bocotia; on the other hand Attica was no longer able to afford supplies, especially since Archelaos, occupying Munychia with his fleet, had prevented the arrival of supplies by sea. The more powerful motive prevailing, Sulla moved into Boeotia and encamped at a place in the plain of Chaironcia called Patronis. Here he was joined by Hortensius, who made his way from Thessaly by a circuitous route over the rugged mountain mass of Parnassus to Tithora (the place which had afforded XV 4 109 PLUTARCH'S SULLA a refuge to the Phokians in their flight from Xerxes), where he came into contact with the enemy's forces, but having resisted their attacks during the day succeeded in the following night in descending through difficult passes to the place where Sulla was expecting him. § 1. 1. 5. ἐκάλει τὸν ᾿Αρχέλαον, summoned Archelaos to ἔτι ναυλοχοῦντα join him'. Appian does not record this fact. περὶ τὴν Μουνυχίαν, while he was still lying with his ships at Munychia', the smallest of the three harbours in the peninsula of Peiraeus. ( Appian's account is different. He says (c. 41) that Archelaos after the capture of Athens marched through Boeotia into Thessaly, and that near Thermopylae he collected the remains of the troops which partly himself, partly Dromichaites, had brought into Greece. He also suinmoned the force which had accompanied Ariathios the king's son, and some other troops just despatched by Mithridates, making in all 120,000 men. 7. συμπλέκεσθαι, 'to engage 6. μήτε for οὔτε, I, I. in close fight', a favourite word of Plutarch and Polybios, but not used in this sense in Attic Greek. 8. χρονοτριβεῖν τὸν πόλε- 9. τὰς εὐπορίας pov, 'to prolong the war', Cat. min. c. 53. аúтŵν áþαιρeîv, 'to cut off from them their supplies', 8, 4; II, 2. kelvou sc. Archelaos. ἀνέζευξεν, Tib. § 2. 1. 10. Gr. 5, 2 1. 10 n. 11. yλɩσxpŵv, 'niggardly', 'barren', Flam. 4, Ι τόπους γλισχροὺς καὶ σπειρομένους πονηρῶς. I, οὐδέ, Ι, Ι. his calculation'. ments'. 1. 7. 15. opov, μηδέ for 12. σφάλλεσθαι τὸν λογισμόν, 'to be wrong in 14. Súσιππov, ill-suited for cavalry move- άvажεπтаμévais, 'open'. See n. to Them. 8, 2 αναπεπταμέναις, although he saw', G. § 277, 5. δύσιππον, § 3. 1. 19. Ορτήσιος αὐτὸν ἐφόβει, Hortensius caused him anxiety'. This was probably the celebrated orator Q. Horten- sius, born 114/640, cons. 69/685, who was serving as legatus under Sulla; according to Long, his brother Lucius is meant. 21. ἐν TOîs σTEVOîs, 'in the straits' or 'pass' of Thermopylae. παρεού λаTTOV, 'were watching', 'on the look out for', Them. 26, 1 1. 20 n. 23. ημÉTEρos av, 'who was a countryman of mine'; he was of Phokis, near which Plutarch's native town, Chaironeia, was situate. Cf. the use of noster Cic. de Off. 1 § 33. ἑτέραις ὁδοῖς, 'by a different route' from what they expected. I § 4. 1. 25. ὑπ' αὐτὴν τὴν Τιθόραν, just below Tithora'. Tithora (or Tithorea as it is called in Herodotos (8, 33) and Pau- sanias (Phoc. c. 32) but Tilóppa in inscriptions) was, according to this statement of Plutarch, 'a fortress on a steep rock scarped all round', where the Phokians took refuge from the soldiers of Xerxes B.C. 480. Therefore it could not be the same place as the old city Neon from which they fled, and which was destroyed by the Persians, though Pausanias says, that the new name Tithorea was substituted after the time of Herodotos for that of Neon. It was according to the same writer about 80 stadia from Delphi. The IIO XV 4 NOTES ON city Tithorea of Plutarch's time was situated at Velitza, at the N.E. base of the great mass of Parnassos, near the small river Cachales, which flows into the Kephissos' (Long). 28. ανεσκευά σαντοπτὰ σκεύη ἀνέλαβον, packed up and marched away'. Cf. Thuc. 1, 18, 4 οἱ 'Αθηναῖοι, ἐπιόντων τῶν Μήδων, διανοηθέντες ἐκλιπεῖν τὴν πόλιν καὶ ἀνασκευασάμενοι, ἐς τὰς ναῦς ἐσβάντες ναυτικοὶ ἐγένοντο. 29. καταστρατοπεδεύσας, castris positis. The verb is used by Xenophon transitively to put into canton- ments'. Polybios employs it, as here, intransitively to take up quarters', a sense which the middle bears in Xenophon. 31. IIαтрwvída: videtur vicus quidam ignobilis ad radices Oetae vel Cnemidis montis fuisse. (Leopold.) CHAPTER XVI In the Elatic plain, being copiously supplied with water and defended towards the enemy by the pass of Parapotamioi, Sulla found a safe and convenient place of encampment until he was rein- forced by Hortensius. He then advanced toward the enemy and took up a position on a fertile woody hill in the midst of the Elatic plains named Philobocotos, at the foot of which there was water. (The Romans probably occupied both that height and the hill of Krevasará, as in that position they were not only masters of any sources of water there may be at the foot of those heights, but were near the Kephissos, their proximity to which is evident from what follows. LEAKE.) As the Roman army consisted of only 15,000 infantry and 1500 cavalry, while the enemy's amounted to six or eight times that number, the former kept close within their entrenchments, when the Asiatics drew out their forces to display their strength and strike terror into the small body of their adversaries; but when they proceeded to strag gle over the country, destroying Panopeus and pillaging Lebadeia and the oracular temple of Trophonios, Sulla became very desirous of engaging. In order to inspire his troops with an inclination to fight, he first imposed some severe labours upon them, such as cutting dikes in the plain and turning the channel of the Kephissos; and when they began to be tired of this employment, and to prefer the hazard of a fight, praying Sulla to lead them against the enemy, he pointed out to them a position which he wished to occupy. It was a hill near the Kephissos, on which formerly stood the Akropolis of the abandoned city of the Parapotamioi-a stony height surrounded with a precipice, and separated only from Mount Hedylium by the river Assos, which at the foot of the hill fell into the Kephissos and rendered the position very strong. The Romans drove away a body of Chalkaspides, who were moving to the defence of the hill of Para- potamioi and seized the position first. Archelaos then made an at- tempt on Chaironeia, but Sulla was again beforehand with him and the city was saved by the timely arrival of one legion under Gabinius, accompanied by the Chaironeans in Sulla's army. XVI 4 III PLUTARCH'S SULLA § 1. 1. 1. yevóμevoɩ koivη, 'when they had united their forces'. καταλαμβάνονται i.q. καταλαμβάνουσιν, ‘they occupy'. Diodor. Sic. I, 56: καταλαβομένους παρὰ τὸν ποταμὸν χωρίον καρτερόν, 5, 83 κατελάβετο νῆσον ἔρημον οὖσαν. ἐκ μέσων ἑστῶτα τῶν Ἐλατικών πεδίων, rising out of the midst of the plains of Elateia', the famous plain, called by Plutarch's favourite hero Epameinondas 'the dancing-plot of Arês' (Marc. 21). Ela- teia, the most important place in Phokis after Delphi was situated about the middle of the great fertile basin which extends near 20 miles from the narrows of the Kephissos below Amphikleia to those which are at the entrance into Boeotia. Hence by its admi- rable position for commanding the passes southward from Mt Oeta, it became a post of great military importance and the key of South- ern Greece. The alarm felt at Athens, when the news came of its occupation by Philip of Macedon, shows that it was so regarded then. See Dem. de cor. p. 284. 3. ἀμφιλαφῆ, shaded with trees' (Clough), well sheltered with trees' (Langhornes), 'extensive' (Long): cf. Plat. Phaedr. p. 230 в Tλáтavos µáλ å µpi- λαφής, Dionys. Halic. 2, 20 χωρίον ύλαις ἀμφιλαφέσι ἐπίσκιον. 5. ἐπαινεῖ, in his Υπομνήματα, see on 4, 3. 7. ἱππεῖς AάTTOUS: according to Appian c. 41 they had not so much as a third of the enemy's forces, οὐδ᾽ ἐς τριτημόριον τὰ πάντα τῶν πολεμίων. ( § 2. 1. 9. ὅθεν ἐκβιασάμενοι τὸν ᾿Αρχέλαον, 'for which rea son forcing action upon Archelaus'. 12. Oupeŵv, scutorum, the large oblong shield, generally adopted by the Roman infantry, about 4 feet long by 2 wide, formed out of boards like a door (Oúpa), firmly joined together and covered over with coarse cloth under an outer coating of raw hide, with a metal rim round the edges. 13. OÚK ÉσTEɣev, non sustincbat, 'could not support', 'was rent with'; v. Ind. gr. ἐθνῶν τοσούτων : the barbarian army was composed of Thracians, men from Pontos, Scythians, Cappadocians, Bithynians, Gauls from Galatia, Phrygians and others who were included in the new acquisitions of Mithridates, in all 120,000 men, as Appian reports c. 42. 14. ἦν δὲ ἅμα καί εἰς Kπληğɩv, at the same time also the pomp and ostentatious mag- nificence of their costly array was not without effect and use in producing consternation'. 21. ὑπὸ § 3. 1. 19. πυροειδῆ καὶ φοβεραν προσέβαλον ὄψιν, pre- sented a flaming and formidable appearance, as the masses waved to and fro and swayed about in their ranks'. Tòv Xáρaka σvotéλλelv éautoús, 'cooped themselves up', 'shrunk behind their ramparts'. On xápağ see n. to Tib. Gracch. 6, 1; and for ovσTéλλELV cf. above 9, 6; 11, 4. 22. μηδενὶ for οὐδενί, 16, 3. § 4. 1. 28. οὐδ᾽ ἄλλως κτλ., οὐδ᾽ ἄλλως κτλ., otherwise also inclined to be disobedient owing to the number of their officers'. Each of the II 2 XVI 4 NOTES ON 33. nationalities had its own general, Archelaos being commander-in- chief: Appian l. c. στρατηγοὶ αὐτῶν ἦσαν μὲν καὶ κατὰ μέρος ἑκάστῳ, αὐτοκράτωρ δ' ᾿Αρχέλαος ἐπὶ πᾶσιν. 32. τὴν τῶν Πανοπέων Tóλiv, Panopeus or Panope was a very ancient town (Hom. Il. 2, 520) the frontier fortress of Phokis towards Boeotia, and on the road from Daulis to Chaironeia. It was destroyed by Xerxes (Herod. 8, 34) and again by Philip at the close of the Sacred war (Pausan. 10, 3, 1). It was taken by the Romans in 198/556. Tηv Aeßadéwv: Lebadeia (Livadhia) lay near the western frontier of Boeotia, between Chaironeia and Mt Helikon, at the foot of a precipitous height from which the river Herkyna flows. It owed its importance to the celebrated oracle of Trophonios, which con- tinued to be consulted even in Plutarch's time, when all the others in Boeotia had become dumb, de defectu orac. c. 5, Pausan. Boeot. cc. 39, 40. 35. πρόσταγμα δόντος, 28, 6. Tà 39. ἐκ 41. § 5. 1. 38. προσάγων, sc. πρὸς τὸν Κηφισσόν. τοῦ ῥείθρου παρατρέπειν, to divert from its course. ἀπαγορεύσαντες πρὸς τὰ ἔργα, exhausted with their labours '. Cf. Cor. 13 πρὸς τὴν στρατείαν ἀπαγορευόντων. On the form ἀπαγορεύσαντες for ἀπειπόντες see Cobet var. lect. p. 39, nov. lect. p. 778. 42. ἀσπάσωνται τὸν κίνδυνον, ‘may welcome danger', as a release from hardship. This artifice of Sulla's of employing an insubordinate soldiery, had been previously practised by Marius in the war with the Cimbri, when he had a canal cut from the Rhone (fossa Mariana), vit. Mar. c. 15 ff. It is referred by Frontinus, Strategem. I, II, 20, to another occasion: L. Sulla, quia adversus Archelaum, praefectum Mithridatis, apud Piracea pigrioribus ad proelium militibus uteretur, opere eos fati- gando compulit ad poscendum ultro pugnae signum. § 6. 1. 48. τὴν ἀκρόπολιν τῶν Παραποταμίων, what was formerly the Akropolis of the Parapotamioi'. These were a people on the confines of Boeotia and Phokis (Strabo 9, 19), whose city had been destroyed by Xerxes (Herod. 8, 33, Pausan. 10, 33). EL § 7. 1. 51. τοῦ 'Ηδυλίου διωρισμένος ὄρους ὅσον ὁ Ασσος Téxε péwv, separated from Mount Hedylium by the space covered by the river Assos', 14, 4. 52. συμπίπτων τῷ Κηφισσῷ, flowing into the Kephissos'. 53. συνεκτραχυνόμενος κτλ. 'growing rapid by the confluence makes the citadel a strong place to encamp in'. < "There is a difficulty in this passage:-The testimony of Strabo, Theopompos and of Plutarch himself, shows that Paleokastro is the ancient Parapotamioi and the rocky summit above it Hedylium; in which case there is no stream which can correspond with the Assos but that named Kinéta, which flows from the marsh of Sfaka, and is joined by the torrent of the vale of Khúbavo. This river however does not divide the hill of Paleokastro from Mount Hedylium, as Plutarch leads us to expect, but leaves it on the left and joins the Kephissos a little below the hill of Paleokastro, which is in fact a low extremity of the moun- tain itself'. LEAKE, Travels in Northern Greece, II 195. XVII 113 PLUTARCH'S SULLA 55. lovμévovs, 'pushing forward', 'forcing their way'. χρησάμενος τοῖς στρατιώταις προθύμοις, 5, 3; 6, 9. 57. § 8. 1. 58. ἀποκρουσθείς, 15, 4. 61. προέσθαι, 10. 2. 60. τῶν Χαιρωνέων, 62. G. § 168. Γαβίνιον. This was Aulus Gabinius who was sent by Sulla in 81/673 with orders to L. Licinius Murena to put an end to the war with Mith- ridates. 65. τῶν σωθῆναι δεομένων, than those who required aid to be brought'. Cf. Xen. Cyr. 2, 3, 3 ovdèv avтoîs ȧpyεîтαι τῶν πράττεσθαι δεομένων. The active infinitive is occasionally thus used in place of the passive after deîolai; see my n. on Xen. Oecon. 12, II, 1. 59. ó d' 'Ióẞas: Juba II, son of the King of Nu- midia, was on his father's death in 46/708 carried a prisoner to Rome, where he was brought up and so well educated that he turned out one of the most learned men of the day. On the death of M. Antonius in 30/724, Augustus conferred on Juba his paternal king- dom of Numidia, and gave him in marriage Cleopatra (Selene) the daughter of Antonius and Cleopatra. Afterwards Augustus gave him Mauretania in exchange for Numidia, which was reduced to a Roman province, and here he continued to reign until his death in A.D. 19. Juba was a voluminous writer in the Greek language, he composed among other histories, one of Rome, which reached from the primitive period to the times of Sulla and Sertorius (see C. Müller Fragm. hist. gr. III p. 469–484). Strabo, Plinius and Plutarch often quote him in Sertor. c. 9, 5 Plutarch calls him πάντων ἱστορικώτατον βασιλέων. See Index Is.. 67. ἡ πόλις uv. See my Introduction to Themist. p. Ix f. This will ex- plain' says Long 'why Plutarch has described the campaign in the plains of Boeotia at such length'. παρὰ τοσοῦτον ἐξέφυγε τὸν κίνδυνον, klvduvov, 'within so much, so narrowly, did it escape the danger', Tapá here implies comparison, 29, 8. CHAPTER XVII IX Encouraged by favourable oracles, Sulla quitted his position al the Akropolis of the Parapotamioi and crossing the Assos proceeded to the foot of Mount Hedylion, and took up a position opposite Arche- laos, who was encamped behind a strong entrenchment at a place called Assia, on the north side of the lower Kephissos, between Hedylion and Akontion. Having remained a day in this position, Sulla left L. Licinius Murena there with one legion and two companies to watch the enemy, and having sacrificed at the Kephissos, crossed the river and moved south to Chaironeia for the purpose of joining the troops who had occupied that place, as well as to examine the position of a detachment of the enemy, which, after the unsuccessful move- ment upon Chaironeia, had occupied Mount Thurion or Orthopagos, a rugged pine-shaped mountain south of Chaironeia. Below it were the torrent Molos and the temple of Apollo Thurios, who received that epithet from Thuro, mother of Chairon, the founder of Chaironeia. Two men of Chaironeia having proposed to lead a detachment to the H. S. 3 114 XVII NOTES ON summit of Thurion by a road unknown to the Asiatics and to dis- lodge the enemy, Sulla ordered upon this service a body of Romans under Gabinius (some say Ericius) and then drew out his army in the plain, placing the cavalry on either flank, himself commanding the right, Murena the left, and Hortensius with a reserve of five cohorts to keep watch on the heights in the rear, in order to prevent the enemy from circumventing the Romans by means of their numerous cavalry and light troops. § 1. 1. 1. Toû Tpopwvlov, 'the oracular shrine of Trophonios', 16, 4. 2. prijμai, voces divinae, oraculi sortes. νικηφόρα, i.q. τὴν νίκην ἐπαγγέλλοντα. 5. τῶν ὑπομνημάτων, 16, I. 6. τῶν πραγματευομένων, those who were engaged in mercantile business'. 8. νeviкηкóта µáxην, G. § 159 Rem. § 2. 1. 10. ἀνὴρ τῶν ἐν τάξει στρατευομένων, quidam ex cohorte praetoria (Cruserius): miles legionarius (Freinsheim). 12. τέλος έξειν, 6, 9; 7, 4. 13. περὶ τῆς ὀμφῆς, concerning the revelation'. Wyttenbach and others understand the word to mean 'vision', but unnecessarily: it means the voice' of the god who appeared to them. 15. παραπλήσιον sc. τὸν θέον, implied in ὀμφῆς: κάλλος and μέγεθος are accusatives of respect. § 3. 1. 16. παρελθὼν ὑπὸ τὸ Ηδύλιον, advancing with his army to the foot of Hedylium'. 17. βεβλημένῳ χάρακα καρ- TEρÒV KTλ. 'for he had thrown up a strong entrenchment'. Cf. Plat. legg. 6 p. 779 Β τὰς οἰκοδομίας βάλλεσθαι. 19. πρὸς τοῖς λεγομένοις Ασσίοις sc. πεδίοις, at a place named the Assian plains', on the north side of the lower Kephissos, between Mount Hedylion and Mount Akontion, which is nearer the lake than Hedylion. Leake conjectures that Assia may be in that recess of the plain between Hedylion and Akontion, through which a small branch of the Kephissos runs, and where the modern village Karamusa stands. 20. ȧm' èkelvou, 'from his name', 'after him', not 'from that ἀπ' ἐκείνου, time', 17, 4; cf. Thuc. 1, 46, 3 dp' oû kal Thν èπwvvμíav ëxεL. 22. πρὸς τὸ τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐνοχλῆσαι παραταττομένοις, ‘with a view to annoy the enemy, if he should attempt to form in order of battle'. § 4. 1. 25. Tŵv iepŵv yevoµévwv, cum sacra litassent. 27. Ooúpiov: Thurion was a conical-shaped (σrpoßiλwồŋs) hill south of Chaironeia and part of a small range which separates the plain of Chaironeia from the plain of Lebadeia. 31. Θουροῦς : Pausanias (Boeot. 9, 40, 3) gives her name as Thero. § 5. 1. 33. ὑπὸ τοῦ Πυθίου—βοῦν. The common story was that Kadmos, unable to find his sister Europa, who had been car- ried off by Zeus, consulted the oracle of Delphi, and was com- manded by the god to follow a cow of a certain kind and to build a XVII 7 115 PLUTARCH'S SULLA town on the spot on which the cow should sink down with fatigue. Kadmos found the cow and followed her from Phokis into Boeotia, where she sank down on the spot where Kadmos built Kadmeia, afterwards the citadel of Thebes. Cf. Eur. Phoen. 638 ff. Κάδμος ἔμολε τάνδε γᾶν Τύριος, ᾧ τετρασκελής μόσχος ἀδάματον πέσημα δίκε τελεσφόρον διδούσα χρησμόν, οὗ κατοικίσαι πεδία μὲν τὸ θέσφατον χρησε πυροφόρο 'Αόνων, κτλ. Ovid tells the same story, Metam. 3, 10 ff. § 6. 1. 45. ἀπὸ τοῦ καλουμένου Πετράχου: Paus. Doeot. 9, 41, 6 ἔστι δὲ ὑπὲρ τὴν πόλιν κρημνὸς Πετραχὸς καλούμενος Κρόνον δὲ ἐθέλουσιν ἐνταῦθα ἀπατηθῆναι δεξάμενον ἀντὶ Διὸς πέτρον παρὰ τῆς Ρέας καὶ ἄγαλμα Διὸς οὐ μέγα ἐστὶν ἐπὶ κορυφῇ τοῦ ὄρους. 46. ὑπέρ κεφαλῆς, supra illorum caput. ᾗ πορευθέντες sc. ἀτραπῷ, ‘by taking which path'. § 7. 1. 48. τοῖς ἀνδράσι μαρτυρήσαντος ἀνδρείαν καὶ πίστιν, 'bearing testimony in favour of the men to their courage and fidel- ity'. Gabinius had been sent in advance to Chaironeia with one legion, 16, 8. 50. συνέταττε τὴν φάλαγγα, proceeded to form his line'. 'We must conclude from this that when Sulla crossed the river to Chaironeia, Archelaos followed him, and Murena who would then have nothing to do on the north side of the river, crossed it also and joined the general with his legion and two com- panies in the plain between Chaironeia and the Kephissos' (Long). οἱ πρεσβευταί, legati, 4, 1, 6, 9; II, 4· 54. σπεί- ρας ἐπιτάκτους ἔχοντες ἔσχατοι, having some companies of reserve in the rear'. παρενέβαλον, 'planted themselves, 'took up a position'. 53. • < The verb παρεμβάλλειν is a military term frequently met with in Polybios either (1) with an acc. i. q. τάττειν locare, collocare, sive in acie: to put in rank, draw up in battle order', I, 33, 7 τοὺς μὲν ἐπὶ τὸ δεξιὸν κέρας παρενέ Bade, 2, 27, 7; 2, 28, 3; 2, 65, 10; 3, 72, 8; 5, 53, 3, etc. sive in castris: C to encamp': 6, 28, 2 ; 6, 29, 6 αντίους παρεμβάλλουσι τοῖς τριαρίοις τοὺς πρίγκι πας; 6, 30, I; 6, 41, 2 παρεμβαλεῖν τὰ στρατόπεδα. or 4 (2) absol. castra locare to encamp': 1, 77, 6 τοῦ δ' 'Αμίλκου παρεμβε βληκότος ἔν τινι πεδίῳ, 3, 110, 1 δευτεραῖσι δ' ἐπιβαλόντες παρενέβαλον 5, 13, 8 παρενέβαλε περὶ τὴν καλουμένην πόλιν ᾿Ακρας; 6, 32, 6; 11, 23, 5 οἱ πεζοὶ ἐξ ἀσπίδος παρενέβαλον; 6, 29, 2 αἷς μὲν (ῥύμαις) ταγμάτων, αἷς δὲ οὐλα μῶν ἐπὶ τὸ μῆκος παρεμβεβληκότων. Also aciem instruere, to fall into line, as 5, 69, 7 παρενέβαλον εἰς ναυμαχίαν; 18, 7, 3 ἐξ ἀσπίδος παρενέβαλε. or (3) invadere to make an inroad' : 5, 14, 1ο εἰς οὓς τόπους) οὐδεὶς ἐτόλ μησε πρότερον στρατοπέδῳ παρεμβαλεῖν; 29, 7, 8 παρεμβεβληκότων των ἡμετέρων στρατοπέδων εἰς Μακεδονίαν. The derivative παρεμβολή is used to signify either (1) an encampment', 'camp', and generally soldier's barracks' (Act. Ap. 21, 34) : or (2) an arraying in battle order, or (3) 'a body so drawn up'. • 55. φύλακες πρὸς τὰς κυκλώσεις, ' to watch the enemy's move- ments and prevent them from attacking Sulla's flank'. ἑωρώντα γάρ τοὺς Ρωμαίους, ' for the enemy were observed making their 8-2 116 XVII 7 NOTES ON wing agile and ready for evolution (so forming their wing as to allow it readily to change about and alter its position) with a large body of cavalry and light-armed foot, their design being to extend their line and encompass the Romans'. For πioтроpý see Ind. gr. s, v. ἐπιστροφή CHAPTER XVIII The road indicated to Ericius by the two Chaironeans led from Mount Petrachus by a temple of the Muses. As soon as he had obtained possession of the summit of the mountain, the Asiatics were immediately thrown into confusion by the unexpected attack of the Romans from above; three thousand were slain on the hill, others, who got safe to the foot of the hill, fell into the hands of Murena, and the remainder arrived in such confusion at their own camp, as to create a general disorder. Sulla, seizing the critical moment, moved forward his right so promptly, that the chariots of the Asiatics, which depended on traversing a certain space to enable them to acquire velocity and momentum, were now driven feebly against the Romans, who easily cluded them, or opened their lines and let them pass to the rear, where, before they could turn round, horses and drivers were pierced with the Roman javelins. The combat now became general: the Romans threw down their pila and then fought against the enemy with swords only, but could not make any impression upon the long pikes and locked shields of the Asiatics, or upon the dense order of 150,000 slaves, whom the Asiatic commanders had invited from the Greek cities by a promise of freedom and armed; these, however, were at length broken by the javelins and sling-shot of the adverse light-armed and fell into complete con- fusion. § 1. 1. 3. πipavévτwv, 'discovering themselves', 'coming suddenly into view': Thuc. 8, 42, 3: Herod. 4, 122: Polyb. 5, 109, 2 παραδόξως ἐπιφαίνεσθαι τοῖς πολεμίοις; 31, 26, 1ο (27, 1o ed. Hultsch) κατὰ νώτου τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐπιφαίνεσθαι, Xen. Cyr. 6, 3, 13 ἐπιφάνηθι ἐναντίος τῇ τῶν πολεμίων τάξει, 8, 5, 15; An. 3, 5, 2 ἐξαπίνης οἱ πολέμιοι ἐπιφαίνονται ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ, de rep. Lac. rr, 8 ἐὰν ἐκ τοῦ ἐναντίου πολεμία φάλαγξ ἐπιφανῇ, Mag. Eq. 2, 8 ήν τι ὄπισθεν ἐπιφαίνηται. 4. φόνος ὑπ' ἀλλή Awv: for the use of Tó with verbal substantives to denote the acting person or efficient cause, cf. Plat. Apol. 17 TÀ TOÛ Κρόνου ἔργα καὶ παθήματα ὑπὸ τοῦ υἱέος, Rep. 2 p. 378 D "Ηρας δεσμοὺς ὑπὸ υἱέος καὶ ῾Ηφαίστου ῥίψεις ὑπὸ πατρός, Xen. Hier. 8, 4 αἱ ὑπὸ τῶν δυνατωτάτων θεραπείαι. 6. κατά πρανούς, down hill : Xen. Anab. 1, 5, 8 καὶ μάλα κατὰ πρανούς γηλόφου, de re eq. 3, 7 πρὸς ἄναντες καὶ κατὰ πρανοῦς καὶ πλάγια ελαύ τοῖς δόρασι περιέπιπτον αὐτοὶ τοῖς ἑαυτῶν, ‘fell Cf. Arist. Vesp. 523 upon the points of their own spears'. περιπεσοῦμαι τῷ ξίφει, Antiph. τετρ. Β. γ. § 6 p. 123, νοντα. διὰ τὴν ) XVIII 4 117 PLUTARCH'S SULLA 8. τοῦ βαλόντος ἀκολασίαν πολεμίῳ τῷ τούτου βέλει περιπεσὼν ἀθλίως ἀπέθανεν. τὰ γυμνά, their exposed parts ', i. e. those not covered by armour, especially the right side; Xen. Hell. 4, 4, 12 πολεμίων πλῆθος πεφοβημένον, τὰ γυμνὰ παρέχον, Thuc. 3, 23, 4, 5, 10, 4 τὰ γυμνὰ πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους δούς; 5, 71, 1 διὰ τὸ φοβουμένους προστέλλειν τὰ γυμνὰ ἕκαστον τῇ τοῦ ἐν δεξιᾷ παρα- τεταγμένου ἀσπίδι; Polyb. 3, 81, 2 δεῖ τὸν μέλλοντα νικᾶν συνθεωρεῖν ...τί γυμνὸν ἢ ποῖον ἔξοπλον μέρος φαίνεται τῶν ἀνταγωνιστῶν. § 2. 1. 10. εἰς τάξιν καθεστώς, 16, 2. 11. ἀπε- τέμνετο, cut off their retreat, a military term, often found in later Greek. Cf. Χen. Hell. 6, 2, 7 κατεστρατοπεδεύσατο ἐπὶ λόφῳ πρὸ τῆς χώρας ὄντι, όπως ἀποτέμνοιτο ἐντεῦθεν, εἴ τις ἐπὶ τὴν χώραν τῶν Κερκυραίων ἐξίοι, Polyb. 1, 84, 7 πολλοὺς ἀποτεμνόμενος καὶ συγκλείων ὥσπερ ἀγαθὸς πεττευτὴς ἀμαχεί διέ- φθειρε, 9, 7, το πάντας τοὺς ἐπὶ τὴν χώραν ἐκπεπορευμένους ἀποτεμέσθαι ; 10, 32, 4 ἀποτέμνονται τοὺς στρατηγοὺς καὶ διακλείουσιν ἀπὸ τῆς ἰδίας παρεμβολής, 11, 32, 4 επεβάλετο τοῖς ἀκροβολίζομένοις ἀποτεμόμενος ἀπὸ τῆς παρωρείας. 13. ἀνέπλησαν: the notion of contagion' may be implied. See Liddell-Scott Lex. s.. 16. ὀξέως—ταρασσομένοις ἐπαγαγών, promptly charging them while they were still in dis- order. This use of ἐπάγειν without δύναμιν, στρατιάν οι στρατό- πεδον is confined to late Greek, Polyb. 1, 76, 7; 2, 29, 2 ἐξ ἀμφοῖν τοῖν μεροῖν ἅμα τῶν πολεμίων ἐπαγόντων αὐτοῖς, 10, 49, II; 12, 18, II. τὸ μέσον διάστημα τῷ τάχει συνελών, 'abridging by the rapidity of his movements the distance that separated the two lines'. Cf. Lucull. 28, 2 συναιρήσειν τὴν διατοξεύσιμον χώραν τῷ τάχει τῆς ἐπαγωγῆς, i.e. spatium, quo uti missilibus poterant, incursus celeritate contrahendum esse, Mar. 8, 3 πολλὴν ὁδὸν ἡμέραις δυσὶ καὶ μιᾷ νυκτὶ συνελών. 17. ἀφείλετο τὴν τῶν δρεπανηφόρων ἐνέργειαν, 'prevented the efficient action of the scythe-armed chariots'. According to Appian Mithr. c. 42-43 the Romans opened their ranks and let them pass through, attacking them successfully on their return. ὁ δ' (sc. Αρχέλαος) ἑξή- κοντα αὖθις ἔπεμψεν ἅρματα, εἰ δύναιτο μετὰ ῥύμης κόψαι καὶ διαρ ρῆξαι τὴν φάλαγγα τῶν πολεμίων. διαστάντων δὲ τῶν ῾Ρωμαίων, τὰ μὲν ἅρματα ὑπὸ τῆς φορᾶς ἐς τοὺς ὀπίσω παρενεχθέντα τε καὶ δυσεπίστροφα ὄντα πρὸς τῶν ὑστάτων περιστάντων αὐτὰ καὶ ἐσακον- τιζόντων διεφθείρετο. § 3. 1. 18. ἔρρωται sc. τὰ δρεπανηφόρα άρματα. 19. σφοδρότητα καὶ ῥύμην τῇ διεξελάσει διδόντος, giving them velocity and impetus for breaking through the enemy's line'. 20. ἐκ βραχέος, ex brevi spatio. elol, are ineffective and feeble'. ἀφέσεις. τάσιν οὐ λαβόντων, pelled with due force, full swing.' 24. νωθρός, lifelessly. σ ἄπρακτοι καὶ ἀμβλείαι sc. 21. καθάπερ βελών sc. when they do not get pro- 23. ἀπήντα, usu venit, 10, 2. § 4. 1. 26. τοὐντεῦθεν, “thereupon. 28. προβαλλομέ νων τὰς σαρίσας μακράς, not pushing forward their long spears 118 XVIII 4 NOTES ON (Long), nor fixing their long pikes' (Clough), but 'protecting themselves by their pikes at their full length', μακράς being predicate adjective. 29. τῷ συνασπισμῷ, ‘by locking their shields close together', 'by presenting a compact front'. Arrian Tactic. 11, 4 συνασπισμός δὲ (ἔστιν ἐπὴν εἰς τοσόνδε πυκνώσης τὴν φάλαγγα, ὡς διὰ τὴν συνέχειαν μηδὲ κλίσιν τὴν ἐφ' ἑκάτερα ἔτ᾽ ἐγχωρεῖν τὴν τάξιν. καὶ ἀπὸ τοῦδε τοῦ συνασπισμοῦ τὴν χελώνην (testudinem) ῾Ρωμαῖοι ποιοῦνται, Plut. Timol. 27, 6 τοὺς προμάχους πυκνώσας τῷ συνασπισμῷ. τὴν φάλαγγα διατηρεῖν ἐν τάξει, to preserve their line of battle entire. 30. τοὺς ὑσσοὺς αὐτοῦ καταβαλόντων, ‘throwing away then and there their pila'. The pilum was the national arm of the Roman infantry, used chiefly as a missile, but serving also as a pike for thrusting. It was shorter, stronger and larger in the head than the hasta or 'spear'. The wooden shaft was square at the top and of the same length as the iron head (Polyb. 6, 23, 9 προσήρμοσται δὲ τοῖς ὑσσοῖς) βέλος σιδηροῦν ἀγκιστρωτόν, ἴσον ἔχον τὸ μῆκος τοῖς ξύλοις). We have no authentic specimen of this national weapon either in artistic representations or as the product of excavations. "We should expect' says Ihne 'that instead of throwing down their pila, the Romans would have discharged them upon the enemies before falling upon them with their swords. Is it possible that Plutarch makes a mistake in translating?' Long and Clough settle the matter by translating the word hurled', 'discharged', which is of course wrong. < § 5. 1. 36. κατελόχιζον, Granged', ' enrolled '. 37. év Κρονίοις, during the Saturnalia, the great festival of the god Saturnus (Κρόνος), which was celebrated annually on the 17th of December, at this time for one day and at a later period for It was a time of general license, mirth and feasting, serving as the prototype of the modern Carnival. Friends sent presents to one another (Martial, Ep. 9, 46), and masters treated their slaves upon an equal footing (Hor. Sat. 2, 7, 4; Plin. Ep. 2, 17). more. § 6. 1. 40. παρὰ φύσιν, praeter naturam, ut servi qui timi- diores erant neque pugnae adsueverant (Leopold). 41. αἱ βελοσφενδόναι, falaricae: v. ind. gr. s. v. οἱ γρόσφοι hastae velitares, the spears or darts used by the light-armed troops, the shaft of which was about 3 ft. long and of the thickness of a finger, while the head was only a span in length, but so thin that they bent upon coming into contact with anything that offered solid resistance. Polyb. 6, 22, 4 τὸ δὲ τῶν γρόσφων βέλος ἔχει τῷ μὲν μήκει τὸ ξύλον ὡς ἐπίπαν δίπηχυ, τῷ δὲ πάχει δακτυλιαῖον, τὸ δὲ κέντρον σπιθαμιαῖον, κατὰ τοσοῦτον ἐπὶ λεπτὸν ἐξεληλασμένον καὶ συνωξυσμένον ὥστε κατ' ἀνάγκην εὐθέως ἀπὸ τῆς πρώτης ἐμβολῆς κάμπτεσθαι καὶ μὴ δύνασθαι τοὺς πολεμίους ἀντιβάλλειν· εἰ δὲ μή, κοινὸν γίνεται τὸ βέλος, 42. χρωμένων ἀφειδώς sc. τούτοις τοῖς βέλεσιν. XIX 119 PLUTARCH'S SULLA CHAPTER XIX As Archelaos was extending his right wing in order to surround Murena, Hortensius advanced rapidly to defeat this manoeuvre, but was obliged to retreat before the Asiatic cavalry to the hills, where he was in so much danger of being cut off, that Sulla hastened from the right to his aid. Archelaos seeing Sulla coming, instantly counter- marched and attacked Sulla's right, while Taxiles with his Chalkas- pides assailed Murena, so that a shout arising on both sides, and the hills around echoing it, Sulla was for a moment in suspense which way to move; but having resolved to return to his own post on the right, he took one of the cohorts of Hortensius with him, and sent the other four to the support of Murena. On his arrival he found the right hard pressed by Archelaos, but his men, receiving a new impulse from the presence of their commander, in one great effort routed the enemy, and drove him to the Kephissos and Mount Akontion. Sulla then moved to the assistance of Murena, but found him already vic- torious over Taxiles and joined him in the pursuit. Ten thousand only of the vanquished Åsiatics arrived in safety at Chalkis, while Sulla, according to his own assertion in his Memoirs, had only twelve men missing. He erected two trophies, one in the plain where the troops of Archelaos first gave way and fled to the river Molos, the other on the top of Mount Thurion. The latter was inscribed with the names of the two Chaironeans, who had led thither the Romans under Ericius. Sulla commemorated his victory by a dramatic representation at Thebes in a theatre erected for the purpose. He selected his judges from the other cities of Greece, to spite the Thebans, whom he deprived of half their territory because they had wavered in their allegiance. This act of severity enabled him to repay without expense to himself the debt he owed to the sanctuaries of Delphi and Olympia. 3. § 1. 1. 2. ἀνάγοντος, 17, 7. 'Oprnoios, who had been left behind with Galba in charge of a body of reserves, 17, 7. Spóµw πрoσdepoµévas, 'advancing against them at a run, with the intention of charging them in the flank'. ὡς ἐμβαλών, 5, 1. Polyb. 2, 67, 5 ἐνέβαλε τοῖς πολεμίοις τολμηρῶς, 10, 3, 6. The word eµßáλλew is in classical usage applied either to the action of a ship charging another with the ram, or else to a hostile inroad into a country. 5. ἐκθλιβό µevos útò πλýlovs, 'driven from his position by numbers'. 4. ἐπιστρέψαντος, 17, 7. Xen. Anab. 3, 4, 19 ἀνάγκη ἐστίν, ἢν μὲν συγκύπτῃ τὰ κέρατα τοῦ πλαισίου ἢ ὁδοῦ στενωτέρας οὔσης ἡ ὀρέων ἀναγκαζόντων ἢ γεφύρας, ἐκθλίβεσθαι τοὺς ὁπλί τας καὶ πορεύεσθαι πονηρώς, Plut. Mar. 21, 1 ὡς ἀντιστάντες αὐτοῖς οἱ Ρωμαῖοι καὶ συμπεσόντες ἔσχον άνω φερομένους, ἐκθλιβόμενοι κατὰ μικρὸν ὑπεχώρουν εἰς TO TEOLOV. It is strange that no notice is taken of this meaning of the verb in Liddell-Scott, who, however, quote the above passage of Xenophon but under the head 'to distress much', a sense which the verb often bears in the LXX. 6. προσεστέλλετο τοῖς ὀρεινοῖς, ‘kept close to the heights. άoppηyνúμevos, 'becoming severed'. Thuc. 5, 10, 7 TÒ 123 XIX 1 NOTES ON εὐώνυμον κέρας εὐθὺς ἀπορραγὲν ἔφυγεν which the scholiast explains ἀποσπασθὲν τῆς ἄλλης τάξεως. σων. § 2. 1. 19. μήπω συμπεπτωκότος εἰς μάχην, which had not yet engaged in the action', 1, 2. ἐδίωκε βοηθῶν, ' came rapidly ip to his succour'. Xen. Anab. 6; 5, 25 ἕπεσθαι βάδην καὶ μηδένα δρόμῳ διώκειν, 7, 1, 20 custodes ἀναπηδήσαντες ἐδίωκον propera- bant ad Seuthem, rem indicaturi, Plut. Pomp. 8, 1 ἐδίωκε βοηθή 10. Αρχέλαος—εία χαίρειν, 'Archelaos, guessing the matter from the dust raised by the cavalry charge, quitted (lit. 'bade good bye to', 10, 4) Hortensius'. Cf. Appian c. 43 ò 'Apxé- λαος ἀπὸ τῶν σημείων στρατηγικῶν ὄντων καὶ τοῦ κονιορτοῦ πλείονος αιρομένου τεκμηράμενος εἶναι Σύλλαν τὸν ἐπιόντα, λύσας τὴν κύκλωσιν ἐς τάξιν ἀνεχώρει. 12. ὅθεν ὁ Σύλλας sc. ὥρμησεν. τὸ δεξιόν sc. κέρας. 13. ὡς ἔρημον ἄρχοντος αἱρήσων, in the hope of surprising it without a commander 15. αντα- ποδιδόντων, re-echoing, Timol. 27, 6 τὴν κραυγὴν ἀνταποδόν- 16. ἐπιστήσαντα, ‘halting, Xen. Anab. 1, 8, 15 ὁ δ᾽ ἐπιστήσας (sc. τὸν ἵππον) εἶπε. Others translate by animadver tentem, on which meaning of the verb see my n. to Tib. Gracch. io, 3 1. 27. 17. ὁποτέρωσε χρὴ προσγενέσθαι, utram ad partem accurreret. ων. πρὸς § 3. 1. 17. Sóžav, 'when he had decided', G. § 278, 2, HA. § 973. 19. ἔχοντα, 7, 5. 21. καὶ καθ᾿ ἑαυτό συνεστηκός, which had already of itself (unaided) held its ground on equal terms against Archelaos'. 22. ἐπιφανέντος, 18, 1. 23. ἐξεβιά- σαντο, 16, 2. 24. τὸν ποταμόν, the Kephissos, on the north side of which and near Akontion Archelaos had pitched his camp. § 4. 1. 29. τῷ χάρακι προσφερόμενοι, as they were making for their entrenchment'. 30. διαπεσεῖν, slipt through made their escape'. Xen. Hell. 3, 2, 4 διαπεσείν βουλόμενοι πρὸς τοὺς ἑαυτῶν ; 4, 3, 18; Polyb. I, 75, 6 μηδὲ τοὺς κατ' ἰδίαν θέ- λοντας διαπεσεῖν ῥᾳδίως ἂν δύνασθαι λαθεῖν τοὺς ὑπεναντίους; 1, 34, 11 αἱ σημαίαι αἱ σωθεῖσαι διέπεσον εἰς τὴν ῾Ασπίδα παραδόξως; 20, 11, 4 αὐτὸς δὲ τῆς νυκτὸς ἐπεβάλετο.. διαπεσεῖν εἰς τὴν Ὑπάταν. 31. Χαλκίδα: Chalkis (Egripo or Negroponte), the principal town of Euboea, situated on the narrowest part of the Euripus and united with the mainland by a bridge. It was a place of con- siderable military importance, as it commanded the navigation between the N. and S. of Greece. It gave its name to the penin- sula of Chalkidike, because it was the founder of so many cities there. Cf. Appian c. 45 'Αρχέλαος δὲ καὶ ὅσοι ἄλλοι κατὰ μέρος ἐξέφυγον, ἐς Χαλκίδα συνελέγοντο, οὐ πολὺ πλείους μυρίων ἐκ δώ- δεκα μυριάδων γενόμενοι. 32. ἐπιζητῆσαι, ‘missed. Appian Z. c. 'Ρωμαίων δὲ ἔδοξαν μὲν ἀποθανεῖν πεντεκαίδεκα ἄνδρες, δύο δ' αὐτῶν ἐπανῆλθον. The same writer states that the Romans completed their victory by breaking into the camp of Archelaos, which was pitched on the further bank of the Molos. He closes his report of the battle with these words: τοῦτο μὲν δή... τῆς περὶ Χαιρώνειαν μάχης τέλος ἦν, δι' εὐβουλίαν δὴ μάλιστα Σύλλα καὶ ἀφροσύνην XX 121 PLUTARCH'S SULLA Αρχελάου τοιόνδε ἑκατέρῳ γενόμενον. “The battle of Chaironeia says Ihne 'differed very much from those of Kynoskephalae, Magnesia and Pydna, which were commenced without a plan and gained merely by the bravery of the Roman soldiers. It compares creditably with the great battles fought by Hannibal and shows that Sulla, like the great Carthaginian, was a consummate general'. § 5. 1. 35. 'Appо8lrηv: 'Venus is often considered as the deity of Good Fortune, and the best throw of the Roman dice was called by her name: it was no wonder therefore that Sulla, who valued himself upon his good luck, should inscribe to her one of his trophies' (Langhornes). Pausanias 9, 40, 4 mentions that he saw these trophies. 39. παρὰ τὸ Μόλου ῥεῖθρον, τ7, 4. 40. βεβηκός, “fixed. ἐπὶ τῇ κυκλώσει τῶν βαρβάρων, 'where the barbarians were environed' (Clough), or 'to commemo- rate the environment of the barbarians'. τα kpývŋv, § 6. 1. 42. τὰ ἐπινίκια-ἠγεν, celebrated the festival (a dra matic representation) in honour of this victory'. 43. περὶ Tηv Oidiπódelov кρývην, 'at the fountain of Oedipus', so called, according to Pausanias 9, 18, 4 ὅτι ἐς αὐτὴν τὸ αἷμα ἐνίψατο Οἰδί πους τοῦ πατρῴου φόνου. 44. oi kρívovτes, 'the judges' of the performances, G. § 276, 2. 46. ἀδιαλλάκτως εἶχε, he was irreconcileably hostile', 11, 5; 16, 6. Sulla could not pardon the Thebans for having once joined Archelaos. 47. ἀποτεμόμε ἀποδίδοσθαι τὰ χρήματα, that the money should be repaid', 12, 3. Cf. my n. to Tib. Gr. I, 1. vos, Tib. Gr. 8, 1. 49. CHAPTER XX In the course of this summer Mithridates sent into Greece another army of eighty thousand men under Dorylaos to join the ten thousand that Archelaos still had. Sulla had left Boeotia and advanced as far as Meliteia in Phthiotis with the intention of confronting the consul L. Valerius Flaccus, who was crossing the Hadriatic with a force to oppose Mithridates, as it was said, but in fact to supersede Sulla. The news of Dorylaos landing at Chalkis brought Sulla back to Boeotia, which was again occupied by the King's troops. Dorylaos gave no heed to the advice of Archelaos, and was impatient for imme- diate action and for forcing the Romans to a battle. He circulated a report that the defeat of Chaironeia could only be accounted for by the treachery of the general. However, a slight skirmish with the Ro- mans near Tilphosion brought Dorylaos to a sense of his inferiority in judgment, and he submitted to the decision of the more experienced Archelaos, who knew the Roman soldiers too well to hope that the newly levied bands of Asiatics would be a match for them without a good deal of previous training. Archelaos, warned by the experi- ence of the last battle, kept away from the mountains and had pitched his camp at Orchomenos near the bank of the lake Kopais. The town of Orchomenos stood on an elevation round the southern base of which the Kephissos flows into the lake. The north end of the hill of 122 XX NOTES ON Orchomenos is opposite Mount Akontion. The little river Melas rose on the east side of the hill and was a copious stream even at its sources, but the greater part of the water was lost in impervious and muddy marshes and only a small part flowed into the Kephissos near the point where this river entered the lake. The ground near Or- chomenos was favourable for the enemy who had a superiority in cavalry, for of all the plains in Boeotia noted for their beauty and extent, this, which commences at the city of Orchomenos, is the only one which spreads without interruption and without any trees, as far as the marshes in which the river Melas is lost. § 1. 1. 1. Pláкkov, i.e. Lucius Valerius Flaccus, cos. 100/654 with C. Marius, censor 97/657 with M. Antonius, the orator, consul suffectus in place of Marius who had died in his 7th consulship 86/668, in which year he was sent by his colleague Cinna into Asia to oppose Sulla and bring the Mithridatic war to a close. Liv. Epit. LXXXII, Appian Mithr. c. 51 Kivvas dè Þλákkov ἑλόμενός οἱ συνάρχειν τὴν ὕπατον ἀρχήν, ἔπεμπεν ἐς τὴν ᾿Ασίαν μετὰ δύο τελῶν, ἀντὶ τοῦ Σύλλα, ὡς ἤδη πολεμίου γεγονότος, τῆς τε Ασίας ἄρχειν καὶ πολεμεῖν τῷ Μιθριδάτῃ, bell. civ. 1, 75. Ιόνιον sc. κόλπον. HA. § 621 c. μετὰ δυνάμεως, according to Appian ubi supra, his force consisted of two legions. γενομένῳ δ' αὐτῷ περὶ πόλιν Μελίτειαν, ‘when he was come to Meliteia', a town in Phthiotis, which was a district included in Thessalia in the larger sense of the word. It was on the N. slope of Mt Othrys and near the Enipeus, a branch of the Peneus. Thucydides means the same place when he speaks (4, 78) of Melitia in Achaea. 3. τὸν 6. § 2. 1. 11. okημévas, not 'appointed' (Clough), or 'equip- ped' (Langhornes), but 'trained' (Long). συντεταγμένας κτλ. by far the best disciplined of the army of Mithridates', G. § 168. 14. οὐ προσέχων ᾿Αρχελάῳ διακωλύοντι, 'paying no regard to Archelaos' attempts to prevent him'. 15. λό- γον-διαδιδούς, 6, 9. 17. Siaplapeîev, G. § 243. The trans- διαφθαρεῖεν, lation given by Clough and Long 'could never have perished, been destroyed', is misleading, the sentence not being conditional. 20. μικρά § 3. 1. 18. ἀπέδειξε ἄνδρα φρόνιμον, 4, 4. τῷ Σύλλᾳ περὶ τὸ Τιλφώσιον ἐμπεσόντα, after a slight skirmish with Sulla near Tilphosium'. Tilphusium (dor. Tilphosium) was a town in Boeotia, situated upon a mountain of the same name, on the south side of lake Kopais and between Koroneia and Ha- liartos. It was called after the fountain Tilphusa, which was sacred to Apollo, where Teiresias is said to have died on his road from Thebes to Delphi and to have been buried (Pausan. Boeot. c. 33, 34). 21. τῶν οὐκ ἀξιούντων, nolentium, of those who thought it unadvisable '. See my n. on Them. 7, 2. κρίνεσθαι διὰ μάχης, ‘to have the matter decided by a battle', 'to put things to the arbitrament of the sword'. 22. δαπάναις καὶ χρόνῳ τρίβειν τὸν πόλεμον, to wear out the war XX 4 123 PLUTARCH'S SULLA by dint of time and treasure', 15, 1. 25. εὐφυέστατος ὢν ἱπποκρατοῦσιν ἐναγωνίσασθαι, being most favourable as a battle-field for an army superior in cavalry'. Cf. Polyb. 1, 8, 3 πόλις εὐφυής πρὸς τὰς ἐπιβολάς, 2, 68, 5 διὰ τὴν τῶν τόπων εὐφυΐαν, 2, 3, 4 εὐφυῶς κειμένους τόπους. For ἐναγωνί σασθαι cf. 16, 7; 18, 2 ; Thuc. 2, 74, 2 παρέσχετε αὐτὴν (τὴν γῆν) evμevĥ évaywvioaolai 'propitious to fight in': so 2, 20, 2 o εὐμενὴ χῶρος ἐπιτήδειος ἐφαίνετο ἐνστρατοπεδεύσαι, Soph. Oed. Col. 790 χθονός λαχεῖν τοσοῦτον, ἐνθανεῖν μόνον, earth enough to die in’, Xen. Symp. 2, 18 oiknua t cô coat, Herod. 7, 59 ở xâpos ἐπιτήδεος ἐνδιατάξαι τε καὶ ἐναριθμῆσαι, Ael. hist. anim. 6, 42 στιβάδα έγκαθεύδειν. ι § 4. 1. 27. τῆς ᾿Ορχομενίων ἐξηρτημένον πόλεως, adjacent to, commencing from, the city of Orchomenos'. Orchomenos (or Erchomenos on coins and in inscript.), hod. Scripu, was an ancient, powerful and wealthy city, the capital of the kingdom of the Minyae in the ante-historical ages of Greece, and not only the chief city of Boeotia but one of the most powerful and wealthy cities of Greece. During the historical period it was second only to Thebes in the Boeotian confederacy. By the peace of Antalkidas its independence was acknowledged by the Thebans, but after the battle of Leuktra they took and destroyed it (Dem. c. Lept. p. 490) out of revenge for their having fought against them in the army of Agesilaos. During the Pho- kian war it was rebuilt but in B.C. 346 it was given by Philip to its old enemy, who destroyed the city a second time. It was rebuilt again after the battle of Chaironeia in B.C. 338 by order of Philip. It was famous for the worship of the Xápires. Orchomenos stands at the end of the valley through which the Keph- issos flows close to the marshes of the lake Kopais (Topolias). Like many other Greek cities, it occupied the triangular face of a steep mountain, at its rise from the plain; and possessed in perfection those advantages of position, which the Greek engineers generally sought for, being defended on every side by precipices, rivers and marshes. The summit is naturally separated from the ridge of Akon- tion. But the upper part of the hill forming a very acute angle, was fortified differently from the customary modes. Instead of a considerable portion of it having been inclosed to form an akropolis, there is only a small castle on the summit, having a long narrow approach to it from the body of the town. The Kephissos winds like a serpent (δι' Ορχομενοῦ εἰλιγμένος εἰσι, δράκων ὡς Hesiod ap. Strab. 9, 16) round the southern base of the mountain. At its north- eastern base are the sources of the river Melas. The marble treasury of Min- yas, remains of which are still in existence, gives striking evidence of the former greatness and magnificence of the city, and elicits the admiration of Pausanias. 21, 3. αναπέπταται, 28. áνаTÉTTаral, lies open', 'spreads out', Them. 8, 2; KATAνaλíσKETAι, absumitur, sorbetur, 'loses πολὺς πολὺς καὶ πλώιμος-ποταμῶν, 'the only river of Greece that is a copious and navigable stream at its itself'. sources'. 29. 31. Pausanias 9, 38, 5 says that the sources of the river Melas were about a mile from Orchomenos, near the temple of Herakles. Exactly at the foot of the precipitous rocks which formed the limit of the northern side of the city, are the sources of the river Melas, now Mavropotámi, synonyms derived apparently from the dark colour of its deep transparent waters. Among several sources there are two much larger than the others and both considerable rivers. One flows north-eastward, and at a distance of a little more than half-a-mile meets the Kephissos, which a little beyond the junction becomes so enveloped among the marshes extending from thence to the heights to the north-east, as to be scarcely traceable.... The other large source or branch of the Melas, which is 124 XX 4 NOTES ON to the westward of the former, follows for a considerable distance the foot of the cliffs of Orchomenos and is then lost in the marshes'. LEAKE 32. ÚπÒ троπds depɩvás, sub solstitium. Cf. Diod. Sic. 1, 39 ὁ Νεῖλος ἄρχεται μὲν πληροῦσθαι κατὰ τὰς θερίνας τροπάς, οὔπω τῶν ἐτησίων πνεόντων, λήγει δ᾽ ὕστερον ισημερίας φθινοπωρινής. 33. μola, predicate adjective, 20, 4. 35. τὸ μὲν πλεῖστον εἰς λίμνας τυφλὸς καὶ ὑλώδεις ἀφανίζεται, κτλ. “the greater part is lost in marshes, impervious and overgrown with shrub, and only a small part unites with the Kephissos some- where near the place, where the lake produces, as it is reputed, the auletic reed'. 36. Tupλás, 'choked with mud', 'without any outlet'. Cf. Caesar 58, 5 τὰ τυφλὰ καὶ δύσορμα τῆς Ωστιανῆς Τόνος ἀνακαθηράμενος. 38. τὸν αὐλητικὸν κάλαμον. Cf. Strab. 9, 2, 18 γενέσθαι δέ φασιν καὶ κατὰ Ορχομενὸν χάσμα καὶ δέξασθαι τὸν Μέλανα ποταμὸν τὸν ῥέοντα διὰ τῆς ῾Αλιαρτίας καὶ ποιοῦντα ἐν- ταῦθα τὸ ἕλος τὸ φύον τὸν αὐλητικὸν κάλαμον, Plinius, nat. hist. 16, 36, gives a description of this reed or cane for pipes or flutes, and it is mentioned by Pindar Pyth. 12, 26: τοὶ (sc. δύνακες) παρὰ καλλιχόρῳ ναίοισι πόλει Χαρίτων Καφισίδος ἐν τεμένει, πιστοὶ χορευτᾶν μάρτυρες. CHAPTER XXI Sulla, again, as in the previous campaign, took the offensive, and began to narrow the field for the conflict by drawing two deep ditches, one on each flank, with the view, if possible, of cutting the enemy off from the firm ground, where their cavalry could operate, and forcing them upon the marshes. Archelaos, seeing the danger of being hemmed in, made a vigorous attack upon the men working at the entrenchment and the detachment of troops stationed for their protection. A sharp conflict ensued and the Romans were forced to give way. In this emergency Sulla showed the qualities of a brave soldier. Leaping from his horse, he seized a standard and advanced towards the enemy. As his soldiers hesitated to follow him, he called out to them that they should tell their friends at home that they had forsaken their general like cowards at Orchomenos. His reproach put them to shame: the fight was restored and the enemy repulsed. The work of entrenchment was now continued, after a brief period of repose, during which the men were allowed to take some food. The barbarians again assaulted the Romans, but they were driven back to their camp, where they spent a wretched night. In this battle, Diogenes, the son of Archelaos' wife, fell while fighting bravely. At daybreak Sulla again led his soldiers up to the enemy's camp, and again began working at the trenches for the purpose of shutting him in. The camp was at last assailed and taken by storm. The barbarians attempted to escape, but many were killed or driven into the swamps which fringed the lake to be miserably XXI 2 125 PLUTARCH'S SULLA drowned. Even two hundred years later, bows, helmets, pieces of iron cuirasses and swords were found in the bed of the lake. § 1. 1. 2. ὤρυττε τάφρους: cf. Appian Mithr. c. 49 ὁ δὲ Σύλλας ἀντεστρατοπέδευε μὲν ᾿Αρχελάῳ περὶ Ορχομενόν, ὡς δὲ εἶδε τῆς ἐπελθούσης ἵππου τὸ πλῆθος, ὤρυσσε τάφρους πολλὰς ἀνὰ τὸ πεδίον, εύρος δέκα πόδας, καὶ ἐπιόντος αὐτῷ τοῦ ᾿Αρχελάου ἀντι- παρέταξεν. Frontinus also mentions this stratagem of Sulla's, Strateg. 2, 3, 17: Archelaus adversus L. Sullam in fronte add perturbandum hostem falcatas quadrigas locavit, in secunda acie phalangem Macedonicam, in tertia Romanorum more armatos auxi- liares, mixtis fugitivis Italicae gentis, quorum pervicaciae plurimum fidebat; levem armaturam in ultimo statuit: in utroque dein latere equitatum, cuius amplum numerum habebat, circueundi hostis causa posuit. contra haec Sulla fossas amplae latitudinis in utroque latere duxit et in capitibus carum castella communiit; qua ratione, ne circuiretur ab hoste, et peditum numero et maxime equitatu superante, consecutus est. 4. τῶν ἱππασίμων ἀποτεμόμενος, "by cutting them off from the ground which was favourable to cavalry'. 7. ρύδην, effusis habenis, Fat full speed. Cf. Cleom. 21, 4 τοὺς ἱππεῖς ῥίδην ἐλαύνοντας εἰς τὴν πόλιν, Brut. 50, η βαρβάρους τινὰς ἱππέας ἐλαύνοντας ῥύδην ἐπὶ τὸν Βροῦτον. It means also lavishly': Luc. 39, 1 τῷ πλούτῳ ῥύδην καταχρώ μενος, Caes. 29, ο Καίσαρος τὸν Γαλατικὸν πλοῦτον ἀρύεσθαι ῥύδην ἀφεικότος. 8. τοῦ παρατεταγμένου—τὸ πλεῖστον sc. στρατεύματος, 'the greater part of those who were drawn up in arms' for the protection of the men at work. Reiske understands τῶν ἔργων with τὸ πλεῖστον, but this is clearly an error. Ι 9. συνεχύθη φυγόντος, were thrown into disorder as they fed', fed in disorder. Cf. Polyb. I, 40, 13 τὰς τάξεις συγχέοντα καὶ κατασπῶντα τὰς αὐτῶν, speaking of the elephants in the Punic army, 11. διὰ τῶν φευγόντων, § 2. 1. 10. σημεῖον, 7, 2. through the fugitives'. This is Bryan's reading adopted by Sin- tenis and Bekker for the vulgate φονευόντων, which, however, Reiske sees fit to retain and explains 'medios per enses hostium utrinque ferientes et stragem edentes'. 13. τὸν αὐτοκράτορα, imperatorem, Tib. Gr. 9, 4. 14. μεμνημένοι φράζειν ὡς ἐν Ορχομενῷ. Appian Z. c. ἀσθενῶς δὲ τῶν Ρωμαίων διὰ δέος τῆς ἵππου μαχομένων, ἐς πολὺ μὲν αὐτοὺς παριππεύων παρεκάλει καὶ ἐπέσπερχε σὺν ἀπειλῇ, οὐκ ἐπιστρέφων δ' αὐτοὺς ἐς τὸ ἔργον οὐδ᾽ ὡς, ἐξήλατο τοῦ ἵππου καὶ σημεῖον ἁρπάσας ἀνὰ τὸ μεταίχμιον ἔθει μετὰ τῶν ὑπασπιστών, κεκραγώς * εἴ τις ὑμῶν, ὦ ῾Ρωμαῖοι, πύθοιτο, που Σύλλαν τὸν στρατηγὸν ὑμῶν αὐτῶν προυδώ κατε, λέγειν, ἐν Ορχομενῷ μαχόμενον"; Ammianus Marcellinus 16, 12, 4r de Con- stantio haec reverenter dicendo reduxit omnes ad munia subeunda bellandi imitatus salva differentia veterem Sullam, qui cum contra Archelaum Mith- ridatis ducem educta acie proelio fatigabatur ardenti, relictus a militibus cunctis cucurrit in ordinem primum raptoque et coniecto vexillo in partem hos- tilem 'ite' dixerat socii periculorum clecti et scitantibus ubi relictus sim imperator, respondete nihil fallentes: solus in Boeotia pro omnibus nobis cum dispendio sanguinis sui decernens', Front. Strat. 2, 8, 12 L. Sulla, cedentibus iam legionibus exercitui Mithridatico ductu Archelai, stricto gladio in primam 126 XXI 2 NOTES ON aciem procucurrit adpellansque milites dixit: si quis quaesisset, ubi imperato- rem reliquissent, responderent, pugnantem in Boeotia. cuius rei pudore uni- versi eum secuti sunt. 15. τὸ ῥηθὲν ἐπέστρεψε, his words made them repent', Poly- aen. Strateg. 8, 9. Appian continues his narrative thus:—oi d' ǹye- μόνες αὐτῷ κινδυνεύοντι συνεξέθεον ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων τάξεων, συνεξέθεον δὲ καὶ ἡ ἄλλη πληθὺς αἰδουμένη, παλίωξίν τε εἰργάσαντο. καὶ τῆς νίκης ἀρχομένης ἀναθορών αὖθις ἐπὶ τὸν ἵππον ἐπῄνει τὸν στρατὸν περιὼν καὶ ἐπέσπερχεν, ἕως τέλεον αὐτοῖς τὸ ἔργον ἐξετελέσθη. τῶν πολεμίων ἀπώλοντο μὲν ἀμφὶ τοὺς μυρίους καὶ πεντακισχιλίους, καὶ τούτων ἦσαν οἱ μύριοι ἱππεῖς μάλιστα, καὶ σὺν αὐτοῖς ὁ παῖς Αρχελάου Διογένης· οἱ πεζοὶ δ᾽ ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον συνέφυγον. καὶ § 3. 1. 17. ἀναγαγών μικρόν, falling back a short distance'. The word more commonly used is ἀπαγαγών, but cf. Χen. Cyr. 7, 1, 45 ἤδη σκοταῖος ἀναγαγὼν ἐστρατοπεδεύσατο ἐν Θυμβράροις, 3, 3, 69. 22. περιόπτως, conspicue, magna cum laude, 'gal- lantly. Marc. 1o, 2 ἐν Κάνναις περιόπτως ἀγωνισάμενον, 23. αθρόοις τοῖς ὀιστοῖς παίοντες, integris manipulis sagittis feri- entes (Reiske), 'striking with their arrows by handfuls'. 24. ἐκ χειρός, cominus, from close quarters'. Xen. An. 3, 3, 15 οἱ ἐκ χειρὸς βάλλοντες = ἀκοντισταί, Polyb. 13, 3, 4 τὴν ἐκ χειρὸς καὶ συστάδην γινομένην μάχην ( ἑκηβόλοις βέλεσιν, 4, 58, η τῆς συμ- πλοκῆς ἐκ χειρὸς καὶ κατ' ἄνδρα γινομένης. 26. μοχθηρώς ὑπὸ τραυμάτων καὶ φόβου διενυκτέρευσαν, 'spent a wretched night owing to their wounds and consternation'. The common reading is φόνου, what with their wounded and slain' χάρακι sc. hostium. Appian c. 5o gives the reason: δείσας ό Σύλλας μὴ πάλιν αὐτὸν ὁ ᾿Αρχέλαος, οὐκ ἔχοντα ναῦς, ἐς Χαλκίδα ὡς πρότερον διαφύγοι, τὸ πεδίον ὅλον ἐκ διαστημάτων ἐνυκτοφυλάκει. καὶ μεθ᾿ ἡμέραν, στάδιον οὐχ ὅλον ἀποσχὼν τοῦ ᾿Αρχελάου, τάφρον αὐτῷ περιώρυσσεν οὐκ ἐπεξιόντι. 27. τῳ § 4. 1. 29. συμβαλών, signis collatis, often used in this sense by Herodotos and Polybios. It will be seen from the account of Appian quoted above that there is a discrepancy between his and Plutarch's narrative. πρὸς τὸν ἐκείνων φόβον οὐδενὸς μένοντος, ' as no one stood his ground in consequence of their panic'. 30. αἱρεῖ κατὰ κράτος, takes by storm. 33. μέχρι νῦν-δια γεγονότων: for the bearing of this passage on the date of Plutarch's biographies see my Introd. to Themist. p. xxxi. 37. μὲν οὖν, 'so then', in concluding one subject and passing on to a fresh one. 'The descriptions' says Long, Decline of the R. R. 11 p. 304 f. of the Bat- tle of Orchomenos by Plutarch and Appian agree in some respects but neither description is clear. There is a much better description in Frontinus (2, 3, 17), which explains how Sulla with his small army defeated the superior force of Archelaos'. Frontinus states that Archelaos placed his scythe chariots in front: behind them he placed his Macedonian phalanx; then his auxiliaries, including Italian deserters, on whom Archelaos greatly relied, for these men could expect no mercy from the enemy, and lastly his light-armed troops. On each flank he posted his cavalry. Sulla, who was weak in cavalry, dug two broad ditches. guarded by forts, one on each flank, so as to keep off the enemy's horse. Then he XXII 127 PLUTARCH'S SULLA drew up his infantry in three lines, leaving gaps in them for the light troops and cavalry to pass through from the rear when needed. To the second line stakes were given with orders to fix them firmly in the ground so as to form a palisade, and the first line were ordered to retire within the palisade when the scythe chariots charged. The battle cry was then raised and, as the chariots advanced, they came upon the stakes and were received with a shower of missiles from the light troops which were sent forward. The chariots turned and threw the phalanx into disorder. Archelaos then ordered up his cavalry, but Sulla's cavalry took them in the rear and completed the rout. All this is intelligible. Sulla showed his military talent by arranging his troops in an unusual order, but an order which secured him a victory. Caesar made a similar disposition for the protection of his camp when he was in presence of the great army of the Belgian confederation, B. G. 2, 8'. CHAPTER XXII While Sulla was carrying on the war in Boeotia, he had with him in his camp a semblance of a senate, consisting of distinguished men, refugees from the tyranny and violence of the dominant faction at Rome under the consuls Cinna and Carbo. Amongst others his wife Metella came with her children reporting the destruction of his town and country houses, and entreating him to go to the aid of his friends in Italy. Sulla could not endure the thought of leaving his country to the tender mercies of his political opponents, yet he felt it was impossible to leave the war with Mithridates unfinished, and a man of his sagacity must have seen that he would more easily put down his enemies at home, after he had humbled the great enemy of Rome. He was relieved from his perplexity by the timely appearance of a Delian merchant, a namesake of Archelaos, who brought secret pro- posals from the King's general. Sulla welcomed the opportunity and a peace-meeting was arranged between him and Archelaos at Delion. Archelaos tried at first to save the lost cause of the King by offering Sulla, as an equivalent for favourable terms of peace, the aid of Mithridates against the democratic party at Rome. Sulla in reply advised Archelaos to play false to his master, and to accept from Rome, as her ally, the kingdom of Pontos, and to give up the ships of Mithridates. But Archelaos rejected the proposal with indignation. Sulla then asked Archelaos how he the mere slave or, if he pleased so to call himself, the friend of a barbarian king-could refuse to become a traitor himself, and yet venture to propose to him, a Roman, who had inflicted on Archelaos two severe defeats at Chaironeia and Orchomenos, that he should sacrifice the honour and public interests of Rome to his own private advantage. Finally they agreed upon the following terms: Mithridates was to give up Asia and Paphlagonia, and to surrender Bithynia to Nikomedes and Cap padocia to Ariobarzanes, to pay down to the Romans two thousand talents and give up seventy ships of war, completely equipped. In consideration of this he was to be allowed to retain his hereditary kingdom and to resume the position of a friend and ally of the Roman people. 128 XXII 1 NOTES ON § 1. 1. 1. Κίννα και Κάρβωνος: L. Cornelius Cinna and Cn. Papirius Carbo were not consuls until the next year, 85/669, the former for the third time. Plutarch, therefore, may not be quite accurate here. 4. ὥσπερ εἰς λιμένα του Σύλλα τὸ στρατόπεδον κατεφέροντο, repaired to Sulla's camp as to a harbour of refuge'. Cf. Vell. Paterc. 2, 23, 3 dominante in Italia Cinna maior pars nobilitatis ad Sullam in Achaiam ac deinde post in Asiam perfugit. The whole of this passage is transcribed by Dio Cassius fragm. Peiresc. CXXVI. For illustrations of the omis- sion of the preposition in the correlative member of the comparison, see my n. on Them. 32, 2 l. 25. 5. καταφέρεσθαι is very often used of being driven ashore by a storm: Thuc. 4, 3; 1, 137, 2; 4, 26, 7; 4, 120; 6, 2, 3; Polyb. 3, 22, 6; 3, 23, 3. 6. όλι. γου χρόνου, G. § 179, 1. σχῆμα βουλῆς, “the semblance of a senate', ' a form of senate'. 7. διακλέψασα ἑαυτὴν καὶ τοὺς παῖδας, keeping herself and her children out of harm's way'. Herod. r, 38, 2 φυλακὴν ἔχων εἴ πως δυναίμην σε ἐπὶ τῆς ἐμῆς ζωῆς διακλέψαι. Or it may mean 'conveying herself and children away by stealth'. 9. τὰς ἐπαύλεις, his villas', 'farm- buildings'; Diod. Sic. 20, 80 τὰς ἐπαύλεις σχεδὸν ἁπάσας ἐπυρπό- λησαν, ib. 83 καθεῖλε τὰς ἐπαύλεις, Appian c. 51 Κορνηλίου τε Κίννα και Γαΐου Μαρίου, τῶν ἐχθρῶν αὐτοῦ, ἐν 'Ρώμῃ ἐψηφισμένων εἶναι 'Ρωμαίων πολέμιον καὶ τὴν οἰκίαν αὐτοῦ καὶ τὰς ἐπαύλεις καθη ρηκότων καὶ τοὺς φίλους ἀνελύντων. 12. - § 2. 1. 11. 1. 11. μήτε ὑπομένοντι, Ι, Ι; 15, Ι. μήτε ὅπως ἄπεισιν—ἐπινοοῦντι, ‘and not being able to see how to go away and leave so great an undertaking as the war with Mithri- dates unfinished'. 14. Δηλιακός, either from Delos, one of the Kyklades, which was at this time a great slave-market (Strabo 14, 5, 2 ἡ δὲ τῶν ἀνδραπόδων ἐξαγωγὴ προὐκαλεῖτο μάλιστα εἰς τὰς κακουργίας, ἐπικερδεστάτη γενομένη· καὶ γὰρ ἡλίσκοντο ῥᾳδίως, καὶ τὸ ἐμπόριον οὐ παντελῶς ἄπωθεν ἦν μέγα καὶ πολυχρήμα τον, ἡ Δῆλος, δυναμένη μυριάδας ἀνδραπόδων αὐθημερὸν καὶ δέξα- σθαι καὶ ἀπόπεμψαι), or from Delion, the small town in Boeotia, on the Euripus near Tanagra, where Sulla and Archelaos subsequently met. 15. παρὰ τοῦ βασιλικοῦ ᾿Αρχελάου, ab Archelao regis duce. Appian c. 54 ὁ δὲ Μιθριδάτης ἐπεὶ καὶ τῆς περὶ Ορχομενὸν ἥττης ἐπύθετο, διαλογιζόμενος τὸ πλῆθος ὅσον ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἐς τὴν Ἑλλάδα ἐπεπόμφει, καὶ τὴν συνεχῆ καὶ ταχεῖαν αὐτοῦ φθοράν, ἐπέστελλεν Αρχελάῳ διαλύσεις ὡς δύναιτο εὐπρεπῶς ἐργάσασθαι. 16. τὸ πρᾶγμα Σύλλας ἠγάπησεν. Them. 26, In. Appian gives the reasons why Sulla was anxious to come to terms: καὶ ὁ Σύλλας ἀπορίᾳ τε νεῶν καὶ χρήματα οὐκ ἐπιπεμπόντων οὐδ᾽ ἄλλο οὐδὲν οἴκοθεν αὐτῷ τῶν ἐχθρῶν ὡς πολεμίῳ, ἁψάμενος ἤδη τῶν ἐν Πυθοῖ καὶ Ολυμ- πίᾳ καὶ Ἐπιδαύρῳ χρημάτων καὶ ἀντιδοὺς πρὸς λόγον τοῖς ἱεροῖς τὸ ἥμισυ τῆς Θηβαίων γῆς πολλάκις ἀποστάντων, ἔς τε τὴν στάσιν αὐτὴν τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἐπειγόμενος ἀκραιφνῆ καὶ ἀπαθὴ τὸν στρατὸν μεταγαγεῖν, ἐνεδίδου πρὸς τὰς διαλύσεις. 19. Δήλιον οὗ τὸ ἱερὸν τοῦ ᾿Απόλλωνος ἔστιν, Liv. 35, 51 templum est Apollinis Delium, XXII 5 129 PLUTARCH'S SULLA imminens mari; quinque milia passuum ab Tanagra abest: minus quattuor milium inde in proxima Euboeae est mari traiectus: Strabo 9, 7 εἶτα Δήλιον, τὸ ἱερὸν τοῦ ᾿Απόλλωνος, ἐκ Δήλου ἀφιδρυμένον, Ταναγραίων πολίχνιον, Αὐλίδος διέχον σταδίους τριάκοντα, ὅπου μάχῃ λειφθέντες 'Αθηναῖοι προτροπάδην ἔφυγον (Β.C. 424)· ἐν δὲ τῇ φυγῇ πεσόντα ἀφ᾽ ἵππου Ξενοφῶντα ἰδὼν κείμενον τὸν Γρύλλου Σωκράτης ο φιλόσοφος, στρατεύων πεζύς, τοῦ ἵππου γεγονότος ἐκποδών, ἀνέλαβε τοῖς ὤμοις αὐτόν, καὶ ἔσωσεν ἐπὶ πολλοὺς σταδίους, ἕως ἐπαύσατο ἡ φυγή. 21. τὴν Ασίαν, i.e. the Roman province of Asia. 23. λαβόντα-δύναμιν ὅσην βούλοιτο παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως, on condition of receiving as large a force as he wanted from the king'. Appian represents Archelaos as merely saying :— φίλος ὢν ὑμῖν πα- τρῷος, ὦ Σύλλα, Μιθριδάτης ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐπολέμησε μὲν διὰ στρατη γῶν ἑτέρων πλεονεξίαν, διαλύσεται δὲ διὰ τὴν σὴν ἀρετήν, ἣν τὰ δίκαια προστάσσης. 25. Μιθριδάτου μὲν ἀμελεῖν: Appian puts a long speech into Sulla's mouth, in which he points out that Mithridates has no ground for complaint against the Romans: the king had been guilty of wholesale rapine and murder; had shown his inveterate hatred to Rome by a general massacre of the Italians in Asia and confiscation of their property. There should properly therefore be no truce with such a monster: but for the sake of Archelaos he would be forgiven by the Romans, if he really changed his purpose. If not, he would advise Archelaos to consider his own interests, independently of the king, who would probably treat him as badly as he had treated some of his other friends and ministers. § 4. 1. 27. ἀφοσιουμένου τὴν προδοσίαν, 'professing his abhorrence of such treason', Pomp. c. 42 (de Mithridate defuncto ad Pompeium allato) οὐ γὰρ αὐτὸς ἰδεῖν ὑπέμεινεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀφοσιού- μενος τὸ νεμεσητὸν εἰς Σινώπην ἀπέπεμψε, Poplic. 7, 3 ἀφοσιού μενοι τὸν Ταρκύνιον. The verb is also used to signify abuere, recusare munus oblatum, 'to decline', primarily on conscientious. grounds, as Num. 6, 1 τοιούτοις λόγοις ἀφοσιουμένου τὴν βασι λείαν, Anton. 28 ἀφοσιουμένου καὶ δεδοικότος λαβεῖν τὰ ἐκπώ- ματα). Cf. Appian Z. c. ὁ δ' (sc. 'Αρχέλαος) ἔτι λέγοντος αὐτοῦ τὴν πεῖραν ἀπεσείετο καὶ δυσχεράνας ἔφη τὸν ἐγχειρίσαντά οἱ τὴν στρατη- γίαν οὔ ποτε προδώσειν· · ἐλπίζω δέ σοι διαλλάξειν, ἢν μέτρια προσ- τάσσης. 28. elra, 'and so', 'so then', serving as an ex- clamation of indignation or contempt. 29. Καππαδόκης, e Cappadocia quippe oriundus erat Archelaus, cf. 23, 2. Sed adiuncta est usui huius nominis exprobratio quaedam servilis inge- nii, quo Cappadoces olim famosi erant (Leopold). τηλικούτοις αγαθοῖς, propositis tantis praemiis. εἶτα, 30. ἐπὶ 33. ὥσπερ οὐκ ἐκεῖνος ὢν ᾿Αρχέλαος, as if you were not that Archelaos, who fled from Chaironeia with a few survivors out of one hundred and twenty thousand'. 34. ἀπὸ μυριάδων δυοκαίδεκα, 19, 4. 35. κρυφθεὶς δὲ δύο ἡμέρας ἐν τοῖς ᾿Ορχομενίων ἕλεσιν, Appian c. 5ο Αρχέλαος δ᾽ ἐν ἕλει τινὶ ἐκρύφθη καὶ σκάφους ἐπιτυχὼν ἐς Χαλκίδα διέπλευσεν. ὁ ἄβατον ἀπολελοιπώς, who left Boeotia impassable for heaps of dead bodies'. 6 § 6. 1. 37. μεταβαλὼν καὶ προσκυνήσας, changing his tone to that of a humble suppliant'. H. S. 39. δεξαμένου τὴν πρόκλη 9 130 XXII 5 NOTES ON σιν, ‘accepting his proposal, Thuc. 3, 64, 3 τὴν τελευταίαν. πρό- κλησιν ἐς ἡσυχίαν ὑμῶν. οὐκ ἐδέχεσθε. 43. καταβαλεῖν, to pay down, Thuc. 1, 27 πεντήκοντα δραχμάς—καταβάλλοντες, Plut. Them. 24, 1 l. 20 n. 45. μετὰ τῆς οἰκείας παρασκευῆς, 'with their proper, complete, equipment'. 47. σύμμαχον Ρω- µaíwv ¥ndiŸeolau, 'should vote him an ally of the Romans'. Cf. Mor. p. 187 Ε ὃν ψηφίζεσθε θεόν. The form of the agreement as reported by Appian expresses the surrender of territory in general terms, but it contains some other conditions not mentioned in Plutarch :αν τον στόλον ἡμῖν, ὃν ἔχεις ὦ ᾿Αρχέλας, παραδῷ πάντα Μιθριδάτης, ἀποδῷ δὲ καὶ στρατηγοὺς ἡμῖν ἢ πρέσβεις ἢ αἰχμαλώτους ἢ αὐτομόλους ἢ ἀνδράποδα ἀποδράντα καὶ Χίους ἐπὶ τοῖσδε, καὶ ὅσους άλλους ανασπαστοὺς ἐς τὸν Πόντον ἐποιήσατο, μεθῇ, ἐξαγάγῃ δὲ καὶ τὰς φρουρὰς ἐκ πάντων φρουρίων, χωρὶς ὧν ἐκράτει πρὸ τῆσδε τῆς παρασπονδήσεως, ἐσενέγκῃ δὲ καὶ τὴν δαπάνην τοῦδε τοῦ πολέμου τὴν δι' αὐτὸν γενομένην, καὶ στέργῃ μόνης ἄρχων τῆς πατρῴας δυναστείας, ἐλπίζω πείσειν 'Ρωμαίους αὐτῷ μηδὲν ἐπιμηνῖσαι των γεγονότων, c. 55. Granius Licinianus, supposed to be a contemporary of Sallust, is the nearest writer in time to the period of Sulla, and a fragment of his Annals con- tains the terms of this treaty, which agree in the main with Plutarch and Appian, though there are some variations. The fragments of Dion Cassius (ed. Reimar í P. 73) relating to this treaty are nearly a verbal copy of Plutarch. According to Licinianus, Archelaos agreed to surrender his fleet to Sulla, and the king was to retire from all the islands, also from the province Asia, from Bithynia, Paphla- gonia, and Galatia; to give up Q. Oppius and M'. Aquillius and set free all the captives, the number of whom was not small. It was also agreed that the king should give seventy ships decked and equipped to the Socii. CHAPTER XXIII After the agreement was made, Sulla began his march towards Asia in company with Archelaos, whom he treated with marked respect and when he fell sick on the march at Larisa, he tarried to nurse him with as much attention as if he had been one of his own generals. Sulla's behaviour to him gave rise to the suspicion that the battle of Chaironeia had been won through treachery on the side of Archelaos, and this suspicion was confirmed by Sulla giving up all the friends of Mithridates whom he had taken prisoners, except Aris- tion whom he had put to death, and Aristion was an enemy of Ar- chelaos. Sulla also made Archelaos a present of a large estate in the island of Euboea and gave him the title of friend and ally of the Roman people. These charges are noticed by Sulla in his Memoirs (§ 1-§ 2). When Sulla was on his march, Mithridates sent an embassy to him, approving the general terms of peace made by Arche- laos, but protesting against the surrender of Paphlagonia, and refusing to confirm the agreement about the ships. Upon this Sulla fell into a passion and refused to haggle about terms which he had resolved upon as final. He declared that he should soon be in Asia himself, and warned Mithridates that he would do well not to delay the agreement till then. In this stage of the negotiations Archelaos obtained from Sulla a postponement of his decision, promising to use his personal influence with Mithridates in the interest of peace. He would either procure the acceptance of the proposed terms, he said, or XXIII 4 131 PLUTARCH'S SULLA lay down his life. During the absence of Archelaos on this mission, Sulla advanced into Macedonia, and restored oraer and a regular government in that province, and made several expeditions into the adjacent regions of Thrace to punish the barbarians for molesting the subjects of Rome by their predatory incursions, and thus at the same time kept his troops in practice ana in good humour by giving them opportunities for plunder. Sulla was at Philippi, which town he had taken, when Archelaos returned from the king with the message that there was a fair prospect of agreement, but at the same time Mithridates particularly wished to have an interview with Sulla. It was the fear of Fimbria-the daring adventurer who had put the consul Flaccus to death-and inflicted several defeats on the king's generals, that inclined Mithridates to make a friend of Sulla. § 1. 1. 3. νοσήσαντος ἐπισφαλώς, when he fell dangerously ill'. Cf. Sol. 13, 2 παντάπασιν ἐπισφαλῶς ἡ πόλις διέκειτο, Mor. p. 676 D τοὺς ἐπισφαλῶς νοσοῦντας δεῖσθαι τοῦ σελίνου φάμεν, Demetr. 43, I ἐπισφαλέστατα νοσήσας, Pyrrh. 10, 1; Ρomp. 57, I. 4. περὶ Λαρίσαν, 'at Larissa', an important town of Thessaly, situated on the Peneus, Strabo, 9, 5, 3. ἐπιστήσας τὴν πορείαν, 'stopping his march '. Cim. I, Dion. 27, Aem. Paul. 17, I, Eum. 14, Caes. 32, Cleom. 6, 2 ἐπέστησε τὴν δίωξιν, Diod. Sic. 17, 112 τὴν βεβουλευμένην ὁδὸν ἐπιστήσας. • § 2. 1. 6. διέβαλλε τὸ περὶ Χαιρώνειαν ἔργον κτλ., dise credited the battle at Chaironeia, as not having been fairly fought', 'gave rise to suspicion of foul play in the battle". 11. τῷ Καππαδόκῃ, h. e. Archelaos, 22, 4 13. αναγραφήναι, 'to be entitled', 'recorded as', lit. 'registered'; Lucull. 24, I deóμevos Ρωμαίων ἀναγραφῆναι φίλος καὶ σύμμαχος, Mar. 32 σύμμαχος Ρωμαίων ἀναγεγραμμένος, Plat. Gorg. p. 506 C μέγιστος εὐεργέτης παρ' ἐμοὶ ἀναγεγράψει, Thuc. I, 129, 33; Xen. de red. 3, 11 εἰ μέλλοιεν ἀναγραφήσεσθαι εὐεργέται εἰς τὸν ἅπαντα χρόνον. § 3. 1. 17. Παφλαγονίαν ἀφαιρεθῆναι, “to have Paphlagonia taken from him', or 'that P. should be taken from him '. Cf. Appian Mithr. c. 56 ἐλθόντων δὲ τῶν Μιθριδάτου πρέσβεων, οἳ τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις συνετίθεντο, μόνην δ' ἐξαιρούμενοι Παφλαγονίαν κτλ. 18. τὰς δὲ ναῦς οὐδ᾽ ὅλως ὁμολογηθῆναι, ' and as to the ships, that he absolutely refused to ratify the agreement about them'. 20. περὶ τῶν νεῶν ἔξαρνός ἐστι, naves tradere recusat. Αppian's account is that the ambassadors of Mithridates told Sulla that the king could have obtained better terms from Fimbria, whereupon δυσχεράνας ὁ Σύλλας τῇ παραβολῇ καὶ Φιμβρίαν ἔφη δώσειν δίκην καὶ αὐτὸς ἐν 'Ασίᾳ γενόμενος εἴσεσθαι πότερα συνθηκῶν ἢ πολέμου δεῖται Μιθριδάτης. 21. προσκυνήσειν εἰ—καταλείποιμι κτλ. would prostrate himself at my feet to thank me, if I should leave him so much as that right hand of his, by which he took the lives of so many of the Romans'. § 4. 1. 24. ἐν Περγάμῳ, ΙΙ, Ι. 'he is directing the conduct of the campaign'. 25. διαστρατηγεῖ, See cr. n. 9-2 132 XXIII 4 NOTES ON 29. ἔπεισεν ἀποσταλῆναι αὐτός, “he obtained Sulla's permission to go himself in person': for (he said) that he would either obtain a ratification of the peace on Sulla's own terms, or, if he could not prevail upon the king, he would kill himself’. § 5. 1. 32. 1. 32. εἰς τὴν Μαιδικὴν ἐνέβαλε, made an inroad into Maedice', the country of the Maedi (Thuc. 2, 98, 2), who were a powerful people in the west of Thrace (Strabo, 7, 7), on the W. bank of the Strymon and the S. slope of Mt. Scomios. The country became incorporated with Macedonia after B. C. 210, and formed its N.E. district. Cf. Appian c. 55 κal Zúλλas, Tùy èv τοσῷδε ἀργίαν διατιθέμενος, Ενετοὺς καὶ Δαρδανέας καὶ Σίντους (neighbours of the Maedi), περίοικα Μακεδόνων ἔθνη, συνεχῶς ἐς Μακεδονίαν ἐμβάλλοντα, ἐπιὼν ἐπόρθει, καὶ τὸν στρατὸν ἐγύμναζε καὶ ἐχρηματίζετο ὁμοῦ. Macedonia had been completely disorgan- ized by the occupation of Mithridates' troops and the incursions of the barbarians on the frontiers. Sulla reduced these marauders to submission, and thus at the same time gave employment to his men and enriched them with plunder. 34. περὶ Φιλίππους, 'at Philippi', the city in Macedonia founded by the great king whose name it bears, which became afterwards celebrated as being the scene of the victory won by Octavianus and Antonius over Brutus and Cassius in 42/712, and as the place where the Apostle Paul first preached the gospel in Europe A. D. 52. It was situated in a very fertile plain, washed by the Gangites, a tributary of the Strymon, and there were rich gold and silver mines near it, but it owed its importance more to its geographical position, com- manding the great high-road between Europe and Asia. Augustus founded a Roman military colony there, which he called Colonia Augusta Iulia Philippensis, and conferred the special privilege of the ius Italicum upon it. Bp. Lightfoot Epistle to the Philippians, P. 47. § 6. 1. 37. Þußplas. Flavius Fimbria was legatus to the consul L. Valerius Flaccus, who had been appointed by the Marian party to the command of the two legions which were sent into Asia to carry on the war against Mithridates and wrest the command from Sulla. He was a violent, passionate, but highly- gifted demagogue (homo audacissimus et insanissimus, Cic. p. Rosc. Amer. 12, 33; Marianorum scelerum satelles, Oros. 6, 2; ultimae audaciae homo Liv. Epit. 82, saevissimus Cinnae satelles, Aurel. Vict. 70). During his march from Macedonia through Thrace to the Bosporos, the consul quarrelled for some trifling cause with his legatus, the consequence of which was that Fimbria, availing himself of a temporary absence of Flaccus, caused a mutiny in the camp and persuaded the soldiers to declare that Flaccus had for- feited the command. The rioters elected Fimbria as their leader, who thereupon caused Flaccus to be apprehended and put to death (12, 8). Appian Mithr. c. 5r sq. : ἀπειροπολέμῳ δ᾽ ὄντι τῷ Φλάκκῳ συνεξῆλθεν ἑκὼν ἀπὸ τῆς βουλῆς ἀνὴρ πιθανὸς ἐς στρατηγίαν, ὄνομα Φιμβρίας....μοχθηρὸν δ᾽ ὄντα τὸν Φλάκκον καὶ σκαιὸν ἐν ταῖς κολάσεσι XXIV 133 PLUTARCH'S SULLA καὶ φιλοκερδῆ ὁ στρατὸς ἅπας ἀπεστρέφετο...ὡς δ᾽ ἔν τινι καταγωγῇ περὶ ξενίας ἔριδος αὐτῷ καὶ τῷ ταμίᾳ γενομένης ὁ Φλάκκος διαιτῶν οὐδὲν ἐς τιμὴν ἐπεσήμηνε τοῦ Φεμβρίου, χαλεπήνας ὁ Φιμβρίας ἠπείλησεν ἐς Ρώμην ἐπανελεύσεσθαι. καὶ τοῦ Φλάκκου δύντος αὐτῷ διάδοχον ἐς ἃ τότε διώκει, φυλάξας αὐτὸν ὁ Φιμβρίας ἐς Χαλκηδόνα διαπλέοντα, πρῶτα μὲν τὸν Θέρμον τὰς ῥάβδους ἀφείλετο, τὸν ἀντιστράτηγον ὑπὸ τοῦ Φλάκκου καταλελειμμένον, ὡς οἱ στρατοῦ τὴν στρατηγίαν περι- θέντος, εἶτα Φλάκκον αὐτὸν σὺν ὀργῇ μετ᾿ ὀλίγον ἐπανιόντα ἐδίωκεν, ἕως ὁ μὲν Φλάκκος...ἐς Χαλκηδόνα πρῶτον καὶ ἀπ᾿ αὐτῆς εἰς Νικο- μήδειαν ἔφυγεν, ὁ δὲ Φιμβρίας αὐτὸν ἐπελθὼν ἔκτεινεν ἐν φρέατι κρυπτόμενον, ὕπατόν τε ὄντα Ῥωμαίων καὶ στρατηγὸν τοῦδε τοῦ πολέμου ιδιώτης αὐτὸς ὢν καὶ ὡς φίλῳ κελεύοντι συνεληλυθώς. ἐκτεμών τε τὴν κεφαλὴν αὐτοῦ μεθῆκεν ἐς θάλασσαν καὶ αὑτὸν αὐτοκράτορα ἀπέφηνε τοῦ στρατοῦ. 38. τῶν Μιθριδατικών στρατηγῶν κρατήσας: He was victorious in several engagements with a son of Mithridates; one was fought, according to Orosius (6, 2) at Mele- topolis; another, according to Frontinus (Strateg. 3, 17, 5) at Rhyndakos with a loss of 6000 men to the Pontic army. Livy (Epit. 83) says that Fimbria defeated generals of Mithridates several times. Cf. Appian c. 52 μάχας τινὰς οὐκ ἀγεννῶς ἠγωνίσατο τῷ παιδὶ τοῦ Μιθριδάτου. αὐτόν τε βασιλέα συνεδίωξεν ἐς τὸ Πέργαμον καὶ ἐς Πιτάνην ἐκ τοῦ Περγάμου διαφυγόντα ἐπελθὼν ἀπετάφρευεν, ἕως ὁ μὲν βασιλεὺς ἐπὶ νεῶν ἔφυγεν ἐς Μιτυλήνην, ὁ δὲ Φιμβρίας, ἐπιὼν τὴν ᾿Ασίαν, ἐκόλαξε τοὺς καππαδοκίσαντας καὶ τῶν οὐ δεχομένων αὐτὸν τὴν χώραν ελεηλάτει, Plut. Lucull. c. 3. CHAPTER XXIV The negotiations between Archelaos and Sulla had led to the acceptance of the Roman terms by Mithridates. The final settle- ment of the various stipulations was reserved for a meeting between the king and Sulla, fixed to take place at Dardanos on the Helles- pont. At this interview Mithridates, trusting to his powers of per- suasion, tried once more to cast the guilt of the rupture on the greedi- ness of the Roman commissioners and commanders and to clear himself from all responsibility. But Sulla was inaccessible to his rhetoric and recapitulated all his many crimes and proofs of hostility to the Romans. Mithridates had no choice but to submit. A formal reconciliation took place and Sulla embraced and kissed the king. He then ordered the kings of Bithynia and Cappadocia to be ad- mitted to seal their peace with Mithridates in like manner. The king gave up to Sulla seventy ships and sailed off to the Pontus. Sulla's men were dissatisfied with this settlement. They thought it a shame that the greatest enemy of all kings to the Romans, who had massacred so many thousands in the province of Asia, should be allowed to slip out of their hands and sail off with the spoils of the country which he had been plundering for four years. Sulla's apology to the soldiers was that he could not have opposed both Fim- bria and Mithridates, if they had united against him. 134 XXIV I NOTES ON § 1. 1. 1. τῆς Τρῳάδος ἐν Δαρδάνῳ, at Dardanus, a city of the Troad', G. § 168. Troas was the name given to the district forming the north-west angle of Asia Minor, which borders on the Hellespont and the Aegean sea. Dardanos was situated on the Hellespont near the mouth of the river Rhodios, about 12 Roman miles from Ilion and nine from Abydos (Thuc. 8, 104). It was an Aeolian settlement, built near but not on the site of the old Dar- dania mentioned by Homer (Il. 2, 216), as having been built by Dardanos before the building of Ilion. At this time it was a free city, having been made so by the Romans at the conclusion of the war with King Antiochos the Great 190/564, in honour of the Trojan descent of the people. The Dardanelles is supposed to be derived from the name. 3. évýpes, 'fitted with oars'. ἐνήρεις, 5. τῶν δρεπανηφόρων sc. ἁρμάτων, 18, 2. § 2. 1. 13. εἰς δαίμονας τρέπειν, to shift on (ascribe to the deities', Deinarch. c. Dem. § 29 p. 94, 6 εἰς τούτους τοὺς ἡγεμόνας τὰς ἀποτυχίας τρέψαντες, ib. § 113 p. 104, 40 εἰς ὑμᾶς αὐτοὺς καὶ τὸν δῆμον τὴν τούτων δωροδοκίαν τρέψετε. 18. εὐπρέ πειαν, colourable appearance', 'plausibility'. § 3. 1. 18. ἐξελέγξας πικρώς, reproaching him in bitter terms'. Appian has given a full report of the conference and the speeches of the king and Sulla, which, as Long says, are no doubt the embellishments of the historian. Mithridates, after reminding him of the friendship and alliance subsisting between himself and between his father and the Romans, and com- plaining of the injustice done to him by the restoration of Ariobarzanes to Cappadocia, the loss of Phrygia, and the connivance at the proceedings of Niko- medes, concludes his speech thus ;—καὶ τάδε πάντα ἔπραξαν ἐπὶ χρήμασι, παραλο λὰξ παρ᾿ ἐμοῦ τε καὶ παρ' ἐκείνων (Nikomedes and Ariobarzanes) λαμβάνοντες· ὃ γὰρ δὴ μάλιστ᾽ ἄν τις ὑμῶν, ὦ Ρωμαῖοι, τοῖς πλείοσιν ἐπικαλέσειεν, ἔστιν ἡ φιλοκερδία αναρραγέντος δὲ ὑπὸ τῶν ὑμετέρων στρατηγών του πολέμου, πάντα ὅσα ἀμυνόμενος ἔπραττον, ἀνάγκῃ μᾶλλον ἢ κατὰ γνώμην ἐγίγνετο. Sulla replied by disproving the charges laid against the Romans and recapitulating all the crimes of Mithridates and the many proofs of his hostility to the Romans, especially in taking advantage of the time when Rome was engaged in war with the revolted Italians, and winds up by saying: ὃ καὶ θαυμάζω σου δικαιο- λογουμένου νῦν ἐφ᾽ οἷς δι' ᾿Αρχελάου παρεκάλεις. ἢ πόρρω μὲν ὄντα με ἐδεδοίκεις, ἀγχοῦ δὲ γενόμενον ἐπὶ δίκην ἐληλυθέναι νομίζεις; ἧς ὁ καιρὸς ἀνάλωται, σοῦ τε πολεμήσαντος ἡμῖν, καὶ ἡμῶν ἀμυναμένων ἤδη καρτερώς καὶ ἀμυνουμένων ἐς τέλος. Mithr. c. 56-c. 58. 20. εἰ ποιεῖ τὰ συγκείμενα δι' Αρχελάου, whether he is for carrying out the agreement of Archelaos'. 21. φήσαντος ποιεῖν, οὕτως, when he (Mithridates) said that he did intend to carry it out, then etc.' On this use of ourws after participles as a corroborating word see my lex. to Xen. Oecon. p. Iira and comp. Tib. Gr. 20, 3; C. Gr. 16, 2. 22. περιλαβών, com- plexus. On the constant confusion in the Mss. between περιβα- λών the reading of C here and περιλαβών see my lex. to Plut. Gracch. p. 240—1. εἰς Πόντον ἀπέπλευσεν : cf. Appian c. 58: τοσαῦτα τοῦ Σύλλα μετ᾿ ὀργῆς ἔτι λέγοντος, μετέπιπτεν ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ ἐδεδοίκει, καὶ ἐς τὰς δι' ᾿Αρχελάου γενομένας συνθήκας 26. XXV 135 PLUTARCH'S SULLA ἐνεδίδου, τάς τε ναῦς καὶ τὰ ἄλλα πάντα παραδοὺς ἐς τὸν Πόντον ἐπὶ τὴν πατρῴαν ἀρχὴν ἐπανῄει μόνην, Vell. Paterc. 2, 23. § 4. 1. 27. TÔ Siaλúra, 'the cessation of hostilities'. See my n. on Tib. Gr. 5, 2 l. 18. τὸν γὰρ ἔχθιστον της Ασίας, 'for they thought it a shame that the king-who was of all kings their bitterest enemy and who had caused one hundred and fifty thousand Romans in Asia to be massacred on one day—should be seen by them sailing off with the riches and spoils of Asia'. 29. Karaσdayĥvaι Tapaσkeváσavra. This was in 88/666, when Mithridates sent forth orders from Ephesos to all the cities dependent on him to put to death on one and the same day every Roman within their districts. According to Appian 80,000 were thus massacred in Asia Minor. Cf. Liv. Epit. LXXVIII, Vell. Paterc. 2, 18, Flor. 3, 5, Appian Mithr. c. 22. Merivale (Hist. of the Romans under the Empire, 1 p. 35) is of opinion that the massacre was rather an outbreak of national rage than the execution of an order issued by Mithridates. 'This' says Ihne v p. 267 'is highly probable, and the conjecture may be supported by the following passage of Appian (Mithr. c. 23) who, after speaking of the atrocities committed, concludes by saying: kai μádiora δῆλον ἐγένετο τὴν ᾿Ασίαν οὐ φόβῳ Μιθριδάτου μᾶλλον ἢ μίσει 'Ρωμαίων τοιάδε ἐς αὐτοὺς ἐργάσασθαι. It is quite possible then that we have here another instance of the partiality of Roman writers, who, by ascribing the whole guilt to Mithridates, obtained two ends, that of reviling their enemy and that of concealing the fact of the hatred which they had awakened generally in their subjects'. σαντες. ↑ 31. ἣν φορολογῶν διετέλεσεν, ' on which he had continued to levy contributions'. Cf. Polyb. 1, 8, 1 πоììà µépη TĤs Zikeλías ἐφορολόγουν, Diod. Sic. 5, 32 πολλὴν τῆς Εὐρώπης φορολογή 33. οὐκ ἂν—δυνηθείς: the participle represents the aorist indicative with av (ovк äv édvvýơn). If the reading in Ursi- ἂν ἐδυνήθη). nus and the Peiresc. fragm. of Dio Cassius, viz. ovoTaínoav, be correct, the participle would of course represent the aor. opt. with ἄν (οὐκ ἂν δυνηθείη), G. § 211. CHAPTER XXV Sulla now marched against Fimbria, who lay encamped in the neighbourhood of Thyateira. Fimbria's soldiers showed no desire to encounter the superior forces of Sulla. When therefore Sulla ap- proached and began to dig trenches round their encampment for the purpose of enclosing them, crowds of them deserted Fimbria, ran over to the Sullan troops and lent their help in the work of digging the trenches. When Fimbria saw this, fearing Sulla's unforgiving temper, he committed suicide in the camp (§ 1). Sulla then turned to the affairs of the province of Asia, on which he levied a war indem- nity of twenty thousand talents (£4,800,000). But this was not all. The people of the towns were compelled not only to provide the men quartered on them with all that they, and as many friends as they chose to invite, needed of food and drink, but actually to furnish their pay and two suits of clothes, one to wear indoors, the other in public (§ 2). 136 XXV 1 NOTES ON § 1. 1. 1. πρὸς Θυατείροις: Thyateira was a considerable city in the north of Lydia, on the Lykos, to the left of the road leading from Pergamon to Sardes, on the southern incline of the watershed which separates the valley of the Kaikos from that of the Hermos, on the confines of Mysia. Its ancient names. were Pelopeia, Eutrippa and Semiramis. Strabo (13, 4, 4) calls it κατοικία Μακεδόνων, but it was not founded, only improved and embellished, by the Macedonians in the sequel of the destruc- tion of the Persian empire by Alexander. After the time of Anti- ochos Nikator it became an important place. It surrendered to the Romans on the defeat of Antiochos the Great, who was encamped there, when the two Scipios arrived in Asia (Liv. 37, 37, 6). The prosperity of the city seems to have received a new impulse under Vespasian. Its principal deity was Apollo, who was worshipped as the Sun-god, under the name Tyrimnas. Dyeing formed a chief part of its industrial activity in Christian times (Acts xvi. 14); it appears as one of the Seven Churches in the Apocalypse (ii. 18). Its modern name is Akhissar, given it by the Turks in the middle ages. 2. καταζεύξας, halting, fixing his quarters. Cf. Polyb. 3, 95, 3 σπεύδων ἀμφοτέραις ἅμα ταῖς δυνάμεσι καταζεύξαι πρὸς τὸν Ἴβηρα ποταμόν; 8, 15, 2 ποιησάμενος τὴν πορείαν ἐπὶ δύο ἡμέρας κατέζευξε παρὰ τὸν ᾿Αρδάξανον ποταμόν; 5, 46, η κατα ζεύξας εἰς τὴν Σελεύκειαν. The word of opposite meaning is ava ζευγνύναι, on which see my note to Tib. Gracch. 5, 2 1. II. 3. τάφρον τῷ στρατοπέδῳ περιέβαλε, dug trenches round the encampment', for the purpose of shutting him in and blockading him. When Sulla was within two stadia of Fimbria, he first sum- moned him to give up his army, Appian l.c. c. 59 Σύλλας δὲ Φιμβρίου δύο σταδίους ἀποσχὼν ἐκέλευε παραδοῦναί οἱ τὸν στρατόν, οὗ παρανόμως ἄρχοι. ὁ δ᾽ ἀντέσκωπτε μὲν ὡς οὐδ᾽ ἐκεῖνος ἐννόμως ἔτι ἄρχοι, περιταφρεύοντος δ᾽ αὐτὸν τοῦ Σύλλα, καὶ πολλῶν οὐκ ἀφανῶς ἀποδιδρασκόντων, ἐς ἐκκλησίαν τοὺς λοιποὺς ὁ Φιμβρίας συναγαγὼν παρεκάλει παραμένειν. 4. μονοχίτωνες, sine armis, solis tumicis induti, with only their tunics on '. Cf. Polyb. 14, II, 2 εἰκόνες μονοχίτωνες, Lucian Cronosolon c. 11 οὐ κατὰ τὴν ὥραν μονοχίτων. The word oἰοχίτων occurs in Homer Odyss. 14, 489, where, however, χιτών means thorax ferreus, a coat of mail'. 6. συνελάμβανον αὐτοῖς τῶν ἔργων, began to assist them in their work of digging the trenches'. See ind. gr. s.v. ovλ- λαμβάνειν. C τὴν μεταβολήν, sc. τῶν στρατιωτών. Appian tells us that Fimbria tried to induce his men to remain faithful to their standards and to swear that they would not abandon him, and he first called on Nonius who had been his adviser (κοινωνόν) throughout. Nonius refused to take the oath, and Fimbria drawing his sword threatened to kill him. This only made matters worse and Fimbria found it prudent to desist. He then tried to persuade a slave to enter the camp of Sulla as a deserter, to obtain access to his person and assassinate him. Sulla's men were infuriated at this attempt on the life of their general, and standing round Fimbria's entrenchments abused him and called him Athe- nion, the name of the slave king in Sicily who had a short reign. When this plan also had failed, Fimbria had the face to ask Sulla to grant him an interview. XXV 2 137 PLUTARCH'S SULLA Sulla would not go himself but sent Rutilius, one of his officers. Fimbria asked for pardon if he had done anything wrong, and urged his youth as an apology. Rutilius promised that Sulla would allow him a safe conduct to the sea, if he would leave Asia of which Sulla was proconsul (υπέστη Σύλλαν ἀφήσειν ἐπὶ θάλασσαν ἀπαθῆ διελθεῖν, εἰ μέλλοι τῆς ᾿Ασίας, ἧς ἐστὶν ὁ Σύλλας ανθύπατος, ἀποπλευσεῖσθαι). Finibria's answer was that he had a better way than that, and thereupon he retired to Pergamon, and going into the temple of As- klepios stabbed himself. The wound proving not mortal, Fimbria ordered his slave to despatch him, which the man did, and then killed himself on the body of his master (ὁ δὲ εἰπὼν ἑτέραν ὁδὸν ἔχειν κρείττονα ἐπανῆλθεν ἐς Πέργαμον καὶ ἐς τὸ τοῦ ᾿Ασκληπιού ἱερὸν παρελθὼν ἐχρήσατο τῷ ξίφει. οὐ καιρίου δ᾽ αὐτῷ τῆς πληγῆς γενομένης, ἐκέλευε τὸν παῖδα ἐπερεῖσαι. ὁ δὲ καὶ τὸν δεσπότην έκτεινε καὶ αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τῷ δεσπότῃ). Plutarch says that Fimbria feared Sulla's un- forgiving temper and committed suicide in the camp; and 'this' adds Long seems a more probable story, for it is not easy to conceive how Fimbria could make his escape to Pergamon, more than forty miles distant from Thyateira, nor why he should go there merely to die'. Orosius 6, 2, 11 follows Appian. § 2. 1. 10. 1. 10. ἐζημίωσε τὴν ᾿Ασίαν δισμυρίοις ταλάντοις: Ap- pian c. 62 says that Sulla made those who were liable to taxes pay down in cash according to valuation the whole arrears of tenths and customs for the last five years (πέντε ἐτῶν φόρους ἐσενεγκεῖν), besides a war indemnity (τὴν τοῦ πολέμου δαπάνην, ὅση τε γέγονέ μοι καὶ ἔσται καθισταμένῳ τὰ ὑπόλοιπα). 11. ἐξέτριψεν, utterly ruined. Reiske's emendation ἐπέτριψε is uncalled for. 12. πολιορκίᾳ τῶν ἐπισταθμευόντων, ‘by the pestering of the soldiers quartered on them'. There is a similar use of πολιορκείν in Xenophon Mem. 2, 1, 13 πάντα τρόπον πολιορ- κοῦντες τοὺς ἥττονας, “besieging' i.e. harassing their inferiors, where Kühner quotes in illustration Dem. c. Aristog. § 42 p. 783, S, Plat. Alcib. I p. 142 Α ὑπὸ τῶν συκοφαντῶν πολιορκούμενοι πολιορκίαν. ἐπισταθμευόντων: cf. Demetr. 23 οὐδὲ ὡς παρθένῳ πράως ἐπισταθμεύοντα, Mor. p. 828 E (of the money- lender), κἂν οἴκοι μένῃς, ἐπισταθμεύοντα καὶ θυροκοποῦντα: in the pass. it means 'to be assigned as quarters', Anton. c. 9 ow- φρόνων ἀνδρῶν καὶ γυναικῶν οἰκίαι σαμβυκιστρίαις ἐπισταμενό μεναι; or to have quartered on one', Polyb. 21, 4, 1 ἐπισταμενό μενοι ὑπὸ τῶν Ρωμαίων, i. e. hospitiis pressi a Romanis. Cf. Diod. Sic. 17, 47 τῷ ξένῳ παρ' ᾧ τὴν ἐπισταθμίαν ἐπεποίητο κεχα- ρισμένως. 14. τετράδραχμα, sc. νομίσματα, ‘silver coins of four drachms' (= 35. 2d. of our money), the ordinary large silver piece of the Greek currency, a sort of small dollar called some- times by later writers στατήρ. Attic tetradrachms were issued at Ephesos shortly before its capture by Antiochos, about B.C. 202 to B.C. 133, bearing the types of Alexander the Great, the founder of her liberties. See B. V. Head, History of the coinage of Ephesos, 17. οἰκουρῶν, 7, 2. This is an anakolouthon: P. 55 f. we should expect of course οἰκουροῦντα and προερχόμενον in agreement with ταξίαρχον. 'These payments' says Ihne 'not only absorbed all that was left them after such continued spoliation, but compelled them to raise loans at exorbitant rates of interest from Italian usurers who had quickly found their way in the wake of the victorious army. As a security for these loans private persons and cor- porations were compelled to mortgage lands and houses, the property of the tem- ples, theatres, gymnasia, in short everything of any value; and this load of debt 138 XXV 2 NOTES ON weighed for many years on the shoulders of the afflicted population'. Appian c. 63 αἱ δὲ πόλεις ἀποροῦσαί τε καὶ δανειζόμεναι μεγάλων τόκων, αἱ μὲν τὰ θεάτρα τοῖς δανείζουσιν, αἱ δὲ τὰ γυμνάσια ἢ τεῖχος ἢ λιμένας ἢ εἴ τι δημόσιον ἄλλο, σὺν ὕβρει στρατιωτῶν ἐπειγόντων, ὑπετίθεντο. The historian adds that the province was in a wretched condition, being left to the mercy of lawless bands of pirates (Anoτńpia), who infested the seas with numerous ships like regular fleets (στόλοις εοικότα μᾶλλον ἢ λήσταις). They were turned loose in the first instance by Mithridates and they took not only the traders whom they found on the sea, but they attacked the sea-port towns. Iassos, Samos, Clazomenae and Samo- thrace were captured, while Sulla was still in Asia. From the temple of the latter island they carried of χιλίων ταλάντων κόσμον. Appian does not de termine whether Sulla allowed these people to be plundered for their defection from Rome or whether he had no time to put down the pirates, for he was in a hurry to return to Italy (εἴτε έκών ὡς ἁμαρτόντας ἐνυβρίζεσθαι καταλιπών, εἴτε ἐπὶ τὴν ἐς 'Ρώμην στάσιν ἐπειγόμενος—ἐς τὴν Ἰταλίαν μετὰ τοῦ πλείονος σтρаTоû diéпλεt). The second was probably the true reason. We learn from Appian that the few communities which had remained faithful-particularly the island of Rhodes, the province of Lykia, Magnesia on the Maeander-were richly rewarded; Rhodes received back at least a portion of the possessions with- drawn from it after the war against Perseus. Compensation also was made to the Chians and people of Ilion for the hardships they had borne. CHAPTER XXVI Sulla collected his army at Ephesos and sailed with all his ships straight across the Aegean to the Peiraeeus. He caused himself to be initiated in the Eleusinian mysteries and showed his interest in Greek literature by taking for his share of the spoil the library of Apellikon, in which were the original writings of Aristotle, till then unknown to the world. When these were taken to Rome, they were arranged by the grammarian Tyrannion, who supplied Andronikos of Rhodes with copies which he published (§ 1-§ 2). Sulla spent the winter in Greece, being detained by an attack of suppressed gout, for the relief of which he went to Boeotia to take the mineral waters of Aedepsus, where he sought recreation in the company of actors. Story about him and some fishermen of Halae who had crossed over from the opposite mainland to make their offering to the great Roman general, and who were encouraged by his gracious reception of them to occupy again their little town which had been destroyed by him (§ 3—§ 4). § 1. ἀναχθείς 1. 1. avax els 'putting to sea’. 3. μυηθείς, 'when he had first been initiated in the (Eleusinian) mysteries'. ¿¿eîλev čautų, suum in usum seposuit, 'he reserved for himself', 'took for his own share of the booty', Ar. Pac. 1021 τὰ μηρί' ἐξελών, Aesch. Αg. 954 χρημάτων ἐξαίρετον ἄνθος, Εum. 402 ἐξαίρετον δώρημα. Cf. Strab. 13, 54 εὐθὺς μετὰ τὴν ᾿Απελ λικῶντος τελευτὴν Σύλλας ῆρε τὴν ᾿Απελλικῶντος βιβλιοθήκην ὁ τὰς ᾿Αθήνας ἑλών. Απελλικῶνος τοῦ Τηίου: Apellikon of Teos was a Peripatetic philosopher and a great book-collector. Athenaeus XXVI 1 139 PLUTARCH'S SULLA > Deipnos. 5, 53, P. 214 sq. has a story about his being detected steal- ing books also from several Greek cities: Απελλικώντα τὸν Τήιον, πολίτην δὲ ᾽Αθηναίων γενόμενον, ποικιλώτατόν τινα καὶ ἁψίκορον (‘fastidious' ζήσαντα βίον· ὁτὲ μὲν γὰρ ἐφιλοσόφει καὶ τὰ περιπατητικὰ καὶ τὴν ᾿Αριστοτέλους βιβλιοθήκην καὶ ἄλλας συνηγόραζε συχνάς· ἦν γὰρ πολυχρήματος τά τ᾽ ἐκ τοῦ μητρῴου τῶν παλαιῶν αυτόγραφα ψηφίσματα ὑφαιρούμενος ἐκτᾶτο καὶ ἐκ τῶν ἄλλων πόλεων εἴ τι παλαιὸν εἴη καὶ ἀπόθετον. ἐφ᾽ οἷς φωραθεὶς ἐν ταῖς ᾿Αθήναις ἐκινδύνευσεν ἄν, εἰ μὴ ἔφυγεν. He afterwards returned during the tyranny of Aristion (nicknamed 'Athenion'), who patronized him as a brother peripatetic and gave him the command of an ex- pedition against Delos, where ὁ καλὸς στρατηγὸς ἔλαβε φυγών, having lost his whole army through carelessness. Plutarch, no doubt, borrowed from the locus classicus in Strabo 13, Ι, 54 about Aristotle's writings. Neleus, a native of Skepsis, was a pupil both of Aristotle and Theophrastos. Aristotle gave his library to Theophrastos, who left his own library, together with that of his master, to Neleus (Diogen. Laert. 5, 2), and Neleus took the books to Skepsis, and left them to his descendants (ἰδιώταις ἀνθρώποις, οἳ κατάκλειστα εἶχον τὰ βιβλία οὐδ᾽ ἐπιμελῶς κείμενα). When the Attalid kings of Pergamon were looking for books to form their great library, these people hid the books in their possession in an under- ground cellar, where they were injured (διώρυγί τινι· ὑπὸ δὲ νοτίας καὶ σηπῶν κακωθέντα οψέ ποτε ἀπέδοντο Απελλικώντι τῷ Τηίῳ πολλῶν ἀργυρίων). Apellikon had the books copied and published them with the damaged passages incorrectly restored and many errors (ἦν δὲ ὁ ᾿Απελλικών φιλόβιβλος μᾶλλον ἢ φιλόσοφος διὸ καὶ ζητῶν ἐπανόρθωσιν τῶν διαβρωμάτων εἰς ἀντίγραφα καινὰ μετήνεγκε τὴν γραφήν, αναπληρῶν οὐκ εὖ, καὶ ἐξέδωκεν ἁμαρτάδων πλήρη τὰ βιβλία). The old Peripatetics after the time of Theophrastos had only a few of Aristotle's writings, and those chiefly exoteric', consequently they could not learn his philosophy thoroughly (φιλοσοφεῖν πραγματικώς), but only furbish up common-places in rhetorical fashion (θέσεις ληκυθίζειν, cf. Cic. Tusc. 2, 3, 9; Orat. c. 4, Quintil. Instit. 12, 2, 25). The later Peripatetics, after the publi- cation of these books could teach his philosophy better and follow Aristotle's principles (αριστοτελίζειν), but yet owing to the many errors in the text they were often driven to guess at his meaning (τὰ πολλὰ εἰκότα λέγειν). When Apellikon's library was taken to Rome, Tyrannion, by permission of the li- brarian, occupied himself with the books (τὴν βιβλιοθήκην διεχειρίσατο φιλα ριστοτέλης ὧν), as did also certain booksellers, who had copies made of the writings by inferior scribes and did not compare these with the originals (γρα- φεῦσι φαύλοις χρώμενοι καὶ οὐκ ἀντιβάλλοντες). This Strabo adds is the case with other books that are copied for sale both at Rome and at Alexandria'. 'To what extent the story related by Strabo and taken from him by Plutarch may be correct is an interesting but as yet unsolved problem. That the writings of Aristotle were altogether kept secret after his death is neither pro- bable, nor is it asserted by Plutarch or Strabo. They can have spoken only of the copies of Aristotle's writings coming directly from the library of Aristotle himself, and it is most likely that this collection contained much which was altogether unknown to the general public or not known in the form and com- pleteness of the original copies'. IHNE Hist. R. v p. 310f. See J. G. Schneider Epimetrum II proem. Aristot. de animal. hist. 1, p. LXXVI sqq.; BLAKESLEY Life of Aristotle, Cambridge, 1839. 7. Τυραννίωνα: Tyrannion was a Greek grammarian, a native of Amisos on the coast of Pontos; his original name is said to have been Theophrastos, the name Tyrannion having been given him on account of his domineering conduct to his fellow pupils. He was among the captives brought to Rome by Lucullus 72/682 (Plut. Luc. c. 19), where, after he had been emancipated by 140 XXVI I NOTES ON Murena, he occupied himself in teaching and in arranging, as we are told by Plutarch, the library of Apellikon. He became a friend of Cicero and afterwards the instructor of Strabo (12, 16), and of the young Ciceros (Cic. ep. ad Quint. fr. 2, 4, 2). Cicero had a high opinion of his ability and learning. 8. ἐνσκευά- σασθαι, arranged'. See cr. n. παρ' αὐτοῦ εὐπορήσαντα τῶν ἀντιγράφων, being supplied with copies from him τὸν Ρόδιον ᾿Ανδρόνικον, Andronikos of Rhodes, head of the Peripatetic school at Rome about 58/696. This statement of Plutarch concerning him is of special interest in the history of philosophy. The arrangement which he made of Aristotle's writings seems to be the one which forms the basis of our present editions, and a considerable number of the philosopher's works have been preserved through him. The fifth book of his work upon Aristotle contained a complete list of that philosopher's writings. The work is unfortunately lost, together with the Com mentaries on the Physics, Ethics and Categories. (The paraphrase of the Nicomachean ethics, which is ascribed to him, was written by some one else.) 9. εἰς μέσον θεῖναι, in medium protulisse, published. Cf. vit. Ag. 9, 3 εἰς μέσον παρελθών, vit. Deom. 7, 1 εἰς μέσον θεῖναι τὰ κτήματα τοῖς πολίταις, ib. 10, 5 τὴν γῆν εἰς μ. τιθέναι, vit. Rom. 27, 1 εἰς μ. ἔθηκε τὴν πολιτείαν. 10. τοὺς νῦν φερομένους πίνακας, ' the tables that are now in current use. § 2. 1. 11. οἱ δὲ πρεσβύτεροι Περιπατητικοὶ φαίνονται μὲν καθ᾿ ἑαυτοὺς γενόμενοι χαρίεντες καὶ φιλολόγοι, τῶν δ᾽ ᾿Αριστο- τέλους γραμμάτων οὔτε πολλοῖς οὔτ᾽ ἀκριβῶς ἐντετυχηκότες, 'the older Peripatetics were evidently of themselves accomplished and learned men, but they had not read many of Aristotle's writ- ings nor correct copies of these' or 'of the writings of Aristotle they had not large or exact knowledge' (Clough). There is a difficulty in this passage, which Reiske would solve by reading ἀκριβῶς γεγραμμένοις diligenter exaratis. Plutarch takes his state- ment evidently from Strabo, but he gives us only half of it and, if we had not the original to correct him by, might lead us to suppose that most of the writings of Aristotle and Theophrastos were unknown and unpublished until the capture of Athens by Sulla. 14. ἐντετυχηκότες: this use of ἐντυγχάνειν in the sense of scriptum legere is found in Plato and is common in later Greek: cf. Plat. Lys. p. 214 A ἢ οὐκ ἐντετύχηκας τούτοις τοῖς ἔπεσιν; Η οὐκοῦν καὶ τοῖς τῶν σοφωτάτων συγ γράμμασιν ἐντετύχηκας; conv. p. 177 Β ἔγωγε ἤδη τινὶ ἐνέτυχον βιβλίῳ ἀνδρὸς σοφοῦ, de leg. 316c ήδη ποτὲ ἐνέτυχες συγγράμματι περὶ ὑγιείας των καμ νόντων; Dio Cass. 39, 15 τοῖς Σιβυλλείοις έπεσιν ἐντυχόντες, 78, 2 τῷ βιβλίῳ τῷ περὶ αὐτοῦ γραφέντι οἱ ἐνέτυχον, 58, 11; Alciphr. Ep. 2, 1, 1 οὐχ ἡγησάμενος δεινὸν ἐντυγχάνειν τοῖς ἐμοῖς γράμμασιν ὅλῃ μοι ἐντυγχάνων, Dio Chrys. or. 18 ἐντυγχάνειν Ὑπερείδῃ τε καὶ Αἰσχίνῃ, Strabo Geogr. 1, 1, 21 τὸν ἐντυγχάνοντα τῇ γραφῇ ταύτῃ, Polyb. 1, 35, 5 ἐγὼ δὲ τούτων ἐπεμνήσθην χάριν τῆς τῶν ἐν- τυγχανόντων τοῖς ὑπομνήμασι διορθώσεως, 2, 61, 3 τοὺς ἐντυγχάνοντας τοῖς ὑπομνήμασιν. Polybios uses also οἱ ἐντυγχάνοντες absolutely for readers', I, 3, 10; I, 4, 1 δεῖ διὰ τῆς ἱστορίας ὑπὸ μίαν σύνοψιν ἀγαγεῖν τοῖς ἐντυγχάνουσι τον χειρισμόν της τύχης, 1, 15, 13 εἰς ἀληθινὰς έννοιας ἄγειν " XXVI 3 141 PLUTARCH'S SULLA τοὺς ἐ., 2, 40, 5 ὑπολαμβάνω ῥᾴστην ἐμοί τ' ἂν γενέσθαι τὴν διήγησιν και τοῖς ἐ. εὐπαρακολουθητὸν τὴν μάθησιν, 3, 9, 2. I, 14. Nŋλéws Toû Ekηylov. Neleus of Skepsis, of whose Νηλέως τοῦ Σκηψιου. personal history nothing further is known than what is recorded in the passage of Strabo quoted above. The ancient Skepsis was a town in the Troad, about 20 miles S.E. of Alexandria Troas, in the mountains of Ida (κατὰ τὸ μετεωρότατον τῆς Ἴδης Strabo 13, 1, 52). The inhabitants were twice transferred, first at an early pe- riod to a site lower down about eight miles from the old one, which was thenceforward called Palaiskepsis, and again by Antigonos to Alexandria Troas. Lysimachos afterwards permitted them to return to their ancient home (Strabo 13, 1, 33), which at a later period became subject to the kings of Pergamon. This new city became an important centre of learning and philosophy. It was the birth-place of Metrodoros the philosopher and Demetrios the grammarian. TÒν Kληρov, 'the estate': see cr. n. 15. Tà ßißλía katλITE: the will of Theophrastos, by which he be- queathed his library to Neleus, is to be found in Diogenes Laertios 5, 52. 16. ἰδιώτας, illiterate) πεπαιδευμένους. See my n. to Xen. Hier. 4, 6 1. 376. Cf. Dem. Phil. 1, 35 p. 7 &v te deivoi λάχωσιν ἄν τε ἰδιῶται i.e. ἄπειροι. περιγενέσθαι, ' devolved. See cr. n. ἄλ § 3. 1. 17. περὶ τὰς ᾿Αθήνας, II, 3; 22, Ι, 23, 5- γημα ναρκώδες μετὰ βάρους εἰς τοὺς πόδας ἐνέπεσεν, numbness, eis accompanied with a sense of heaviness, attacked his feet'. Cf. Thuc. 2, 49, 2 λυγξ τοῖς πλείοσιν ἐνέπεσε κενή, Dem. de fals. leg. § 359 P. 424, 3 νόσημα δεινὸν ἐμπέπτωκεν εἰς τὴν Ἑλλάδα. 19. ó Σтpáßwv: Strabo the geographer, but the passage is not in his Geography and was probably in the work to which he himself refers 1, 1, 23 where he says: ἡμεῖς πεποιηκότες ὑπομνήματα ἱστορικὰ χρήσιμα εἰς τὴν ἠθικὴν καὶ πολιτικὴν φιλοσοφίαν ἔγνωμεν προσθεῖναι καὶ τήνδε τὴν σύνταξιν. ποδάγρας ψελλισμόν, 'stammering gout' (Long), 'the first inarticulate sounds of gout' (Clough), the lisping of the gout' (Langhornes), unpronounced (i.e. suppressed) gout' (Liddell-Scott). 20. διαπλεύσας εἰς เ Αιδηψον, Aldηyov, crossing (the Euripus) to Aedepsus'. Aedepsus (Lipso), a town on the N.W. coast of Euboea, about 20 miles from Kynos, on the opposite coast of the Opuntian Locri (Strabo 9, 4, 2), was a favourite watering place in the time of Plutarch (de frat. am. c. 17 p. 487 F, Sympos. 4, 4, I p. 667 в) on account of its warm springs, sacred to Hercules. It had also, as the story is in Athen- aeus, ναμάτιόν τι ψυχρὸν ὕδωρ προϊέμενον οὐ πόρρω τῆς θαλάσσης, οὗ πίνοντες οἱ ἀρρωστοῦντες τὰ μέγιστα ὠφελοῦντο· διὸ πολλοί παρεγί- νοντο καὶ μακρόθεν τῷ ὕδατι χρησόμενοι. Demetrios of Kallatis ap. Strab. 1, 3, 20, in his record of all the earthquakes that had ever occurred in Greece, mentions that the hot springs at Thermopylae and at Aedepsus once ceased to flow for three days, and those of Aedepsus, when they flowed again, broke out in a fresh place (ἐπὶ τρεῖς ἡμέρας ἐπισχεθέντα πάλιν ῥυῆναι, τὰ δ᾽ ἐν Αἰδήψῳ καὶ καθ᾽ 142 XXVI 3 NOTES ON érépas ȧvaрpayvaι пnyás). See also Aristot. Meteor. 2, 8, 8 p. 366ª where he explains the origin of these springs. 21. ῥαθυμῶν, 'taking a holiday', 'indulging in relaxation': cf. Polyb. 1, 66, 11; 20, 20, 2 τῇ δ' ἑξῆς (ἐκέλευσεν) ἀναπαύεσθαι καὶ ῥᾳθυμεῖν, Plut. Sertor. 13, 1 μέθης οὐδὲ ῥᾳθυμῶν ἤπτετο, Arat. 6 τῶν εἰωθότων πίνειν καὶ ῥαθυμεῖν μετ᾿ αὐτοῦ. 22. συνδιημερεύων τοῖς περὶ τὸν Διόνυσον τεχνίταις, “spending his days in the company of theatrical artists', musicians and actors. Cf. Lucull. 29, 4, Polyb. 16, 21, 8, Diodor. Sic. 4, 5. Polybios calls such also TεXVÎTαι νῖται simply, 6, 47, 8; 30, 13, 2. 26. 'Aλŵy: Halae was a town on the Euripus, within Boeotia and on the borders of Phokis, so called probably from some salt springs near it (Leake Northern Greece 2, 288). Pausan. 9, 24 ἐν δεξιᾷ δὲ τοῦ ποταμοῦ (Πλατανίου) ἔσχατοι ταύτῃ πόλισμα οἰκοῦσιν ῾Αλὰς ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ, ἢ τὴν Λοκρίδα ἤπειρον ἀπὸ τῆς Εὐβοίας διείργει. The gentile name is 'Αλαΐος. § 4. 1. 31. Siaperdidσas, arridens, a favourite word with Plutarch, Mor. p. 401 B, 412 D, 563 B, 1099 E, Pyrrh. c. 20, 2, Pomp. c. 77, Alex. c. 32, Cat. min. c. 2, 1, c. 21, Oth. c. I. 32. οὐ φαύλων οὐδ᾽ ἀξίων ὀλιγωρίας-παραιτητῶν, ‘no insignif- cant nor contemptible intercessors'. CHAPTER XXVII From Euboea Sulla went through Thessalia and Macedonia to meet his fleet, which had sailed round the Peloponnesos, on the coast of the Hadriatic. While he was at Dyrrhachium, a satyr, such as exists in the imagination of painters and sculptors, is said to have been brought to him, which was captured while asleep at Nymphaeon near Apollonia,—the cries of the creature shocked Sulla so much that he ordered it at once out of his sight) (§ 1—§ 2). Before crossing to Italy, he had misgivings as to his men, whom he was going to lead against their own countrymen, lest upon landing they might disperse to their several homes. But they voluntarily took a solemn oath that they would remain faithful to him and abstain from devastations in Italy. They knew that his enterprise would require much money and they offered to contribute each according to his means, from the private hoards they had collected and were now bringing home. But Sulla declined making himself the debtor of his soldiers, and address- ing them with encouraging words proceeded to cross the Ionian sea, ‘to oppose' as he said in his Memoirs 'fifteen hostile commanders at the head of 450 cohorts' (§ 3). He was attended with the surest prognos- tics of success. Immediately on landing, it was found that the liver of the animal offered up in sacrifice had on it the figure of a crown of bay with two ribands attached to it. In Campania also a wonderful apparition was seen of two large he-goats fighting just like men on Mt Tiphata. The phaenomenon lifted itself gradually from the earth into the air, where it dispersed like a shadowy phantom and totally disappeared. This was the scene of the subsequent engagement XXVII 1 143 PLUTARCH'S SULLA with Marius the younger and Norbanus, when Sulla gained an easy and decisive victory and compelled his opponent, with the loss of six thousand men, to retire within the walls of Capua. Sulla confesses in his Memoirs that this success inspired his troops with renewed con- fidence and prevented their desertion (§ 4-§ 6). Again when he was at Silvium in Apulia, he was met by a slave who declared that he brought from Bellona assurance of victory, but, if he did not make haste, the Roman Capitol would be burnt. The temple of Jupiter Capitolinus was in fact burnt this year 83/671 on the sixth of July. Lastly, while Marcus Lucullus, the brother of Lucius the con- queror of Mithridates, one of Sulla's generals, who with only sixteen cohorts, and those incompletely armed, under his command found himself on the point of engaging near Fidentia one of Carbo's com- manders with fifty, was hesitating to engage the enemy, a quantity of flowers were borne upon the breeze from a neighbouring field, covering the shields and helmets of his men, in such a manner as to give them the appearance of being crowned with garlands. This praeternatural circumstance had such an effect on the men's spirits that they at once charged the enemy with double vigour, killed 18,000 and became complete masters of the field and of the camp (§ 6—§ 8). § 1. 1. 2. Kataßàs éπl Oáλarтav: Appian B. C. c. 77 f. states that soon after his arrival in Greece Sulla addressed a letter to the Roman senate in which he reported the termination of his campaigns in Greece and Asia, and announced his return to Italy, ignoring the fact of his deposition. After enumerating his military successes, he dwelt particularly on the fact that he had received and protected those whom Cinna's tyranny had driven from Rome (Toùs éžeλа0ÉVTAS ἐκ Ρώμης ὑπὸ Κίννα, καταφυγόντας ἐς αὐτόν, ὑποδέξαιτο ἀπορουμένους καὶ ἐπικρουφίζοι τὰς συμφορὰς αὐτοῖς), and complained that in return for his services his adversaries had declared him an enemy to the Roman state (πολέμιον αὑτὸν ἀναγράψαι καὶ τοὺς φίλους ἀνελεῖν). But he should soon come and protect the city, and the measures of punishment, which were inevitable, would fall upon the authors of the mischief (τῇ πόλει πάσῃ τιμωρὸς ἥξειν ἐπὶ τοὺς εἰργασμένους). He stated also that he would respect the rights conferred on the new burgesses (τοῖς νεοπολίταις προὔλεγεν οὐδενὶ μέμψεσθαι περὶ ovôevós). The majority of the senate resolved to set on foot an attempt at reconciliation, and with that view to summon Sulla to come under the guarantee of a safe conduct to Italy, and to suggest to the consuls Cinna and Carbo that they should suspend their military preparations until Sulla's answer came (un σтparoλoyeiv στρατολογεῖν ἔστε ἐκεῖνον ἀποκρίνασθαι). Sulla did not absolutely reject the proposals. He sent a second message to the senate, in which he re- iterated his peaceful promises to the people in general, and said that, though he never could be reconciled himself to his political enemies. who had committed such crimes, he would not grudge the Romans pardoning them. As regarded his own safety he said very sig- nificantly that it was not necessary for the senate to guarantee it: he was coming rather to assure their safety and that of all his 144 XXVII 1 NOTES ON friends, he had an army on whose fidelity he could rely, showing in a word, what he took to be the nature of the situation ( dn καὶ μάλιστα δῆλος ἐγένετο, ἑνὶ ῥήματι τῷδε, οὐ διαλύσων τὸν στρατόν ἀλλὰ τὴν τυραννίδα ἤδη διανοούμενος). As to his demands, Sulla said that he must be reinstated in his rank and his property and all honours he had enjoyed must be given back to him (ᾔτει δ᾽ αὐτοὺς τήν τε ἀξίωσιν καὶ τὴν περιουσίαν καὶ ἱερωσύνην, καὶ εἴ τι ἄλλο γέρας εἶχεν, ἐντελῆ πάντα ἀποδοθῆναι). He sent some of his own friends with the commissioners to support his demands before the senate. His envoys found the state of things altered. Cinna and Carbo, having proclaimed themselves consuls for the next year that after leaving Rome they might have no occasion to return in a hurry for the sake of holding the comitia (τοῦ μὴ διὰ τὰ ἀρχαιρέσια θᾶττον ¿πavýкew), had resolved to cross in all haste to Greece, without concerning themselves further about the decree of the senate. Cinna proceeded to the army and urged its embarkation. The summons to trust themselves to the sea at that unfavourable season of the year provoked further dissatisfaction among the troops in the headquarters at Ancona, which ended in a mutiny, to which Cinna fell a victim in 84/670. Thereupon his colleague Carbo re- called the detachment that had already crossed, and abandoning the idea of taking up the war in Greece, determined to awalt Sulla's arrival in Italy. He refused for a long time to return to Rome for the purpose of presiding at the elections for Cinna's successor in the consulship, till the tribunes threatened him with deposition and when he did come, he prevented the election frora taking place under the pretext of an unfavourable omen, and so he remained in office as sole consul (μόνος ήρχεν ὁ Κάρβων) for the rest of the year 84/670. When Sulla's messengers heard of Cinna's death and that the republic was in a state of anarchy (r πóλ ádioíкηтov elva), instead of continuing their way to Rome, they turned back and brought him the news they had heard as a sort of ultimatum. 4. ἀπὸ Δυρραχίου: His armament had sailed from the Peiraeeus round the Peloponnesos to Patrae (Patras) in Achaia, from which place it would follow the coast to the parts of the mainland opposite Brundisium. Appian B. C. c. 79 ẻti te Πάτρας ἀπὸ τοῦ Πειραιῶς καὶ ἐκ Πατρῶν ἐς Βρεντέσιον—διέπλει. Dyrrhachion (Durazzo), formerly called Epidamnos, the usual landing place for passengers from Italy, was founded on the Isthmus of an outlying peninsula on the sea-coast of the Illyrian Taulantii by settlers from Corkyra (Thuc. 1, 24). The dispute between Corinth and Corkyra, so intimately connected with the origin of the Peloponnesian war, arose from an incident in the history of Epidamnos, but we are left in ignorance of the issue of the struggle between the oligarchical and democratical party in the town till B. C. 312, when it fell into the hands of Glaukias, king of the Illyrians (Diod. Sic. 19, 70, 78). Some years afterwards it placed itself under the protection of the Romans, who changed its name to Dyrrhachion. It was at a later period the scene of the contest between Caesar and Pompeius: during the last civil XXVII 2 145 PLUTARCH'S SULLA wars of the Republic it sided with M. Antonius and was afterwards presented by Augustus to his soldiers. Βρεντέσιον : Brundisium (Brindisi) in Calabria, where the via Appia ter- minated, was the usual place of embarkation for Greece and the East. It became a Latin colony 244/510. 5. πλησίον ἐστί, sc. τοῦ Δυρραχίου. Apollonia (Pollina), founded by the Corinthians and Corkyraeans was celebrated as a place of com- merce, and later, towards the end of the Roman republic, of learn- ing. Augustus was studying here when the death of his uncle summoned him to Rome. Π < τὸ Νύμφαιον: This phenomenon is described by Strabo, 7, 5, 8, who had not seen it himself, after Poseidonios: ἐν δὲ τῇ χώρᾳ τῶν Ἀπολλωνιατών καλεῖταί τι Νυμφαίον, πέτρα δ᾽ ἐστὶ πῦρ αναδιδοῦσα· ὑπ' αὐτῇ δὲ κρήναι ῥέουσι χλιαροῦ (sc. ὕδατος) καὶ ἀσφάλτου, καιομένης, ὡς εἰκός, τῆς βώλου τῆς ἀσφαλτίτιδος· μέταλλον δ' αὐτῆς ἐστι πλησίον ἐπὶ λόφου τὸ δὲ τμηθὲν ἐκπληροῦται πάλιν τῷ χρόνῳ, τῆς ἐγχωννυμένης εἰς τὰ ὀρύγματα γῆς μεταβαλλούσης εἰς ἄσφαλτον, ὡς φησι Ποσειδώνιος. We cannot says Long conclude from this confused de scription what the real nature of the phenomenon was. Probably the asphaltos or bitumen was occasionally set on fire by the neighbouring people'. Dion Cassius (41, 45) adds to his description of the place some superstitions con- cerning it, ὅ τε μάλιστα διὰ πάντων ἐθαύμασα, πῦρ πολὺ πρὸς τῷ ᾿Ανα ποταμῷ ἀναδίδοται· καὶ οὔτε ἐπὶ πλεῖον τῆς πέριξ γῆς ἐπεξέρχεται, οὔτ' αὐτὴν ἐκείνην ἐν ᾗ διαιτᾶται ἐκπυροί ἢ καὶ κραυροτέραν ('more friable) πῃ ποιεῖ, ἀλλὰ καὶ πόας καὶ δένδρα καὶ πάνυ πλησίον θάλλοντα ἔχει πρός τε τὰς ἐπιχύσεις τῶν ὄμβρων ἐπαύξει καὶ ἐς ὕψος ἐξαίρεται. καὶ διὰ τοῦτο αὐτό τε Νυμφαίον όνο- μάζεται· καὶ δὴ καὶ μαντείον τοιόνδε τι παρέχεται. λιβανωτὸν δὴ λαβών, καὶ προσευξάμενος, ὅ τι ποτε καὶ βούλει, ρίπτεις αὐτὸν τὴν εὐχὴν φέροντα. καν τούτῳ τὸ πῦρ, ἂν μέν τι ἐπιτελὲς ᾗ ἐσόμενον, δέχεται αὐτὸν ἑτοιμότατα, κἂν ἄρα καὶ έξω που προσπέσῃ, προσδραμὸν ἥρπασε καὶ κατανάλωσεν· ἂν δὲ ἀτέλεστον ᾖ, οὔτ᾽ ἄλλως αὐτῷ προσέρχεται, κἂν ἐς αὐτὴν τὴν φλόγα φέρηται, ἐξαναχωρεῖ τε καὶ ἐκφεύγει. καὶ ταῦθ' οὕτως ἑκάτερα περὶ πάντων ομοίως, πλὴν θανάτου τε καὶ γάμου, ποιεῖ, περὶ γὰρ τούτων οὐδὲ ἔξεστί τινι ἀρχὴν αὐτοῦ πυθέσθαι τι. Aelian also has a notice of it in his Var. Hist. 13, 16:—ἐν τοῖς πλησίον αὐτῆς (sc. τῆς Απολλωνίας) χωρίοις ασφαλτός ἐστιν ορυκτὴ καὶ πίττα τὸν αὐτὸν ἐκ τῆς γῆς ανατέλλουσα τρόπον, ὃν καὶ αἱ πλεῖσται πηγαὶ τῶν ὑδάτων. οὐ πόρρω δὲ καὶ τὸ ἀθάνατον δείκνυται πῦρ. ὁ δὲ καόμενος τόπος ἐστὶν ὀλίγος καὶ οὐκ ἐς μέγα διήκει καὶ ἔχει περίβολον οὐ πολύν, ὄζει δὲ θείου καὶ στυπτηρίας. καὶ περὶ αὐτόν ἐστι δένδρα εὐθαλῆ καὶ πόα χλωρά· καὶ τὸ πῦρ πλησίον ἐνακμάζον οὐδὲν λυπεῖ οὔτε τὴν τῶν φυτών βλάστην οὔτε τὴν τεθηλυῖαν πόαν. κάεται δὲ τὸ πῦρ καὶ νύκτωρ καὶ μεθ' ἡμέραν, καὶ διέλιπεν οὐδέποτε, ως ᾿Απολλωνιᾶται λέγουσι, πριν τοῦ πολέμου τοῦ πρὸς Ιλλυριούς συμβάντος αὐτοῖς. Aristotle also mentions the phenomenon de mirab. ausc. 36 p. 833: φασὶ δὲ καὶ περὶ ᾿Ατιτανίαν, πρὸς τοῖς ορίοις τῆς ᾿Απολλωνιατίδος, εἶναί τινα πέτραν ἐξ ἧς τὸ μὲν ανιόν πῦρ οὐ φανερόν ἐστιν, ἐπειδὰν δὲ ἔλαιον ἐπιχυθῇ ἐπ' αὐτήν, ἐκφλογονται. § 2. 1. 14. 1. 14. ἀποδιοπομπήσασθαι sc. αὐτόν, aversatum esse, ut monstrum a se amolitum esse, ‘ordered it out of his sight as a shocking thing'. 1 The word αποδιοπομπεῖσθαι is illustrated by Ruhnken on Timaeus lex. Plat. p. 40. Its proper meaning is scelus vel prodigium depellere quasi Διὸς ἀλεξικάκου ἐπvocatione, averruncare. In later Greek it lost its original force and came to mean simply rem aliquam procul amandare, reicere, respuere, to reject with abhorrence as in Dion Cass. 37, 46 το μίασμα αὐτοῦ ἀποδιο πομπούμενοι, speaking of Clodius. Wyttenbach animadv. in Plut. Mor. P. 73 D has collected passages to illustrate Plutarch's usage of the verb:-def. orac. p. 435 ^ ἐκ τῶν θεῶν τὴν μαντικὴν εἰς δαίμονας ἀτεχνῶς ἀποδιοπομ πούμενοι, Sympos. VIII p. 730 D παρ' Έλλησι γέγονεν ἁγνείας μέρος ἀποχὴ ἰχθύων, μετὰ τοῦ δικαίου καὶ τὸ περίεργον, οἶμαι, τῆς βρώσεως αποδιοπομ H. S. ΙΟ 146 XXVII 2 NOTES ON πουμένοις, de Herodot. malign. p. 86ο Ε ευρυθμός τε καὶ πολιτικὸς ὁ μυκτήρ τοῦ συγγραφέως, εἰς Κάρας ὥσπερ εἰς κόρακας αποδιοπομπουμένου τὸν Ἰσα· γόραν, Cat. mai. c. 22 ἔγνω μετ' ευπρεπείας ἀποδιοπομπήσασθαι τοὺς φιλοσόφους ἅπαντας ἐκ τῆς πόλεως, Lysand. 17, 1 διεμαρτύραντο τοῖς ἐφόροις ἀποδιοπομπεῖσθαι πᾶν τὸ ἀργύριον καὶ τὸ χρυσίον ὥσπερ κῆρας ἐπαγωγίμους, Caes. 21 ἐπιτηδὲς αὐτὸν εἰς Κύπρον ἀπεδιοπομπήσατο, Athenae. 7 p. 401 B ὁ δὲ σφόδρα φροντίσας καὶ τὸ προβληθὲν ἀποδιοπομπησάμενος. The substan- tive αποδιοπόμπησις represents the primary force of the verb, as used by Plato Legg. 9, 1 p. 853 C, where it signifies the removal of something obnoxious by expiatory sacrifices'. § 3. 1. 15. μὴ τῆς Ἰταλίας ἐπιλαβόμενοι κατὰ πόλεις ἕκα- στοι διαρρυῶσι, lest on first setting foot in Italy they should disperse to their several cities one by one'. 16. ἐπιλαβό- μενοι, ' when they had reached. Plut. Anton. 4Ι τῶν ὁρῶν ἐπι· λαβόμενον, Xen. Hell. 6, 5, 52 χαλεπῶν χωρίων ἐπελάβοντο. 17. Διαρρείν is used similarly like the Latin dilabi of soldiers moving away in different directions', 'scattering', 'dispersing', by Plutarch Ages. 32 TWV ᾿Αρκάδων αρξαμένων ἀπιέναι καὶ διαρρεῖν ἀτάκτως, Phoc. 26, 1 ἀπειθεία πρὸς τοὺς ἄρχοντας διαρρυέντες, Demetr. 48 οἱ μὲν ἀπεχώρησαν πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους, οἱ δὲ διερρύησαν αὐτοῦ τῶν στρατιωτών, Arat. 40 τριάκοντα μὲν αὐτῷ στρα τιωτῶν ἑπομένων, τῶν δὲ ἄλλων ἐγκαταλιπόντων καὶ διαρρυέντων, and by Polybios 1, 74, το διαρρέοντας ἐκ τῆς στρατείας, 4, 58, ι βραχὺν χρόνον αθρόοι συμμείναντες περὶ τὴν ἀγορὰν λοιπὸν διέρρεον, 15, 28, 4 χρόνου γινομένου κατὰ βραχὺ διέρρεον οἱ παρεστώτες. 3, 4. 18. ἀφ᾽ αὑτῶν, of themselves', 'of their own accord. παραμενεῖν, ‘that they would stand firm by him. Cf. Χen. Oec. 20. ἀπήρχοντο, made a free-will offering, not as Langhornes, went away', which would be ἀπῄεσαν, see Cobet Nov. lect. p. 425, Var. lect. p. 308. This meaning is a deviation from its ordinary signification in Plutarch, which is that of classical Greek also, viz. 'to offer the firstlings'. συνεισέφερον ὡς ἕκαστος εἶχεν εὐπορίας, ‘joined in contributing, each according to his means, from what they had'. On the genitive with adverbs of condition or degree see G. § 168 Note 3, HA. § 757 a. 22. ἐπαινέσας, ‘thanking them’, the term usually employed in declining an offer. Cf. Χen. Symp. I, 7 οἱ ἀμφὶ τὸν Σωκράτην πρῶτον μέν, ὥσπερ εἰκὸς ἦν, ἐπαινοῦντες τὴν κλῆσιν οὐχ ὑπισχνοῦντο συνδειπνήσειν, Plutarch de aud. poet. p. 23Α τῷ ἐπαινεῖν ἀντὶ τοῦ παραιτεῖσθαι κέχρηται, καθάπερ ἐν τῇ συνηθείᾳ καλῶς φαμὲν ἔχειν ὅταν μὴ δεώμεθα μηδὲ λαμβάνωμεν. Cf. Lat. gratia est, benigne. διέβαινεν, proceeded to cross. ὥς φησιν αὐ τός, as he himself says' in his Memoirs referred to in 15, 2; 16, 1; ἐπὶ πεντεκαίδεκα στρατηγούς πολεμίους, 'to op- pose fifteen hostile generals'. These were-besides the two con- suls, L. Corn. Scipio and Gaius Junius Norbanus-Appius Claudius, Q. Sertorius, Gaius Marius the younger, M. Marius, L. Brutus, Damasippus, Albinovanus, Flavius Fimbria brother of Gaius, Marcius and Albinus together with M. Lamponius and Pontius Telesinus and Gutta. 23, 3. 23. πεντήκοντα καὶ τετρακοσίας σπείρας ἔχοντας, with 450 cohorts'. If there is no error in Plutarch's numbers' says Long and the cohorts contained at that time 500 men each, as XXVII 4 147 PLUTARCH'S SULLA Appian B.C. 1, 82 states, the Senate had 225,000 men in arms when Sulla landed. Appian reduces the force of the Republic to 200 cohorts or twenty legions, but he adds that there were more after- wards (σπείραις ἐκ πεντακοσίων ἀνδρῶν διακοσίαις τότε πρῶτον· ὕστε- ρον γὰρ καὶ πλέοσι τούτων). According to this estimate there were yàp 100,000 men under arms to oppose Sulla, who had five legions of Italian soldiers and some Graeco-Macedonian auxiliaries, in all about 40,000 men, Appian B. C. 1, 79 äπаνтas äywv és µvpiádas ȧvôρŵv тéσσapas. Cf. Vell. Paterc. 2, 24, 3 revectus in Italiam haud plura quam triginta armatorum milia adversus ducenta milia amplius hostium exposuit Brundisi. 24. ἐκδηλότατα, most unmistakeably'. § 4. 1. 26. ᾗ διέβη περὶ Τάραντα, where he first landed at Tarentum'. Plutarch has said just before that he made preparation to cross to Brundisium on the opposite side of the narrow penin- sula, the usual and most convenient landing-place; perhaps part of the troops were landed at Tarentum. 27. ò λoßós, fibra, 'the lobe of the liver'. August. de civ. Dei 2, 24 cum venisset Tarentum Sulla atque ibi sacrificasset, vidit in capite vitulini iecoris similitudinem coronae aureae. The priest traced on his hand whatever figures he chose, and by holding it very close to the liver, easily made the impression upon it while it was warm. and pliant (Langhornes). Agesilaos by the same trick inscribed the word 'Victory' on the liver of one of his victims to the effectual encouragement of his troops, who were dismayed by the number of the enemy (Wrangham). ημνίσκος. 28. λημνίσκων δύο κατηρτημένων, two ribbons attached to it'. v. Ind. gr. s. v. Anuviokos. 'This' says Long 'was the triumphal crown, which is represented on some Roman medals in the hand of a winged victory. Sulla would not fail to record such a fact in his Memoirs, for he believed in signs and omens, and that he was favoured by the Gods. But Plutarch has through carelessness or ignorance confused all the narrative by speaking of Sulla landing near Tarentum'. Decline of the R. R. II p. 327. 11 29. περὶ τὸ Tíþaтov öpos: Tifata is a ridge belonging to the Apennines, which bounds the plains of Capua on the east (imminentes Capuae colles Liv. 8, 29, 6). It was in the plain between Capua and the hills (planitiem quae Capuam Tifataque interiacet) that Norbanus was beaten, according to Velleius Paterc. 2, 25, 2, who says that after this victory Sulla to show his gratitude to Diana, the patron of all that region, gave the goddess, i.e. her temple, certain springs famed for healing properties and all the lands of the district: post victoriam, qua descendens montem Tifata cum C. Norbano concurre- rat, Sulla gratis Dianae, cuius numini regio illa sacrata est, solvit; aquas salubritate in medendisque corporibus nobilis agrosque omnis addixit Deae. Huius gratae religionis memoriam et inscriptio templi affixa posti hodieque et tabula testatur in area interna. Cf. Flor. 3, 21, 19 primum apud Capuam sub amne Vulturno signa con- currunt, et statim Norbani fusus exercitus. 30. συμφερόμενοι, 'fighting together'. 32. ἦν δ᾽ ἄρα φάσμα, 'but after all, as it IO-2 148 XXVII 4 NOTES ON turned out, it was an apparition. 34. OUTWS, 24, 3. G. § 182, 2. 33. πολλαχοῦ τοῦ ἀέρος, Vel- § 5. 1. 35. év Tậ TÓT➡ TOúTw i.e. in the plain of Capua. Ac- cording to Appian B.C. 1, 84 the battle was fought at Canusium (Canosa) in Apulia: πρώτη μὲν ἀμφὶ Κανύσιον τοῖς ἀνθυπάτοις πρὸς Νωρβανὸν ἐγίγνετο μάχη· καὶ θνήσκουσι Νωρβανοῦ μὲν ἑξακισχίλιοι, τῶν δ᾽ ἀμφὶ τὸν Σύλλαν ἑβδομήκοντα, τραυματίαι δ' ἐγένοντο πολλοί. καὶ Νωρβανός ες Καπύην ανέζευξεν. Drumann (Geschichte Roms 2, 459) has suggested that Canusium is a mistake for Casilinum, a town on the Vulturnus, near Capua. 36. Μαρίου τοῦ νέου: Gaius Marius, the adopted son of Gaius Marius, was consul 82/672 when only twenty-six years old. He possessed some of his father's mettle, his martial spirit, courage and perseverance. leius (2, 26, 1) calls him vir animi magis quam ingeni paterni, multa fortiter molitus neque usquam inferior nomine consulis, and again (2, 27, 5): hodieque tanta patris magnitudine non obscuratur eius memoria. Comp. Diod. Sic. 38, 15: ỏ dè Mápios µáx? τῇ πρὸς Σύλλαν γενναίως αγωνισάμενος ὅμως ἡττηθεὶς κατέφυγεν εἰς Πραίνεστον. Νωρβανοῦ τοῦ ὑπάτου: Gaius Nor- banus was consul 83/671. He recommended himself to the mul- titude as a political opponent of the oligarchy. As tribune of the plebs in 95/659, he had made himself notorious by accusing the consular Q. Servilius Caepio, the author of the defeat at Arausio, who was defended by L. Crassus then consul (Cic. Br. c. 43), of ma- iestas and drove him into exile; but was himself accused under the lex Apuleia of the same crime in 82/672 on account of disturbances during Caepio's trial, on which occasion he was defended by the celebrated orator M. Antonius, who gives in the de oratore of Cicero an interesting account of the line of argument which he adopted on the occasion (de orat. 2, 40, 167; 48, 199; 49, 200; 3, 21, 25, 39, 40). In 90/664 he was praetor in Sicily during the Social war. After his double defeat by Sulla and Metellus Pius he escaped from Italy and fled to Rhodes, where, his person having been demanded by Sulla, he put an end to his life in the middle of the market-place, while the Rhodians were consulting whether they should deliver him up or not. (Mommsen H. R. vol. IV pp. 196, 226.) 38. οὔτε τάξιν ἀποδοὺς οὔτε λοχίσας τὸ οἰκεῖον σTράTEUμα, without either prescribing the order of battle or mar- shalling his men in companies'. Cf. Herod. I, 103 éλóxiσe KATÀ τέλεα τοὺς ἐν 'Ασίῃ. 39. ῥώμῃ προθυμίας. One is tempted to replace púμŋ by júµŋ: but cf. Pericl. c. 20, comp. Pericl. cum Fab. c. I ὑπὸ κοινῆς ἂν δόξειεν εὐτυχίας καὶ ῥώμης πραγμάτων ἀσφα λὴς διαγενέσθαι, Nic. 18 ὑπὸ τῆς ἐν τῷ παρόντι ῥώμης καὶ τύχης ἀνατεθαρρηκώς, Pomp. 12, Aem. Paul. 9, I ὑπὸ ῥώμης τῶν πραγμά των αναφερόμενος πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον, Pyrrh. 21 ἐπῆγε μετὰ ῥώμης Kal Bias Thy dúvaμiv, Philop. 11, Lysand. 11, Dion. 42, Pelop. 32. On the constant confusion between púμn and pwn in the MSS see a note by F. Jacobs on Achilles Tatius 1, 12 p. 462-3. popą róλµns, ‘vehement impulse, transport, of courage'. XXVII 6 149 PLUTARCH'S SULLA This use of the word popá is unknown to classical Greek but common in Plutarch and later writers. Plut. Fab. Max. 5 μανικῆς φοράς πεπληρωμένον, Cor. 32 πράξεσι φορᾶς τινος ἐνθουσιωδοῦς δεομέναις, Tit. τι τὴν φορὰν τοῦ πλήθους ἐξέκλινεν, 20, Pyrrh. 8, Mar. II, Caes. 34 συμπαρηνέχθησαν τῷ ρεύματι τῆς φορᾶς ἐκείνης, Cat. min. 64 οὐκ ἦν ἄδηλος ἢ πρὸς τὸν θάνατον αὐτοῦ φορά, Anton. 2 τῇ Κλωδίου φορᾷ πάντα τὰ πράγματα ταραττούσῃ, Dion. 13 φορά τις ἦν ἐπὶ λόγους, 39 ἦν ἀπαραίτητος ἡ τῶν πολλῶν φορά, Brut. 21 ἐν πλήθεσι φοράς ἀσταθμήτους καὶ ταχείας φερομένοις, 34 οὐ λόγῳ μᾶλλον ἢ φορᾷ τινι φιλοσόφων, Gall. 4 καραδοκοῦντα τίνα κίνησιν ἡ Ῥώμη και φορὰν ἕξει πρὸς τὸν νεωτερισμόν, Appian B. C. 4, 122, 5, 16 μανιώδει φορᾷ. 41. 40. ἀποχρησάμενος, libere usus, making full use of'. See my n. to Themist. 28, 2. ἑπτακισχιλίους ἀποκτείνας. Orosius 5, 20, 2 igitur Sulla mox ut Campanum litus attigit, Norbanum consulem proelio oppressit: septem milia tunc Roma- norum Romani interfecerunt, sex milia eorundem ab isdem capta sunt, centum viginti et quattuor de Sullana parte ceciderunt, Eu- trop. 5, 7 primo proelio contra Norbanum dimicavit non longe a Capua. Tum VII milia eius cecidit, VI milia cepit, CXXIV suo- rum amisit. § 6. 1. 42. τοῦτο, this success. 43. φησί, sc. Sulla in his Memoirs, 23, 3. 44 συμμεῖναι, καa mansisse, kept together. Thuc. 7, 80, 3 τὸ μὲν Νικίου στράτευμα ξυνέμενε, τὸ δὲ Δημοσθένους απεσπάσθη, Dem. de reb. in Chers. § 46 P. Ior ὅπως τὸ συνεστηκὸς τοῦτο συμμενεῖ στράτευμα ὁρᾶν, Isocr. I c τῶν στρατιωτῶν συμμεινάντων καὶ καλῶς ἐνεγκόντων τὴν συμφο- ράν, Polyb. I, 27, 9 τῶν τριαρίων συμμενόντων, 4, 10, 3 πυνθα- νόμενοι τοὺς περὶ τὸν ῎Αρατον ἀντιπαράγειν αὐτοῖς καὶ συμμένειν, Plut. Arist. 17, I, Sertor. 27, Ι οἱ πλεῖστοι ᾤχοντο—τοὺς δὲ συμ- μείναντας, Cic. 22 μετὰ τῶν συμμεμενηκότων αὐτῷ διαγωνισά- μενος, Dem. 44 συμμένειν οὐκ ἤθελον ἀλλ᾽ ἀπιέναι, Brut. 43 μηδὲ τῶν περὶ τὸ σῶμα τεταγμένων αὐτοῦ προθύμως ἔτι συμμενόντων. πολλαπλασίων ὄντων sc. αὐτῶν, ‘though they were many times more numerous than themselves'. 45. ἐν Σιλονίῳ, at Silvium' (Garagnone), a town in the interior of Apulia. İt is placed by the Itineraries 20 miles from Venusia, on the branch of the Appian way which led to Tarentum. (E. H. Bunbury) 46. θεοφόρητον, 'moved by a divine impulse', 'inspired. λέγοντα παρὰ τῆς Ἐνυοῦς—νίκην ἀπαγγέλλειν, declaring that he brought from Bellona assurance of victory'. Cf. Augustin. de civ. Dei 2, 24: servus cuiusdam Lucii Pontii vaticinando clama- vit a Bellonma nuntius venio, victoria tua est, Sulla'. Deinde adiecit arsurum esse Capitolium. Hoc cum dixisset, continuo egres- sus e castris postera die citatior reversus est et Capitolium arsisse clamavit. Árserat autem revera Capitolium. 48. ἐμπεπρή- σεσθαι, arsurum esse. 49. συμβῆναι sc. φησί. 50. προ- ηγόρευσεν, late Greek for προείπε, Cobet nov. lect. p. 778, var. lect. p. 35, 39. πρὸ μιᾶς νωνῶν Κυντιλίων, βridie monas Quintiles, on the day before the nones, the sixth of July'. The burning of the magnificent temple of Jupiter on the Capitol-a structure in which the majesty of Rome seemed symbolized and which was almost coeval with the republic-with all the monuments 150 XXVII 6 NOTES ON of antiquity, trophies and sacred offerings, was interpreted as an omen portending the speedy downfall of the republic. How the fire originated no one can tell. See Appian B. Ĉ. 1, 86 als ǹµépais C. καὶ τὸ Καπιτώλιον ἐνεπίμπρατο· καὶ τὸ ἔργον τινὲς ἐλογοποιουν Κάρβωνος ἢ τῶν ὑπάτων ἢ Σύλλα πέμψαντος εἶναι. τὸ δ᾽ ἀκριβές ἄδηλον ἦν καὶ οὐκ ἔχω τὴν αἰτίαν ἐγὼ συμβαλεῖν δι' ἣν ἂν οὕτως ἐγέ- VETO: Tac. Hist. 3, 72 says arserat et ante Capitolium civili bello sed privata fraude, Cic. Cat. 3, 4; Verr. 4, 31. 'The most probable explanation is that given by Cassiodorus (Chron. ad 670), who speaks of custodum neglegentia'. (Ihne) The Capitolium (known in early time as the Mons Tarpeius) was on the western peak of the Capitoline Hill. The earliest temple mentioned by any classical writer was built on the Capitolium; this was the temple of Jupiter Feretrius vowed by Romulus after hanging the spolia opima, taken from the defeated Akron, king of the Coesinenses, on an oak which grew on the Capitolium (Liv. 1, 10; Dionys. II 34). It may, however, be presumed that Roma quadrata from the date of its founding, possessed that joint temple to Jupiter, Juno and Minerva (Tinia, Thalna and Menrva), which, according to the religious rites of the Etruscans, was erected in every new-built town. It was to this triad of deities that the great temple on the Capitolium was consecrated, though it is usually spoken of as the Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus alone. Its cella was divided into three chambers, each containing a statue of one of these deities; and from its combined antiquity, size, and magnificence, this may be regarded as the most important of all the temples in Rome. It was the goal of triumphal pro- cessions, and in front of it a solemn sacrifice was offered by the victorious general or emperor. The original building was founded by Tarquinius Priscus, built by his son Tarquinius Superbus (Liv. 1, 38 and 53), but not consecrated till after his expulsion from Rome, when it was solemnly dedicated by M. Horatius Pul- villus, consul suffectus, in the year B. C. 5c9 (Liv. 11 8 and iv 51; Dionys. 5, 35; Plut. Popl. c. 15, vid. Corp. Insc. Lat. I p. 487; Tac. Hist. III 72; Valer. Max. V 10). The temple was built on an enormous platform, partly constructed of the native tufa, of which the hill itself is formed, and partly of peperino; this extended over the slope of the hill, making a lofty podium, ènì кρníídos v¥nañs, as Dionysios says; and in consequence of its three cellae being not side by side, the temple was nearly square in shape; it is described with some minute- ness by Dionysios (IV 61); and Vitruvius (1v 7) gives a technical account of its proportions and details. This ancient building survived the Gaulish invasion in B. C. 390 and lasted till B. C. 83, when it was burnt. Its reconstruction was then begun by Sulla (Plut. Sull. 37, 3) on its old foundations and plan, but with much increased magnificence both of material and design. The columns of its Peristyle were taken by Sulla from the Corinthian Temple of Olympian Zeus in Athens (Plin. N. H. XXXVI 5); it was however left incomplete by Sulla and finished by Q. Lutatius Catulus, who also appears to have rebuilt the so-called Tabularium of the Capitol. Augustus assisted in the restoration of the temple, but the name of Catulus appeared alone on the frieze of the building. This second temple lasted till A. D. 70, when it was again burnt, with other buildings on the Capitoline Hill, during the attack of the rioters who were supporting Vitellius against Sabinus, Vespasian's brother; Sueton. Vit. 15. Immediately on succeeding to the throne Vespasian began the rebuilding of the temple with great enthusiasm, even labouring at clearing the site with his own hands-τόν τε νεῶν τὸν ἐν Καπετωλίῳ εὐθὺς οἰκοδομεῖν ἤρξατο Dion Cass. LXVI 10; Suet. Vesp. 8; Aurel. Vict. Caes. 9 and Tac. Hist. iv 53. In this third temple, which was consecrated in A. D. 71, the old plan was still, for religious reasons, strictly adhered to, but Vespasian was allowed by the priests to increase its height, Tac. Hist. Iv 53. During the reign of Titus, in A. D. 80, the temple was burnt again, for the third time, during a fire which raged for three days. It was rebuilt by Do- mitian, with greater splendour than ever, with Corinthian columns of Pentelic XXVII 8 151 PLUTARCH'S SULLA marble; Sueton. Dom. 5; Dion Cass. LXVI 24 and Plut. Popl. 15. See two interesting inscriptions relating to this rebuilding in Henzen Acta fratr. Arval. 91, 118. The roof was covered with bronze tiles, which were gilt; and, according to Plutarch, no less than 24 millions sterling were spent in the last rebuilding on the gilding alone of this temple. Its three doors were covered with gold reliefs, which remained intact till about the year A. D. 390, when they were stripped. off by Stilicho; see Zosim. v 38. The gold-plated bronze tiles were partly taken from the roof by the Vandal Genseric in A. D. 455, Procop. bell. Vandal. 15; and the rest by Pope Honorius, who removed them in A. D. 630 to cover the roof of the Basilica of St Peter; see Marliani Topogr. 11 1. Many interesting II I. representations of this triple temple and its sculpture exist on coins and reliefs, concerning which see J. H. MIDDLETON'S Ancient Rome in 1885. § 7. 1. 52. Máρкоs Aεúкoλλos: M. Licinius L. f. L. n. Lucullus, brother of Lucius L. Lucullus the conqueror of Mithri- dates, was adopted by M. Terentius Varro, and afterwards bore the names of M. Terentius M. F. Varro Lucullus. He was probably quaestor under Sulla. In 79/675 he held the office of curule aedile, together with his brother Lucius. In 77/677 he obtained the praetorship, in the administration of which he dis- tinguished himself (Cic. or. p. Tullio § 8); in 73/681 he succeeded his brother in the consulship, during which a law (lex Terentia et Cassia) was passed for the distribution of corn among the lower classes. In 71/683 he obtained a triumph for his successes in his province Macedonia and among the Greek cities on the Euxine. He retained thereafter a prominent place among the leaders of the opti- mates at Rome. His services to himself and his party are frequently acknowledged by Cicero, who calls him (de provinc. cons. § 22) one of the lumina atque ornamenta reipublicae. 53. περὶ Pidevríav: Fidentia (Borgo S. Donnino) was a town in Gallia Cispadana, situated on the Via Aemilia, between Parma and Placentia, and distant about 15 miles from the former city (Plin. nat. hist. 3, 15 s. 20). M. Lucullus was besieged within its walls. by Carbo's generals, but by a sudden sally defeated them (Vell. Paterc. 2, 28, Liv. Epitom. LXXXVIII, Appian B. C. c. 92 who speaks of this battle as having been fought near Placentia. Carbo himself was in Central Italy at the time. 54. τῇ μὲν προθυμίᾳ —ὤκνει, although he had confidence in the valour of his men, yet as most of them were unarmed he was discouraged, hesi- tated with respect to the onset 58. πολλὰ τῶν ἀνθέων, i.q. πολλὰ ἄνθη. Cf. Arist. Plut. 623 τῆς ἀθάρης πολλὴν ἔφλων, Ach. 350 της μαρίλης συχνήν. 59. κατέσπειρεν, sc. αὐτῆς, 'scattered' over it like seed. Cf. Cam. 34 κατέσπειρε τοῦ χάρακος ἄφθονα τῶν πυροβόλων, Dion. 25 ἀθυμοῦσι δ᾽ αὐτοῖς πρὸς τὴν γαλήνην αὔραν τινὰ κατέσπειρεν ἡ χώρα νότιον. 61. φαίνεσθαι, sc. αὐτούς. • § 8. 1. 62. ÚπTÒ TOÚTOυ, 'by this circumstance'. 63. όκτα- κισχιλίους ἐπὶ μυρίοις, ‘18,000 men. 152 XXVIII NOTES ON CHAPTER XXVIII When Sulla and Metellus had crossed the Apennines into Cam- pania, they were met by the other consul Scipio about Teanum between the rivers Liris and Vulturnus. Sulla tried again the effect of negotiations, seeing himself surrounded still by so many powerful enemies. Scipio was persuaded to agree to an armistice, during which Sulla devised various pretexts for putting off the final settlement, and in the meantime the soldiers of the two camps mingled; the Sullans, copiously furnished with money by their general, had no great difficulty in decoying the recruits-not too eager for warfare- and persuading them that it was better to have them as comrades than as foes. The result was, that, when Sulla advanced close to Scipio's camp near Teanum, the forty cohorts deserted their general and went over in a mass to the ranks of the enemy amid an universal embracing, leaving Scipio alone in the camp, so that he could be made a prisoner. Sulla dismissed him unharmed. It was on this occasion that Carbo's remark was made, that in Sulla he had both a lion and fox to contend with, but the fox gave him most trouble. [The defeat of Norbanus and the desertion of the army of Scipio weakened the democratic leaders so effectively that they were no longer in a condition to keep open the field against Sulla in Campania. They could only retain possession of the fortresses such as Nola, Capua, and Neapolis, where they left garrisons. The rest of their troops they moved northward toward Rome. When, after an un- usually cold and protracted winter, military operations were resumed, Sulla penetrated into Latium, where he found himself opposed by the younger Marius, whose task was to cover Rome.] Marius, with eighty-five cohorts, took up a position, and offered battle to Sulla at a place between Signia and his chief stronghold Praeneste. Sulla was anxious to fight, for he had dreamed in the night that the elder Marius was advising his son to beware of the following day, and, in spite of the remonstrances of his officers who kept urging the necessity of rest for his men, accepted the challenge. The Marians soon gave way. Those who were not slain or taken prisoners, unable either to keep the field or to gain the other bank of the Tiber, were compelled to seek protection in the neighbouring fortress of Praeneste. As Sulla pressed close on the fugitives, the gates were closed and Marius only escaped by being hoisted up the walls by a rope. Some historians, and among them Fenestella, say that Marius saw nothing of the battle. Being exhausted by fatigue he was lying on the ground, and fell asleep as soon as the signal for battle was given, and was with difficulty roused, when the fight began. Sulla in his Memoirs says that he lost only 23 men, and killed 20,000 of the enemy, and took 8000 prisoners. Sulla's generals Pompeius Crassus Metellus Servilius were equally successful in their encounters with XXVIII 2 153 PLUTARCH'S SULLA the enemy; so that Carbo lost his resolution and secretly escaped from his headquarters and embarked for Africa. § 1. 1. 2. ἔτι περικεχυμένους αὐτῷ, still surrounding him 3. ἠπείγετο, see cr. n. 5. διαλύσεις, conditiones pacis: see n. to C. Gr. 16, 2 l. 9. Σκηπίωνα : L. Cornelius Scipio Asiaticus, whose only recommendation was that he was the great- grandson of the conqueror of Antiochos, is first mentioned in 100/654 when he took up arms with other members of the senate against Saturninus (Cic. or. p. Rabir. Perd. 7). In the Social war he was at Aesernia, with L. Acilius, when Vettius Scato approached it, and made his escape in the dress of a slave (Appian B. C. c. 41). His daughter was the wife of P. Sestius, Cic. or. p. Sest. 3, 7, where he is called optimus et calamitosissimus vir, see my n. ad l. Cic. speaks favourably of his oratorical powers (dicebat non imperite, Brut. 47, 175). § 2. 1. 6. κοινολογίαι, conferences', 'negotiations', Polyb. 5, 102, 8 μεθέξοντας τῆς ὑπὲρ τῶν διαλύσεων κοινολογίας, 5, 103, 2 σπεύδοντες διαλύσασθαι τὸν πόλεμον ἐξαπέστελλον πρέσβεις......ἵνα τῆς κοινολογίας ἐκ χειρὸς γενομένης τύχῃ τὰ πράγματα τῆς ἁρμο- ζούσης διεξαγωγής. 'Sulla's troops had by the victory over Norbanus at Mount Tifata gained a full conviction of their military superiority; instead of pausing himself to besiege the remains of the defeated army, Sulla left the towns where they took shelter to be invested, and advanced along the Appian highway against Teanum, where Scipio was posted. To him also, as to Norbanus, before beginning battle he made fresh proposals for peace, apparently in good earnest. Scipio, weak as he was, entered into them; an armistice was concluded: between Cales and Teanum, the two generals, both members of the same noble gens, both men of culture and refinement and for many years colleagues in the senate, met in personal conference; they entered upon the several questions; they made such progress that Scipio despatched a messenger to Capua to procure the opinion of his colleague'. MOMMSEN Hist. Rome 3, 350. Appian Β. C. c. 85 Σύλλᾳ δὲ καὶ Μετέλλῳ περὶ τὸ Τεανὸν οὖσι Λεύκιος Σκιπίων ἐπῄει μεθ' ἑτέρου στρατού, πάνυ αθύμως ἔχοντος καὶ ποθοῦντος εἰρήνην γενέσθαι. αἰσθόμενοι δ' οἱ περὶ τὸν Σύλλαν πρὸς τὸν Σκιπίωνα περὶ συμβάσεων ἐπρέσβευον, οὐχ οὕτως ἐλπίζοντες ἢ χρήζοντες, ὡς στασιάσειν προσδοκῶντες αὐτοῦ τὸν στρατόν. ὁ καὶ συνηνέχθη γενέσθαι. 7. αεί τινα παραγωγὴν καὶ πρόφασιν ἐμβάλλων, ‘by con- tinually interposing some pretext for gaining time'. Cf. Cat. min. c. 63 οὐκέτι σκήψεις οὐδὲ παραγωγὰς πλασσομένοις, Lucull. 29, I τῇ συνήθει τὸν Λεύκουλλον εὐλαβείᾳ καὶ παραγωγῇ πολεμήσειν οἷός μενος. ἐμβάλλων, throwing in the way of a final agreement', cf. Cam. η προφάσεις ἐνέβαλλε τῷ δημῷ καὶ ἀσχολίας, Them. 19, 1 ἐμβάλλων τῷ τειχισμῷ χρόνον. T 8. διέφθειρε τοῖς ἑαυτοῦ στρα- τιώταις, corrupted-by means of his own men ', G. § 188, 1. 9. ησκημένοις πρὸς γοητείαν ἅπασαν, ‘trained to, practised in, every kind of ruse and deceit, like their general himself'. τὸν χάρακα, “the leaguer', 16, 3; 21, 3. 11. 12. ἀναμιγνύμενοι, 13. προσή- sc. τοῖς πολεμίοις, mingling, fraternizing with', Num. c. 20 παρ' ἀλλήλους ἀδεῶς ἰόντων καὶ ἀναμιγνυμένων. YOVTO, 5, 2; II, 3. 154 XXVIII 3 NOTES ON ↓ § 3. 1. 16. προσεχώρησαν, went over to them. Appian c. 85 tells the story with more minuteness and very clearly : Σκιπίων ὅμηρα τῆς συνόδου λαβὼν ἐς τὸ πεδίον κατῄει, καὶ συνῄεσαν τρεῖς ἑκατέρωθεν, ὅθεν οὐδὲ γνώναι τὰ λεχθέντα συνέβη· ἐδόκει δ᾽ ἀνα- θέμενος ὁ Σκιπίων ἐς Νωρβανὸν τὸν σύναρχον περὶ τῶν λελεγμένων πέμψαι Σερτώριον ἀπαγγελοῦντα, καὶ ὁ στρατὸς ὁ ἑκατέρων ἡσύχαζε, τὰς ἀποκρίσεις αναμένοντες. Σερτωρίου δ' ἐν παρόδῳ Σύεσσαν, ἢ τὰ Σύλλα ᾕρητο, καταλαβόντος ὁ μὲν Σύλλας ᾐτιᾶτο πέμπων ἐς τὸν Σκιπίωνα, ὁ δέ, εἴτε τῷ γενομένῳ συνεγνωκώς, εἴτε ἀποκρίσεως ἀπορῶν ὡς ἐπὶ ἀλλοκότῳ δὴ τῷ Σερτωρίου ἔργῳ, τὰ ὅμηρα ἀπέπεμπε τῷ Σύλλα. καὶ αὐτίκα ὁ στρατὸς αὐτοῦ, τῇ τε τῆς Συέσσης ἐν σπονδαῖς ἀλόγῳ καταλήψει καὶ τῇ τῶν ὁμήρων οὐκ ἀπαιτουμένων ἀποπέμψει τοὺς ὑπάτους ἔχοντες ἐν αἰτίαις, κρύφα τῷ Σύλλᾳ συνετίθεντο μεταθήσεσθαι πρὸς αὐτόν, εἰ πελάσειεν. καὶ προσιόντος αὐτίκα πάντες αθρόως μετέ- στησαν, ὡς τὸν ὕπατον Σκιπίωνα καὶ τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ Λεύκιον μόνους ἐκ τοῦ στρατοῦ παντὸς ἐν τῇ σκηνῇ διηπορημένους Σύλλαν καταλαβεῖν, Scipio, receiving hostages for the meeting, went down into the plain, and there were but three persons from each side present, so that it was not known what passed in the conference. It was supposed that Scipio determined to consult his colleague Norbanus before finally coming to terms, for he sent Sertorius to report what had passed. Meantime, while they staid for an answer, the two armies remained inactive. But Sertorius, on his way to Norba- nus, seized upon the town of Suessa, which had declared for Sulla, so the latter sent to Scipio, and complained to him. Scipio, either because he was privy to the act or did not know what answer to make to account for the strange proceeding of Sertorius, sent back the hostages to Sulla. The result was, that his soldiers, holding the consuls responsible for the act of seizing Suessa during an armistice and the sending back of the hostages, when they had not been demanded, made a secret engagement with Sulla to go over to his side, if he would approach the camp. As soon as he came, they went over in a mass to him, so that Sulla found the consul Scipio with his son Lucius alone of all the army in the camp, utterly helpless'. 17. ἠφείθη: cf. Appian Z. c. Σκιπίωνα μὲν δὴ μετὰ τοῦ παιδὸς οὐ μεταπείθων ὁ Σύλλας ἀπέπεμπεν ἀπαθῆ, Vell. Paterc. 2, 25, 2 Scipio, ab exercitu suo desertus ac proditus, inviolatus a Sulla dimissus est, Liv. Epit. LXXXV Scipio, cum occidi posset, dimissus est. 18. ὥσπερ ἠθάσιν ὄρνισι—παλεύσας, entrapping by means of his twenty cohorts, like so many decoy birds'. For παλεύσας cf. Arist. Av. 1ο83: κἀπαναγκάζει (τὰς περιστερὰς) παλεύειν δεδεμένας ἐν δικτύῳ. 22. κατοι ἀνιῷτο, infestaretur, 20. ὅτε, quo tempore, on which occasion'. κοῦσιν, habitantibus, sedem habentibus. G. § 242, I. Sulla and Metellus took up winter quarters in Campania, and, after the failure of a second attempt to come to terms with Norbanus, maintained the blockade of Capua during the winter. The results of the first campaign in favour of Sulla were the submission of Apulia, Picenum and Campania, the dissolution of the one, and the vanquishing XXVIII 5 155 PLUTARCH'S SULLA and blockading of the other, consular army. The Italian communities, compelled severally to choose between their two oppressors, already entered in many instances into negotiations with him, and caused the political rights which had been won from the opposition-party to be guaranteed to them by formal separate treaties on the part of the general of the oligarchy.... But despair seemed to furnish the revolution with fresh energies. The consulship was committed to two of its most decided leaders, Carbo and Gaius Marius the younger (who was too young to be legally invested with it). Quintus Sertorius was sent to Etruria to procure new levies and thence to his province Hither Spain. To replenish the treasury, the senate had to decree the melting down of the gold and silver vessels of the temples in the capital. From Etruria, where the communities of new burgesses were very numerous, and from the region. of the Po there came newly formed divisions of some strength. But nowhere were preparations made with such eagerness as in the insurgent Samnium and some districts of Lucania. For Samnium and Latium this war was as much a national struggle as the wars of the fifth century; they strove not for a greater or less amount of political rights, but for the purpose of appeasing long-suppressed hate by the annihilation of their antagonist. No compromise was attempted here, no quarter was given or taken, and the pursuit continued The proconsul to the very uttermost....The army of the Optimates was divided. Metellus undertook, resting on the support of the Picenian insurrection, to advance to Upper Italy, while Sulla marched from Campania straight against the capital. Carbo threw himself in the way of the former; Marius would encounter the main army of the enemy in Latium. MOMMSEN, H. R. 3, 351-3. § 4. 1. 23. 1. 23. πepl Elyvov: Signia (Segni) was an ancient city of Latium, occupying a commanding position on a lofty hill, which stands boldly out from the N.W. angle of the Volscian mountains, with which it is connected only by a narrow neck, and overlooking all the valley of the Trerus (Sacco) and the broad plain between it and Praeneste. It was a Roman colony, founded by Tarquinius Superbus at the same time with Circeii (Liv. 1, 56). In 340/414 the inhabitants of Signia shared in the general defection of the Latini (Liv. 8, 3), but were afterwards readmitted to the privileges of a colonia Latina, and continued faithful to Rome during the Second Punic War (Liv. 27, 10). Under the empire Signia was celebrated chiefly for its produce, wine, pears (Juv. Sat. 11, 75) and excellent vegetables (Colum. 10, 131); and for a particular kind of cement, used for pavements (opus Signinum, Plin. nat. hist. 35, 12). There are considerable remains of its original walls of Cyclopean construction, and one of its five gates presents a remark- able instance of this style of building. The action took place in the plain between Signia and Praeneste. 27. κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους, 9, 4. On Sulla's belief in dreams see c. 8. ἐδόκει Máρiov-πapaiveîv, 'he dreamed that Marius was advising'. Cf. 9, 4 n., Timol. 8, 3 ἔδοξεν αἰφνιδίως ῥαγέντα τὸν οὐρανὸν ἐκχέαι πῦρ. § 5. 1. 33. ἐφισταμένων ταῖς ὁδοῖς, ‘besetting the roads, Polyb. 12, 4, 2 ἐφιστάμενοι κατὰ τοὺς εὐκαίρους τόπους. 34. ÓSOTTOLOÛVTES, 'road-making', 'opening the roads', not 'march- ing' (Clough). 35. τοῖς ἔργοις ἐπιγενόμενος, coming on them while at work'. Cf. Thuc. 3, 74, 2 el aveμos éπeyiVETO TÔ φλογί, 4, 25, ι νὺξ ἐπεγένετο τῷ ἔργῳ, 4, 26, I Tŵ čрyw, 4, 26, 3, Herod. 5, 85, 3 καί σφι έλκουσι βροντήν τε καὶ ἅμα τῇ βροντῇ σεισμὸν ἐπιγενέ- σθαι, 8, το πλώουσι αὐτοῖσι χειμών τε καὶ ὕδωρ ἐπεγένετο, Xen. 156 XXVIII 5 NOTES ON Hell. 5, 4, 17 ἀπιόντι γε μὴν ἄνεμος αὐτῷ ἐξαίσιος ἐπεγίνετο, 1, 6, 28 ὕδωρ δ' ἐπιγενόμενον πολὺ καὶ βρονταὶ διεκώλυσαν τὴν ἀνα- γωγήν. 36. ἐκάκωσεν, incommoded', ' distressed. 33. ἐρριμμένους, ‘thrown to the ground', 'prostrate': Polyb. 5, 48, 2 καταλαβὼν ἐρριμμένους καὶ μεθύοντας πάντας. 39. προσ- αναπαυομένους χαμάζε τοῖς θυρεοῖς κεκλιμένοις, inclinatis scutis humi incumbentes, resting upon their shields laid on the ground'. See cr. n. Polybios has the active twice in the sense of 'resting an army, the preposition being otiose: 4, 73, 3 τὴν λοιπὴν προσανα παύσας δύναμιν, 5, 7, 3 περὶ τὸν ᾿Αχελῶον στρατοπεδεύσαντα προσαναπαῦσαι τὴν δύναμιν ἐκ τῆς νυκτοπορίας. ' § 6. 1. 40. πρόσταγμα καταζεύξεως ἔδωκεν, gave orders for a halt, to pitch the camp', 16, 4. Cf. 25, 1 καταζεύξας, Anton. 47, 4 τοὺς μαχομένους ἀνεκαλεῖτο καὶ κατάζευξιν ἐσήμαινεν, ὡς σκιᾶς γοῦν μεταλάβοιεν οἱ στρατιῶται· πηγνυμένων οὖν τῶν σκηνῶν κτλ. 41. τὸν χάρακα βάλλειν, vallum iacere (Liv. 30, 1o), ' to throw up a rampart. The middle βάλλεσθαι, not the active, is generally found in this sense of condere, figere : Diod. Sic. 16, 42 βαλόμενοι χάρακα καὶ τὴν παρεμβολὴν ὀχυρώσαντες, 14, 22 στρατοπεδείαν ἐβάλετο, Plut. Luc. 32 βαλόμενος στρατόπεδον, 42. τῆς στρατοπεδείας=τῆς χώρας τοῦ στρατοπέδου, “the site of the encampment'. A word found only in later Greek, Diod. Sic. 14, 26 τὴν στρατοπεδείαν ἐποιήσατο, Plut. Arist. c. 11 τῆς στρατο- πεδείας παρὰ τὸν ῎Ασωπον ποταμὸν παρεκτεταμένης οὐδεὶς ἦν ὅρος, c. 17, I, Lucull. 25 καθίστατο τὴν στρατοπεδείαν, Anton. 63, Aem. Paul. c. 17, Mar. 18, 2 ὀχυραῖς χρώμενος στρατοπεδείαις, except in one passage only of Xen. Hell. 4, 1, 2 ἐπιπεσὼν τῇ Φαρ- ναβάζου στρατοπεδεία. 43. ἐπήλαυνε σοβαρῶς, not came riding up furiously' (Clough), but 'advanced against them confi- dently' (Long). Cf. Polyb. 3, 72, 13 ἐπῄει τοῖς ὑπεναντίοις σοβαρῶς ἐν τάξει καὶ βάδην ποιούμενος τὴν ἔφοδον, ΙΙ, Ι, 4 αντεπῄει τοῖς πολεμίοις σοβαρώς, 15, 12, 7 αἱ φάλαγγες αμφότεραι βάδην ἀλλήλαις καὶ σοβαρῶς ἐπῄεσαν, 18, 6, 7 (18, 23, 7 ed. Hultsch), Plut. Lys. 5, 1 παρὰ τὸν ναύσταθμον γέλωτι καὶ πατάγῳ χρώμενος σοβαρώς παρήλαυνεν, Ages. C. 21, Caes. 45, 1 οἱ Πομπηίου ἱππεῖς σοβαρώς ἐπήλαυνον εἰς κύκλωσιν τοῦ δεξιοῦ, Anton. c. 7 πλέων σοβαρῶς ὁρᾷ ναυαγίων περίπλεων τὸν αἰγιαλόν. 45. τὴν κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους φωνήν, quae in somnis (per somnium) filio suo Marius dicere visus est. 46. ὀργὴ παρέστη, in- dignation was excited'. Thuc. 8, 96, 1 τοῖς Αθηναίοις ἔκπληξις μεγίστη δὴ τῶν πρὶν παρέστη, Dem. c. Mid. § 15 p. 519, 20 ἐμοὶ τῷ ὑβριζομένῳ τὴν αὐτὴν ὀργὴν ἕκαστον τούτων ἦνπερ ἀλλ᾽ ὁτιοῦν τῶν δεινοτάτων παρίστη, ib. § 72 p. 537, 22 οὐ γὰρ ἡ πληγὴ παρέστησε τὴν ὀργήν, ἀλλ' ἡ ἀτιμία; C. Aristocr. § 103 p. 654, 25 ψήφισμα τοῖς στρατηγοῖς φόβον καὶ δέος μή τιν' αἰτίαν ἔχωσι παριστάν, Polyb. 3, 111, 7 ποιος ἂν ἔτι λόγος ὑμῖν ἰσχυρότερον παραστήσαι θάρσος αὐτῶν τῶν ἔργων; 5, 83, 5 φρόνημα καὶ θάρσος τοῖς φαλαγγίταις ἐπειρῶντο παριστάναι, Ι, 45, 3 παραστήσας ὁρμὴν ὑπερβάλλουσαν, 2, 48, 5; 4, 5, 9; 5, 36, 8 παρέστησε τῷ βασιλεῖ ὁρμὴν εἰς τὸ συγκλείσαι τὸν Κλεομένην, 1, 48, 6 τοιαύτην έκπληξιν παρίστατο συμβαῖνον τοῖς βοηθοῦσιν, 3, 94, 7 μέγαν φόβον καὶ πολλὴν ἀπορίαν παρεστακώς ταῖς πόλεσι, 6, 44, 4 ὅταν ὁρμὴ παραστῇ τοῖς ἐπιβάταις συμ- φρονείν. By a curious transition of meaning Polybius uses the verb absolutely XXVIII 7 15 PLUTARCH'S SULLA without ὁρμὴ to denote excitement': 6, 53, το τὸ τὰς τῶν ἐπ' ἀρετῇ δεδοξασμένων ἀνδρῶν εἰκόνας ἰδεῖν ὁμοῦ πάσας οἱονεὶ ζώσας τίν' οὐκ ἂν παραστήσαι; 23, 8, 13 (22, ΙΙ, 13 ed. Hultsch) ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον παρέστη τὸ πλῆθος (adeo commota est multitude), from which usage is derived that of παράστασις in the sense of impetus, animi ardor, eagerness', 'courage', 3, 63, 14 λαμβανόντων ὁρμὴν καὶ παράστασιν, τό, 33, 2 ήγωνίζοντο μετὰ παραστάσεως, i.e. fortiter, in- trepide, and that of παραστατικός, which properly means 'able to excite as in Plut. Lyc. 21, 1 παραστατικὸν ὁρμῆς ἐνθουσιώδους, Polyb. 3, 43, δ ἦν τὸ γινόμενον παραστατικὸν ἀγωνίας (terrorem adferens), 18, 8, 1 (18, 25, 1 ed. Hultsch), in the sense of animosus, audax, 16, 5, 7 τῇ τῆς ψυχῆς γεν ναιότητι λαμπρότερος ὢν καὶ παραστατικώτερος ή πρόσθεν. I 49. 47. τοὺς ὑσσούς, 18, 4. ἐν χερσὶν ἦσαν τῶν πολεμίων, manus cum hostibus conseruere, cominus cum hostibus pugnabant, they were at close quarters with the enemy'. Cf. Xen. Hell. 4, 6, 11 μικροῦ ἔδεον ἤδη ἐν χερσὶ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ὁπλιτῶν εἶναι. The dative generally follows, as in Thuc. 5, 72, 2 ἐπειδὴ ἐν χερσὶν ἐγίγνοντο τοῖς πολεμίοις, Plut. Timol. 31, ἐν χερσὶν ἦσαν τοῖς πολεμίοις, Dem. 41, Ι αὐτὸν ἄχρι τοῦ δοῦναι καὶ λαβεῖν πληγὴν ἐν χερσὶ γενόμενον ἐτρέψατο. Hence with other verbs ἐν χερσὶ came to signify cominus, as Brut. 42, 1 διέφθειραν ἐν χερσὶν τρία τάγματα, Caes. 15 fin. ἑκατὸν ἐν χερσὶ διέφθειρεν, Εumen. 16 τῶν πλείστων ἐν χερσὶ διαφθαρέντων. 4 § 7. 1. 50. ὑπέστησαν, ‘stood their ground. I Appian's account of the battle, which he says took place at Sacriportus, is as follows (c. 87): Σύλλα Σήτιον καταλαβόντος, ὁ Μάριος ἀγχοῦ στρατοπεδεύων ὑπεχώρει κατ' ὀλίγον, ὡς δ᾽ ἦλθεν ἐπὶ τὸν καλούμενον Ἱερὸν λιμένα, ἐξέτασσεν ἐς μάχην καὶ ἠγωνίζετο προθύμως. ἀρχομένου δ' ἐνδιδόναι τοῦ λαιοῦ μέρους, σπεῖραι πέντε πεζων καὶ δύο ἱππέων οὐκ ἀναμείνασαι τὴν τροπὴν ἐκφανῆναι, τα τε σημεία έρριψαν ὁμοῦ καὶ πρὸς τὸν Σύλλαν μετετίθεντο. καὶ τόδ' εὐθὺς ἦρχε τῷ Μαρίῳ δυσχερούς ἥττης. κοπτόμενοι γὰρ ἐς Πραινε στὸν ἔφευγον ἅπαντες, ἑπομένου του Σύλλα σὺν δρόμῳ, καὶ οἱ Πραινέστιοι τοὺς μὲν πρώτους αὐτῶν ἐσεδέξαντο, Σύλλα δ' ἐπικειμένου τὰς πύλας απέκλεισαν καὶ Μάριον καλῳδίοις ἀνιμήσαντο πολὺς δ᾽ ἄλλος ἐκ τοῦδε περὶ τοῖς τείχεσιν ἐγίγνετο φόνος, καὶ πλῆθος αἰχμαλώτων ὁ Σύλλας ἔλαβεν, ὧν τοὺς Σαυνίτας έκτεινε πάντας ὡς ἀεὶ χαλεπούς Ρωμαίοις γενομένους i. e, when Sulla had seized Setia, Marius who was encamped near, fell back slowly, but when he had reached Sacriportus, he drew up his army for battle and fought with determination. But when his left wing began to give way, five cohorts of foot and two squadrons of cavalry, without waiting for the general rout which must come, flung away their standards and passed over to Sulla. This defection was the beginning of Marius' disastrous defeat, for they all rushed in wild flight from the field to Praeneste, Sulla following close at their heels. Those who first reached the town were let in, but as Sulla was pressing close upon the fugitives, the gates were closed, and Marius was hoisted up the walls by a rope. Great numbers of the defeated army were slain or captured under the walls by Sulla, who ordered all the prisoners who were Saninites to be put to death without discrimination, because they had been throughout the most dangerous opponents of the Romans in the Social War'. Cf. Vell. Paterc. 2, 26 C. Marius septiens consulis filius, annos natus xxvi, vir animi magis quam ingeni paterni, multa fortiterque molitus neque usquam inferior nomine consulis, apud Sacriportum pulsus a Sulla acie, Praeneste, quod ante natura munitum praesidiis firmaverat, se exercitumque contulit. 52. Πραινεστόν: Praeneste (Palestrina), one of the most ancient as well as in early times most powerful and important of the cities of Latium, was situated on an abrupt offset, projecting like a great bastion from the angle of the Apennines, towards the Alban Hills (a part of the same range on which Tivoli stands), 58 XXVIII 7 NOTES ON about 23 miles S.E. from Rome, with which it was connected by a 33 road called the via Praenestina. The ground rises in terraces up to the highest point of the hill, where is the village of San Pietro, formerly the strong citadel of Praeneste, which is connected at the back by a lower neck of land with the mountain range. It frequently resisted the attacks of the Romans, until at the close of the Latin war in 338/416 it became an independent state, in alli- ance with the republic. The celebrity of the shrine or sanctuary of Fortuna at Praeneste is attested by many ancient writers. The sortes Praenestinae were consulted not only by distinguished Romans, but even by foreign potentates. The modern city is almost entirely built upon the substructions of this temple, which after its restoration and enlargement by Sulla, occupied the whole of the lower slope of the hill, the summit of which (more than 2400 feet above the sea and 1200 above its base) was crowned by the ancient citadel' (E. H. Bunbury). 53. ἐνζώσας ἑαυτόν καλωδί SC. TW kaλwdiw, fastening the rope round his waist'. The verb ἐνζωννύναι is omitted in the lexicons. ἀνελήφθη πρÒS TÒ TEÛXOS, 'he was hoisted up the wall'. Cf. Polyb. 30, 9, πρὸς τεῖχος, 8 ἀναλαβεῖν εἰς τὴν ναῦν ἐκώλυσαν τὸν ἄρχοντα, Ev. Marc. xvi 19 ἀνελήφθη εἰς τὸν οὐρανόν, Acts Ap. i 2, ΙΙ, 22. στέλλας ἐστίν, G. § 169, 1. 54. ŵy Peve- Fenestella (his praenomen and nomen are unknown) was born 52/702 and flourished at the close of the Augustan period, perhaps under Tiberius. He died according to the Eusebian Chronicle in A.D. 18. The statement of Pliny nat. hist. 33, 52, 146 sua memoria coeptum Fenestella tradit, qui obiit novis- simo Tiberi principatu is not very probable. He is quoted as an authority on all sorts of subjects, but exact quotations of his Annales are found only in Nonius. There is no doubt that this is the work from which Plutarch borrows his information both here and elsewhere as in Crass. c. 5. In it Fenestella devoted much attention to the history of Roman manners and to the political condition of Rome. The errors traced in him by Asconius and A. Gellius do not upset the judgment of Lactantius (inst. div. 1, 6, 14); Fenestella dili- gentissimus scriptor. The few connected passages, which we know, prove his style to have been discursive and circumstantial. The abridgment of his Annals mentioned by Diomed. 1 p. 365, 7 appears to have been a kind of table of contents, like, though much more extensive than, the prologues of Trogus. See w. S. TEUFFEL History of Roman Literature I p. 508 § 254, Engl. Tr. 1873, Mayor's Bibliogr. Clue, p. 119. This great battle, which compelled Marius to shut himself up in Praeneste with no hope of escape, gave a peculiar character to the remaining operations of the war. The impregnable fortress of Praeneste became the centre and principal object of attack and defence. The Marians made in succession four attempts to relieve the town, whilst Sulla's chief attention was occupied with the task of meeting the armies which were despatched by his opponents from the north as well as the south. After the battle of Sacriportus the Romans could no longer expect to hold Rome. They resolved to give it up; but before doing so they levelled a parting blow at their political opponents which was a mere act of sanguinary spite without the least practical object. The praetor Lucius Brutus Damasippus, at the bidding of Marius, convoked the senate, and caused several of its most eminent members to be murdered either on the spot or in their flight from the senate-house. Among the victims of this atrocious act were the late aedile Publius Antistius, father-in-law of Gnaeus Pompeius, and the late praetor Gaius Papirius Carbo, son of the well-known friend and subsequent opponent of the Gracchi; the consular Lucius Domitius, and above all the venerable pontifex maximus Mucius Scaevola, who had escaped the dagger of Fimbria, only to bleed to death during these XXVIII 8 159 PLUTARCH'S SULLA last throes of the revolution in the vestibule of the temple of Vesta entrusted to his guardianship. MOMMSEN, H. R. 3, 353-4, IHNE, H. R. 5, 355. 57. Toû σvvenμатos Solévтos, signo pugnae dato: an unclassical expression, perhaps a Latinism, similar to πpóσтаyμа dóνтos 16, 4; 28, 6. évdоûvaι πρòs úπvov, 'gave way to sleep'. Cf. Tit. 9 ἐμφρόνως ἐνέδωκε πρὸς τὰς διαλύσεις, Lysandr. 15 ἐνδόντων Αθηναίων προς ἅπαντα, de gen. Socr. c. 2o p. 588 F ἐνδίδωσι πρὸς τὸ κινοῦν. The usual construction is with the dative, as οἴκτῳ ἐνδώτε Thuc. 3, 47, 2. Cf. Aurel. Vict. de vir. illustr. 1, 68 in apparatu belli, quod contra Sullam parabatur apud Sacriportum, vigiliis et labore defessus sub divo requievit (Marius) et absens victus fugae, non pugnae interfuit. § 8. 1. 59. εἰκοσιτρείς, a late form for τρεῖς καὶ εἴκοσι οι EĽKоσι Kal тpeîs, G. § 77, 2 Note 2. Το δεκάπεντε 24, 49 dekáduo Tib. Gr. 1, 2, dekаETTά Tib. Gr. 12, 2. δ € 60. Sioμvplovs: Oros. 5, 20 Sullae etiam et Marii adulescentis maximum tunc proelium apud Sacriportum fuit, in quo de exercitu Marii caesa sunt xxv milia, sicut scribit Claudius (i.e. Q. Claudius καὶ τἆλλα Quadrigarius fl. 100/654-78/676). 61. δ᾽ ὁμοίως εὐτυχεῖτο, and the other operations also were alike successfully carried out by his generals', not 'he was equally success- ful with respect to his lieutenants' (Langhornes), as if it had been εὐτύχει. Cf. Thuc. 7, 77, 3 ἱκανὰ τοῖς πολεμίοις εὐτύχηται, Plut. Num. 12 τὰ τῆς μάχης εὐτυχεῖτο. 62. Πομπηίου, Κράσσου, Μετέλλου, Σερουιλίου. Gnaeus Pompeius Magnus, the Triumvir, son of Cn. Pompeius Strabo, was born in 106/648, the same year as Cicero. Like his father he was originally an opponent of the oligarchical party, but on the news of Sulla's landing he went to Picenum, where he had extensive possessions. and the best municipal connexions derived from his father and the Social War, and set up the standard of the Optimate party in Auximum (Osimo). The district which was mostly inhabited by old burgesses joined him; the young men, many of whom had served with him under his father, readily ranged themselves under the courageous leader, who, not yet twenty-three years of age, was as much soldier as general, sprang to the front of the combat, and vigorously assailed the enemy along with them. Several divisions were despatched from the capital to put down the Picenian insur- rection, but the extemporized general had the skill to evade them or beat them in detail, and to effect his junction with the main army of Sulla, apparently in Apulia. Sulla saluted him in 83/671 as imperator, i. e. as an officer commanding in his own name and holding not a subordinate but a parallel position, and distinguished the youth by marks of honor such as he showed to none of his noble clients. Next year 82/672 he stormed Sena Gallica and broke Carbo's rear-guard in a brilliant cavalry engagement, as that general fell back on the via Flaminia, with a view to take up his headquarters at its rallying point Ariminum and from that point to hold the passes of the Apennines on the one hand and 160 XXVIII 8 NOTES ON the valley of the Po on the other. He also with Crassus penetrated from Picenum by mountain paths into Umbria and gained the via Flaminia at Spoletium, an Umbrian town a few miles west of the Nar, a branch of the Tiber, where they defeated Carbo's legate Carrinas and shut him up in the town; and again, when Gaius Marcius Censorinus was sent with eight legions by Carbo to the relief of Praeneste, he was waylaid and completely routed by Pompeius near Sena (Sinigaglia) on the Adriatic. According to a passage in Frontinus, after Carbo's flight to Africa, Pompeius attacked and utterly annihilated his army at Clusium (Plut. Pomp. c. 6, Liv. Epit. 88, Dion Cass. fragm. Peiresc. 133, Vell. Paterc. 2, 29, Appian, B. C. 1, 88-89). When the war in Italy was brought to a close, he was sent against the remnants of the Marian party in Sicily and in Africa. On his return to Rome in 81/673 he was greeted by Sulla with the surname Magnus, which he ever afterwards bore, but, not satisfied with this distinction, he sued for and at last obtained a triumph, though he was still a simple eques, only twenty-five years of age, and had held no public office. MOMMSEN H. R. 3, 349 f. Marcus Crassus Dives, the Triumvir, was the youngest son of Publius Crassus Dives, consul 97/657, who was an adherent of Sulla and put an end to his own life, when Marius and Cinna returned to Rome in 87/667. His life was spared by Cinna, but he fled to Spain where he remained until the death of Cinna in 84/670, when he crossed over into Africa and thence returned to Italy when Sulla landed there. He undertook a service of considerable danger in levying troops for Sulla among the Marsi and he dis- tinguished himself afterwards in a successful campaign in Umbria, conquering the town of Tuder near the Tiber between Spoletium and Clusium. Sulla reminded him that in fighting against the Marians he was avenging the wrongs of his house, and flattered his ruling passion by donations of confiscated property or by allowing him to purchase the estates of the proscribed for an almost nominal sum. In 70/684 he was consul with Pompeius, in 60/694 he was one of the so-called triumvirate, in 55/699 he was again consul with Pompey and received Syria for his province : in 53/701 he was defeated with immense slaughter by the Parthian king Orodes. Q. Caecilius Metellus, son of Numidicus, surnamed Pius because of the devoted affection which he manifested for his father, when he besought the people to recall him in 99/655 (Cic. de orat. 2 § 167). He became praetor in 87/667 and took an active part in the Social war. When Marius landed in Italy in that year and joined the consul Cinna, he declined to take the supreme com- mand, but left for Africa; whence he returned to Italy and remained in Liguria until Sulla's return from Asia, when he was one of the first to join him. Early in 82/672 Metellus gained a victory over Carrinas, one of the legates of Carbo near the river Aesis in Picenum, and again over another division of Carbo's army, and XXVIII 8 161 PLUTARCH'S SULLA finally gained a decisive victory over Carbo and Norbanus, who had crossed the Apennines with the hope of crushing him at Faventia (Faenza), a town on the Via Aemilia about half way between Rimini and Bologna, on which occasion a legion of Lucanians, who were advancing under the command of P. Tullius Albinovanus, deserted to Metellus on hearing of the great rout (Appian B. C. c. οι τῆς ἥττης πυθόμενον μετεχώρει πρὸς Μέτελλον). In 80/674 he was consul with Sulla himself, and the next year went as proconsul into Spain, where he continued eight years prosecuting the war against Sertorius who adhered to the Marian party. After frequent disasters he at length gained a victory over Sertorius, and celebrated a triumph in 71/683 along with Cn. Pompeius in honour of the close of the war: he afterwards became pontifex maximus. Cicero speaks of him (or. p. Archia § 9) as sanctissimus modestissimusque omnium. P. Servilius Vatia Isauricus, the grandson of Q. Metellus Macedonicus, was raised to the consulship by Sulla in 79/675 when he declined the office for himself, and in the following year was sent as proconsul to Cilicia to clear the seas of the pirates. He prosecuted the war successfully and obtained the agnomen of Isauricus from his conquest of the Isauri, a robber tribe who lived on the N. side of the Taurus between Pisidia and Cilicia. Cf. Vell. Paterc. 2, 28 paulo ante quam Sulla ad Sacriportum dimicaret, magnificis proeliis partium eius viri hostium exercitum fuderant, duo Servilii apud Clusium, Metellus Pius apud Faven- tiam, M. Lucullus circa Fidentiam. 63. μικρά προσκρού- σαντες, ΙΙ, 3. 64. σuvéтpilav, 'crushed' annihilated'. συνέτριψαν, The verb σvvTplẞev in this sense is of common occurrence in Plutarch, Aen. Paul. 7, 2 εν Θετταλίᾳ συντρίψαντες Φίλιππον, Demosth. 24, Ι τοῦ δ' Αγιδος πεσόντος καὶ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων συντριβέντων, Lucull. 23 ἀπολέσθαι ἐάσας καὶ συντριβῆναι τὸν Μιθριδάτην), Crass. 7, Sertor. 16 οὐ πάντως συντριβέντας ἀλλὰ πληγὰς λαβόντας, ib. 27, Εum. 15 οὐ μέγα ἔργον ἡγεῖτο συντρίψαι τοὺς ἄλλους ἐκείνου νοσοῦντος, Pomp. 33, I ὁ βασιλεὺς Τιγράνης ἔναγχος ὑπὸ Λευκόλλου συντετριμμένος, 65 μικροῦ συντριβῆναι καὶ τὴν στρατιὰν ἀποβαλεῖν, Caes. 18 Τιγυρινοὺς οὐκ αὐτὸς ἀλλὰ Λαβιηνὸς πεμφθείς ὑπ᾽ αὑτοῦ συνέτριψεν; so Polyb. 5, 47, ι ἐξαπέστειλε τοὺς ἱππεῖς ὡς συν- τρίψων τοὺς διαβεβηκότας, 5, 95, 11 τήν τε χώραν κατέσυρε καὶ τὴν βοήθειαν αὐτῶν συνέτριψε δίς, Diod. Sic. 12, 28 βουλόμενος συντρίψαι τὸν ἐναντίων στόλον. OTÓλov. Plutarch uses the verb also metaphorically in the sense of frangere animum, as in Timol. 7, ο κατέκλασε καὶ συνέτριψεν αὐτοῦ τὴν διάνοιαν, de superst. 2 p. 1ος Β δέους συντρίβοντος τὸν ἄνθρωπον, Dion io, 1 διαλέλω βημένον ἀπαιδευσίᾳ καὶ συντετριμμένον τὸ ἦθος, 65. τὸν—συνέχοντα, who was the prime support of the oppo site party', lit. 'kept together', prevented from falling to pieces. This was Gnaeus Papirius Cn. f. Cn. n. Carbo, 22, 1; 28, 3. After making a third attempt to turn the fortune of war in his favour by the relief of Praeneste, though he had still a force of 30,000 men united at Clusium, and though the Samnites, in spite of all reverses and sacrifices, remained faithful to his cause, yet he left Italy and fled to Africa. Sallust Hist. fr. 1, 28 Carbo turpi H. S. I I 162 XXVIII 8- NOTES ON formidine Italiam atque exercitus deseruit, Appian B. C. I c. 92 ὧν ὁ Κάρβων πυνθανόμενος (viz. the desertion of some of his troops to Metellus and the victory of Lucullus at Fidentia) тpioμvplovs ὅμως ἔτι ἔχων περὶ τὸ Κλούσιον καὶ δύο τέλη τὰ Δαμασίππου καὶ ἕτερα περὶ Καρρίναν καὶ Μάρκιον, Σαυνιτών τε αὐτῷ χειρὶ πολλῇ προθύμως περὶ τὰ στενὰ κακοπαθούντων, ἀπογνοὺς ἁπάντων ἀσθενῶς ἔφευγε σὺν τοῖς φίλοις ἐς Λιβύην ἐξ Ιταλίας. Ihne suggests that in crossing to Africa he hoped perhaps to imitate Sulla's example, and to return at some future time from Africa to Italy with a strong force, as Sulla had returned from Asia after the war with Mithridates. From Africa he intended to cross into Sicily, not knowing that this province was already lost to the Marian party. He tarried with a number of his friends on the island Cossyra (Pantellaria) half way between the coast of Africa and Sicily, where he was taken prisoner and brought to Lilybaeum before Pompeius (Liv. epit. 89), who, in order to gain the approbation of Sulla, subjected him to the indignity of being examined like a vulgar offender, and then delivered him to the executioner and sent his head to Rome as a proof of his zeal in Sulla's service: Appian B. C. I c. 96 Κάρβωνα παραστησάμενος αὐτοῦ τοῖς ποσὶ δεσμώτην τρὶς ὕπατον ἐπεδημηγόρευσε καὶ κατέκανε, Plut. Pomp. c. 1ο άνδρα Ρω- μαίων τρὶς ὑπατεύσαντα πρὸ τοῦ βήματος στήσας καθεζόμενος αὐτὸς ἀνέκρινεν ἀχθομένων καὶ βαρυνόμενων τῶν παρόντων, Valer. Max. 5, 3, 5 nobis quoque tacentibus, Magne Pompei, Cn. Carbonis, a quo admodum adulescens de paternis bonis in foro dimicans protectus es, iussu tuo interempti mors animis hominum non sine aliqua reprehensione obversabitur, quia tam ingrato facto plus L. Sullae viribus quam propriae indulsisti verecundiae, Cic. ep. ad fam. 9, 21. CHAPTER XXIX The last struggle for the supremacy was fought in the immediate vicinity of the Capital, and nearly ended in the defeat of Sulla. Seeing the attempts to relieve Praeneste must end in failure, as the net was being drawn tight round the army of the democrats and the Samnites, Sulla being in the way and Pompeius coming on their rear, Pontius of Telesia took the desperate resolution of throwing himself with the united strength of the two armies on Rome, which was only a good day's march distant. They were very near sur- prising the city; as it was, they halted about a mile from the Colline Gate, the Samnite commander being elated at the thought of having outwitted so many distinguished generals and buoyant with hope. At day-break some of the most distinguished young men came out to meet him on horseback, but they were defeated with great loss. was in alarm, women were shrieking, men hurrying in all direc- tions, expecting that the city would be destroyed by the most inveterate of their enemies. The appearance in the course of the morning of Balbus, whom Sulla had sent forward with a detachment of 700 Rome XXIX I 163 PLUTARCH'S SULLA horsemen to oppose the enemy, revived the sinking courage of the citizens: in the afternoon Sulla appeared in person with his main force, and immediately drew up his ranks for battle before the Colline Gate. His officers adjured him not to send the troops exhausted by the forced march at once into action; but Sulla took into considera- tion what the night might bring on Rome, and, late as it was in the afternoon, ordered the attack (§ 1—§ 4). The battle was the most obstinately contested and bloody of all in the campaign. On the right wing Marcus Crassus obtained a decisive victory over the enemy. But the left wing was hard pressed when Sulla came to the relief mounted on a spirited white horse. Two of the enemy's men, recognising the Roman commander, made ready to discharge their javelins at him. Sulla did not see them, but his groom did, and he whipped Sulla's horse, which made a bound and carried him just so far beyond the range of the spears, that they stuck in the ground. Sulla had in his bosom a`small golden figure of Apollo, part of the spoil of Delphi. He kissed the image and prayed to the god not to desert him in this final struggle. By threats and persuasion he tried to stop his men who were giving way, but the left wing was completely broken, and Sulla mingling with the fugitives made his escape to the camp. Some of the fugi- tives quickly carried the news of the fight to Praeneste, and urged Ofella to raise the siege immediately, for Sulla was killed and the enemy was in Rome (§ 5—§ 8). § 1. 1. 1. τὸν τελευταῖον ἀγῶνα, G. § 159 Re. καθά περ ἔφεδρος ἀθλητῇ καταπόνῳ προσενεχθείς, just like a fresh con- batant attacking an exhausted wrestler'. 3. ἐγγὺς ἦλθε τοῦ opĤλaι Kal KaTaßaλeîv, 'was near tripping up and overthrowing', a continuation of the metaphor. Cf. Lucull. 33 ¿yyùs ĥλ0€ ȧπоßa- Xeiv (prope amisit), Sertor. 19 ¿yyùs ¿XOwv åτоlaveiv (cum paene interfectus esset). Cf. the phrases παρ' οὐδέν or παρ' ὀλίγον èλeîv followed by the infinitive with or without the article, Plut. Arist. 2O, I παρ' οὐδὲν ἂν ἦλθεν εὐθὺς ἀπολέσθαι τὰ πράγματα, Alex. 62 παρ' οὐδὲν ἦλθε τὰ πράγματα λαβεῖν ᾿Αλέξανδρος, τα Polyb. 2, 55, 4 παρ' ὀλίγον ηλθε τοῦ ἐκπεσεῖν. 5. Λαμ πwvíw Tŵ Aeukav@: Florus 3, 21, 22 Lamponius atque Telesinus, Samnitum duces, atrocius Pyrrho et Annibale Campaniam Etruriam- que populantur, Orosius 5, 20 Sulla deinde cum Camponio (v. 1. Lam- ponio) Samnitium duce et Carrinatis reliquis copiis ante ipsam Urbem portamque Collinam ad horam dici nonam signa contulit gravissimo- que proelio tandem vicit. Appian (B. C. 1, 93) agrees with Plutarch in making him a Lucanian. 7. ἐξαρπασόμενος, 'to relieve him. Appian B. C. 1, 9ο Μάρκον δὲ Λαμπώνιον ἐκ Λευκανίας καὶ Πόντιον Τελεσίνον ἐκ τῆς Σαυνίτιδος...μεθ᾿ ἑπτὰ μυριάδων ἐπειγομένους Μά ριον ἐξελέσθαι τῆς πολιορκίας, ὁ Σύλλας ἐν τοῖς στένοις, ᾗ μόνῃ διαβατὸν ἦν, ἀπέκλειε τῆς παρόδου, ib. 92 Καρρίνας δὲ καὶ Μάρκιος καὶ Δαμά- σιππος, οἷς εἶχον ἅπασιν, ἐπὶ τὰ στενὰ ἐχώρουν ὡς ὁμοῦ τοῖς Σαυνί ταις βιασόμενοι πάντως αὐτὰ περᾶσαι. οὐ δυνηθέντες δὲ οὐδ᾽ ὡς, ἐφέροντο ἐς Ρώμην ὡς ἔρημον ἀνδρῶν καὶ τροφῶν ἅμα καταληψόμενοι II-2 164 XXIX 1 NOTES ON τὸ ἄστυ, καὶ πρὸ σταδίων ἑκατὸν ἐστρατοπέδευον ἀμφὶ τὴν ᾿Αλβανῶν Yn, i.e. 'Marcus Lamponius of Lucania and Pontius Telesinus of Samnium, as they were pressing forward with 70,000 men to relieve Marius from the siege, were intercepted by Sulla from the only pass by which Praeneste could be reached... And Carrinas, Marcius and Damasippus marched with all the forces they had to this pass, hoping with the assistance of the Samnites to force it at any cost. But finding that they could not even thus succeed, they advanced to Rome which they thought they could easily take, as being without men and provisions, and took up a position in the country of Alba a hundred stadia from it'. § 2. 1. 8. Kard oróµa, ‘in his front'. 5ο οἱ κατὰ στόμα Xen. Anab. 5, 2, 26 are those in the front rank' )( kaт' ovρáv, a tergo, 'in the rear', Herod. 8, 11, Eur. Rhes. 409 ерηкŵv åрíoтos ἐμπεσὼν κατά στόμα. 9. εἰργόμενος τοῦ πρόσω καὶ ὀπίσω sc. léval, 'since he was being hemmed in before and behind, so that he could neither advance nor retreat, like a valiant and expe- rienced soldier, he broke up his encampment by night and marched with all his forces upon Rome'. 11. apas: This intransitive. use of alper for 'to decamp', 'depart', is common in Thucy- dides, e.g. (a) of an army, 2, 23, I ἄραντες ἐκ τῶν ᾿Αχαρνών, 2, 98, 1; 3, 96, 1; 4, 11, 1: (b) of ships, 2, 22, 3; 2, 25, 3; 3, 32, 1; 3, 91, 2; 3, 106, 1; 4, 51, 1. It is not so often found in other Attic writers. See my note on Them. 11, 2, 1. 9. ἐπ' αὐτὴν ἐχώρει τὴν Ρώμην. By so doing they were, in a military point of view, ruined; the line of retreat, the Latin road, would by such a inovement fall into Suila's hands; and, even if they got possession of Rome, they would be infallibly crushed there, enclosed as they would be within a city by no means fitted for defence, and wedged in between the far superior armies of Metellus and Sulla. Safety, however, was no longer thought of; revenge alone dictated this march to Rome, the last outbreak of fury in the passionate revolutionists and especially in the despairing Sabellian nation. Pontius of Telesia was in earnest, when he called out to his followers that, in order to get rid of the wolves which had robbed Italy of freedom, the forest in which they harboured must be destroyed. Never was Rome in more fearful peril than on the 1st November 82/672, when Pontius, Lamponius, Carrinas, Damasippus, advanced along the Latin road towards Rome, and encamped about a mile from the Colline Gate. It was threatened with a day like the 20th of July 390/364, or the 15th of June A. D. 455-the days of the Celts and the Vandals. The band of volunteers, which sallied from the city, mostly youths of quality, was scattered like chaff before the immense superiority of force. MOMMSEN, H. R. 3, 357-8. παντὶ τῷ στρατοπέδῳ, G. § 188, 5. 12. μικροῦ ἐδέησεν KTA. he was within a little of falling upon it unguarded'. Cf. Thuc. 2, 77, 4 τοῦτο...τοὺς Πλαταιέας ἐλαχίστου ἐδέησε διαφθείραι. 13. τῆς Κολλίνης πύλης : The Porta Collina (called also Agonalis or Quirinalis) was one of the chief gates of Rome and from it issued the main road to the country of the Sabines (see Dionys. A. R. 9, 68; Strabo 5, 3; and Liv. 2, 11). Thus far in its course from the Tiber the Servian wall mostly skirted the edges of hills, once much more precipitous than they are now, but from the angle by the horti Sallustiani for a long distance southwards the wall had to cross a level plain. On this account the porta Collina was the gate which XXIX 4 165 PLUTARCH'S SULLA was most frequently attacked by foreign enemies; as, for example, by the Gauls in B. C. 360, by Sulla in B. C. 88, and by the Democrats and Samnites in B. C. 82, when it was the scene of one of the bloodiest battles that occurred in the history of the Republic. J. H. MIDDLETON, Ancient Rome in 1885. Hannibal, too, encamped outside this gate when he was preparing to make an attack on Rome, which might have been successful if his courage had not failed, causing him to retreat after throwing one javelin at the city (see Mommsen Hist. of Rome, iii pp. 264, 318, 340). During the excavations made for the foundations of the new Ministero delle Finanze the Porta Collina was discovered, a little to the south of the present road to the Porta Pia. 14. ἐπηυλίσατο τῇ πόλει, “encamped near the city'. 15. ἐπηρμένος, ‘elated. ὡς κατεστρατηγηκώς, at the thought of having outgeneralled so many great commanders'. πιον. § 3. 1. 17. έξιππασαμένων ἐπ᾿ αὐτόν, coming out of the city on horseback to oppose him. Aem. Paul. 18, 2 έξιππασάμενος πρὸς τοὺς ἀκροβολιζομένους, Lucull. 3r, Caes. 2η κοσμήσας τὸν ἵππον έξιππάσατο διὰ τῶν πυλῶν, Brut. 49. 18. Κλαύδιον Απ On the It is uncertain who this Appius Claudius was. transposition of names see n. to Tib. Gr. 9, 1; 21, 2 § 6 l. 48. 19. κατέβαλε, oppressit, trucidavit. Mar. 21, 2 δέκα μυριάδας ἢ ζῶντας εἷλον ἢ κατέβαλον. 20. οἷον εἰκός sc. ἦν, 'as was natural, likely'. 21. διαδρομών (sc. οὐσῶν) ὡς ἁλισκο- μένων κατὰ κράτος, ‘there being a hurrying in all directions, in expectation that they were going to be taken by assault'. Polyb. 15, 30, 2 πᾶσα πλήρης ἣν ἡ πόλις θορύβου καὶ φώτων καὶ δια- δρομής. 22. ἀνὰ κράτος, ‘at full speed, Xen. de re eq. 8, 10 τὸν ἵππον ἀνὰ κράτος ἐλαύνοντα, Cyr. 4, 2, 30 ἔφευγον ἀνὰ κράτος, 5, 4, 4 διώκει ἀνὰ κράτος, Anab. 4, 3, 2ο ἔθει ἀνὰ κράτος. 23. ἱππεῦσιν ἑπτακοσίοις, above § 2 1. II. Cf. Appian, B. C. c. 93 δείσας οὖν ὁ Σύλλας περὶ τῇ πόλει, τοὺς μὲν ἱπ- πέας προΰπεμψε κατὰ σπουδὴν ἐνοχλεῖν αὐτοῖς ὁδεύου σιν, αὐτὸς δ᾽ ἐπειχθεὶς ἀθρόῳ τῷ στρατῷ παρὰ ταῖς Κολλίναις πύ λαις περὶ μεσημβρίαν ἐστρατοπέδευσεν, ἀμφὶ τὸ τῆς ᾿Αφροδίτης ἱερόν, ἤδη καὶ τῶν πολεμίων περὶ τὴν πόλιν στρατοπεδευόντων. διαλιπὼν ὅσον ἀναψύξαι τὸν ἱδρῶτα τῶν ἵππων, ‘after stop- ping just long enough to let the sweat of their horses dry off'. Ĉf. above 17, 3, and for this meaning of ἀναψύχειν Them. 30, 2 1. 29. 24. ἐγχαλινώσας=τοῖς τῶν ἵππων στόμασιν χαλινὸν ἐνθείς, Babrius 76, 14. 25. ἐξήπτετο τῶν πολεμίων, attacked (lit. hung on) the enemy'. Cf. Polyb. 3, 51, 2; 4, II, 6 ἐξάπτε σθαι τῆς πορείας. 28. κατα παρωσάμενος κτλ. § 4. 1. 27. εἰς τάξιν καθίστη, proceeded to marshal them in order of battle', 17, 3. πολλά, 9, 2; 12, 4. κόπους, fatigued', “spent'. Diod. Sic. 13, 18 ὑπὸ τῆς μάχης και τακόπους τοῖς σώμασιν, Dion. Hal. 6, 29 ὡς ἐξ ὁδοῦ μακράς κατα κόπους. 32. συμφέρεσθαι, 27, 4· 'putting them by, without paying regard to them, commanded the trumpets to sound the charge'. 34. καταστρεφούσης, in- clining', i.e. though it was getting on for four o'clock in the after- noon. App. B. C. c. 93 μάχης εὐθὺς αὐτοῖς περὶ δείλην ἑσπέραν 166 XXIX 4 NOTES ON γενομένης, τῷ μὲν δεξιῷ Σύλλας ἐκράτει, τὸ δὲ λαιὸν ἡττώμενον ἐπὶ τὰς πύλας κατέφυγεν, Oros. 5, 20 quoted at l. 5. )( ή πο § 5. 1. 35. οίος οὐχ ἕτερος sc. ἐγένετο, “the like of which (so obstinate that such another) was not fought' in this campaign. 37. λαμπρῶς ἐνίκα, not won a brilliant victory, but had clearly the advantage'. Cf. Thuc. I, 49, 6 ἐπεὶ ἡ τροπὴ ἐγένετο λαμπρώς i.e. φανερῶς, 2, 7, 1 λελυμένων λαμπρῶς τῶν σπουδῶν, 7, 55, 1 γεγενημένης τῆς νίκης λαμπρᾶς ἤδη, Arrian Anab. 2, II, 3 τότε ἤδη λαμπρά τε καὶ ἐκ πάντων ἡ φυγὴ ἐγίγνετο. νοῦντι, ‘being hard pressed. Thuc. I, 49, 3 μάλιστα δὲ τὸ δεξιὸν κέρας τῶν Κορινθίων ἐπόνει, 4, 96, 4 ὡς ἐπόνει τὸ εὐώνυμον αὐτ τῶν ; 5, 73, 2; 6, 67, 2 ᾗ ἂν τοῦ στρατεύματός τι πονῇ μάλιστα. 39. exwv, 7, 5; 19, 3. θυμοειδή, 'full of mettle'. Philopoem. 1ο ὁ ἵππος τοῦ τυράννου ῥωμαλέος ὢν καὶ θυμοειδής. The word is used in a bad sense restive' ευπειθής by Xen. Mem. 4, 2, 25 ; Symp. 2, 10. It is a favourite one with Plutarch, Rom. 6, 16; Num. 8, Aem. Paul. 6, 22; Coriol. 15; Nic. 18; Pelop. 19, 25, 29; Arist. 17, 18; Artox. 24; Agesil. 2; Alexandr. 2, 4, 26 ; Tib. Gr. 2; Brut. 8, 29; Pyrrh. 24; Galb. 1. ἀφ' οὗ (sc. ἵππου) γνω- ρίσαντες, ‘by which recognising him, distinguishing him from the rest'. 40. διετείνοντο τας λόγχας ὡς ἀφήσοντες, ' they had their lances poised, as if they were about to throw them', 'levelled them at him. Cf. Herod. 9, 18, 1 διετείνοντο τὰ βέλεα ὡς ἀπή· σοντες, Xen. Cyr. 1, 4, 23 διατεινάμενοι οἱ μὲν τὰ παλτά, οἱ δὲ τὰ τόξα, Polyb. 15, 28, 2 διατεταμένοι τὰς μάστιγας, intenta tenentes flagra. 42. ἔφθη παρενεχθεὶς τοσοῦτον ὅσον τὰς αἰχμὰς—παγῆναι, ‘he was carried only just so far beyond their reach that the points fell beside the horse's tail, and stuck in the ground. Clough in his translation mistakes ἔφθη for ἔλαθε. For τοσοῦτον ὅσον ‘only so much', ‘no further than', cf. Lex. to Xen. Oecon. p. 154* b. § 6. 1. 45. χρυσοῦν Απόλλωνος ἀγαλμάτιον. We have here another instance of Sulla's tendency to superstition. Cf. Valer. Max. I, 1, 2 L. Sulla, quotiens proelium committere destinabat, parvum Apollinis signum Delphis sublatum in conspectu militum complexus orabat uti promissa maturaret, Frontin. Strateg. I, II, 11 L. Sulla, quo paratiorem militem ad pugnandum haberet, prae- dici sibi a dis futura simulavit. Postremo etiam in conspectu exer- citus, priusquam in aciem descenderet, signum modicae amplitudinis, quod Delphis sustulerat, orabat petebatque, promissam victoriam ἐκ Δελφῶν, 12, 4. 47. καταφιλεῖν, to kiss tenderly', a stronger word than φιλεῖν: Xen. Mem. 2, 6, 33 ὡς τοὺς μὲν καλούς φιλήσοντός μου, τοὺς δ᾽ ἀγαθοὺς καταφιλήσον 48. Σύλλαν Κορνήλιον, 29, 3. 49. ἄρας λαμ- Aesch. 2, 174 ἢ (sc. εἰρήνη) τὸν δῆμον ὑψηλὸν ἦρεν, Demosth. Olynth. 2 § 5, p. 19, 19 μέγας ηυξήθη, § 8 p. 20, 9 ήρθη μέγας, Xen. Cyr. 4, 2, 3 μέγι στον ηύξητο. ἐνταῦθα ρίψεις ἀγαγών, have you brought him maturaret. τος. πρόν, ' after raising him to glory', G. § 166 Note 3. XXX 167 PLUTARCH'S SULLA here only to throw him prostrate at the gates of his native city to perish most ignobly with his fellow-citizens?' § 7. 1. 51. τοιαῦτα θεοκλυτοῦντα, with such an invocation of the god. Cf. Aristid. 28 ταῦτα τοῦ Παυσανίου θεοκλυτοῦντος, Ages. 33 τάς τε χεῖρας ὀρεγόντων καὶ θεοκλυτούντων, Alex. 19 θεοκλυτοῦντος καὶ πρὸς τὸν οὐρανὸν ἀνατείνοντος τὰς χεῖρας, Cat. min. 58. It is also used with acc. of the person: Rom. 28 €ʊxeσbai Κυρίνῳ καὶ θεοκλυτεῖν ἐκεῖνον. Cf. Eur. Med. 206 0EO K λ V T E Î τὰν Θέμιν. 56. ὀλίγοι τῶν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως, for o. τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει ἐκ τῆς πόλεως προελθόντες. § 8. 1. 58. ὥστε οἴεσθαι διαπεπράχθαι τὴν πόλιν, 'so that they fancied that the city was done for', a poetical expression; Aesch. Choeph. 88ο οὐχ ὥστ᾽ ἀρῆξαι διαπεπραγμένῳ, Soph. Trach. 784 τοῦ μὲν νοσοῦντος, τοῦ δὲ διαπεπραγμένου, Eur. Hel 858 Μενέλαε, διαπεπραγμεθα. 59. παρ᾽ ὀλίγον τὴν Μαρίου πоλιoρкlav λvеnvaι, 'that the blockade of Marius was all but raised', 28, 7. 60. ὠσαμένων ἐκεῖ, 18, 2. 61. Οφέλλαν Λουκρή- TLOV: Vell. Paterc. 2, 27, 6 oppugnationi autem Praenestis ac Mari praefuerat Ofella Lucretius, qui, cum ante Marianarum fuisset partium, proditor ad Sullam transfugerat, Appian, B. C. I c. 88, Liv. Epit. 88. αναζευγνύναι, 15, 2, 3. Appian's account is hardly consistent with Plutarch's statement, which indeed is hardly consistent with itself. He says that the left wing fled to the gates of the city followed by the enemy, and that the older citizens who manned the walls, when they saw the enemy press in with them, let down the gates, and so killed many of their own men and some of the senators among them. The Romans, finding the gates closed, turned again on the enemy and the battle continued through the night. B. C. I c. 93. CHAPTER XXX The When a In the night Crassus sent to Sulla for something to eat for his wearied soldiers, and Sulla then learned that the enemy's left wing was nearly destroyed. He came up with Crassus at Antemnae by daybreak. The enemy were still there in force. Three thousand of them prepared to surrender, and Sulla promised to spare them, if they would punish the rest of his enemies before joining him. men trusted to his promise and attacked their comrades. great number had fallen on both sides, Sulla took the survivors to Rome, six thousand in number. They were placed in the Circus Flaminius and the Senate was summoned in the neighbouring temple of Bellona. As soon as Sulla began to address the Senate the men who were appointed for the work began to cut the prisoners down. The shrieks startled the Senate, but Sulla told them to attend to what he was saying and not to trouble themselves about what was going on outside: it was only some villains who were being punished by his orders. It was hence evident to the least discerning of the Romans that they had only exchanged one tyrant for another (§ 1—§ 4). I 168 XXX NOTES ON Marius was naturally harsh and cruel, and the possession of power did not change but aggravated his disposition: Sulla, unlike his rival, was fond of pleasure and jollity: from his early years he was tender-hearted and easily moved to tears, and yet he became the most cruel tyrant. He bore himself at first with moderation, but his character was not fully shown till opportunity came. His be- haviour when he was absolute master led some to think that power changes men's tempers and makes them violent, proud and inhuman. The question whether change of fortune really does change a man's temper, or whether power merely discovers the bad qualities which have hitherto been concealed, is one which must be left for discussion elsewhere (§ 4—§ 5). α $ 1. 1. 1. 1. νυκτός ούσης βαθείας, 'the night being far ad- vanced', Lucian Asin. c. 34 éπeì dè ŵy vùc Babeîa, Plato Crit. 43 Α όρθρος βαθύς, Protag. 310 A ἔτι βαθέος ὄρθρου, Plut. Mor. Р. 179 D TEρì coméрav Babeîav. Cf. Vell. Paterc. 2, 27, 3 post περὶ ἑσπέραν βαθείαν. primam demum horam noctis et Romana acies respiravit et hostium 4. eis "Avteµvav: Antemnae (ante amnem) was a very ancient city of Latium, only three miles from Rome, just below the confluence of the Anio with the Tiber (Verg. Aen. 7, 631), on a hill of moderate extent, surrounded on all sides by steep declivities, which rises on the left of the Via Salaria. cessit. 6. τῶν πολεμίων οἱ πλεῖστοι διολώλασιν: Sulla's vengeance was directed principally against the Samnites, as if he intended the annihilation of the Italian race, Strabo 5, 11, Appian Ƒ. C. I c. 93. Pontius of Telesia, who was found mortally wounded on the morning after the battle, Carrinas, Marcius and other leaders who soon afterwards fell into the hands of the victors were put to death. Appian says that as many as 50,000 fell on both sides, ‘a number which may be much above the truth' says Long 'but in such battles no quarter was given, and when men fought obstinately hand to hand, the numbers that fell must not be estimated by the result of modern battles'. Cf. Eutrop. 5, 8 LXX milia hostium in eo proelio contra Sullam fuisse dicuntur. XII milia se Sullae dediderunt, ceteri in acie, in castris, in fuga, insatiabili ira victoris consumpti sunt, Oros. 5, 20 octoginta milia hominum ibi fusa di- cuntur: duodecim milia sese dediderunt, reliquam multitudinem in fugam versam insatiabilis victorum civium ira consumpsit. 9. εἰ κακόν τι τοὺς ἄλλους ἐργασάμενοι πολεμίους ἔλθοιεν προς aúróv, if they would punish the rest of his enemies, before they joined him'. § 2. 1. 12. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ τούτους κτλ., he did not how- ever (receive them to mercy), but he got together both those who had offered to surrender, and of the others those who had survived the massacre, in the circus etc.' Oros. 5, 21 Sulla mox atque urbem victor intravit, tria milia hominum, qui se per legatos dediderant, contra fas contraque fidem datam inermes securosque interfecit. 13. εἰς ἑξακισχιλίους, ' to the number of 6000. According to Appian B. C. I c. 93 more than 8000 were killed: XXX 5 169 PLUTARCH'S SULLA τά τε αἰχμαλωτὰ ὀκτακισχιλίων πλείω γενόμενα Σύλλας, ὅτι Σαυνῖται τὸ πλέον ἦν, κατηκόντισεν. Sulla pretended that he was going to enrol them among his troops. 14. παρὰ τὸν ἱππό- δρομον, i.e. the Circus Flaminius, which was in the Campus Martius close to the temple of Bellona (τὸ τῆς Ἐννοῦς ἱερόν). The epitomator of Livy makes the massacre take place in villa publica: so Flor. 3, 21, 24 quattuor milia deditorum inermium civium in villa publica interfici iussit, and Dion Cass. fragmn. Peiresc. 135 (rog ed. Bekk.) καὶ τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ τοῖς τε βουλευταῖς ἐς τὸ Εννεῖον ὡς καὶ ἀπολογιούμενός τι αὐτοῖς, καὶ τοῖς ζωγρή- θεῖσιν ἐς τὸν ἀγρὸν τὸν δημόσιον καλούμενον ὡς καὶ ἐς τὸν κατάλογον αὐτοὺς ἐσγράψων συνελθεῖν κελεύσας, τούτους ἅμα δι' ἑτέρων ἐφόνευσε (καὶ πολλοὶ τῶν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως ἀνθρώπων αναμιχθέντες σφίσι παραπώλοντο), καὶ ἐκείνοις αὐτὸς πικρότατα διελέξατο. 'The Villa publica was a building in the Campus Martius, employed by the censors when numbering the people, by the consuls when holding levees, and by the Senate when receiving foreign ambassadors. We hear of its existence as early as 437/317'. RAMSAY Rom. Ant. p. 46. 15. τὸ τῆς ᾿Εννους ἱερόν, 7, 5. 20. ἀτρέπτῳ, § 3. 1. 18. κραυγῆςφερομένης, 19, 2. unmoved', cf. Luc. ver. hist. 2, 23 προσιόντων τῶν πολεμίων οὐκ ἔφυγε καὶ τὸ πρόσωπον ἄτρεπτος ἦν. καθεστηκότι, settled ', ' composed', ' calm'. Fab. c. 17 προσώπῳ καθεστῶτι, 22. τὰ δ᾽ ἔξω γινόμενα κτλ., “not to concern themselves about, pry into, what was going on out of doors: it was only some (of the) villains who were being (brought to their senses) chastised by his orders'. For νουθετεῖσθαι cf. Ar. Vesp. 25 εἰ κονδύλοις νουθε τήσεθ᾽ ἡμᾶς, Plat. legg. Ix p. 879 D πληγαῖς τὸν τοιοῦτον νου θετεῖν. § 4. 1. 24. νοῆσαι παρέστησεν, 'put it into his head to un- derstand', 'made him see', 28, 6. ὡς ἀλλαγὴ τὸ χρῆμα τυραννίδος, οὐκ ἀπαλλαγή γέγονεν, that this fine tyrannical government has proved an exchange only, not a total change', that they had merely exchanged, not escaped, tyranny'. For the use of χρήμα in a periphrasis to express something strange or extraordinary cf. Anton. 31 χρῆμα θαυμαστὸν γυναικός, de sol. anim. 19 p. 973 c θαυμαστόν τι χρῆμα πολυφώνου καὶ πολυφθόγγου κίττης, Arist. Lys. 1085 τὸ χρῆμα τοῦ νοσήματος, Αν. 827 λιπαρὸν τὸ χρῆμα τῆς πόλεως, Ran. 1278 τὸ χρῆμα τῶν κόπων ὅσον. So in Latin Plaut. Amphitr. 2, 2, I res voluptatum. 26. ἐπέτεινεν, 'intensified '. 28. πολιτικώς ὁμιλήσας, Fusing-like a citizen of a free state'. 29. δόξαν παρασχών κτλ. raising expectation', giving good hopes of being a leader attached to the aristocratical party, yet regarding the interests of the commonalty'. Cf. Thuc. 2, 84 δόκησιν παρ- ἔχοντες αὐτίκα ἐμβαλεῖν. § 5. 1. 31. φιλογέλως ἐκ νέου γενόμενος, being from his youth of a gay temper', 2, 2. Dion Cassius fr. Peir. 135 (109 ed. Bekk.) presents us with a similar portrait of Sulla's character : ὁ Σύλλας νικήσας τοὺς Σαυνίτας, μέχρι μὲν δὴ οὖν τῆς ἡμέρας ἐκείνης διαπρεπὴς ἦν, καὶ ὄνομα ἀπό τε τῶν στρατηγημάτων καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν βουλευμάτων μέγιστον 170 XXX 5 NOTES ON ἔσχε, φιλανθρωπίᾳ τε καὶ εὐσεβείᾳ πολὺ προέχειν ἐνομίζετο, ὥστε καὶ τὴν τύχην σύμμαχον ἀπὸ τῆς ἀρετῆς πάντας ἔχειν αὐτὸν ἡγεῖσθαι. μετὰ δὲ δὴ τοῦτο τοσαύτην μεταβολὴν ἐποιήσατο, ὥστε μηδ' ἂν τοῦ αὐτοῦ τινὰ φάναι ταῦτά τε καὶ τὰ ἔπειτα εἶναι. οὕτως, ὡς ἔοικεν, οὐκ ἤνεγκεν εὐτυχήσας. καὶ γὰρ ἐκεῖνα, ἃ ἕως ἀσθενὴς ἦν ἄλλοις ἐπεκάλει, καὶ ἕτερα πλείω καὶ ἀτοπώτερα ἔπραξε, βουλόμενος μέν που καὶ ἀεὶ αὐτά, ἐλεγχθεὶς δὲ ἐν τῇ ἐξουσίᾳ. ἀφ' οὗπερ καὶ τὰ μάλιστα ἔδοξέ τισιν ἡ κακοπραγία μέρος οὐκ ἐλάχιστον ἔχειν. Cf. Vell. Paterc 2, 25, 3, adeo Sulla dissimilis fuit bellator ac victor, ut, dum vincit acie, iustissimo lenior, post victoriam audito fuerit crudelior. πρὸς οἶκτον ὑγρός, easily moved to pity'. Appian, B. C. 5, 8 λεγόμενος ὑγρότατος ἐς ταῦτα ἀεὶ φῦναι. 32. προσετρίψατο ταῖς μεγάλαις ἐξουσίαις διαβολήν, cast a blemish, fixed the imputation, on offices of great authority'. On Plutarch's use of προστρίβεσθαι see my n. on Comp. Ag. et Cleom. etc. 5, I. 34. ἔμπληκτα καὶ χαῦνα, capricious and vain '. 36. μεταβολὴ φύσεως ὑπὸ τύχης. verbal substantives to denote the acting person or effective cause see my n. on Xen. Hier. 7, 6. 37. ὑποκειμένης ἀπο- κάλυψις ἐν ἐξουσίᾳ κακίας, a disclosure, when in power, of native bad qualities'. 39. ἑτέρα τις πραγματεία, 'some other history', Polyb. I, 1, 4; 1, 4, 1; 2, 56, 3; 3, 1, 1; 3, 3, 32; 5, 33, S. For this use of ὑπό with CHAPTER XXXI Blood now began to flow freely, and many persons were put to death. Some, who had taken no part against Sulla, were murdered through private enmity, and Sulla consented to their death to please his partisans. At last a young man asked him in the Senate, when would these things end? he did not ask for mercy to those whom it was determined to destroy, but he intreated Sulla to release from sus- pense those whom he intended to spare. Sulla replied that he had not yet determined whom he would spare. 'Then tell us' said the < senator' whom you intend to punish'. Sulla said that he would do so; and immediately, without consulting his friends, published his first list of proscriptions, containing the names of eighty who were to be put to death; to this, on the following day, he added two hundred and twenty names more; and, again, on the third day the fatal list was increased by an equal number. These' said Sulla to the people ' are all that I can at present remember; if there are others who now escape my observation, I will proscribe their names hereafter'. Whoever killed one of these outlaws was not only exempt from punishment, but also obtained for the execution a compensation of two talents ; any one, on the contrary, who befriended an outlaw was liable to the punishment of death. The property of the proscribed was forfeited to the state, like the spoil of an enemy, and their children and grandchildren lost all title to it, and, contrary to the old Roman XXXI 3 17 i PLUTARCH'S SULLA principle of not punishing children for the crimes of their parents, they were excluded from a political career. Those who fled from Rome were followed by the pursuers and killed wherever they were found. No hiding-place, no sanctuary could shield any one doomed to die: husbands were butchered in the presence of their wives, children before their mothers. The victims of revenge or personal animosity were few in com- parison to those who were murdered in the general license for the sake of their riches. One man, Quintus Aurelius, who never med- dled in public affairs, happened to be reading the list of the pro- scribed in the forum and found his own name there. He said 'Alas, it is my farm at Alba that is my persecutor'; and he had not gone far from the spot, before he was assassinated by a man who was in search of him. § 1. 1. 3. φόνων οὔτ᾽ ἀριθμὸν οὔθ᾽ ὅρον ἐχόντων. Cf. Au- gustin. de civ. Dei 3, 28: in urbe tota quem vellet Sullanus quis- que feriebat. Unde tot funera numerari omnino non poterant, donec Sullae suggereretur, sinendos esse aliquos vivere, ut essent quibus posset imperare, Flor. 3, 21, 25 quis autem illos fotest computare, quos in urbe passim quisquis voluit occidit? donec admonente Fufi- dio, vivere aliquos debere, ut essent quibus imperaret, proposita est ingens illa tabula etc. 6. ἐφιέντος αὐτοῦ καὶ χαριζομένου τοῖς περὶ αὐτόν, 'since he gave his permission to please his adhe- rents'. Cf. Dion Cass. fr. Peiresc. roy ed. Bekk. πολλοὺς μὲν γὰρ αὐτὸς ὁ Σύλλας πολλοὺς δὲ καὶ οἱ ἑταῖροι αὐτοῦ, οἱ μὲν ἐπ᾽ ἀληθείας οἱ δὲ καὶ προσποιούμενοι, ἐμίσουν, ὅπως ἐκ τῆς τῶν ἔργων ὁμοιότητος τό τε ὁμόηθές οἱ ἐνδεικνύοντες καὶ τὴν φιλίαν βεβαιοῦντες, μὴ ἐκ τοῦ διαφόρου αὐτῶν ὑποπτευθῶσί τε καὶ καταγινώσκειν τι αὐτοῦ καὶ διὰ τοῦτο κινδυνεύσωσιν. 7. Tŵv véwv eîs, 1, 2; 16, 8. Γάιος Μέτελλος: According to Orosius Z. c. it was Q. Catulus: cunctis iam, quod singuli timebant, aperte frementibus Q. Catulus palam Sullae dixit: cum quibus tandem victuri sumus, si in bello armatos, in pace inermes occidimus? 9. ποῦ προελθόντος—προσδοκᾶν, ‘how far he would proceed before they could expect his doings to be at an end'. § 2. 1. 10. παραιτούμεθα τῆς τιμωρίας, we are not beg- ging off from your vengeance, those whom you have determined to put out of the way, but we beg you to relieve from their suspense those whom you have decided to spare'. 12. ἀποκριναμένου μηδέπω γινώσκειν, replying that he has not yet decided whom he intends to spare'. Notice the deviation from Attic usage, which requires où with the infinitive after verbs of saying and thinking. 13. ὑπολαβών, 22, 3, 24, 2. 14. οὓς μέλλεις κολά- ζειν, not quos velis punire but eos quos vis punire. το ποιήσειν, 6, 3. 15. τοῦ. § 3. 1. 16. τῶν πρὸς χάριν ὁμιλούντων τῷ Σύλλᾳ, one of Sulla's servile followers'. Cf. Alcib. Cf. Alcib. 4 τῶν πρὸς χάριν ἐξομι 172 XXXI 3 NOTES ON τω λoúvтwv, adulatores, qui ad gratiam eblandiendam consuetudinem agunt (Baehr). 17. τὸ τελευταῖον, hoc postremum. 18. S' ovv, 'anyhow', 'be that as it may', whichever of the two it was that said so. See my n. to Them. 27, 2 l. 13. Kоνта πроÉуρayev, 'proscribed eighty persons'. ὀγδοή- A proscription was a list of persons posted in public, and every man whose name was in the list might be killed by any one who chose to do it. 'The proscriptions' says Ihne p. 375 'were intended to be not an encouragement to indiscriminate murder, but rather a barrier for the rage of over-zealous or unscrupulous partisans'. We learn from Appian that the proscriptions took place after the conclusion of the war in Italy (B. C. c. 95 yvvσμévwv тŵv aµpì τὴν Ιταλίαν πολέμῳ καὶ πυρὶ καὶ φόνῳ πολλῷ). The same author tells us that they were invented on this occasion (ούτος (ο Σύλλας) δοκεῖ πρώτος οὓς ἐκόλασε θανάτῳ προγράψαι καὶ γέρα τοῖς ἀναιροῦσι καὶ μήνυτρα τοῖς ἐλέγχουσι καὶ κοι λáσels Tоis KрÚптоνσш Éжιypávai). Cf. Vell. Paterc. 2, 28, 3: Primus ille λάσεις τοῖς κρύπτουσιν ἐπιγράψαι). (Sulla), et utinam ultimus, exemplum proscriptionis invenit, ut in qua civitate petulantis convici iudicium histrioni exoleto redditur, in ea ingulati civis Romani publice constitueretur auctoramentum. But that the practice was older appears from Plutarch Tib. Gr. 20, 2 where ceкńρUTтоV aκpíтovs must mean 'outlawed', Oros. 5, 21 Tunc Sulla auctore L. Fursidio primipilari primus infamem illam tabulam proscriptionis induxit. prima proscriptio octoginta hominum fuit, in quibus quattuor consulares erant, Carbo Marius Norbanus et Scipio, et inter eos Sertorius tunc maxime pertimescendus. 19. Tŵv év téλel, magistratuum. κοινωσάμενος, 3, 2. 20. διαλιπών, 17, 3. Does this mean that Sulla let one day pass as this caused a general murmur (Long, Pierron), or, in spite of the general indignation, after one day's interval, he proscribed two hundred and twenty more? What does Ihne mean by saying that it is a sad proof of the low moral status of the Roman people, that not a single man was bold enough to resist the cruel man- date for shedding blood. No general indignation was roused!'? 21. EĽKOσi Kai Siakoσlovs: Oros. l.c. item alia (tabula) cum quin- gentis nominibus proposita est. τρίτῃ πάλιν οὐκ ἐλάττους. Authorities differ widely on the number of the victims. Appian Z. c. says: βουλευτὰς ἐς τεσσαράκοντα καὶ τῶν καλουμένων ἱππέων ἀμφὶ χιλίους καὶ ἑξακοσίους ἐπὶ θανάτῳ προΰγραφεν. ...μετ᾿ οὐ πολὺ δὲ Boudeuràs áλλous avтoîs прoσeribel. Cf. Flor. 3, 25 admonente Fufidio, vivere aliquos debere, ut essent quibus imperaret, proposita est ingens illa tabula, et ex ipso equestris ordinis flore ac senatu duo milia electi qui mori iuberentur: novi generis edictum. Valerius Maximus 9, 2, 1 gives the total as 4700. 'There is no material contradiction' says Mommsen Hist. Rom. 3, 370 n. 'between these various reports, for it was not senators alone and equites that were put to death, and the list remained open for months. On a comparison of the figures given by Appian (1, 103) who confounds the victims of the civil war throughout with the victims of Sulla, and those of the Livian account in Eutropius (5, 9) and Orosius (5, 22), 50 senators and 1000 equites were regarded as victims of Marius, and 40 senators and 1600 equites as victims of Sulla; this furnishes a standard-at least not altogether arbitrary-for estimating the extent of the mischief on both sides'. § 4. 1. 22. ÉT TOÚTOɩs, not 'in reference to these measures (Long), nor on this occasion', but 'ensuite' (Pierron), 'hereupon', ' after this'. δημηγορῶν εἶπε προγράφειν, he stated in a public harangue that he was proscribing all he could think of at present, and as to those who now escaped his notice he would pro- XXXI 4 173 PLUTARCH'S SULLA scribe them hereafter'. 24. προέγραψε θάνατον, i.q. προέγραψε τὸν ὑποδεξάμενον καὶ διασώσαντα τὸν προγεγραμμένον ζημίαν αὐτῷ τῆς φ. ὁρίζων θάνατον, “he proscribed every man who harboured or saved a proscribed person, ordaining death as a punishment for his humanity'. This sentence affords an apt illustration of an important rule of Greek Syntax-viz. that, when a participle and a verb of different construction refer to one and the same object, the case of that object is determined not by the verb but by the participle. Thus Thuc. 6, 11, 1 ὧν κρατήσας μὴ κατασχήσει τις for ἃ μὴ κατασχήσει τις κρατήσας αὐτῶν, 7, 5, 3, Eur. Hel. 753 τοῖς θεοῖσι χρὴ θύοντας αἰτεῖν ἀγαθά, for τοὺς θεοὺς χρὴ αἰτεῖν ἀγαθὰ θύοντας αὐτοῖς, Hipp. 663 τῆς σῆς τόλμης εἴσομαι γεγευμένος. 28. γέρας sc. ὁρίζων. κἄν, i.q. καὶ ἐ άν, είiamsi. 30. γάρ, namely, is merely explan- atory of τὸ ἀδικώτατον. It often appears redundant in a propo- sition which has been announced by a preceding demonstrative pro- noun or after σημεῖον δέ, τεκμήριον δέ, δῆλον δέ (sc. ἐστί). So An- doc. 24, 17 αὐτὸ τὸ ἐναντιώτατον· αὕτη γὰρ ἡ εἰρήνη τὸν δῆμον ὑψηλὸν ρεν, Isocr. 14, 15 τὸ ἐχόμενον στρατόπεδον γὰρ ἔτη δέκα κάτεσχεν. ἠτίμωσε καὶ υἱοὺς καὶ υἱωνούς, * he inflicted civil disability on the sons and grandsons of the proscribed’. υίωνούς is a poetical word used by Homer: the usual expression in prose is παῖδας παίδων. Cf. Vell. Paterc. 2, 28, 4 nec tantum in cos, qui contra arma tule- rant, sed in multos insontis sacvitum. Adicctum etiam, ut bona pro- scriptorum venirent, exclusique paternis opibus liberi etiam petendo- rum honorum iure prohiberentur, simulque (quod indignissimum est) senatorum filii et onera ordinis sustinerent et iura perderent, Dionys. Halic. 8, 8ο οἵ τε καταλῦσαι τὸ ἔθος τοῦτο (viz. that children should not be included in the attainder or punishment of their parents) ἐπιβαλόμενοι κατὰ τοὺς ἡμετέρους χρόνους μετὰ τὴν συντέλειαν τοῦ Μαρσικοῦ τε καὶ ἐμφυλίου πολέμου καὶ τοὺς παῖδας τῶν ἐπικηρυχθέν- των ἐπὶ Σύλλᾳ πατέρων ἀφελόμενοι τὸ μετιέναι τὰς πατρίους ἀρχὰς καὶ βουλῆς μετέχειν καθ' ὃν ἐδυνάστευον αὐτοὶ χρόνον, ἐπίφθονόν τε ανθρώ- ποις καὶ νεμεσητὸν θεοῖς ἔργον ἔδοξαν ἀποδείξασθαι. Lepidus in his speech ap. Sallust Hist. 41, 6 says of Sulla: solus omnium post memoriam hominum supplicia in post futuros composuit, quis prius iniuria quam vita certa esset. This penalty bare some resemblance to the English old barbarous doctrine of attainder and corruption of blood. In the same way after one of the revo- lutions of Florence, the Ghibellini were excluded by their political opponents from the offices of the republic. It is not certain whether these penalties were LONG R. R. 2, 359. fixed now or by a subsequent lex Cornelia de proscriptis. The consequence of these measures of Sulla was a great change of property all through Italy. Cities which had favoured the opposite faction were punished by the loss of their fortifications and heavy requisitions, such as the French army in the Revolutionary wars levied in Italy. Sulla settled the soldiers of twenty-three legions in the Italian towns as so many garrisons, and he gave them lands and houses by taking them from their owners. These were the men who stuck to Sulla while he lived, and attempted to maintain his acts after his death, for their title could only be defended by supporting his measures. These are the men of Sulla' as Cicero sometimes calls them, whose lands were purchased by murder, and who, as he says (c. Rullum 2, 26), were in 174 XXXI 4 NOTES ON such odium that their title could not have stood a single attack of a true and courageous tribune. LONG note to transl. p. 281. § 5. 1. 33. ἐν πάσῃ πόλει τῆς Ιταλίας: cf. Appian B. C. r c. 96 πολλὴ δὲ καὶ τῶν Ἰταλιωτῶν ἀναίρεσίς τε καὶ ἐξέλασις καὶ δήμευσις ἦν...κρίσεις τε ἦσαν ἐπὶ τούτοις ἀνὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν όλην πικραὶ καὶ ἐγκλήματα ποικίλα, στρα τηγίας ἢ στρατείας ἢ ἐσφορᾶς χρημάτων ἢ ἄλλης υπηρεσίας ἢ βουλεύσεως ὅλης κατὰ Σύλλα, ἐγκλήματα δ' ἦν καὶ ξενία καὶ φιλία καὶ δάνεισμα, λαβόντος ἢ δόντος. ἤδη δέ τις καὶ προθυμίας ἢ μόνης συνοδίας (συνηθείας coni. Musgr.) ηλίσκετο, Liv. Epitom. LxxXVIII urbem ac totam Italian caedibus replevit, Flor. 3, 28 municipia Italiae splendidissima sub hasta venierunt, Spoletium, Interamnium, Praeneste, Florentia. nam Sulmonem, vetus oppidum socium atque amicum facinus indignum!) non expugnat aut obsidet iure belli; sed quo modo morte damnati duci iubentur, sic damnatam civitatem iussit Sulla deieri. 34. φονευομένων—καθαρός, “free from the stain of bloodshed'. For the construction cf. Χen. Oecon. 16, 12 with note. Appian c. 95 οἱ μὲν ἀδοκήτως καταλαμβανόμενοι διεφθείροντο ἔνθα συνελαμ βάνοντο, ἐν οἰκίαις ἢ στενωποῖς ἢ ἱεροῖς, οἱ δὲ μετέωροι πρὸς τὸν Σύλλαν φερόμενοί τε καὶ πρὸ ποδῶν αὐτοῦ ῥιπτούμενοι. 37. ήσαν οὐδὲν μέρος τῶν διὰ χρήματα σφαττομένων, were as nothing in comparison with those who were butchered for the sake of their property'. Cf. Isocr. Philipp. § 43 p. 90 E οὐδὲν ἂν μέρος οὖσαι φανεῖεν (αἱ τῶν ῾Ελλήνων συμφοραὶ τῶν διὰ Θηβαίους καὶ Λακεδαιμο- νίους ἡμῖν γεγενημένων, Panath. § 54 p. 243 E ὧν ἐπιχειρήσας τις κατη- γορεῖν τρεῖς ἢ τέτταρας ἡμέρας συνεχῶς οὐδὲν ἂν μέρος εἰρηκέναι δύξειε τῶν ἐκείνοις ἡμαρτημένων. A 38. τῶν διὰ χρήματα σφαττομένων ; Dion Cass. l. c. ἔσφαζον δὲ καὶ ὅσους πλουτούντας ἢ καὶ ἄλλως πως υπερέχοντας ἑώρων, τοὺς μὲν φθόνῳ τοὺς δὲ διὰ χρήματα πλείστοι γὰρ ἐν τῷ τοιούτῳ καὶ τῶν μέσων, κἂν μηδὲ ἑτέροις ὦσι συναί ροντες, διόν τι ἔγκλημα τὸ κατ' ἀρετὴν ἢ καὶ γένει πλούτῳ τέ τινος προέχειν λαμ- βάνοντες, Oros, i. c. ita liberae per Vrbem caedes, percussoribus passim vagans tibus ut quemque vel ira vel praeda sollicitabat, agitabantur, Valer. Max. 9, 2, 1 nec contentus in eos saevire qui armis a se dissenserant, etiam quicti animi cives propter pecuniae magnitudinem per nomenclatorem con- quisitos proscriptorum numero adiecit. 33. ἐπήει, in mentem venicbat, it occurred. § 6. 1. 41. ἀνὴρ ἀπράγμων, an inoffensive man', 'an 'one who kept aloof from public affairs 42. τοσοῦτον—όσον, 29, 5: 45. εὑρὼν ἑαυτόν sc. προγεγραμμένον. 46. Αλβανῷ, sc. ἀγρῷ or ὄρει. Αλβανῷ, 50. CHAPTER XXXII Meanwhile Marius the younger, rather than fall into the enemy's hands, kills himself. Sulla on his arrival at Praeneste (the garrison of which seeing that further resistance was hopeless had surrendered to Ofella), began by trying and punishing the inhabitants one by one; but, as this process took up too much time, he had them all brought into one place together and then massacred, to the number XXXII 1 175 PLUTARCH'S SULLA of twelve thousand. He offered to spare an old friend, but the man refused to accept such an offer from the destroyer of his country (§ 10). The most monstrous act was that of Lucius Sergius Catilina, who, having murdered his brother during the civil war, legged Sulla to allow his name to appear in the proscription lists as if he were still alive, and, in return for the favour which was granted him, brought to Sulla, as he was scated in the Forum, the head of M. Marius, a relation of his great rival, and then went and washed his hands in the lustral vessel, at the entrance to the temple of Apollo (§ 2). § 1. 1. 1. T 1. 1. EV TOÚTŲ, 9, I. ἁλισκόμενος, when he was on the point of being taken'. ἑαυτὸν διέφθειρε : The story is re- peated by Appian B. C. I c. 94 Πραινέστιοι δέ τὴν πόλιν τῷ Λουκρητίῳ παρέδοσαν, Μαρίου καταδύντος εἰς τάφρους ὑπονόμου καὶ μετὰ βραχὺ καὶ ἀνελόντος ἑαυτόν. [By ὑπόνομος is meant one of the under- ground passages which supplied the town with water and were also intended for the purpose of escape. Υπόνομοι τάφροι is used by Dionys. Ηalic. A. R. 3, 67 to translate cloacae and ὑπόνομοι simply by Dion Cassius 49, 43.] Another version is given by the Epitomator of Livy LXXXVIII, and by Oro- sius 5, 21, viz. that Marius and Telesinus, a younger brother of Pontius Telesinus, were together in the subterranean passage, and that when they found no outlet they drew their daggers to kill one another. Telesinus was killed by Marius, who, not being mortally wounded, prevailed on a slave to despatch him. Whether he perished thus, or, as Velleius Paterculus 2, 27 says, was caught, just as he put his head out of the hole (cum foramine e terra emersisset), must be of course uncertain. According to Appian Ofella cut off the head of Marius and sent it to Sulla, who set it up in front of the Rostra in the Forum, and uttered with a contemptuous smile at the youth of Marius the words of Aristophanes ερέτην δεῖν πρώτα γενέσθαι, πρὶν πηδαλίοις ἐπιχειρεῖν. 3. κατ' ἄνδρα, viritin. 4. πάντας—ἐκέλευσεν ἀποσφάττειν: The story of the massacre is thus told by Appian c. 94 Λουκρήτιος δ', ἐπεὶ Πραίνεστον εἷλε, τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς βουλῆς ἐνταῦθα Μαρίῳ στρατηγούντων τοὺς μὲν αὐτίκα ἀνῄρει, τοὺς δ' ἐς φυλακὴν ἐσέ- βαλλεν' οὓς ὁ Σύλλας ἐπελθὼν ἀνεῖλεν. καὶ τοὺς ἐν Πραινεστῷ προσέταξε χωρίς ὅπλων προελθεῖν ἅπαντας ἐς τὸ πεδίον, καὶ προελθόντων τοὺς μὲν ἑαυτῷ τι χρησίμους γενομένους, ὀλίγους πάμπαν, έξείλετο, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς ἐκέλευσεν ἐς τρία ἀπ' ἀλλήλων διαστῆναι, Ρωμαίους τε καὶ Σαυνίτας καὶ Πραινεστίους, ἐπεὶ δὲ διέστησαν, τοῖς μὲν Ρωμαίοις ἐπεκήρυξεν ὅτι καὶ οἵδε ἄξια θανάτου δεδράκασι καὶ συγγνώμην ἔδωκεν ὅμως, τοὺς δὲ ἑτέρους κατηκόντισεν ἅπαντας· γύναια δ' αὐτῶν καὶ παιδία μεθῆκεν ἀπαθεῖς ἀπιέναι. καὶ τὴν πόλιν διήρπαζε, πολυχρήματον ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα τότε οὖσαν. Cf. Valer. Max. 9, 2, I L. Sulla quinque milia Praenestinorum spe salutis per P. Cethegum data extra moenia municipii evocata, cum abiectis armis humi corpora prostravissent, interficienda pro- tinusque per agros dispergenda curavit, Lucan Pharsal. 2, 193; vidit Fortuna colonos Praenestina suos cunctos simul ense recisos, unius populum pereuntem tempore mortis. 6. μόνῳ τῷ ξένῳ διδοὺς ἄδειαν, offering pardon to none but his great friend'. The story is repeated by Plutarch in his prae- cepta ger. reip. c. 19 p. 816 Α: ἐπεὶ ἑλὼν Πραίνεστον ὁ Σύλλας ἔμελλε τοὺς ἄλλους ἅπαντας αποσφάττειν, ἕνα δ᾽ ἐκεῖνον ἠφίει διὰ 176 XXXII 1 NOTES ON is où τὴν ξενίαν, εἰπὼν ὡς οὐ βούλεται σωτηρίας χάριν εἰδέναι τῷ φονεῖ τῆς πατρίδος, ἀνέμιξεν ἑαυτὸν καὶ συγκατεκόπη τοῖς πολίταις. 8. σωτηρίας χάριν εἴσεται, pro salute gratiam habebit. 9. αναμιχθεὶς τοῖς πολίταις, 28, 2; 29, 7. See n. on 31, 4. Κατιλίναν, § 2. 1. 11. KaιVÓTATOV, 'strangest', 'most unheard of'. 12. Kariλivav, L. Sergius Catilina, who formed the con- spiracy in the consulship of M. T. Cicero 63/691. οὔπω τῶν πραγμάτων πрауμάτшν кεkpiµévwv, rebus nondum decisis, 'before matters came to an issue', 'before the civil war was ended'. 14. τὸν άveρwπov, 27, 6. We have the same story told in the Life of Cicero c. 10. 16. Μάρκον τινὰ Μάριον, Μ. Marius Gratidianus, concerning whom see my n. to Cic. de off. 3, II, 67. Other writers speak of the inhuman tortures which Sulla allowed to be inflicted on him; Liv. Epitom. LXXXVII Marium, senatorii ordinis virum, cruribus bracchiisque fractis, auribus praesectis et effossis oculis necavit, Va. lerius Maximus 9, 2, 1 borrowing from Livy says quam porro crudeliter se in M. Mario praetore gessit! quem per ora vulgi ad sepulcrum Lutatiae gentis (in retaliation for the death of Catulus, who was the personal enemy of the elder Marius) pertractum non prius vita privavit, quam oculos infelices erueret et singulas corporis partes confringeret, Oros. 5. 21 M. Marium de caprili casa extractum vinciri Sulla iussit ductumque trans Tiberim ad Lutatiorum sepulcrum effossis oculis membrisque minutatim desectis vel etiam fractis trucidari, Seneca de ira 3, 18 M. Mario cui vicatim populus statuas posuerat, cui ture ac vino supplicarat, L. Sulla praefringi crură, erui oculos, amputari manus iussit et quasi totiens occiderat quotiens volnerabat, paulatim et per singulos artus lacerabat. quis erat huius imperii minister? quis, nisi Cati- nisi_Cati- lina iam in omne facinus manus exercens? is illum ante bustum Q. Catuli carpebat gravissimus mitissimi viri cineribus, supra quos vir mali exempli, popularis tamen et non tam inmerito quam nimis amatus per stillicidia sanguinem dabat. dignus erat Marius qui illa pateretur, Sulla qui iuberet, Catilina qui faceret, sed indigna respublica quae in corpus suum pariter et hostium et vindicum gladios reciperet, Lucan Pharsal. 2, 173; quid sanguine manes placatos Catuli referam? cum victima tristes inferias Marius, forsan nolentibus umbris, pendit, inexpleto non fanda piacula busto: cum laceros artus, aequataque volnera membris vidimus, et toto quamvis in corpore caeso nil animae letale datum moremque nefandae dirum saevitiae, pereuntis parcere morti. Avolsae cecidere manus exsectaque lingua palpitat et muto tacitum ferit aëra motu: hic aures, alius spiramina naris aduncae amputat; ille cavis evolvit sedibus orbes uitimaque effundit spectatis lumina membris. 'As Plutarch says nothing of the torturing of Marius, it is possible that we have here a huge exaggeration or a mere fiction before us. Perhaps it originated in the charges which Cicero's brother Quintus brought against Catiline (Q. Cicer. de petit. consul. 3, 10). It is very curious that Cicero himself never mentions these atrocities, though he surely would not have willingly lost an opportunity for representing Catiline as the most execrable miscreant'. IHNE H. R. 5, 381 n. 17. τῶν ἐκ τῆς ἐναντίας στάσεως, unum ex adversa factione 1, I; 19. τῷ περιρραντηρίῳ τοῦ ᾿Απόλλωνος, the stone vessel, containing lustral water, placed at the entrance of the 12, 4. XXXIII 1 177 PLUTARCH'S SULLA temple of Apollo, for those who entered to wash their hands. The temple of Apollo in the Campus or dip their fingers in. Martius was built in 428/326. CHAPTER XXXIII There were other things besides the work of massacre by which Sulla aroused general indignation. He got himself declared Dictator for the settlement of the State, reviving an office which had not been filled for 120 years, and which conferred upon him unlimited pleni- tude of power. He received a retrospective approval of all his official acts as consul and proconsul; he was empowered to adjudicate without appeal on the life and property of the burgesses, to deal as he liked with the state-domains, to alter at discretion the boundaries of Rome, of Italy and of the state, to dissolve or establish civic communities in Italy, and to dispose of the provinces and dependent states. By virtue of his new official authority Sulla settled matters according to his pleasure: the sales of confiscated properties were openly made by the Dictator himself, and he disposed of the proceeds in a despotic and capricious manner. Handsome women, and other boon companions, musicians, actors, and even freedmen of the very lowest class were allowed to purchase without competition or had the purchase money remitted. Some, notably Cn. Pompeius Magnus, he even compelled to put away their own wives and marry those of others. He got rid of enemies in order to secure himself, and of friends too when they stood in his way. Lucretius Ofella, presuming on his services, canvassed for the consulship. Sulla attempted to persuade him to desist from his pretensions, but Ofella refused and lost his life. The people seized the centurion, whom Sulla had ordered to kill him, and brought him before Sulla; but he silenced their clamours by declaring that the centurion had only done what he was bid. § 1. 1. 1. ἔξω τῶν φονικών, besides his work of massacre'. Isocr. p. 48 c οἱ ἐν ἀρχῇ περὶ τῶν φονικῶν ἐγκαλέσαντες (qui in principio causam homicidii egerunt) ἐν τοῖς νόμοις τοῖς ἡμετέροις τὰς κρίσεις ἐποιήσαντο περὶ αὐτῶν. 2. δικτάτορα ἑαυτὸν ἀνη- yópevore, 'proclaimed himself dictator', not literally but virtually. This was in 81/673. As both the consuls of 82/672, Marius and Carbo, were dead, and Sulla himself possessed really only pro- consular, that is to say, purely military power, the republic was without a legally appointed head. Sulla left Rome for a time, as if he wished to avoid the appearance of exercising an undue pressure on the decisions of the Senate, but he wrote a letter to them, in which he announced that it seemed to him indispensable that they should place the regulation of the State in the hands of one man invested for an indefinite period with unlimited plenitude of power (οὐκ ἐς χρόνον ῥητόν, ἀλλὰ μέχρι τὴν πόλιν καὶ τὴν Ἰταλίαν καὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν ὅλην στάσεσι καὶ πολέμοις σεσαλευμένην στηρίσειεν H. S. I 2 178 XXXIII I NOTES ON T Appian B. C. I c. 98), and at the same time that he thought himself qualified to fulfil this difficult task (ὅτι οἱ δοκοίη μάλιστ᾽ ἂν αὐτὸς τῇ πόλει καὶ ἐν τῷδε γενέσθαι χρήσιμος). The suggestion was of course equivalent to an order, and Lucius Valerius Flaccus, the interrex, as interim holder of the supreme power, submitted a formal proposal to the people to elect Sulla to the office of Dic- tator for re-establishing peace, to confer on him the supreme legislative and judicial authority; and that it should be left to his judgment to determine when he had fulfilled his task and might deem it time to resign the extraordinary magistracy. This new office derived its name from the Dictatorship, which had been practically abolished since the Hannibalic war; but it was quite different from the earlier limited magistracy. It much more re- sembled that of the decemviri legibus scribundis, or rather this new office, with its absolute power based on a decree of the people and restrained by no term or colleague, was no other than the old monarchy'. MOMMSEN H. R. 3, 367. Appian B. C. I c. 99 says Ρωμαῖοι δ' οὐχ ἑκόντες μὲν οὐδὲ κατὰ νόμον ἔτι χειροτονοῦντες οὐδέν, οὐδ᾽ ἐπὶ σφίσιν ἡγούμενοι τὸ ἔργον ὅλως, ἐν δὲ τῇ πάντων ἀπορίᾳ τὴν ὑπόκρισιν τῆς χειροτονίας ὡς ἐλευθερίας εἰκόνα καὶ πρόσχημα ἀσπασάμενοι, χειροτονοῦσι τὸν Σύλλαν ἐς ὅσον θέλοι τύραννον αὐτο- κράτορα. 3. ἀνηγόρευσε, post-classical for ἀνεῖπε, 27, 6. Sử étŵv Ékatòv eĽkoσɩ, ‘after an interval of 120`years'. Cf. Velleius Paterc. 2, 28 videbantur finita belli civilis mala, cum Sullae crudelitate aucta sunt. Quippe dictator creatus (cuius ho- noris usurpatio per annos centum et viginti intermissa; nam proximus post annum (202/552), quam Hannibal Italia ex- cesserat, uti apparcat populum Romanum usum dictatoris ut in metu desiderasse, ita in otio timuisse potestatem) imperio, quo priores ad vindicandam maximis periculis rempublicam olim usi erant, eo in immodicae crudelitatis licentiam usus est. The last Dictator had been Gaius Servilius Geminus, who was appointed for the purpose of holding the consular elections in the 17th year of the second Punic War. 4. ἀναλαβών, 19, 3. ἐψηφίσθη δ᾽ αὐτῷ πάντων ἄδεια τῶν γεγονότων. Cf. Appian B. C. I c. 97 πάντα ὅσα διώκησεν ὁ Σύλλας ὑπατεύων τε καὶ ἀνθυπα- τεύων, βέβαια καὶ ἀνεύθυνα ψηφίζοντο εἶναι, Cic. de leg. agr. ur 2, 5 omnium legum iniquissimam dissimillimamque legis esse ar- bitror eam, quam L. Flaccus interrex de Sulla tulit, ut omnia, quaecumque ille fecisset, essent rata. nam cum ceteris in civitatibus tyrannis institutis leges omnes exstinguantur atque tollantur hic reipublicae tyrannum lege constituit. 6. ἐξουσία θανάτου Snμevσews. Cic. de legg. 1, 15, 42 nihilo, credo, magis (eae leges iustae haberentur) illa quam interrex noster tulit, ut dictator quem vellet civium indicta causa impune posset occidere, Verr. 3, 35, 81 unus adhuc fuit post Romam conditam-cui respublica se totam traderet, L. Sulla. Hic tantum potuit, ut nemo, illo invito, nec bona nec patriam nec vitam retinere posset. 7. κληρουχιών, coloniarum deducendarum. κτίσεως, πορθήσεως. In Campania the democratic colony of Capua was done away with XXXIII 3 179 PLUTARCH'S SULLA and its domain given back to the state; in Latium Sulmo in the Pelignian district was razed, Samnium was laid waste for ever, its flourishing towns, even Aesernia, the former Latin colony, were left in ruins. In Etruria a number of the most considerable communes, such as Florentia, Volaterrae, Faesulae, Arretium, were visited with total confiscation. The two latter became Sullan colonies, as also Praeneste and Pompeii. ἀφελέσθαι βασιλείαν, G. § 259. 'The expression' says Ihne 'appears to have reference to Sulla's dispositions in the Asiatic and Numidian kingdoms'. Dion. Hal. 5, 77 after writing of the Dictatorship and the moderate use previously made of the power it conferred, adds: ἐν ταῖς ἐμφυλίοις διχοστασίαις πολλαῖς καὶ μεγάλαις γενομέναις καὶ ἐπὶ καταλύσει βασιλειῶν καὶ τυραννίδων ὑποπτευομένων καὶ ἐπ' ἄλλων συμ- φορῶν κωλύσει μυρίων ὅσων οἱ τηλικαύτης τυχόντες ἐξουσίας ἅπαντες ανεπιλήπτους ἑαυτοὺς παρέσχοντο ἐπὶ δὲ τῆς κατὰ τοὺς πατέρας ἡμῶν ἡλικίας ὁμοῦ τι τετρακοσίων διαγενομένων ἐτῶν ἀπὸ τῆς Τίτου Λαρκίου δικτατορίας διεβλήθη καὶ μισητὸν ἅπασιν ἀνθρώποις ἐφάνη τὸ πρᾶγμα Λευκίου Κορνηλίου Σύλλα πρώτου καὶ μόνου πικρώς αὐτῇ καὶ ὠμῶς χρησαμένου· ὥστε τότε πρῶτον αἰσθέσθαι Ρωμαίους, ὃ τὸν ἄλλον ἅπαντα χρόνον ήγνόουν, ὅτι τυραννίς ἐστιν ἡ τοῦ δικτά τορος ἀρχή. βουλήν τε γὰρ ἐκ τῶν ἐπιτυχόντων ἀνθρώπων συνέ- στησε—καὶ πόλεις ὅλας εξῴκισε καὶ βασιλείας τὰς μὲν ἀνεῖλε, τὰς δὲ αὐτὸς ἀπέδειξε καὶ ἄλλα πολλὰ καὶ αὐθάδη διεπράξατο. § 2. 1. 9. οἴκων, estates'. Xen. Oec. I, 4. It is stated by the Epitomator of Livy that the sale of the confiscated estates. amounted to 350,000,000 sesterces or nearly three millions ster- ling. 12. λυρῳδοῖς καὶ μίμοις: cf. Athen. Deipnos. 6, 78 Νικόλαος δ' ἐν τῇ ἑβδόμῃ καὶ ἑκατοστῇ τῶν ἱστοριῶν Σύλλαν φησὶ τὸν Ρωμαίων στρατηγὸν οὕτω χαίρειν μίμοις καὶ γελωτοποιοῖς, φιλόγελων γενόμενον, ὡς καὶ πολλὰ γῆς μέτρα αὐτοῖς χαρίζεσθαι τῆς δημοσίας. ἐμφανίζουσι δ' αὐτοῦ τὸ περὶ ταῦτα ἱλαρὸν αἱ ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ γραφεῖσαι κωμῳδίαι τῇ πατρίῳ φωνῇ. λυρωδοί are 13. μία 'musicians', lit. 'those who sing to the lyre'; but see cr. n. μοις, 2, 2. καθάρμασιν ἐξελευθερικοῖς, purgamentis libertinoruim, i.e. libertinis abiectissimis, 'the lowest of the freed slaves'. Cf. Arist. Plut. 454, Eupol. Δημ. 15 αἱρούμενοι καθάρματα στρα τηγούς. Such was Chrysogonus, concerning whom see Plut. Cic. c. 3, Cic. or. p. S. Rosc. Am. c. 8. 14. Xápas, agros, 'lands': the plural is rarely found, Xen. Cyr. 8, 6, 4 χώρας καὶ οἴκους, Oecon. 4, 17 χώρας ἐνέργους ποιεῖν. 15. ἀκουσίως ζευγνυμένων, ' compelled to marry against their will. § 3. 1. 15. Πομπήιόν γέ τοι, it is certain at all events as to Pompey', that etc. This was the young Cnaeus Pompeius. Magnus, who obtained for himself from Sulla-half in recognition, half in irony-the surname of Magnus. A remarkable delineation of his character is given by Mommsen H. R. 4, 10 ff. His future great rival C. Julius Caesar refused to send a divorce to his young wife at the bidding of Sulla. οἰκειώσασθαι, ad suas partes 12-2 180 XXXIII 3 NOTES ON adiungere, to win over to his side', οικειότητι προσθέσθαι Pomp. 17. ἣν εἶχε γαμετήν, 6, II. 9. This was Antistia, as we know from Pomp. c. 9 πείθουσι τὸν Πόμπηιον ἀπαλλαγέντα τῆς ᾿Αντιστίας λαβεῖν γυναῖκα τὴν Σύλλα πρόγονον (privignan) Αἰμιλίαν. ἀνδρὶ συνοικοῦσαν ἤδη καὶ κύουσαν τότε. 18. Σκαύρου θυγατέρα, Μ. Aemilius Scaurus, cos. 115/639 with M. Caecilius Metellus, and afterwards princeps senatus, whose widow Caecilia Sulla married in 88/666, c. 6, vit. Pomp. c. 9. 19. Μανίου Γλαβρίωνος: Manius Acilius Glabrio, who was praetor in 70/684 during the proceedings against Verres. He was the son of the M'. Acilius Glabrio who got a law passed on mal- administration in office (repetundae), and the grandson of the Glabrio who defeated king Antiochos near Thermopylae (c. 12). (Long). 20. ἐγκύμονα, sc. οὖσαν, praegnantem: vit. Pomp. Ι. c. ἦν οὖν τυραννικὰ τὰ τοῦ γάμου καὶ τοῖς Σύλλα καιροῖς μᾶλλον ἢ τῷ Πομπηίου βίῳ πρέποντα, τῆς μὲν Αἰμιλίας ἀγομένης ἐγκύμονος παρ' ἑτέρου πρὸς αὐτόν, ἐξελαυνομένης δὲ τῆς ᾿Αντιστίας ἀτίμως καὶ οἰκτρώς, ἅτε δὴ καὶ τοῦ πατρὸς ἔναγχος ἐστερημένης διὰ τὸν ἄνδρα· κατεσφάγη γὰρ ὁ ᾿Αντίστιος ἐν τῷ βουλευτηρίῳ δοκῶν τὰ Σύλλα τηρεῖν διὰ Πομπήιον· ἡ δὲ μήτηρ αὐτῆς ἐπιδοῦσα τοιαῦτα προήκατο τὸν βίον ἑκουσίως, ὥστε καὶ τοῦτο τὸ πάθος τῇ περὶ τὸν γάμον ἐκεῖνον τραγῳδία προσγενέσθαι καὶ νὴ Δία τὸ τὴν Αἰμιλίαν εὐθὺς διαφθαρήναι παρὰ τῷ Πομπηίῳ τίκτουσαν. 21. Λουκρητίου Οφέλλα, 29, 8. 23. μετιόντος, ambientis, canvassing for '. ( § 4. 1. 24. ὑπὸ πολλῶν σπουδαζόμενος, supported by a large party'. See n. on Them. 5, 2. 27. τὸν ἄνδρα, Them. 12, 3 n. 28. ἐν τῷ Διοσκουρείῳ, ' in the Temple of Castor on the south-western side of the Forum, of which there are three Co- rinthian columns still remaining. On account of the height to which the basement of the temple was raised, it commanded the Forum, (ἐφορῶν ἄνωθεν) and afforded a convenient place for the delivery of harangues to the crowds assembled in it. See Burn's Rome and the Campagna p. 100 ff. 31. αὐτὸς ἔφη κελεῦσαι τοῦτο: Appian's narrative is more circumstantial. He says that Ofella put forward his claims to the consulship διὰ τὸ μέγεθος τῶν εἰργασμένων, when he was only an eques and had not yet served the offices of quaestor and praetor: and that Sulla justified the execution of Ofella Lucretius before the burgesses, and silenced remonstrance by relating to the people the fable of the countryman and the lice: ' φθεῖρες γεωργὸν ἀροτριῶντα ὑπέδακνον· ὁ δὲ δὶς μὲν τὸ ἄροτρον μεθεὶς τὸν χιτωνίσκον ἐκάθηρεν, ὡς δ᾽ αὖθις ἐδάκνετο, ἵνα μὴ πολλάκις ἀργοίη, τὸν χιτωνίσκον ἔκαυσεν· κἀγὼ τοῖς δὶς ἡττημένοις παραινῶ τρίτου πυρὸς μὴ δεηθῆναι, a clown while ploughing was pestered by lice. Twice he let go his plough and cleaned his jacket of them. But, as they continued to bite him, he burnt his jacket that he might not be So I advise those who have constantly interrupted in his work. been twice beaten not to make fire necessary the third time'. XXXIV 2 181 PLUTARCH'S SULLA CHAPTER XXXIV Rome never witnessed a more gorgeous triumph than that which Sulla celebrated for his victories in the Mithridatic war. The chief spectacle, however, was the procession of distinguished citizens, restored by him from banishment, who accompanied his triumphal car with chaplets on their heads and loudly proclaimed him as their saviour. After the triumph the Dictator made a speech before the people, in which he recounted all the incidents of his life, his successes as well as his brave deeds, and in conclusion he bade them salute him by the name of Felix, the nearest translation of which is eiTVXÝS. IN writing or giving an audience to Greeks, he signed or called himself an Epaphroditos; and the name Lucius Cornelius Sulla Epaphro- ditos appeared also on his trophies in Boeotia. Some time after his return Metella bore him twins, a boy and a girl. He named the boy Faustus and the girl Fausta, the Latin word for 'happy and joyous'. He was so proud of his uniquely faithful fortune, that though he had made so many enemies by the horrors attaching to his re-organisation of the state-the proscriptions and confis- cations-the absolute autocrat, when his work was finished, of his own accord returned to the condition of a private citizen. allowed the people to elect whom they would as consuls and refrained from interference. Only when Pompeius had canvassed for Lepidus, a headstrong partisan of the opposite faction and secured his election contrary to Sulla's wish, seeing that Pompeius was pleased at the result, he told him that he was only strengthening a rival. Sulla's foresight was just, as events soon showed. He § 1. 1. 2. σoẞapós, 'imposing', 'magnificent', a post-classical use of the word: cf. Sert. 22, 3 δείπνων σοβαρωτέρων ὑποδοχάς, Alex. 45 σοβαρωτέραν στολήν. His triumph was celebrated on the 29th and 30th January 81/673. On the first day there were exhibited fifteen thousand pounds weight of gold and one hundred and fifteen thousand pounds of silver, the produce of Sulla's victories and pillage: on the second day, thirteen thousand pounds of gold and six thousand pounds of silver, which the younger Marius had carried to Praeneste from the ruins of the capitol and from the other temples in Rome, Plin. Nat. Hist. 33, I. 3. μείζονα —TOùs puɣádas, 'imposing as it was in the costliness and rarity of the regal spoils, had a greater ornament in the exiles', those whom the Marian faction had expelled. 5. παρείποντο, 'followed in the procession'. 6. áπokaλoûνtes, here used in a good sense: see my n. on Tib. Gracch. 21, 3. κατιόντες, αb exilio redeuntes, Them. 11, I with note, the omission of the article in enumeration, see n. on Them. 10, 2 1. 20. 7. 8. Taîdas kal yuvaîkas, on § 2. 1. 8. σvvypnµévwv åπávtwv, omnibus transactis, a post- classical sense of the verb; cf. Marc. 3, I TØÛ TOλÉμOν ovvαipe- 182 XXXIV 2 NOTES ON I θέντος, Timol. 9, 3 ὡς τοῦ πολέμου μικρὸν ἀπολείποντος συνῃρή- σθαι, Mar. 45, 1 συνῃρηκὼς τὸν Μιθριδατικὸν πόλεμον, Lysandr. II, Pomp. 38, I συνηρημένου πολέμου καὶ πέρας ἔχοντος, Sertor. 13 συναιρήσων τὴν πολιορκίαν, Brut. 36 εἰ συνέλοι τὴν περὶ ταῦτα χρείαν, Mar. 8, 4 ὁδὸν συνελών. 9. απολογισμὸν causarum. τῶν πράξεων ποιούμενος, not rendering an account of his actions (Clough), but giving an account of them in a set speech' (Lang- hornes). Cf. Polyl. ro, 24, S ὁ κεφαλαιώδης τῶν πράξεων ἀπολο- γισμός, brevis rerum gestarum expositio per summa capita, ib. ὁ μετ' ἀποδείξεως ἀπολογισμός, uberior expositio cum explicatione 10. εὐτυχίας—ἀνδραγαθίας, his successes acts of gallantry', 27, 3. See my n. to Xen. Oecon. 1, 21, Plut. Tib. Gr. 2, I. 11. Trépas, adv. 'finally', G. § 160, 2. 12. Εὐτυχῆ προσαγορεύεσθαι: Vell. Paterc. 2, 27, 5 occiso de mum co (Mario adulescente) Felicis nomen assumpsit, quod quidem usurpasset iustissime, si eundem et vincendi et vivendi finem habuisset, Aurel. Vict. de vir. ill. 1, 75 Mario Praeneste interfecto, Felicem se elicto appellavit. Cf. Appian B. C. I c. 97 εἰκόνα αὐτοῦ ἐπίχρυσον ἐπὶ ἵππου πρὸ τῶν ἐμβόλων ἀνέθεσαν καὶ ὑπέγραψαν Κορνηλίου Σύλλα ἡγεμόνος εὐτυχους. ὧδε γὰρ αὐτὸν οἱ κόλακες, διευτυχοῦντα ἐπὶ τοῖς ἐχθροῖς, ὠνόμαζον· καὶ προῆλθεν ἐς βέβαιον ὄνομα ἡ κολακεία. 13. ὁ Φήλιξ, the word Felix. βούλεται δηλοῦν, professes to express. Plat. Cratyl. 412 C τό γε ἀγαθόν, τοῦτο τῆς φύσεως πάσης τῷ ἀγαστῷ βούλεται τὸ ὄνομα ἐπικεῖσθαι, 414 Α γυνή δὲ γονή μοι φαίνεται βούλεσθαι εἶναι. 14. χρηματίζων, not when he had any business to transact with them' (Long), but ‘in his answers to their applications' (Langhornes). See on 5, 4 and Index 15. Επαφρόδιτον, chosen favourite of Aphrodite', Appian Z.c. ἤδη δέ που γραφῇ περιέτυχον ἡγουμένῃ τὸν Σύλλαν ἐπα- φρόδιτον ἐν τῷδε τῷ ψηφίσματι ἀναγραφῆναι, καὶ οὐκ ἀπεικὸς ἐφαί- νετό μοι καὶ τόδε, ἐπεὶ καὶ Φαῦστός ἐπωνομάζετο δύναται δὲ τοῦ αἰσίου καὶ ἐπαφροδίτου ἀγχοτάτω μάλιστα εἶναι τὸ ὄνομα. S.V. One of the Dictator's coins, of which a cut is given in Smith's Dict. of Gr. and Lat. Biogr. Vol. III p. 943, has on the obverse the head of Venus before which Cupid stands holding in his hand the branch of a palm tree, and on the reverse a guttus and a lituus between two trophies, with IMPER. ITERV(M). 16. παρ' ἡμῖν, amongst us', i.e. in our country. § 3. 1. 18. ἔτι δέ, 6, 5; 15, 3. 19. Φαύστον, mentioned in Pomp. c. 42. 21. οὐὡς for οὐχ οὕτως—ὡς. 23. καινοτομίας γενομένης-τοσαύτης, ‘though so many reforms had been made in the state'. The principal changes introduced by the Sullan constitution were the restoration of the Senate as the one supreme privileged, judicial and legislative power, the recogni tion of the quaestorship as a title to a seat in the Senate, the aboli- tion of the censorial right to eject a senator from the Senate-the degradation of the tribunate, (1) by loss of free initiative in legisla- tion, (2) by making it a bar to higher office (Appian B. C. I c. 100) -the enforcement of proper order in the tenure of magistracies, and XXXIV 4 183 PLUTARCH'S SULLA of an interval of ten years between two tenures of the same magi- stracy (Appian ib.),-the separation between the home and foreign command of consuls and praetors by transferring the latter from the popularly elected magistrate to the senatorial officer. These changes, however, were not so much the creations of Sulla, as institutions which had previously grown out of the oligarchic government, and which he merely regulated and fixed. MOMMSEN H. R. 3, 405. 25. ἀποθέσθαι τὴν ἀρχήν, laid down his dictatorship', after he had held it for two years from the end of 82/672 to the beginning of 79/675. He had been ten years in com- mand from his first consulship 88/666; Plut. comp. Lys. et Sull. c. I ἔτη συνεχῶς δέκα νῦν μὲν ὕπατον νῦν δὲ ἀνθύπατον νῦν δὲ δικτάτορα Tov éauтby. He was consul in 80/674 and the people re-elected ποιῶν ἑαυτόν. him for 79/675, supposing that it would gratify him. But he de- clined the honour and named P. Servilius Isauricus and Appius Claudius Pulcher consuls (Appian B. C. 1c.103). 26. μὴ προσελθεῖν sc. τοῖς ἀρχαιρεσίοις. 27. τὸ σῶμα παρέχων ὑπεύθυνον, corpus cuilibet ad iniuriam obnoxium praebens. 28. ώσπερ ἰδιώτης ἀναστρέφεσθαι: Appian B. C. I c. 103 τοσοῦτον ἦν ἐν τῷδε τῷ ἀνδρὶ τόλμης καὶ τύχης· ὅν γέ φασιν ἐπειπεῖν ἐν ἀγορᾷ, τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀποτιθέμενον, ὅτι καὶ λόγον, εἴ τις αἰτοίη, τῶν γεγονότων υφέξει, καὶ τὰς ῥάβδους καθελόντα καὶ τοὺς πελεκέας τὴν φρουρὰν [ἀπὸ] τοῦ σώμα τος ἀπώσασθαι, καὶ μόνον μετὰ τῶν φίλων ἐς πολὺ ἐν μέσῳ βαδίσαι, θεωμένου τοῦ πλήθους καὶ καταπεπληγότος αὐτὸν καὶ τότε, such an extraordinary amount of self-confidence and success was there in this man, for it is said that when he was abdicating his office, he stated publicly that he would give an account of all that he had done, if any person chose to ask for it; he laid down the fasces and dis- missed his body-guard and walked about for some time with his friends only, the people looking on the while and regarding him with the same awe as before'. 30. § 4. 1. 29. Tapà yváµŋv avтoû, 'contrary to his wish'. πldogos ηv aiρebnoeolaι, 'was expected, likely, to be chosen', 6, 5. 31. Aéπidos: Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, father of the triumvir, once a zealous optimate and a large purchaser at the auc- tions of the proscribed estates. He had, as governor of Sicily, so scandalously plundered the province that he was threatened with impeachment, and to evade it threw himself into opposition. Unfit to become a leader either in council or in the field, he was never- theless welcomed by the opposition and succeeded not only in de- terring his accusers from prosecuting the attack which they had begun, but also in carrying his election to the consulship for 79/675. In this he was helped by the foolish endeavour of Pompeius to show Sulla what he could do. Pompeius however did not support his protégé when, on the death of the Dictator, he headed an insur- rection and attempted to overthrow the Sullan constitution. He was despatched by the senatorial party to the valley of the Po, and succeeded in wresting it from the enemy, shutting up Lepidus' lieu- tenant Marcus Brutus in Mutina. Meanwhile Lepidus himself, who 184 XXXIV 4 NOTES ON had marched against Rome, was defeated by the proconsul Catulus in a decisive battle fought on the Campus Martius. Lepidus fled to Etruria, where he fought another unsuccessful engagement and then embarked for Sardinia, where he soon died 77/677. MOMMSEN R. H. 4, 23-27. Orosius 5, 22, 16 Sulla mortuo, Lepidus, Ma- rianae partis adsertor, adversus Catulum Sullanum ducem surgens, redivivos bellorum civilium cineres suscitavit. bis tunc acie cer- tatum est; plurimi Romanorum, iam ipsa paucitate miserorum et adhuc illo furore insanientium, caesi sunt...Scipio, Lepidi filius, captus atque occisus est. Brutus in Cisalpinam Galliam fugiens per- sequente Pompeio apud Regium interfectus est: ita hoc bellum civile non magis clementia Catuli quam taedio Sullanae crudelitatis, ut ignis in stipula, eadem celeritate, qua exarsit, evanuit. 32. σTоvdağοVT, anxious for his success', 'canvassing for him', σπουδάζοντι, 33, 4. § 5. 1. 36. * Toλltevµa, consilium, act of policy'. Cf. Pomp. c. 15: Σύλλας δὲ ἠνιᾶτο μὲν ὁρῶν εἰς ὅσον δόξης (Πομπήιος) πρόεισι καὶ δυνάμεως, αἰσχυνόμενος δὲ κωλύειν ήσυχίαν ἦγε πλήν, ὅτε βίᾳ καὶ ἄκοντος αὐτοῦ Λέπιδον εἰς ὑπατείαν κατέστησε συναρχαιρεσιάσας..., θεασάμενος αὐτὸν ἁπιόντα μετὰ πλήθους δι' ἀγορᾶς ὁ Σύλλας “Ορῶ σε εἶπεν ' ὦ νεανία, χαίροντα τῇ νίκῃ. πῶς γὰρ οὐχὶ γενναία ταῦτα καὶ καλά, Κάτλου τοῦ πάντων ἀρίστου Λέπιδον τὸν πάντων κάκιστον ἀποδειχθῆναι πρότερον ύπατον, σοῦ τὸν δῆμον οὕτω παρασκευάσαντος; ὥρα μέντοι σοι μὴ καθεύδειν, ἀλλὰ προσέχειν τοῖς πράγμασιν· ἰσχυρό τερον γὰρ τὸν ἀνταγωνιστὴν σεαυτῷ παρεσκεύακας. Κάτλου, Q. Lutatius Catulus, the son of the victor of Vercellae, was like his father, a man of refined culture and an honest aristocrat, but of moderate talents and no soldier. He became consul in 78/676 with Lepidus, whom he defeated in the battle on the Campus Mar- tius. Cicero bestows unqualified praise on both son and father, de off. 1 § 76 1. 12. 37. ἐμπληκτότατον, 30, 5. 38. ώρα Sc. ἐστί. kabɛúdeɩv, sedere, 'to sit still', with an implication of inactivity. Cf. Cic. or. p. Sest. § 34 1. 17. ἰσχυρότερον, G. § 166, § 138 Rem. 40. ὥσπερ ἀπεθέσπισε, said this with something like a prophetic instinct', 'in a kind of prophetic tone'. CHAPTER XXXV After his abdication Sulla performed a solemn act of piety. He made an offering of the tenth part of his substance to Hercules and feasted the people. So great was the preparation for this entertain- ment that a large amount of provisions was daily thrown into the river, and wine forty and more years old was drunk. In the midst of this feasting, which lasted several days, Metella Sulla's wife was so seriously ill that her death was hourly expected. The priests, as the expounders of the divine law, would not allow Sulla to see his dying wife and ordained that to prevent a desecration of the festival, she must not be allowed to die in the house, nor as Sulla's wife. A XXXV I 185 PLUTARCH'S SULLA bill of divorce was sent to her in all haste, and she was removed to. another house in a dying state. So far he complied with custom; but he spared no expense in the funeral of Metella, going beyond the limits permitted by his own sumptuary laws. A few months later Sulla was at a gladiatorial show, where a coquettish and beautiful woman, named Valeria, attracted his notice. She was a daughter of Valerius Messala and had lately had a quarrel with her husband. The levity with which so soon after the death of his beloved Metella he contracted this marriage was an action hardly worthy of Sulla's position and age. § 1. 1. 1. ἀποθύων, offering up as a votive sacrifice. Cf. Xen. Hell. 3, 3, Ι τὴν δεκάτην ἀποθύσας, 4, 3, 21 δεκάτην τῶν ἐκ τῆς λείας ἀπέθυσαν τῷ θεῷ, Anab. 3, 2, 12; 4, 8, 25; 5, 1, Ι; Diod. Sic. 14, 84. 2. τῷ Ἡρακλεϊ: Hercules was wor shipped as the bestower of wealth (πλουτοδότης). Plutarch proposes as the subject of one of his Roman problems (rs) Διὰ τί τῷ Ηρακλεῖ πολλοὶ τῶν πλουσίων ἐδεκάτευον τὰς οὐσίας. On the origin of the practice of the dedication of a tithe of all their possessions by very rich men, in gratitude or in fulfilment of a vow, see Dionys. Halic. A. R. 1, 4o where, after recounting the legend of the erection of an altar to Hercules by Evander and of the sacrifice of a tithe of his spoils by the hero himself he adds;ο βωμός, ἐφ᾽ ὦ τὰς δεκάτας ἀπέθυσεν Ηρακλῆς, καλεῖται ὑπὸ ῾Ρωμαίων Μέγιστος (sc. ara maxima) ἁγιστευόμενος εἰ καί τις ἄλλος ὑπὸ τῶν ἐπιχωρίων ὅρκοι τε γὰρ ἐπ᾿ αὐτῷ καὶ δεκατεύσεις χρημάτων γίνονται συχναὶ κατ' εὐχάς. So Diodorus Siculus (4, 21) after narrating the hospitable reception given to Hercules by the inhabitants of the Palatine continues:—Ο δ' οὖν Ἡρακλῆς, ἀποδεξάμενος τὴν εὔνοιαν τῶν τὸ Παλάτιον οίκούντων, προεῖπεν αὐτοῖς, ὅτι, μετὰ τὴν ἑαυτοῦ μετάστασιν εἰς θεούς, τοῖς εὐξαμένοις ἐκδεκατεύσειν Ἡρακλεῖ τὴν οὐσίαν συμβήσεται τον βίον εὐδαιμονέστερον ἕξειν. ὁ καὶ συνέβη κατὰ τοὺς ὕστερον χρόνους διαμεῖναι μέχρι τῶν καθ' ἡμᾶς χρόνων. πολλοὺς γὰρ ῾Ρωμαίων, οὐ μόνον τῶν συμμέτρους ουσίας κεκτημένων, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν μεγαπλούτων τινάς, εὐξαμένους ἐκδεκατεύσειν Ηρακλεῖ καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα γενομένους εὐδαίμονας, ἐκδεκα τεῦσαι τὰς οὐσίας οὖσας ταλάντων τετρακισχιλίων. Λεύκολλος γάρ, ὁ τῶν καθ᾿ αὐτὸν 'Ρωμαίων σχεδον τι πλουσιώτατος ὤν, διατιμησαμένος τὴν ἰδίαν οὐσίαν, κατέθυσε τῷ θεῷ πᾶσαν τὴν δεκατην, ευωχίας ποιῶν συνεχεῖς καὶ πολυδα- πάνους. κατεσκεύασαν δὲ καὶ ῾Ρωμαῖοι τούτῳ τῷ θεῷ παρα τὸν Τίβεριν ἱερὸν ἀξιόλογον, ἐν ᾧ νομίζουσι συντελεῖν τὰς ἐκ τῆς δεκάτης θυσίας. The same author states that Lucullus consecrated a tithe of his whole fortune to Hercules and expended the amount in costly banquets; Plutarch tells the same of him and of Crassus c. 12: Ηρακλεί μεγάλην θυσίαν ποιησάμενος εἱστίασε τὸν δῆμον ἀπὸ μυρίων τραπεζῶν καὶ σῖτον εμέτρησεν εἰς τρίμηνον. The appro- priate Latin term for this kind of feast, which, it has been suggested, may have reference to the proverbial gluttony of Heracles was polluctura; see my note on Cic. de off. 1 § 58 1. 10. In Plautus we find frequent references to the practice of offering tithes to Hercules: Bacch. 4, 4, 15 (665):— st frugist, Hérculem fecit ex patre; décumam partem éi dedit, sibi novem abstulit. Stich. 1, 3, 79 (232):— haec vénivisse iám opus est quantúm potest, ut décumam partem inde Hérculi pollúccam. 2, 2, 62 (386) :- Hércules, decumam isse adauctam, tibi quam vovi, gratulor. Trucul. 2, 7, 11 (562):— quinque nummos míhi detraxi, páx, partem Herculaneam. Mostell. 4, 2, 68 (984) :- is vel Hérculi contérere quaestum póssiet. 186 XXXV I NOTES ON Hercules was also regarded as the god of finds, Hor. Sat. 2, 6, 10, Pers. Sat. 2, 10. 3. τοσοῦτον περιττή τῆς χρείας, 'so much above what was required': TEPITTÓS takes the genitive on account of the com- parative idea contained in it, cf. Xen. Cyr. 8, 2, 21 èжe‹ôàv тŴY ἀρκούντων περισσὰ κτήσωνται. οἶνον ἐτῶν τεσσαρά KOVта, 'wine forty years old': gen. of measure, G. § 167, 5, HA. § 729 d. κοντα. 6. § 2. 1. 6. διὰ μέσου τῆς θοίνης, ‘in the midst of the enter- tainment'. 7. áπélvησkev, 'was dying of an illness', not, ἀπέθνησκεν, as all translators render it, 'died'. 8. οὐκ ἐώντων, 16, 5; 30, 5. Sulla was Pontifex and therefore could not allow a person to die in his house. 10. γραψάμενος διάλυσιν τοῦ γάμου, libello repudii misso. 14. vóμov: 'extravagance in funerals, which this sumptuary law of Sulla was intended to restrain, had been forbidden even in the XII Tables (Cic. de leg. III c. 23- c. 25). It was probably the same law which determined how much might be spent upon monuments (Cic. ad Att. XII 35, 36)'. Dict. of Antiqq. p. 1077 bed. 2. 15. μηδενός, Ι, 2. § 3. 1. 15. 1. 15. παρέβαινε τὰτεταγμένα, he transgressed his own laws for diminishing the cost of entertainments'. Aul. Gell. N. A. 2, 24, 11: postea L. Sulla dictator, cum, legibus istis (Fannia 161/593, Licinia 103/651 (?)) situ atque senio obliteratis, plerique in patrimoniis amplis elluarentur et familiam pecuniamque suam [cenarum] prandiorumque gurgitibus proluissent, legem ad populum tulit, qua cautum est, ut Kalendis Idibus Nonis diebusque ludorum et feriis quibusdam sollemnibus sestertios tricen[ten]os in cenam in- sumere ius potestasque esset, ceteris autem dicbus omnibus non am- plius tricenos. Macrobius Saturnal. 3, 17, II (ed. Ianus): has (Fanniam, Didiam, Liciniam) sequitur lex Cornelia et ipsa sump- tuaria, quam tulit Cornelius Sulla dictator: in qua non convivio- rum magnificentia prohibita est nec gulae modus factus, verum minora pretia rebus inposita, et quibus rebus, di boni, quamque exquisitis et paene incognitis generibus deliciarum! quos illic pisces, quasque offulas nominat, et tamen pretia illis minora constituit! Ausim dicere, ut vilitas edulium animos hominum ad parandas obsoniorum copias incitaret, et gulae servire etiam qui parvis essent facultatibus possent... Tanto hoc seculum ad omnem continentiam promptius, ut pleraque harum rerum quae Sullana lege ut vulgo nota comprehenduntur nemo nostrum vel fando compererit. TOLS, 2, 3; 13, 3. συνδείπνοις, conviviis. 17. TÓ- 21. συμμι- yoûs, promiscuous'. Men and women had not separate seats assigned to them in the theatres until the time of Augustus, Sueton. Octav. c. 44. 23. γένους λαμπρον, predicate genitive, οὖσα being understood, see HA. § 732 a. § 4. 1. 23. Meσoáλa: Valeria was the daughter of M. Va- lerius Messala. Ορτησίου ἀδελφή: She could not have been the sister of Hortensius, for in that case her name would have XXXVI 1 IS7 PLUTARCH'S SULLA been Hortensia. Plutarch's mistake probably arose from the fact that the sister of Hortensius was married to a Valerius Mes- sala, whose son Hortensius defended on a charge of ambitus, Valer. Max. 5, 9, 2. 26. παρὰ τὸν Σύλλαν ἐξόπισθεν παραπορευο- μένη κτλ. μévη KTλ. 'as she passed along by Sulla from behind, she leaned on him with her hand and, after plucking the nap of his mantle, proceeded to her own seat'. 28. orάoɑoa: cf. Soph. Trach. 687 σπάσασα κτησίου βοτοῦ λάχνην. για § 5. 1. 33. ÚTOKEKVIσμévos, tickled in his fancy', Xen. Mem. 3, II, 3 ἄπιμεν (a Theodota) ὑποκνιζόμενοι, 37. μειδιαμάτων diadóσes, 'interchanges of smiles'. 39. εἰ καὶ τὰ μάλιστα σώφρονα και γενναίαν, ἀλλὰ κτλ., if she was ever so chaste and reputable, still it was not from a respectable or worthy motive that he married her, since he was led to act rashly and impulsively, like a young man, by looks and wanton airs'. η πaрaßλŋleis is usually translated 'deceived' but I have not been able to find any undoubted instance of such a meaning; the passages of Herodotus, Thucydides and Euripides given in the Paris Stephani Thesaurus and repeated in Liddell-Scott's Lex. are to be interpreted otherwise. The remaining passage, a quotation by the Scholiast on Arist. Av. 1648 of a fragment from a comedy of Alcaeos, παραβάλλεται σε is probably a false reading for διαβάλλεται. 41. úþ'ŵv, 21, 3; 27, 8. 42. κινεῖσθαι πέφυκε, have a natural tendency to be excited'. Cf. Thuc. 2, 64, 3 TÁVта TÉQUкEV ÈXao- σοῦσθαι, 4, 61, 4 πέφυκε τὸ ἀνθρώπειον διὰ παντὸς ἄρχειν τοῦ εἴκοντος. CHAPTER XXXVI After his marriage with Valeria, Sulla still continued his dissolute course of life and spent his time with women and actors and in drinking. Among his chosen companions were the famous actor Q. Roscius, Sorix and Metrobius. Sulla's way of living soon brought on disease. His flesh became so corrupt that his body swarmed with lice, and it was impossible by any care to keep him free from vermin. Akastos, son of Pelias, Alkman the lyric poet, Pherckydes of Syros, Kallisthenes of Olynthos, Mucius Scaevola and Eunus, the leader of the insurrection of Sicilian slaves, are said to have died of the same disease, phthiriasis. § 1. 1. 1. οὐ μὴν ἀλλά, 3, 3; 20, 3. yuvaití, 'actresses', 2, 2; 33, 2. γυναιξί, áp nμépas, a matutino inde tempore. 2. μίμοις 3. θυμελικοῖς, 2, 2. 4. 5. Ρώσκιος, He was the famous actor Q. Roscius, so often mentioned by Cicero and in defence of whom he made a speech which is extant. so perfect a master of his art, that, according to Cicero, his name became proverbial among the Romans to express a perfect master of any art, de orat. 1, 28, 130 hoc iam diu est consecutus, ut, in quo quisque artificio excelleret, is in suo genere Roscius diceretur. 7. Avoiwdós, 'one who played women's characters in 188 XXXVI 1 NOTES ON Αριστόξενος male attire'. Aristoxenos ap. Athen. 14, 3 p. 620 E: 'Apioтóževos φησι τὸν μὲν ἀνδρεῖα καὶ γυναικεία πρόσωπα υποκρινόμενον μαγῳδὸν καλεῖσθαι, τὸν δὲ γυναικεῖα ἀνδρείοις λυσιῳδόν. § 2. 1. 8. ὅθεν τὴν νόσον ἐξέθρεψε, • by which mode of life he fostered, aggravated, his disease'. 10. ήγνόει γεγονώς ἔμπνος, G. § 280. 11. ὑφ' ἧς sc. νόσου. αφαιρούντων sc. τοὺς φθεῖρας. 13. μηδὲν εἶναι μέρος, was as nothing in comparison', see n. on 31, 5 l. 38. 15. dva- πíμλaσйαι, were filled', with the collateral notion of im- purity, were infected', like Lat. impleri, Liv. 4, 30. oûтov enveel, with such violence did it discharge', 2, 1. οῦτον ἐξήνθει, subject is probably ή φθορά. τοσ The § 3. 1. 18. ἦν οὐδὲν ὄφελος, sc. ἀπορρύπτεσθαι: see my note to Xen. Oecon. 14, 2 1. 8. 19. ἐκράτει ἡ μεταβολὴ κτλ. 'the change gained upon him too rapidly and the swarm (of vermin) was too great for any attempt to clear it away'. Plin. N. H. 26, 14, 86: phthiriasi Sulla dictator consumptus est nas- cunturque in sanguine ipso hominis animalia exesura corpus. It may be considered' says Ihne H. R. v p. 449 'as evidence of the malignity with which the memory of Sulla was disfigured by subsequent writers, that the illness of which he died is stated to have been phthiriasis, a disease supposed to consist in a spontaneous decay of the body, in which decomposition and vermin begin. their work before the vital breath has departed. It has been charitably sug- gested that this was a divine judgment that visited Sulla and other equally detestable tyrants (such as Herod and Philip II of Spain). Reflections of this kind are the more absurd, as it is now generally admitted by scientific men that the disease phthiriasis exists only in the brains of credulous writers. It is certain that Sulla died in consequence of the rupture of a bloodvessel brought on by the irritation he felt at the dishonesty of Granius'. So Mommsen H. R. 3, 410 n. says 'such a disease is entirely imaginary'. او 21. Ακαστον τὸν Πελίου: Akastos, son of Pelias, king of Iolkos, belongs to the mythic period. He was one of the Ar- gonauts and took part in the Calydonian Hunt. Αλκμάνα: 22. Aλκμâvа: Alcman, the famous lyric poet (ueλomoios), fl. B. C. 671-B.C. 631. He was by birth a Lydian of Sardis, whence he was taken, when very young, as a slave to Sparta, and there manu- mitted by his master on his genius being discovered. See the ETITÚμßiov on him by Alexander Aetolos ap. Plut. de exilio 2 (Jacobs Anthol. Gr. VII 709):— Σάρδιες, ἀρχαῖος πατέρων νομύς, εἰ μὲν ἐν ὑμῖν ἐτρεφόμαν, χέρνας ἦν τις ἂν ἦν βακέλας χρυσοφόρος, ῥήσσων καλὰ τύμπανα· νῦν δέ μοι ᾿Αλκμάν οὔνομα, καὶ Σπάρτας εἰμὶ πολυτρίποδος, καὶ Μούσας ἐδάην Ελικωνίδας, αἴ με τυράννων θῆκαν Δασκύλεω μείζονα καὶ Γύγεω. 23. Þeρexúdηv: Pherekydes, of Syros, one of the Kyklades, flourished about B. C. 544. He is said to have been the teacher of Pythagoras. He is called @colóyos because of his speculation on cosmogony and the nature of the gods. The most important subject XXXVI 3 189 PLUTARCH'S SULLA of his work Επτάμυχος was his doctrine of Metempsychosis or the Immortality of the Soul. The same cause is assigned for his death also by Pausanias I, 20, η Σύλλᾳ δὲ ὕστερον τούτων ἐνέπεσεν ἡ νόσος ἢ καὶ τὸν Σύριον Φερεκύδην ἁλῶναι πυνθάνομαι, and by Aelian Var. Hist. 4, 28 Φερεκύδης ὁ Σύριος τὸν βίον ἀλγεινότατα ἀνθρώπων κατέστρεψε, τοῦ παντὸς αὐτῷ σώματος ὑπὸ τῶν φθειρῶν ἀναλωθέντος· καὶ γενομένης αὐτῷ αἰσχρᾶς τῆς ὄψεως τὴν ἐκ τῶν συ- νήθων ἐξέκλινε συνουσίαν. ὁπότε δέ τις προσελθὼν ἐπυνθάνετο ὅπως διάγοι, διὰ τῆς ἐπῆς τῆς κατὰ τὴν θύραν διείρας τὸν δάκτυλον, ψιλὸν γεγονότα τῆς σαρκός, ἐπέλεγεν οὕτω διακείσθαι καὶ τὸ πᾶν αὐτοῦ σῶμα. λέγουσι δὲ Δηλίων παῖδες τὸν θεὸν τὸν ἐν Δήλῳ, μηνίσαντα αὐτῷ, τοῦτο ποιῆσαι. καθήμενον γὰρ ἐν Δήλῳ μετὰ τῶν μαθητῶν ἄλλα τε πολλά φασι περὶ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ σοφίας εἰπεῖν καὶ δὴ καὶ τοῦτο, μηδενὶ τῶν θεῶν θῦσαι, καὶ ὅμως οὐδὲν ἧττον ἡδέως βεβιωκέναι καὶ ἀλύπως, οὐ μεῖον τῶν ἑκατόμβας καταθυόντων. ὑπὲρ ταύτης οὖν τῆς κουφολογίας βαρυτάτην ζημίαν ἐξέτισεν. Καλλισθένη τὸν Ολύνθιον: Kallisthenes of Olynthos was born about B C. 360. He was Aristotle's kinsman, had been educated by him, and, during his residence in Macedonia, had been probably the fellow-student of Alexander. He hung about his court as a literary idler and accompanied him in his expedition to Asia. By his extravagant conceit, bluntness of deportment and affectation of independence, he so alienated the king, that he was accused of being privy to the conspiracy of Hermolaos to assassinate him. The fate of Kallisthenes excited great indignation and sym- pathy in Greece and furnished a subject for a variety of conflicting anecdotes. Ptolemy (Arrian Anab. 4, 14) related that he was put to the torture and afterwards crucified, Diogenes Laert. 5, 5 that he was carried about in an iron cage, φθειριῶν καὶ ἀκόμιστος, and then given as a prey to a lion, Aristobulos that he was carried about in chains and at last died of disease. Chares (ap. Plut. Alex. c. 55) adds that the purpose for which he was kept in con- finement was that he might be finally tried in Aristotle's presence, and that he died seven months after in India of a loathsome disease, produced by imprisonment in his corpulent frame (ἀποθανεῖν ὑπέρ- παχυν γενόμενον καὶ φθειριάσαντα). Theophrastos wrote a book on his death entitled Καλλισθένης ἢ περὶ πένθους (Diog. Laert. 5, 44, Cic. Tusc. Disp. 3, 10, 21; 5, 9, 25). Kallisthenes wrote a History of Greece in ten books from B. C. 387 to B. C. 357, and an unfinished history of Alexander. Cic. de orat. 2, 14, 58 : post ab Aristotele Callisthenes comes Alexandri scripsit historiam et is quidem rhetorico paene more, Ovid Ibis 519:- inclususque necem cavea patiaris, ut ille non profecturae conditor historiae. A few fragments of his works have been collected by C. Müller Script. Alex. M. p. 7. Cf. Mure H. Gr. Lit. v 553-568, Thirlwall H. Gr. vI 378-386, Grote H. Gr. XII p. 302. 190 XXXVI 3 NOTES ON 29. MoÚKLOV Tòv voμιкóv: P. Mucius Scaevola, the iuris- consultus, who was consul in 133/621, the year in which Ti. Gracchus lost his life. See my n. on Cic. or. p. Planc. § 88. 33. § 4. 1. 31. γνωρίμων δ᾽ ἄλλως for ἄλλως δὲ γνωρίμων. 32. TEρl Zikeλlav, in Sicily', 8, 3; II, 1; 22, I. Euvovv: Eunus, a native of Apamea in Syria, was the leader of the Sicilian insurrection in the servile war (δουλικός πόλεμος), which broke out about 137/617. He adopted the insignia of royalty and assumed the name of Antiochos. After defying the efforts of the Romans to put him down by military force for three successive years, he was at last beaten by the consul Rupilius in 132/622, when Enna, one of the two strongholds of the insurgents, fell into the hands of the enemy. Eunus tried to escape, but was taken and cast into prison, where he died (παραδοθεὶς εἰς φυλακήν, καὶ τοῦ σώματος αὐτοῦ διαλυθέντος εἰς φθειρῶν πλῆθος οἰκείως τῆς περὶ αὐτὸν ραδιουργίας κατέστρεψε τὸν βίον ἐν τῇ Μοργαντίνῃ. Diod. Sic. 34, 2). T CHAPTER XXXVII Sulla was warned, as he has himself told us in his Memoirs, the twenty-second book of which he finished only two days before his death, that his end was near. In this part of his work he said that the Chaldaeans once foretold him that he should have a happy life and die at the height of his prosperity. One of his One of his sons, who died a short time before his mother, appeared to him in a dream and entreated his father to rest from his troubles and go with him to Metella and live with her in tranquillity. Ten days before his death he settled some disputes among the people of the neighbouring town of Puteoli and gave them a constitution. The very day before he died he sent for Granius, one of the leading men of Puteoli, who kept in his hands some of the public money, waiting for Sulla's death. He was in a violent passion, when Granius came, and ordered his attendants to strangle him. Owing to his excitement and shouting he burst an abscess and lost a quantity of blood, which so prostrated him that he died in the night. He left two children by Metella. Valeria gave birth to a daughter after his death, who was appropriately named Postuma. § 1. 1. 2. τρόπον τινά, G. § 16ο, 2. 4. πρὸ δυεῖν ἡμερῶν néreλeúra, 'two days before he died', a phrase evidently imitated from the Latin ante biduo quam decessit. Cf. below § 3 1. 16, Alci- phron Epist. 3, 4, 4 οὐκ ἐπιτρέπει τῇ γαστρὶ πρὸ τῆς ὥρας ἐκείνης ἢ ἐμπίπλασθαι, Aelian H. A. 5, 52 πρὸ τριάκοντά που ἡμερῶν μετοικί- ζοντα, il. II, 19 πρὸ πέντε ἡμερῶν ἀφανισθῆναι τὴν Ἑλίκην, Lucian πρὸ μιᾶς δὲ τοῦ τοῦτο θεσπίζειν ἐγίγνετο, ib. Cronosol. 14 πρὸ πολλοῦ τῆς ἑορτῆς. 5. τοὺς Χαλδαίους, 5, 5 7. καταστρέψαι, vitam finire, Them. 31, 4: Ti. Gr. 21, 3. XXXVII 4 191 PLUTARCH'S SULLA κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους, 9, 4; 28, 4. ἐν ἐσθῆτι § 2. 1. 9. daun, 'in mean apparel'. Cf. Herod. 2, 159, Soph. Trach. 610 θυτήρα καινῷ καινὸν ἐν πεπλώματι, Ti. Gr. 19, 4 φεύγων ἐν τοῖς XITWOW, C. Gr. 15, 1 év Tηßévvy. Appian follows a different authority in the version which he gives, B. C. 1, 105 Zúλλas d' ἐν τοῖς ἀγροῖς ἐνύπνιον ἔδοξεν ἰδεῖν, ὅτι αὐτὸν ὁ δαίμων ἤδη καλοίη· καὶ ὁ μὲν αὐτίκα μεθ᾿ ἡμέραν τοῖς φίλοις τὸ ὄναρ ἐξειπών, διαθήκας συνέγραφεν ἐπειγόμενος καὶ αὐτῆς ἡμέρας συνετέλει, σφραγισαμένῳ δ᾽ αὐτὰς περὶ ἑσπέραν πυρετὸς ἐμπίπτει· καὶ νυκτὸς ἐτελεύτησεν. § 3. 1. 15. Aikaιapɣela: Dikaearchia was the original name of Puteoli (Pozzuoli), the famous seaport of Campania on the E. side of the sinus Baianus. A colonia civium was settled there in 194/560. See my n. on Cic. or. p. Planc. § 65 1. 28. Aurelius Victor de vir, ill. 1, 75 says that Sulla died at Dikae- archia, Appian, at his house near Cumae. 16. πρό μιᾶς nuépas, 'one day before his death', above § 1 l. 4. 17. τὸν άрxovта Трávιov: Valerius Maximus 9, 3, 8 gives the following account of the circumstances: quid Sulla, dum huic vitio (sc. irae) obtemperat, nonne multo alicno sanguine profuso ad ultimum et suum erogavit? Puteolis enim ardens indignatione, quod Granius, princeps eius coloniae, pecuniam a decurionibus ad refectionem Capitolii promissam cunctantius daret, animi concitatione nimia atque immoderato vocis impetu convulso pectore, spiritum cruore ac minis mixtum evomuit, nec senio iam prolapsus, utpote sexagesimum ingrediens annum, sed alita miseriis reipublicae inpotentia furens. igitur in dubio est Sullane prior an iracundia Sullae sit extincta. τὸν ἄνθρωπον, 27, 6; 32, 2. 20. τῇ κραυγῇ καὶ τῷ σñаpaɣµŵ, ‘by reason of the straining of his voice and body'. 21. ἀπόστημα, 'abscess 19. • § 4. 1. 23. μοχθηρώς, 21, 3. 24. δύο παῖδας, 34, 2. 'Sulla had the following children: Cornelia, by Ilia: she married Q. Pompeius Rufus who was murdered in 88/666 and she may have died before her father; Cornelius_Sulla, a son by Metella, who died, as Plutarch has said, before his father; Faustus Cornelius Sulla and Fausta Cornelia, of whom the former lost his life in Africa, when he was fighting on the Pompeian side. Fausta's first husband was Gaius Memmius, from whom she was divorced. She then married T. Annius Milo 55/699, by whom she was caught in the act of adultery with the historian Sallustius. Long. 26. Ióσтovμav: Festus p. 238 ed. Müller: Postumus cognominatur post patris mortem natus. Plautus in Aulularia (11 1, 40): póst mediam aetatem qui media ducit uxorém domum, si eám senex anúm praegnantem fórtuito fécerit, quíd dubitas, quin sit paratum nomen puero Póstumus? Hence it appears that although the usual meaning of the word is 'a son born after his father's death', sometimes even sons born when their father was very old were so called. See also Verg. Aen. 6, 763; Silvius, Albanum nomen, tua postuma proles quem tibi longaevo serum Lavinia coniunx educet silvis. 192 XXXVII 4 NOTES ON On which passage A. Gellius N. A. 2, 16 quotes the note of an ancient grammarian Caesellius, 'postuma proles non eum significat qui patre mortuo, sed qui postremo loco natus est; sicuti Silvius qui, Aenea iam sene, tardo seroque partu est editus'. CHAPTER XXXVIII When the news of Sulla's death reached Rome, there was great excitement. His friends wished to bring the body to the city and give it a public funeral. Lepidus and his faction resisted the proposal, but in vain. Even Pompeius, though he was the only friend whom Sulla had not mentioned in his will, raised his voice against such an attempt to deprive the deceased dictator of the honour. To show the grandeur of the funeral solemnity, it is said that the matrons were so lavish in their contribution of aromatics that without reckoning what was conveyed in two hundred and ten litters, there was sufficient to make a large effigy of Sulla and another also of a lictor out of costly frankincense and cinnamon. The day was cloudy and threatened rain; so the body was not brought to the pile until three o'clock in the afternoon. Then a strong wind came down and raised a great flame; when the pile was subsiding and the flame going out, there was just time to collect the ashes before the rain descended in torrents. So Sulla's good fortune seemed to follow him to his funeral, and to stay with him to the last. His monument in the Campus Martius bears an inscription written by himself, to the effect that none of his friends ever did him a kind- ness, and none of his enemics ever did him a wrong, without being fully repaid. § 1. 1. 1. συνέστησαν πρός, leagued themselves with'. Cf. Thuc. I, I τὸ ἄλλο Ελληνικὸν ὁρῶν ξυνιστάμενον πρὸς ἑκατέρους, 1, 15, 3 οὐ γὰρ ξυνεστήκεσαν πρὸς τὰς μεγίστας πόλεις, 6, 85, 3 ἣν ξυστῆτε πρὸς αὐτούς. 2. Λέπιδον, 34, 4. είρξοντες, G. § 277, 3. ώς κηδείας τῆς νενομισμένης, 'the usual honours of burial'. Dion. Hal. 3, 21 Dion. Hal. 3, 21 κηδείας καὶ περιστολῆς καὶ τῶν ἄλλων νομίμων μεταλαβεῖν. Αppian B. C. I c. 105 has the same story: γίγνεται δ᾽ εὐθὺς ἐν ἄστει στάσις ἐπ᾿ αὐτῷ, τῶν μὲν ἄγειν ἀξιούντων τὸ σῶμα διὰ τῆς Ἰταλίας ἐπὶ πομπῇ καὶ ἐς τὴν 'Ρώμην ἐν ἀγορᾷ προτιθέναι καὶ ταφῆς δημοσίας ἀξιοῦν· Λεπίδου δὲ καὶ τῶν ἀμφὶ Λέπιδον ἐνισταμένων. ἐξενίκα δ' ὁ Κάτλος καὶ οἱ Συλλεῖοι, καὶ ἐφέρετο ὁ νέκυς ὁ τοῦ Σύλλα διὰ τῆς Ἰταλίας ἐς τὸ ἄστυ ἐπὶ κλίνης χρυσηλάτου καὶ κόσμου βασιλικού, σαλπικταί τε πολλοὶ καὶ ἱππεῖς καὶ ἄλλος όμιλος ἐκ ποδὸς ὡπλισμένος εἵπετο. μόνον αὐτὸν παρέλιπε, because of the support he had given Lepidus, when a candidate for the consulship, 34, 4; Pomp. c. 15 ἐδήλωσε μάλιστα Σύλλας, ὅτι πρὸς Πομπήιον οὐκ εὐμενῶς εἶχε ταῖς διαθήκαις ὡς ἔγραψεν. ἑτέροις γὰρ φίλοις δωρεὰς ἀπολιπών καὶ τοῦ παιδὸς ἀποδείξας ἐπιτρόπους τὸν Πομπήιον ὅλως παρῆλθεν. ἤνεγκε μέντοι τοῦτο μετρίως πάνυ καὶ πολιτικῶς ἐκεῖνος, ὥστε, Λεπίδου καὶ τινῶν ἄλλων ἐνισταμένων μὴ ταφῆναι τὸν νεκρὸν ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ μηδὲ 5. XXXVIII 2 193 PLUTARCH'S SULLA δημοσίᾳ τὴν ἐκφορὰν γενέσθαι, βοηθῆσαι καὶ παρασχεῖν δόξαν ἅμα ταῖς ταφαῖς καὶ ἀσφάλειαν. μόνον αὐτὸν ἐν ταῖς διαθήκαις παρέ λιπε : 4. 'It was considered a mark of intentional disrespect or disapprobation, when a Roman made no mention of his nearest kin or friends in his will; and in certain cases, the person who was passed over could by legal process vindicate the inputation thus thrown on him (see the article 'Testamentum' in Smith's Dictionary of Antiqq., under the head Querela inofficiosi). Sulla did not like Cn. Pompeius. The only reason for keeping on terms with him was that he saw his talents and so wished to ally him to his family. For the same reason Sulla wished to put C. Julius Caesar to death (Caes. c. 1); he predicted that he would be the ruin of the aristocratic party. Sulla made his friend Lucius Lucullus the guardian of his children and intrusted him with the final correction. of his Memoirs, Lucull. c. 1.' LONG 7. ταῖς ταφαῖς—πάρεχε, 'secured it an honourable as well as safe interment'. Appian B. C. I c. 106 gives a striking description of the more than regal pomp with which the body was brought into the city. More than two thousand golden chaplets made hastily for the occasion, besides a number of other costly decorations, awaited the procession, the last honorary gifts of the cities, of the faithful legions and his more intimate friends. All the priests and priest- esses and the whole senate joined in the procession, and the magistrates in their official robes. Then followed the Equites and all the legions which had fought under Sulla, each in its proper order, carrying gilded standards and wearing armour plated with silver. The number of those who played on wind instruments in notes alternately soft and plaintive was past counting. The enormous multitude responded to the music, first the Senate, then the Equites, then the army, and the people last. Some felt real regret for Sulla; others feigned it for fear of the army, and these looked with terror even on the corpse. was placed in front of the Rostra, where the funeral oration was delivered by the best orator of the day, Faustus, Sulla's son, being too young to perform this pious duty. Thence the bier was borne on the shoulders of senators to the Campus Martius, where the funeral pile was erected. Around the blazing flames the Equites and soldiers held their race of honour, the ashes of the de- ceased dictator were deposited beside the tombs of the old kings, and the Roman women mourned him for a year. The body Mommsen (H. R. 3, 411) says 'Sulla, faithful to the usage of the Cornelian House, had ordered that his body should be buried without being burnt; but others were more mindful than he was of what past days had done and future days might do; by command of the Senate the corpse of the man who had disturbed the bones of Marius from their rest in the grave was committed to the flames'. This statement does not altogether agree with that of Cicero. de legg. 2, 22, 56-7, where, speaking of the most ancient mode of disposing of the dead by interment, the writer says: gentem Corneliam usque ad memoriam nostram hac sepultura scimus esse usam. C. Mari sitas reliquias apud Anienem dissipari iussit Sulla victor, acerbiore odio incitatus, quam si tam sapiens fuisset quam fuit vehemens. Quod haud scio an timens ne suo corpori posset accidere, primus e patriciis Corneliis igni voluit cremari. § 2. 1.9. άveu, 'without including', 14, 4. 11. πλασθῆναι μέν-πλασθῆναι µév—πλaoðĤvai Sé, an example of anaphora, which turns upon H. S. 13 194 NOTES ON PLUTARCH'S SULLA the repetition of some prominent (generally initial) word of those that precede, 9, 10; 12, 2. λαμπρού, § 3. 1. 15. Xaμжρоû, 'brisk', 'strong': cf. Herod. 2, 96, Arist. Eq. 430. 16. καταιγίσαντος, rushing down with the force of a hurricane', a poetical word. 17. ἔφθη τὸ σώμα συγκομισθὲν ὅσον κτλ., 'the bones were collected just in time to complete the burial, before', etc. Zvykoμížev occurs in Soph. Aiac. 1048 in the sense of ovveкpépei; cf. Eur. Andr. 1264. According to Reiske, it refers to collecting the charred bones, when the pile was consumed. 18. της πυράς μapaivoμévns, as the pyre was smouldering'. Cf. Hom. Il. 9, 212 μαραινομένης, κατὰ πῦρ ἐκάη καὶ φλὸς ἐμαράνθη, 23, 228 τῆμος πυρκαϊὴ ἐμα ραίνετο, παύσατο δὲ φλόξ. 19. κατασχεῖν, 'prevailed', 'lasted'. 20. τὸ σῶμα συνθάπτειν, ‘to assist at his funeral rites'. See lex. to Plut. Gracch. s. v. 0 áπтει р. 222 a. § 4. 1. 21. ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ τοῦ ᾿Αρεος, ‘in the Campus Martius', called τò πedlov simply in C. Gr. c. 8. - CRITICAL APPENDIX 13-2 APPENDIX ON THE TEXT A. GENERAL REMARKS The Life of Sulla is one of those contained in the Codex San- germanensis, information concerning which and the other prin- cipal мss of Plutarch, is given in my edition of the Life of the Gracchi (Cambridge, 1885), pp. 157, 158 and that of the Life of Themistokles (2d Edition, London, Macmillan, 1884), p. 189-p. 191. The text of the present Edition is mainly that of Bekker (Leip- zig, Tauchnitz, 1855-7), although in some passages I have discarded his reading in favour of that of the older Editor, Sintenis, to whom the text of Plutarch owes so much. I have also adopted Bekker's division into sections. Of the annotated editions of Plu- tarch's Lives, I have consulted those by Henri Estienne (Ste- phanus), Bryan and Du Soul (Solanus), Schaefer, Reiske and Koraes, but the edition which I have found of most service is that of E. H. G. Leopold with Latin notes (Lipsiae, C. Fritzsch, 1795), containing the Lives of Marius, Sulla, Lucullus and Ser- torius. = Be Bekker Br=Bryan Co-Cobet Ko Koraës Le=Leopold Rk=Reiske B. CRITICAL NOTES Abbreviations Sch Schaefer = Si¹=Sintenis ed. ma. Lipsiae, 1839-1846 Si²= Sintenis ed. mi. Teubner, 1877 St Stephanus i=editio Iuntina x=script. anonymi CAP. I § 1. 1. 4. καὶ τούτῳ δέ Sintenisius: και delet Bekkerus auc- tore Schaefero, sed cf. infra c. 7, 3; c. 28, 8. § 2. 1. 16. μηδὲν καταλιπόντος S Rk Si Be: μηδὲν ἐγκα- TаXITÓνTOS (Sc. Ev Tŷ oikla) Leopoldus, vulgo. Sed apud Plu- tarchum уkaтaλelreiv plerumque derelinquendi notionem habet: è ат vide quae annotavi ad Plut. Gracch. p. 144. § 4. 1. 26. Sinτ@νто cum 85 Si Be: vulgo σ v v diŋ т ŵ Vто. T 0. 198 APPENDIX ON THE TEXT CAP. II § 4. 1. 31. συνήντησεν edd. post Stephanum: συνήνθησεν codd. ; συνήνεγκεν frustra coni. Solanus. Vulgatum in priore sententia locum Μητροβίου δὲ τῶν ἀπὸ σκηνῆς τινὸς ἐρῶν διετέλεσεν ἔτι νέος yut ex c. 36 illatum delevi. § 1. 1. 10. § 2. 1. 16. § 1. 1. 2. CAP. III δώρα : perperam δώροις Koraes. verba ἢ δι᾽ αὑτοῦ delenda suspicatur Si CAP. IV ελάττονα τοῦ edd. auctore Petavio ad Themistii orat. XXI p. 526: ἔλαττον αὐτοῦ libri. § 3. 1. 21. αὐτός post Solanum Be Si: αὐτόν ν. || ἀνιᾶσαι vulgo; ἀνιᾶσθαι (imperfecto tempore ἠνιᾶτο) Madvigius Adv. 1, 588 praeter necessitatem. CAP. V § 1. 1. 4. τὴν τοῦ δήμου πράξιν civilia negotia vulgo Le Si Be: τὴν τῶν τοῦ δήμου πράξιν coni. Reiskius. || 6. τοῖς ὄχλοις v. ; frustra Reiskius ex coniectura edidit τοῖς λόχοις i.e. centuriis pro suffragiis centuriarum. 7. τὴν φιλίαν ν.: τὴν φιλίαν αὐτοῦ i.e. Sullae mavult Reiskius probante Le. § 5. 1. 43. Χαλδαίος Ruhnkenius, Ko cum Amioto ('un des vin Chaldaeen) Si Be coll. c. 37, r: vulgo Χαλκιδεύς Chalcide oriundus. § 6. 1. 51. συνειλοχότι Sch Si Be: συνειληχότι libri. CAP. VI § 1. 1. 5. ἀνέθηκε Νίκας Si praeeunte Cobeto var. lect. p. 86, coll. Mar. c. 32 : ἀνέθηκεν εἰκόνας Be Sil v. || 6. παρ' αὐτάς Be; παρ' αὐταῖς Si coll. Mar. c. 32: παρ' αὐτούς ; παρ' αὐτοῖς vulgo. § 4. 1. 35. Leopoldus. § 6. 1. 54. § 7. 1. 54. ότητος Cobetus συνεπιθειάζων Si Be v. ; συνεκθειάζων requirit 61. ὁσι- στηρίσαι Si Be v.; στηρίξαι Reiskius duce Bryano. kal ut supervacuum delet Reiskius. var. lect. p. 8: θειότητος vulgo. 79. § 9. 1. 78. παρῆλθε vulgo Be Si: παρεΐδε coni. Si. τοσοῦτον: an τοσοῦτον ὄν ? | 80. χρήσοιτο Be Si duce Schae fero: χρήσαιτο vulgo. § 11. 1. 98. ἐντίμως vulgo: ἐντίμως δέ Reiskius. CAP. VII § 2. 1. 11. πόλεμοι To Be Si: vulgo πολέμιοι. || ἀπεργα- σαμένην cum Be Sintenisius : idem adnotat ‘ἀπειργασαμένην S', ut fortasse scribendum sit απειργασμένην. | 16. προ- B. CRITICAL NOTES 199 αγαγόντες cum e nido extractos in medium protulissent Rk Be Si: προσαγαγόντες vulgo. § 4. 1. 28. ήθεσιν Ko Si Be: ἤθεσι δι' ν. || 31. αὕτη Be Si auctore Reiskio: αὐτή c. codd. Sil. | κινεῖσθαι Si Be v. : γενέσθαι coni. Emperius. § 5. 1. 40. 1.40. cum Reiskio. προπέμποντος Si Be v.: προσπέμποντος Le § 6. 1. 51. φωνάεντα Si Be v.; φωνήεντα Schaeferus. 52. αρουραίους Si Be cum S5: ἀγοραίους vulgo: nimium a librorum scriptura recedit x καθάπερ στρουθόν, τοὺς δὲ χωρίτας ἀρουραίους καθάπερ τέττιγας nec probo sententiam. Schaeferus φωτ νήεντα γὰρ τοῦτον εἶναι καθάπερ τέττιγα, τοὺς δὲ χωρίτας (s. αρου- ραίους) καθάπερ στρουθόν. Ego sic malim φωνήεντα γὰρ τοῦτον εἶναι καθάπερ τέττιγα στρουθοὺς δὲ χωρίτας vel στρουθοὺς δὲ ἀρουραίους deleto vel αρουραίους vel χωρίτας. Possis etiam facilius sic: τέττιγα, τοὺς δὲ χωρίτας, quamquam propter opposita ἀστικὸν ὄχλον καὶ ἀγο- paîov utrumque servandum putat Emperius, cui sufficere videtur τοὺς δὲ χωρίτας καὶ ἀρουραίους. SINTENIS. CAP. VIII 1. 1. 1. προσλαμβάνει Be Si cum St: παραλαμβάνει ν. 4. πρὸς τί: Sintenisius conicit πως τί coll. Phoc. 23, Caes. 44• || 8. ηρίθμει v.; ἠριθμεῖτο numerari sibi curavit temptat Leo- poldus. § 2. 1. 14. όφλήματος ν.; ὀφειλήματος temere Schaeferus, v. Anton. 2, Galb. 21. § 4. 1. 26. ἐπάρχοντα παύσας x Si Be: vulgo ἐπάρχοντα ποιήσας; sed ἐπάρχοντα num accipi possit de consulari v. procon- sulari potestate dubium : hinc ἀπάρχοντα ποιήσας deiectum ma- gistratu Xylander, ἄπαρχον ποιήσας magistratu defunctum Reis- kius : item Madvigius Adv. I, 588 coll. [Dem.] in Aristogeit. § 149 p. 669, η αποστράτηγον ἐποιήσατε τὸν Ιφικράτην, Plut. Marcell. c. 22, Xen. Hell. 6, 2, 16 ἀπομίσθους αὐτοὺς ἐπεποιήκει. ἀρχῆς ἀποπαύσας probabilius coni. Leopoldus: ἄρχοντα ἀποπαύσας Sintenisius; παύσας sine ἐπάρχοντα Schaeferus. CAP. IX § 2. 1. 16. post κατήφειαν Reiskio deesse videtur ἐπιφέρον- τας, secum afferentes atrocem tristitiam, utpote qui multati practo- riis insignibus conspicerentur. § 3. 1. 23. 1. 23. pro ενδοιάζων τῇ γνώμῃ παρ' ἑαυτῷ Reiskius sine causa conicit ἐνδοιάζων τῇ αὐτοῦ γνώμῃ πρὸς ἑαυτόν ut sensus sit dubitans de illius (exercitus) erga se voluntate. Τ § 5. 1. 37. Πικτάς cum Lubino secundum Strabonem 5, 3, 9 nuperi: Πικήνας 35. || 46. σπουδῇ vulgo: δυνάμει C quod Sintenisio valde blanditur. § 6. 1. 49. τεγών Rk Be Si post Amiotum qui reddit cou- vertures des maisons': τειχών libri. | 55. ἄνω τῶν στεγασμάτων vulgo: mutato ordine τῶν ἄνω στεγασμάτων (contignationes superiores) mavult Reiskius. 200 APPENDIX ON THE TEXT CAP. XI § 1. 1. 7. ἐκπεσόντα reposuit Reiskius ex i pro v. πεσόντα. $2. 1. 17. ἀοικήτων cum Mureto Be Si: ἀοίκητον vulgo. || 19. ἐπῄει peragrabat, Si Be auctore Reiskio; ἐπί v. Si2. CAP. XII § 1. 1. 5. βασιλεύεσθαι ἠναγκασμέναις corrupta esse censet 1. 34. § 4. § 5. 1. 38. $ 6. 1. 42. $ 9. 1. 74. § 2. 1. 14. 1. 14. Rk. § 4. 1. 31. παρόντων vulgo: λιπαρούντων coni. Reiskius. ἀντέγραψε cum Schaefero Si Be: ἀντέγραφε ν. γε Br Si Be; τε vulgo. ὑφ᾽ αὑτῷ εἰς vulgo: ὑφ᾽ αὑτὸν εἰς malit Si. CAP. XIII ἐπιτιθέμενος Si Be v.; ἐπιτιθέμενον sc. νόσημα οὐ φιλομαθήσων non quo studiis litterarum operam darem de suo dedit Reiskius pro v. οὐ φιλομαθής ὤν, probantibus Le Si Be. § 1. 1. 6. CAP. XIV τοὺς πολεμίους Si Be v. ; τοῖς πολεμίοις dativum ut planiorem malit Rk. § 2. 1. 10. § 3. 1. 21. Ατήιον Br Si Be : v. Τήιον. τῶν addidit Koraes probante Bekkero, Sintenisio non item: v. not. exeg. ad 9, I et cf. 1. 27 διὰ πυλῶν ubi διὰ τῶν πυλών malit Reiskius. § 5. 1. 39. 1. 39. πολλοῖς μὲν ὀλίγους Si Be cum Dion. fragm. I p. 93 Bekk. ; πολλοὺς μὲν ὀλίγοις Sil vulgo. § 6. 1. 42. ἐν ᾧ vulgo; ἐν ᾗ Emperius. § 7. 1. 54. 1. 54. είλε Be post Emperium : είχε Si v. CAP. XV § 1. 1. 8. χρονοτριβεῖν Si auctore Bekkero: χρόνῳ τρί- βειν ν. § 2. 1. 12. καὶ τοῖς πολλοῖς ν.; καίτοι πολλοῖς Leopoldus auctore Reiskio. § 4. 1. 27. περικοπτόμενον ν.; περικρυπτόμενον aut περι- καλυπτόμενον occultatum, absconditum temptat Reiskius. | 31. ταῖς δυσχωρίαις Be Si: διὰ τῆς δυσχωρίας Emperius. CAP. XVI § 4. 1. 29. ὥστ᾽ ὀλίγοι Be de suo: καὶ ὀλίγοι malit Si auctore Schaefero: ὀλίγοι μὲν γάρ temptat Reiskius probante Leopoldo. § 5. 1. 38. προσάγων ν.: προάγων sc. e castris, producens in campum, malit Reiskius. Sed bene habet vulgatum προσάγων sc. πρὸς τὸν Κηφισσών. B. CRITICAL NOTES 201 § o. 1. 46. τον λόγον Si Be duce Mureto: τὸν πόλεμον libri, 'quod tolerabile reddas où quod est ante μáxeobaι transpo- sito post μή' Sintenis. 1. 53. § 7. didit de suo. ante vv. καὶ συνεκτραχυνόμενος Reiskius ᾧ ad- § 8. 1. 66. Ερίκιον post Stephanum Si Be: Ερκιον ν. § 1. CAP. XVII 1. 9. προσημαίνει Si Be v. ; προσημήνειεν Sch. § 3. 1. 23. παραταττομένοις dum in aciem constitucrentur Si Be praeeunte Reiskio : ταραττομένοις ν. § 4. 1. 29. Reisk. coni. καὶ στροβιλώδης (in fem.) ὄρους (in genetivo), ut Thurium sit nomen apicis, ipsius autem collis Ορθόπαγον. § 5. 1. 35. ἀπ' αὐτῆς vulgo: ἐπ' αὐτῆς e Iuntina et Aldina revocavit Reiskius probante Leopoldo. § 7. 1. 57. evkaμmés flexile Si Be duce Reiskio pro vulgari ἀκαμπές. Reddit Amiotus les pointes de leur bataille plus aisées à se courber et estendre pour enceindre les Romains'. CAP. XVIII § 2. 1. 10. καθεστώς ν.: καθεστώτας malit Reiskius quod et Leopoldo placet. || 13. ἀνέπλησαν ν. ; ἐνέπλησαν Koraes. § 5. 1. 35. πόλεων post Muretum Si Be: πολεμίων libri. CAP. XIX § 1. 1. 2. ἀνάγοντος ν.; συνάγοντος malit Reiskius. ἐφῆκε ν.; ἀφῆκε Κο. || 3. προσφερομένας Si Be v.: προσ φερομέναις malit Reiskius. | ἐμβαλών Si Be post Koraen: ἐμ- βαλών ν. § 2. 1. 12. ώρμησεν ὅθεν post Koraen Si Be: ὅθεν ώρμησεν libri: ή γεν ὅθεν ώρμησε temptat Si. § 5. 1. 38. ἐνέκλιναν de suo Reiskius quem sequuntur Si Be pro v. ἀνέκλιναν. || μέχρι παρά Si v. : μέχρι uncinis inclusit Be monente Emperio. § 6. 1. 43. Οιδιπόδειον Si coll. Lobeckio ad Soph. Αiac. 108 p. 115 : Οιδιπόδιον ν. Οιδιποδίαν ν. CAP. XX § 1. 1. 4. ἐπ' ἐκεῖνον αὐτόν ν.: ἐπ' ἐκεῖνον (adversus eum, Sullam puta) aúrós, (ipse, sc. Sulla) distinguendum et legendum censet Reiskius. § 3. 1. 19. pro vulgato φρόνιμον—ἐμπειρότατον Reiskius aut φρόνιμον—ἔμπειρον aut φρονιμώτατον—ἔμπειρον legendum censet. 11 21. ἐμπεσόντα ν.: συμπεσόντα malit Reiskius. 202 APPENDIX ON THE TEXT § 4. 1. 28. ὁμαλόν auctore Reiskio (qui et ψιλόν coniecit Si Be: μόνον vulgo Sil. | 31. ἐν πηγαῖς Be v.; ἐκ πηγῆς malit Si¹ cl. Pelop. 16. § 5. 1. 36. 1. 36. ελώδεις post Bryanum Le Si Be: vulgatum υλώ δεις iure ut opinor tuetur Reiskius Sil. CAP. XXI § 2. 1. 11. φευγόντων Bryanus cum Polyaeno 8, 9, 2, Si Be; libri φονευόντων quod defendit Reiskius. || 14. μεμνημένοι ν. Rk Si Be : μέμνησθε Muretus x. § 3. 1. 26. φόβου Be duce Reiskio : vulgatum φόνου tuentur Rk Si. CAP. XXIII § 2. 1. 6. διέβαλλε S® Be Si: vulgo διέβαλε. || 8. Μιθρι δάτου Be duce Ursino: Μιθριδάτῃ Si v. § 4. 1. 25. διαστρατηγεῖ libri in Ursinianis Sch Be Si: vulgo διαστρατηγείτω pro quo Reiskius coni. διαστρατηγεῖ τ τῷ λόγῳ πόλεμον i.e. verbis, non gladio, domi in lecto et bisellio suo, non in acie gerit bellum, tamquam imperator. || 29. ἀποστολῆναι αὐτός Be Si praeeunte Emperio: ἀποσταλῆναι αὐτούς pars librorum; αποσταλῆναι αὐτόν ν.: ἀποστολῆναι Si post Ursinum. || 30. διαπράξεσθαι cum Ursino Stephanus Be Si: δια πράξασθαι vulgo S'. || 31. πείθοι ν.; πείσαι Sch. § 5. 1. 32. Μαιδικήν Leopoldo duce Si Be: Μηδικήν libri. CAP. XXIV $ 2. 1. 18. ήπόρηκεν Solanus auctore Stephano : ἠπόρηκας ν. $ 3. 1. 22. περιλαβών Si Be v. : temere περιβαλών Schae ferus quem sequitur Koraes: περιβαλών item cum codice C Bernar dakis symb.cr. et palaeogr. p. 22 coll. Fab. 13 περιβαλὼν ήσπάζετο, ib. 24 περιβαλὼν καὶ ἀσπασάμενος, Aem. Paul. το περιβαλοῦ σαν καὶ καταφιλοῦσαν, Brut. το περιβαλώνἠσπάζετο, Alex. 67 περιβαλών κατεφίλησε, Tib. Gr. II περιέβαλλεν—καὶ κατησπά- ξετο, Dion. 43, Eumen. το περιβαλόντες ήσπάσαντο, Anton. Io περιβαλών κατεφίλησε. Ceterum Reiskius adnotat: 'significat, Mithridati dextram porrigenti Sullam non item suam porrexisse statim, sed prius interrogasse, num probaret atque ratas haberet conditiones pacis. Quod cum Mithridates post multas tergiversationes affirmasset, Sulla tum tandem est eum amplexus.' CAP. XXV § 2. 1. 11. ἐξέτριψεν Si Be v.: ἐπέτριψεν legendum censet Rk. || 12. 12. πολιορκία Si Be v. : πλεονεξίᾳ mg codicis A idque voluerat Solanus. || 17. οἰκουρῶν προερχόμενος : deesse videtur ἐλάμβανεν aut simile quid; alias legendum οἰκουροῦντα et προερ χόμενον sc. ἐτέτακτο λαμβάνειν. B. CRITICAL NOTES 203 CAP. XXVI § 1. 1. 8. ἐνσκευάσασθαι intervertisse, compilasse v.; ἐπιδια- σκευάσασθαι retractasse, cognovisse Leopoldus suasore Solano. § 2. 1. 14. τὸ τὸν κλῆρον περιγενέσθαι Si Be auctore Reiskio : τὸν—κληρονομον-παραγενέσθαι Si vulgo. § 3. 1. 26. Αλῶν Be : Αλαιῶν (ab 'Αλαιαί) post Koraen Si: vulgo 'Αλαιῶν. § 4. 1. 32. παραιτητών Br Be Si cum Amioto 'pource qu'ils estoient venus avec des intercesseurs qui n'estoient point petits': libri απαραιτήτων. CAP. XXVII § 4. 1. 29. Τίφατον Si Be cum Bocharto Hierosoic. II 46 p. 527 coll. Livii 7, 29, 26, 2: "Ηφαιον Si vulgo. § 5. 1. 36. Νωρβανού Be: Νορβανοῦ ν. § 6. 1. 43. φησί Si Be: φασί Vulcob. quod Bryanus prae- fert, tum quia mox pnol de ipso Sulla dicatur, tum quod pulat Sullam, si haec scripsisset, maculam militibus inussisse, nullo tem- pore eluendam. H. Stephanus quoque φασί praefert (Leopold). 48. ἐμπεπρήσεσθαι Si auctore Reiskio: ἐμπεπρῆσθαι Be Si. CAP. XXVIII § 1. 1. 3. ἠπείγετο δυνάμει καὶ δι' ἀπάτης ipse dedi de meo ut δυνάμει valeat cum copiis: ήπτετο δ. κ. δι' ἀ. Si Be v. : locum, ut corruptum, corrigebat Reiskius ήπτετο πρὸς τῇ δυνάμει καὶ δὴ ἀπάτης praeter vim periculum quoque imposturae faciebat s. violentiae fraudem adiungebat: ἐνῆπτε δυνάμει καὶ δὴ ἀπάτην Schaeferus; ἠπίστει τῇ δυνάμει deleto δ' post δεξαμένου temptat Sil; ἀπαντᾶν δεῖν ἡγεῖτο δυνάμει καὶ δι' ἀπάτης fortiter atque astu hostibus obviam sibi eundum existimabat Bernardakis symb. cr. p. 23. § 5. 1. 40. κεκλιμένοις ex aldina et i. restituit Reiskius, quem sequuntur Si Be; κεκλιμένους vulgo Stephaniana, quod stare potest si intellegas scutis innixos ad Homericum illud 11. 3, 135 ασπίσι κεκλιμένοι. § 7. 1. 52. κεκλειμένας Si cum S: κεκλεισμένας De v. § 1. 1. 2. § 3. 1. 21. § 4. 1. 32. CAP. XXIX ἀθλητῇ Si Be cum Reiskio : ἀθλητής v. διαδρομών vulgo: διαδρομής 5 Κο. πολεμικώτατα Si Be cum Amioto et Reiskio, quod differant πολέμιοι hostes et πολεμικοί bellicosi. § 6. 1. 50. θύραις vulgo: θύρας Madvigius Adv. I, 589. 57. προελθόντες cum Stephano Be Si: προσελθόντες Sil vulgo. 204 APPENDIX ON THE TEXT CAP. XXX 1. 16. ἐνήρχετο $ Ko Si: v. ἀνήρχετο. $ 2. § 4. 1. 23. 1. 23. CAP. XXXI τυγχάνοι post Koraen Si Be : τυγχάνει Si vulgo. CAP. XXXIII § 1. 1. 8. ᾧ Si v.: καὶ ᾧ Be auctore Reiskio: ᾧ βούλοιτο καὶ χαρίσασθαι Madvigius Adv. I, 589. § 2. 1. 15. γάμους v. Be Si: γάμοις malit Sil temere. CAP. XXXV παρεισενηνοχώς v. Be: εἰσενηνοχώς Si: προ- § 2. 1. 14. εισενηνοχώς Koraes. § 4. 1. 25. § 5. 1. 41. θείς Koraes: Ουαλερία cum Stephano Be: Οὐαλλερία Si v. παραβληθείς vulgatum tuentur Sil Be: παρακλη περιβληθείς irretitus, velut περιβλήστρῳ reti captus Reiskius: παλευθείς Madvigius /. c. coll. c. 28; παρα- κινηθείς Bernardakis symb. crit. et palaeogr. p. 24. CAP. XXXVII § 2. 1. 9. φαύλῃ ν.; φαιᾷ pulla Madvigius quod nihil ad rem pertineat φαυλότης vestis. § 3. 1. 21. ῥήξας Ko Si Be cum Solano : ρίψας ν. CAP. XXXVIII § 4. 1. 22. "Αρεος ἔστι Be: "Αρεως ἐστι Si. || 23. ὑπο- γραψάμενον vulgo: ἐπιγραψάμενον Koraes. INDICES I MATTERS II GRAMMAR JII GREEK INDEX I MATTERS A ACILIUS ('Ακύλιος), υ. 5. GLA- BRIO AELIA, second wife of Sulla, 6 I I AEMILIA, Sulla's stepdaughter, daughter of Scaurus, made by the former to marry Cn. Pom- peius Magnus, 333; dies in childbirth, ib. AEMILIUS: v. S. PAULUS AESCULAPIUS ('Aσкλnπiós) tem- ple of, at Epidauros, 12 3 AFRICA (Λιβύη), 1 2, 28 8 AIDEPSUS (Alonyos), the warm springs of, visited by Sulla, 26 3 AKADEMEIA, the trees in, felled by order of Sulla, 12 3 AKASTOS, Son of Pelias, died of phtheiriasis, 36 3 AKONTION, mountain in Boeotia, 193 ALBANUS (ager), 31 6 ALBINOVANUS, P. SERVILIUS, 9 2 ALBINUS, AULUS POSTUMIUS, killed by Sulla's soldiers, 6 9 ALCMAN ('Aλкµáv), the lyric poet oμeλoоlós, died of phthei- riasis, 36 3 ALPES (αἱ "Αλπεις), 4 3 AMPHIKTYONES, custodes the- sauri delphici, 12 4 ANAXIDAMOS, 17 6; 19 5 ANDRONIKOS of Rhodes pub- lishes copies of the original MSS of Aristotle, which he got from Tyrannion and made tables of them, 26 I annus magnus ex Etruscorum disciplina, 7 4 ANTEMNAE ("Αντεμνα), 30 Ι ANTHEDON ('Av@ŋdúv), a town and harbour of Boeotia, on the coast of the Euboean sea, at the foot of Mt Messapios (Ov. Met. 7, 232; 13, 905), de- stroyed by Sulla, 26 4 ANTHESTERION, the month, cor- responding to March, 14 6 ANTIOCHOS III, 12 6 ANTISTIA, her divorce by GN. POMPEIUS MAGNUS at the wish of Sulla, 33 3 APELLIKON, his library taken by Sulla to Rome, 26 I APHRODITE, the goddess of luck, 194; Sulla regarded himself as her chosen favourite and called himself Epaphroditos after her, 36 2 APOLLO THURIOS, origin of the name, 174; PYTHIOS, image of, carried about with him by Sulla, 296; temple of at Delion, 22 3; temple of, at Rome, 32 2 APOLLONIA, 27 I INDEX 1 MATTERS I 207 ARCHELAOS, a merchant of De- los, 22 2 ARCHELAOS, name of the place where Sulla encamped before the battle of Chaironeia, 17 3 ARCHELAOS, of Cappadocia, 23 2; the greatest general Mithri- dates had, is sent with a large armament to Greece and be- comes master of Euboea and most of the islands in the Aegean, and of Athens, 11 3; advances into Boeotia, where he is compelled by Brettius Surra to retire to the coast, 11 4, 5; holds out for some time in Peiraeeus against Sulla, but after the capture of Athens is forced to retire to Mu- nychia, where, having com- mand of the sea, he hoped to protract the war and cut off Sulla's supplies, but he is summoned thence by Taxiles and taking his men off the ships lands them in Boeotia, 15 i; his campaign in Boeotia, 16 sq.; his defeat and flight, 19 3; another army under Dorylaos being sent by Mith- ridates to aid him, he engages Sulla again at Orchomenos but is defeated, 20; his inter- view with Sulla at Delion, 22 3; Sulla's friendly treatment of him gives rise to suspicion that the battle of Chaironeia had been won by treachery on the part of Archelaos, 23 2; Archelaos obtains permission to go to Mithridates on a pro- mise to conclude peace on Sulla's own terms, 23 4 ARES, 19 4; τὸ πεδίον τοῦ “Α- peos (campus Martius), 38 4 ARIARATHES, younger son of Mithridates VI, overruns Thrace and Macedonia, 11 2 ARIOBARZANES (surnamed Phi- loromaeus), re-established by Sulla as king of the Cap- padocians, 5 3; 225: recon- ciled by Sulla to Mithridates, 24 3 ARISTION, tyrant of Athens, holds out against Sulla, 12 I; his character, 13 1; nicknamed Athenion, 26 1 note; put to death by Sulla's orders, 23 2 ARISTOTELES, story about the writings of, being carried by Sulla from Athens to Rome, 26 I ARSACES IX, king of Parthia, 54 ASIA, the province of, taken by Mithridates, 11 2; 24 4 ASKLEPIOS (Aesculapius), tem- ple of, at Epidauros, 12 3 ASSIA, 17 3 ASSUS, river in Phokis, 16 7; 17 3 ATEIUS, MARCUS, 14 2 ATHENE (Αθηνά), 9 4 ATHENION, 26 I note ATHENS, 113; capture of, on the first of March 86/668, 14 3,6; τῶν ᾿Αθήνησι γεφυριστῶν, 2 I ATTICA, a country unfitted for cavalry movements, 15 2 AURELIUS, QUINTUS, one of the proscribed, 31 6 BALBUS, 29 3 B BASILLUS, LUCIUS, dux Sullanus, 9 5 BELLONA ('Evvá), 9 4; 27 6; temple of, 7 5; 30 2 BITHYNIA, kingdom of, taken from Nikomedes by Mithrida- tes, 11 2; 22 5 BOCCHUS, king of Numidia, betrays his son-in-law Jugurtha to Sulla, 3 I BOSPOROS, part of the king- dom of Mithridates, 11 2 208 MATTERS INDEX I BRETTIUS SURRA (Βρέττιος Σούρ- pas), 11 5 BRUNDISIUM (Врevтéσιov), 27 I BRUTUS, D. JUNIUS, is sent with Servilius to take command of the army under Sulla, 9 2 C CAECILIA, 6 10: V. S. METELLA CAESAR, LUCIUS JULIUS, COS. 90/664; his remark on Sulla's election to the praetorship, 5 3 CAMPANIA, 27 4 CAPITOLIUM (το Καπιτώλιον), 103; burning of the, foretold to Sulla by a slave of Gaius Pontius Telesinus, 27 6 CAPPADOCES, 9 4; 23 2 CAPPADOCIA, kingdom of, Sulla is sent to, 5 3; taken by Mithridates from Ariobarza- nes, 11 2 CAPUA (Καπύη πόλις), 27 5 CARBO (Kápßwv), CN. PAPIRIUS, his treatment of the Sullan party, 22 1; his remark about Sulla, 28 3; principal support of the Marian party, 28 8; 29 4; his flight to Africa, 288 CASTOR, temple of (AtoσKOV- peîov), 33 4 CATILINA, LUCIUS SERGIUS (A€ú- κιος Κατιλίνας) is allowed by Sulla to put the name of his own brother, whom he had murdered, on the proscription list, 32 2 CATULUS, Q. LUTATIUS, COS. 102/652 with C. Marius iv, his character, 4 2 CATULUS, Q. LUTATIUS, consul with Lepidus in 78/676, 34 5 CENSORINUS (Kŋvowpîvos), brings an action repetundarum against Sulla, 56 CHAIRON, founder of Chairo- neia, 17 4 CHAIRONEIA (Kapurna), 11 3; gent. Χαιρωνεύς, 18 r ; nar rowly escapes falling into the hands of Archelaos, 16 8 CHALDAEUS (ȧvýp Xaλdaîos), 55; 37 I CHALKIS, 19 4; 20 2 LUCIUS CORNELIUS CINNA (Kiv- vas), though of the opposite party, named consul by Sulla, takes an oath to be faithful to Sulla's policy, 10 3; kills Octavius, 12 8; τοὺς περὶ Kivvav, 12 8; his treatment of the Sullan party, 22 I CLAUDIUS, APPIUS, slain by Gaius Pontius Telesinus, 29 3 CLOELIA (Kλoλla), third wife of Sulla, 6 II COLLINE gate, the battle at the, 29 2 COPILLUS, chief of the Tecto- sages, taken prisoner by Sulla, 41 CRASSUS, M. LICINIUS, the tri- umvir, a partisan of Sulla, his success against the Marian party, 28 8; his victory over the Samnites under C. Pontius of Telesia, 29 5; pursues them to Antemnae, where he is joined by Sulla, 30 1 CURIO (Koupíwv) C. SCRIBO- NIUS, left to besiege Aristion in the Akropolis, 14 7 CYCLADES, the (αἱ Κυκλάδες νη σοι), 11 3 D DARDANOS V. DARDANON, 24 I DELION, 22 3 DELPHI (Δελφοί), 12 4 ; 29 6 dictatorship, the, revived in the person of Sulla, after be- ing in abeyance 120 years, 33 I DIKAIARCHEIA, 37 3 DIOGENES, stepson of Archelaos, falls at the battle of Orcho- menos, 21 3 INDEX I MATTERS 209 DIONYSOS, 26 3 DOLABELLA, GNAEUS CORNE- LIUS (Δολοβέλλας), 28 5 DORYLAOS, a general of Mithri- dates VI, invades Boeotia, 202; his defeat at Orchome- nos, 20 DYRRHACHION (Avppáxcov), Sul- la's embarkation at, 27 I E ELATEA (Lcfta), τὰ Ἐλατικὰ πεδία, 16 Ι Ενυώ, ή, τ.ς. BELLONA EPAPHRODITOS, a surname of Sulla, 32 2 EPHESOS, 26 I EPIDAUROS, temple of Askle- pios (Aesculapius) at, robbed by Sulla, 12 3 ERICIUS (probably a corrupt reading for Hirtius), 16 8 ESQUILINE HILL, the (ò λópos ô Αἰσκυλίνος), 9 5 ETRURIAN (Tuppηvoi) diviners, their theory about the eight periods of the world, 7 4 EUBOLA, 11 3; 23 2 EUMOLPOS, 13 4 EUNUS (Evous), leader of the Sicilian insurgents in the ser- vile war, his death by phthei- riasis, 36 3 EUPHRATES fl., 5 4 EURIPIDES, his thoughts on am- bition, 44 F Fasces (ράβδοι), 9 2 FAUSTA, name of Sulla's daughter by Metella, 34 3 FAUSTUS, name of Sulla's son by Metella, 34 3 FELIX, a formal surname as- sumed by Sulla, 32 2 FENESTELLA (Þeveotéλλas), the historian, 28 7 FIDENTIA, victory of M. Lu- cullus at, 27 7 H. S. FIMBRIA (Þµßpías), C. FLAVIUS, 12 8; having murdered his colleague Valerius Flaccus, he assumes the command of the army and defeats the generals of Mithridates, 23 6; his de- sertion by his own men and suicide, 25 1 FLACCUS (PAáKKOS), L. VALERIUS, the consul, marches against Sulla, 20 1; his murder, 12 8 FLAMININUS (Þλaµivivos), TI- (Φλαμινίνος), TUS, his conduct during his campaign in Greece con- trasted with that of Sulla, 12 6 FUFIDIUS (Povpídios), adulator Sullae, 31 3 G GABINIUS (Taßivios), AULUS, a military tribune under Sulla, saves Chaironeia from falling into the hands of Archelaos, 16, 8 GALBA, one of Sulla's legati, 17 7 GLABRIO, MANIUS ACILIUS, his conduct in Greece contrasted with that of Sulla, 12 6 GLABRIO, MANIUS ACILIUS, grandson of the above, hus- band of Aemilia, Sulla's step- daughter, 33 3 GORDIOS, appointed by Mithri- dates governor of Cappadocia, defeated by Sulla, 5 3 GRANIUS (ὁ ἄρχων τῆς Δικαιαρ- Xeías), strangled by order of Sulla, 37 3 H HALAE ('Aλal: gent. 'Aλaîos), the fishermen of, encouraged by Sulla to rebuild their city, 26 3 HEDYLIUS (τὸ 'Ηδύλιον ὄρος), mountain in Boeotia, 16 7 14 210 INDEX I MATTERS HELLESPONTOS, 23 I HEPTACHALKON, 14 I HERCULES ('Hpakλns), worship- ped as πλουτοδότης, 35 I; Sulla dedicates the tithe of his substance to him, ib. HOMOLOICHOS ('Oµoλwixos), 17 6; 19 5 HORTENSIUS, Q. the celebrated orator (?), legatus to Sulla, 15 3; 17 7; 18 6; brother of Valeria, Sulla's last wife, 35 4 I ILIA, the first wife of Sulla, 6 11 IONIAN sea, the (διαπερᾶν τὸν Ιόνιον), 20 Ι ITALIA, 27 3 IUBA II ('Ióẞas), king of Maure- tania, 16 8. See Introd. IUGURTHA ('Ioyópeas), son-in- law to Bocchus, 3, 2; the credit of his treacherous sur- render by Bocchus ascribed to Sulla, 3 3 Iulius (mensis), 27 6 iustitium (απραξία, ἀπρα- ξίαι), 8 3 K KADMOS, story of, and the cow, 17 5 KALLIPHON, an Athenian exile, 14 4 KALLISTHENES of Olynthos, his death by phtheiriasis, 36 3 KAPHIS of Chaironeia, 124; 15 3 KERAMEIKOS, 14 I Kpóvia, rá, 18 5 L LAMPONIUS, of Lucania, joins C. Pontius of Telesia in an at- tempt to raise the siege of Praeneste, 29 I LARISA, 23 I LARYMNA (Aápuμva), the name of two towns at the mouth of Kephissos, on the shore of the Bay of Larmes, and on the borders of Boeotia and Lokris, destroyed by Sulla, 26 4 LAVERNA (Λαουέρνη), 6 6 LEBADEIA (Λεβαδεία), 17 1; τὴν Λεβαδέων πόλιν, 16 4 Lebadeia was chiefly celebrated for the oracle of Trophonios, king of Or- chomenos, who, at a time when the Greeks were chiefly indebted to Phoe- nicia for artists, obtained with the aid of his brother Agamedes, such celebrity as a constructor of temples, treasuries, palaces and other works. (Pausan. Boeot. 9, 37), that by a con- sequence natural in a superstitious age of the admiration in which his talents were held, he was believed after his death to predict futurity and to have been the son not of Erginus but of Apollo. The extensive reputation, which his oracle had acquired at a remote period, is proved by its having been consulted by Croesos and Mar- donios; and more than six centuries afterwards its administrators were still successful in maintaining the po- pular delusion. Pausanias, who him- self consulted the oracle, has left us an accurate description of the process, omitting only what he saw or heard. in the sacred adyton, which it was not lawful to reveal. W. M. LEAKE, Travels in Northern Greece, 11 p. 121 f. LEPIDUS, MARCUS AEMILIUS, a candidate for the consulship in 78/676, with the support of Cn. Pompeius, 34 4; his vain attempt to deprive Sulla of the honour of a solemn public funeral, 38 r LIVIUS, TITUS (ó Tíros), quoted, 6 10 LUCULLUS (Aeúkoλos), L. LICI- NIUS, the conqueror of Mith- ridates, 278; as legatus of Sulla, gives Sura notice to make room for Sulla, 11 5; Sulla dedicated his 'Memoirs to him, 6 6 LUCULLUS, M. LICINIUS, brother of the above, his victory over the Marians at Fidentia, 27 7 INDEX I MATTERS 2II LYKEION, a suburb of Athens, the trees in, felled by Sulla, 12 3 M MACEDONIA, 23 I; 27 1 MAEDIKA (Μαιδική), 23 5 MAEOTIS palus, the limit of the kingdom of Mithridates, 11 2 MALEA, the promontory of, 11 3 malleolus 97 MARIUS, GAIUS, the elder, 2 1; source of his hostility against Sulla, 33; Sulla serves under him in the Cimbric war, 4 I; fresh subjects of quarrel be- tween him and Sulla, 6 1; his comparative want of success in the Social war, 6 2; com- bines with the tribune Sul- picius, who procures him the management of the Mithri- datic war, 8; the Roman senate under his control, 9 2; his flight from Rome, 9 7; a price set on his head by Sulla, 92; Sulla's dream concerning him, 28 4; τοὺς περὶ Μάριον, 6 12; 9 3 MARIUS, C. the younger, defeat- ed by Sulla in the battle of Canusium, 275; 29 4; makes a stand near Signia, 28 4; his flight to Praeneste after the battle of Sacriportus, 28 7; according to some historians he saw nothing of the battle, ib. 29 4; his suicide, 32 1 MARIUS, MARCUS, his bleeding head brought by L. Catilina to Sulla during the proscrip- tions, 32 2 MARSI (Μαρσοί), 4 Ι MEIDIAS, an Athenian exile, 14 4 MELAS (Méλas), the only Greek river navigable from its source, swells about the summer sol- stice like the Nile and pro- duces the same plants, 20 4 MESSALA (Μεσσάλας), Μ. VA- LERIUS, 35 4 METELLA, CAECILIA, Sulla's fourth wife, 6 10; 13 1; her flight from Rome, 22 1; 33 3; 34 3 METELLUS, GAIUS, ventures to ask Sulla in the senate when there will be an end of his massacres, 31 r METELLUS, L. CAECILIUS, DAL- MATICUS, father of CAECILIA METELLA, 6 5 note METELLUS, Q. CAECILIUS, PIUS, son of Numidicus, consul with Sulla, 65 one of Sulla's most successful generals, 28 8 METROBIUS (Μητρόβιος), ὁ λυ- σιωδός, 36 1 : MITHRIDATES VI EUPATOR, king of Pontos, 6 9; limits of his dominion, 11 2; establish- ed at Pergamon, ib.; sends Archelaos with an army into Greece, 113; 151; Valerius Flaccus is sent to Asia to operate against him, 201; he sends Dorylaos to the aid of Archelaos, 20 2; 22 3; demurs to the terms of peace settled by Archelaos, 23 3; but the fear of Fimbria inclined him to make a friend of Sulla, 23 6; conference between him and Sulla at Dardanos, 24 I; conclusion of peace and recon- ciliation of the two kings Ario- barzanes and Nikomedes to Mithridates by Sulla, 24 3; before this he had caused a hundred and fifty thousand Romans to be massacred in Asia in one day; ὁ Μιθρι δατικός πόλεμος, 7 1; 8 2; 22 2; τὴν ἐπὶ Μιθριδάτην στρατείαν, 84; τα χείριστα τῶν Μιθριδατικών νοσημάτ των, 13 2 MOLOS (TO Móλov peî@pov), a tor- rent which joins the left bank - 14-2 212 INDEX I MATTERS of the Kephissos and which separates Mt Hedylion from Mt Akontion, 17 4; 19 5 MUCIUS, SCAEVOLA, his death by phtheiriasis, 36 3 MUMMIUS, GAIUS (Talos Móμ- mos), one of Sulla's generals, 9 5 MUNYCHIA (Μουνυχία), the strongest part of the Peiraic fortification, 15 I MURENA (Mouрývas), LUCius, LICINIUS, 17 3, 7; commands the left wing of Sulla's army in the battle with Archelaos near Chaironeia, 19 2 MUSES, temple of the (Movσ eîov), 176 N Names, transposition of proper, 29 3, 6, 8 NELEUS of SKEPSIS in Asia, the library of Aristotle and Theo- phrastos bequeathed to him, 26 2 NIKE, 195; 'a figure of Vic- tory', 11 1. PL. Νίκας τρο- παιοφόρους, 6 Ι NIKOMEDES, king of Bithynia, 23 5; reconciled to Mithridates by Sulla, 24 3 NIKOPOLIS, makes Sulla her heir, 4 24 NILUS (o Neλos), 20 NOLA (Nŵλa), a town of Campa- nia, on the road from Capua to Nuceria, taken by the Ro- mans in 313/441. It was the only Campanian town that remained faithful to them in the Hannibalic war. In the Social war it fell into the hands of the confederates and, when taken by Sulla, was burnt to the ground by the Samnite garrison, 8 4; 93 NONIUS (Núvios), Sulla's sister's son, rejected in his applica- tion for the consulate, 10 3 NORBANUS, GAIUS, the consul, being defeated by Sulla, takes shelter in Capua, 27 5 NUMIDA (Noµás), 3 I ΝΥΜΡΗΑΕΟΝ (το Νύμφαιον), a place near Apollonia, where there are constant springs of fire, 27 1 O OCTAVIUS ('OKTαoulos), GNAEUS, murder of, 12 8 OEDIPUS, the fountain of, at Thebes, 19 6 OFELLA, LUCRETIUS ('Opéλλas Λουκρήτιος), besieges the younger Marius in Praeneste 29 8; killed by Sulla's orders, because he sued for the consulate against his inclina- tion in defiance of the leges annales, 33 3 OLYMPIA, temple of Zeus at, robbed by Sulla, 12 3 OLYMPIOS ZEUS, 17 2; 19 6 ORCHOMENOS, the battle of, 20 3; 21 2; 26 4 OROBAZOS, the first Parthian ambassador sent to the Ro- mans, put to death by Arsakes for suffering Sulla to take the place of honour, 5 4 ORTHOPAGOs, the hill of, 17 I Р ΡΑΝΟΡΕ (ἡ τῶν Πανοπέων πόλις), a town in Phokis destroyed by the Asiatic army, 16 4 PAPHLAGONIA, 22 5; 23 3 PARAPOTAMIOI, a town in Pho- kis, destroyed by Xerxes, 16 7 PARNASSOS, Mt, 15 3 PARTHI, their embassy to Sulla, when he was in Asia, 5 4 PATRONIS, 15 4 PAULUS, ALMILIUS (Αιμίλιος INDEX I MATTERS 213 Havλos), contrast between his treatment of Greece and that of Sulla, 12 6 PEIRAEEUS, the Athenian har- bour, siege of, by Sulla, 12 1; capture of, 147; Sulla anchors in, three days after leaving Ephesos, 26 1; Peiraic gate, the, 14 3 PERGAMON (τὸ Πέργαμον), 11 Ι. [According to Mr W. C. Per- ry Descriptive Catalogue of the Casts from the Antique in the S. Kensington Museum, 1884, where casts of the sculptures from the great altar, deposited in the Museum at Berlin (nos. 205-208) are now to be seen, it was dedicated as an offering for the victory of Eumenes II over the Gauls in 168/586] Peripatetics, the, ignorant of a large part of Aristotle's writ- ings until they were published by Apellikon, 26 2 Persian, wars (тà Mηdiká), 13 4; tunics, 16 3 PHEREKYDES of SYROS, his death by phtheiriasis, 36 3 PHILIPPI, 23 5 PHILO, the arsenal of, 14 7. [There is an interesting article. on the reconstruction of Philo's Skeuothek with plan thereof by Bruno Keil in Hermes Band 19, pp. 149—163, Berlin 1884] PHILOBOEOTOS, a hill so called in Boeotia, 16 г PHOKIANS, the, in time of Xerxes, 15 4 GNAEUS POMPEIUS MAGNUS, his successes against the Ma- rians, 28 8; is made by Sulla to divorce his wife Antistia and marry Sulla's step-daughter Aemilia, 333; his support of M. Lepidus when a candidate. for the consulship, remark on by Sulla, 34 5 POMPEIUS, Q. RUFUS, chosen consul with Sulla, 6 10; mur- der of his son in the forum, 8 3 PONTIUS, Gaius, the Samnite leader, of Telesia, his opera- tions against Sulla, 27 6; 29 t PONTOS, kingdom of, 11 2 POSTUMA, a daughter of Sulla by Valeria, 37 4 POSTUMIUS, haruspex (IoσTOÚ- μιος ὁ μάντις), 9 3 ό PRAENESTE (Πραίνεστον), 28 7; 29 1; fall of, and massacre of its inhabitants, 32 I proscriptions, Sulla's, in Rome and Italy 31 3 f PUTEOLI, 37 3 PYTHIOS (APOLLO), 17 5; 19 6; 29 6 Q Quintilis mensis (Kurios), 27 6 QUINTUS, TITIUS, 17 I R ROME, the attempt of PONTIUS of Telesia to surprise, 29 2 ROSCIUS, QUINTUS, the actor, a favourite of Sulla's, 36 1 RUFINUS, P. CORNELIUS, an an- cestor of Sulla's, 1 I RUFUS, Q. POMPEIUS, 6 10 S Sacred gate, the, at Athens, 14 3 SALVENIUS (Σαλονήνιος), 17 Ι SAMNIS (Σαυνίτης), 29 Ι SATURNALIA (τὰ Κρόνια), 18 5 SCAURUS, M. AEMILIUS, 33 3 SCIPIO (2кnπlwv), L. CORNELIUS, ASIATICUS, deserted by his soldiers, 28 I Scythian: τῶν Σκυθικών χιτώ- νων, 16 3 Σελήνη, ή, 9 4 Senate, Roman, the place of its meeting, 7 5 214 INDEX I MATTERS SENTIUS, GAIUS, the governor of Macedonia, sends Brettius Surra, his legatus, against Ar- chelaos in Boeotia, 11 4 SERVILIUS (Zepoviλios), one of Sulla's successful generals, 28 S SERVILIUS: v. S. BRUTUS SERVIUS (Zepovýtos), a friend of Sulla's, rejected for the consul- ship by the people to shew their disapprobation of Sulla, 10 3 SIGNIA (lynov, Segni), 28 4 SILVIUM (Noviov, Garagnone), 27 6 SKEPSIS, a town in the Troad, 26 2 SORIX, Σώριξ ὁ ἀρχιμῖμος, one of Sulla's boon companions, 36 I STRABO, the geographer, 26 3 SULLA, LUCIUS CORNELIUS, his ancestry, 1 ; his early life, 12; born to a scanty fortune, ib.; how he came to be well off, 24; his personal appear- ance, 21; 6 7; his tastes and associates and fondness for drollery and buffoonery of every kind, though grave and austere when he had to trans- act business, 2 2, 36 1; addict- ed to debauchery through life, 2 3, 4; his memoirs, 43; 51; 6 5,6; 6; 142; 16 1; 17 1; 19 4; 23 3; 27 3, 1; 6; 28 8; 37 1 ; dedication of his Memoirs to Lucullus, 6 6; appointed quaestor to Marius in the Jugurthine war, 3 1; gains great honour there, ib.; how he won the confi- dence of King Bocchus, 3 1'; surrender of Jugurtha to him by Bocchus, 3 3; his seal ring representing the incident makes Marius jealous, 34; married four times, 6 11; his many inconsistencies of cha- racter, 67-9; his religious- ness and belief in dreams and omens, 69; serves as legatus under Marius in the Cimbric war, but afterwards joins the army of Catulus, 4 1, 2; procures provisions for the camp both of Catulus and Marius, 43; seeks civil dis- tinction, 51; applies for the praetorship and loses it but gains it the next year, 52; Caesar tells him he bought it, ib.; is sent to Cappadocia to check the restless movements of Mithridates, 5 3; re-estab- lishes Ariobarzanes, 53; the first Roman who received an ambassador from Parthia, 5 4; assumes the place of honour between the king of Cappa- docia and the Parthian am- bassador in the conference, 55; his conduct on the oc- casion gave rise to various comments, ib.; a Chaldaean in the train of the Parthian ambassador foretells Sulla's future greatness, ib.; he is threatened with a prosecution for bribery by one Censorinus, 56; impulse given to the ill- feeling between him and Ma- rius on occasion of King Boc- chus erecting certain statues in the Capitol, 6 1, 3; distin- guishes himself in the confe- derate war, 6 2; his enemies represent him as a fortunate rather than a great general, 63; Sulla, unlike the Athen- ian Timotheos, glories in be- ing the favourite of fortune, 64; advises Lucullus to at- tend to the visions of the night, 66; overlooks the crime of his soldiers in killing Albinus, one of his legati, 6 9; looking forward to the conduct of the Mithridatic war, he pays court to the army, ib.; elected con- sul with Q. Pompeius in his INDEX I MATTERS 215 fiftieth year, 6 10; marries Caecilia Metella, daughter of Metellus, the Pontifex Maxi- mus, ib.; the names of his other wives, 6 11; Metella's great influence over him, 6 12; ambitious of the conduct of the Mithridatic war, he finds a rival for that appointment in Marius, 7 1; Sulpicius' mo- tion for the appointment of Marius to the command against Mithridates, 8 2; to prevent this being carried, the consuls order a suspension of all pub- lic business, but a tumult en- sues and Sulla is compelled to revoke the order, not till after his colleague's son is killed, and the father has to make his escape; Sulla gets off with his life by sheltering in the house of Marius, 83; 10 2; Pompeius is deposed but not Sulla, 8 4; he fled to the camp at Nola, which he reached before the two tribuni militum sent by Marius to take from him the army, and they are stoned to death, 91; the Marians retaliate by putting to death the partisans of Sul- la in Rome and confiscating their property, ib.; Sulla's march upon Rome with six legions, 92; two praetors sent by the senate to forbid his ad- vance escaped with their lives but were treated with insult by the soldiers, 9 2; Sulla hesitates, but his soldiers cla- morously call on him to lead them to Rome, he is encou- raged by the report of the soothsayer Postumius, 9 3; and a vision of good omen, 94; again envoys came to protest against his advance, but he amuses them with a falsehood, and professing com- pliance follows close upon their heels, 9 5; sends for- ward two of his officers to seize the Esquiline; they are at first kept back by the Ma- rians pouring down tiles from the housetops but Sulla bids his men shoot fiery arrows at the houses, 9, 6, 7; Marius is driven back but makes an- other stand at the temple of Tellus, and offers liberty to any slave who would join him, ib.; flight of Marius, upon whose head Sulla sets a price, 101; his ungrateful treatment of Marius resented by the peo- ple and senate, who thwart his attempt to get two of his own partisans elected to the consulship, 10 2, 3; Sulla affects not to be displeased and nominates L. Corn. Cin- na, a leader of the populares, but first makes him swear to be faithful to his policy, 10 3, 4; Sulla regardless of the prosecution threatened by Ver- ginius leaves Italy, ib. Sulla in Greece 11-21. Surra, who had been sent by Sentius, the governor of Macedonia, to make head against Arche- laos, is warned of Sulla's land- ing in Greece by Lucullus and retires from Boeotia, 11 4, 5; Sulla receives the submission of the cities of Greece except Athens, which was defended by Aristion: he commences two sieges that of Athens and Peiraeeus, 12 1; after an un- successful attempt to storm the walls, he sets to work constructing engines of war and for that purpose cuts down the trees of the Akade- meia and the Lykeion, 12 2, 3; he is forced also to plunder the temples of Epidauros, 216 INDEX I MATTERS Olympia and Delphi, ib.; his saying upon Kaphis' scruples to touch the treasures of Del- phi, 124; Sulla's conduct in this respect contrasted with that of former Roman gene- rals in Greece, who, so far from robbing the temples, even sent presents to them, 12 6, 7; Sulla's conduct to be accounted for by his profuse expenditure on his own men and his corruption of those of other commanders, whereby he made the Roman state a thing for bargain and sale, 12 8, 9; his different motives for desir- ing to capture Athens, 13 1; provocation of Aristion, ib.; blockade of Athens and con- sequent famine, 13 2, 3; Sul- la's answer to the pompous speech of the deputation from Aristion, 13 4; Sulla scales the walls near the Heptachal- kon, and levelling the part be- tween the Peiraic and Sacred gates enters the town at mid- night on the 1st of March amid the blast of trumpets, 14 3; a general massacre ensues, which Sulla at last stops, 14 4; what he said on that occasion, 14 5; Aristion fled to the A- kropolis where he is blockaded by Curio and forced by hunger at last to capitulate, 14 7; Sulla meanwhile forces on the siege of Peiraeeus, and, after driving Archelaos into Mu- nychia, burnt the greater part of it, including the noble ar- senal of Philo, ib.; Archelaos sails away in obedience to a summons from Taxiles, whom Mithridates had sent with an army of 100,000 foot and 10,000 horse and 90 scythed chariots into Greece, 15 I; Sulla also leaves Attica for want of provisions, and marching into Boeotia effects a junction with Q. Hortensius, 15 2, 4; the combined armies consist- ing of only 15,000 foot and 1500 horse occupy Philoboe- otos, an eminence in the plain of Elateia, 16 ; Sulla's sol- diers at first alarmed by the numbers and splendour of the enemy, 16 3; but Sulla tries. whether the drudgery of dike- making will not make his troops more willing to fight and it has its effect, 16 5, 6; he orders them to seize sword in hand a strong position call- ed the Akropolis of Parapota- mioi, 16 7; the enemy's plan frustrated, 16 8; Archelaos then makes an attempt on Chaironeia, but Sulla is again beforehand with him and gar- risons the place with one legion, ib.; Sulla crosses the Assos and takes up a position under Mt Hedylion, 17 3; here he encamps opposite Archelaos, who was strongly entrenched at Assia, ib.; Ar- chelaos seizes a hill called Thurion; Sulla crosses the Kephissos with the rest of his troops to join the legion in Chaironeia and dislodge the enemy from Thurion, 17 4; disposition of his forces, 17 7; manoeuvres of Archelaos, 19 I, 2; great battle in the plain of Chaironeia and victory of Sulla with the loss of only twelve men, 19 4; the bar- barians flee pell-mell to the Kephissos and only 10,000 reach Chalkis in Euboea, ib.; Sulla erects two trophies in- scribed to Ares, Nike and Aphrodite, 195; celebrates at Thebes a festival for his vic- tory and has a dramatic re- INDEX I MATTERS 217 presentation, the judges being invited from other cities of Hellas, as he could not pardon the Thebans for having once joined Archelaos; he confis- cates half their land, the pro- ceeds of which he applies to reimbursing the sacred funds, 19 6; marches to Thessaly to oppose the consul Flac- cus, who was on his march from the Adriatic coast for Asia, but returns upon the in- telligence that Dorylaos, an- other of Mithridates' generals, had been sent with reinforce- ments, 20 1, 2; disposition of the combined armies, 20 3, 4; Sulla's arrangements, 21 1, 2; at one time the contest was doubtful, but it ended in a complete defeat of the enemy at Orchonienos, 21 4; Sulla winters in Thessaly, where Metella with her children comes to him from Rome with an account that Cinna and Carbo, besides other outrages, had burnt Sulla's houses and entreating him to go to the aid of his friends, but Sulla could not make up his mind to leave the war with Mithridates unfinished, 22 1, 2; he confers with Archelaos at Delion, 22 3; the terms of peace offered, ib.; each urges the other to turn traitor, ib.; terms on which Sulla and Archelaos finally agree, 22 5; Sulla's friendly behaviour to Archelaos, who accompanies him into Asia, gives rise to un- worthy suspicions, 232; Sulla's apology in his Memoirs, 23 3: is indignant at the objec- tion of Mithridates to ratify certain articles of the propos- ed peace, ib.; whereupon Ar- chelaos offers to go in person to Mithridates to persuade him to accept the terms unreserv- edly, 23 4; Sulla is at Philippi when Archelaos returns from Mithridates, 23 5; he crosses the Hellespont and in a con- ference with Mithridates at Dardanos they come to terms, 24 1, 2; reconciliation of the kings Ariobarzanes and Ni- komedes to Mithridates and termination of the first Mith- ridatic war, 24 3 Sulla's soldiers, baulked of their de- sire to avenge the great mas- sacre, murmur at the settle- ment; Sulla's apology to them, 24 4; he at once leads them against Fimbria who was near Thyateira in Lydia, 25 1; Fim- bria's men desert to him and Fimbria commits suicide, ib.; Sulla proceeds to regulate the affairs of Asia and levies a fine of 20,000 talents (£4,800,000) on the province and compels the people to quarter his sol- diers at a great expense, 25 2; he sails from Ephesos to A- thens where he is initiated in the mysteries; carries thence the library of Apellikon in which were the works of Aris- totle and Theophrastos, 26 1; being threatened with an at- tack of gout he visits the min- eral springs of Aedepsus, 26 3; story of Sulla and some fish- ermen of Halae, whom he encourages to rebuild their city, which he had destroyed after the battle of Orchome- nos, ib.; from Euboea he crosses to Thessalia and Ma- cedonia to meet his fleet on the coast of the Hadriatic, 27 1; while he is at Dyrrhachion, a satyr which had been caught asleep near Apollonia is brought to him, 27 2; his fear 218 INDEX I MATTERS lest his men when they landed in Italy should disperse; but they swear to stand by him to the last and not to ravage the country, 27 3; he refuses their offer of money, ib.; he lands near Tarentum, 27 4; has to cope with fifteen generals in Italy having under them 25 legions, ib.; several presages of victory, 27 4; battle of Mount Tiphata and defeat of the younger Marius and the consul Norbanus with the loss of 7,000 men, 27 5; Norba- nus fled to Capua, where he is blockaded, ib.; this victory strengthens the determination of Sulla's men not to disperse, ib.; other predictions and pre- sages at Silvium he is met by a slave of Pontius bringing assurance of victory from Bel- lona, but adding that the Capitol would be burned, if he did not make haste, 27 6; M. Lucullus, one of his lieu- tenants, defeats the enemy with a very inferior force (at Fidentia), 27 7; Sulla (crosses the Vulturnus and, marching along the Appian road, meets the other consul, Scipio, at Teanum with whom he) opens negotiations, in the course of which Scipio's troops desert to Sulla; on hearing of this Carbo said that he had to con- tend with a lion and a fox in Sulla and that the fox gave him most trouble, 28 3; Ma- rius with 85 cohorts offers Sulla battle near Signia, 28 4; Sulla's dream made him anx- ious to engage at once, ib.; he defeats young Marius with the loss, as he himself states. in his Memoirs, of only 23 men, 28 8; 8,000 Samnites taken prisoners, ib.; Sulla presses so hard on the fugi- tives, that the gates of Prae- neste are shut to hinder him getting in with them, ib.; Marius had to be hoisted over the walls by ropes, ib. ; similar successes of Sulla's lieutenants Pompeius, Crassus, Metellus, Servilius, ib.; Sulla's last con- flict is with Pontius Telesinus the Samnite, who was hasten- ing to the relief of Praeneste when he found that Sulla was in his way and Pompeius in his rear, so he made a desper- * ate attempt to surprise the City, 29 1, 2; Sulla followed him, but when he got to Rome a few hours afterwards, fight- ing had already taken place and some Roman cavalry had been beaten under the city walls, 29 3, 4; desperate con- flict before the Colline gate, in which Sulla himself was nearly slain, 29 5; Sulla wore in his bosom a small golden figure of Apollo, brought from Delphi, which he now kissed with devotion and prayed aloud to the god not to allow him to fall ingloriously with his fellow-citizens, 29 6; but neither courage nor supersti- tion availed against the fury of the Samnite onset; the left wing under Sulla was broken by it, 297; on the right wing, however, Crassus gained the day, 29 5; and chased the enemy to Antemnae and halt- ing there sent to Sulla for a supply of food, whereupon Sulla hastened to join Crassus, 30 ; three thousand of the enemy offered to surrender, and Sulla swore to spare them if they turned on their own com- rades. They did so and Sulla taking them to Rome with as INDEX I MATTERS 219 many other prisoners placed them in the Circus Flaminius and had them all slain, 30 2; he was haranguing the senate in the neighbouring Temple of Bellona when the cries of the victims alarmed his audi- ence; but Sulla told them with great nonchalance that the noise they heard was only made by some malefactors whom he had ordered to be chastised, 30 3; reflexion on the contrast between Sulla's conduct before and after his supremacy, 30 4, 5; reign of terror in Rome, proscriptions and confiscations, 31; Sulla's answer to a young noble who asked him in the senate when there would be an end of them, 31 2, 3; they went on not in Rome only but in every Ita- lian town, 31 4; story illus- trative of the time, 31 6; the people of Praeneste are massa- cred and the town given up to pillage, 321; noble behaviour of one of Sulla's friends in that city,ib.; L.Catilina having mur- dered his own brother, Sulla at his request legalises the mur- der by including this brother's name in the list of the pro- scribed; Catiline requites him by a horrible act of cruelty to Marcus Marius Gratidianus, 322; Sulla is invested with the dictatorship, 33 1; bill of indemnity passed in his favour, ib.; extent of the authority conferred on him, ib.; Sulla's favourites enriched with the spoils of their master's_ene- mies, ib.; he makes Cn. Pom- peius divorce his wife Antis- tia and marry Aemilia, his step-daughter, 33 3; his tri- umphal procession graced by the presence of the exiles whom he had restored, who loudly proclaimed him as their savi- our, 34 1; in a speech deliver- ed before the popular assem- bly he attributes his successes to the favour of the deity more than to his own merit and assumes the designation of Felix as a formal sur- name; also in letters to Greek cities and in the inscription on the trophy of Chaironeia he signs himself Epaphrodi- tos, as being the special fa- vourite of Aphrodite the gcd- dess of fortune, 34 2; the twins born to him by Metella he names Faustus and Fausta in reference to his own good fortune, 343; he resigns the dictatorship and becomes a private citizen, ib.; does not interfere in the consular elec- tions; his remark on the elec- tion of M. Aemilius Lepidus, 34 5; Sulla dedicates the tenth of his property to Hercules, and gives a banquet to the people on so profuse a scale that great quantities of food were daily thrown into the Tiber, 35 ; in the middle of the banquet his wife Caecilia Me- tella sickened, and in order that, as Pontifex, his house might not be polluted by death he divorced her and removed her while still alive to another house, 35 2; he gives her a magnificent funeral ib.; a few months later he is captivated at a gladiatorial show by a coquettish young married woman Valeria and marries her, 35 4; even after this marriage he continued the tastes of his early youth, and chose his companions among actors and actresses and musicians, and practised 220 INDEX I MATTERS all sorts of debauchery, 36 1; nature of his last illness, 36 2; as appears from his Memoirs, he had warning that his end was near, 37 1, 2; circum- stances preceding his death, 373; his body is carried to Rome with great pomp in spite of the opposition of M. Lepidus, and burnt in the Campus Martius, 38 1, 2; his monument and epitaph, 38 3 SULPICIUS P. RUFUS, a tribune of the commons, in league with Marius to deprive Sulla of his command, 8 1; his character, ib.; his sumptuary law, 82; proposes many obnoxious laws, amongst others to transfer the command of the Mithridatic war to Marius, ib.; betrayed by his slave and put to death, 10 I ERETTIUS SURRA (Βρέττιος Σούρ- pas), his defeat of Archelaos, 114; is told by Lucullus to retire from Boeotia on Sulla's landing in Greece, 11 5 T TARENTUM (Tápas), Sulla lands near, 27 4 TAXILES, a general of Mithrida- tes, summons Archelaos from Munychia to join him in Boeotia, 15 1; 19 2 TECTOSAGES (Tekтóσayes), 4 I TELESIA, C. PONTIUS of, his des- perate attempt to take Rome, 29 I TELLUS, temple of (τὸ τῆς Γῆς lepóv), 97 THEOPHRASTOS, bequeaths his own and Aristotle's library to Neleus, 26 2 THESEUS, 13 4 THESSALIA, 11 3; 23 1; 27 I I; Thor, the Phoenician name for a cow, 17 5 THURION (Ooúpiov), the highest point of the hills behind Chai- roneia, 17 4 THURO (Θουρώ), 17 4 THYATEIRA (τὰ Θυάτειρα), 25 Ι TIGRANES, king of Armenia, 27 8 TILPHOSION (τὸ Τιλφώσιον ὄρος), 20 3 TIMOTHEOS, son of Konon, a distinguished Athenian gene- ral, B. C. 378-B.C. 356, com- pared with Sulla, 6 3, 4 TIPHATA (Tò Típarov õpos, Monte Maddaloni), a spur of the Apen- nines near Capua, 27 4 TITHORA, 15 3 TITIUS QUINTUS, 17 I TITUS LIVIUS (ó Tíros), 6 10 TROAS (ή Τρῳάς), 24 1 TROPHONIOS, the oracle of, 16 4; 17 1. See s. v. LEBADEIA trophies erected by Sulla in commemoration of his victory at Chaironeia, 19 5 TYRANNION, the Greek gram- marian, his arrangement of Apellikon's library, 26 1 V VALERIA (Ovaλepía), fifth wife of L. Corn. Sulla, 35 4 VERGINIUS, a tribune of the commons, set on by Cinna to prosecute Sulla, 10 4 XERXES, 15 4 X A INDEX II GRAMMAR Abstract for concrete (rò olke- τικόν = οἱ οἰκέται) 97; nouns, oi plural of, in concrete sense, common in late Greek 34 2 accusative, adverbial (réλos) 64; 234; (Trépas) 34 2; (và πολλά) 75; (πολλά) 29 4; 92; 12 4; (μikpá) 11 3; (δίκην) 11 4 anticipatory (θαυμάζει τὸν Κάφιν, εἰ) 12 5 cognate (ύπατεύοντι τὴν πρώτην ὑπατείαν) 3 1; 26 29 1; 30 4 4; of extent, a. space 29 2 b. time 16 6; 17 3; 24 4; 31 3 double, of object and predicate, after a verb of making 1 1; 12 8; of doing anything to 30 1; of appointing 5 3; 10 3; of considering 52; 12 1; of naming 8 2; 19 5; 33 г; of proving 20 3 of object and cognate (γαμεῖ γάμον ἐνδοξότατον Καικιλίαν) 6 10 of respect or specifi- cation; 24; 7 1; 15 2 (σφάλλεσθαι τὸν λογι σμov); 35 3; 36 4; 37 I in apposition with whole sentence 9 2 (HA. § 626) adjectives in Kós, the neuter of, denoting the collective body of persons of a certain kind (Madv. Gr. Synt. § 87 a), τὸ οἰκετικόν 9 7 adjective, use of the predicate, proleptically to denote the ef- fect, apas μéy av 296; where an English adverb would be used (πῦρ αὐτόματον ἐξέλαμψε) 62; 286 coupled to adverb 26 2 adverbial use of cases: idla 32 I; κοινῇ 16 Ι adverbs of intensity empha- sized by kal 28 4 constructed with preposi- tions: ἄχρι νῦν 17 3 ; μέχρι vûv 21 4 [So in later Latin, per ubique orbis Ter- tullian de pall. c. 2; ad usque proxime de virg. vel. c. 3. See my note on Them. 30, 1.] anakolouthon 25 2 anaphora with μέν and δέ : πολλοὶ μέν—πολλοὶ δέ 9 ΙΟ; 12 2; πλασθήναι μέν—πλασθή ναι δέ 38 2; τοῦτο μέν—τοῦτο dé 12 3, 6; 14 4 δέ anticipation of the subject, with θαυμάζειν, 12 5 anticipatory accusative 12 5 apposition, noun in, 7 1; 22 2; 264; 31 4; 34 I, 5 222 INDEX II GRAMMAR to the object of a sentence, where we use 'as', 14; 6 I; τυγ rarely found with the ob- ject of a verb, not in the acc., except with TUY- χάνειν (gen.) and χρήσθαι (dat.) 5 3; 69; 16 7 to characterise a whole sentence 9 2 article, the, prefixed to cardi- nal numerals 7 3 position of, when genitive is emphasized (τοῦ Μιθρι δατικοῦ πολέμου τὴν ἡγε μονίαν), 8 3 ; 22 1 omitted with words that mark a date or epoch: ἄχρι νυκτός 38 3; ἅμα ἡμέρᾳ 29 3; ἀφ' ἡμέρας 36 1; ὑπὸ τροπάς θερίνας 20 4 omitted occasionally with local designations when governed by prepositions, εἰς πόλιν ἀπὸ στρατοπέδου 9 1; διὰ στενωπών (?) 9 3 ; ἐν ἀγορᾷ 8 1 ; ἐν ἄστει 13 2 omitted in copulative ex- pressions (HA. § 660 a), παῖδας καὶ γυναῖκας 34 1 ; 31 4 omitted with the second of two substantives connect- ed by and'; τὸ κομπώδες καὶ σοβαρόν 16 2; τῶν ἑταίρων καὶ γνωρίμων 29 7 used as demonstrative 12 6; ὁ μέν-οἱ δέ 12 7; 29 7 as unemphatic possessive pronoun (ἀπενίψατο τις χειρας) 32 2 assimilation of the relative. in the genitive 128; 276 asyndeta 16 2; 225; 31 4 (bis); 33 I attraction of the subject of an object sentence, as object in the principal sentence 12 5 C collective noun expressing more than one in the singular, (κεράμῳ καὶ λίθῳ βάλλοντες) 96 comparative used alone, the second part of the comparison being implied (Béλtiov) 12 4 comparison, brachylogy of, 17 2 (HA. § 773 b) condensed expression (TV αἰτίων καὶ μή) 9 7; (ὀλίγοι τῶν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως προελθόντες for ὀλ. τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει ἐκ τῆς π. π.) 29 7 crasis: κἀγὼ for καὶ ἐγώ: τοὐν- τεῦθεν for τὸ ἐντεῦθεν 18 4 D Dative of accompaniment 20 2 ; 26 2 (ἀναχθεὶς πάσαις ταῖς vavoív); 27 1, 7; 28 1; 29 2 of advantage 30 1 of association 30 4 of cause 304; 37 3 of general reference 12 8 of instrument 19 2, 5; 35 3 T of respect 11; τῷ σώμα τι βαρύς 7 1; 75; 114; 71 ταῖς δαπάναις ευτελείς 12 7 modal (σταθμῷ παρα- λαβεῖν ἕκαστον) 12 4 ; 13 1; 143; 16 3, 4; 19 1; 25 1; 282, 3; 34 2 of predicate noun after χρῆσθαι 5 3 ; 67; 167 53; of time 37 3 with articular 10 3 infinitive after adjective of likeness (ó aúrós) 63 (HA. § 773 a); διάφορος 23 2 (ΗΑ. § 772 b) with compound verbs 19 5; 214; 26 3 (bis); 28 5; 29 2; 296; 32 1; 36 I with substantive expressing action 34 5 INDEX II GRAMMAR 223 demonstrative used for reflexive pronoun 94 E Ellipsis of parts of elv a esse: Earl, with pa 34 5; with elkós 29 3; 303; with de- εἰκός νόν 35 4 of eloi 18 3 ་ of v (comparatively rare) 12 1; 29 5 I; οἱ ὄντα 14 2 of verb of saying 71 of the indefinite subject of the infinitive 8 I of comparative 2 2 of noun with gen. absol. of participle 26 3 of preposition in the cor- relative clauses of com- parisons, where us, womeр precede 22 I of substantive (κέρας), το δεξιόν 19 3; 295: τὸ εὐώ- νυμον 29 5 : (κόλπος), τὸν Ιόνιον 20 I (cf. Thuc. 6, 30, 1; 34, 4; 104, 2; 7, 33, 3): implied in the verb (τεκοῦσα πέντε) 73 G Genitive case of the agent with ó after substantives 18 1; 305; after adjectives 22 4 partitive (τοῖς τοιούτοις τῶν τεκμηρίων) 2 Ι; (οἱ συστρατευσάμενοι τῶν Χαι ρωνέων) 16 8 ; (πολλὰ τῶν χρησίμων) 4 1 ; 24Ι; (τοῦ δήμου τὸ μέν τι 5 2; 6 8; (τῶν ἄλλων ὅσαι) 11 3; 126; (τῶν προγόνων αὐτοῦ 'Povpîvov) 11; 124; 14 1; 32 2; 36 3; (τους χαλκα- σπίδας τῶν πολεμίων) 16 7 ; 30 2; 35 5 ; (άριστα τῆς στρατιᾶς συντεταγμένας) 20 2 ; (τῆς Τρωάδος ἐν Δαρ δάνω) 24 Ι of reflexive pronouns after superlatives (μoxonρóτα- τος ἑαυτοῦ) 8 Ι of extent or degree, with neuter pronouns (eis τοῦτο φιλοτιμίας προῆλ- θεν) 3 4 of measure (yn μvplwv πλέθρων) 23 2 ; (οἶνος ἐτῶν τεσσαράκοντα) 35 1 of origin 35 4 of price 128 of time 25 2; 27 1; 29 2; 30 1; 36 2; 38 3 of time within which 14 7; 22 I objective: γέρας της ἀνδροφονίας 31 4 with adverbs of condition (ws) or degree 27 3: of place (πολλαχοῦ τοῦ ἀέρος) 27 4 with adjectives compound- ed of alpha privativum, denoting sensation, (άme- ρίσκεπτος αἰσχρού) 8 1; 20 3; 29 2: after κalapós 31 5 with verbs of depriving (HA. § 748 a) 8 4 of caring for (φροντί- jewv) 69; : 19 4 of ceasing 28 6 of filling 14 7; 18 2 of plenty or want 24 2; 26 I; 30 I of separation 29 2; 38 I of sharing 19 4; 25 1; 316; 36 2 of superiority 36 3 of touching 7 6; 23 4; 273; 293 with compound verbs 212; 244; 27 6; 29 I with παραιτεῖσθαι (unclas- sical) 31 2 predicate, referring to the subject after είναι, γί- Yveolaι etc. 5 4; 92; 125; 24 2 referring to the 224 INDEX II GRAMMAR object (ὅλως ἑαυτὸν τοῦ δαίμονος ποιεῖν) 6 5 I Imperfect, dramatic, painting a scene, where the aorist states a fact, in narrative 14 3 impersonal expressions pass- ing into personal 5 5; 65; 344 indicative, in indirect dis- course 30 I of unfulfilled obliga- tion etc. in an apodosis, without av 10 2; 12 2 infinitive used for imperative (rare in Attic prose HA. §957) 21 2 in apposition with the ob- ject (HA. § 950) 5 3 of subordinate verb by at- traction in indirect dis- course 95; 124; 14 1; 294; 30 4 limiting with adj. (=an accus. of respect) 2 1 to denote the purpose of an action 10 4 after φθάνειν, where the participle is commonly used 9 1 of not in indirect discourse after verbs of command- ing (ἐβόα τὰς οἰκίας ὑφάπ τειν) 9 6; 23 4 future, after verbs swearing 103; of pro- mising 30 1; 31 2 after substantives 13 1; 20 1; 22 5 the articular infinitive in the nominative as subject; 54; 125; 23 2; 25 2; as appositive 34 5 in the acc. as object: Tò κολακεύειν τους στρατιώ τας αἴσχιον ἡγούμενοι 12 7 ; after πpós 17 3; after δ ι ά 26 2 in the gen. after raveola 37 2; after yevóμevos 3 4; after ἔπεσχον 9 6; after αἴτιον 27 6 ; after εγγύς 29 I; after comparative 41; 127 in the dat. with πpós 2 2; with ἐν 12 8; with ἐπί 12 8, 9; modal or in- strumental 10 3 L Locative case: ('A0ývno) 2 I M Middle for active verb: (Kaтα- λαμβάνονται for καταλαμ- βάνουσι) 16 1 O Object-sentences, the subject of, attracted into the govern- ment of the principal sentence 125 objective instead of subjective pronominal reference 9 4 optative with av in a potential sense where simple possibility is expressed, without protasis 11; 31 I of indirect discourse 27 2; 28 3 in relative sentences and after temporal particles denoting frequent recur- rence 2 3 future (XpoolTO) 6 9 ov lat. v, Ovepylvios = Vergi- nius 10 4; Ovaλepía Vale- ria 25 4; Ziλovcov = Silvium Σιλούιον 276 Р = Participle with article used attributively verb preceded by relative pronoun: ỏ Opiaμ- βεύων 3 3 ; οἱ κρίνοντες 19 6 ; τῷ ἀποκτείναντι 31 4 present, used for future 36 2 INDEX II GRAMMAR 225 (v) omitted 14 2 predicative, circumstan- tial, denoting attendant circumstance 16 3; 17 3 173 a. means, manner 5 2; 28 2 b. cause 55 c. concession, limi- tation 1 2; 10 2, 4; 21 4 d. purpose (future) with us 4; 16 84; 92 5 I ; 102; 13 3; 17 6; 19 1, 2 when it refers to the same object as a finite verb with different regimen, the case of the object is determined by the participle 31 4 in the genitive absolute, when noun is not expressed 26 3; 27 2, 3 used needlessly (περιπα- τοῦντος — αὐτῷ προσήνεγ καν) 26 3 adjuncts of, εὐθύς 10 4 καίπερ 11 ι ; 36 Ι; 38 1 οὕτως 24 3 τότε 19 4 ws 56; 94; 10 3; 12 5; 14; 214; 23 2; 25 1; 286; 29 2, 3; 30 5; 32 I supplementary (HA. § 980 ff.) "" with verbs of appear- ing 26 2 of ceasing 5 3; 84; 37 I of continuing 3 612; 244; 36 I 4; of enduring 56 of emotion 67 of knowing 13 3; 15 2; 24 2, 4; 29 1; 36 2 of showing 5 2; 62 with λανθάνειν 125 with τυγχάνειν 3 2; 303; 31 4 28 4; H. S. ,, ,, with φθάνειν (φθῆ ναι καταλαβών) 16 7 with ἄν 244 (οὐκ ἂν δυν ηθείς = οὐκ ἂν ἐδυνήθη in äv independent construction) two participles for partici- ple with modal adverb 3 1; 10 3; 12 5 personal for impersonal con- struction (HA. § 944) 5 5; 6 5; 34 4 plural of abstract nouns in concrete sense 34 2 predicate adjective 1 1; 21; 4 4; 16 I; 20 4; 21 3; 22 4; 25 1; 27 7; 29 4; 30 3, 4, 5; 34 5; to denote the ef- fect (ἄρας λαμπρόν) 29 6 genitive 6 5 supplementary after sub- stantive with article 18 4 participle 20 4; 304; 32 2; 204; occurring with the article inside an attributive phrase, (ή δοθεῖσα γῆ τῷ Καππαδόκη) 23 2 prepositions with temporal particles, μέχρι νῦν 21 4 ; ἄχρι vûv 17 3 (see my note on Them. 30, 1 1. 15) omission of, in the corre- lative sentence of com- parisons, where is pre- cedes 22 I present indicative, to ex- press future event (HA. §828a) 312 participle used for future 36 2 (Sintenis on Plut. Pericl. p. 207 ed. 1835) proleptic predicate accusa- tive 29 6 pronoun in the acc. neuter, use of, with Xpñolaι 2 2 personal and reflexive pro- nouns are in the accusative before infinitive, when its sub- ject is identical with that of the leading verb 6 7 15 226 INDEX II GRAMMAR 7 S Subject of the infinitive, where indefinite, unexpressed (HA. § 942) 8 1; 29 8; 32 I of the dependent, attracted as object into the primary, sentence 12 5 superlative with reflexive pro- nouns 8 1 V Verbs of wishing, hoping etc. comparative force la- tent in, 2 2 verbal substantives, taking the genitive of the agent with vπó 18 1; (μεταβολὴ φύσεως ὑπὸ τύχης) 30 5 A LEXICAL INDEX ΤΟ PLUTARCH'S LIFE OF SULLA f 15-2 The Numbers affixed to words denote respectively :- I words or forms of words peculiar to Plutarch and later Greek writers and not used by the best classical authors 2 words used by Plutarch in a sense other than classical 3 Greek equivalents to Latin words 4 Latin words graecized 5 poetical words 6 Ionic words 1 A ἀγαλμάτιον, τό, imaguncula, 29 6 TÒ ἀγαπᾶν c. acc. probare, τὸ πράγμα ἠγάπησε 22 2; see my n. on vit. Them. 26, 1. amari, ἀγαπηθεὶς ὑπ' αὐτῆς 2 PASS. 4 ἀγήρατος, ον (γηράσκειν), num- quam senescens, perpetuus: δοξο- μανίας καὶ φιλοτιμίας, ἀγηρ των παθών 7 Ι. [Cf. Thuc. 2, 44, 3 τὸ γὰρ φιλότιμον ἀγή- ρων μόνον, Plat. Phil. 15 D ἀθά νατον καὶ ἀγήρων πάθος] ἀγορά, ἡ, forum: ἐν ἀγορᾷ 8 1; 32 2; ἐπὶ τῆς ἀ. 8 3; εἰς ἀγορὰν 31 6. commeatus, annona: ἐπιλιπούσης τῆς ἀγ. 4 3 ἀγοραῖος, or, forensis: τὸν ἀ. ὄχλον 7 8. [Aristot. Pol. 4, 41 1ο τό ἀγοραῖον πλῆθος... τὸ περὶ τὰς πράσεις καὶ τὰς ὠνὰς καὶ τὰς ἐμπορίας καὶ τὰς καπηλείας διατρίβον.] δια ανασα μεῖν = ἀγορανόμον είναι, aedilem esse : 5 1 PASS. ἀγροικίζεσθαι 6 3 ἀγωνίζεσθαι, decertare. ἐργὸν οὐ καθαρῶς ἀγωνισθέν (pugnatum) 23 1 ἀγωνιστικῶς ἔχειν 'to be dis- posed to fight': 16 6 20 4 δενδρος, ον, arboribus nudus: ἀδιάλλακτος, ον, implacabilis, unforgiving': 25 1 ἀδιαλλάκτως ἔχειν, implaca- bilem esse: 196 6 Αθήνησι: 2 1 (ΗΑ. § 220) αθρόος, α, ον, confertus, con- iunctus, all at once: ἀθρόαν μεταβολήν 2 2 ; ἀθρόοις τοῖς οἰ- άθρους, στοῖς παίοντες 21 3. omnibus copiis (of an individual) ἀθρόως, confertim 32 I αἷμα, τό, caedes: αἵματος ἐμφυλίου 4 4 12 I. αἴρειν, tollere, clevare, efferre : ᾖραν τὸν νεκρόν 38 2; ἄρας λαμ- πρόν 29 6. PASS. φάσμα αι ρόμενον ἀπὸ γῆς 27 4. IN- TRANS. signa, castra movere : ἄρας 29 2 ( ἄκαρπος, ον, (de plantis) in- fecundus, without fruit': 20 4 ἀκινδύνως, tuto, impune: 12 2 ἀκμή, ή, vigor, fos : 6 2; ἐν ἀκμῇ τῶν εὐτυχημάτων 37 1 ἀκούειν, audire, accipere: C. gen. pers., ἑτέρων ἀκούειν (to hear from others') 24 2 ἄκρος, α, ον, of degree, sum- mus, praestantissimus: ἐν ταῖς ἄκραις κακίαις 8 1. See my lex. to Plut. Gracch. s. v. άκων, ἄκουσα, άκ-ον (α-έκων), invitus: 28 6 αλαλαγμός, ό, strepitus, Fa loud noise': 14 3; 16 2 ἄλφιτον, τό, polenta, farina, barley-meal', 'any kind of meal': 2 I 230 ἀναστροφή αλώσιμος- ἁλώσιμος, ον, qui capi (expug- nari potest: θεασάμενος τὸν τό πον ἁλώσιμον 142 ἅλωσις, ή, arrest', 'capture': μετὰ τὴν ἅλ. 36 4 ἀμαυρός, ά, όν, obscurus, dim': εἰδώλοις ἀμαυρος 274 ἀμυδρός, ά, όν, 'faint', 'imper- fect': δι' άμυδρῶν καὶ σκοτει- νῶν ὀργάνων τοῦ μέλλοντος άπτο μένην 7 5 ἀμφιβολία, ἡ, dubitatio: 31 2 ἀμφιλαφής, ές: βουνὸν ἀμφι λαφή 16 : ubi v. n. ἄν, postpositive, with opta- tive where protasis is not ex- pressed, 1 1; with participle, 24 4 ἀνὰ κράτος, ‘up to the full strength', 'vigorously' : 29 3. Cf. Xen. Cyr. 4, 2, 30 épevyov åvà κρ., 5, 3, 12 ἀπομάχοιτο ἀνὰ κρ. ἀναβλύζειν, scaturire: ἐκ δὲ τούτου τοῦ χάσματος) πῦρ ἀνα- βλύσαι πολύ (de igne ex terra fontis instar prorumpente) 6 6 ἀνάγειν, agmen porrigere 17 7; 19 I. referre pedem, ex acie abducere exercitum 21 3. MED. solvere (navem), proficisci mari: ἀναχθείς 26 1 Ι ἀναγορεύειν, renuntiare: ἑαυ τὸν Ἐπαφρόδιτον ἀνηγόρευε 342; δικτάτορα ἑαυτὸν ἀνηγό- ρευσε 33 1; ἀναγορεῦσαι Λέ- πιδον 34 5 ἀναγράφειν, perscribere: ἀνα- γράψαι πίνακας (to draw up tables' or 'indexes') 26 1. PASS. ἐν τοῖς τροπαίοις ἀναγέγραπται recenseri: σύμμαχον 34 2. αναγραφῆναι 23 2 αναζευγνύναι, proficisci ) και τα ζευγνύναι 15 2, 3; 29 8 ἀνάθημα, τό, 123, the tech- nical word by which all such costly offerings as were presented to the gods and then suspended or otherwise exposed to view in their temples, all by the Ro- mans termed donaria as tri- pods, crowns, silver and golden vases and the like, were so called; these being in this way separated for ever from all common and profane uses, and openly dedi- cated to the honour of that deity, to whom they were presented (Xen. Anab. 5, 3, 5; Pausanias 10, 9). TRENCH, Synonyms of the N. T. p. 19 ed. 3. ἀνακείσθαι (used as perf. pass. οἱ ἀνατιθέναι), consecratum esse : ἐν ἱερῷ χρυσὸν ἀνακείμενον 7 3 ανακόπτειν, τetundere, repel- lere, to beat back': 21 3 ἀνάκτορον, τό, fanum: ἐν τοῖς ἀνακτόροις 12 5 2. ἀναλαμβάνειν, 1. capere, in se colligere: εἰς ἑαυτὸν ἀνειληφώς τὰ χείριστα τῶν παθῶν 13 2. sumere secum: τὸν πίθον διὰ βάρος οὐ δυνάμενος ἀναλαβεῖν 126; ἄπιτε τους λόγους τούτους ἀναλαμβάνοντες 134; ἀνα ληψόμενος τὴν στρατιάν 17 4. 33 I. 2 II recuperare: ἀναλαμβά νειν τὴν ἑαυτοῦ τάξιν (‘to re- sume his own position') 19 3; PASS. recipi, in altum tolli: ἀνελήφθη πρὸς τὸ τεῖχος 28 7 ἀναμιγνύναι, miscere. PASS. αναμιγνύμενοι τοῖς στρατιώ ταις 28 2; αναμιχθέντα τοῖς φεύγουσιν 29 7 ; ἀναμιχθεὶς συγ κατεκόπη τοῖς πολίταις 32 Ι ἀναπεταννύναι, expandere. PASS. αναπεπταμέναις (aper- tis) χώραις 15 2; ὁμαλὸν ἀναπέπ ταται (de planitie) 20 4 - ἀναπιμπλάναι, implere: ἀνέ πλησαν (τὴν φάλαγγα) δέους καὶ ταραχής 18 2. PASS. impleri (Liv. 4, 30) 'to be infected': 36 2 ἀναρριπίζειν' (ῥιπίς, fabellum), rursus excitare, suscitare. ἡ στάσις ανερριπίζετο 6 Ι PASS. ἀνασκευάζεσθαι (MED.) vasa colligere: ἀνεσκευάσαντο 15 4 αναστροφή, ή, conversio sive ad fugam sive ad pugnam : 21 3 ανατιθέναι 231 ἀπάρχεσθαι ἀνατιθέναι, ἱπputare alicui aliquid: τὴν αἰτίαν τοῖς ὄχλοις νατίθησιν 5 Ι. statuere in honorem dei, dedicare: ἀνέθη κεν εἰκόνας 6 Ι. PASS. ἐν ἱερῷ χρυσὸν ἀνακείμενον 7 3. 'to dedicate' (a book); rà ὑπομνήματα ἐκείνῳ ἀνατέθεικε 6 5 ávavέýs¹, és, qui non auge- tur, humilis, 'not growing to any size': 20+ ἀνδραγαθία, ή, virtus, forti- PL. τὰς ἀνδραγα- tudo ; 6 9. θίας (fortiter facta) 34 2 ἄνευ, praeter, without count- ing': 144; 38 2 ανέφελος 5, ον, innubilus, sere- nus : 7 3 ( ἀνηγόρευσει (ἀναγορεύειν), 33 τ ἀνήκεστος, ου, insanabilis, desperate ': στάσεων ἀν. 4 4, την στάσιν οὐκέτι καθεκτὴν ἀλλ᾽ ἀν. 9 2, διαλλαττομένου ἐπὶ τοῖς ἀνη- κέστοις (sc. προσκρούσμασιν) 6 8 dvýp, ò̟, 1. vir, ‘a husband': παρὰ γυναιξὶ γαμεταῖς ἄνδρες ἐσφάττοντο 31 5. 2. joined with an appositive, denoting condition or profession (HA. § 625 a), πολεμιστὴς ἀνήρ 29 2; α. ἀπράγμων 31 6, στρατηγικὸς ἀνήρ 15 3 ; 6 9. 3. ὁ ἀνήρ for demonstrative pronoun: 33 4 17 2 4. ἀνήρ for τίς quidam: Ανθεστηριών, ὁ, the eighth month of the Attic year, cor- responding to the end of Febru- ary and beginning of March: 146 • ἄνθρωπος, ὁ, ἡ, 1. in repe- titione subiecti for demonstrative pronoun: 27 6; 322; 37 3. τῆς ανθρώπου 2 4 2. as an ap- ositive joined with words de- in society, noting status class, condition, generally with signification of contempt, 'a fellow', (HA. § 625 a): απε- λευθερικὸς ἄνθρωπος 14; 81; 13 I. PL. οἱ ἄνθρωποι, 'the public' 33 1 ἀνταποδιδόναι 3, reddere (so- num): τῶν ὀρῶν ἀνταποδιδόν- των τὴν περιήχησιν 19 2 αντασπάζεσθαι, vicissim salu- tare: άντασπασάμενοι 28 3 ἀντί, praep. c. gen. loco alicu ius: 22 3 ἀντίγραφον, τό, exemplum li- bri: 26 1 ἀντιμειρακιεύεσθαι πρός τινα vicissim erga aliquem iuveniliter se gerere : 6 4 ἀντισύγκλητος, ή, ή, senatus adversariae factionis: 8 1 ἄνω, supra: τὴν ἄνω πόλιν (superiorem urbis partem) 12 2; τῶν ἄνω 'the upper floor' 1 4 ἀξιοῦν, postulare: 13 4; 22 3 ; 23 3. οὐκ ἀξιοῦν, nolle, indig num iudicare 20 3 ἀπαγορεύειν : v. S. ἀπειπεῖν ἀπαίρειν, abire, proficisci: ἐπὶ Μιθριδάτην ἀπήρεν 10 4 ἀπαλλάττειν, depellere: ἀπαλ- λάξει τῇ πόλει τὰς ταραχάς 6 7 2. 12. ἀπάνθρωπος, ον, inhumanus : τὰ ἤθη ποιούσαις ά. 30 5 2. se ἀπαντᾶν, οὐviam venire: ὥρ μησεν ὡς ἀπαντήσων 20 Ι; πήντησε 11 4; 17 5; ἀπαντή σαντος 24 2; ἀπαντήσαντι μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως 15 4. sistere, praesto esse: οὐκ ἀπήν- τησεν ἐπὶ τὴν κρίσιν 56. de rebus obvenire, in eo in quod incidimus, quod nobis accidit: ἡ παρὰ τοῦ δήμου νέμεσις αὐτῷ φανερὰ ἀπήντα 10 2; δ τοῖς βαρβάροις ἀπήντα 18 3 II. ἀπαραίτητος, or, of persons, obstinatus, inexorabilis: 16 of things: a. ěpws 13 I ἀπάρχεσθαι, donare tam- quam primitias, de militibus qui de suo peculio aliquid delibatum Sullae dono offerebant: 27 3 232 —ἀποκρούειν ἀπαρχή ἀπαρχή, ή, primitiae, domum: 27 3 ἅπας, ἅπασα, ἅπαν, unusquis que: πρὸς ἅπαν (nihil non) ἑτοίμων 8 2 ; ἁπάσῃ σπουδῇ 9 5; κύριος ἁπάντων 2 2 ἀπειπεῖν ν. ἀπαγορεύειν, ἐκ- terdicere, vetare: απαγορεύ σοντας (unclassical) 9 2. fa- tiscere et inde abstinere ab aliqua re, ' to give up', 'fail', 'fall short in': ἀπαγορεύσαντες (unclas- sical) πρὸς τὰ ἔργα 16 5. c. dat. rei, ἀπειρηκὼς ταῖς στρατείαις 73 απειρηκώς : v. 5, ἀπειπεῖν ἀπελευθερικός, libertinus, in the condition of a freedman': 1 4 ἀπεργάζεσθαι, efficere: στάσιν απεργασαμένην ὅσα σύμπαν τες οἱ πόλεμοι οὐκ ἔβλαψαν 71 ἀπερείδεσθαι (ΜED.) inclinare: τὴν χεῖρα πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀπηρεί σατο 35 4 ον, απερίσκεπτος, ov, inconsidera- tus, c. gen. rei: ά. αἰσχροῦ 8 1 ἀπῆρεν (ἀπαίρειν) 10 4 Π ἀπήρχοντο (ἀπάρχεσθαι) 27 3 ἀπό, I of place: in partitive sense: μυρίους μόνους ἀπὸ τοσού των μυριάδων 19 4; ὀλιγοστὸς ἀπὸ μυριάδων δυοκαίδεκα 22 4. [Cf. Thuc. 7, 87, 5 ὀλίγοι ἀπὸ πολλῶν ἀπενόστησαν.] II of time: ἀπὸ τῆς στρατείας post militiam peractam) 51: ἀπὸ τῆς μάχης 214; ἀφ' ἡμέρας 36 1. III of origin, cause: ἀπ' αἰ- τίας ἐλαφρᾶς ἀρξαμένην 36 2. 1. of connexion with the founder or leader of a sect (unclassical): ἀπὸ τῆς ἐναντίας στάσεως 103; 20 1; 23 6; τοὺς ἀπὸ σκηνῆς καὶ θεάτρου 2 Ι. 2. of the means, occasion, Gin consequence of': χάριν ἣν ἀφ' ὥρας εἶχεν 2 3; ἀπὸ τούτων εὐπόρησεν 2 3; ἀφ' οὗ (sc. ἵππου) γνωρίσαντες αὐτόν 29 5 ; ἀφ᾽ αὑτῶν (sua sponte) 27 3; ἀπ οὐδενὸς χρηστοῦ γνωρίμων 38 3; 36 , απ ἀπ' ἐκείνου καλεῖται is called after him' 17 3 ἀπογιγνώσκειν 14 4 v. 7. ἀπογράφεσθαι, nomen edere, in- ter candidatos referri : ἐπὶ στρατη- γίαν πολιτικὴν ἀπεγράψατο 51 ἀποδακρύειν, defere, deplorare: ἀπεδάκρυσε τὴν ἀνάγκην 12 4 ἀποδεικνύναι, 1. praestare, effi- cere: οὐδὲν ἀποδεῖξαι μέγα δυ- νηθείς 5 2. 2. c. dupl. acc. to prove one so and so': ἀπέ- δειξε τὸν Εὐριπίδην σοφὸν ἄνδρα 44: ἀπέδειξε τῷ Δορυλάῳ τὸν Αρχέλαον άνδρα φρόνιμον 20 3 3. creare to appoint': 'Αριοβαρ- ζάνην ἀπέδειξε βασιλέα 5 3; ἑτέρους ἀποδείξαι στρατηγούς PASS. ύπατος ἀποδείκ 5 I. < νυται 6 10; ἀποδειχθήναι στρατηγός 6 9; ἀποδειχθεὶς ταμίας 3 Ι ἀποδιδόναι, reddere: ἀποδώ- σειν τὰ χρήματα 12 4; (τοὺς αἰχ μαλώτους) ἀποδούς 23 2; χρέος οὐκ ἀποδίδωσιν (exsolvit) 37 3. PASS. κελεύσας ἀποδίδοσθαι τὰ χρήματα 19 6. attribuere: TÒ ευώνυμον κέρας) ἀποδοὺς τῷ Μουρήνα 17 7; οὔτε τάξιν ἀπο- δούς 27 5 ἀποδιοπομπεῖσθαι, monstri instar amandare: ἀποδιοπομ πήσασθαι 27 2 ἀποθεσπίζειν, vaticinari:ἀπε- θέσπισε 34 5 ἀποθύειν, i. q. θυσίαν ἀποδι δόναι, sacra (ex voto) debita fa- cere: 35 I ἀποκαλεῖν, adpellare: σωτῆρα καὶ πατέρα τὸν Σύλλαν ἀποκα λούντες 34 Ι ν. 72. ἀποκαλυψις, ή, patefactio, detectio: 30 5 ἀποκρίνειν, secernere. τὸ ἀποκρινόμενον 36 2 PASS. ἀποκρούειν: ΜED. arcere, de- pellere: ἀπεκρούσατο τοὺς που λεμίους 15 4. PASS. ἀποκρου σθεὶς ἐκεθεν 16 8 ἀποκνείν 233 ἄρχειν ἀποκυεῖν, parere: θυγάτριον ἀπεκύησεν 37 4 ἀπολείπειν, 1. relinquere ali- quem ut maneat in loco : σπείρας δύο απέλιπε 17 3, usitatius hoc sensu κατέλιπε. with pred. adj. ἄβατον τὴν Βοιωτίαν ἀπολε- λοιπώς 22 4. 2. heredem relinquere: PASS. ἀπελείφθη κληρόνομος ὑπ' αὐτῆς 2 4 ἀπολογισμός, ὁ, expositio : 342 ἀπόνιμμα, i. q. ἀπόνιπτρον, 'water for washing': 36 2 ἀπονίπτεσθαι τὰς χεῖρας, αὐ- luere manus 32 2 ἀπορεῖν, indigere, carere: λό- γων οὐκ ἠπόρηκεν 242. ἀπο- ρεῖσθαι, incertum esse, nescire quid consili sit capiendum: ἀπο- ρουμένῳ 22 2 (MED.) sor ἀπορρύπτεσθαι dibus se expurgare: 36 3 ἀπορρώξ, ὁ, ἡ, praeruptus: ἀπορρῶ γι κρημνῷ 15 4 73 ἀποσημαίνειν”, “to betoken': ἀπόστημα, τό, vomica: 37 3 αποταφρεύειν, fossa ducta adi- tum intercludere: ἀπετάφρευε (τον χάρακα) 21 3 αποτείνειν φθόγγον, producere sonum: 73 ἀποτέμνεσθαι (MED.) inter- cludere, intercipere hostem ut se- iungatur a suis: 18 2. c. gen. τῶν στερεῶν ἀποτεμόμενος τοὺς πολεμίους 21 1 : desecare partem regionis et praeripere iusto possessori : 196 ἀπότευξις, ή, repulsa: 5 2 ἀποτολμᾶν, fortunae se com- mittere, audere. PASS. αἱ πρὸς καιρὸν ἀποτολμώμεναι πράξ ELS, 65 ἀποτυγχάνειν, excidere ausis )( κατορθοῦν c. dat. rei : 6 4 ἀποτυμπανίζειν, 6 8 n. ἀποφαίνεσθαι (ΜED.) porten- dere: ἀπεφαίνοντο 7 3 ἀποφράττειν, intersepire, ob- struere: ἀποφραττόντων (τὰς ὁδούς) 28 5 ἀποχρῆσθαι, multum et libere uti: φορᾷ τόλμης ἀποχρησά- μενοι 27 5. convertere : 27 4 in suum usant ἀποψηφίζεσθαι, candidatum in honorum petitione repellere: ἀποψηφισάμενοι 10 3 ἀπραγμόνως ζῆν 37 2 ἀπράγμων, ὁ, ἡ, a negotiis ab horrens, rerum suarum satagens: ἀνὴρ ά. 31 6 ἄπρακτος, ον, inefficax: 18 3 ἀπραξία, ή, PL. feriae, iusti- tium: 83 ἅπτειν. MED. ἅπτεσθαι, an- plecti to lay hold on: ἁπτό- μενος τῆς δεξιᾶς 234; ήπτετο vulgo 28 1 (ubi legendum puto ἠπείγετο). attingere, per- spicere: τοῦ μέλλοντος ἁπτο μένην 5 ἄρα, cum imperfecto iunctum eam habet vim ut, aliquid prae- ter opinionem accidisse sig- nificet: ἦν ἄρα φάσμα 27 4. [cf. Arist. Eg. 382 ἦν ἄρα πυρός γ' ἕτερα θερμότερα, Vesp. 664, Pac. 22, 566, 676, Av. 19] γὰρ ἄρα 13 1 ἄρας (αἴρειν) : 29 2 αργός, όν : 16 2 ἀργύριον, τό, argentum: ἀρ γυρίου κοίλου 1 1; τοὺς μὲν ἀρ γυρίῳ προσήγοντο 28 2 ἀριθμεῖν, numerare, to count out and receive": ἠρίθμει τιμήν 8 I 3. ἀρχαιρέσια, τά, comitia: 34 See lex. to Ti. Gracch. s. v. ἄρχειν, incipere c. gen. τὸν ἄρξαντα τοῦ δουλικού πολέμου 36 4. praeesse: ἄρξας (cum summum imperium cepisset) 66; τὸν ἄρχοντα 373; ἄρχουσι, ducibus 12 7. ἄρχεσθαι incipere: c. gen. ἀρξά- μενος τῆς ἀπολογίας 242; ἀπ' αἰτίας ἐλαφρᾶς ἀρξαμένην 36 2 τοῖς MED. 234 ἀρχιμίμος-ἄχρι ἀρχιμῖμος, ὁ, 36 1 apwyós, ó, adiutor: c. dat. 19 3 (HA. § 765). ἄρωμα, τό, spice": αρωμάτων 38 2 spice: πλήθος ἀσκεῖν, componere cum arte ac studio. PASS. ὅπλων ήσκημέ νων χρυσῷ 16 2. II. exercere, 'to train'. PASS. μυριάδας Ασκημένας (de militibus) 20 2 ; ἠσκημένοις πρὸς ἀπάτην 28 2 ἄσυλος, ον, sacrosanctus, in- violatus : 12 3 ἄτρεπτος 1, ον, firmus, immo- tus: ἀτρέπτῳ τῷ προσώπῳ 30 3 αὐλητικός, ή, όν, tibialis: τὸν αὖ κάλαμον 20 5 αὐτόθεν, i. q. ἐξ αὐτοῦ τοῦ πράγματος 9 2 ubi v. 11. αὐτόθι, i. q. αὐτοῦ ibi: 17 1, 4; 24 I αὐτοκράτωρ, δ, 21 2 ; αὐτοκρατορ 35 4 imperator αὐτός, intensive, ipse: 5 3; 9 4; 146 ; 23 3; αὐτὸς ὁ ἡγεμών 28 2; αὐτὸ τὸ ῥεῦμα 17 4; ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ πάγῃ 7 3; ἐν αὐτῷ τούτῳ τῷ πολέμῳ 69; ἐπ᾿ ἐκεῖνον αὐτόν 20 1; τὴν Εὐβοίαν αὐτήν 11 3; αὐτόν τε καὶ τὴν Μετέλλαν 13 ι ; ὁ αὐτὸς idem, εἰς ταὐτὸ πάντας συναγαγών 37 I; ταὐτά 17 2. c. dat. οὐκ ἔπαθε ταὐτὸ Τιμοθέω 6 3 αὐτοσχέδιος, ον, extemporalis, non elaboratus: de arte vatici- nandi quae nullis certis ratio- nibus aut principiis nititur, sed signa obscura sequitur, ex qui- bus futura conicit, 75 αὐτοῦ, eo ipso loco : 95; 75 ubi v. n. αὐτόχειρ, ὁ, qui sua manu cae- dem patrat, homicida: αὐτόχει pas 128 MED. ἀφαιρεῖν, adimere: τὸ θάμβος αὐτῶν ἀφελεῖν 16 3. ἀφελέσθαι πολλά 67; ἀφεί- λετο τὴν τῶν δρεπανηφόρων ενερ γείαν 182; ἀφελέσθαι βασι λείαν καὶ ᾧ βούλοιτο χαρίσασθαι 33 1; τὰς περιπορφύρους ἀφείς λοντο 9 2. c. gen. pers. τὰς εὐπορίας αὐτῶν ἀφαιρεῖν 15 Ι ; 'Ασίαν Ρωμαίων ἀφῃρημένος 112; οὐκ ἀφείλετο του Σύλλα τὴν ὑπατείαν 8 4. PASS. c. acc. obi. 'to have a thing taken from you' : Παφλαγονίαν ἀφαιρεθῆ ναι 23 3 ἀφανίζειν. PASS. ἀφανίζεσ- θαι, e medio elabi: τὸ φασμα ηφανίσθη 27 4 ; condi (de fluvio qui in paludem cadit) 20 5 ἄφεσις, ή, missio (pr. equo- rum e carceribus): αἱ ἐκ βρα- χέος ἀφέσεις 18 3 ἄφθονος, ον, largus, copiosus: ἐν οὐκ ἀφθόνοις ἐτράφη τοῖς πατρῴοις 1 1; ἐν ἀφθόνοις δια γόντων 4 3 ἀφιέναι, emittere (de missili- bus): διετείνοντο τὰς λόγχας ως ἀφήσοντες 29 5. (de vocibus) ἑτέρας φωνὰς ἀφήσει 23 4; 27 2. II dimittere 'to let loose', 'free from restraint': 16 8; 334; (uxorem) 33 3. PASS. εἰς τὸν δῆμον ἀφεθείς 82; καλωδίου ἄνωθεν ἀφεθέντος 28 7; ἀσφα λῶς ἀφείθη 10 ι; ληφθεὶς ἠφεί θη (late form) ἐφ' ἁρπαγήν 28 3 ; ἀφειμένης 143; ὡς ἀφείθησαν ὑπὸ τῶν στρατηγών (sc. ad pug- nam) 21 r. cedere 'to give up': ἀφέντα τὴν ᾿Ασίαν 22 3, 5 ἀφορίζειν, pracfinire: ἀφω ρίσθαι χρόνων ἀριθμὸν ὑπὸ τοῦ Θεοῦ 7 4 αφορμή, ή, occasio, something to start with', 'opportunity': προϊέμενον ἀφορμὰς τῶν πράξεων 4 2 ἀφοσιοῦσθαι. 1. religionis causa aliquid facere. 2. repu- diare aliquid ut impium sive aversari ut molestum 22 4 ἄχρι, prep. c. gen. of time, ‘until': ἄχρι νυκτός 38 3. of space, usque ad: ἄχρι τῶν ἑλῶν ἄωρος 235 γιγνώσκειν 20 4. ἄχρι νῦν (unclassical) for ἄχρι τοῦ νῦν, 17 3 ἄωρος, or, intempestivus: ἀ@- ρότερα τοῦ γήρως πράττειν 2 2 B βαδίζειν, procedere: 9 2; ἐβά διζε 23 1, 6; βαδίζειν ἐξ ἐφό- dov (signa infesta ferre) 9 5 βάθος, τό, altitudo, depth of a line of battle: 18 6 βαθύς, εία, ύ, of time: νυκτὸς βαθείας 30 Ι 4. τὸν βαίνειν, incedere, βεβηκέναι incedendo constitisse, versari: ÈTé- ρον (τρόπαιον) ἐστὶ βεβηκός 19 5 βάλλειν, iaculari: 9 χάρακα βάλλειν vallum iacere 28 6. MED. 'to put for one- self', 'lay': εἰς μνήμην ἐβάλον- το (in memoriam revocarunt) 12 6. iacere (ut fundamentum), hinc figere: βεβλημένῳ χάρακα 17 3. PASS. feriri: βαλλομέ τους (sc. κεραυνῷ) 9 4 βαρυθυμεῖν: ΜED. βαρυθυ μουμένου 6 2 βασιλεύειν, τεgnare: 22 3. PASS. βασιλεύεσθαι in regis partibus manere, a rege stare: 12 Ι βασιλικός, ή, όν, regius: 126; στρατιᾷ β. 20 1; τοῦ β. ᾿Αρχε- λάου 22 2 ; τῶν β. λαφύρων 34 2 ; ταῖς ψυχαῖς βασιλικοί 12 7 βελοσφενδόνη, ή, falarica, a sort of missile wrapped with pitch and tow, set on fire and thrown by the catapult' (Liv. 21, 8, 10), or by the hand (Verg. Aen. 9, 705; Liv. 34, 14, 11): 186 βέλτιόν (έστι) sine vi com- parativa conducit: 12 4 Blos, ó, vita, 'mode of life': PL. τῶν βίων οὐκ ἔτι ἐν ἤθεσιν ὀρθίοις μενόντων 13; διαφέροντα τοῖς β. 7 4 βρῖθος, τό, pondus: ἔργα περι- κλώμενα τοῖς αὐτῶν βρίθεσιν 123 βωμολοχία, ή, dicacitas scurri- PL. βωμολοχίας lis: 13 I. καὶ τρυφάς 35 5 Γ γαμεῖν, with two accusatives, cognate and objective, γαμεῖ γάμον ἐνδοξότατον—Καικιλίαν 6 Io. [Cf. vit. Mar. c. 6, 2 γάμον γῆμαι λαμπρὸν Ιουλίαν] ΙΟ. γαμετή, ή, πιpta: 33 3. c. γυνή, uxor: παρὰ γυναιξὶ γαμεταῖς 31 γάρ, merely prefacing state- ment: 2 4; 31 4. καὶ γάρ, 4 for also': 6 5. γὰρ ἄρα, 13 Ι γε, emphasizing words with- out intensifying their meaning: πρός γε Θηβαίους 19 6. γέ τοι 33 3; ὅς γε (causal) quippe qui 10 ; 12 2 1 γελωτοποιεῖν, risum excitare, irridere: γελωτοποιῶν πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους 13 3 γελωτοποιός, ὁ, scurra : 2 2 γένος, τό, genus, class', sort (post-classical): τοῦτο τὸ γένος τῆς ἀρχῆς 33 4 1 γεφυρίζειν ', cavillari, perstrin- gere: 6 12; 13 1 γεφυριστής, ό, (γέφυρα) ca- villator a jeerer': 2 1. [He- sych. γεφυρισταί: οἱ σκώπται, ἐπεὶ ἐν Ἐλευσῖνι ἐπὶ τῆς γεφύ ρας τοῖς μυστηρίοις καθεζόμενοι ἔσκωπτον τους παριόντας. Cf. Bentley Diss. upon Phalaris 1 p. 335 ed. Dyce] γηράσκειν, senescere: οὐδὲ γή- ράσας (ne senex quidem factus) 2 3 γίγνεσθαι, praestare se ipsum, to manifest oneself': ανώμαλός τις γεγονέναι 67 γιγνώσκειν, cognoscere, com- pertum habere, in past tenses, nosse: ἐγνωκέναι 24 2. de- 236 δημαρχεῖν γλαυκότης cernere, staluεrε: οὓς σὺ ἔγνω- καὶ ἀναιρεῖν—σώζειν 31 2 γλαυκότης, ή, glaucus color, grayness': τὴν τὴν τῶν ὀμμάτων γλαυκότητα 2 1 γλισχρός, ά, όν, malignus, niggardly': χωρίων γ. 15 2 γλύφειν, sculpere. MED. scul pendum curare: γλυψάμενος ἐν δακτυλίῳ εἰκόνα τῆς πράξεως 3 4 γνώμη, ή, voluntas: ἐπτόητο τῇ γνώμῃ πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον 7 1; ἐνδοιάζων τῇ γν. 9 3; κατὰ γνώ μην (consulto) ( πρός καιρόν 6 5 ; παρά γνώμην 34 4 Τ γνωρίζειν : ' to make known (rare). PASS. γνωριζόμενα τοῖς πολλοῖς (in vulgus nota) 26 Ι. cognoscere: ἀφ' οὗ γνωρί σαντες αὐτόν 29 5 γοητεία, ή, praestigiae, falla- cia, 'cheatery': 28 2 II γράμμα, τό, litera. PL. γράμ μασιν Ελληνικοῖς 19 5. litterae, scriptum, liber: 26 2 γράφειν, scribere: τοῖς Ἕλλησι γράφων 34 2. praescribere, praecipere : νόμον ἔγραψε 37 3. MED. γραψάμενος διάλυ σιν γάμου 35 2 4. γραφή, ή, i. q. γλυφή 3 scriptura: τὴν γραφὴν τῶν ὑπομνημάτων 66 γρόσφος, ὁ, hasta velitaris: 18 6 γυμνός, ή, όν, ηudus, τὰ γυμ- νά (clypeo non tectae corporis partes) 18 1 Δ δ' οὖν, resumptive after digres- sion 31 3 δεῖν, opus esse: χρημάτων ἔδει abesse: μικροῦ ἐδέησεν 12 3. έμπεσείν 29 2 δεῖν, conicere in vincula. PASS. δεθήναι 9 3 δεινός, ή, όν, periculosus : οὐ- δὲν δεινόν 35 4. indignus : δεινὸν ἡγοῦντο (indignum exis timabant) ὁρᾶν 24 4. peritus: δεινότατον ῥητορεύειν 24 2 δεινότης, ή, consilium: 19 5 δεινώς, c. adj. vehementer, ad modum, 'strikingly', 'exceed- ingly': δεινῶς πικράν 2 Ι. [Cf. Herod. 2, 76 μέλαινα δεινῶς, 3, 5 ἄνυδρος δεινῶς, Metagen. Αυ ραι 3 (Mein. Fr. Com.gr. 2, 752) δεινῶς πώς εἰμ' ἐπιλήσμων] δεῖσθαι 1. indigere, deside- vare: ‘to be in need of', 're- quire': c. gen. θεραπεύειν ὧν δέοιτο 67; πολλὰ τῶν δ. ἐπι- μελείας 2 1, 2; ἤλεγχε τὴν που λεμικὴν ἀρετὴν ἀκμῆς καὶ ῥώμης δεομένην 6 2; 27 3; ἐπ' ἀλλή λους δεόμενοι τῶν ὅπλων 12 8. c. infin. τῶν σωθῆναι δεομένων 168; 23 5. 2. orare, rogare: c. gen. pers. ἐδεῖτο τοῦ Σύλ λα 234; ἐδεήθη τοῦ Σύλλα προ- γράψαι 32 2 : cum gen. rei συμ- μαχίας καὶ φιλίας δεομένους 5 1. absol. 24 1; 28 5; 27 4 δεκαπέντε, quindecim: 24 4 δεκάτη, (sc. μερίς), tithe '; ἀπο- θύων δεκάτην 35 1 1 ( δενδροφόρος ', ον, arborum fe- ναx: δενδροφορωτάτην 12 3 δεύτερος, α, ον, secundus. c. gen., in comparative sense, οὐδενὸς δ. 8 1. [Cf. vit. Demosth. c. 13 ἐν δευτέρᾳ τάξει τοῦ καλοῦ]. τὸ δεύτερον ύπατεύων 4 1 δέχεσθαι, accipere, non sper- nere (proposita): 22 5; 23 3; 28 2 δή, in fact, strengthening, superlatives άριστα δή 20 2 ; pronominal words and other particles οὕτω δή ( just so ') 29 6 ; διὸ δή 5 2 ; ἔνθα δή 21 2. in continuing a narrative 'so', 'so then': 6 6 ; 8 1 δημαγωγείν, 12 8 δημαρχεῖν, tribunum esse ple- bis: 8 1 δήμαρχος 237 διαιτάσθαι δήμαρχος, ὁ, tribunus plebis: ἕνα των δημάρχων 10 4 δημεύειν, publicare: τὰ χρή- ματα πάντων ἐδήμευσε 31 PASS. τῶν δεδημευμένων οἴκων 33 2 4· δήμευσις, ή, publicatio bono- rum: ἐξουσία δημεύσεως 33 1; δημεύσεσιν οὐσιῶν 6 8 δημωφελής, ές, populo (i.e. om- nibus) salutaris: 304 διά, A. c. gen. per: διὰ τῆς χειρὸς ἐξέπεσεν ὁ λίθος 10 4. II temporal: 1. of duration 'throughout', 'during': d' ué- ρας καὶ νυκτός 36 2. 2. of the interval between two points of time: δι' ἐτῶν ἑκατὸν εἴκοσι S to 33 I. III causal: per by means of', 'by the agency of': 82; 4 I; 69; 8 I; 9 5; ἐκάλει διὰ κηρύγματος 9 η; κρίνεσθαι διὰ μάχης 20 3; ἀνεῖλε διὰ φαρ- μάκων 23 2 ; χεῖρα δι' ἧς ἀνεῖλε 23 3; τὰ συγκείμενα δι' 'Αρχε- λάου 24 3. of the manner in which a thing is done: with adj. διὰ ταχέων for ταχέως 29 3. IV διὰ λόγων ἐλθεῖν, come to open speech' 5 4. B. c. acc. per: 1. of persons, through', 'by aid of, δι' ἐκεῖ- νον κατιόντες 34 Ι; δι' αὐτόν (beneficio suo) 10 3; 11 5; ἀπο- λαύοντος τῆς ἐλευθερίας δι' ἑαυ τόν (for his own merits) 34 4. 2. of things: propter, 'because of', 'for the sake of': διὰ ταῦτα (for these reasons') 15 3 ; διὰ τοῦτο 28 4; οἱ δι᾽ ὀργὴν ἀπολλύ- μενοι 31 5 ; 5; τῶν διὰ χρήματα σφαττομένων 31 5 διαβαίνειν, έναnsire (flumen): 17 3; διέβη (mare) 27 4; δια βάντος εἰς ᾿Ασίαν 23 4; 27 3 διαβάλλειν, traicere: ἀπὸ Δυρ- ραχίου δ. εἰς Βρεντέσιον 27 1. obtrectationi causam dare: 23 2 διαγίγνεσθαι, intercedere, to intervene': ἐτῶν διακοσίων δια γεγονότων 21 4; ὀλίγων μηνών διαγενομένων 35 3 διάγνωσις, ή, discrimen: 9 7 διαγωνίζεσθαι, signa conferre: διαγωνίσασθαι 28 4 διαδιδόναι λόγον, rumorcul dissipare: 69; 20 2 διαδρομή 1,5, ή, discursus. PL. διαδρομών 29 3 διαθήκη, ή, testamentum. PL. ἐν ταῖς δ. παρέλιπε 38 1 διαθρύπτειν, frangere,in frus- ta diminuere. PASS. διαθρυπ τόμενον 11 Ι 7 3 διαιθρος, o, seremus, sudus: διαιταν, componere litem, hence generally to reconcile', 'settle a difference' or 'question τὴν ἐν ταῖς τιμωρίαις ανωμαλίαν οὕτως ἂν τις διαιτήσει εν 6 8 Cf. Plut. Rom. 35 οὐ περιμένω ταύ την μοι διαιτῆσαι τὴν τύχην ζώσῃ τὸν πόλεμον, Pomp. 12 διῄτησε τὰ τῶν βασιλέων, 39 πόλεων καὶ βασιλέων αμφισβητήματα διαιτών, Dion. gr πως αὐτῇ διαιτᾷς ἐκείνην τὴν ἀνάγ κην, Appian Lib. c. 17 ἐπεχείρει διαι τῶν διαλύσεις i.e. conciliare pacem, Dionys. Halic. 7, 52 τὰ νείκη διαιται. Hence it comes to mean metaphori- cally, to pacify', 'soften', as in Heliod. Aethiop. 2, 24 συμφορᾶς τὸ προεγνωσμένον ἡ συνήθεια τῷ λογισμῷ διῄτησε, ib. 4, 6 ενδιδοὺς τῇ κόρῃ δ ιαιτῆσαι ἐν τῷ μεταξὺ τῆς ψυχῆς τὸ αἰδούμενον (= τὴν αἰδῶ), 4 Macc. 2, 17 λογισμῷ τὸν θυμὸν διῄτησε ie. miti- gavit. We find it also with the acc. of the pers. in [Dem.] p. 1142, 26: οἱ τὴν Οινηίδα καὶ τὴν Ερεχθηίδα διαι τῶντες ἐνταῦθα (sc. ἐν τῇ ἡλισίᾳ) κάθηνται, and several times in Strabo, as I, 2, 1 τοὺς μὲν πολλοὺς ἐᾶν, ἐκεῖ νους δὲ διαιτᾶν, οὓς ἐν τοῖς πλείστοις κατωρθωκότας ἴσμεν, ib. 40 οὐκ ἄξιον ἡγοῦμαι διαιτᾶν οὔτ᾽ ἐκείνους.. οὔτε τὸν Ιππαρχον, ib. 2, Ι οὐκ ἄτοπον οὖν ἔνια καὶ τῶν ὑπὸ τούτου λεγομένων διαιτῆσαι; and lastly with a relative clause: Plut. vit. Dem. 20 ταῦτα όπως ἔχει διαιτῆσαι χαλεπόν. διαιτάσθαι, τivere, habitare : ἐν μιᾷ συνοικίᾳ διῃτώντο 12; μετὰ μιμῶν δ. 6 2 238 -διαφορος διακαίεσθαι διακαίεσθαι, inflammari, ex- citari: τῆς πόλεως διακεκαυ μένης ὑπ' ἀμφοῖν 6 2 διακλέπτειν, surripere pericu lo, furtim conservare: μόλις δια κλέψασα ἑαυτὴν καὶ τοὺς παῖ- δας 22 Ι διακρίνειν, discernere, diri- mere. PASS. οὔπω τῶν τύπων διακεκριμένων 35 3 α- διακρούεσθαι, summovere, moliri, to get rid of: τοὺς δ᾽ ἀπειλῇ διακρουσάμενος 38 I διαλανθάνειν, delitescere: τοὺς νῦν διαλανθάνοντας προγρά- ψειν αὖθις 31 4 partic. latere, ignorari: τὰ ἄλλα διέλαθε τοὺς Ἕλληνας έκπεμ πόμενα 12 6 c. acc. et διαλέγεσθαι (DEP.) colloqui cum dat. 22 4; Σύλλα διαλεχθέν τας 9 2. c. πρός et acc. 14 Ι - διαλείπειν, de tempore inter- mittere: διαλιπών μίαν ημέραν (uno die interiecto) 173; 31 3; διαλιπών ὅσον ἀναψύξαι τὸν ἱδρῶτα τῶν ἵππων (tantisper dato spatio ut sudor equorum exsic- caretur) 29 3 διαλύειν : ΜED. διαλύσασθαι πρὸς Σύλλαν ('to come to terms with S. ') 18 3. PASS. dispergi, dilabi: τοῦ μὴ διαλυθῆναι τοὺς στρατιώτας κατὰ πόλεις 27 6 διάλυσις, ή, disiunctio, δ. γά- μου 35 2. πολέμου) confectio : PL. διαλύσεις condi 24 4. tiones pacis 28 I διανυκτερεύειν, pernoctare: μοχθηρῶς διενυκτέρευσαν 21 3 διαπεραιοῦν, ἐνansvehere: 27 3 διαπίπτειν, effugere, elabi: διαπεσείν 19 4 1 διαπληκτίζεσθαι τοῖς σκώμ μασι, dicteriis inter se digla- diari: 22 διαπόντιος, ον, transmarinus : δ. πολέμων 7 I. [Cf. Thuc. I, 141, 3 χρονίων πολέμων καὶ δια- ποντίων ἄπειροι, Polyb. 1, 71, 7 ξενικὸς καὶ δ. πόλεμος] διαπορθεῖν, τη stare: τὰ πολλὰ (τῆς Μαιδικῆς) διαπορθήσας 235 διάπρασις, ἡ, distractio: τὰς δ. τῶν δεδημευμένων οἴκων 33 2 διαπράττεσθαι (MED.) con- fiere: διαπράξεσθαι τὴν εἰ- ρήνην 23 4. PASS. confici: δια πεπράχθαι τὴν πόλιν (actum esse de civitate) 29 8 - διαρρεῖν, dilabi (of soldiers) : διαρρυῶσι 27 3 διάστασις, ή, dissidium: πρὸς ἄνδρα δ. 35 4 διαστρατηγεῖν 1 : 23 4 διατείνεσθαι : (MED.) intentum aliquid tenere, intentare: διετεί- νοντο τὰς λόγχας 29 5 διατηρεῖν, integrum conser- vare: τὴν φάλαγγα δ. ἐν τάξει 18 4 2 Τ διαφέρειν : PASs. iactari 'to be swayed about': 16 3. differri, Auctuare animo, πολλὰ διενεχ· θεὶς τῇ γνώμη 3 3. [Cf. Mor. p. 133 F τὰς ψυχὰς διαφέρειν μήτε πράγμασι μήτε φροντίσι, Mar. 1ο, 2 ημέρας συχνὰς διηνέχθη τῷ λογισμῷ, βουλευόμενος ἢ πα ραδοῦναι τὸν Ἰογόρθαν ἢ μηδὲ τὸν Σύλλαν ἀφεῖναι]. INTRANS. differre, discrepare: γένη διαφέ- ροντα τοῖς βίοις καὶ τοῖς ἤθεσι c. gen. διαφέροντα αλ λήλων 7 4 praestare 11 4 διαφθείρειν, interimere, occi- dere: 18 2. δ. ἑαυτόν παnus sibi inferre 14 4; 25 1; 32 1. διαφθερείεν 20 2. (in moral sense) corrumpere: τοὺς ὑφ᾽ αὑτῷ εἰς ἀσωτίαν διαφθείρων 129; 7 2. 282 • PASS. διαφοιτῶν, ἐνansire: 9 I διάφορος, ov, discrepans; διά- φορος πρὸς ἑαυτόν (sibi incon- stans) 67 adversarius at variance with ': 'Αρχελάῳ διά- φορον ὄντα 23 2; with gen. it διαφυλάσσειν ἐγκαρτερεῖν 239 means 'different from '. prae- stans, insignis ὄψει διάφορος 6 7 διαφυλάσσειν 2, retinere, inte- grum servare: τοὺς πενίαν πα τρώαν μὴ διαφυλάξαντας 1 2 διαχρῆσθαι, conficere, truci- dare: διαχρησαμένων ᾿Αλβι- νον ξύλοις καὶ λίθοις 6 9 PASS. του διδόναι, dare: πρόσταγμα δόν τος (unclassical) 16 4; 28 6; δόν- τα πληγήν 14 2. συνθήματος δοθέντος (signo dato) 28 7. concedere, 'to allow': τοῦ νόμου μὴ διδόντος 1 1; ἀνά- παυλαν οὐδενὶ διδούς 165 ; δι 5; δοὺς ἄδειαν 32 Ι. in usum alicuius, ut ei aut offerat aliquid aut arceat, se suamque operam dare: δοὺς ἑαυτὸν ἐπὶ τὴν τοῦ δήμου πρᾶξιν 5 1 διεξέλασις, ή, perruptio: 18 3 διέναι, transitum permittere: μὴ διέντι Σύλλαν 10 2 δίκη, ἡ; αὐτῷ δίκην ἔλαχε δώρων (repetundarum eum fos- tulavit) 5 6. accus. c. gen. (HA. § 719), in- star: 11 4 δικτάτωρ, ὁ: δικτάτορα ἑαυτὸν ἀνηγόρευσε 33 1 δίχα, practer: δ. τῆς ἄλλης παρασκευής, 19 2 διχόθεν, duobus ex locis : 19 2 διώκειν, persequi, insequi: διώ κει με τὸ ἐν ᾿Αλβανῷ χωρίον 316; ἐδίωκε 26 4; ἐδίωκον φεύγοντας 19 3; διώκειν κίνδυνον 15 3. INTR. properare, citato cursu advehi: ἐδίωκε βοηθῶν 19 2 δίωξις, ή, persecutio: τῆς δ. μετέσχε 19 4 δοκεῖν, I putare (de somnio- rum visis), 94; 28 4. II videri, impers. δόξαν (= ὅτε ἔδοξεν III putari, existimari: 19 3. 143 4; 22; 75; 31 4 δοξομανία, ή : Τι δόρυ, τό, pertica, the pole' of a standard: 72 δραχμή, ή, a Greek coin= nearly Roman denarius, 94d.: χιλίους νούμμους, οἳ πεντήκοντα καὶ διακοσίας δραχμὰς δύνανται 14; 82 δρεπανηφόρος, falcatus: 15 I; 11 2 τῶν δ. (sc. ἁρμάτων); 24 1 δύναμις, ή, τis, virtus: 19 5. copiae a force' for war: 54; 66; 143; 155; 201; 22 3; PL. δυνάμεις 9 3 ; 11 2 ; 27 5 C - δύνασθαι, pollere: παρ' αὐτῷ δυνάμενοι μέγιστον 36 1. valere, to be worth: χιλίους νούμμους, οἳ πεντήκοντα καὶ δια- κοσίας δραχμάς ᾿Αττικὰς δύναν ται 14. [Cf. Xen. Anab. 1, 5, 6 ὁ δὲ σίγλος δύναται ἑπτὰ οβο- λοὺς καὶ ἡμιοβόλιον Αττικούς, Dem. adv. Phorm. § 23 ô dè Κυζικηνὸς ἐδύνατο ἐκεῖ εἴκοσι καὶ ὀκτὼ δραχμὰς 'Αττικάς.] δυναστεία, ή. PL. δυναστείας καὶ τυραννίδας 11 2 3 δυοκαίδεκα, duodecim: 22 4 δυσανασχετείν, aegre ferre: 16 δύσιππος, ον, 15 2 δυσχωρία, ή: locus confrago- sus. PL. ταῖς δυσχωρίαις (per iniquitates locorum) 15 4 δωμάτιον, τό, cubiculum: 37 3 δωρέα, ή, condonatio: 33 2 δώρον, τό, donum : 6 II ; 12 6 ; 26 3, δώρων δίκη (aclio περι- tundarum) 56 E ἐᾶν, sinere: 11 5. c. neg. οὐκ εἴα (velabat) 16 5; οὐκ ἐώσαις 30 5; 35 2. χαίρειν ἐ ᾶν missum facere, non curare: ὃν χαίρειν ἐάσας 104; Ορτήσιον εἴα χαί ρειν 19 2. [Cf. vit. Luc. C. 25 ἐρρώσθαι φράσας πολλὰ τοῖς βαρ- βάροις, Mar. c. 29 μακρὰ χαίρειν φράσας τοῖς ἐν τῇ βουλῇ.] 21 ἐγγύς, prope: ἐγγὺς ἦλθε τοῦ σφῆλαι 29 1 ἐγκαρτερεῖν, tolerare (obsidio- 240 ἐγκλίνειν———ἐμπαθής nem): χρόνον ἐγκαρτερήσας συχνόν 14 7 ἐγκλίνειν, inclinare, to de- cline'; τῶν βίων, ἐγκεκλικό των 13. terga vertere (de acie) 195 ἐγχαλινοῦν, frenum inicere: ἐγχαλινώσας (τοὺς ἵππους) 28 3 el, 'that', introducing a state- ment of fact after a verb of wonder: θαυμάζειν εἰ μὴ συνίησιν 12 5. in indirect questions whether: ἠρώτησεν εἰ καταλύ- σεται τὸν πόλεμον 24 Ι εἰδέναι χάριν gratiam habere : οὐδέποτε σωτηρίας χάριν εἴσε ται 34 1 εἰκοσιτρείς, -τρια, tres et vi- ginti: 288 είργειν, excludere, prohibere: c. gen. είρξοντες κηδείας 38 1. PASS. εἱργόμενος τοῦ πρό- σω καὶ ὀπίσω (nec progressum nec receptum habens) 29 2 εἰς I to express measure or limit. 1. with numerals, els εξακισχιλίους 30 2. 2. an end or purpose: διαφθείρων τοὺς ἄλλους εἰς προδοσίαν 12 9. II in regard to ': 'on': ἐπέσκωψε τις εἰς τοῦτο ποιήσας 2 1 ; 6 10. with δαπαναν, κατα χορηγείν: 12 9 εἷς, μία, ἕν, quidam: ὡς ἑνὸς τῶν προγεγραμμένων (unum e proscriptis) 12; Tŵv véwv eîs 31 Ι; ἕνα των δημάρχων 10 4; τῶν χιλιάρχων ἕνα 168 εἰσφέρειν: νόμον εἰσενηνο χώς (lege rogata) 35 2 εἶτα, deinde: 95; 19 4; 29 3 ; 31 3. increpantis, 'and so?' 'what, then?' 22 4 εἴτε είτε είτε sive seu — - seu: 94; 30 5 ἐκ I of time ἐκ τούτου (post hoc) 22 5; 26 4; 28 4; ἐκ τούτων 35 5; ἐκ τῆς τροπῆς 29 8. after a former state: ἐξ ἀγρυπ νιῶν καὶ κόπων 28 7; ἐξ αἰθρίας 147. of particular points of time: ἐκ νέου 30 5. II of the cause, instrument or means by which a thing is done: ἐκ τούτου 37 4; ἐκ τούτων (propter hacc) 4 2 ἑκατοντάρχης, o, centurio: 185; 33 4 ἔκδηλος, ον, manifestus. ADV. ἐκδηλότατα αpertissime 27 3 ἐκεῖνος, used for reflexive pro- noun 9 4 ἐκθλίβειν, elidere. PASS. ÈK- θλίβεσθαι, loco suo extrudi 19 1 ἐκκόπτειν, εχscindere: τὴν πό λιν ἐκκόψαι 16 4. depellere (praesidium) 'to cut off': 16 6 ἐκκρούειν, repellere: ἐκκρού σαντες (τὰ ἅρματα) 18 3 ἐκπίπτειν, εἰεἰ: τῆς βουλῆς cici ἐξέπεσεν 1 1; ἐκπεσεῖν τῆς πόλεως 6 4; 97 ἐκπλεῖν, καὶ elabi: εἰς Λιβύην ἐκπλεύσαι 288 ἐκτρέφειν, alere: τὴν νόσον ἐξέθρεψε 36 2 ἐκτρίβειν, funditus perdere et delere: ἰδίᾳ τοὺς οἴκους ἐξέτρι ψεν 25 2 ἐκφέρειν, ferre (fructus) : 20 5 έλασις, impetus equestris : τῷ κονιορτῷ τῆς ἐλάσεως 19 2. [Cf. Dion. Hal. 6, 12 αθρόας γε- νομένης και καταπληκτικῆς τῆς ἐλάσεως] έλος, τό, palus : τὰ ἕλη 21 Ι ; ἕλεσιν 11 4 [ἑλώδης, palustris, swampy": v. l. pro υλώδεις 20 5] ἐμβαίνειν, ingredi: εἰς ὕδωρ ἐνέβαινεν 26 3 ἐμβαπτίζειν, i.q. ἐμβάπτειν immergere. PASS. μαχαίρας έμβεβαπτισμένας τοῖς τέλμα- σιν 21 4 ἐμπαθής, ές, affectu commotus, perturbatus, in a fit of anger': 97. It is also used by Plut. of the excitement of grief as in Alex. 21 ταῖς ἐκείνων τύχαις μᾶλλον ἢ ταῖς ἑαυτοῦ ἐμπαθής γενόμενος. ἐμπίπτειν 241 ἐξαρτᾶσθαι ἐμπίπτειν, irrumpere : 9 6. incidere (in hostes) μικρὰ τῷ Σύλλᾳ ἐμπεσόντα 20 3; ἐμ πεσεῖν εἰς ἀφύλακτον πόλιν 28 2. transl. incidere (de morbo) : ἄλ- γημα ἐνέπεσε εἰς τοὺς πόδας 26 3 ἔμπληκτος, ον, inconstans, le- της: ἤθη ἔμπληκτα 305; ἐμ πληκτότατον 34 5 ἐμποιεῖν τινι, eficere in ali- quo: 18 2 ἔμπροσθε, adv. antea: 10 f. prepos. c. gen. τεθνηκότα μικρὸν ἔ. τῆς Μετέλλης 37 2: ἔ. τῆς τελευτῆς 27 3 ἔμπυος', ον, exulceratus : 36 2 ἐμφανής, ές, manifestus: ἐμ- φανής λόγος titulus speciosus αἰτία ἀληθής 5 3 ἐμφύλιος, ον, gentilis: αἵμα τος ἐμφυλίου 44 ἐν I. of place: 1. ἐν ἐσ θῆτι φαύλῃ 37 2. 2. 'in the number of' 10 1. penes: ὁρῶν ἐν ἅρμασιν τὴν ἀλκὴν οὖσαν 15 2. II. of state, condition, ἐν ἡσυχίᾳ ζῆν 37 2; ἔν τινι λόγῳ γεγονώς 34; ἐν πᾶσι (in omni re) 6 12 ; ἐν ὄμμασιν αὐτοῦ (coram εο) 16 5; δημαγωγεῖν ἐν τῷ στρα- τηγεῖν 12 8. III. of time: ἐν τούτῳ interea : 9 6 ; τὰς ἡμέρας ἐκείνας ἐν αἷς 11 Ι. in com- position with verbs followed by the dative: ἐνστρατοπεδεύσαι 16 η; ἐνεποίησαν 18 2; ἐνα γωνίσασθαι 203; ἐνζώσας 287 ἐναγωνίζεσθαι, decertare in loco : 20 3 ἐνάρχεσθαι”, i.q. ἄρχεσθαι incipere : c. inf. λέγειν ἐν ήρχετο 20 2 ἐνδελεχώς, adsidue, perpetuo: 13 3; 27 I ἐνδιδόναι = παρέχειν, afferre, praebere: ὧν ἐνέδωκεν ἀρχάς (quorum occasionem praebuit) 12 9. elanguescere to give in', flag': 16 5 ἐνδοιάζειν, fuctuare animo H. S. · to waver': ἐνδοιάζων τῇ γνώμη παρ' ἑαυτῷ 9 3 ἔνεργος, ον, in opere faciendo occupatus at work': καθ' ἡμέ ραν ἐνεργοῖς οὖσι πρὸς τὴν ὑ- πηρεσίαν 12 2. strenuus, gna- vus 'business-like', 'active': 22 ἐνζωννύναι : ἐν ζώσας ἑαυτὸν (καλωδίω) 28 7 ἐνήρης', es, remis instructus: 24 I ἐνιαυτός, ό, αnnus: ἐ. μέγας (saeculum): 7 4 ἐνιστάναι, PASS. ἐνίστασθαι imminere, 'to be at hand': été- ρας ἐνισταμένης 74· 2. C. dat. obsistere to resist': ένι- στάμενον τῇ αὐξήσει 4 2 ἐνοίκιον, τό, aelium pensio an- nua, house-rent': 1 2 ἐντεῦθεν : τούντεῦθεν 18 4 έντευξις, ή, aditus: 2 2 ἐντρυφάν, c. dat. contemnere, ludibrio habere: 55. (Cf. Lu- cian dial. m. I ἐλευθέροις ἀνδρά σιν ἐντρυφῶντες) ἐντυγχάνειν, convenire: 54 ; 95; 17 6; 27 6. scriptum le- gere 'to read: τοῖς ᾿Αριστοτέλους γράμμασιν ἐντετυχηκότες 26 2 ἐξαιρεῖν, sorti excipere, sepo- nere, eximere: ἐξεῖλεν ἑαυτῷ τὴν βιβλιοθήκην 26 1. (Cf. vit. Cic. 13 θέαν ἐξαίρετον ‘a re- served seat') ἐξαιτεῖσθαί τινα, precibus eri- pere aliquem: 14 5 é§avõeîv 1, 5, efflorescere: 21; 36 2 ἐξάπτειν τι τῆς τύχης, fortu nae acceptum referre, 6 4. MED. invadere, carpere: ἐξήπ τετο τῶν πολεμίων 29 3 ἐξαρπάζειν, ενίpere: ἐξαρπα σόμενος τῆς πολιορκίας τὸν Μά ριον 29 Ι I 2 ἐξαρτᾶσθαι (Pass.), adhaerere (de planitie quae urbis adiacet): τῆς Ορχομενίων ἐξηρτημένον πόλεως 20 4 16 242 ἐπίδοξος ἐξελευθερικός ἐξελευθερικός', ό, libertinus: 81; 33 2 ἐξιππάζεσθαι', equo provehi to ride out': 29 3 Έξω, praep. c. gen. practer: ἔξω τῶν φονικών 33 1 ἐπάγειν, immittere, ducere ad- versus hostes: 19 2; 21 2; 27 5. 2 absol. ταρασσομένοις ἐπα γαγών (impressione facta): 182. MED. ἐπάγεσθαι, secum adducere: 53 γι ἐπαινεῖν, Ιακdare : 5 5. cusare to decline with thanks': 27 3 ἐπάρχειν, praefectum esse: ἐ- πάρχοντα παύσας (sed dubia lectio v. 11.) 84 : ἐπαυλίζεσθαι : ἐπηυλίσατο τῇ πόλει (stationem ad urbem habuit) 29 2 ἔπαυλις, ή, praedium, villa : τὰς ἐπαύλεις 22 Ι ἐπείγεσθαι, φιoperare: ἐπει γόμενος εἰς 'Ρώμην 12 2; ἠπεί- γε το 19 3; 28 1 (ex mea em. pro vulgato ήπτετ ἔπειτα for ἔπειτα δέ after πρῶτον μέν 27 3 ἐπέχειν, inhibere, retinere: c. acc. την στάσιν ἔπεσχεν 6 ι. c. particip. Μιθριδάτην ἐπισχεῖν πολυπραγμονοῦντα 5 3. c. infin. ἔπεσχον αὐτοὺς τοῦ πρόσω χωρείν 9 6. in- trans. aliquantum subsisterc: επισχείν 29 4. occupare spa- tium quoddam 'to reach, extend over a space': ὁ φόνος ἔπεσχε πάντα τὸν Κεραμεικόν 14 4; ὅσον ὁ ῞Ασσος ἐπέχει ῥέων 16 7 ἐπί, A. c. gen. local in": ἐπ' οἰκίας (domi) 36 1; ἐπὶ στρα- τοπέδου γενόμενος 3 Ι; ἐπὶ τοῦ δεξιού 21 3 ; μένειν ἐπὶ (‘to abide by) τῶν ἐξ ἀρχῆς τρόπων 30 5. of motion towards: ὥρμησεν ἐπὶ Θετταλίας 20 1. B. c. dat. 1) prope 'at' or 'near': è πì Oa- λάττη 22 2 ; 29 1; ἐπὶ θύραις 29 6. 2) praeter 'in addition to', over and above': ὀκτακισχιλίους ἐπὶ μυρίοις (= 18,000) 27 8 ; ἐπὶ τούτοις 31 4. 3) to denote (α) the circumstances in which: 23 4 ; 24 2 ; διαλλαττομένου ἐπὶ τοῖς ἀνηκέστοις (προσκρούσμασιν) 6 8. (*) the occasion or cause obiectum movens): ἐπὶ τούτῳ 1 1 ; 14 7: θριαμβεύων ἐπὶ τούτῳ 3 3 ; τῆς ἐπὶ ταῖς πράξεσι δόξης 6 3; ἐφ᾽ ᾧ 43; 55; 6 2 ; 9 το; 19 5; 342; ἐφ᾽ οἷς 10 2. (c) end or purpose: ἐπὶ τῷ τῶν βελτιόνων ἄρχειν 12 8; ἐπὶ τῷ διαφθείρειν 12 9; Κουρίωνος ἐπὶ τούτῳ τεταγμένου 14 7. (d) the condition upon which : ἐφ᾽ οἷς βούλεται 23 4 ; 24 1. (2) the price for which': ἐπὶ τηλικούτοις ἀγαθοῖς 22 4. (ƒ) of persons in authority: Kov- ρίωνος ἐπὶ τούτῳ τεταγμένου ; τὸν ἐπὶ τῇ πολιορκίᾳ τεταγμένον 29 8. C. c. acc. I. of place, 'upon', 'to', with verb of mo- tion: συνέστειλεν ἐπὶ τὴν θάλατ- ταν 11 4; 27 Ι ; εβάδιζε ἐπὶ τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον 23 1; παρῆλθεν ἐπὶ τὴν ἑαυτῆς χώραν 35 4. 2) 'up to', 'as far as': with neut. adj. ἐπὶ πλεῖστον 11 4. 3) in hostile sense against': ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν ἐλαύνειν 9 2 ; χωρεῖν ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν 9 3; ἐπ᾽ ἀλλήλους δεόμενοι τῶν ὅπλων 128; Μάριον ἐπὶ Σύλλαν κατῆγε ib.; ὁρμήσας ἐπὶ Φιμβρίαν 25 Ι ; 29 2. II. of cause, for the pur- pose of': ἐπὶ τὸν ἐν Ρώμῃ πόλε μον πλεῖν 22 3; ἐπὶ θέαν (το look on') προελθόντες 29 7. In composition ἐπί denotes some- times reciprocity: ἀλλήλοις < ἐπιμεμιγμένων 54 ἐπιβαίνειν τείχους murum con- scendere : 14 2. [Cf. Herod. 9, 70; Polyb. 4, 71, 11; 9, 8, 12] ἐπίδοξος, ον, expected, cum infinit. fut.: 65; 34 4 ἐπιέναι 243 – εὐτυχεῖν 4. ἐπιέναι, accedere : de re quae in mentem venit: ἐπῄει 31 5. aggredi, adoriri, invadere: 15 obire 11 3. sequi: τὴν ἐπιοῦ- σαν ἡμέραν (diem posterum) 28 4 ἐπιζητεῖν 2, desiderare, 'to miss': ἐπιζητήσαι 194 ἐπίθετος, ον, adiectus: ὄνομα τῆς χρόας ἐπίθετον (cognomen) 2 [ ἐπικηρύττειν τινι ἀργύριον 10 ἐπιλαμβάνεσθαι (MED.), pre- hendere, to lay hold of': 29 7. attingere, to reach': τῆς Ἰταλίας ἐπιλαβόμενοι 27 3 ἐπιλιπής, ές, i.q. ἐπίλοιπος (ἐλλιπής Schaefer), reliquus : όρ- μήσαντος πρὸς τὰς ἐπιλιπείς πράξεις (ad conficiendas reliquias helli) 7 2 ἐπιμίγνυσθαι, mutuo inter se uti commercio: ἐπιμεμιγμέ νων ἀλλήλοις 5 4 ἐπινίκια (sc. ἀγωνίσματα), ludi in honorem victoriac (post-classi- cal): 19 6 ἐπιπρεσβεύεσθαι', legatos ad aliquem mittere: τὰς πόλεις εἶχεν επιπρεσβευομένας 12 Ι ἐπισκήπτειν, 11 I v. n. ἐπισπάσθαι (ΜED.), adducere, allicere, to lure on': εἰς μάχην ἐπισπάσασθαι τὸν Σύλλαν 20 2 ἐπισταθμεύειν, diversari, to be billeted upon another': 25 2 ἐπιστρέφειν, 1. a. trans. con- vertere, to wheel round' (a mi- litary term): ἐπιστρέψαντος τοὺς περὶ αὐτὸν ἱππεῖς 19 1. 6. intrans. 'to turn round or about': ἐπιστρέψας ὥρμησεν 19 2. 2. errantem in veram viam reducere, 'to convert', cause to repent' (post-classical): τούτους τὸ ῥηθὲν ἐπέστρεψε τό 212. [Cf. Plut. Luc. 7 τοὺς ἄλλους ἐπέστρεψε, Alc. 16 ἐνίους καὶ πάνυ τὸ λεχθὲν ἐπέστρεψε] ἐπιστροφή, ή, conversio, ubi confertim quoddam corpus mi- litum simul, in modum navis, sese ita convertit, ut quadran- tem circuli describat ea conver- sio (Schweighaeuser ad Polyb. 10, 21, 2): 17 7 ἐπισφαλῶς (periculose): νοσή σαντος ἐπ. 23 Ι ἐπίτακτος, ον, drawn up be- hind': οἱ ἐπίτακτοι, subsidia, * the reserve of an army': 177 ἐπιτείνειν, intendere, augere : ἐπέτεινεν, οὐ μετέβαλε την φύ σιν 30 4 ἐπιφαίνεσθαι (PASs.), subito in conspectum venire, advenire prae- ter opinionem : 18 1; 19 3 ἐπιχειρεῖν, adoriri, aggredi: absol. 17 7. c. dat. è π E- χείρησε τοῖς ἱεροῖς ἄλσεσιν (ma- nus lucis sacris iniecit) 12 3 ἐπομβρία, ή, diluvium: 145 ἔργον, τό, ορτις: 21 1. proelium: τὸ περὶ Χαιρώνειαν ἔρ- γον 23 2. 2. factum, res ipsa: ἔργῳ )( λόγῳ 20 1 amor, 1. ἔρως, ό, αποr, cupido: εἶχεν αὐτὸν ἐ. ἑλεῖν τὰς ᾿Αθήνας 13 1. PL. amores, Gamorous plea- sures': εὐχέρεια πρὸς τοὺς ἔρωτας 23 ἕτερος, α, ον, alteruter, one or the other': 3 2 ἔτι, adhuc : 41; ὑπόλοιπος ἔτι 126: ἔτι νῦν 14 3. ἔτι δέ, 'and besides': 65; 153; 277; 343 εύγεως', ων, fertilis: 16 εὐγνωμόνως, generously': 10 εὐδαιμονισμός, ὁ: 6 4 εὐπορεῖν, copiam habere: c. gen. ευπορήσαντα τῶν ἀντι- γράφων 26 1. Cf. Them. 10, 5, 1. 10 n. εὐπορία, ή, ορία: τοὺς ὑπάρ χουσαν εὐπορίαν ἀπολέσαντας 14; 27 3. PL. τὰς εὐπορίας ἀφαιρεῖν (commeatum intercipere) 15 I εὐτελής, ές, φαrcus : 12 7 εὐτυχεῖν, secunda fortuna uti: 16-2 244 ἡμέρα εὐτυχία- παρ' ἀξίαν εὐτυχεῖν 1 2. PASS. τἆλλα εὐτυχεῖτο (prosfere gesta sunt) διὰ τῶν στρατηγῶν 28 8 εὐτυχία, ή, secunda fortuna: εὐτυχία θεία ('a piece of luck due to the favour of the gods') 65; εὐτυχίᾳ κατορθώσας 19 4. PL. τὰς εὐτυχίας 27 3; 34 2 εὐφημία, ή, bona fama: μετ' ὐφημίας (honeste) 6 II ευφυής, ές, opportunus: το πος εὐφυέστατος ἐναγωνίσασ θαι 20 3 εὐχέρεια, ή, proclivitas: ἡ πρὸς τοὺς ἔρωτας εὐ. 2 3 έφεδρος, supposititius (Mar- tial Epigr. 5, 24, 8): 29 ἐφιέναι, immittere: ἐφῆκε τὰς σπείρας 19 1. concedere, per- mittere: ἐφιέντος καὶ χαριζο- μένου τοῖς περὶ αὐτόν 31 1. ἐφίεσθαι”, “to aim at': τῶν στε- γασμάτων έφιεμένους 96 MED. ἐφιστάναι, Α. praeficere, to appoint to' : c. infin. κατηγορεῖν ἐπέστησεν Ουεργίνιον 10 4 2. admovere, opponere: πᾶσαν μηχανὴν ἐφιστάς 12 Ι. animum advertere (post-classi- cal): c. dat. ταῖς κινήσεσι τῆς διανοίας. ἐπιστήσας 55. 3. 4. inhibere : ἐπιστήσας τὴν πορείαν 23 I. absol. subsistere: πιστήσαντα 192 έ B. MED. et PASS. insistere: È pi- σταμένων ταῖς ὁδοῖς 28 5 ; τῶν 5; ἐνδιδόντων ἐφεστὼς κολαστής 16 5. 2. subito adesse, super- venire (de specie per somnum oblata): ἐπιστᾶσαν 94. ↓ sensu hostili, 'to advance against, surprise': ταῖς ᾿Αθή ναις ἄθρους ἐπέστη 12 Ι ἔχειν, habere: A. trans. 1. μείζονα κόσμον ἔσχε 34 2. PASS. occupari: ὡς τῆς Ρώμης ἐχομέ νῆς ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων 29 8. in matrimonio habere 6 11; 33 3. 3. pres. part. with verb, 2. * with ': 75; 17 3; ἔχοντα τέσ σαρας σπείρας 193; 27 3; παρε- βοήθει λευκὸν ἵππον ἔχων 295. 4. of habits, states, con- ditions, bodily or mental: 'to have in itself', 'to admit of': χειν τέλος 6 9; λόγους ἔχον. τας εὐπρέπειαν 242; φόνων οὔτ᾽ ἀριθμὸν οὔθ᾽ ὅρον ἐχόντων 31 I T B. intrans. 'to hold one- self', 'to be' with modal ad- verbs: οὕτως ἔχων τῇ δόξῃ πρὸς τὸ θεῖον 6 4; ἔχειν οἰκείως πρός τι 115 ; ἔ. ἀγωνιστικώς 16 6 : πρὸς Θηβαίους ἀδιαλλάκτως είχε 19 6; καλῶς ἔχειν 235; ὡς ἕκαστος εἶχεν εὐπορίας 27 3 ; κακῶς ἔχον- Ti 295 C. MED. ἔχεσθαί τινος, ad- gredi, agere, capessere: εἴχετο τοῦ ἔργου (instabat operi) 14 2 Ζ ζάκορος, ό, aedituus: 7 3 ζευγνύναι, copulare: PASS. co- nubio iungi: ἀκουσίως ζευγνυ- μένων γυναικών 33 2 ζεῦγος, τό, ῥαν: 12 2 ζῆλος, ό, 1. rivalry', 'the desire of equalling or excelling another', 'emulous desire', cum gen. rei: τρυφῆς καὶ πολυτε- λείας ζῆλον 1 3. cum πρός et acc. rei: 13 r. 2. 'the ob- ject of emulation', ‘honor': 6 4 H ἡγεῖσθαι, ducem esse: c. gen. ἀνδρῶν σωφρόνων ἡγούμενοι 12 7. ducere, putare: 41; 127 ἡγεμονία, ή, imperium: τοῦ Μιθριδατικού πολέμου τὴν ἡ. 8 2 ; τῷ θυμῷ παραδεδωκὼς τὴν τῶν πρασσομένων ἡγεμονίαν 9 7 ἡμέρα, ή, dies: ἡμέρας in- terdiu 15 4; 21 3; 274; TŷS ἡμέρας cotidie 252; ἀφ' ἡμέ ρας 361; ἅμα ἡμέρᾳ ('at day- break) 29 3 ; δι' ἡμέρας 36 2 ; μεθ' ἡμέραν postridie 9 4; ὁδὸν ἡμερῶν πολλῶν 16 4 ἡμέτερος 245 -καθαρός ἡμέτερος, α, ον, nostras: 15 3 ἡμίεκτον, τό, a half-ἑκτεύς = Roman hemina or the 16th part of a modius: 13 3 ἥμισυς, εια, υ, dimidius: τῆς χώρας τὴν ἡμισείαν 196 ἡσυχῆ = κρύφα, clam, occulte: 33 ἠφείθη (ἀφιέναι), late form for ἀφείθη, 28 3 ἠχεῖν, sonare: 7 3 Θ θαυμάζειν, admirari, followed by el, 12 5. PASS. in magna admiratione θαυμαζό μενον ἔργον 14 η esse: θέατρον, τό, artifcum sceni- corum: τῶν ἀπὸ θεάτρου 2 2 θεῖος, α, ον, divinus: τὸ θεῖον (numen) 6 4 θειότης', ἡ, [?] religiousness', Here the vulgate reading in 6 7. however, as in a passage from the Moralia p. 857 A, Cobet has restored οσιότητος, as in Isocr. p. 226 D οσιότητος has been restored from the Codex Urbi- nus. θεοκλυτείν 5, deum invocare: τοιαῦτα θεοκλυτοῦντα 29 7 θεοφόρητος, ον, numine per- citus, fanaticus: 27 6 θεραπεύειν, lenire, mitigare: θεραπεύων τὸ τῶν πολλῶν μία σος 10 3 PASS. θήλυς, θήλεια, θῆλυ, faemi- neus: μίαν τῶν μυών) θήλειαν 73; τὸ θῆλυ (sc. παιδίον) 34 3 θορυβεῖν, tumultuari: τοὺς θο- ρυβοῦντας 33 4. τεθορυβημένους turbatos 28 6 θριαμβεύειν, triumphare: ὁ o θριαμβεύων ἐπὶ τούτῳ 3 3. Cf. C. Gr. 17 5 θρίαμβος 1, ὁ, triumphus: 34 x θρύπτειν, deliciis frangere. MED. delicias facere, fastidiosum esse, to give oneself airs': θρύπ τεσθαι πρὸς τοὺς δεομένους 6 7 θυμέλη, ή, scena, a stage': 196 θυμελικός, ή, όν, scenicus : θυ- μελικοῖς ἀνθρώποις 36 1 θυρεός, ό, scutum: ἀσπίδων, θυρεών 16 2 ; 277 I ἰᾶσθαι, mederi: de quovis re- medio, quo damnum vel incom- modum aliquod levatur aut tol- litur: ἰωμένοις τὸ ἁμάρτημα 6 9 2. ίδιος, α, ον, proprius, one's own: ιδίαν δύναμιν 5 3. 'peculiar', 'eccentric ': 67. Ιδία 32 I ἰδιώτης, rudis, indoctus: 26 2 ἱδρύειν, collocare: perf. pass. ἵδρυνται (siti sunt) 11 3 ἱεροφάντις', ή, αntistes: 13 3 ἱππάσιμος, η, ov, ad equitan- dum idoneus, equitabilis: 21 1 ἱππικός, ή, όν, equester : πλη- θος ι. νεανίσκων 8 2 ἱπποδρομία, ἡ: ἐν ταῖς ἱ. θεα- τρικαῖς (lulis Circensibus) 18 3 ἱπποκόμος, ό, equiso : 29 5 ἱπποκρατεῖν, equitatu supe riorem esse: ἱπποκρατοῦσιν (partic.) 20 3 6 5 ισότιμος, ον, paris dignitatis: ἱστάναι, (stat) 19 5 ἱστορεῖν, καrrare, tradere: 1 4; 6 6; 17 4. PASS. ἱστο ρείται 55 statuere : ἕστηκε ἰσχυρῶς, vehementer, valde : c. verb. l. åviâoai 4 3 Κ καθαιρεῖν, detrahere, dicere: 62. Cf. Them. 22 2 n. κάθαρμα, τό, purgamentum: καθάρμασιν ἐξελευθερικοῖς 33 2 καθαρός, ά, όν, liquidus, clear evident': καθαρὰ σημεῖα 7 5. purus in moral sense ήθεσι 2. 246 καθαρώς-καταβάλλειν καθαροῖς 1 3. c. gen. καθα ρὸς φονευομένων 31 5 καθαρώς, bona fide : 23 2 καθεύδειν, sedere, to sit still": 34 5 καθηγεμών, ὁ, dux viae : 175 καθιέναι, demittere, 'to let down', 'lower'. μένην 11 τ PASS. καθιε καθιστάναι, constituere: ἑτέ- ρους κατέστησαν ἄρχοντας 10 3; καταστήσας ἑαυτὸν εἰς ἀναγκήν 33; εἰς τάξιν καθίστη 29 4. - PASS. ἐθνῶν τοσούτων ἅμα καθι σταμένων εἰς τάξιν 16 2 ; 18 2 ; εἰς πόλεμον κατέστη τοῖς περὶ τὸν Πομπήϊον 34 2; εἰς τάξιν και θεστώς 18 2; τὰ καθεστώτα κινεῖν 104; ἀτρέπτῳ καὶ καθε στηκότι τῷ προσώπῳ 30 1 if. καί: A. copulative: καί— γε, et certe, atque adeo : 3 καί δέ, ει vero (in which, ac- cording to some, the proper con- nective is δέ, while και means 'also'; while others consider και as the conjunction and dé as equal to 'besides'): 11; 7 3; 28 8; B. adverbial, etiam, adeo, vel: 31 Ι ; καὶ νῦν 56; καὶ πάνυ πρό- θυμος ἦν 28 4. prefixed to in- terrogatives in urgent questions καὶ πῶς; 12 καίειν, incendere: PASS. διδα κεκαυμένην 96 καινοτομία, ή, novatio, alter- ation: 7 5; 34 3. [Hesychius : καινοτομείν (i.e. καινὴν ὁδὸν τέμ- νειν, v. Stallb. ad Platon. Eu- thyphr. p. 15) : τὰ καθεστηκότα κινεῖν] 3 I; καιρός, ό, 1. occasio: καιρῷ παραπεσόντι χρησάμενος πρὸς καιρόν (ex tempore, prout tempus ferebat, raptim): 6 5. 2. tempus grave et periculosum : τὸν ἔσχατον καιρόν 12 2; εἰς τοὺς ἐσχάτους καιρούς 13 2. (Cf. Polyb. 29, II, 12 πρὸς τὸν ἔσχα- τον καιρὸν ἐλθόντα τὰ κατὰ τὴν Αλεξάνδρειαν παρὰ τοῦτο πάλιν ὀρθωθῆναι) to κακίζειν, vituperare: 14 r κακοῦν, afligere, laedere, distress": ὄμβρος εκάκωσεν αὐ TOÚS 28 5. PASS. τῆς πατρίδος ἀμελεῖν κακουμένης 22 2 κάλαμος, ό, ανundo: τὸν αὐλη- τικὸν κ. (calamum tibialem): 20 5 κάλανται, αἱ, calendae : 14 5 κάμνειν, laborando defatigari, c. partic. 'to be weary of': 285 κάνκαν, etiamsi — etiamsi : 31 4 κατά, A. c. gen. adversus : εἰ συνέστησεν κατ' αὐτοῦ. B. c. accus. 1. 'on', 'in': κατὰ κορυφήν 19 5; κατὰ στόμα κατ' οὐράν 29 2; κατὰ τὰς μά χας 29 6; κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους 9 4 5 28 4; 37 2. 2. distribu- tively: κατά πόλεις 27 3, 6; κατά μικρόν, little by little': 19 1; 27 4; kar' ävdpa (viritim) κρίνων 32 Ι; καθ' ἑαυτό (per se ipsum) 19 3; καθ' ἑαυτούς (per se ipsos) 26 2. 3. secundum, according to ': νόμον καθ᾿ ὃν πολιτεύσονται 37 3; κατ' (be cause of) ιδίας εχθράς 13 1. 4. c. subst. periphr. κατὰ κρά- τος perforce 21 4; κατὰ τά χος 29 8. 5. of time, 'du- ring: κατ' ἐκείνην τὴν ἡμέραν 28 4 4; καταβαίνειν, e regione editiore in pressiorem iter facere : ἐκ Θρά της καταβεβηκώς 15 ι; 15 4 ; καταβὰς ἐπὶ θάλατταν 27 Ι; τῶν μετὰ Οροβάζου καταβεβη κότων 55 καταβάλλειν, dicere, “to throw away, let fall': κατέβαλε χαμᾶζε τὸν λίθον 10 4; τοὺς ὑστ σοὺς καταβαλόντων 18 4. prosternere: σφῆλαι καὶ κατα βαλεῖν αὐτόν 29 τ. caedere: 29 3. καταβάλλειν ἑαυτὸν εἴς τι, to throw himself away upon', ' give himself up to': 2 3. κατάγειν 247 κατορθοῦν deponere i.e. pendere, ‘to pay down”: καταβαλεῖν Ρωμαίοις δισχίλια τάλαντα 22 5 κατάγειν, deducere 14 7; re- ducere in patriam (de exule) 5 3; 6 12; 12 8. PASS. ex alto ter- ram repetere, appellere, to land' )( ἀνάγεσθαι: εἰς Χαλκίδα και ταχθείς 20 2 ( καταζευγνύναι, considere cum exercitu: καταζεύξας 25 Ι κατάζευξις, ή, castrametatio : 286 καταιγίζειν 5, turbinis instar irruere: καταιγίσαντος ἀνέ- μου 38 3 καταισχύνειν, non tueri, dede- corare : κ. τὸ ἀξίωμα τῆς ἀρχῆς 2 2 κατάκοπος, ον, ov, lassus: 29 4 καταλαμβάνειν, occupare: και ταλαβὼν τὸν τόπον 16 γ. MED. καταλαμβάνονται βου- νόν 16 1. PASS. occupari: και τελήφθη ἡ πόλις ἐκεῖθεν 14 3. καταλαμβάνειν ὅρκῳ, iureiu- rando adstringere: 10 3 καταλείπειν, posteris tradere, legare, 'to leave as a heritage': 12; 26 2. 2. 'to leave re- maining': 233; 374; 384 καταλογίζειν, κατὰ λόχους, distribuere, inter ordines centuri- are, to organise in companies': C. 18 5 καταλύειν, ετertere, pers.: καταλῦσαι Μάριον 6 9. καταριθμεῖσθαι (MED.), enume- rare, τὰς εὐτυχίας κατηριθμεί TO 34 2 καταρρήγνυσθαι (PASS.), cum impetu decidere (de pluvia): πλή- θος ὄμβρου καταρραγέν 14 7 κατασκευάζειν, reddere, eficere: κατασκευάζοντες τὸ κέρας εὐ καμπές 177. parare, instruere: κατασκευάσας θυμέλην 19 6 καταστρατηγεῖν ', solertia vin- cere: τοσούτους ἡγεμόνας κατε στρατηγηκώς 29 2 καταστρατοπεδεύειν, castra ponere, metari: 95; 154; 20 3; 21: 30 I καταστρέφειν, vergere, incli- nare: τῆς ἡμέρας εἰς ὥραν δεκά- την καταστρεφούσης 29 4. vitam finire: 37 1. καταστρέφεσθαι, subigere, in potestatem redigere : 13 4 I. MED. κατατυγχάνειν i.q. ἐπιτυγ χάνειν, successum habere: και τατυγχάνειν ταῖς προαγορεύ σεσι 7 3 καταφέρεσθαι, deferri, deve- nire: ὥσπερ εἰς λιμένα κατεφέ ροντο 22 Ι καταφορά, ἡ : πληγὴν ἐκ κ. (caesim) 14 2 καταχορηγεῖν : 12 g v. n. κατέχειν, ο εκpare: κατεῖχε τὴν χώραν 20 2; τοὺς τὸ Θούριον II. in- κατασχόντας 176. acc. trans. obtinere, praevalere: õµ- βρον κατασχεῖν ἄχρι νυκτός 38 3 κατήφεια, ἡ, = λυπὴ κάτω βλέ- πειν ποιοῦσα, pudor v. macror : MED. finire: εἰ καταλύσε- ται τὸν πόλεμον (utrum belli ex- itum facturus sit) 24 1 καταλύτης1, ὁ, qui deversatur: 25 2 καταμιγνύναι, commiscere. PASS. καταμεμιγμένον (inter- fusum) τῇ λευκότητι 2 1 καταναλίσκειν 2, absumere: κατανάλωσε τα τρία 7 3. PASS. καταναλίσκεται (de fluvio) 20 4 κατάπονος, ον, labore confec tus: 29 I 9 2 κατόπιν, a tergo: τὰ κατό- πιν 20 1; οἱ κ. στρατιῶται (5- cunda acies) 18 6. 2. tem- poral, post: ἐνιαυτῷ κ. ano posteriore 5 2. [Cf. Polyb. 1, 46, 7 τὴν κατόπιν postridie eius lici ubi praecesserat τῇ κατὰ πό- δας ἡμέρᾳ, Plut. Cam. 43, 1 ἐν τῷ κ. ἐνιαυτῷ, Flamin. c. 21] κατορθοῦν, νεη bene gerere: 248 κροκύ κατόρθωμα • c. acc. κατορθώσας τὸν πόλε- μον 19 5. PASS, πολλά δι' ἐκεί- νου κατωρθοῦτο 4 Ι κατόρθωμα, τό, res bene ac feliciter gesta, 'a success' follow- ing on right judgment )( εντύ χημα 3 3 [Substantivum κατόρθωμα apud Dionysium antiqq. v 44, IX 14, Dio- dorum v 20, Plutarchum Alcib. c. 9 (Fab. max. 17, I; 27, 3, comp. Pericl. et Fab. 2, Coriol. 10, 1, Timol. 21, 4, Aem. Paul. 4, Pelop. 2, Arist. 1, 5, Mar. 10, 1, Luc. 3, Nic. 8, 1, Crass. 6, Anton. 33, Arat. 28, 1), Polybium, Strabonem, Lucianum et qui hos gra- datim sequuntur, tritissimum, veteribus intactum est. Itaque hactenus a Phrynicho iuste damnatur, licet mul- tos habeat affines indubiae auctori- tatis: διόρθωμα Hipp. de artic. p. 345 A et 36o Α, ἐπανόρθωμα Plato Theaet. p. 183 A, Protag. p. 340 A, Dem. c. Aristog. I 774, 20, de Halon. p. 84 (both doubtful speeches), κατόρ θωσις Aesch. de f. leg. § 171 p. 334, Demad. π. Δωδεκ. 268 p. 179, 28. illo passim antiqui ἀνδραγαθήματα, ἀριστεύματα, τὰ κατορθούμενα, Thu- τα cydides etiam τὸ ὀρθούμενον dixit, qui hunc simplicis verbi usum cum Tragi- cis communem habet. Phrynichum p. 251.] Pro LOBECK ad καταρχεῖσθαι, insultare : 13 κείρειν, arboribus έκειρε 12 3 κέραμος, tegula : subject 96 (HA. § 609) nudare: collective κέρας, τό, cornu, a horn for blowing': 14 3. 'the wing' of an army: ἐπὶ κέρως ἑκατέρου 17 7; τῶν ἐπὶ τοῦ δεξιοῦ κέρως σπειρών 21 2 kηdela¹, ǹ, funus: 38 1 κῆδος, τό, fumus, exsequiae : 35 2 κινεῖν, movere loco: ἐκίνει τὰ τῆς ῾Ελλάδος ἄσυλα 12 3; ἐκίνει τὸν στόλον 11 Ι. absol. ἐκί- νει (sc. τὸ στρατόπεδον) 9 3. novare: κινεῖν τὰ καθεστώτα PASS. moveri 7 4; ex- 10 4. citari 35 5 κίνησις, ή, motus: ταῖς κινή- σεσι τῆς διανοίας καὶ τοῦ σώμα mutatio: κίνησις τος 55. καὶ μεταβολὴ φύσεως 30 5 κληρονομείν, c. acc. heredem esse alicuius: ἐκληρονόμησε τὴν μητρυιάν 2 3 κληρονόμος, ό, heres: 2 3 κλῆρος, ό, bona hereditaria : 26 2 κληρουχία, ή, colonia : ἐξουσία κληρουχιών 33 Ι κλίνεσθαι (PASs.), inclinari: τοῖς θυρεοῖς κεκλιμένοις 28 5 κοίλος, η, ον, cavus : ἀργυρίου κοίλου 11, argenti cavi i.e. ela- borati s. in vasa redacti ('silver plate) ( αργύριον κεχωνευμένον i.e. infectum (vit. Lucull. 37, 4) et νόμισμα quod alioquin est ἀργύριον ἐπίσημον (Leopold) κοινολογία, ή, 28 2 C κοινός, ή, όν, κοινῆς γυναικός (meretricis, not of mean condi- tion', as Long) 2 3; γενόμενοι κοινῇ 16 1; κοινῇ τὴν ᾿Ασίαν έζημίωσε 25 2 κόλαξ, ό, )( ὑπερόπτης: 6 7 κομίζεσθαι, advehi (PASS.): κ ο- μισθείσης (τῆς βιβλιοθήκης) εἰς Ρώμην 26 Ι. MED. recipere, to get back ': κομιζόμενοι παι- δας καὶ γυναῖκας 34 1 κομπασμός, ό, iactantia, ver- borum insolentia : 16 3 κόρη, ή, mulier iuvenili et ve geta aetate: ἀπέθανεν ἡ κ. τίκ- τουσα 33 3 κράτος, τό: ἀνὰ κράτος (ce- lerrime, effuso cursu) 29 3; κατὰ κράτος (vi, impetu) 21 45 29 3. 2. vis superior, victoria, supe- riority': κράτος πολέμου 27 6 • κρίνειν, iudicare: ἰδίᾳ κατ' ἄνδρα κρίνων ἐκόλαξε 32 Ι. existimare: ὃν ἄξιον ὑπατείας ἔκριναν. MED. κρίνεσθαι διὰ μάχης 20 3. PASS. οὔπω τῶν πραγμάτων κεκριμένων (rebus nondum decisis) 32 2 κροκύς, ή, floccus : 35 4 Κρόνιος 249 μαρτυρεῖν Κρόνιος, α, ον : τὰ Κρόνια Saturnalia : 185 3 κτηματικός, ή, όν, dives: οἱ κτηματικοί possessores 75 κυροῦν, confirmare: ἐκύρωσε τὴν πρώτην προδοσίαν ('carried into effect his original per- fidious design') 33. sancire legem: κυρώσας νόμον 8 2 Λ λαβή, ή, ansa, occasio: τὴν αὐτὴν λαβὴν παρασχών 10 2 λαγχάνειν δίκην, c. dat. litem intendere alicui : 56 λαμβάνειν, capere: πάγῃ μίαν τῶν μνῶν λαμβάνουσι 7 3; λαβεῖν ζῶντας 28 8; τὰ χρή- ματα ἅπερ εἰλήφει 19 6. PASS. ληφθεὶς ἔρημος ἐν τῇ σκήνη 28 3. as a mere periphra- sis for a verb: ἀθρόαν ἐλάμβανε μεταβολήν 2 2; λ. μεγάλας καινο- τομίας 75; βελῶν τάσιν οὐ λα- βόντων 18 3 λαμπρός, ά, όν, splendidus, bright', 'brilliant ' : φλόγα λαμ πράν 6 6. insignis: γένους λαμπρού 354; ἄρας λαμπρόν 296; τῶν λαμπροτάτων νέων 29 3 ; μηδὲν πρᾶξαι λαμπρόν 6 4; κυνηγεσία λαμπρά 51; ταῦτα λαμπρότατα (ἦν) τῶν πεπραγ μένων 12 Ι. vehemens : ἀνέμου λαμπρού 38 3. λαμπρώς ἐνίκα (won a decisive victory) 29 5 λαμυρία', ἡ, protervitas : 35 5 λημνίσκος, δ, lemniscus, tac- nia, infula, a pendent ribbon fastened to a victor's crown, made at first of linden-bark or wool, afterwards of gold. crown adorned with such A 2 ribbon was the highest reward of a victor: 27 4 λῃστήριον, τό, latrocinium, manus praedonum: 3 1 λίθος, ό, Ιαρίς: 104; κεράμῳ καὶ λίθῳ (collective) βάλλοντες 96 λίτρα, ή : 1 λοβός, ού, o, ima pars iecoris, fibra: 274 λόγιος, ία, ον, doctus : Τυρρή νων οἱ λόγιοι (Etrusci harus pices) 73, 5. V. Liv. 5, 15 λογισμός, ὁ: 97; 15 2 λόγος, ό, dictum, verbum: λύ- vw (dicto) )( Epyų (facto) 20 1. PL. colloquium: ἐκείνῳ διὰ λόγων ἐλθεῖν 54; εἰς λόγους τῷ 'Αρχελάῳ συνελθεῖν 222; 23 ratio, 'account', 'con- sideration', 'regard': ev τινι λόγῳ γεγονώς 3 4; εἰς οὐδένα λόγον θέμενος 97; πολλὰ ἄξια λόγου 6 2 5. λουτρόν, τό, water for bath- ing' : 36 2 λόφος, ό, collis: 96; 16 7 λοχίζειν, in manipulos s. co hortes distribuere: οὐ λοχίσας τὸ στράτευμα 27 5. (λοχαγός is the Greek equivalent of the Ro- man centurio) λυρωδός ', ό, 33 2 λυσιῳδός', ὁ : 36 I M μακάριος, ία, ιον, beatus: ὦ μακάριοι (my good sirs') 13 4 μάλα : μάλιστα πάντων, 'most of all', 164, see my n. to Xen. Oecon. 19, 13 1. 83 μάντευμα, τό, oraculi respon- sum, PL. 17 I μαραίνεσθαι, ίπίescere (de rogo qui paulatim exstinguitur) 38 3 μαρμαρυγή, ή, fulgor: 16 2 Μάρτιος, ό, Martius (men- sis): 14 4 μαρτυρεῖν, c. dat. pers. ἀρε τὴν μαρτυρεῖν ἑαυτῷ 67; cum dat. pers. et acc. rei: τοῦ Γαβινίου τοῖς ἀνδράσι μαρ τυρήσαντος ἀνδρείαν 17 7 250 μεγάλαυχος-μετεῖναι 3 4 μεγάλαυχος, ον, iactabundus: μεγαληγορεῖν, magnifice de se loqui: 1 2 μεγαλοφρονείν, animo audaci et confidenti esse: 29 2 μέγεθος, τό, magnitudo: μ. τοῦ φθόγγου (de sono) 7 3; μ. τῶν πίθων 12 6 μέδιμνος, ό, a dry measure six Roman modii, rather less than 12 English gallons: 13 2 μέν μέν, without δέ expressed : πρώ- τον μέν—ἔπειτα 27 3. γε, certe quidem : 10 2. δή (continuative) 28 4 μὲν μὲν οὖν, where οὖν is merely continuative and μév is answered by dé: 41,3; 143; 194; 221; δέ: 295; 304; 38 3. μέν answer- ed by ἀλλά: ἀεὶ μέν—ἀλλὰ καὶ τότε 29 6 ; by μήν (rare) 16 8 4 μένειν, loco manere: 186; 21 μέρος, τό, pars: πολὺ μέρος τῶν βαβάρων 43; ἦσαν οὐδὲν μέρος ( were as nothing in com- parison with') τῶν διὰ χρήματα σφαττομένων 315; ὥστε...μηδὲν είναι μέρος τοῦ ἐπιγινομένου τὸ ἀποκρινόμενον 36 2 μέσος, η, ον, medius: c. gen. μέσος ἀμφοῖν (medius inter duos) 54; ἐν μέσῳ 17 3; εἰς μέσον θεῖναι (in lucem edere) 26 1. [Them. 10, 5 l. to n.] μεστός, ή, όν, taedio alicuius rei captus, satur: μεστός τιμω ρίας 14 5 μετά, A. c. gen. una cum, 'together with', 'along with': 2 2 ; 5 5 ; 28 3; ἐκπέμπει Γαβίνιον μετὰ τάγματος ἑνός 16 7; μετὰ λαφύρων ἐκπλέοντα 244; μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων ἐλθεῖν 16 6; ναῦς μετὰ τῆς οἰκείας παρασκευής 22 5; μετὰ πλούτου καὶ λαφύρων ἐκπλέοντα τῆς ᾿Ασίας 244; ήκον- τας μετὰ παραιτητών 26 4; 28 3; ἔχων μεθ᾽ αὑτοῦ τὸν ᾿Αρχέλαον ἐν τιμῇ 23 Ι. to indicate community of action: ẵλ- γημα ναρκώδες μετὰ βάρους for και βάρος 26 3. 2. causal, to denote the union of persons with circumstances and so mode and manner or as a peri- phrasis for Adverb; ἐδέοντο μετὰ κραυγής 16 6; μετ' ὀργῆς 52; μετ᾿ εὐκολίας 68; ἐντίμως καὶ μετ᾿ εὐφημίας 6 11; μετὰ κραν- γῆς ἐδέοντο 166; μετὰ κρότου καὶ γέλωτος ἄλλα ήτουν 18 3. B. c. accus. post: οἱ μετ' ἐκεῖνον (eius posteri) 11; μετὰ τὴν ἐν Λιβύη στρατείαν 12; 53; 67; μετὰ τὴν τελευτήν 82; μεθ' ἡμέρας ὀλίγας 10 2; μετ' οὐ που λύν χρόνον 27 4; μετὰ πράξεις καλὰς οὕτω καὶ μεγάλας 6 7 μεταβάλλειν, mutare: con- struction of, 73; οὐ μετέβαλε τὴν φύσιν 30 4. intrans. μετα βαλών (mutato consilio) 225 μεταβολή, ἡ, ηutatio, conver sio: 25 1 ; μ. φύσεως ὑπὸ τύχης 30 5; 34 3; (de morbo) 36 3; ἀ- θρόαν ἐλάμβανε μεταβολὴν i. q. μετεβάλλετο 22; μετα βολήν ( change to ' ἑτέρου γέ- νους 7 3 μετακαλεῖν”, ανοcare, ad tran- sitionem pellicere: 129 μετακόσμησις, ή, transforma- tio: 73 μεταξύ, of place: τὸ μεταξὺ τῆς Πειραϊκῆς πύλης καὶ τῆς ἱερᾶς 14 3. of degree (post-clas- sical): τὸ μεταξὺ τῆς τύχης αὐ τῶν (discrimen inter utriusque facultates) 1 4 μετάστασις, ή, migratio: 9 1 μεταφέρειν, transferre: τὴν— στρατείαν εἰς Μάριον μετήνεγκε 84 μετεῖναι, participem esse: im- pers. c. gen. rei et dat. pers. ταύτης της στρατείας οὐδὲν τῇ τύχῃ μέτεστι 63; τοσοῦτον αὐτῷ μετεῖναι τῶν κακῶν 31 6 μετέχειν 251 μετέχειν, interesse : τῆς διώξεως μετείχε 19 4 am- μετιέναι, petere: 30 I. ul- cisci: τὰ μικρὰ προσκρούματα σφα- γαῖς μετιόντος 68 bire (magistratum, post-classical): μετιόντος ὑπατείαν 333; άρ- χάς μετιόντας 103. Cf. C. Gr. 8, 3; Cic. 1. 2. μετρίως, modice, moderate: μ. ὁμιλήσας τῇ τύχη 30 4. satis: 2 3 μέχρι, 1. adv. usque: before adv. of time: μέχρι νῦν 214 (post-classical). 2. prepos. c. gen. 'till ', 'up to', of Time : μέχρι τῆς μάχης 93; μέχρι παντός 36 Ι μή, for ou, with participles not expressing condition: 1 i; 15 1 ; with participle after 222; ἀνέχεσθαι 5 5 μηδέ, nequidem, 15 2 μηδείς for οὐδείς with par- ticiple not expressing condition: 12; 16 3; 35 2. μηδέν as an adverb, nihil, 'not at all': 27 3 μηδέπω, nondum, for οὐδέπω: ἀποκριναμένου μ. γινώσκειν 31 2 μηκασμός, ό, balatus: τράγου μηκασμῷ 27 2 μήν (see my n. to Xen. Hier. 1 § 31 1. 179): οὐ μήν 142; οὐ μὴν 16 8; 194; 37 3. αλλά, 3 3; 20 3; 30 2; 36 Ι μήπω for οὔπω 19 2 μήτε μήτε for οὔτε—οὔτε 24 2 μηχάνημα, τό, PL. opera, ma- chinae oppugnatoriae: 12 2 29 2. 6 μικρός, ά, όν: μικροῦ ἐδέ- noev sq. infin. parum abfuit quin: ADV. μικρόν, a little": μ. ἔμπροσθεν 10 ι; μικρά έμπε σόντα post love quoddam proe- lium commissum) 20 3. κατὰ μικρόν, paulatim, gradually': 19 I μονόμαχος, ό, gladiator: θέα μονομάχων 35 3 μονοχίτων, ὅ, simplici tunica indutus: 25 I μοχθηρός, ά, όν, improbus: μοχθηρότατος ἑαυτοῦ 81; μου χθηρούς νόμους 8 2. μοχθη ρῶς διενυκτέρευσαν (acerbam noc- tem transegerunt) 21 3; 37 4 N ναρκώδης, ώδες, torpidus: 26 3 νέμειν, tribuere: τῇ τύχῃ πλέον v. 65 νεμεσᾶν, indignari: ἐνεμέ- σων 6 ΙΟ νέμεσις, ή, indignatio : 10 2 νέος, α, ον, iuvenis: ἐκ νέου (from a youth) 305; νέον ὄντα 2 2 νομίζειν, with predicate accu- sative: 52. PASS. de eo quod consuetudine sanci- tum est: κηδείας τῆς νενο μισμένης 38 1 νόσημα, τό, morbus, in univ. malum, vitium, a distemper': 23; πολιτικών νοσημάτων 44; τῶν Μιθριδατικών ν. 13 2 νουθετεῖσθαι (PASS.), castigari: 303 νοῦμμος, ό, ηummus, sester- tius : δισχιλίους νούμμους 1 4. [It usually meant a coin used by the Dorians of Greek Italy and Sicily = 1, Attic oboli] νύξ, ή, PL. περὶ μέσας νύκτας (horas noctis) 14 3. [Xenophon also omits the article περὶ μέσας νύκτας and ἀμφὶ μέσας νύκτας, An. 1, 7, 1; 7, 8, 12; 2, 2, 8; 7, 3, 40; Cyr. 4, 5, 13] vwlpŵs2, ignave: 18 3 νώναι, αἱ, nona: πρὸ μιᾶς νωνῶν Κυντιλίων 27 6 Ο ὁ, ἡ, τό: the substantival Article, as a demonstrative: ὁ δέ 10 3 ; 16 6; ἡ δέ 7 3; ὁ μέν 3; ǹ -Αριαράθης δέ 112; τὸν μέν 252 φλημα οδοποιεῖν (δίφρον)-τὸν δέ τὸν δέ 54; οἱ μέν οἱ δέ 5 5; οἱ δέ alone without οἱ μέν preceding 17 5 ; τῶν μέν τῶν δέ 9 1; τὰ μέν —τὰ δέ (partim-partim) 24 2 ; τοὺς μέν—τοῖς δέ τῶν δέ 29 7 ὁδοποιεῖν, viam munire: ὁδοι ποιοῦντες ἔκαμνον 28 5 όθεν, unde, wherefore': 16 2 ; 36 2 οἴεσθαι, opinari: c. infin. praes. ψοντο λυπεῖν ἐκεῖνον 10 3 οἰκειοῦν, conciliare. MED. οί- κειώσασθαι Πομπήιον 33 3 οἰκετικός, servilis: τὸ οἰκετι- κόν (servitium) 9 7 οἰκία, ή, domicilium : 31 5 οἶκος, o, domus: οἶκος πα- τρῷος 31 5. res familiaris : τῶν δεδημευμένων οίκων 33 2 οἰκουρεῖν, domi se continere, domi esse ) εἰς ἀγορὰν προϊέναι 7 2; 25 2 ὀλιγοστός, ή, όν, ' one out of few': 22 4 ὁμαλός, ή, όν, βlanus : 20 4 ὄμβρος, imber: 14 7; 28 5; 38 3 ὁμιλεῖν, versari, adsuescere : ὁμιλήσας τῇ τύχῃ (fortuna usus) 30 4; τῶν πρὸς χάριν όμι λούντων τῷ Σύλλα 31 3 PASS. ὅμοιος, οία, οιον: τὸ ὅμοιον βατ ; οὐκ ἔτυχε τῶν ὁμοίων 10 2 ὁμολογεῖν, pacisci, promittere: ὡμολόγησε 9 5 ; 24 1. τούτων ὁμολογηθέντων 23 Ι ; τὰς ναῦς (φασκόντων) οὐδ᾽ ὅλως ὁμολογηθῆναι, promissas esse: 23 3. [Cf. Thuc. 8, 29, 2 πλέον ἀνδρὶ ἑκάστῳ ἢ τρεῖς ὀβολοὶ ὡμο λογήθησαν] ὁμοῦ, simul: 13 r; ὁμοῦ τι, circiter, propemodum : 11 3 - ὀπίσω, retro : εἰργόμενος τοῦ πρόσω καὶ ὁ. 29 2 ὁπλοθήκη, ἡ, αγmamentarium: 147 ὁποτέρωσε, κtram in partem : 19 2 ὅπως : A. as modal adverb: c. fut. ind. μήτε ὅπως ἄπεισιν ...ἐπινοῦντι 22 2. B. as final conjunction: c. subj. 16 5 ὄργανον, τό, instrumentum : 11 1; δι' ἀνδρῶν καὶ σκοτεινῶν όρ. 7 5 ὄρθιος, ία, ιον, erectus: me- taph. ἐν ἤθεσιν ορθίοις 13 ὀρικός (ορεύς), ή, όν, mularis : ζεύγεσιν ὀρικοῖs, pairs of mules', 12 2 ὅς γε, quippe qui: 8 I; 97; 10 1; 12 2 ὁσιότης, ή, sanctimonia: 67 (ex. emend. Cobeti) ὅσος, η, ον, ηuantus 1; ὅσον ούπω, 6 2 ; 11 1 ; τοσοῦ- τον ὅσον 29 5; 31 6; διαλιπών (τοσοῦτον) ὅσον ἀποψύξαι 29 3 ὅστιςπερ : neutr. ὅτι περ 20 4 ὅτε, 54; 28 3 ' on : which occasion': οὐ μήν, 14 2 ; βουληθέντας μέν, οὐ μὴν δυνηθέντας 16 8; οὐ μήν—γε: 19 4; 37 3; οὐ μὴν ἀλλά, an elliptical ex- pression 33; 203; 302; 36 1. [For an example of the full con- struction see Timol. 34, 4 οὐ μὴν ἔτυχέ γε ταύτης τῆς τελευ- τῆς ἀλλ᾽ ἔτι ζῶν ἀπαχθεὶς ἥνπερ οἱ λῃσταὶ δίκην ἔδωκε] οὐδέ, nequidem: οὐδὲ γη- ράσας 2 3; οὐδ᾽ ἄλλως 16 4; οὐδ᾽ ὅλως 23 3 οὔπω, nondum: 32 2; ὅσον οὔπω 6 2 ; 11 Ι οὐρά, ή, cauda: περὶ τὴν οὐ ρὰν τοῦ ἵππου 29 5. tergum: κατ' οὐράν (α tergo) 29 2 οὗτος, αὕτη, τοῦτο; τοῦτο μέν —τοῦτο δέ, partim-partim, on the one hand' on the other hand': 12 3, 6; 14 5. ἐν τού TQ, interca: 96; 14 1; 29 4 οὕτως after participles, ita de- mum : 24 3; 27 4 ὄφλημα, τό, debitum: 8 2. [Cf. [Dem.] adv. Phaenipp. § 28 ὀψέ 253 παραλείπειν νῦν ἤκουσι δανεισταὶ καὶ ὀφλή ματα πλέον ἢ τριῶν ταλάντων, Plut. Dem. 15, 1 εἷλε τὸν ἄνδρα τοῦ ὀφλήματος, Cic. 41 ἐπὶ πολλοῖς ὀφλήμασι καὶ μεγάλοις, Anton. 2 όφλημα βαρύ συν- ήχθη, Brut. Io 8. πατρικόν, Galb. 21 πολυτελή καὶ πεντακισχιλίων μυριάδων οφλήμασι βεβαπτι- σμένον. Its usual meaning is a fine', the proper Attic word for debt being οφείλημα. See Sintenis Themist. Epist. ad God. Hermann p. LVII] οψέ, aliquando : 13 4 ὄψις, ή, species oris, looks': ὄψει διάφορος 6 7 ; τὴν ὅ. εὐπρε- πής 35 3. i. q. θέαμα, specta- culum: ὄψιν προσέβαλον 16 3. visum, 'apparition': 94; 28 4 ὄψον, τό, obsonium: ὄψα 35 1 Π πάγη, ἡ, muscipula, 'a mouse- trap': 7 3 πάγκαλος, ον, perbonus: ἰχθὺς παγκάλους 26 3 πάθος, τό, afectus, perturba- tio: 13 2; τὰ αἴσχιστα καὶ ἀναι· δέστατα πάθη 35 5 πάλαι, dudum, c. praes. sens. perf. ἔτυχε πάλαι μισῶν 3 I παλεύειν, illicere: 28 3 παμπληθής, έs, permultus: 35 I πάμπολυς, - πόλλη, -πολυ. PL. permulti: παμπόλλων ἀνῃρη- μένων 34 3 παρά : (Skr. para retro, de eo quod est retro a re): A. c. gen. inde a, a cuius latere, e propin- quo, ita ut motus fiat hominis ab homine : ἡ παρὰ τοῦ δήμου δυσμένεια 10 3. 2. παρὰ Καπ παδοκῶν μαθόντες 9 dat. apud: ᾤκει παρ' ἑτέροις 12; ἀπέθανε π. τῷ Πομπηΐῳ 33 3 ; ἔν τινι λόγῳ γεγονὼς παρὰ τοῖς πολί- 4. Β. C. ταις 3 4; δόξαν ἔσχεν ἡγεμόνος μεγάλου παρὰ τοῖς πολίταις 6 2 ; παρ' αὐτῷ δυνάμενοι μέγιστον 36 1; ἐνδοιάζων τῇ γνώμῃ παρ' ἑαυτῷ 9 3. coram: παρά γυ- ναιξὶ γαμεταῖς ἐσφάττοντο 31 5. C. c. accus. I. 1. local: iux- ta, prope, ita ut absit causae sig- nifcatio sed fat motus: τούτους ά θροίσας παρὰ τὸν ἱππόδρομον 30 2. quando non fit motus: iux- ta, secundum : 5 4; 6 I; παρὰ τὴν ρίζαν (montis) 16 1. 2. contra: παρ' ἀξίαν εὐτυχεῖν 1 2; παρὰ φύσιν 186; παρὰ τὸν νό μον 5 6. 3. practer: παρὰ τοσοῦτον ἐξέφυγε τὸν κίνδυνον (so narrowly did it escape the dan- ger) 16 8; παρ' ὀλίγον, ‘with- in a little', 'all but' 29 8. II. temporal, during': παρὰ τὸν ἄλλον χρόνον 2 2 παραβάλλεσθαι (PASS.), oli- cere: ὄψει καὶ λαμυρίᾳ μειρακίου δίκην παραβληθείς 35 5. Sed incerta lectio; v. n. cr. παραβοηθεῖν, auxilio esse: πα ρεβοήθει 29 5 παραγίγνεσθαι, praesto esse: παραγίγνεται 222; παρα γενέσθαι (αdfuisse) 19 4; πα- ραγιγνομένων 23 3 παραγωγή, ή, mora, cuncta- tio: 28 2 παραδέχεσθαι, recipere, admit- tere: παραδεδεγμένον τρυφῆς ζῆλον 1 2 παράδοσις, ή, traditio, sur- render': 3 2 παραιτεῖσθαι, c. acc. pers. et gen. rei, deprecari aliquid pro aliquo, to intercede in behalf of another', 'to beg him off from': παραιτούμεθα αὐτοὺς τῆς τιμωρίας 30 2 παραιτητής, ὁ, deprecator: 26 4 παραλείπειν, μraeterire, omit- ἐν ταῖς διαθήκαις αὐτὸν παρέλιπε 38 1 tere: 254 παραλόγως-περί παραλόγως, temere: τιμῆσαι π., π. ἐφυβρίσαι 6 7 παραπέμπειν, prosequi, eficere ut quis incolumis praetereat ; 38 I παραπίπτειν, incidere: καιρῷ παραπεσόντι χρησάμενος εν 3 I παραπορεύεσθαι ', ' to go past', 'pass by': 35 4 παράσημον, τό, insigne: τῶν στρατηγικών π. 9 2 'to παρασκευάζειν, efficere, cause': c. infin. δεκαπέντε μυρι- άδας κατασφαγῆναι παρασκευά- σαντα 244. MED. parare se, to get ready': 27 1 παρασκευή, ή, a getting rea- dy'; eîvaɩ èv π. (in apparatu esse) 93. (Cf. Thục. 2, I7; 2, IOI; 6, 26.) II. concr. apparatus, equipment', an armament': 12 2; ναῦς μετὰ τῆς οἰκείας π. 23 5 ; π. νεῶν πολλῇ 20 2 παρασπονδεῖν', c. acc. fidem violare erga aliquem: ἀναγκὴν τοῦ παρασπονδῆσαι τὸν ἕτερον 33 παρατρέπειν, derivare: 16 5 παραφέρεσθαι (PASS.), praeter- vehi, to be carried beyond': πα- ρενεχθείς 29 5 παρεμβάλλειν 3, aciem instru- ere: 17 7 1 παρενοχλεῖν (παρά, ἐν, ὄχλος), negotium facessere, incommodare: 11 2 'to παρεξιέναι, praeterire, pass alongside of': παρεξιόντος 166 παρεπιστροφή, ή, conversio: παρεπιστροφαὶ προσώπων 35 5 παρέργως, leviter, negligenter, cursorily ', )( ἀκριβῶς 5 5 παρέρχεσθαι, transire: πα- ρῆλθεν ἐπὶ τὴν ἑαυτῆς ἕδραν 35 4. proficisci agmine facto, castra movere : 17 3. prae- terire, inultum sinere: 69 παρέχειν, suppeditare, tribuere: 3. δῶρα καὶ πομπὴν ἀσφαλῆ παρα- σχών 31; παρέχειν δεῖπνον αὐτῷ καὶ φίλοις 25 2; 38 1. 2. praebere, to present or offer for a purpose: παρέχειν τὰς χεῖρας τοῖς ἄρχουσι 12 7. of incorporeal things, afferre, excitare: δόξαν ἀριστοκρατικοῦ ἡγεμόνος παρασχών 30 4; π. φρίκην ἀθυμίαν 11 ι; βαρυτά τους παρασχόντι κινδύνους 6 2. 4. with reflexive pronoun and a predicate: se ipsum prac- stare, to shew oneself so and sol: παρείχεν ἑαυτὸν εὐδόκι- μον 3 Ι παρηγορεῖν, Ζenire, solari, c. acc. rei (post-classical): ποτοῖς παρηγορῶν τὸ πένθος 35 3 παρθένιον, τό, 13 3 παριστάναι, statuere iuxtα, improprie in mentem inicere: τοῦτο τῷ βραδυτάτῳ Ρωμαίων νοήσαι παρέστησεν 30 4. MED. adstare, adesse: παρεστώ τα 37 2; ὀργὴ τοῖς στρατιώταις παρέστη 28 6 παρωθεῖσθαι, ra- dimovere, tiones (alicuius) non audire: πα- ρωσάμενος αὐτούς 29 4 5 πάσσειν ', ' to sprinkle': PASs. ἀλφίτῳ πεπασμένον 2 1 πατρίκιος, ό, patricius : 1 1 πεδιάς, ή, planus, campes- tris: πεδιάσι χώραις 15 2; τῆς πεδιάδος μάχης 19 5 περί, c. gen. di, about, concerning: περὶ τῶν νεῶν ἔξαρνός ἐστι 23 3; τὰ περὶ τῆς τα εὐτελείας τῶν δείπνων τεταγμένα 35 3; συνθέσεις περὶ γάμων 35 5. c. acc. circa: περὶ αὑτὸν ἔχειν ἱππικούς νεανίσκους 8 2 ; οἱ περὶ Μάριον, the Marian party', 9 I; οἱ περὶ Κίνναν, periphrasis for 'Cinna', 12 8; οἱ περὶ ᾿Αρχέλαον 195; οἱ περὶ τὰ ἔργα 21 Ι ; περὶ δεῖπνον ὄντι, cenanti, 2 3. (Cf. Mar. 44 1.) 'at', 'in' or 'near': περιβάλλειν 255 ποιεῖν 8 3; 11 1, 3; 19 6; 20 1; 22 1; 23 5; 26 3; 27 4, 6; 284; 36 4. c. acc. pers. ‘in': ὠμότης καὶ τόλμα περὶ αὐτὸν ἦν 8 1 περιβάλλειν, circumdare: δικ- τύῳ τὰς πόλεις περιβάλλουσαν 63; c. dat. rei: ταφρὸν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ περιέβαλε 25 1; περιβαλών v. l. for περιλαβών (amplexus) 24 3. MED. affec- tare, acquirere : 53 περιγίγνεσθαι, recidere: 26 2 (ex em. Reiskii). salvum eva- C. dere: τοὺς περιγενομένους ('the survivors') 30 2. gen. superiorem esse: περιεγέ νετο παντὸς καθαρμού 36 3 περιέρχεσθαι, circumire: πε- ριελθόντων το Θούριον 18 1. mutata vice transire ad aliquem, recidere, 'to come round to', end in': εἰς ἐρωμένου σχημα περιελθών 2 2 ( περιέχειν, ambire: ὁ περι έχων, air caelumque omnia am- hiens et complectens, the atmo- sphere' (post-classical): 7 3 περιήχησις, ή, strepitus : 19 2 περιιστάναι, είrcumicere, cir- cumdare: περιστήσας τοὺς ὑπηρέτας 37 3 περικλᾶν, confringere: περι- κλάσαι 14 2. PASS. περι- κλώμενα 12 3 περικόπτειν, circumcidere : PASS. φρούριον περικοπτόμε νον 15 4 περίκρημνος, pracruptus: 16 7 Ο, undique περιλαμβάνειν, cingere, in- cludere, circumsidere: τὸν Πει ραιᾶ περιλαβὼν ἐπολιόρκει 12 Ι. PASS. περιλαμβανόμενος ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων 19 1 περίοδος, ή, ambitus: ἐνιαυτοῦ μεγάλου περιοδῷ 7 4 περιόπτως', conspicue : 21 3 περιπόρφυρος 1, 3 (τήβεννος), ή, toga praetexta: 92 περιρραντήριον, τό, νας Ius- trale: τῷ π. τοῦ ᾿Απόλλωνος 32 2 περιττός, ή, όν, exuberans: c. gen. περιττὴ ἦν ἡ παρασκευή της χρείας 35 I; insignis: ὄψει περιττός 67 περιυβρίζειν, insigni contume- lia afficere. PASS. πολλὰ περι- υβρισμένους 9 2 περιχέειν, circumfundere. PASS. περικεχυμένους αὐτῷ τοὺς που λεμίους πανταχόθεν 28 1 πικρός, ά, όν, acutus, pene- trans, acer: πικρὰν τῶν ὀμμά των γλαυκότητα 1 2 πίναξ, o, tabula: γραφόντων ἐν πίναξι 6 3; τοὺς πίνακας (indices, tables of contents') αναγράψαι 26 C πίπτειν, occidere in proelio : 18 1; περιόπτως ἔπεσε 21 3. to fall', 'turn out': αἱ πράξεις ἔπιπτον εἰς ἄμεινον 6 5 πιστεύειν, PASS. πιστεύεσθαι τί, de eo cuius fide aliquid com- mittitur: ὑφ' οὗ τὰ πρῶτα καὶ μέγιστα πιστευόμενος 4 2 πλάσσειν, fingere. PASS. πλα- σθῆναι 38 2 πλάστης, ὁ, fctor : 27 2 πλέθρον, τό, ingerum : 23 2 πλείστος, η, ov, plurimus: ὁ πλ. ὄχλος 16 4; ἐπὶ πλεῖστον αντιστάς 11 4 πλῆθος, τό, τis, copia: 143; π. ὄμβρου 147; νεκρῶν πλήθους 224; π. τῆς φθορᾶς 36 3; π. αἵ- ματος 37 3 ; π. ἀρωμάτων 38 2 πλοῦτος, ὁ, divitiae. πλούτους 11 2 14 4. PL. πλώιμος, ον, κavigabilis : 20 4 ποιεῖν, I. c. infin. efficere ut: 2. with Adj. as predic. reddere aliquem aliquid, make so and so', 2 1 ; ὀχυρὰ τὴν ἄκραν ποιεῖ 16 7. ( 'to MED. φίλον ἐποιήσατο Βάκχον 3 1. 3. facere: 'to make ', i. e. compose', 'write': eis ToÛTO ποιήσας συκάμινόν ἔσθ᾽ ὁ κ.τ.λ. II. 1. c. dupl. acc. affi- 2 I. 256 ποικίλος-πρεσβευτής cere, tractare: αὐτὸν εὖ ποιῶν κακώς 38 4. 2. vicariously for other verbs, to spare the re- petition of them, like Lat. facere, 'to do so', 'to act according to what is said before ': 63; 31 2 ποικίλος, η, ον, varius: πο- λέμῳ ποικιλωτάτῳ 6 2 πολεμεῖν, bello adgredi: c. acc. πολεμήσων Ἰουγόρθαν (post- classical) 3 1. On the tendency of the later language to substi- tute the accusative for other cases, see a note by Bp Lightfoot on Galatians 5, 7, 26 πολιορκία, ή, obsidio: 29 1. vexatio (post-classical) : 25 2 πολιτεία, ή, ius civitatis: 8 1 πολιτεύεσθαι, civem se gerere, vivere: 373 5 πολίτευμα, τό, institutum: 34 πολιτικός, ή, όν, civilis: π. νοσημάτων 4 4; τὰς π. πράξεις 5 I πολιτικῶς, civiliter: 30 4 πολλαπλάσιος, a, ov, multo α, maior: 276 πολλαχοῦ τοῦ ἀέρος 27 4 (G. § 182, 2; HA. § 757) πολυάνθρωπος, ον, viris abun- dans: πολυάνθρωπον ἔθνος 4ι πολυαρχία, ή, multorum im- perium: 16 4 πολυήμερος, ον, qui est mul- lorum dicrum: θοίνης π. 35 2 πολυπραγμονεῖν, rebus alienis se immiscere, res novas moliri: Μιθριδάτην ἐπισχεῖν πολυπραγ μονούν τα 5 3. c. accus. 'to be curious about: τὰ ἔξω γενό- μενα μή πολυπραγμονεῖν 30 3 πολυτελής, ές, sumptuosus: τὰ πολυτελέστατα τῶν ἀναθή μάτων 123; εστιάσεις πολυτε- λεῖς 35 3 ; λιβανωτοῦ π. 38 2 πονεῖν, premi de exercitu: τῷ εὐωνύμῳ πονούντι 29 5 πόρθημα 1, τό, direptio: ἁρπα- γαῖς καὶ πορθήμασι 16 4 πόρθησις, ή, vastatio: 33 1 πότος, ὁ (πίνειν), potatio: a drinking-bout': συνουσίαν καὶ πο 23; π. μεθημερινοῖς 13 3; πότοις καὶ συνδείπνοις 35 3 που, alicubi, uspiam: 13 4; ἐνταῦθά που 21 2 ποῦ, ubi, in indirect question: 21 2 πρᾶγμα, τό, negotium: ois οὐδὲν ἦν π. πρὸς Σύλλαν 31 Ι; πράγματα παρέχειν, negotia fa- cessere, 65 πραγματεία, ή, occupatio (se- dula): ἡ περὶ τὰ μηχανήματα π. commentatio, 'treatise' (post-classical), 30 5 12 2. I πραγματεύεσθαι, negotiari: 17 πρανής, ές, praeceps, declivis: κατὰ πρανοῦς 18 Ι πράξις, ή, τις gesta: 6 5; π. καλὰς καὶ μεγάλας 6 7; ἀποτυγχά- νοντα ταῖς π. 6 4; π. πονηραῖς καὶ παρανόμοις 24 2; τῶν π. ἀπολο- γισμόν ποιούμενος 342; τὰς που λιτικὰς π. (civilia negotia) 51; τὴν τοῦ δήμου π. (rei civilis ad- ministrationem) 5 1 πράττειν (from the root Prak to accomplish': πράσσειν=πρακ γειν is connected with πέρα 'further, as if περακ- γειν, whence περαίνειν) facere, perficere, exsequi: μη. δὲν ἔτι λαμπρόν πρᾶξαι 6 4. PASS. τὰ πραττόμενα 6 4. de rerum statu in quo quis versatur, 'to do', 'fare so and sol: with neut. adj. ταπεινὰ πράττειν ‘to be in a low con- dition' (de vaticinandi arte) 7 5. See lex. to Xen. Oecon. p. 132 * b, and cf. Eur. Suppl. 324 σκοτεινὰ πράττουσαι πόλεις 95 πρεσβεία, ή, legatio, legati : πρεσβεύειν, legatum esse: 4 1 πρεσβευτής, ό, legatus, 54; πρεσβευτάς for πρέσβεις 3 1 ; 23 3. legatus (post-classical), one πρέσβυς πρός 257 of the 'lieutenant generals', three at least in number, who were nominated by the consul under whom they served with the sanction of the senate, and whose duty it was to advise and assist their superior in all his under- takings and to act in his stead both in civil and in military affairs. In the absence of the consul or proconsul, one of his legati took his place and then had the insignia as well as the power of his superior, 4 1; 69; 114; 177 πρέσβυς, ό, senex. πρεσβύτατοι 143 SUPERL. (antiquissimi): προάγειν, producere: προαγα γόντες 72 προαγορεύειν, praedicere: προ- ηγόρευσε (post-classical) 276 προαγόρευσις 1, ή, praesa gium: 75 προαστεῖον, τό, suburbium: 12 3; 14 4 προβάλλεσθαι (MED.) praeten- dere: προβαλλομένων τὰς σα- ρίσας 18 4 praevidere: προγιγνώσκειν, προέγνω τὴν ἑαυτοῦ τελευτήν 37 I 1 I πρόγονος, ὁ. PL. maiores: προγράφειν, proscribere, to outlaw': προγράψειν 314; ὀγδοήκοντα προέγραψεν 31 3 ; προγράψαι 32 2. PASS. τὸν προγεγραμμένον 314; ἕνα προγεγραμμένων 12: ἀνεγίνωσκε τοὺς π. 316; προ- εγράφη 32 2 των προέρχεσθαι, progredi: βραχὺ προελθών 31 6; εἰς τοῦτο φιλο- τιμίας προῆλθεν 3 4· egredi, prodire: 8 3; εἰς ἀγορὰν προερ χόμενος 25 2; προελθών 83; ἐπὶ θεὰν προελθόντες 29 7; πολ προελθόντος 31 Ι πρόθυμος, ον, alacer: 167; H. S. πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον 69; προθυ μότερος εἰς τὸ σῶσαι 16 8; προ- θυμότεροι 27 8. 93; 284 seq. infin. - προϊέναι (πρόειμι), progredi, procedere: πόρρω οὐ πρόεισιν 25; ἐκ τοῦ στρατοπέδου προϊόν τες 25 Ι; εἰς δύναμιν ἅμα δόξη προήει 4 2 προϊέναι (προϊημι). MED. προΐ- εσθαι, 1. in potestatem tradere, 'to give up' to an enemy: 10 2; 16 8. 2. largiri: προϊέμενον πράξεων αφορμάς 4 2. 3. neg. legere: τὰ δεόμενα προϊέμενον 22 προιππεύειν, equo praevehi 28 6 προκαλεῖσθαι (MED.) laces- sere, provocare: προὐκαλείτα Σύλλαν 28 4. invitare: προ- καλούμενος εἰς διαλύσεις Σκηπί ωνα 28 Ι προκαταλαμβάνειν, prius oc cupare. PASS. ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων προκατειλημμένον 17 4 πρόκλησις, ή, conditio fro- posita: 22 5 προκυλινδεῖσθαί τινος, geni- bus alicuius advolvi: 14 5 πρός, A. c. dat. prope: πρὸς Ορχομενῷ 22 1; 264; πρὸς Θυα τείροις 25 Ι ; 27 1. 'in ad- dition to': πρὸς τῷ καταισχύ νειν τὸ ἀξίωμα τῆς ἀρχῆς 2 2. B. c. accus. versus, adi, c. verbis motum significanti- bus; I de loco: περιπα τοῦντος πρὸς τὴν θάλασσαν 26 3 ; κομισθῆναι πρὸς αὐτόν 124; εἰ ἔλθοιεν πρὸς αὐτόν 30 1 ; τὸ στρά τευμα πρὸς τὸν Μάριον ἄξοντας 8 4; πρὸς τὸ σφάττειν τραπομένου 31 I. 2. of all sorts of per- sonal intercourse: τῆς πρὸς Μέ τελλον ὁμονοίας 65; θρύπτεσθαι πρὸς τοὺς δεομένους 68; χαλε- παίνων πρὸς τοὺς ταῦτα ποιοῦν τας 6 3; διαφορὰν τῶν κτηματικῶν πρὸς τὸν ἀστικὸν ὄχλον 76; τὴν 17 258 προστιθέναι προσάγειν πρὸς ἐκεῖνον εὔνοιαν 104; οἷς οὐδὲν ἦν πρᾶγμα προς Σύλλαν 31 1; διαλλαγῆναι π. τὸν Μιθρι δάτην 22 + ; 30 ι; 35 2 ; πρὸς ἄν- δρα διάστασις 35 4 II de tempore: πρὸς τὴν ἑσπέραν 19 4; πρὸς καιρόν 65 ; πρὸς τὸ μέλλον 33 1 III of relation between two objects: 1. 'in reference to', in respect of: ἡ πρὸς τοὺς έρωτας ευχέρεια 2 3; πρὸς τύχην εὖ πεφυκέναι 6 4; οὕτως ἔχων δόξῃ πρὸς τὸ θεῖον 6 4; 81; πρὸς οἰκ- τον υγρός 30 5. 2. 'in reference to', because of': πρὸς ὅ 21; 214; πρὸς τὸ συμφέρον 68; ἀπαγορεύσαντες πρὸς τὰ ἔργα 16 5. • 3. 'in reference to' or for a purpose: ἐχρῆτο αὐτῷ πρὸς τὰς στρατείας 4 1; ἀμβλυ τέρῳ πρὸς τοὺς ἀγῶνας 42 ; πρὸς ἅπαν ἑτοίμων 82; ἐνέργοις οὖσι πρὸς τὰς ὑπηρεσίας 122; χρη- μάτων δεῖσθαι πρὸς τὴν πολιορ κίαν ἐκείνην 129; χρημάτων ἔδει πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον 123; τῶν πρὸς χάριν ὁμιλούντων τῷ Σύλλα 31 3. 4. 'in comparison of': διάφορος πρὸς ἑαυτόν 67; πρὸς τὰ μέλλοντα μικρόν 7 1. 5. secundum, according to ': πρὸς τὰς τῆς τέχνης ὑποθέσεις τὴν φύ σιν ἐπισκεψάμενος 56. in compos. with a verb ‘ad- ditionally': δῶρα προσθείς 6 11; προσπαρασχείν 4 3 προσάγειν, adducere: 16 5; τῷ χάρακι τοὺς στρατιώτας προσα γαγών 21 3; 24 3; προσαγα γόντων αὐτὸν τῷ βήματι 334. MED. προσάγεσθαί τινα, ad suas partes aliquem perducere, sibi conciliare: τὸν δῆμον χρή- μασι καὶ θεραπεία προσαγαγό- μενος 5 2; 11 3; τοὺς δὲ κολα- κεύοντες προσήγοντο 282 προσαιτεῖν, mendicare: 13 3 προσβάλλειν, obicere : φοβερὰν προσέβαλον ὄψιν : 16 3 53 προσβοηθεῖν, αuxilio venire: προσβολή, ἡ, pars qua adgredi hostis potest: 14 I προσγίγνεσθαι, accedere, ad- iungi: ὁποτέρωσε χρὴ προσγε νέσθαι 19 2 προσελαύνειν, equo advehi: 29 3 προσέχειν, c. dat. advertere, attendere: 202; 30 3 προσιέναι (πρόσειμι), accedere: προσιόντος 175; 28 3 ; προσ- ιόντες 285. MED. accipere, comprobare: ἡδέως προσιέμε νος τὸν εὐδαιμονισμόν 6 4 او προσκρούειν, offendere, 'to stumble', 'fail': μικρὰ προσ κρούσας 113; οὐδὲν ἢ μικρά προσκρούσαντες 288. dat. infensum se reddere, 'to give offence to': 6 4 C. προσκυνεῖν, adorare: προσ κυνήσειν 22 5: se prosternere : (absol.) προσκυνήσας 23 3 προσμιγνύναι, c. dat. congredi (cum hoste): ὡς τάχιστα προσμί ξειαν αὐτοῖς 18 4 προσνέμειν ἑαυτόν τινι, ῥαν- tibus alicuius se adiungere (un- classical) : Κάτλῳ προσένειμεν ἑαυτόν 4 2 πρόσοδος, ή. PL. reditus, pro- ventus : 19 6; πόλεων προσ όδους 33 2 προσπαρέχειν, insuper prac- here: προσπαρασχεϊν 4 3 προσπίπτειν, incidere, incur- vere : 18 3 προσστέλλειν, aptare. adhacrere : PASS. προσεστέλλετο τοῖς ὀρεινοῖς 19 1 Π. πρόσταγμα, τό, iussum: δόντος (unclassical) 16 4; π. ἔδω- κεν 28 6; τοῖς προστάγμασι 9 2 προστάσσειν, iubere, dare : 6 6 ; 33 3 112012- προστιθέναι, addere: δώρα προσθείς 6 II; σεμνότητα προσέθεσαν 126. II ali- προστρίβεσθαι 259 ρώννυσθαι quid alicui attribuere: δόξαν Σύλλα προσετίθει 3 3 προστρίβεσθαι”, africare : δια- βολὴν προσετρίψατο 30 5 προσφέρειν, αferre: τὴν κε- φαλὴν τῷ Σύλλᾳ προσήνεγκε 32 2; ἰχθὺς αὐτῷ προσήνεγκαν 26 3. PASS. congredi, ad ma- mum venire: προσφερομένας δρόμῳ σπείρας 19 1; 21 3; ἔφε- δρος ἀθλητῇ προσενεχθείς 29 1. accurrere: τῷ χάρακι προσ φερόμενοι 19 4. προσφέ ρεσθαί τινι, erga aliguem se gerere: τοῖς 'Αθηναίοις προσε νεχθήναι τραχύτερον 6 12 προσχωρεῖν, ad partes alterius concedere: προσεχώρησαν 283 πρόσω : π. χωρεῖν 9 6 ; εἰργό- μενος τοῦ π. καὶ ὀπίσω 29 2 πρόσωπον, τό, vultus: παρ- επιστροφαί προσώπων 35 5 προτάσσειν, ο fronte collocare. PASS.' προτεταγμένους τῶν πολεμίων 18 5 προτείνειν, βorrigere, proten- dere: τὰς χεῖρας προτείνας 9 3; τὴν δεξιὰν προτείναντος 24 Ι πρότερον, prius: τῆς πρότε- ρον (prioris) 20 1 προτίθεσθαι (ΜED.) aferendum curare: τρεῖς δίφρους προθέμε νος 5 4 - προτροπάδην, εffuse, concitato cursu, 'head foremost': 19 3 προχωρεῖν, procedere: τῶν πραγμάτων ἐλπίδος πέρα προ- χωρούντων 11 1, 5 πρωτεῖον, τό, principatus: 12 πρώτος, η, ον, primus : 1. of place: τοὺς πρώτους, ‘the ad- vanced ranks': 29 4. of rank or dignity: πῶς ἀνέχεται μή πρῶτος ὢν ἁπάντων 56; πολλοὶ τῶν πρώτων (primorum). τὰ πρῶτα, primum : 30 4 ; πρῶ τον μέν εἶτα 6 1 1; 32 1 πτοεῖσθαι (PASs.) insano fere studio ad aliquid ferri: ἐπτό- ητο τὴν γνώμην πρὸς τὸν Μιθρι δατικὸν πόλεμον 7 1 close πυκνότης, ή, densitas, order', 'solid array': 18 6 πυνθάνεσθαι, cognoscere, re- sciscere: πυθόμενος 26 3; ὡς ἐπύθοντο ταῦτα 9 Ι. seq. inf. πυθομένη τὸν Σύλλαν ἐλαύ νειν 9 2. sciscitari, quaerere : c. gen. et rel. claus., του Σύλλα πυθέσθαι τί πέρας ἔσται τῶν κακών 31 Ι πυροβόλος, ον, telum ignitum, malleolus: τὰ πυροβόλα 9 7 πυρός, ὁ, triticum : 13 2, 3 πυρπολεῖσθαι (PASS.) igne vas tari : 12 3 πυρριχίζειν, saltare : 13 3 πωλεῖν, venale habere, ven- dere: τὴν πολιτείαν πωλών 8 1 Ρ PL. ῥάβδος, ή, υίrga. ῥάβδοι, fasces : 9 2 ῥαβδούχος, ό, lictor : 38 2 ῥαθυμεῖν, feriari, otiari: 26 3 ῥεῦμα, τό, πumen: 114; pro- fluvium: 36 2 ῥηγνύναι, γιαpere: τὸ ἀπό- στημα ρήξας 37 3 ῥητορεύειν, orare, to practise oratory': 24 2 ῥίζα, ή, radix (de infima parte montis): 16 1, 7 ῥίπτειν, proicere: ρίψεις 296. PASS. ριπτεῖσθαι 35 Ι ῥίψις, ή, iactus: ῥίψεις ὀμμά των ἐπ' ἀλλήλους 35 5 ῥύδην (ῥεῖν), fuse: p. έλα νόντων 21 Ι ῥυέντος (ῥεῖν, G. § 1o8, 3): 14 3 ῥύμη, ή, impetus : 18 3 ῥύσις, ή, fuxus, effusio : 2 3 ῥώμη, ή, robur : 62; ῥώμη προθυμίας κοινῆς 27 5 ῥώννυσθαι (PASS.) confirmari, vim accipere: perf. ἔρρωται 183 17-2 260 στενός σαλεύεσθαι Σ σαλεύεσθαι (Pass.) iactari: 16 3 σάρισα, ή, the sarissa or long pike' used in the Macedonian phalanx : 18 4 The great superiority of the army of Philip at the battle of Chaironeia B.C. 338 was in the length of the pike or sarissa-in the number of the weapons which projected in front of the foremost soldiers-and the long practice of the men to manage this impenetrable array of pikes in an efficient manner. Grote Hist. Gr. XI 691. σάτυρος, δ, 27 2 σαφῶς, plane, accurate : 26 Ι σεμνολογεῖσθαι (DEP.) C. acc., gloriari, iactare, 'to vapour about': 13 4. - σεμνότης, ἡ, γεverentia: σεμ νότητα πολλὴν τοῖς ἱεροῖς προσ- έθεσαν 126 σεμνύνεσθαι, gloriari, to as- sume airs of importance': 12; 69 σημαίνειν (de tubis) to give the signal for' c. acc.: 29 6 + σημεῖον, τό, 1. signum, osten- tum:74; καθαρὰ καὶ φανερὰ σ.75; καταμαθὼν τὰ σημεῖα (signa ex extis) 9 3. 2. vexillum, an en- sign, standard' : 7 2 ; 21 2 σιτεῖσθαι, desci : 13 2 σιτίον, τό, cibus : 36 2 σκηνή, ή, tabernaculum, tent': 27 3. scena, theatrum, the stage': οἱ ἀπὸ τῆς σκηνής 22 σκιαμαχείν : 13 1 a σκοτεινός, ή, όν, obscurus : δι' ἀμυδρῶν καὶ σ. ὀργάνων 7 5 σκυθρωπός, όν, tristis : 2 2 σκώμμα, τό, dicterium: 2 2 ; 13 I of σοβαρός, ά, όν, of things, grandis, splendidus: 34 1. persons, superbus : 16 2 σοβαρῶς, ferociter : 28 6 σπαν, vellere: κροκύδα τοῦ PASS. ξίφεσιν, ἱματίου σπάσασα 35 4. MED. σπάσθαι, stringere: σπασα μένων τὰς μαχαίρας 18 4; σπα σάμενοι τὰ ξίφη 28 6. ἐσπασμένοις τοῖς strictis ensibus : 14 3 σπαραγμός, ὁ, 37 3 σπάσμαι, τό, fragmentum : θωράκων σπάσματα σιδηρῶν 21 4 σπεῖρα, ἡ, manipulus, cohors : 173; 19 1; 21 2; 24 1; 27 3, 7 σπεύδειν, βιορεerare : 27 6 ; 29 c. inf. to be eager to': σπεύσαι συνελθεῖν 22 2 σπλάγχνον, τό, FL. σπλάγ Xva, viscera : 36 2 I. σποράδην, sparsim : 2 σποράς, ὁ, ἡ. ή. PL. πηγὰς σπο pádas (sparsas) 27 1 studere σπουδάζειν, favere, alicui: 34 4. PASS. σπουδα ζόμενος ὑπὸ πολλῶν 33 4 σπουδαῖος, α, ον, serius : 2 2 σπουδή, ή, festinatio: ἁπάσῃ σπουδῇ 9 5. studium, con- tentio : οὐκ ἐλάσσονι σ. 34 2 σταθμός, ὁ ἱστάναι), pondus : σταθμῷ παραλαβεῖν ἕκαστον 124 στάσις, ή, dissensio: ἡ πρὸς Μάριον αὐτῷ στάσις 6 Ι; στά σεων ἀνηκέστων 4 4 ; 9 2. factio: ἀπὸ τῆς ἐναντίας στάσεως 20 Ι ; 32 2 ; τὸν τὴν ἐναντίαν σ. συνέχοντα 28 S στέγασμα, τό, tectum : 9 6 στέγειν, sustinere: τὴν κραυ- γὴν οὐκ ἔστεγεν ὁ ἀήρ 16 2. [Cf. Polyb. 3, 53, 2 οὐκ ἔστεξαν τὴν ἐπιφορὰν τῶν βαρβάρων, 18, 8 (25 ed. Hultsch), 4 στέγειν τὴν τῆς φάλαγγος ἔφοδον, Dion Cass. 76, 5 μὴ δυναμένην τιμὰς ὑπερόγ κους στέγειν] στερος, fem. στεῖρα 1, sterilis : 6 II στενός, ή, όν, angustus: ἐν τοῖς σ. 15 3. [Cf. Them. 8 r; 12 1; 14 2] στενωπός 261 —συμβάλλειν στενωπός, ή, angiportus, 14 3 στερεός, ά, όν, firmus, solidus: τῶν στερεῶν τῶν ἑλῶν 21 Ι στεφανηφόρος, ov, coronifer, coronatus: 11 I 17 5: στέφανος, ό, corona: δάφνης στεφάνου 27 4 στεφανοῦν. PASS. ἐστεφανω- μένοι 27 7; 34 1 στηρίζειν, INTRANS. fulcire se, erigere se, tolli: στηρίσαι 6 6 στιβάς, ή, (στείβειν), culcita, lectus : 36 Ι στόλος, ό, exercitus missus, an armament': ἐκίνει τον στό λον 11 Ι στόμα, τό, ως : κατὰ στόμα (α fronte) 29 2 στρατεία, ή, expeditio: μετὰ τὴν ἐν Λιβύῃ σ. 13; τὸν ἐμφανῆ λόγον ἔχων πρὸς τὴν σ. 5 3; ἀπὸ Tns σ. (post militiam) 5 1; èña- νήκων ἐκ σ. 6 3; τὴν ἐπὶ Μιθρι δάτην σ. εἰς Μάριον μετήνεγκε 8 4 στρατεύεσθαι, militare: τοῖς σ. 12 8; 17 2 στράτευμα, τό, exercitus : 84; 27 5 στρατηγεῖν, εxercitui prae- esse: èv Tŵ o. (in imperio) 12 8; 27 7 στρατηγία, ή, praetura: ἐπὶ σ. πολιτικὴν ἀπεγράψατο 5 Ι; πρὸ τῆς σ. ib.; ἔτυχε τῆς στρα τηγίας 5 2 - στρατηγικός, ή, όν, practo- rius: στρατηγικὸν ἄνδρα 6 9 ; τῶν σ. παρασήμων 9 2. belli peritus : 15 3 στρατηγός, ὁ, praetor : 9 2. dux exercitus: 23 I στρατοπεδεία, ή, locus castro- rum: 286 po- στρατοπεδεύειν, castra nere: ἄπωθεν στρατοπεδεύον τα 28 4, στρατοπεδεύσαντες 16 I στρατόπεδον, τό, castra : 9 5 ; εἰς πόλιν ἀπὸ στρατοπέδου. [Cf. Arrian Anab. 3, 18, 4 Kpá- κερον καταλείπει ἐπὶ στρατοπέ δου, 5, 10, 4 ἐπὶ στ. ἔμενε, ib. 5, II, 3.] exercitus: ἐχώρει παντὶ τῷ σ. 29 2 στροβιλώδης, εs, fastigiatus, conical-shaped': 17 4 συγκατακόπτειν, una C1772 aliis trucidare. PASS. συγκατε κόπη τοῖς πολίταις 32 1 συγκείσθαι (serves as perfect pass. of συντιθέναι), constare, conflatum esse: 13 i συγ- κείμενον, pactum et compositum : τὰ συγκείμενα δι' 'Αρχελάου 24 3 συγκλητικός, ό, senator : 8 2 ; 145; 30 3 συγκλητός, ή (sc. ἐκκλησία), 'the Roman senate': 75; 9 2 ; 30 2 συγκομίζειν. PASS. componi : ἔφθη τὸ σῶμα συγκομισθέν 38 3 συγχεῖν, confundere (ordines). PASS, συνεχύθη 21 1 σύγχυσις, ἡ (συγχείν), confu- sio, perturbatio: σύγχυσιν ἁπάν των πραγμάτων 4 4 συγχωρεῖν, absol. postulatis alicuius cedere, assentiri: ἄκων συνεχώρησεν 28 6 συκάμινον, τό, morum : 2 1 συλᾶν, spoliare: συλῆσαι τὸ μαντείον 16 + 33 4. συλλαμβάνειν, comprehendere: τὸν ἑκατοντάρχην συλλαβόντων simul cum aliquo ca- pessere rem, opitulari: συνελάμ βανον αὐτοῖς τῶν ἔργων 25 1. [Cf. Eur. Med. 946 συλλήψο μαι δὲ τοῦδέ σοι κἀγὼ πόνου, Arist. Vesp. 734 σοί τις θεῶν ξυλλαμβάνει τοῦ πράγματος] συλλέγειν, colligere: πολλὰ χρήματα συνειλοχότι 5 6 σύλληψις, ή, comprehensio, a capture', 'arrest': 3 2 σύλλογος, ὁ, congressus : 28 2 συμβάλλειν INTRANS.congredi, proelium committere: 214; τοὺς 262 συνεχύθη συμμαχικός- πολλοὺς ὡς ἐπὶ μάχην ἐξελθόντας συμβαλών τρέπεται 27 8 συμμαχικός, ή, όν, socialis: σ. πόλεμος (=ὁ πρὸς τοὺς συμ μάχους πόλεμος 6 9) 6 2, 6, 9 συμμένειν, κα haerere: 27 6 manere, 10- συμμιγής, ές, promiscuus: τοῦ θεάτρου συμμιγοῦς ἀνδράσι καὶ γυναιξὶν ὄντος 35 3 συμμιγνύναι τινι, se cum ali- quo iungere: 15 4. Κηφισσῷ συμμίγνυται 20 5 PASS. τῷ συμπεραίνεσθαι (Pass.): χρό νων ἀριθμὸν συμπεραινόμενον (determined ') ἐνιαυτοῦ μεγάλου περιόδῳ 7 4 συμπίπτειν, congruere, conτε- nire : 14 5. concurrere, ma- nus conserere: 146; o vμπTETT W- κότος εἰς μάχην 192. una cadere: συμπεσούσας (τάς λόγχας) εἰς τὴν γῆν παγῆναι 29 5. incidere, de fluvio qui in alium influit, συμπίπτων τῷ Κηφισσώ 16 7 συμπλέκεσθαι”, PASS. manus conserere, confligere cum hoste: 15 I συμφέρειν, conferre, prodesse, unde το συμφέρον commodum 68. PASS. congredi: δύο τρά γοι μεγάλοι συμφερόμενοι 27 4; 29 + συνάγειν, congregare, colligere: συναγαγόντα τῶν ἀπὸ θεάτρου τοὺς ἰταμωτάτους 2 2 ; τὴν βουλὴν συναγαγών 10 Ι; πάντας εἰς ταὐτὸ συναγαγών 32 Ι. PASS. συνάγεσθαι, in arctum contrahi ; translate premi, urgeri, redigi: ὑπὸ λιμοῦ συνηγμένην εἰς τὸν ἔσχατον καιρόν 12 2 PASS. συναιρεῖν, conficere. συνῃρημένων ἁπάντων 34 2 υ. π. συνακολασταίνειν, cum aliis proterve agere, socium se praebere in libidine: 2 2 συναλαλάζειν, clamorem simul tollerc: 286 συναλγεῖν, μια dolere: σ. ἄλ- λοις ἀτυχοῦσι 31 6 συναντάν, αεcilere, to hap- pen ' : 2 3 συναπόλλυσθαι, una perire: αΐσχιστα συναπολούμενον τοῖς πολίταις 29 6 συνάπτειν, attingere, statim sequi: συνήπτε 95 συνάρχων, ὁ, collega: 42; 9 3 συνασπισμός, o, conferta acies, cum ita conferti milites stant, ut vir virum, clypeus clypeum tan- gat, neque quisquam versus dex- tram aut sinistram se movere possit, 18 4 64 συναύξειν, μηa amplificare: σύνδειπνον, τό, convivium : πότοις καὶ σ. 35 3 συνδιημερεύειν τινί, tempus cum aliguo traducere: 26 3 συνδιώκειν, persequi. συνδιωχθείς 8 3 PASS. συνειλοχότι (συλλέγειν) : 56 συνεισφέρειν, una conferre, 'to join in contributing': 27 3 συνεκπλεῖν, simul e portu sol- τετε: συνεξέπλευσεν 3 Ι συνεκτραχύνεσθαι, μπα ra- pidiorem, torrentiorem reddi: 16 7 συνεπιθειάζειν ', una cum aliis divinitatis fidem adiungere: 64 συνερράγησαν (συρρήγνυσθαι), 184 συνερρυηκότα (συρρείν), 13 2 (G. § 108, 2) συνέρχεσθαι, convenire: συν- ήλθον 24 Ι; 27 Ι; εἰς λόγους συνελθεῖν τινι (to have a con- ference with ') 22 2. Cf. Herod. 1, 82, 3 ἐνταῦθα συνέβησαν ἐς λόγους συνελθόντες συνετῶς, intelligibly ' : 27 2 συνέχειν, continere: τὸν τὴν ἐναντίαν στάσιν μάλιστα συνέ- χοντα 28 8 σvvexýs, és, assiduus: 35 5 συνεχύθη (συγχείν) 21 Ι συνεχώς σωτηρία 263 συνεχώς, continue: 12 3 συνηγμένην (συνάγειν) 12 2 συνήθεια, ή, consuetudo, fa- miliar intercourse', 'intimacy': 2 4 συνθάπτειν, in funere adesse: 38 3 " σύνθεσις, ή, factum, cove- nant', 'contract'. PL. συνθέ σεις περί γάμων 35 5 συνθήκη, ή, foedus. PL. 22 5 σύνθημα, τό, signum, a sig nal: τοῦ συνθήματος δοθέντος 28 7 (unclassical) συνιέναι, intelligere: συνίη. σιν 12 5 συνίστασθαι (MED.), conten- dere: ἀξιομάχως συνεστηκότος τῷ ᾿Αρχελάῳ 19 3. consociare se, coire to combine': συνέ- στησαν κατ' αὐτοῦ 244; συν έστησαν πρὸς Λέπιδον 38 1 συννεφής, ές, nubilus: τῆς ημέρας συννεφους οὔσης 38 2 συνοικία, ή, insula: 1 4. [Aesch. c. Timarch. § 124: ὅπου μὲν πολλοὶ μισθωσάμενοι μίαν οἴκησιν διελόμενοι ἔχουσι, συνοικίαν καλοῦμεν, ὅπου δ' εἷς ἐνοικεῖ, οἰκίαν.] συνοικίζειν, καa habitare fa- cere, coniugare: Αἰμιλίαν ἐγκύ μονα συνώκισεν αὐτῷ 33 3 συνομαλύνειν, solo aequare: 14 3 συνορᾶν, αnimadvertere: 96 ; 152 συνουσία, ή, good fellow- ship', 'a party': 22 συντελεῖν, φerficere, peragere, to fulfil': τὴν φωνὴν συνετέ λει ὁ δαίμων (made good the words') 28 6. PASS. εἰ μὴ πάντα ταχὺ καὶ καλῶς συντελεσ θείη 9 3 συντρέχειν, concurrere: νεφῶν ἐξ αἰθρίας συνδραμόντων 14 7 συντρίβειν, εaddere hostem, vires alicuius ac potentiam con- terere: μεγάλας συνέτριψαν δυνάμεις 28 8. PASS. diffringi, to be broken to pieces': συν- τριβήναι 111; τοῦ εὐωνύμου (sc. κέρατος) συντριβέντος 29 7 συνωθεῖν, contrudere, cogere: συνώσειν αὐτοὺς εἰς τὸ πεδίον 176 συρρεῖν, confluere: συνερρυη- κότα 13 2 2 συρρήγνυσθαι (PASS.), inter se confligere et pugnare, ai πešai δυνάμεις συνερράγησαν 18 4. [Cf. Caes. c. 45 τῶν πεζῶν κατὰ τὸ μέσον συρραγέντων, Mor. P. 944 D ὠθούνται γὰρ αὖθις ἐπὶ γῆν (daemones) συρρηγνύμε νοι σώμασιν ἀνθρωπίνοις, Mar. c. 26 τῷ Κάτλῳ τοὺς βαρβάρους ἀπὸ τύχης συρραγήναι, Dion Cass. 40, 17 πρὸς τοὺς Πάρθους συνεργεσαν, 45, 11 Καίσαρ καὶ ᾿Αντώνιος οὐ φανερῶς πω συν- ερρώνει σαν] συστέλλειν, τercere, to coop up': συνέστειλαν αὐτοὺς εἰς τὸ τεῖχος 96; συνέστειλεν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τὴν θάλατταν 11 4; ὑπὸ τὸν χάρακα συστέλλειν ἑαυτούς (27- tra vallum se contrahere) 16 3 συστρατεύειν τινί, cum aliquo militare: 14 5. MED. 16 8 συχνός, ή, όν. 1. of time: longus : χρόνον σ. 147. 2. of number, multus: συχνὰ τῶν δρεπανηφόρων 24 1 σφαγιάζεσθαι, sacra facere victimas mactando: 17 4 PASS. σφάλλειν i. q. ὑποσκελί ζειν, supplantare: 29 1. σφάλλεσθαι τὸν λογισμόν (opi- nione falli) 15 2 σχήμα, τό, habitus, species: ἐρωμένου σ. 2 4 ; σ. βουλής 22 Ι σχολάζειν, otiosum esse: 16 5. c. dat. pers. vacare, operam dare: τῆς συγκλήτου τοῖς μάντε σιν σχολαζούσης 76 σωτήρ, ὁ, servator: 34 I σωτηρία, ή, salus: σωτηρίας χάριν εἴσεται 32 1 264 -τιθασός σωτήριος σωτήριος, ιον, salutaris: 13 4 σώφρων, ον, castus : 35 5 T τάγμα, τό, legio: 93; 168 ; 173 τάλαντον, τό, talentum : 22 5 ταμίας, o, quaestor: 3 1 ταξίαρχος, ό, centurio: 25 2 ; 285 I; τάξις, ή, acies: 16 2 ; 17 ι; 18 2, 3; 21 3; τάξιν ἀποδούς 27 5 ; εἰς τάξιν καθίστη τους πρώτους 294; τὴν ἑαυτοῦ τάξιν ἀναλαμ βάνειν 19 3 ταπεινός, ή, όν: βίον τ. καὶ ἀγ νώτος 3 4; ταπεινὰ πράττοντες 1 1 ; ταπεινὰ πράττειν ) αὔξεσθαι τῇ τιμῇ 7 5. [Cf. vit. Dem. c. 24 μεγάλοι μὲν ἦσαν οὗτοι ταπεινὰ δ᾽ ἔπραττεν ὁ Δημοσθένης, Eur. Suppl. 324 αἱ σκοτεινὰ πράσ σουσαι πόλεις] ταραχή, ή, turba, tumultus : PL. 'tumults', 'trou- bles': απαλλάξει τῇ πόλει τὰς το 18 2. 6 7 τάσις, ἡ (τείνειν), vis quam ic- tus a libramento accipit, 'spring', Fr. 'élan ' : βελῶν τάσιν οὐ λα- βόντων 18 3 τάττεσθαι (PASS.), τὸ δεξιὸν ἐν ᾧ ἐτέτακτο Κράσσος 294; τοὺς ὑπ' ἄλλοις ταττομένους 129; τὸν ἐπὶ τῇ πολιορκίᾳ τε ταγμένον 298; οἱ τεταγμέ νοι 30 2; τεταγμένοις αναλώ μασι 12 η; ἐπὶ τούτῳ τεταγ μένου 147. constitui, man- datum habere: impers. TÉ- τακτο τῷ καταλύτῃ τὸν ξένον διδόναι 25 2. [Cf. Thuc. 3, 22, 5 οἷς ἐτέτακτο (ἐπετέτακτο Kri- ger) παραβοηθεῖν, Soph. Phil. 118ο ίωμεν, ἵν᾿ ἡμῖν τέτακται sc. ἰέναι, Ajax 527 τὸ ταχθέν i. q. τὸ προσταχθέν] 1 ταφή, ή, sepultura : 35 2. PL. exequiae; 38 1 ταφρός, ή, fossa : 16 5 ; 21 1 ; 25 1; 286 τάχος, τό, celeritas: τῷ τάχει 36 3; κατὰ τάχος, in all haste, 29 8 ταχύς, εία, ύ, celer: διὰ τα χέων (propere) 29 3 τετε, 16 3 - τέγος, τό, tectum, roof: ἀπὸ των τ. 96 τέθριππον (ἅρμα), τό, quad- riga: 15 I τεκμαίρεσθαι, coniecturam fa- cere: ὅπερ ἣν τεκμηράμενος 19 2 τεκταίνεσθαι, struere, machi nari: ἐτεκταίνετο τὴν ὀλεθριω τάτην στάσιν 7 2 τελεῖν, solvere, pendere: ἐνοί- κιον τ. 1 2 12 τέλειος, α, ον, integer: τάγ ματα τ. 9 3 τελευταῖος, αία, αίον, ultimus, postremus: 29 1; TÒ T. 31 3 τελευτᾶν, vitam finire: 2 4; 21 2 τελευτή, ή, finis, mors: 37 I, 3 τέλμα, τό, palus: 21 4 τέλος, τό, 1. finis: τέλος ἔχειν 69; 74; 17 2. 2. magis- tratus: οὐδενὶ τῶν ἐν τέλει 31 3. adv. tandem, 'ultimately': 64; 234; 28 2; 35 5 τερατοσκόπος, ό, hariolus : 7 5 τετράδραχμον, τό, quattuor drachmarum nummus: 25 2 τέχνη, ή, ars: τὰς τῆς τ. ὑπο- θέσεις 55 τεχνίτης, ό, artifex: τοῖς περὶ τὸν Διόνυσον τεχνίταις (arti- ficibus scenicis) 26 3 τηλικούτος, αύτη, οὗτον, talis et tantus: ἐπὶ τ. ἀγαθοῖς 22 4; 29 2 τηρεῖν, servare: νόμιμον ἐτή- ρησε 35 2 τιθασός, όν, de hominibus mansuetus, tractabilis: 22. [Cf. Mor. 611 D ἂν γένηται (ή ψυχή) τῷ βίῳ τούτῳ τιθασὸς ὑπὸ πραγ- τιθέναι 265 -νίωνος μάτων πολλῶν καὶ πολλῆς συνη- ναι 26 Ι. θείας, ib. p. 5I F τιθέναι, ponere: εἰς μέσον θεῖ MED. τίθεσθαι, 1. statuere, 'to reckon ': c. prae- pos. εἰς ἴσον ὄνειδος ἐτίθεντο (pari ducebant dedecori) 1 2; eis τὴν τύχην αὐτοῦ τὰ κατορθώματα τιθεμένων 63; φίλους εἰς οὐ- δένα λόγον θέμενος οὐδ᾽ οἶκτον 97 τιμή, ή, 1. honor: 1 I; 126; 381; ἐν τιμη 23 Ι. 2. pretium: 8 Ι τιμωρητικός, ή, όν, ad ulti- onem propensus: 68 τις, restrictive use of: 6 7 τοιόσδε, τοιάδε, τοιόνδε, talis, huiusmodi: ὄψιν τοιάνδε 28 4 τοιοῦτος, αύτη, οῦτο, talis : τοῖς τοιούτοις (such as the above mentioned) τῶν τεκμη ρίων 2 2 τόπος, ὁ, κεσίο: ὁ πρὸς Ὀρχο- μενῷ τ. 203. 'place', 'po- sition: τῶν τόπων οὔπω δια- κεκριμένων 35 3 τοσοῦτος, αύτη, οὗτο : ἀδίκημα τοσοῦτον 6 9. adv. 36 3; τοσοῦτον ὅσον tantum quantum 29 5; 31 6; τοσοῦτον 35 1. (tot): 29 2,6 ώστε PL. τοσούτους τράπεζα, ή, mensa nummula- rii, a counter': ἠρίθμει τιμὴν διὰ τραπέζης 8 Ι τραχύς, εία, ύ, asper: τὸ ἐρύ- θημα ἐξήνθει τραχύ 2 Ι. de regione: 15 2 ; κορυφή τ. 17 4· de voce: τραχείαν φωνήν 27 2. adv. τραχύτερον 6 12 τρέπειν, vertcrε: τρέπειν τὸν πόλεμον εἰς θεούς (ad deos referre) 24 2. MED. in fugam ver- tere: τρέπεται τοὺς πολεμίους convertere se, 21 2, 4; 27 5. to betake oneself': ἐτράποντο πρὸς ἀταξίαν 16 4. terga dare, in fugam se dare: αὐτῶν τρα πέντων 28 7 - τρίβειν, terere : χρόνῳ τρίβειν τὸν πόλεμον 20 3 τριταῖος (tertio die a quo pro fectus est) έν Πειραιεῖ καθωρμίσθη 26 I τρόπαιον, τό, tropaeum : 34 2 ; τοῖς τ. ἐπέγραψε 19 5 τροπαιοφόρος, ov, tropaeum gestans: εἰκόνας τροπαιοφό ρους 6 Ι τροπή, ή, conversio: τροπαί θεριναί (solstitium) 20 4 τρόπος, ό, πodus: τρόπον τινά (aliqua tenus) 37 I; τὸν ἄλλον τ. ('as to his general cha- racter') 67. PL. moves: τῶν ἐξ ἀρχῆς τρόπων (their origi- nal habits') 30 5 τρυφή, ή, luxuς: τρυφῆς τῆ λον 1 3. PL. τρυφάς 35 3 τυγχάνειν, accidere: impers. ἐξ ὧν ἔτυχεν αἰτιῶν 6 8. c. particip. ἐτύγχανε ὄψιν έω ρακώς ( he had just then seen a vision') 28 4 ; ὥσπερ ἐτύγχανε λέγων 30 3 ; 31 + ; 35 3 ( τύπος, ό, figura, forma : 27 4 τυφλός, ή, όν, caecus, without any outlet: λίμνας τυφλὰς καὶ ὑλώδεις 20 5. [Cf. Pyrrh. c. 15 χωρία τυφλά, loca caeca, ubi vada, syrtes scopulive haud cog- noscuntur, inde periculosa navi- gantibus, Lucull. c. 13 év TV- φλῷ κύματι] τυφόμενος (τύφεσθαι), 6 2 n. τύχη, ή, fortum : τῆς παλαιᾶς τύχης 14; όμιλήσας τῇ τύχῃ μετρίως 30 4. adverbial phrase : κατὰ τύχην (forte fortuna) 14 5. conditio : τὸ μεταξὺ τῆς τύ χης (discrimen inter utriusque facultates) 1 4 + vypós², á, óv, mollis, proclivis: ὑγρὸς πρὸς οίκτον 30 5 υἱωνός, ὁ, μέρος : υἱωνούς 31 4 266 υπόκεισθαι ὕλη ὕλη. ἡ, materia : 12 3 ὑλώδης : λίμνας ὑλώδεις 20 5. [Cf. Pyrrh. c. 21 ποταμὸν ὑλώδη καὶ τραχύν, Βrut. c. 5r διαβάς τι ῥεῖθρον ὑλῶδες] ὑπαντιάζειν, occurrere: 18 2 ὑπάρχειν, esse ab initio : δύνα- μιν οὐκ ἐλάττονα τῆς ὑπαρχού σης (Fexisting) 5 3 ; τοὺς ὑπάρ χουσαν εὐπορίαν ἀπολέσαντας 1 3. impers. suppetit, 'it is possible': Μαρίῳ ὑπῆρχεν κρατεΐν 10 2 ὑπατεία, ή, consulatus: 3 Ι ; 84; 9 10; 33 3 ὑπατεύειν, consulem esse: ύπα τεύων 4Ι; ὑπατεύοντι τὴν πρώτην ύπατείαν 3 I; ύπα τεῦσαι 1 I Ι ὕπατος, ό, consul: 8 3; 20 1 ô, ὑπειπεῖν, prαcfari: 14 5 ὑπεξαιρείσθαι, eximere: ὑπ εξελόμενος 31 4 ὑπέρ, A. c. gen. pro, ' for the purpose of', 'with a view to': 32; 13 4. B. c. acc. of measure super, 'over', 'be- yond": ὑπὲρ δέκα λίτρας 1 r; ὑπὲρ δισχιλίας δραχμὰς ὀφείλειν 8 2 દે ὑπερβαίνειν, έναnscendere: u- περβήναι 14 τ ὑπερβάλλειν : MED. ὑπερβα λέσθαι, vincere : 38 + ὑπερηφάνως, superbe : 33 2 ὑπερόπτης, ὁ, fastidiosus )( κόλαξ 6 7 ὑπέσχετο (ὑπισχνείσθαι) 30 1 ὑπεύθυνος, ον, obnoxius : 34 3 ὑπέχειν, subire: τὴν ἐσχάτην δίκην υποσχειν 9 3 ὑπηρεσία, ή, ministerium : 122 ὕπνος, ό, somnus: κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους 94; 28 4; 37 2. [Cf. Them. 28 3 note] ὑπό, A. c. gen. 'by', of agency with passive verb: ἐκθλιβόμενος ὑπὸ πλήθους 19 1; ἐρριμμένοι ὑπὸ κόπου 28 5. with neuter verb: μοχθηρῶς ὑπὸ τραυμάτων T πό καὶ φόβου διενυκτέρευσαν 21 3 ; γενόμενοι ὑπὸ τούτου προθυμότε- ροι poɩ 27 8; 35 5; 36 4. with verbal substantive: φόνος ὑπ' ἀλλήλων 18 1 ; μεταβολὴ φύσεως ὑπὸ τύχης 30 · with verbal adjective: 22 4. B. c. dat. sub : τοὺς ὑπ᾽ ἄλλοις ταττομένους 129; τοὺς ὑφ᾽ αὐτῷ ib.; ὑπὸ σάλπιγξι (more commonly ὑπὸ σαλπίγγων) 14 3. C. c. acc. I of place, sub: 'close to', with the idea of subjacence, which sometimes disappears, 15 3; 167; 17 3; ὑπὸ αὐτὸ τὸ ῥεῦ μα τοῦ Μόλου καὶ Θουρίου νεώς Απόλλωνος 17 4 ; 20 4. II of time: just about: ὑπὸ τὰς ἡμέρας εκείνας 11 ι; ὑπὸ τροπὰς θερινάς 20 4 ὑπογράφεσθαι (MED.): τὸ ἐπί- γραμμα υπογραψάμενον 38 4 ὑποδέχεσθαι, εcipere, hospitio vel urbe recipere: ὑποδεξάμε νος καὶ φιλοφρονηθείς 3 Ι ; 31 4 ὑποδύεσθαι, subire: τὸν μέγι στον ὑπέου κίνδυνον 3 2 ὑπόθεσις, ή, materia, occasio, ground', 'occasion : ἐχθρὰ βρα- χεῖαν λαβοῦσα τὴν πρώτην ὑπό- θεσιν καὶ ἀρχήν 44; στάσις και νὴν ὑπόθεσιν λαβοῦσα 6 1 ; πρὸς τὰς τῆς τέχνης ὑποθέσεις (se- cundum artis suae instituta) 56 ὑποκάτω, infra: τῶν ὑποκά τω (the lower rooms) 1 4 ὑπόκεισθαι”, de eo quod praesens est: ὑποκειμένης (insitae) αποκάλυψις κακίας 30 5 [Wyttenb. ad Eunap. Vol. 2 p. 168 sq. : Dicuntur τὰ ὑποκείμενα γες praesentes, quas iam habuimus ct nunc habemus, nec aliunde modo ac- cepimus. Huc pertinet Polybii con- suetudo in hoc vocabulo, de qua no- nuit Casaubonus ad 1 19 (I. p. 841). Cf. Plut. Philop. comp. c. Tit. c. 2 Τίτος ἐξ ὑποκειμένων ενίκα, de aud. poet. Ρ. 20 Β παιδεύοντες ἐξ ὑπ., de san. tuend. p. 134 C τὰ ὑποκείμενα να quae adsunt, de Pyth. orac. p. 406 E χρῆται τῇ ὑποκειμένῃ δυνάμει (uti- tur propria facultate), reip. ger. ὑποκεκνισμένος- 267 -φθάνειν praec. p. 799 Β τοῖς ὑπ. ἤθεσιν εὐάρ- μοστον εἶναι (se ad mores praesentes civium accommodare); vit. Alex. 1 διὰ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ὑ. πράξεων, comp. Sol. et Public. c. 4 δεῖ δὲ πρὸς τοὺς ὑποκειμένους καιροὺς τὰς πράξεις θεωρείν] (υποκνίζε ὑποκεκνισμένος σθαι titillari): 35 5 ὑπολαμβάνειν, respondere: - πολαβών 22 3 ; 24 2 ; 31 2 ὑπομένειν, abs. subsistere, ma- nere, non decedere, to stand one's ground': 18 г. 6 c. acc. rei, subire: οὐχ ὑπομένεις τό αἰσχρόν 22 4· c. infin. posse, sustinere, to submit', 'bear' to do a thing : μήτε τῆς πατρίδος ἀμελεῖν ὑπομένοντι 22 2 ὑπόμνημα, τό, 1. monumen- tum : PL. ὑπομνήματα τοῦ διὰ τὴν ἐπομβρίαν ὀλέθρου πολλὰ δρώσιν 14 8. 2. commentarii rerum gestarum: 66; 14 2, 6; 17 ; 23 3 ι ὑπόνομος, ό, cuniculus, vία subterranea et occulta: 32 I ὑποπέμπειν, clam mittere: 35 5 ὑποστρέφειν, reverti: υπο- στρέψας 20 3 ὑπόσχεσις, ή, promissio : 28 2 ὑποφέρειν, ferre, sustinere: τῶν τὰ σημεῖα δοράτων υποφερόν- των 7 2 ὑποχείριος, ία, ιον, qui sui co- piam facit, qui in alicuius potes- tate est: πρὸς πᾶσαν ἔντευξιν ὑπο- χείριος 23; ᾧ ὑποχείριον δοὺς ἑαυτόν 10 ὑποχωρεῖν, cedere : 11 4 ὑσσός, o, pilum: 18 4 ; 28 6. [This is the word which Came- rarius would substitute for ὑσσώ- πῳ in St John's Gospel xix 29. See Cobet Collectanea critica, p. 586.] ὕστερος, α, ον, posterior: τῶν ὑ. 36 3. ὕστερον, post, posthac : 14. c. gen. . τῆς τῶν πατέ- ρων τελευτῆς γενομένους 37 4 ὑφιέναι: MED. ὑφίεσθαί τινί τινος πρός τι (alicui in aliqua re cedere): ὑφιέμενον τῆς πικρίας λογισμῷ πρὸς τὸ συμφέρον 6 8; ὑφέσθαι τῆς χώρας (loco cedere) 14 2 ὑφίστασθαι (ΜED.) suscipere, promittere: ὑφιστάμενοι εκκό- ψειν 17 6. stare et sustinere impetum: ὑπέστησαν 287 ὑφορᾶσθαι, metuere, suspi- cari: 75 Φ φάλαγξ, ή, acies, de legionibus Romanorum : συνέταττε τὴν φ. 177; ἀπορρηγνύμενος τῆς φ. 19 1; τῇ φ. φύρδην ἐμπεσόντες 18 2 ; τὴν φ. διατηρεῖν ἐν τάξει 18 4 φάναι: τί φατε; 23 3; ἔφη- σεν 166; φήσας 32 I; φήσαν τος 24 3 Φαῦστος*, faustus : 34 3 φείδεσθαι, parcere: ἐφείσα· το (sub. αὐτοῦ), ( he spared his life') 10 2 ; μηδενὸς ἀναλώματος φεισάμενος 35 2 φέρειν : μεγάλην δυστυχίαν φέ ρουσαν 284 ; πράως φέροντος τὰ μέγιστα τῶν ἀδικημάτων 6 8. intrans. φέρειν βαρέως (graviter ferre) 16 3. pendere, solvere, ' to pay': φέροντες ἐνοίκιον 1 2. PASS. φέρεσθαι χαμάζε (in terram delabi) 11 ι ; τῆς κραυγής διχόθεν φερομένης 19 2; 30 3. ruere : δίκην ρεύματος φερο μένῳ 11 4; 18 1. 'to pass current': πίνακας τοὺς νῦν φερο μένους 26 Ι Φήλιξ, felix : 342 φήμη, ή, του audita : φήμαι (sortes oraculi) 17 I φθάνειν, οκρare, praevenire, 'to be beforehand': c. acc. pers. φθῆναι τὸν Γαβίνιον 16 S. c. partic. φθῆναι καταλαβὼν τὸν τόπον 16 γ; ἔφθη παρενε χθείς 29 5. ἔφθη τὸ σῶμα συγκομισθέν 38 3. c. inf. : 268 χαίρειν φθέγγεσθαι φθάσαντος διαφυγείν (rare) 9 1. [Cf. Brut. c. 15 παρελθεῖν εἰς τὸ δωμάτιον οὐκ ἔφθη, c. 41 ὀλίγοι ἔφθασαν ἀκοῦσαι] φθέγγεσθαι, vocent emittere, sonum edere: ἀκοῦσαι φθεγγο μένης κιθάρας 125; φθεγξαμέ νου οὐδὲν συνετώς 27 2 φθείρ, ὁ, pediculus : τὴν σάρκα εἰς φθείρας μετέβαλε πᾶσαν 36 2 φθειριᾶν, morbo pediculari la- borare: φθειριάσαντα τελευ- τῆσαι 36 3 φθειρίασις, ή, morbus pedicu laris: 36 4 φθῆναι φθάνειν): 67 φθόγγος, ό, sonus : 7 3 φθονεῖσθαι, invidiam sibi con- flare: 4 1 φθορά, ή, clades : 14 5. ta- hes : 36 2 φιλανθρωπία, ή, humanitas: 31 + φιλάνθρωπος, o, humanus, benignus: 14 + φιληδονία ', ή, propensio ad voluptates : 2 3 φιλόγελως, ο, ή, ad risum pro- pensus: 30 5 < φιλόλογος, ον, doctus, erudi- tus, studiosus, literary': 26 2 φιλομαθεῖν, discendi studiosum esse: φιλομαθήσων 13 4 φιλόνεικος, ον (al. φιλόνικος: v. Liddell-Scott s.v.), 'ambitious': 153 6 I φιλοσκώμμων, ό, ή, dicax: 22 φιλοτιμία, ή, 'ostentation' φιλότιμος, ον, gloriae cupidus : 55; 63 φιλοφρονεῖσθαι: ὑποδεξάμενος τοὺς πρεσβευτὰς καὶ φιλοφρονη θείς 3 Ι φοβερός, ά, όν, terribilis: φο- βερωτέραν προσιδείν 2 1 φονεύς, o, percussor, homicida: τῷ φ. τῆς πατρίδος 32 1 φονικός, ή, όν: τὰ φονικά 33 I φόνος, o, sanguis : 14 4. cacdes : 18 1 ; 28 7. PL. φόνων οὔτ᾽ ἀριθμὸν οὔθ᾽ ὅρον ἐχόντων 31 I φορά, ή, impetus, vehementia: 27 5 φόρημα, τό, ferculum: 38 2 φορολογεῖν τινα, tributum exigere ab aliquo : 24 + φορτικός, ή, όν, arrogans : 5 5 φροντίζειν : c. gen. pers. va- tionem alicuius habere; τῶν ἐγκα- λούντων οὐδὲν ἐφρόντιζεν 6 9. c. acc. rei scrutari, inves- tigare, studiose curare: 7 4 φρούριον, τό, castellum : 15 4 φύειν, gignere. PASS. pro- venire, nasci: τὸ περὶ τὴν ἀκρό- πολιν φυόμενον παρθένιον 13 2 ; τα φυόμενα 20 4 natura comparatum esse: to be so and so by nature': πρὸς τύχην εὖ πεφυκέναι μᾶλλον ἢ πρὸς πόλε- μον 65; ὑφ' ὧν τὰ ἀναιδέστατα πάθη κινεῖσθαι πέφυκε 35 5 MED. φυλάττειν, custodire: τὰ χρή- ματα φυλάξειν ἀσφαλέστερον 12 4. met. tueri, integrum servare: φυλάττοντι τὴν πρὸς ἐκεῖνον εὔνοιαν 10 3. cavere, declinare: 44; φυλάξ ασθαι τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν ἡμέραν 28 4. PASS. φυλάττεσθαι in custodia haberi: 9 3 φύρδην, mell' : 18 2 promiscue, 'pell- φύσις, ή, natura, natural po- sition': 16 I. indoles, 'natu- ral disposition: 30 4, 5; φύσει φιλοσκώμμονα γεγονέναι 2 2 φωνάεις, εσσα, εν, vocalis: 7 5 φωνή, ή, του: τὴν φ. συνε- τέλει 28 6 ; ἑτέρας φ. ἀφήσει 23 4 X χαίρειν, gaudere: χαίροντος Η χαλεπαίνοντος 126; ἀπιέναι χαίροντας 26 4. χαίρειν ἐᾶν, χαλεπαίνειν-- 269 χώρα missum facere, non iam curare: 10 4 Cf. Mar. 29 μακρὰ χαίρειν φρά σας τοῖς νεανιευθεῖσιν, Luc. 21 ερρω- σθαι φράσας πολλὰ τοῖς βαρβάροις. χαλεπαίνειν, succensere: 12 5 ; χαλεπήνας 23 3; χαλεπαί- νων πρὸς τοὺς ταῦτα ποιοῦντας 63. Cf. Xen. Mem. 2, 2, Ι πρὸς τὴν μητέρα χαλεπαίνον- τα χαλεπός, ή, όν, difficilis, acer- bus: ἀπ' ἀρχῆς χ. ὤν 30 4; χ. ὀρο γήν (iracundus) 6 8 χάλκασπις, ό, ή, acneo scuto ar- matus. PL. οἱ χαλκ ασπίδες, a corps in the army of Mithri- dates, 16 7; 19 2 χαλκήρης, ες, rostro aheneo armatus: 225 χαμάζε, in terram: 10 χαμαί, humi: 28 7 4 ; 11 r χάραξ, ό, castra munita, Fa palisaded camp': 16 3; 21 3; 28 2; τὸν χάρακα βάλλειν 28 6 χαρίεις, εσσα, εν, elegans, le- pidus: οἱ χαρίεντες, men of culture', 'men of education': 26 2 χαρίζεσθαι, gratificari: τῷ Σύλλα χαριζόμενος 6ι; ἐφι έντος καὶ χαριζομένου τοῖς περὶ αὐτόν 31 1 ; 34 4; ἀφελέσθαι πολ- λά, χαρίσασθαι πλείονα 67; 33 I χάρις, ή, gratia: χάριτι καὶ δεήσει 381; χάριν εἰδέναι σω τηρίας 32 1 ; τούτου χάριν ἐκτί- νων 32 2 χάσμα (χαίνειν), τό, hiatus: χ. τῆς γῆς μέγα 6 6 χαύνος, η, ον, inflatus, arro- gans: 305 χείρ, ή, manus: ἐκ χειρός, του minus 21 3 ; ἐν χερσὶν ἦσαν τῶν πολεμίων 28 6. manus, vis, ‘a band', esp. of soldiers: χεῖρα πολλὴν ἀθροίσας 29 Ι. See lex. to Xen. Oecon. s. v. p. 165 χειροῦσθαι, subigere: 11 3 χιλιαρχεῖν, tribunum militum: 4 I esse χιλίαρχος, ου, tribunus mi- litum: 41; 84 χορηγεῖν. PASS. ἐχορηγείτο 12 2 v. 11. χρεμετισμός, ὁ, hinnitus: 27 2 χρήμα, τό, τε quam quis ha- bet sibi utilem: in magnitu- dine v. vehementia dictum: τὸ χρῆμα τυραννίδος 30 4. PL. χρήματα, property': 19 6; 22 3; 27 3; 31 4. 5 2 χρηματίζειν, largitiones : intromittere quem audiendum, audientiam facere, respondere legatis v. con- sulentibus: 54; 34 2 Cf. Plut. Erot. c. 9 de Semiramide ἐν τῷ θρόνῳ καθεζομένην, ἔχουσαν τὸ διάδημα και χρηματίζουσαν: Wyt tenbach ad Plut. p. 125 B. χρῆσθαι, καὶ ἐχρῆτο (αὐτῷ πρὸς τὰς στρατείας 41; καιρῷ παραπεσόντι χρησάμενος εὖ 3 1 ; κόμπῳ χρώμενος 64; τοῖς ἐπιφανεστάτοις ἀνδράσι χρωμέ νων παρανόμως 22ι; ἐχρῆτο τοῖς θερμοῖς ὕδασι 26 3. expe- niri: χρησάμενος τοῖς συμμά χοις προθύμοις 53; ὡς προθυμο- τέροις χρήσοιτο αὐτοῖς 6 9; 16 7. χρῆσθαί τινί τι: 'to employ one for any purpose': 2 3 v. n. χρηστός, ή, όν, probus: 1 2 ; ἀπ᾿ οὐδενὸς χρηστοῦ γνώριμον 36 +. boni ominis : 17 1 χρόα, ή, color, the con- plexion ': ή χ. (τοῦ προσώπου) 2 I χρόνος, δ, τεmpus: ὀλίγον χ· 22 1 (G. § 179, 1) χρονοτριβείν, c. acc. produ cere, ' to prolong : χ. τὸν πόλεμον 15 1 (ubi v. χρόνῳ τρίβειν) χρυσοῦς, α, ον, aureus: χρυ- σοῦν ἀγαλμάτιον 29 6 χρυσωπός, όν, auri colorem habens : τὸ περὶ τὴν κόμην χ. 6 7 χώρα, ή, ager. PL. ἐθνῶν χώ 270 ὤφθη χωρεῖν ρας 33 2. culis) : 35 4 sedes (in specta- + χωρεῖν, ίσω, pergere, to ad- vance': χ. ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν 95; ἐπέσχον αὐτοὺς τοῦ πρόσω χω ρεῖν 96; ἐχώρει ἐπὶ Ρώμην 29 2. procedere, 'to go on and on', 'to continue': ἐχθρὰ χω- ροῦσα δι' αἵματος εμφυλίου 4 4. cedere, 'to turn out', 'come to a certain issue': στρατείας εὖ κεχωρηκέναι δοκούσης 6 3 χωρίον, τό, locus: 30 3. praedium: 31 6 ager, χωρίτης, ό, rusticanus: 76 της C. ψελλισμός, ό, balbuties: πο- δάγρας ψέλλισμόν 26 3 ψεύδεσθαι, iudere: 15 3 ψηφίζεσθαι, decernere: βουλῆς ψηφισαμένης 95. dupl. acc. ἐκεῖνον σύμμαχον Ρω- μαίων ψηφίζεσθαι 22 5. PASS. τὸν ἐψηφισμένον ἐκείνῳ πό- λεμον 11 5 ; εψηφίσθη αὐτῷ άδεια 33 1 ψιλός, ή, όν, nudius: οἱ ψιλοί milites levis armaturae): 17 7 ψυχή, ή, ingenium: τὰς ψ. βασιλικοί 12 7 Ω ὠθεῖν, trudere: ἀθοῦντες ἀλ λήλους 18 1 ; ώσει εν 21 1. PASS. ruere ita ut alter alterum ur- Seat: ὠθουμένοις ἐπ' αὐτήν sc. τὴν ἄκραν 167; ωθεῖτο διὰ τῶν φυγόντων εἰς τοὺς πολεμίους 21 2; ὠσάμενοι πρὸς τὸ φίλιον στρατόπεδον 18 2; πολλῶν ὡσα- μένων ἐκεῖ 29 8 [The syllabic augment is not often omitted in Attic Greek; more fre- quently in later Greek. Thucydides, however, 2, 84, 2 has διωθοῦντο.] ὠμότης, ή, crudelitas : 8 1 ; 13 1 ὠνεῖσθαι, επιere: ὠνούμενοι τοὺς πόνους 12 8 ὤνησε (ὀνινάναι) 16 4 + ὤνιος, ία, ιον, venalis: 128; 13 2 Β. ώρα, ή, A. de diei tempore: τῆς αὐτῆς ώρας 14 η; ἐνάτης ὥρας 382; ὥραν δεκάτην 29 4. ὥρα (ἐστίν) c. inf. tis time : ὥρα μὴ καθεύδειν 34 5 7+ ws, A. as relative: ut, 'as', preceded by demonstrative ad- verb as correlative, οὕτως—ώς 6 8; without correlative, 23 1; 34 3; with genitive, ὡς ἕκαστος εἶχεν εὐπορίας 27 3. οὐχ (oÜTws)-ws, 'not so much-as', 34 3. consecutive for ὥστε B. as conjunction:— I declarative in objective sentences = ὅτι quod: εἰπόντος ὡς χρήσεται 5 2, 6; πυθόμενος ώς ὡς ἐξ ᾿Αλῶν εἶεν 26 3; νοῆσαι ὡς γέγονεν 30 4. C. (1) with par- ticiples to mark the mental attitude of the subject or ob- ject of the sentence: 51; 63; 94; 12 5; 14 I, 4; 21; 232; 25 1; 28; 29 2, 3, 8; 305; 32 1. c. partic. fut. 5 1; 10 2; 16 3; 176; 19 1, 2; 20 1; 286; 29 5. without participle, 4 4 (2) in connexion with prepo- sitions: ἐξελθόντας ὡς ἐπὶ μά χην (= ὡς μαχουμένους) 23 4. as preposit. itself, where the object is a person: ἀχθέντα ὡς Σύλλαν 27 2. (3) temporal; ut “when"; ὡς ἐπύθοντο ταῦτα 91; ὡς ἐνίκησε τοὺς πολεμίους 30 I; 32 + ὤσειεν (ὠθεῖν): 21 1 ὥσπερ, 'as': 34 3; 'as if' c. partic. 22 4; as it were' 34 5 ώστε, A. as subordinate con- junction with infinitive to ex- press result, effect: preceded by οὕτως 22 2 ; 33 2; without cor- relative 30 5. B. coordinate conj. with indic. 'and so' 16 4 ὤφθη (ὁρᾶν) : 27 4; 29 3 CAMBRIDGE PRINTED BY CJ CLAY MA & SON AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS FEB S 1018 BY THE SAME EDITOR Edited for the Syndics of the Cambridge University Press PLUTARCH'S LIVES OF THE GRACCHI. duction notes and lexicon. Extra fcap. Svo. 6s. With intro- "Those who wish to study the Lives of the Gracchi will find Dr Holden's edition a most suggestive and helpful commentary. It bears, like the rest of his work, the stamp of accurate scholarship, wide knowledge of antiquity and infinite painstaking. But perhaps the quality that strikes one most is its thoroughness. The little volume before us contains a long introduction (including a criticism of the sources of Plutarch's informa- tion), an excellent text with a summary of each section, notes with endless illustrations but plenty of renderings also, critical notes and explanations, two indices, grammatical and general, and last, but by no means least, a complete lexicon to the contents of the volume. It is indeed a masterly edition and is adapted to all sorts and kinds of readers, the general notes being purposely divided by a difference of type into two sets: those in smaller print corresponding to the sections to be omitted on first reading. The Cambridge Review, Feb. 3, 1886. "Die vorliegende Ausgabe der 'Gracchi' des Plutarch (mit Einschluss der Com- paratio) ist äusserst reichhaltig, wie schon ein kurzer Ueberblick des Inhaltes ergiebt. "Dabei muss das gegebene aber auch wohl durchweg als gut anerkannt werden. Die Hauptstärke des Buches liegt in dem eingehenden und reichhaltigen Kommentar; hier zeigt H. sich seiner Aufgabe vollkommen gewachsen sowohl durch seine ausgedehnte Kenntnis der einschlägigen Litteratur und seine Vertrautheit mit dem Sprachgebrauch des Plutarch wie auch durch sein klares und selbständiges Urteil. Die Hauptmasse der Noten dient natürlich der Erklärung des Textes; dieser sind aber auch noch . manche kleinere und grössere Exkurse eingefügt. Dieselben sind meist sprachlicher Natur und behandeln unter Beibringung zahlreicher Belege besonders einzelne, nach Bedeutung oder Konstruktion seltenere oder schwierigere Wörter; auch diese Zugaben zeigen H. als einen tüchtigen Philologen, so z. B. p. 68 der Exkurs über anoуtуvoкELV. "Was die Gestaltung des Textes anbetrifft, so bringt H. zwar keine eigenen Verbes- serungen, aber mit klarem und besonnenem Urteil hat er die Forschungen anderer herangezogen und verwertet und so einen fast durchweg annehmbaren Text hergestellt. Besonders angenehm berührt dabei die genaue Kenntnis alles dessen, was von deutschen Philologen auf diesem Gebiete geleistet ist; wie weit der englische Gelehrte in dieser Beziehung seine Studien ausgedehnt hat, zeigen die dem kritischen Anhange voraus- gehenden allgemeinen Bemerkungen. Dass der Herausgeber in der Aufnahme von Konjekturen vorsichtig gewesen ist und nur das in den Text gesetzt hat, was ihm unbedingt sicher schien, darf wohl nur gebilligt werden. "Die Ausstattung ist elegant, der Druck klar und korrekt." C. STEGMANN, Neue Philologische Rundschau, Jahrgang 1886, Nr. 4. "Those who have profited by Dr Holden's valuable edition of Plutarch's Life of Themistocles are sure to welcome this volume heartily. In his lives of the Gracchi Plutarch is, as our Editor remarks, seen at his best .. his style is more lucid and simple and less involved than usual, and his narrative is enlivened with not a few of those pictorial touches which give so great a charm to his writings.. Students of Roman History, if they do not go through the whole book, should at any rate use the admirable introductory essay, pp. xvii. ff, on the principal sources of informa- tion for the Period of the Gracchi.' Athenaeum, Oct. 3. 1885. Notices of the Press "Dr Holden's edition of Plutarch's Gracchi has all the excellences that mark the work of this unwearied scholar. He has chosen these two lives because of the momentous problems involved, and because Plutarch, as he thinks, is seen here at his best. An elaborate introduction enables the student to understand the movement of the times, and the commentary and lexical index provide everything that can be reasonably desired for the elucidation of the text and the guidance of the young Grecian through the peculiarities of Plutarch's grammar and vocabulary. Goodwin is the standard of reference, but Hadley-Allen is also cited at times with advantage. The mechanical execution is beautiful as is to be expected of the Pitt Press." American Journal of Philology, Vol. vi. p. 265, July 1885. • After speaking of the Edition of Plutarch's Life of Themistocles thus:-"Das sehr schön ausgestattete Buch bietet manches, was die sachliche Erklärung und was den Sprachgebrauch des Plutarch betrifft. Die grammatischen Noten sind für Schüler von sehr geringen Vorkenntnissen berechnet und machen, wie die häufig beigefügte Ueberset- zung, alles möglichst mundgerecht. Die syntaktische Erklärung steht vielfach auf einem veralteten Standpunkt. Damit glauben wir den Werth dieser Ausgabe hinreichend gekennzeichnet zu haben. In ganz gleicher Weise hat H. A. Holden die Biographien der Gracchen bearbeitet: Plutarch's Lives of the Gracchi Cambridge University Press 1885, kl. 8, S. 260. Diese Ausgabe enthält eine ausführliche Einleitung, in welcher das Leben und die Zeit der Gracchen behandelt sind, und dann einen vollständigen Wortindex, der wie ein Wörterbuch und zwar recht genau bearbeitet ist." Philologische Zeitschriften, Aug. 1885. "The fertility of Dr Holden's scholarship is very far removed from the self-advertising efforts of ordinary book-making schoolmasters. The frequent appearance of his classical editions is only due to his laudable anxiety that the accumulated fruits of a life well spent in critical research shall not be allowed to waste or perish. His edition of Plutarch's Lives of the Gracchi is distinguished by the same high merits, as those which have been noticed in his other recent work (Xenophon's Oeconomicus). The scholarship is as sound as ever and the archaeology as exhaustive. In the note on γεγανωμένος he tracks out the course of usage in different authors, and on arоуiуváσke he writes a little essay which is so well arranged and digested that it makes easy reading, in spite of (or perhaps by virtue of) the compact mass of information which it contains. Dr Holden's facility of imparting a living interest to the dry bones of scholarship is even better illustrated in his treatment of the difficult word λáuvpos. One secret of his success is that he quotes the always skilfully selected passages at sufficient length for the reader to retain in his mind the associated ideas. On the constitutional points involved in the history of the Gracchan period he states his views with commendable perspicacity. His examination of the principal sources of information upon the Gracchan period leaves nothing to be He is careful to note any divergence which has been detected between Plutarch and other writers. Upon the minor points of archaeology which present themselves Dr Holden gives us full information." desired. Saturday Review, Feb. 13, 1886. "Dr Holden has done before now a great deal of first-class work as an Editor, both in Latin and Greek; but we feel ourselves quite safe in saying that the present volume ranks with the best of its predecessors." Dublin Evening Mail. LONDON: C. J. CLAY AND SON, CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE, AVE MARIA LANE CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS. THE PITT PRESS SERIES. 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