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INDEPENDENCE HALL IN 1876.

AN HISTORICAL ACCOUNT
or
THE OLD STATE HOUSE
OF PENNSYLVANIA
Now KNOWN. As
THE HALL OF INDEPENDENCE
By
FRANK M ETTING
WITH NU MEROUS I LLUSTRATIONS
SECOND EDITION
witH
CONTINUATION
PHILADELPHIA
PORTER AND CO AT ES
I 89 I

CoPYRIGHT, 1874,
By FRANK M. ETTING.
RIVERSIDE, CAMBRIDGE:
S T R. R. E. O. "I YP E D A N D P R 1 N T E D B Y'
H. O. HOUGHT ON & COMPANY.
EIGHTY-Two YEARS AGO this day, a deed which neither France
nor England, Greece nor Rome, ever witnessed, was done in
Independence Hall, in the city of Philadelphia; a deed that
cannot be matched in the history of the world. That old
Hall should forever be kept sacred as the scene of such a deed,
Let the rains of heaven distil gently on its roof, and the storms
of winter beat softly on its door. As each successive genera-
tion of those who have been benefited by the great Declaration
made within its walls shall make their pilgrimage to that
shrine, may they think it not unseemly to call its walls salva-
tion and its gates praise !—Edward Everett.
276460
PR E F A C E .
IN the work that I had “found for my hand to do,” it became
necessary to examine carefully into the details of the building of the
State House of Pennsylvania ; much that surprised me came to light
not only in the circumstances of its erection but in its subsequent
history. Instead of Dr. Kearsley, to whom the credit had been as-
cribed, I discovered that its Architect and actual Builder was one
of the greatest men ever fostered by Pennsylvania; and that every
important movement, from the very inception of the efforts of the
colonists to assert their constitutional liberty, first assumed shape
either within this building or under the shadow of its walls.
A friendly suggestion thrown out induced me to extend still further
my investigations, with a view of preserving the information in print
in some accessible form.
This desire was enhanced by the hope that the general public would
ultimately share in the interest which every brick of this old build-
ing possesses for me, and thus be inclined to lend each his individual
aid towards its preservation, and to insure its proper custodianship for
all time.
The desultory way in which, from causes unnecessary to be detailed,
my memoranda have been thrown together, must leave its impress,
and I cannot expect to be exempt from inaccuracies; but having done
my best without fee or reward, present or prospective, I have no
apologies to make to the public for claiming their notice. To those
nearer to me, whose social claims have from time to time been put
aside, and I now have reason to fear in some cases neglected, from
absorption in my work of “restoration,” I tender in extenuation this
monograph, descriptive of the causes which led me thereunto, but
above all others, to him now beyond the reach of my words : —
TO
T H E M E M ORY
BENJAMIN ETTING
I DEDICATE
THIS VOLUME,
MARCH 27, 1876.
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
PUBLIC ACCoxſ MoDATIONs BEFORE THE BUILDING OF THE STATE HOUSE
PREPARATIONS For BUILDING A STATE HOUSE . e º e º º
BUILDING THE STATE HOUSE . e º & tº º º º G
Its FIRST USE - º & e º º e e e e º º
SKETCH of ANDREW HAMILTON, ITS BUILDER - - e - e
THE JUDICIARY AND THE EXECUTIVE OF THE COLONY occu PY THE
STATE HOUSE º e tº º * º º º • º e
THE STATE HOUSE BELL ORDERED . e º & e & & o
THE COLONIAL DISSENSIONS . e º º - º º & e
UNION OF THE COLONIES . © º º e ſº & e º o
THE CONGRESS OF 1754 . d © . . - º
MASSACHUSETTS Fost ERs UNION . e ſº & g †: tº & º
THE CONGREss of 1765 . º º º º - º -
THE STAMP ACT RESISTED — INDEPENDENCE For ESHADow ED º º
PENNSYLVANIA ADHEREs to THE UNIox - © e & & &
THE OBSERVATORY e º º º & e º g e º e
THE ESTABLISHMIENT OF A CHINA FActory . - º e º º
THE PHILADELPHIA TEA PARTY . & º º e º * º e
EFFECT OF THE Boston Po RT BILL - º & - - º º
THE FIRST CONTINENTAL CONGRESS . e º º &
THE INITIATION OF INDEPENDENCE . - º º ©
INSTRUCTIONS OF VIRGINTA To Move For INDEPENDENCE s e
MoTION THEREFOR According LY MADE BY RICHARD HENRY LEE .
PAGR
so
J
13
15
16
27
32
39
40
50
51
52
(33
64
.
INDEPENDENCE REsolved . & º e tº e te © º e
THE DECLARATION ADOPTED . - - - - º e tº º
THE DECLARATION PRoclaiMED . & & e te g & e º
THE BELL FORETELLs THE JUBILEE of 1876 - e - o
INDEPENDENCE MADE UNANIMoUs e º º e g º º -
THE FIRST CONSTITUTION of THE STATE of PENNsy Lv ANIA . sº
BRITISII OCCUPATION of PHILADELPHIA . * e º
ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION SLGNED . - - e • & e
CoNGRESS LEAVES PHILADELPHIA
100
101
102
104
105
106
10 7
109
1 11
vi TA BLE OF CONTENTS.
CONVENTION TO FRAME TIIE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES 117
CONVENTION TO FRAME THE SEcoRD CONSTITUTION OF THE STATE OF
PENNSYLVANIA © tº de © e e o o e e e 120
THE STATE HOUSE RELINQUISHED & e gº g * e † . 1 21
SKETCH OF THE BANQUETING HALL e * * g & e e 121
LECTURES ON ELECTRICITY AT THE STATE HOUSE . e tº e . 125
THE STEEPLE REMOVED . & e tº iº © e º g 127
SKETCH OF THE WING's & º * ſº g e e e . 129
SKETCH OF THE STATE HOUSE YARD . & § § tº e © 131
SKETCH OF CONGRESS HALL e * e e º o gº & . 135
SKETCH OF CITY HALL . © e e e e * e & tº 146
SKETCH of THE PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY BUILDING e e & . 152
SKETCH OF PEALE’s MUSEUM . & g * o º gº © * 154
THE STEEPLE RESTORED e e & © § © © * tº . 158
THE RESTORATION OF INDEPENDENCE HALL . § e & e g 166
ITs ILLUSTRATIONS gº o tº © e e & ſº o º . 1 73
ESTABLISHMENT OF THE NATIONAL MUSEUM & © e o & 170
DEDICATION of INDEPENDENCE HALL AND ITS ADJUNCTS TO THE PEO-
PLE OF THE UNITED STATES & e º º Q gº gº * 183
ENGIRA VINGS.
-º-
INDEPENDENCE HALL, 1876 . © e e e e º - Frontispiece.
INDEPENDENCE HALL IN 1776 . e º e - . Title Page Illustrated.
THE PORTRAIT OF WILLIAM PENN . º º º e e e Face 2
THE LETITIA Cott AGE (THE FIRST RESIDENCE OF WILLIAM PENN) 4
THE SLATE Roof Hous E (GoverNMENT Hous E) º © - & 6
THE FIRST Tows HALL (AND Cou RT Hous E) . g e e e 8
ELEVATION OF THE STATE Hous E . & e e e - º & 18
THE PORTRAIT OF ANDREW HAMILTON . o 17
THE MARCH OF THE PAxTON BOYS ON PHILADELPHIA, AND WHAT
CAME OF I.T. SCENE AT THE COURT Hous E OR Town HALL . 46
NoN-IMPORTATION RESOLUTIONs © e • - e © - - 54
TH F PURIAL of THE STAMP ACT IN ENGLAND (UPox Its REPEAL) 58
THE TEA-POT TEMPEST . e • - e e - e - º 67
THE STATE Hous E YARD (As ENCLos ED DURING THE REvo LUTION) S2
INDEPENDENCE CHAMBER (AFTER RESTORATION) . - e e - 84
THE PortRAIt of John NIxox . º e º e e o e 103
LIBERTY BELL . e e e º • e e e o º º 104
THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE º ſº e o e e 105
THE TREATY ELM . { } º * $ -> º º * º º 127
THE OLD STATE House, 1781–1813 (REAR VIEw) . e e o 12S
THE OLD STATE House, 1781–1813 (FRoN r VIEW) . © º & 13S
CONGRESS HALL, 1790–1800 . e e e e º º e e 140
CHARLES WILsoN PEALE . e º e e - • - e e 1 54
INDEPENDENCE HALL 1876 (REAR VIEw) . e © e * e 16 2
INDEPENDENCE CHAMBER As A GENERAL RECEPTACLE (BEFoRE RES-
TORATION) © o º wº • º sº e e º e 1.65
THE TABLE UPON which “THE DEcLARATION '' was sign ED AND
CHAIRS OF PRESIDENT AND MEMBERs of CoNGREss of 1776
(AFTER RESTORATION) . - º e g e e tº e 167
INDEPENDENCE CHAMBER, WESTERN SIDE (AFTER REstor ATION) . 17 3
THE HALL OF THE OLD STATE House (AFTER REstor ATION) . 179
THE NATIONAL Museumſ (EASTERN Sip E) . te º - e e 1. SU
THE WESTIBULE of INDEPENDENCE HALL (AFTER REstor Arios) . 1 S6
(vii)
viii ENGIRA VINGS.
TEXTUAL ILLUSTRATIONS.
SIGNATURE OF CHARLEs II. . e e - º e º © o ©
SIGNATURE To PENN’s CHARTER . - e - © • o ©
SIGNATURE OF WILLIAM PENN . g º º e e © © &
BANK MEETING Hous E . © º º º º & e e º
SIGNATURE OF THOMAS MAKIN . © - º - e º e º
DRAFT OF BILL FOR BUILDING STATE Hous E • º - º º
SIGNATURE OF DAvid LLoyd º ſº º tº º e º º e
SIGNATURE OF PATRICK GoRDON . - * º º º &
SIGNATURE OF WM. ALLEN . e sº -> º - e w e te
SIGNATURE OF JAMEs Log AN . e - e -> º - *
SIGNATURE OF HAMILTON FAMILY . e e - º • º e
SIGNATURE OF FRANKLIN FAMILY . - o - º - &
SIGNATURE OF WM. BRADFord . g º o º g o g
SIGNATURE OF J. PETER ZENGER . º & - e - ſº º
SIGNATURE OF KING JAMEs II. . º º g • g
PROCLAMATION OF KING JAMES II. * e º ºr e * º
SIGNATURE OF DAVID RITTENHOUSE . e ge º e o
SIGNATURE OF EARL OF HOLDERN Ess E . e - º e e º
ORDER FOR PAYMENT OF WAGES OF Assem BLY-MAN TO BENJAMIN
FRANKLIN e o º º * º e * e © e &
RECEIPT OF BENJAMIN AND DEBORAH FRANKLIN THEREFOR e
SIGN MANUAL OF KING GEORGE II. . & º & •
SIGN MANUAL OF KING GEORGE III. © & º & - &
PRIVY PURSE IN 1753 AND IN 1763 . º e e e e º e
SIGNATURES OF JAMES OTIS, THOMAS CUSHING, OXEN BRIDGE TIIACHER
AND OTHERS . © © e tº tº e * * © & &
St AMP OF 1765 . e º º e - * - º - tº e
SIGNATURE OF Mr. SPEAKER WIIITE . e
SIGNATURE OF MR. SPEAKER Fox OF PENNSYLVANIA . º e ©
THE “PENNSYLVANIA Journ AL '' of OCTOBER 31, 1765 e º e
THIRD AND LAST SUPPLEMENT TO THE ‘‘MARYLAND GAZETTE,” OCTO-
BER 31, 1765 . o ſº e e º º e tº & º e
REPEAL OF STAMP ACT . º e -> e 4. g ſº
BURNT STAMPED PAPER º - * - o - tº
WRECKED STAM PED PAPER -> e - e º e © e
HEADING OF THE ‘‘NEW YORK GAZETTE '’ © e e º * 6.
SIGNATURE OF DANIEL DULANY e - e e º e e e
THE DECLARATORY ACT o º c © º º e e e e
SIGNATURE OF LORD HILLSBOROUG II * * © e º Q ©
SIGNATURE OF JOSEPH GALLOWAY . e º e ſo º © e
59
60
60
61
61
79
ENGIRA VINGS.
ix
CARPENTER’s HALL . g e. & * tº gº gº G
SIGNATURE OF JOSIAH QUINCY, JR. . g gº * &
PENNSYLVANIA BILL OF CREDIT, RESOLVE MONEY
PENNSYLVANIA BILL OF CREDIT, GENERAL ISSUI.
SIGNATURE OF DANIEL RoDERDEAU & e tº te ſº
SIGNATURE OF EDMUND PENDLETON . º * º ge
RESOLUTION OF RICHARD HENRY LEE FOR INDEPENDENCE .
SIGNATURE OF HENRY WISNER . g Q © tº g
SIGNATURE OF JOHN ALSOP . wº º ſº te * g
SIGNATURE OF John DICKINSON . e & e tº «s
SIGNATURE OF CHARLEs HUMPHREYs . © g tº 4 ×
SIGNATURE OF THoMAs WILLING © º “º e
SIGNATURE OF JOHN Rogers . º * gº & e *
CARD OF ADMISSION TO LECTURE ON ELECTRICITY .
SIGNATURES OF PHILIP SYNG AND OF THoMAs Hopkinsos
INN OPPositE THE STATE House & g tº e *
CARICATURE OF REMOVAL OF CONGRESs to PHILADELPHIA
CARD OF ADMISSION To PEALE’s Museum tº e *
80
81
86
87
90
95
99
º
99
100
100
100
1 () ()
1 25
1 20
129
139
1 56
HISTORY
OF
INDEPENDENCE HALL.
O tell the story of the old State House of Pennsylvania in full
would be to chronicle provincial history for more than half a
century; it would be to describe the vicissitudes of a colony but re-
cently planted in the New World, to trace its gradual growth and
transition into a distinct and independent sovereignty, and its final
merger in a nation whose creation it contributed to, and whose birth
it witnessed. While we do not undertake this, we must glance even at
the incidents which preceded the erection of the edifice and recall
those more prominent events in the history of the State and of the
nation, which, occurring under the roof or within the shadow of its
venerable walls, give immortality to the very bricks and mortar.
If, in investigating the antecedents of the State House or in invok-
ing the shades of its builders, we are led into details of inanimate ob-
jects otherwise trivial, we may well point to the fact that around, them
the all potent power of association has set an imperishable halo, whose
light is now as clearly recognized in temporal as in spiritual illustra-
tions.
Young as our country is, the actuality, so to speak, of our Founders
is already losing itself in the mists of the past; so long, however, as
we can preserve the material objects left to us which those great men
saw, used, or even touched, the thrill of vitality may still be trans-
mitted unbroken.
In description “one hundred and ninety years ago’’ is almost as
indefinite, as unreal to our adult ears as the “once upon a time ’’ that
was wont to usher in the fairy tales of early childhood; but give us
the Treaty Elm, the residence of Penn, the Home of Washington, the
“strong box" of Robert Morris, the walking stick of Franklin — what
you will — material evidences of the public action, or even of the daily
life and habits of the men of the day, and we can annihilate distance
in time as in space. They serve as talismans with which to conjure
1
2 HISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE HALL.
up forms and figures, and endow them with life. A letter written by
the hand of Penn, appeals as strongly to us—is as distinct and com-
prehensible at the distance of two hundred years, as a mechanical
autograph transmitted by House's telegraph from a point as many
miles away.
The perpetuity of such associations must essentially depend upon
our appreciation of the events which gave them being. So long as
the truths declared self-evident by the men of 1776 remain manifest
to their descendants, so long as we “the sovereign people of America”
possess sufficient worth to make feasible the government then insti-
tuted, just so long will we cherish and keep undefiled the birth cham-
ber of the Republic.
Nor are the memories of the State House confined to the epoch of
the Revolution. Directly and indirectly they bring before us some of
the grandest characters in the history of the world's progress during
the past two hundred years.
William Penn reached Newcastle in Delaware, on the 27th of Oc-
tober, 1682, to take possession of the territory granted to him in
America by King
Charles II. The
/ frame of govern-
w ment “agreed
upon by himself
& and certain free-

men of the Province,” was published ere he left England ; it provided
for the Proprietary as Governor, a Provincial or Governor's Council
consisting of seventy-two members, and one House of Assembly, the
representatives to which were to be elected by the freemen of the
Province to the number of two hundred.
Accompanied in his own ship — the Welcome, – by less than suf-
ficient to form a Council of the proportion contemplated, he had been
preceded by about the number of his grantees sufficient to constitute a
“House of Assembly,” but it was no part of his design to restrict to
his own followers the privileges he had granted. The Swedes, the
Finns, the Dutch, whom he expected to find, were to be naturalized,
while the then settlers, grantees of the Duke of York, and of Lord
Baltimore, who pay “scot and lot to the government,” recognizing
“ the one Almighty eternal God to be the Creator, Upholder, and
Ruler of the world,” were to be placed upon an equal footing. In
“laying the fundamentals” at the first Assembly all the freemen were
to be members thereof,
THE PORTRAIT OF WILLIAM PENN.

PENN'S FIRST A SSEMBLY. 3
Penn's first Assembly convened at Chester, on the 4th day of De-
cember, 1682. Its numbers were small, notwithstanding the liberal-
PENN'S SEAL AND SIGNATURE TO THE PENNSYLVANIA CHARTER, W I rit SIGNATURES OF THE
WITNESSES.
ity of the invitation. Its work, prepared in some measure in advance,
though alterations in ratifying the “Great Law,” or general system
Ž ~~~~
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of jurisprudence, bear unmistakable evidences of other and less lib-
eral minds than Penn's, was accomplished in three days. This ses-
sion was held, tradition tells us, in a small briek house of one story
and a half, belonging to one John Hart.

4 HISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE FIA LL.
Penn shortly afterwards issued his writs for the election of members
of his Council according to programme, seventy-two in number, and
included an invitation to every freeman to appear at an Assembly at
Philadelphia, on the 10th of March, 1683, pursuant to the Constitu-
tion he had framed.
But the freeholders to whom these writs were addressed, while mak.
ing “their humble acknowledgments of the favor intended them,”
asked attention to the smallness of their numbers, and the fewness of
those acquainted with public business, together with their general in-
ability to support the charge of such great elections, etc., concluding
with the request that, out of the twelve elected from the county, three
might be selected for councillors and the remaining nine form the
county representation in Assembly. Thus the numbers were reduced
to eighteen for the Council and fifty-four for the Assembly. The six
counties being composed of three for Pennsylvania — Philadelphia,
Bucks, and Chester — and the “three lower counties,” afterwards
constituting Delaware.
Even with the reduction thus made, there then stood on the site of
Philadelphia no tenement capable of accommodating this first govern-
ment assemblage. It is probable that Penn met his Council in the yet
unfinished house of George Guest, which stood near the spot where
he is reported to have first landed — a house familiarly known to us
as “The Blue Anchor Tavern.”
The usual Hobson's choice of that day, as well for the individuals
themselves, as for our annalists when at a loss for the locus in quo —
the “Meeting House" — was not yet built at Philadelphia.
The wide spreading branches of the Treaty Elm would form an
inviting shelter, but the season of the year forbids that inference,
besides which it was rather remote from the place where the Council
was sitting, and from the landing. The caves along the banks of the
river in which the settlers were living were too small to hold an as-
sembly of fifty-four men; thus we are feign to believe that as the
Swedes' Church was not very far off at Wicaco, it had the honor of af-
fording shelter to the first Assembly of Pennsylvania in Philadelphia.
Its proceedings belong to general history. -
The building familiarly known as “Penn's Cottage,” in Lætitia
Court, near Market Street," appears to have been finished in the Fall
of 1683, and was occupied by the Proprietary during the remainder
of his stay in Pennsylvania. In it met the next following Provincial
Council, and its successors for many years. The precedent seems thus
1 This cottage, though somewhat changed in its exterior, is still (1875) standing
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EARLY MEETINGS OF COUNCIL AND A SSEMBLY. 5
to have been established for the Council to meet at the Governor's
residence, since they unquestionably continued the practice till the
erection of the State House, to which, as will be seen, they removed
in 1747.
The Assembly was even more peripatetic from force of circum-
Stances.
A Friends’ “Meeting House,” of however rough a construction, was
prepared, shortly after Penn's arrival, and undoubtedly served for
holding sessions of the Legislature. It and its successor — built within
the same viciuity, Front Street, above Arch, and known as the Bank
TIIlº B.ANIK MIEETING !! OUSE-
Meeting House — seems to have been continued in this use for twelve
85 -
years. During this period there had been built a private house of

6 HISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE HALL.
some pretensions on the lower side of Front Street, between Walnut
and Spruce, which proved “too big for a private man,” as Penn wrote
in 1687, and “as Richard Whitpain has been at great expense for the
advancement of the Province, and taketh share here (in England) on
all occasions for its honor, I can do no less than recommend to you
for public service his great house, which would provide you a conven-
iency above what my cottage affords. It were reputable to take at
least a moiety of it which might serve for all the offices of State.”
The hint does not seem to have been taken in Mr. Whitpain's life-
time, though about eight years afterwards, on the 10th of September,
1695, we find the Assembly met in “the large room * of this mansion,
and in order to pay the rent to Sarah Whitpain, the members then
and there obliged themselves to defray the charges personally, and un-
dertook to collect the same from their respective counties.
In another year the “Carpenter mansion,” known as the Slate
Roof House served their turn; but we find that in 1701, the Assem-
1 In reference to this building Mr. Westcott, in his invaluable History of Philadel-
phia, says: “This house was built by Samuel Carpenter, and was then considered as
one of the best edifices in the town. That the mansion was rented to Penn is evi-
dent from a letter written by him to James Logan, in September, 1701, when about
leaving for England, in which he says: ‘Thou may continue in the house I lived in
until the year is up.’ But Logan, it seems, continued to occupy the house for some
time longer as an office for the transaction of government affairs, and writes to Penn
in 1702; “I am forced to keep this house still, there being no accommodation to be
had elsewhere for the public business.” About the year 1703, this house was sold
to William Trent, for £850. Whether this purchaser (afterwards the founder of
Trenton) occupied the house himself, we are not informed; but it seems to have
been regarded by Logan as a very desirable property, and peculiarly fitted for the
residence of the Proprietary should he again return to his government. Thus, in
1709, he writes: ‘William Trent designing for England, is about selling his house
he bought of Samuel Carpenter, which thou lived in with the improvement of a
beautiful garden, etc.” “I wish it could be made thine as nothing in this town is
so well fitting a Governor. His price is £900 of our money, which it is hard thou
canst not spare. I would give twenty to trirty pounds out of my own pocket that
it were thine — nobody’s but thine.’”
But Logan's wish was not gratified. The house became the property of Isaac
Norris, an eminent citizen, for some time Speaker of the Assembly, and distin-
guished for the part which he took in public affairs. From him it descended to his
heirs, and until the late disposal of the lot to the Commercial Exchange Association
was still the property of the descendants of the Norris family. It was occupied for
many years as a superior and fashionable boarding-house, and was distinguished as
the lodgings of a number of persons of note while sojourning in Philadelphia. Gen-
eral Forbes, the successor of Braddock, died here in 1759, and was buried with
military honors, the pomp of his funeral exceeding anything of the kind previously
itnessed in the city. -
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THE SLATE-ROOF HOUSE.
(GOVERNMENT HOUSE.)















EARLY MEETINGS OF THE ASSEMBLY. 7
bly returned to Whitpain's house, which had passed into the tenure of
Joseph Shippen; its “great front room " was then by resolution “or-
dered to be prepared and put in order,” and Joseph Shippen was
allowed compensation for it “by the government.”
After the new charter extorted from William Penn in 1701, the
Council was no longer recognized as a part of the Legislature, and the
number of members of Assembly was reduced first by the secession of
the representatives of the three lower counties, and by the terms of
the charter, to twelve, though shortly afterwards raised to twenty-six
members.
We now find this body in occupancy of the public school-house,
much to the annoyance and professional *
detriment of its master, Thomas Makin, * 22 &
who was also clerk to the Assembly. ~~->

Mr. Makin was voted in consequence
some compensation for the loss of his pupils."
The building of a third “meeting house,” at the corner of Second
and Market streets, seems to have drawn off “Friends" from the
Front Street meeting-house. At all events in the latter the Assem-
bly were enabled for some time to hold their sessions apparently
undisturbed, but it would seem they were again placed under the
necessity of procuring a private house in 1727–28, when it became
palpable to the members, as well as to the citizens, that “it was
incommodious as well as dishonorable for the General Assembly of
the Province to be obliged annually to hire some private house to
meet and sit in,” and that it was now full time that a Government
or State House should be erected, so that the Assembly, the Gov-
ernor's Council, and the Supreme Court of the Colony might have
appropriate chambers.
No data are accessible from which any positive conclusion can be
drawn as to the place of sitting of the Supreme Court, anterior to this
time. Its sessions had been very irregular, and seem to have been held
at the Court House in Market Street near Second.
Gabriel Thomas states, in 1698, “there is lately built a noble
Towne House or Guild Hall, also a handsome Market House, and a
convenient Prison.” This would appear to refer to the Court House,
* Thomas Makin was one of the early settlers in Philadelphia, and before he be-
came head master was associated at first with George Keith in what he calls his
“pedagogie,” and subsequently with Francis Daniel Pastorius. He wrote a descrip-
tion of Pennsylvania in Latin verse in 1729, which, with its translation, covers four-
teen pages of Proud’s History of Pennsylvania.
8 HISTOR. Y OF INDEPENDENCE FIA LL.
though Mr. Westcott and other reliable authorities do not believe that
it was erected for eight or nine years after, or about the date of the
charter of privileges to Philadelphia, as a city, October 25, 1701.
This building was appropriated to general city and county purposes,
including the City Council.
The General Assembly and the Governor's Council never held their
sessions herein, as some have imagined.
Towards the close of the year 1728, a project was seriously enter-
tained of fixing upon another place than Philadelphia for the sessions
of the Legislature. The Assembly did actually go so far as to make
application to the Governor (Gordon) to convene them elsewhere, as-
signing as a reason, “the several indecencies lately used towards the
members while attending the services of the country in Philadelphia,
\by rude and disorderly people unknown to the House.”
The Governor, disinclined to this change, temporized in his reply,
but designated Chester as, next to Philadelphia, the most convenient
place for meeting, should the request be persisted in. This, however,
was not the case. Still the effort thus made no doubt aroused the
city members and contributed to enforce a petition which was soon
after—in February of the following year—presented to the Assem-
bly, praying for a law empowering the city and councils of Philadelphia
to build a State House in High Street, near the Prison, in connection
with a market. This petition was laid before the House during an
animated discussion on the expediency of making an addition to the
existing paper currency, to which the Governor had seriously objected.
Legislative tactics were apparently then not unknown, while the gov-
ernmental machinery, inseparable from colonial dependency, was even
more cumbersome than at any time subsequent to the Revolution. The
paper currency bills, three of which had been passed previous to this
one of 1728, now under consideration, were always fruitful subjects of
dispute between the Assembly, the Governor, the Proprietary, and the
“Home Government,” the concurrence of all these being needed to
pass any law. In this instance, the House on 1st January, 1729, re-
solved upon an issue of £50,000 in paper money, and appointed a
committee to draft a bill accordingly. On the 4th, the result of their
deliberations was reported, but it was not till the 6th that the bill was
discussed, and blanks in it filled. On the 17th it was transcribed, and
the next day compared by a Committee of the House in order to
determine its accuracy before its transmission for his sanction to the
Governor.
The Governor suggested numerous amendments. These, however,
º
º
THE FIRST TOWN HALL AND COURT HOUSE.

COMMENCEMENT OF STATE HOUSE. 9
were all disregarded by the Assembly, except in the reduction of the
amount to be issued to £40,000. This brought upon the House an
indignant speech, in which the Governor expressed his astonishment
that not the least alteration had been made in any material point.
The House replied in a formal address, which ended in a conference
on the 4th of April at the Governor's house. The amount to be issued
was then again reduced by another £10,000, and on the last day of
April a fresh bill, pursuant to the alterations, was transcribed and
delivered in at the table.
It was at this stage of the bill, on the first of May, 1729, the Journal
informs us, that upon motion made “the House took into consideration
the necessity of a House for the Assembly of this Province to meet
in,” and the question being put, it was unanimously resolved, that
two thousand pounds of the £30,000 then to be emitted in paper cur-
rency should be appropriated towards building such a House. On the
same day, however, and apparently without any provision to meet the
requirement, the original bill was ordered to be compared and sent to
the Governor for his concurrence ; the latter, however, promptly re-
turned it on May 6th, with numerous objections, but the House insist-
ing upon its action, and incorporating a clause for the appropriation
of £2000 towards the building of a State House, the Governor yielded
his points, and the bill was at once ordered to be engrossed. g
The original draft of this bill, with its interlineations and amend-
ments in the handwriting of Andrew Hamilton, has been fortunately
preserved, and is now deposited in the National Museum, Independ-
ence Hall.
The page relating to our subject is here with presented. (See p. 10.)
During the discussions this bill engendered between the Governor
and the Assembly, and in view of what was destined to transpire in
the very building erected under one of its provisions, it is a little
amusing to find how the Governor in his message expatiated on the
deference due to the royal authority, “under which,” he says, “we
have the great happiness to live, and from which we derive all our
protection. It is our glory as well as our happiness that we are sub-
jects to the Crown of Britain under which and the Proprietary we
enjoy our vast privileges.”
This law as finally passed is entitled “An Act for emitting of thirty
thousand pounds in bills of credit for the better support of government
and the trade of this Province.” Its concluding section is as follows:
“And forasmuch as a House for the Representatives of the Freemen
of this Province to meet and sit in General Assembly in the City ol
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I

SITE A ND PI, A NS FOR STATE HOUSE. 11
Philadelphia, is very much wanted Be it therefore enacted by the
authority aforesaid, that the sum of two thousand pounds of bills of
credit made current by this act be delivered by the Trustees of the
Loan Office to Thomas Lawrence, Andrew Hamilton, and John Kears-
ley, who are hereby appointed -
for building and carrying on the
same ; who shall give their re- 42
ceipt to the trustees for the said
bills,” etc. Passing through
the usual formalities on the
eighth, the bill was signed by the Speaker on the tenth of May.
On the same day the House, as was then the custom, waited in a

body upon the Gov-

ernor, that this and ſº
other bills should be
passed into law—the 9 2%
concurrence of “his
honour” having been 2–
graciously accorded.
Such is the modest
provision made for the State House of Pennsylvania, now the world
renowned “Independence Hall.”
Still another formality was required, “the affixing of the Great
Seal of the Province,” and this demanded the presence of a committee
of the House. Messrs. Thomas Tress and William Monington, were
assigned to this duty. Even now the law might be disallowed by his
Majesty's Government, and in anticipation of an adverse action the
House had appointed another committee, consisting of John Kearsley,
Andrew Hamilton, and William Webb, to prepare an address to the
Ring, and one to the Penns, in favor of the law as passed.
It was not for many months that his Majesty's royal pleasure in
favor of its validity was made known.
A contrariety of opinion among the members of the building com-
mittee, both as to site and plans, delayed any action for nearly three
years. While the legislative body had determined upon neither, it
will be remembered that its action was based upon a petition from
the citizens of Philadelphia, who had designated “ High Street” near
the Prison (Market Street, near Third), as the locus in quo, and
wished a “Market ’’ in connection with it.
Dr. Kearsley evidently favored this location. As an amateur archi-
teet, too, he had planned and superintended the erection of Christ
12 HISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE HA LJ.
Church, a building which gave universal satisfaction, and had con-
stituted the Doctor an authority in such matters. He conceived a plan
for the State House, and submitted it to his colleagues, but so also
it appears did Mr. Hamilton. That of the latter was preferred and
adopted by the majority of the committee. They also determined
upon the site at Chestnut Street, between Fifth and Sixth, in opposi-
tion to the views of Dr. Kearsley. Thus while the latter has been
strangely credited with the design and construction of the State House,
it is fully shown by the records of the Assembly that he interposed
every obstacle in his power, even after the site had been selected and
the ground secured, “frequently insisting,” complains Mr. Hamilton,
“that the House of Representatives had never agreed that it should
be built at that place.”
William Penn, with his accustomed foresight, had reserved for the
public buildings, city and State, “the Centre Square " at Broad and
Market streets, but only forty-seven years had then elapsed, and it
needed nigh unto two centuries to justify his anticipations.
The lots on Chestnut Street which Messrs. Hamilton and Lawrence
selected, had been sold to various purchasers; the former therefore
authorized William Allen (even then a prominent merchant and sub-
sequently one of the most distinguished citizens of Philadelphia) to
buy in his own name, for the use of the Province, the necessary ground.
On the 15th October, 1730, he made his first purchase of one hundred
and ninety-eight feet (including the middle) of the present Chestnut
Street front, and running back half way to Walnut, besides a small lot
at the corner of Sixth Street, on Chestnut, and another small lot on
Fifth, these last evidently intended as an entering wedge to the acqui-
sition of the whole of the Chestnut Street front — a project nearly
completed by additional purchases made by Mr. Hamilton himself, in
1732, in the spring of which year ground was actually broken.
The plan adopted included alone the present main or central build-
ing (the State House proper), and was designed to accommodate the
Assembly, the Supreme Court, and the Governor's Council only.
It fell to Mr. Speaker Hamilton, personally, to carry out the design
of the noble building he had planned ; and as usual, in those days as
in our own, while seeking conscientiously to serve the public without
fee or reward, he was repaid by malicious insinuations and active
opposition.
Inferior mechanics who wanted “jobs,” and were rebuffed; office-
holders who sought to subserve their own selfish ends, regardless of
public convenience or public interests; disappointed schemers, and
PRELIMINA R Y ARRANGEMENTS. 13
even well intentioned citizens, enamored of their own notions, con-
tributed to impede or thwart the work, till at last Mr. Hamilton, pro-
voked beyond endurance, brought the whole subject before the Legis-
lature. In the presence of Dr. Kearsley he requested that the House
would resolve itself into a committee of the whole in order to hear
and discuss the subject of location, plans, and contracts, etc. This
was accordingly done, and full opportunity given to Dr. Kearsley, to
present his own design and all the objections to that of Mr. Hamilton,
whose plan and elevation of the State House were also submitted to
the members. By formal resolution the action of Mr. Hamilton, both
in regard to the site selected and to the manner of conducting the
building, was approved.
Mr. Hamilton informed the House that the charge of superintending
the erection of the building and providing incidental materials and
workmen had almost entirely been devolved upon himself; that he
found from experience that the affair was attended with great difficul-
ties and with much prejudice to his own private concerns; and desired
that the House should appoint some competent person to superintend
the work, who could devote his attention to the subject, and be in-
vested with needful authority to enforce his orders. The House, how-
ever, declined to release Mr. Hamilton. They fully indorsed all the
arrangements hitherto made by him, with the request that he would
continue to act with the existing committee, and promised due com-
pensation.
Mr. Allen had purchased the lots in his own name, and expended
his own money in so doing, relying no doubt on his friends, Hamilton
and Lawrence, for repayment. Accordingly the House on 8th of Aug-
ust, 1732, took into consideration the expediency of “vesting in trust
in some body politick and corporate, capable of succession, who should
be compellable to execute that trust in such manner as may be directed
by the General Assembly of the Province for the time being.” On
the 11th they passed a resolution, that the committee should pay to
William Allen the purchase money for the ground he bought for the
State House, upon the said William Allen making a declaration of
trust with stipulation of conveyance to such persons as any subsequent
House of Representatives should see fit to appoint for that service.
The preliminary arrangements having been thus finally adjusted,
work was recommenced in earnest. Mr. Hamilton's two colleagues
seem to have relinquished all supervision, Mr. Lawrence probably from
confidence in his friend's judgment, and Dr. Kearsley in sullen dis-
gust. At this early day the Philadelphia mechanics still retained
14 HISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE HALL.
their English pride of “Guilds,” and competent workmen could be
found to supply all the requisites except fancy plaster work.
No trades-unions then interfered with learning the trade adopted
by the apprentice; no coöperative association existed to foist upon an
abused public inferior work through irresponsible and incompetent
laborers.
Skilled masons, skilled carpenters, and skilled plasterers, as the
work now attests after nearly a century and a half, faithfully per-
formed the labors assigned them. -
The names of some of them employed at various times have been
preserved.
Edmund Woolley, Ebenezer Tomlinson, carpenters and builders;
John Harrison, joiner and carver; Thomas Shoemaker, with whom
were Robert Hind, and Thomas Peglar; Joseph Hitchcock; Thomas
Boude, bricklayer; Daniel Jones, James Stoops, and Benjamin Fair-
man, brickmakers; William Holland, marble mason ; Thomas Kerr,
plasterer ; Jona. Palmer, Thomas Redman, stone masons and cellar
diggers; Brian Wilkinson, wood carver; Thomas Ellis, glazier; and
later still Thomas Godfrey, who afterwards became famous as the
inventor of the Quadrant.
The painting was done by Gustavus Hesselius, who subsequently
removed to Maryland, and became well known as a portrait painter.
During the session of 1735–6, the question was again agitated of
placing the State House with its croft, toft, and loft in proper legal
plight. It was determined to vest the whole in Trustees, and William
Allen was very properly selected by the House, with associates the
chief Burgesses of Bristol and of Chester. Mr. Allen had now become
mayor of the city, and for personal reasons as well as from feelings of
delicacy earnestly asked to be excused, whereupon it was resolved that
John Kinsey, Joseph Kirkbride, Jr., Caleb Cowpland, and Thomas
Edwards, should be named as Trustees.
An act of assembly was passed accordingly, February 21, 1736, re-
citing the purchases by Andrew Hamilton and William Allen, and
the fact of the erection of a State House and other buildings, and re-
quiring a conveyance by these gentlemen to the Trustees named.
This act contains the proviso so often made merry over, —“It is the
true intent and meaning of these Presents, that no part of the said
ground lying to the southward of the State House, as it is now built,
be converted into or made use of for erecting any sort of Building
thereupon, but that the said ground shall be enclosed and remain a
public open Green and Walks forever,”— a requirement doubtless
made originally by Mr. Hamilton.
FIRST USE OF STATE HOUSE. 15
Directions had already been given in 1732, that “the ground be-
longing to the State House may be with the least expense, and with
all convenient speed levelled and enclosed with a board fence, in order
that walks may be laid out and trees planted to render the same more
beautiful and commodious,” but while a wall was finally erected as a
protection no attempts to plant or embellish the grounds seem to have
been made down to the period of the Revolution. In March, 1733,
a plan was exhibited to and adopted by the House for the erection of
two offices adjoining the original edifice to be used as places of deposit
for the “greater security of the public papers of the province.”
Spurred on by the fact that the Assembly was sitting in cramped
quarters, – a small tenement on One of the lots purchased for the State
House Square, — the work was now pushed rapidly forwards, especially
the chamber designed for the Assembly itself. But even before its
occupancy, the first public use, to which any portion of the building
was put, was, appropriately enough, for what might be called a raising
frolic. Here in the second story, in “the long room" and its two ante-
chambers was held the great banquet described in Franklin’s “Penn-
sylvania Gazette, "under date of September 30, 1736, as follows : —
“Thursday last William Allen, Esq., Mayor of this city for the
year past, made a feast for his citizens at the State House, to which all
the strangers in town of note were also invited. Those who are judges
of such things say that considering the delicacy of the viands, the
variety and excellency of the wines, the great number of guests, and
yet the easiness and order with which the whole was conducted, it
was the most grand, the most elegant entertainment that has been
made in these parts of America.”
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Thus was inaug-
urated the Banquet- /
ing Hall of the city, •
tº A.
a name that it re- //
mencement of the present century, while its reputation seems to have
tained till the com-
been kept constantly alive, as we shall presently see, by the giving
therein all ceremonial banquets, whether to celebrate the King's birth-
day, the arrival of a new Governor or any member of the Proprietary
family, or of a commander-in-chief of the royal forces. *
Apprehensive of censure on the score of too heavy an expenditure, it
was determined at first to wainscot the Assembly Room only in part
and finish it in plaster, but upon consideration this was deemed false
economy and while still in a rough state with the windows not even

16 HISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE HAL ],
fully glazed, it was prepared for the occupancy of the Legislature at
their October session, 1736.
The first Assembly using the chamber was composed of the follow-
ing members : —
Philadelphia County.—Thomas Leech, John Kinsey, Robert Jones,
Edward Warner, William Allen, Job Goodsonn, Jonathan Robeson,
Septimus Robinson.
Bucks County. — Joseph Kirkbride, Jr., Jeremiah Langhorne,
Christian Vanhorne, Andrew Hamilton, Lawrence Growdon, William
Biles, Matthew Hughes, Benjamin Jones.
Chester County. — Joseph Harvey, Thomas Cummings, John Evans,
Caleb Cowpland, William Webb, William Moore, Thomas Chandler,
John Parry.
Philadelphia City. —“Burgesses:” John Kearsley, Israel Pember-
ton.
The new county of Lancaster was represented by James Hamilton,
Andrew Galbraith, Thomas Armstrong, and Thomas Edwards.
Andrew Hamilton was elected Speaker for the seventh time.
Benjamin Franklin was elected clerk, vice Growdon, then turned
out ; James Mackey, sergeant at arms; and Stephen Potts, door-
keeper of the House.
The Council was at this time sitting at the house of the President,
James Logan. After choosing a Speaker (always the first act of the

session), the whole House waited upon the Governor in person, “to
present him '' for the approbation of the Governor, in a very curious
formula, – for the Speaker was expected to request the Governor to
make another choice, he the Speaker elect declaring his want of proper
qualifications for that office. A departure seems to have been made
by Andrew Hamilton, in 1738, who on the formal presentation dis-
claimed in a dignified and becoming manner the holding of such
opinion of himself and declined to say with his mouth that which was
not agreeable to the sentiments of his heart, etc.
Mr. Hamilton's increasing ill health induced him in the following
year to retire from public employment, though apparently he still re-
tained some part in the supervision of the building of the State House.
The active agency of Mr. Hamilton, the credit of which has been so
-
ANDREW HAMILTON.

A NDR E W HA Aſ I J. T.O.N. 17
strangely accorded to another, joined to the fidelity with which he dis-
charged every public duty he assumed, and the fearlessness with which
he asserted the rights of the citizen, rights that have descended to this
day, entitle him to something more than a mere passing notice at our
hands, among a generation which almost ignores his name.
The paternity as well as the early life of Mr. Hamilton are in-
volved in mystery; partially on this account and partially from the
fact of change of name from Trent to Hamilton, and by the un-
usually finished education he received professionally, as well as aca-
demically, an air of romance has been thrown around him. Family
tradition has been invoked to justify a suggestion that “he probably
killed a person of importance in a duel, and was compelled to fly from
his native country,” Scotland ; and again, that “political difficulties
had induced his emigration, and original change of name,” while less
considerate suggestions have been made of a conviction for some crime
though admitted less than a felony.
Educated to the bar in Maryland, where for a short time he
practiced, he was admitted to Gray's Inn, London, and shortly after
established himself in Philadelphia, became a member of the Gover-
nor's Council and Attorney-general of the Province, a position he
retained from 1717 to 1726. He was appointed successively Pro-
thonotary of the court and Recorder of the city; while at the same
time he was a member of the Assembly from Bucks County.
Elected Speaker in 1729, he received annually the suffrages of his
fellow members for the same office for ten consecutive years, – 1733
alone excepted, -retiring finally from public life in 1739, save only
from the position of Recorder, then a highly important office, which
he retained fourteen years, till his death on the 4th of August, 1741.
“He lived,” says Franklin, in announcing his decease, “not without
enemies, for as he was himself open and honest, he took pains to un-
mask the hypocrite, and boldly censured the knave, without regard to
station or profession. Such, therefore, may exult at his death. He
steadily maintained the cause of liberty; and the laws made during the
time he was Speaker of the Assembly, - which was many years, – will
be a lasting monument of his affection to the people, and of his con-
cern for the welfare of this province. He was no friend to power, as
he had observed an ill use had been frequently made of it in the
colonies, and therefore was seldom upon good terms with the gov-
ernors. This prejudice, however, did not always determine his conduct
towards them, for when he saw they meant well he was for supporting
them honorably, and was indefatigable in removing the prejudices of
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AND RE W HAMILTON. 19
others. He was long at the top of his profession here, and had he
been as griping as he was knowing, he might have left a much greatel
fortune to his family than he had done. But he spent much more
time in hearing and reconciling differences in private (to the loss of
his fees) than he did in pleading causes at the Bar.”
His professional ability was such as to induce his retention in all
the important cases of the day in the Province of Pennsylvania, and
frequently was he applied to for counsel and advice by the governors,
as well as citizens, of the other colonies.
It was, however, the famous “Zenger trial case ’’ that earned him
immortality. The defendant was John Peter Zenger, “a Palatine
child,” who had been apprenticed by the State to William Bradford, to
learn the trade and mystery of printing, after the removal of the latter
to New York. Zenger had evidently imbibed from his master, with
the handicraft itself, the principles which should guide him in its con-
duct. Bradford, it will be remembered, had abandoned Philadelphia,
in consequence of interferences on the part of the Governor and Coun-
A B R H E F
N A R R A T IV E
OF THE
C A S E AND T R I A L
O F
JOHN PETER ZENGER, Printer of the
New-Yo RK WEEKLY-Journal.
N E JW. P. O R K Printed:
I-ANCASTER Re-printed, and Sold by W. DuNEAR.
u the Naw Pristing-office, in Qºrqº-ºrts, tº 14-

20 HISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE IIA LL.
cil, and of his arrest made on account of his publications, but both
before the Council and the court he maintained his right to publish
the truth without sedition, and claimed that in such cases the jury
were judges of the law as of the fact.

(Zºº
==
In 1733, Zenger set up for himself, and published in that city the
“New York Weekly Journal,” with apparent satisfaction to all con-
cerned, until at last he undertook to criticize the mismanagement of
public affairs ; remarking that the people of New York “think as

_º.
matters now stand that their liberties and properties are precarious,
and that slavery is like to be entailed upon them and their posterity,
if some things be not amended, and this they collect from many past
proceedings.”
Again, in the following April, after commenting upon the general
interests of the country, he concluded an article by observing that as
to New York, “We see men's deeds destroyed, judges arbitrarily dis-
placed, new courts erected without consent of the Legislature, by which
it seems to me trials by jury are taken away when a governor pleases;
men of known estates denied their votes contrary to the received prac-
tice, the best exposition of any law. Who is there in that Province
§hat can call anything his own, or enjoy any liberty longer than those
in the administration will condescend to let them do it 7” etc.
Over these publications the government was much exercised, and
after trying in vain to secure the action of the grand jury, finally re-
quired the Attorney-general of the Province to lodge “an informa-
tion” against Zenger. The Chief Justice, De Lancey, before whom
A NDI, E W HAMILTON. 21
the case would be tried, was also a member of the Governor's Council,
and thus participated in the preliminary steps against the intended
criminal.
Zenger's original counsel, at the outset, having taken exceptions to
the competency of the court, were by the latter excluded from practice,
and the defendant was thus left at the mercy of the royal Justices,
who thereupon appointed, to take charge of his defense, a gentleman
who proved himself so obsequious, as to render it likely to result in
the imprisonment of his client. Under these circumstances, Andrew
Hamilton undertook the case “without fee or reward, and though
laboring under the weight of many years and great infirmities of
body,” he entered into it with such ardor as to induce him to ask
pardon, during the progress of the case, for his zeal on the occasion.
“It is an old and wise caution,” said he, “that when our neighbor's
house is on fire we ought to take care of our own. For though —
blessed be God — I live in a Government where Liberty is well under-
stood and freely enjoyed; yet experience has shown us all (I’m sure
it has to me) that a bad precedent in one government is soon set up
for an authority in another, and therefore I cannot but think it mine
and every honest man's duty that (while we pay all due obedience to
men in authority) we ought at the same time to be upon our guard
against power wherever we apprehend that it may affect ourselves or
our fellow subjects.”
The junior counsel for Zenger, when the case came on to be tried,
was inclined to let the prosecution prove, as usual, the fact that the de-
fendant had printed and published the papers, when Mr. Hamilton,
addressing the court, waived the point, and boldly said: “I cannot
think it proper for me without doing violence to my own principles,
to deny the publication of a complaint which I think is the right
of every free-born subject to make, when the matters so published
can be supported with truth.” After pointing out, in the argument,
the distinction to be drawn between the sovereign and the mere
colonial governor, and indignantly repudiating the Star Chamber
decisions sought to be established as law by the prosecution in an
American court, he insisted that, both by the terms of the “informa-
tion ” and the legal construction of the crime of libel, falsehood was
an essential. He maintained the right of his client to give the truth
in evidence, against the adverse interruptions of the judges and of
the opposing counsel, and after he was overruled by the court, he
appealed to the jury as WITNESSEs of the truth of the facts he had
offered, and was denied the liberty to prove, concluding that “ you
22 HISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE HA LL.
are summoned out of the neighborhood because you are supposed
to have the best knowledge of the facts that are to be tried. And
were you to find a verdict against my client you must take upon you
to say that the papers referred to, and which we acknowledge we
printed and published, are false, scandalous, and malicious, but of this
I can have no apprehension. You are citizens of New York . . . . the
facts which we offered to prove were not committed in a corner; they
are notoriously known to be true. . . . . The jury are by law at liberty
to find both the law and the fact in our case . . . . . But to con-
clude; the question before the court and you, Gentlemen of the Jury,
is not of small nor private concern ; it is not the case of a poor printer
nor of New York alone which you are trying. No, it may in its con-
sequence affect every freeman that lives under a British government
on the main of America. It is the best cause — it is the cause of
Liberty, and I make no doubt but your upright conduct this day will
not only entitle you to the love and esteem of your fellow-citizens, but
every man who prefers Freedom to a life of Slavery, will bless and
honor you, as men who have baffled the attempt of tyranny, and by
an impartial and uncorrupt verdict, have laid a noble foundation for
securing to ourselves, our posterity, and our neighbors, that to which
nature and the laws of our country have given us a right, — the liberty
both of exposing and opposing arbitrary power (in these parts of the
world at least), by speaking and writing truth.” So strong was the
impression produced by Mr. Hamilton's argument, even upon the court,
that the Chief Justice in charging the jury restricts his words of in-
struction, assigning as a reason therefor, “the great pains Mr. Ham-
ilton has taken to show you how little regard Juries are to pay to the
opinion of the Judges,” etc.
The jury promptly brought in a verdict of Not guilty.
The mayor and city council of New York, in the following Septem-
ber, passed a vote of thanks to Mr. Hamilton, “for his learned and
generous defense of the rights of mankind, and the Liberty of the
Press,”—conferring upon him at the same time, “the Freedom of the
City,” – the seal to which was inclosed in a handsome gold box, with
appropriate inscriptions.
The ability displayed in the conduct of the case, as well as in the
argument, has elicited from the Hon. John Cadwalader. than whom no
man is better able to judge, this comment as to the latter: “It displays
accuracy of scientific learning, and the result of severe self-discipline as
a lawyer. The speech is a sufficient biography of him as a student of
A NDIRE W HAMILTON. 23
legal science. His method of referring to authorities tests the depth
of his research and the clearness of his judgment, not less than the
copiousness of his intellectual development. Ordinary lawyers work
from their authorities as their only source of professional knowledge.
They thus work, as it were, from below upwards; but great lawyers
look upon the same precedents from above, downwards, using them as
the tests, or as examples of rules or principles, deduced from indepen-
dent and higher sources of thought. Of this class was Mr. Hamilton.”
But the cause which he here pleaded earned for him from Gouver-
neur Morris, one of the framers of the Constitution of the United
States, the appellation of “the day-star of the American Revolution.”
He in this case laid down the principles that were engrafted fifty-five
years afterwards into the fundamental laws of his country, framed
within the very walls of that Edifice which he was then building better
than he knew, and which seems to justify this apparent discursion.
In one of the very chambers of the State House, in September, 1790,
the point for which Mr. Hamilton originally contended was incor-
porated into the Constitution of Pennsylvania : —
“THE FREE COMMUNICATION OF THOUGHTS AND OPINIONS IS ONE OF
THE INVALUABLE RIGHTS OF MAN ; AND EVERY CITIZEN MAY FREELY
SPEAK, WRITE, AND PRINT ON ANY SUBJECT, BEING RESPONSIBLE FOR THE
ABUSE OF THAT LIBERTY. IN PROSECUTIONS FOR THE PUBLICATION OF
PAPERS INVESTIGATING THE OFFICIAL CONDUCT OF OFFICERS OR MEN IN
A PUBLIC CAPACITY, OR WHERE THE MATTER PUBLISHED IS PROPER FOR
PUBLIC INFORMATION, THE TRUTH THEREOF MAY BE GIVEN IN Evi DENCE.
AND IN ALL INDICTMENTS FOR LIBELS THE JURY SHALL HAVE A RIGHT
TO DETERMIN E THE LAW AND THE FACTS UNDER THE DIRECTION OF THE
COURT AS IN OTHER CASES.”
Andrew Hamilton's portrait is thus entitled to its place as a pen-
dant to that of William Penn, in the “Constitutional Chamber '' of
Independence Hall.
After the Assembly had taken possession of its unfinished chamber,
the members complained of the incidental discomforts, and general
dissatisfaction was expressed that at the end of eight years the other
portions of the Building were yet unfinished. The dilatoriness of the
contractors served apparently to exhaust the patience of the superin-
tendents as well as of the public. Laborers had disappointed; though
the carpenter work was finished and sashes made, glass provided, etc.,
24 HISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE HALL.
yet the latter could not be used, because the wall in the rear was not
finished, and “the panes would be broken by the boys,” etc.; “capa-
ble workmen could not be had to do the plastering,” etc.
In the summer of 1741, the Assembly insisted at least, “that the
plaistering and glazing should be finished for the next session, even if
the ceiling and upper work must be delayed till workmen could be
procured from England.” They resolved, “that the whole Building
with all its parts should be finished without delay, that it may be
ready for the use intended.”
Still four years more elapsed before the Assembly Room was com-
pleted. In 1745, the finishing touches were given. Curtains of some
sort, apparently inexpensive, were ordered for the windows, and put
up by Plunket Fleeson, the upholsterer of the day, who seems also to
have covered the chairs.
A handsome silver inkstand was provided for the Speaker's table
by Philip Syng, silversmith, who charged therefor £25 16s.” Large
maps, one of North America, were ordered to be placed upon the walls;
these do not seem, however, ever to have been purchased or used.
Two open stoves were used for heating the chamber, made by Lewis
Brahl, at a cost of £27 16s. 11d.
An “echo" in the chamber seems to have given annoyance ; and
the committee were instructed “to take efficient measures so that the
members may better hear one another.”
The second room prepared for use was the western or Judicial
Chamber, on the first floor. In 1743, it was ordered to be finished
upon a plan then submitted to the Assembly, and corresponding in
style with the Assembly Room.
The first Justices who occupied the bench in that chamber were : —
John KINSEY, Chief Justice . e 1743 to 1750
THOMAS GRAEME, A º º {#. to 1750
te Just A- Fº
WILLIAM TILL, } SSOC! Clt& J7/Slº, CéS 1743 to 1750
And from that time down to the period of the Revolution the succeed-
ing Chief Justices were : —
WILLIAM ALLEN . * º * 1751 to 1774
BENJAMIN CHEw º o - º e 1774
1 Ordered, February 12, 1752, That the Superintendent of the State House do
provide a suitable inkstand of silver for the use of the Speaker's table, and on
August 22, 1752, Philip Syng was paid his account for a silver inkstand for the use
of the House, – £25 16s.
GO VER NOJ: A ND COUNCIL. 25
Associate Justices.
LAwRENCE GROWD ON . º © 1751 to 1764
CALEB CowPLAND . - º . 1751 to 1758
WILLIAM COLEMAN . g º 1758 to 1766
ALExANDER STEDMAN © º . 1764 to 1768
JOHN LAWRENCE e º & º . 1768
THOMAS WILLING . º o º g 1768
JOHN MORTON . * * º º . 1774
In the summer of 1747, the Governor's Council became impatient
in their turn to take possession of the quarters designed for them ;
this was the Western Chamber in the second story, and they urged
upon the Speaker that it should be put in order accordingly. October
of the next year found them holding their sessions in what was there-
after known as “the Council Chamber.”
Mr. Lawrence, one of the joint building trustees, was himself a
member of the Board at this time. Anthony Palmer, the acting Gov-
ernor, was its President. Lawrence Growdon, William Logan, Joseph
Turner, and Thomas Hopkinson, all prominent men in colonial his-
tory, were also of the Council.
The Governors of Pennsylvania thus associated with the Building
WeI'ê : —
JAMES HAMILTON . e . 1748 || THOMAS WHARTON, JR. . 1777
ROBERT HUNTER MORRIS . 1754 GEORGE BRYAN 1778
WILLIAM DENNY . © . 1756 JOSEPH REED 1778
JAMES HAMILTON & º 1759 || WILLIAM MOORE 178
JOHN PENN . º º . 1763 || JOHN DICKINSON 1782
JAMES HAMILTON e e 1771 || BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 1785
RICHARD PENN . º . 1771 THOMAS MIFFLIN, 1788 to
JOHN PENN º 1773 December e & . 1799 l
The staircase leading to the Council Chamber, and to the other two
rooms on this floor, the Banqueting Hall and its ante-chamber, was
completed as early as 1741. The carpenter's bill is still extant, and
possesses some interest : —
* Their predecessors were : —
William Markham . e tº 1681 | Edward Shippen & tº . I 703
William Penn . º - . 1682 | John Evans . º º º 1704
Thomas Lloyd º º e 1684 | Charles Gookin . º - . 1 709
John Blackwell . e º . 1688 || Sir William Keith . & * 1717
Thomas Lloyd • º e 1689 | Patrick Gordon . - tº . 1726
Benjamin Fletcher . e . 1693 || James Logan . º g e 1736
William Markham . © * 1693 George Thomas . & º . 1 738
William Penn . & © . 1699 || Anthony Palmer . * º 1747
Andrew Hamilton . e & 1701
26 HISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE HA LL.
e Nov EMBER 4, 1741.
The Province of Pennsylvania,
TO EDMUND Woolley, DR.
For expenses in raising the Tower of the State House, viz.: —
95 loaves of Bread tº tº e e * ſº . f.0 19 9
613 lb. Bacon º $º * e ſº & . at 7d. 1 14 1
1484 lb. Beef . º e * e & te at 34a. 2 8 1
Potatoes and Greens º © * g e © 0 7 1
800 Limes . e ge º e º * & at 4s. 1 12 C
1} barrel of Beer . te te tº * © . at 18s. 1 7 0
44 lb. Mutton . e g e e g * at 3}d. 0 12 8
373 lb. Veal . tº e gº © © & . at 34d. 0 1 1 0
30 lb. Venison . ge te * e tº g at 2d. () 5 0
Turnips . tº e tº e 0 1 6
Pepper and Mustard . * © e 0 1 5
2 Jugs and Candles, Pipes and Tobacco 0 6 ()
Butter, 9s. 8d. Turkey, 4s. 4 pair Fowls, 9s. 1 2 8
# of a hundred of Flour © tº & ſº © O 3 6
Two former Hookings at getting on two Floors, and now for
raising the Tower, Fire Wood, etc. 3 0 ()
f14 12 8
On the 27th January, 1750, the Assembly ordered “That the Su-
perintendents of the State House proceed as soon as conveniently they
may to carry up a building on the south side of the said house to
contain the stair-case, with a suitable place thereon for hanging a Bell.
The “Tower,” at this time terminated very nearly with the main
roof; a steeple does not seem at first to have been contemplated, but
now determined upon, a new room was ordered to be added by rais-
ing the tower one story; it was designed for the use of the committees
and “for our books.”
It must be borne in mind that the Assembly of Pennsylvania at this
time, unlike those to which we have been accustomed ever since the
adoption of the Constitution of 1790, consisted of only one body. The
eastern room on the first floor was then sufficient for legislative needs,
its members numbering thirty. Still a committee room was required.
A resolution was adopted in 1752, to place at the southeast cor-
ner of the State House a structure for the purpose, but the absur-
dity of such a building must have prevented its accomplishment, and
while it seems that the “new chamber" in the tower was prepared
by the summer of 1753, it either proved inadequate or possibly too
difficult of access. At all events one of the rooms in the eastern wing
THE BE L J. 27
was sometimes used for committee meetings, at least as early as 1761.
The library collected for the Assembly was placed herein, and Charles
Norris was upon his petition appointed “keeper.”
Among the presents to the Legislature before the Revolution, and
doubtless placed in this room, was a “Busto of the proprietor Thomas
Penn, Esq.,” brought over by Captain Sutton, as “a present from his
wife, Lady Juliana Penn, to the people of Pennsylvania, to be lodged ''
says Mrs. Patience Wright, by whom it was executed, “in the public
library.” Mrs. Wright in her letter to Rev. Richard Peters, also says,
“Lady Juliana told me to inform you it is thought a most excellent
performance, and that it was admired by the King and Queen, and
most of the nobility in England. My sister Rachel Wells will inspect
and repair it on its arrival.”
This bust has eluded so far all inquiries towards its discovery.
The desire for procuring bells and building steeples seems to have
shown itself about the middle of the last century in religious as well
as in political corporations. In this same year the vestrymen of
Christ Church opened a subscription for this purpose, a member de-
claring at the board “that there is a hearty inclination to the thing
in the inhabitants of this city, not only of our own church, but in
sundry persons of other religious societies.”
It must not be concluded however, that bells were then to be intro
duced for the first time. As early as 1712, two bells, “the little bell,”
and “the great bell,” were certainly used by the Christ Church con-
gregation, whether suspended in a belfry, or “hung in the crotch of a
tree close by,” seems to be undetermined : unquestionably the latter
mode was adopted for the government bell, an accompaniment to
official proclamations in the Province at least as early as 1685. It is
not improbable that this latter was brought over by William Penn
himself. The earliest mention of its use is in language so quaint as to
justify its “counterfeit ’’ presentation.

28 HISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE HALL.
<-62 *Cº-º' 42 Ø4.9%. 9-a-
/*, -, 92.2//ºz ~ $22.2 Z4%
2 p.rz. %3A- ..º. %2.
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Pursuant to this order the following proclamation was read, here
given verbatim from the original manuscript used by the Sheriff : —
PENNSILVANIA
Philadelphia the 12* of the 3" Mo 1685.
We the president & the provincial Counsell accompanied with the represen-
tatives of the freemen in Assembly & divers magistrates officers & other per-
sons of note do in duty & in concurrance with our neighbouring provinces sol-
lemnly publish & declare that James Duke of York & Albany by the decease
of our late soveraigne Charles the 2" is now become our lawfull liege lord &
king James the 2° of England Scotland France & Ireland & amongst other
of his dominions in America of this Province of Pennsilvania & its Territorys
king, to whom we acknowledge faithfull & constant obedience hartily wishing
him a happy raigne in health peace & prosperity—
And so God Save the King
THO LLOYD President
Tho IIolme Peter Aldricks Jon Simpcock
Christo Taylor Wº Darvall Jon Cann
Phinehas Pemberton Luke Watson Willim Wood
Willm Frampton Jon Roades Tho Janney
Wm Southbe W. Greene Jon Barnes
RIC” INGELo
Clark Counsell





THE BE LL. 29
This Province Bell was most likely transferred to the cupola of the
Court House or “Noble Towne House,” upon its erection in 1696–97,
at Second and High streets.
A bell seems also to have been placed within the tower temporarily
upon the first occupation of the State House, which it is believed was
also imported from England.
Its successor, owing to its subsequent history, merits a more careful
investigation at our hands.
The Provinces not being able it was thought to supply a bell of the
proportions needed, a letter was addressed by the Superintendents of
the State House, to the Colonial agent in London, pursuant to a reso-
lution of the House of October 16, 1751. It is dated November 1, fol-
lowing, and runs thus : —
“Respected Friend, Robert Charles, – The Assembly having ordered us (the
Superintendents of the State House) to procure a bell from England, to be
purchased for their use, we take the liberty to apply ourselves to thee to get
us a good bell, of about two thousand pounds weight, the cost of which we
presume may amount to about one hundred pounds sterling, or, perhaps, with
the charges, something more. . . . .
“We hope and rely on thy care and assistance in this affair, and that thou
wilt procure and forward it by the first good opportunity, as our workmen in-
form us it will be much less trouble to hang the bell before their scaffolds are
struck from the building where we intend to place it, which will not be done
till the end of next summer or beginning of the fall. Let the bell be cast by
the best workmen, and examined carefully before it is shipped, with the fol-
lowing words well shaped in large letters round it, viz.: —
“By order of the Assembly of the Province of Pennsylvania, for the State House in the
city of Philadelphia, 1752.
“And underneath,
“Proclaim Liberty through all the land to all the inhabitants thereof. — Levit. xxv. 10.
“As we have experienced thy readiness to serve this province on all occa-
sions, we desire it may be our excuse for this additional trouble from thy as-
sured friends,
“ISAAC NORRIs.
“THOMAS LEECH.
“ED WARD WARNER.”
“Let the package for transportation be examined with particular care, and
the full value insured there.”
The bell duly arrived at the end of August, 1752, in apparent good
order, and the Superintendents returned to Mr. Charles, “their thanks
for thy care in procuring us so good a bell.” Upon its being tested
30 HISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE HALL.
however, early in September, notwithstanding all the cautionary in-
structions given, the Superintendents “had the mortification,” says
Mr. Norris, on the 10th March, 1753, to hear “ that it was cracked by
a stroke of the clapper without any other violence, as it was hung up
to try the sound ; though this was not very agreeable to us, we con-
cluded to send it back by Captain Budden," but he could not take it
on board, upon which two ingenious workmen undertook to cast it
here, and I am just now informed they have this day opened the
mould and have got a good bell, which, I confess, pleases me very
much, that we should first venture upon and succeed in the greatest
bell cast, for aught I know, in English America. The mould was fin-
ished in a very masterly manner, and the letters, I am told, are better
than [on] the old one. When we broke up the metal, our judges here
generally agreed it was too high and brittle, and cast several little bells
out of it to try the sound and strength, and fixed upon a mixture of an
ounce and a half of copper to one pound of the old bell, and in this
proportion we now have it.”
The “ingenious workmen º’ referred to in the above letter, were
Pass, from the island of Malta, and Stow, a son of Charles
Stow, the door-keeper of the Council.
This American bell was hung up in its place early in 1753, as will
appear by the following bill: —
2
PHILADELPHIA, APRIL 17, 1753.
The Province,
TO EDMUND WoolEY, Dr.
For sundrys advanced for raising the Bell Frame and putting up the Bell.
A peck Potatoes, 2s. 9d: 14 lbs. Beef, at 4s. 8d; 4 Gammons, 36
lb. at 6d. — 18s. . e e e e e e e . f.1 6 5
Mustard, Pepper, Salt, Butter © • © & ſº 0 2 0
A Cheese, 13 lb. at 6d. — 6s. 6d, Beef 30 lb. at 4d. — 10s. ; a
peck Potatoes, 2s. 7d. . º º e º º e . 0 19 1
300 Limes, 14s. 3 gallons Rum, of John Jones, 14s. ſº o 1 8 ()
36 Loaves of Bread, of Lacey, ye Baker . o © º . () 9 ()
Cooking and Wood, 8s. Earthenware and Candles, of Duchee,
13s. 4d. © g º 0 11 4
A barrel of Beer, of Anthony Morris . e & tº & ... O 18 0
#5 13 10
Errors excepted, ED. WoOLEY.
1 This same mariner also brought over gratuitously the bells for Christ Church,
which in consequence were always made upon his arrival in port to chime forth their
grateful greetings.
THE BE LL. 31
Mr. Norris in his letter to Robert Charles, under date of 14th April,
while admitting that they had “made the mould in a masterly man-
her, and run the metal well,” complains that after it was hung up in
its place it was found to contain too much copper, and that Pass &
Stow “were so teazed with the witticisms of the town '' that they
asked permission to cast it over again.
Their proposition was acceded to, though Lister (or Sister) the
original bell founder also offered his services; and in June, 1753, the
second essay of a bell by Pass & Stow was placed in position in the
State House steeple, – duly announced in the papers of the day.
The “Maryland Gazette ’’ of Thursday, July 5, 1753, published at
Annapolis, says : —
“PHILADELPHIA, June 7th, 1753. Last week was raised and fixed in the
State House steeple, the new great Bell, cast here by Pass and Stow, weighing
2080 lbs. with this motto, “Proclaim Liberty throughout all the land, unto all
the inhabitants thereof. — Lev. xxv. 10.’”
Pass & Stow were paid in September following £60 13s. 5d.
There seems to have existed a contrariety of opinion as to the ac-
ceptability of this second bell.
The English founder was ordered to send over another of his make.
Mr. Norris, however (who owned he did not like the other), on its
arrival, admitted that the “ difference in comparing them is not very
great.” This resulted, by order of the Assembly on August 13, 1754,
in the retention of both bells, though as far as can be ascertained our
American bell continued to be used, without any further effort to
antend its sound, with experiences and vicissitudes presently to be re-
counted, for at least threescore and three years:
Desides the government purposes to which this bell was put, we find
it was sometimes used to call together for service the various congre-
gations. Whether for this or other reasons complaint was made by
petition from “divers inhabitants” living near the State House, set-
ting forth they were much incommoded and distressed by the too
frequent ringing of the great bell in the steeple of the State House,
“ the inconvenience of which has often been felt severely when some
of the Petitioners families have been afflicted with sickness, at which
times, from its uncommon size and unusual sound, it is extremely dan-
gerous, and may prove fatal.” They go on to protest that it was never
designed to be rung on any other than public occasions, such as the
times of the meeting of the honorable Assembly, and of the courts
of justice, and they beg to be relieved from this “ dangerous incon-
32 III STORY OF INDIEPENDENCE HALL.
venience,” at least so far as to prevent the ringing on any but public
OCCºlS1OI].S.
It was determined March 11, 1752, that they would have a “large
clock,” too, which should “strike on the Bell in the Tower,” and
should have “a suitable dial plate to show the Hours and Minutes.”
This latter was promptly ordered to be made in Philadelphia, “for,”
Mr. Norris says in one of his letters (March 10, 1753), “we expect it
will prove better than any they would send us from England, where,
when once they had it put out of their hands, they have done with it;
but here the workman would be made very uneasy if he did not exert
his utmost skill, as we do not stint him in the price of his labor.”
Peter Stretch was paid in 1759, for making this clock, and for tak-
ing care thereof for six years, £494 5s. 53d.
The movements of the clock were located in the middle of the main
building, immediately under the roof, and in close proximity to the
tower ; these were connected by rods (running through pipes) at either
end of the main building, with bands to a dial plate upon which the
hours and minutes were distinctly marked.
The latter was protected by an ornamental case, in bold relief, and
in imitation of the ordinary high clocks of the day there was con-
structed a jamb, which ran down to the ground.
Edward Duffield in January, 1762, succeeded Stretch in the im-
portant duty of winding and regulating the city clock, and was in turn
succeeded in March, 1775, by no less a person than David Rittenhouse,
who in his application
therefor states that Bd- *
ward Duffield no longer O 2 • Az Z ~2.2.2
desires the position of 22*. %22%22
taking care of the pub- -
lic clock, and that “as he has charge of the time piece (most probably
of his own construction) belonging to the Philosophical Society, which
is kept in the Observatory in the State House Square, with the astro-
nomical instruments for adjusting it, he conceives it would not be
inconvenient for him to take charge also of the said public clock,” etc.
The compensation was £20 a year. -
Thus it was David Rittenhouse who regulated the clock, which
prescribed the time to the Members of Congress of 1776.
The State House was thus barely finished and fully occupied by all
the members of the colonial government, when dissensions began which
were destined never to be finally adjusted, under the existing regime.
Some of these were peculiar to the inhabitants of Pennsylvania,

COLONIAL DI.S.SENSION.S. 33
others incident to the proprietary form of government, while still the
larger portion were such as affected all the colonies of America.
The State House was essentially the place where not only all these
questions were debated in the Assembly itself, but the Council Cham-
ber, the adjoining “Yard,” and even the Banqueting Hall participate
in the memories of these events.
Among the causes of dissension between the Governors and the As-
sembly were the efforts of the former to obtain supplies for the pro-
tection of the Provinces against the French and against the Indians.
The peaceable principles professed by a majority of the Assembly were
assigned as early as 1745, for not permitting them to join in raising
men or providing arms and ammunition. “ Yet,” say they, in a com-
munication to Governor Thomas, “we have ever held it our duty to
render tribute to Caesar,” and hence they notified him of a resolution
for “appropriating £4,000 to the King's use, to be expended in the
purchase of bread, beef, pork, flour, wheat, or other grain, and to be
shipped for the King's service, as the Governor shall think most fit.”
The Governor, at first indignant, seems to have received an intima-
tion subsequently that “ other grain '' could be construed into gun-
powder, which Franklin tells us was accordingly bought, and the
Assembly never objected to it.
This evasive compliance thus answered its purpose very well, as long
as active measures were pursued from and upon the soil of other col-
onies, but “Friends' principles '' were more thoroughly tested a few
years thereafter, when aggressions took place in Delaware Bay, though
even then “an association ” for defense was formed, and no aggressive
measures as yet were required from the Assembly, who however, in a
formal answer to President and Council frankly admitted, in regard to
the preparations made for defense of the Province, their difficulty in
expressing their sentiments.
“The most of us,” say they to the Governor, “as well as many
others within this Province, you know have professed ourselves prin-
cipled against the bearing of Arms; and yet as we enjoy the Liberties
of our own Consciences, we think it becomes us to leave others in the
free Exercise of theirs. The assistance you have thought fit to give
the Associators, we make no doubt arose from a Sense of what you
believed your Duty. And the zeal and Activity many of them have
shewn on the Occasion, we suppose may have arisen from the Love
they bear to the Country. And as we are willing to make charitable
Constructions on their Conduct, we hope the like charitable Senti-
ments will prevail with them concerning us, and others like principled,
34 HISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE FIA J. L.
when we have repeatedly declared we cannot in Conscience join with
any Preparations of this Kind.
“As we have the honour of representing the whole Province, in
which, we know, there are Numbers of People, whose judgments in
the Point we have mentioned, do not exactly correspond with ours,
we think it no Inconsistency, notwithstanding any Things we have
said, to add, that we acknowledge, with Gratitude, the Regard the
Lords of the Admiralty are pleased to shew for protecting the Trade
of the Province : And also the kindness shown by our Proprietaries
in soliciting for it—Nor have we less Grateful Sentiments of the kind-
ness of our neighboring Government of New York as we believe their
intentions were good, and it may have quieted the Minds of divers of
our Inhabitants; though it is a Favour we could not have asked, being
intended for such a Mode of defence, in which we do not place our
Confidence.” t
As the French and Indian war came on apace, the frontiers of Penn-
sylvania were threatened, invaded, and the defenceless inhabitants
butchered by the Indians. This demanded something more from the
peaceable principles of the Assembly, and Governor Hamilton “ear-
nestly entreated them " to enable him “to discharge the indispensable
duty of every government to protect and take care of its inhabitants.”
This entreaty, though reiterated by Governor Robert Hunter Morris,
requiring the establishment of a regular militia, met with little effect
until 24th July, 1755, when the Governor, having summoned the
Assembly in special session, communicated “the melancholy accounts
of the defeat of the forces under the immediate command of General
Braddock, which,” he goes on to say, “you will find is attended with
very shocking circumstances; the General killed, and most of the offi-
cers that were in the action are either killed or wounded ; the bulk
of the men cut off, the whole train of artillery taken. Colonel
Dunbar is now retreating with the remains of the army to Fort
Cumberland.
“This unfortunate and unexpected change in our Affairs will
deeply affect every one of his Majesty's Colonies, but none of them
in so sensible a manner as this Province which having no Militia, is
thereby left exposed to the cruel Incursions of the French, and their
barbarous Indians, who delight in shedding human Blood, and who
make no distinction as to age or Sex — as to those that are armed
against them, or such as they can surprize in their peaceful Habita-
tions – all are alike the objects of their Cruelty, - slaughtering the
tender Infant and frighted Mother with equal Joy and Fiereeness.
COLONIA I, DISS ENSIONS. 35
To such Enemies, spurred on by the native Cruelty of their Tem-
pers, encouraged by their late Success, and having now no Army
to fear, are the Inhabitants of this Province exposed — and by such
must we now expect to be overrun if we do not immediately prepare
for our own Defence; nor ought we to content ourselves with this,
but resolve to drive and confine the French to their own just Limits.
“This, Gentlemen, however gloomy the present Appearances of
Things may be, is certainly in the power of the British Colonies to
do; and this is not only their truest and most lasting Interest but
their highest Duty — The Eastern Governments have already gone a
great way towards removing that faithless but active People from
their Borders; let us follow the noble Example they have set us, shew
ourselves worthy of the Name of Englishmen, and, by a vigorous ex-
ertion of our Strength, dislodge the Enemy from our Frontiers, and
secure the future Peace and Safety of the Province ; for we may
assure ourselves, that while they possess the Countries they have un-
justly seized we shall never truly enjoy either.”
The only response given, even now, was the passage of a bill granting
£50,000 to the king's use; but involving a requirement that the estates
of the Proprietary should be proportionably taxed. To this the Gover-
nor objected as not within the bounds of his authority to assent to.
William Allen, William Plumsted, Joseph Turner, the McCalls,
and other public spirited citizens, at once came forward to heal the
breach by subscribing the £500 which it was estimated would be the
amount of tax to be paid by the Penn family. The names of these
gentlemen — and most of them are still represented in our midst, —
besides those named who gave one half of the whole, were: –
Samuel McCall, John Kearsley,
John Wilcocks, David Franks,
Thomas Cadwalader, John Kearsley, Jr.,
Alexander Huston, John Gibson,
Amos Strettall, John Wallace,
Joseph Sims, George Okill,
Samuel Mifflin, Townsend White,
Joseph Wood, John Bell.
But this generous offer was unavailing; the Governor, whose pa-
tience seems to have been exhausted, sent a message in writing on
the 21st August, stating that he had on 9th “recommended to you
to establish a Militia for the safety and defence of the Province, and
having frequently before recommended the same thing, but received no
36 HISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE HA LL.
answer, I then desired you would give me an explicit answer upon
the subject. I do, therefore, now call upon you, and insist on a plain
and categorical answer, whether you will or will not establish a Mili-
tia, that his Majesty and his Ministers may be informed whether at
this time of danger the Province of Pennsylvania is to be put into a
posture of defence or not.”
The Assembly rejoined they had promised to provide for the safety
and defense of the Province already; but as the elections would soon
take place they would adjourn, and leave the question of a Militia to
the new Legislature.
But the new Assembly, we find, was taxed by the Governor with
having, after “a sitting of six days, instead of strengthening my hands,
and providing for the safety and defence of the people and the province
in this time of imminent danger, you have sent me a message, wherein
you talk of regaining the affections of the Indians now employed in
laying waste the country and butchering the inhabitants, and of in-
quiring what injustice they have received, and into the causes of their
falling from their alliance with us, and taking part with the French,”
etc.
The House had, however, within these six days, passed a law appro-
priating £60,000 to the King's use, for deficiencies in “purchasing pro-
visions for the King's forces, erecting and maintaining posts, payment
of expenses, clearing of roads, maintaining of Indians, and other heavy
charges for the King's use,” though some Friends took care to have
entered on the journals their names as dissentients, viz.: —
James Pemberton, William Peters,
Joseph Trotter, Peter Worrall,
Joshua Morris, Francis Parvin,
Thomas Cummings.
Several of the principal inhabitants of Philadelphia now thought it
time to lay before the House an energetic “representation.”
“At a Time when a bold and barbarous Enemy has advanced within about
One Hundred Miles of this Metropolis, carrying Murder and Desolation along
with them ; and when we see our Country already stained with the Blood of
many of its Inhabitants, and upwards of a Thousand Families, who very lately
enjoyed Peace and Comfort in their own Habitations, now dispersed over the
Province, many of them in the most miserable and starving Condition, exposed
to all the Hardships and Severity of the Season : — We say, in such a Situa-
tion, we should think ourselves greatly wanting in Regard for our personal
Safety, as well as in Compassion for our bleeding and suffering Fellow-Subjects,
COLONIA L DIS.SENSIONS. 37
if we did not thus publicly join our Names to the Number of those who are re-
questing you to pass a Law, in order to put the Province in a Posture of De-
fence and put a Stop to those cruel and savage Outrages, which must other-
wise soon prove our Ruin.
“We hope we shall always be enabled to preserve that Respect to you, which
we would willingly pay to those who are the faithful Representatives of the
Freemen of this Province. But, on the present Occasion you will forgive us,
Gentlemen, if we assume Characters something higher than that of humble
Suitors praying for the Defence of our Lives and Properties, as a matter of
Grace and Favor on your Side: You will permit us to make a positive and
Żmmediate Demand of it, as a matter of perfect and unalienable l’ight on our
own Parts, both by the Laws of God and Man.”
Within a few days intelligence came that the Indians had fallen
upon the inhabitants of Tulpehocken, and destroyed them, and reit-
erated demands were made for a Militia Law. The Assembly, thus
pressed, was induced to pass a bill, the imbecility of which is suffi-
ciently obvious from its title: “An Act for the better ordering and
regulating such as are willing and desirous to be united for military
purposes.” The very preamble of which declared that the majority of
the Assembly were principled against bearing arms, and that any law
compelling persons thereto would be in violation “ of the fundamentals
of the Constitution, and be a direct breach of the privileges of the
People.”
It was approved by the Governor, though pronounced by him im-
practicable; and was “disallowed,” by the King, “as in every respect
the most improper and inadequate to the service which could have
been framed and passed, and seems rather calculated to exempt per-
sons from military service than to encourage and promote them.”
The Governor now boldly charges the Assembly in the framing of
supply bills, professedly for the King's use, with resorting to “a double
view, to wit: either wholly to avoid giving money for warlike pur-
poses, or by means of the country's distress to arrogate powers which
Assemblies here never have, and from the nature of our Constitu-
tion, never ought to be in, possession of.”
The Mayor of the city, with the Aldermen and Common Council,
now laid before the Assembly an earnest appeal: —
“In the most solemn manner before God, and in the name of all of
our fellow-citizens, we call upon you, adjure you, - may, supplieate
you, - as you regard the lives of the people whom you represent, to
give that legal protection to your bleeding country which ought to be
the chief object of all government at such a perilous juncture as this,
38 IIISTORY OF IN DEI’ENDENCE HA LL.
and let it be no longer said that, while we are daily hearing so much
concerning privilege and right, we are in the meantime deprived of
that most essential right, and great first privilege (which God and
Nature gave us), of defending our lives and protecting our families.”
Thus urged, it was attempted in the Assembly to pass a bill for
regulating such soldiers as are raised, paid, and maintained within
this Province ; and it was negatived 17 to 13. Franklin, Stretch,
Fox, Kirkbride, and others, voting in the affirmative, while staunch
James Pemberton, Joseph Trotter, Joshua Morris, Richard Pearne,
and others, were still true to their principles under this ordeal, - an
ordeal which was but the precursor of what some of them were, within
twenty years, to renew even under more trying circumstances.
Franklin, however, who was one of the Commissioners under the act
for granting £60,000 to the King's use, represented to the Assembly
that there was an absolute necessity for an immediate law for the better
regulation of the soldiers; this induced the adoption of a Bill with
two voices still dissenting — James Pemberton and Peter Worrall.
These two gentlemen, with four others, finding, as they said, many
of their constituents “seem of opinion that the present situation
of public affairs calls upon us for services in a military way, which,
from a conviction of judgment, after mature deliberation, we cannot
comply with ; we conclude it most conducive to the peace of our own
minds, and the reputation of our religious profession, to persist in our
resolution of resigning our seats.”
Among those now elected was one name destined to become famous
in the annals of Independence Hall. John Morton was sent as rep-
resentative of the County of Chester, June 28, 1756.
Upon the next following election four “Friends" were still re-
turned; but say they, promptly, “understanding that the ministry
have requested the Quakers, who from the first settlement of this
colony have been the majority of the assemblies of this province, to
suffer their seats, during the difficult situation of the affairs of the col-
onies to be filled by members of other denominations, in such manner
as to prepare without scruple all such laws as may be mecessary for
the defence of the Province, therefore we request to be excused, and
to be permitted to vacate our seats.” Permission was given accord-
ingly.
Even now, differences between the Governor and the Assembly pre-
vented the adoption of a satisfactory militia law, though the require-
ments of the Province, and its duty as a sister colony in detaching
troops for general protection, seem to have been unhesitatingly ad-
mitted by the IIouse.
UNION OF THE COLONIES. 39
It was at this epoch, and for the purposes of mutual protection
against the Indians and the French, that the plan of Union of the
Colonies was first broached within the walls of the State House.
The suggestion emanated from Governor George Clinton, of New
York, and was first laid before the House on 5th September, 1745,
by Governor George Thomas in a message warmly approving of a
union of all the British Northern Colonies, in which Virginia and
Maryland were to be included. Governor Clinton invited Pennsylva-
nia to send Commissioners to Albany to treat with other Commis-
sioners “upon concerting measures for our mutual security, defence,
and conduct during the present war.”
The Pennsylvania Legislature in its reply to the Governor, prom-
ised cheerfully to concur, if the scheme were generally acceded to by
the other colonies. Governor Thomas reiterated his request on 20th
May, following, to which the Legislature responded, “it does not
appear to us that a meeting of Commissioners for New York, Massa-
chusetts, and Pennsylvania only, would be of any great service ; there-
fore, as formerly, we think it best to postpone our particular resolu-
tions in the affair until the determination of the other colonies be
made known to us.”
The Governor again pressed the point, and desired to be enabled to
coöperate with the four northern governments, by the appointment of
Commissioners, expressing the belief that it was not to be doubted but
that the two southern governments would readily accede to it.
The former were to meet on the 20th of July, 1746; but the Assem-
bly again demurred, assigning as a reason the belief that their coöpera-
tion would not be needed; “besides which,” say they, “the Governor
must be sensible that men of our peaceable principles cannot consist-
ently there with join in persuading the Indians to engage in the war.”
Thus, for the time being, the project failed; but it was renewed
again during the first administration of Governor James Hamilton, and
at the instance of no less a person than the Earl of Holdernesse, and
the Lords of Trade, who employ the phrase “at the King's command.”
“I have it,” says the former, “ particularly in charge from his Majesty
to acquaint you that it is his Royal will and pleasure that you should
keep up an exact correspondence with all his Majesty's Governors on
the Continent, and in case you shall be informed by any of them of any
1 The earliest plan or scheme for a union of the colonies in a representative
body, and for general intercolonial purposes, was suggested by William Penn, as
early as 1698. -
40 IHISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE IIA LL.
hostile attempts, you are immediately to call together the General
Assembly within your government, and lay before them the necessity
of a mutual assistance.” The Lords of Trade were even more explicit


*
in directing the subject to be laid before the Assembly, and to recom-
mend forthwith a proper provision for appointing Commissioners to
be joined with those of the other governments, etc.
Simultaneously with this important scheme for combined action,
pregnant with future greatness, the name of WASHINGTON was
first uttered in this Hall.
Governor Dinwiddie reported, upon February 14th, 1754, the well-
known mission of Major Washington to the French fort on the Ohio,
with its results, – the response of Monsieur Legardeur de St. Pierre,
and the avowal of the commencement of hostilities on the part of
France.
The Pennsylvania Assembly complied with the royal instructions,
so far as to authorize the Governor, if he should think it may be for
the interest of the Province, to appoint Commissioners, etc. Where-
upon the Governor appointed, with the sanction of the House, Messrs.
JOHN PENN and RICHARD PETERs, of the Council, and Messrs.
ISAAC NORRIS and BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, of the Assembly.
The ground now taken, though in this case only applicable to
Indian affairs, was ever afterwards steadily maintained, that no prop-
ositions for the Union of the Colonies can effectually answer the good
purposes or be binding further than they are confirmed by laws en-
acted under the several governments comprised in that Union.
The Governor's speech to the Assembly in the Council Chamber, on
7th August, 1754, − transmitting the plan adopted, at the instance
of Dr. Franklin, by the Commissioners for this purpose, – closes for
the present our trace of “the origin of the Union.” He said: —
“After a due and weighty reflection on these several matters, the

In A S S E M B L Y (22.2, 1756
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UNI ON OF THE COLONIES. 43
Commissioners thought it necessary to consider and draw up a rep-
resentation of the present state of the colonies. And from thence
judging that no effectual opposition was like to be made to the de-
structive measures of the French, but by a UNION of them all for
their mutual defence, they devised likewise a general plan for that
purpose to be offered to the consideration of the respective legislatures.
“And as both these papers appear to me to contain matters of the
utmost consequence to the welfare of the Colonies in general and to
have been digested and drawn up with great clearness and strength of
judgment, I cannot but express my approbation of them and do there-
fore recommend them to you as well worthy your closest and most
serious attention.”
The Assembly declined notwithstanding to entertain the plan; it
met with no more favor from the other colonies generally nor yet from
the “Home Government.”
On 15th April, 1756, the Governor announced to the Assembly
that he had declared war against the Delaware Indians — stating that
the Commissioners under the £60,000 Act had proposed to him to
offer rewards for taking Indian prisoners and scalps — a proposition
which we find was subsequently carried into effect and Indian scalps
were actually paid for by the Government.
On 3d February, 1757, occurs an entry in the Journal: “Mr.
Speaker and Mr. Franklin being called upon by the House to declare
whether they would comply with the request of the House in going
home to England to solicit a redress of our grievances, Mr. Franklin
said that he esteemed the nomination by the House to that service
as an high honor, but that he thought that if the Speaker could be
prevailed upon to undertake it [the Speaker having practically just
declined in consequence of ill health], his long experience in our public
affairs and great knowledge and abilities would render the addition of
another unnecessary. That he held himself honored in the disposition
of the House and “was ready to go whenever they should think fit
to require his services.’”
Unanimous thanks given, etc., and Benjamin Franklin was appointed
Agent of the Province. William Franklin had leave to resign his
position as clerk to accompany his father. An interesting relic of this
period is here presented — the certificate for pay of Dr. Franklin as a
member of the Assembly, with his endorsed receipt for part on ac-
count, and the receipt of Deborah Franklin, his wife, for the residue,
after Franklin had gone to England.
44 IIISTOR Y OF INDEPENDENCE PIA LL.
Considerable alarm was soon afterwards produced by the success
of the French arms; their army, estimated at 11,000 Regulars, Cana-
dians, and Indians, and a large train of artillery, after a successful
attack upon Fort William Henry, was threatening Albany and even
New York city. The Governor, addressing himself to the Assembly,
declared, August 16th, 1757 : —
“It is not my intention to aggravate our present Distress by a painful
Review of what is past; but can I, Gentlemen consistent with my duty, for-
bear to mention that this Province has been the unhappy seat of a cruel War
for upwards of two Years groaning under the bloody Outrages of a most
barbarous Enemy, the Troops sent to our protection defeated and destroyed,
our Borders pillaged and laid waste, great Numbers murdered and carried into
Captivity, and Eleven Thousand of the Enemy at this instant in the Heart
of a Neighboring Province, at present carrying all before them ; while we
amidst this Series of Misfortunes, are neither put into a Sufficient Posture to
defend ourselves, nor have Power or authority out of the vast number of
fighting Men this Government contains, to send a single Man of them to the
relief of our Neighbors, without calling in the ranging parties that are con-
stantly out and evacuating the few Garrisons we have on our Frontiers now
more than ever necessary for their Defence. These things Gentlemen are so
surprizing in their Nature, that they would exceed all Credibility, if the Facts
were not too Flagrant and too fatally felt. Let me therefore entreat you if
you make a distinction between Liberty and Slavery, between your inestima-
ble Privileges as Englishmen, and a miserable Subjection to arbitrary Power,
to embrace this opportunity, perhaps the last to retrieve as much as possible,
former Errors and act vigorously, as your All is now at stake.”
The Assembly at once empowered the Governor to march a part
of the troops of the Province to the assistance of the colony of New
York, “in immediate danger of being lost to the crown,” and they
authorized the Commissioners to give a bounty to one thousand vol-
unteers, at the option of the Governor, and to supply them with arms
and ammunition. They further addressed themselves to comply with
the requisition for a permanent militia ; but the bill which they
framed was amended by the Governor in order “to make an equi-
table and constitutional militia law,” while the Assembly, though no
longer impeded by the presence of the Quakers, rejected the amend-
ments because they would “oblige the inhabitants to take a test as
to their religious and conscientious scruples,” gave the Governor the
appointment of the officers without the sanction of the people, and
besides exempted the proprietary estates.
On 8th March, 1758, the tones of William Pitt resounded in the
JOHN DICATINSON A PI2 EA R.S. 45
Assembly room urging the necessity of providing troops for active
operations against the French, whereupon the Legislature at once
responded. They appropriated one hundred thousand pounds and
ordered two thousand seven hundred men to be enlisted for the cam-
paign — more men, say they, than a full share according to the pro-
portions required of this Province — thus essentially contributing to
the capture of Fort Du Quesne and to the subsequent complete de-
struction of the French power in America.
The death of George II. produced a ripple of excitement in the
loyal city of Philadelphia, and was communicated formally to the
House, January 27, 1761 — the usual “glorious memory" of the de-
funct sovereign, and the “universal applause ’’ conceded to the live
one upon his accession, etc., with the appropriate besprinkling of con-
dolences and congratulations, formed the staple of messages and re-
sponses.
The curtain now rises upon the
last individual monarch of America
with as much applause and as many
encores as had ever greeted the
royal majesty of England — almost &
simultaneously appeared, Septem-
ber 7, 1762, for the first time in
the House, the man who was des-
tined more than any other to guide
the fortunes of Pennsylvania, and
incidentally to mould those of Amer-
ica as an independent sovereign-
ty. JoHN DICKINSON on that day
“was qualified and took his seat”—
he had been returned as a member
on 12th May preceding, at a special
session of short duration.
A public meeting was called in
the State House Yard by the Governor, on
4th February, 1764, to resist what is popu-
larly known as “the March of the Paxton ©
boys against Philadelphia.”
This threatened “invasion” was occasioned
by the effort to secure some Indian murderers of frontiersmen as was
claimed, though it was believed that the inhabitants of Lancaster
County (whose appetite for blood had been whetted by some murders


46 IHISTO1& Y OF INDEPENDENCE HALL.
they had already committed in their own borough) were really desir-
ous, in an undiscriminating retaliation against the Indians, to sacrifice
to the Manes of their murdered friends a large body of inoffensive
Savages. These Indians were being christianized by the Moravians
and they had placed themselves under the protection of the Province.]
This meeting duly held at the State House, resulted in the prompt
organization of a large force of citizens, to assist, in case of need, the
handful of troops stationed at the barracks, where the Indians, one
hundred and twenty-seven in number, men, women and children,
Were quartered. Even the Quakers are said to have borne their share
of these military preparations. The approaching rioters were esti-
mated at from seven to fifteen hundred, but on sight dwindled down
to two hundred ; they made a halv upon their arrival on Sunday
evening at Germantown ; there they were interviewed and after sat-
isfying themselves (or prudentially pretending to do so) that the
murderers whom they sought were not among the friendly Indians
sheltered at the barracks, in town, they dispersed and returned home
agallı. -
A caricature of the day burlesques the march of the City's De-
fenders up the hill and down again.
After the accession of John Penn to the government of Penn-
sylvania, the difficulties between the Proprietary family and the
Legislature seemed to culminate in the persistent objections made by
the former to the taxation of their uncultivated lands in the country;
it resulted in an earnest application to the King to take the govern-
ment into his own hands, making equitable compensation to the Pro-
prietaries. In their petition “to the King's most Excellent Majesty,”
to this end, they ascribe “the great obstructions to your Majesty's
service and the mischief to the Province during the last two wars ”
entirely to the Proprietary form of government, and instanced the fact
that the disagreements, thence inevitably resulting, had occasioned
generally the surrender of the power of government to the crown,
where the colonies had been settled under this form.
They instructed their agents to press the application in every way
consistent with the retention of their original essential rights as
* The Governor at the same time communicated the facts to the Assembly and
earnestly recommended the passage of a Militia law for the purpose not only of
defending the Indians, but supporting the government itself, thus threatened by a
licentious set of people, “who, have already given abundant proof, that neither
religion, humanity, or laws, are objects of their consideration or of sufficient might
to restrain them.”
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TAXES AND — TARES. 47
British subjects, as well as those specifically granted by the charter of
Charles II. to Penn, and confirmed by the laws of the Province and
the Royal assent. The propriety of this careful reservation was just
now beginning to make itself manifest ; its all-absorbing interest
effectively cured all smaller grievances.
In the autumn of this year (1764), the great event of the eighteenth
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by the imposition of taxes in America, fixed by the British Parlia-
ment and without reference to the Colonial legislatures, now assumed
definite shape.
The Colony of Massachusetts took the lead in entering the pro-
test of the Colonies. As early as June 13th of this year, the
House of Representatives of that Province instructed its agent, Israel
Mauduit, to use his endeavors to obtain a repeal of “the Sugar Act,”
and to exert himself to prevent a Stamp Act or any other imposi-
tions and taxes upon that and the other American Provinces, and
on behalf of Massachusetts invited the other colonies to join in the
same measure. The official letter, signed by JAMES OTIS, THOMAS
CUSHING, OXENBRIDGE THACHER, and by Thomas Gray and Ed-
ward Sheaffe, was laid before the Pennsylvania Assembly on the sec-
ond day of their session, September 11th, 1764.
The Massachusetts Bay asks the writed assistance of the several
Colonies against the formidable attacks upon what it conceives to be
the inseparable rights of British subjects, and desires that the agents
of the several Colonies may be directed by the Representatives of the
people on the Continent of North America to unite in the most serious










48 HISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE HALL.
remonstrance against measures destructive of the Liberty, the Com-
merce, and Property of the Colonists, and in their tendency pernicious
to the real interest of Great Britain.

-ºº:
6/772 (3 g/ (O Z//

3×2%
Benjamin Franklin, the Speaker of the Pennsylvania Assembly, was
promptly instructed to direct the Agent to guard the Colony against
these and all other impositions while at the same time assuring the
Home Government that a plan is being formed “to grant the neces-
sary aids to the Crown and to contribute to the general defence that
will not destroy or infringe the natural and legal rights of the Colo-
nies or affect those of the Mother Country.”
“INSTRUCTIONs to Rich ARD JACKSON.
“The Representatives of the Freemen of the Province of Pennsylvania, in
General Assembly met, having received Information of the Resolutions of the
september House of Commons respecting the Stamp Duties and other Taxes
* * proposed to be laid on the British Colonies, do most humbly con-
ceive that the measures proposed as aforesaid if carried into execution, will
have a Tendency to deprive the good People of this Province of their most
essential Rights as British Subjects and of the Rights granted to them by
the Royal Charter of King Charles the Second, and confirmed by Laws of this
Province, which have received the Royal Approbation.
PENN.SY L VA NIA A ND R HODE ISLAND PROTEST. 49
“The House of Assembly therefore most earnestly request you will exert
your utmost endeavours with the Ministry and Parliament to prevent any
such impositions and Taxes or any other Impositions or Taxes on the Colon-
ists from being laid by the Parliament inasmuch as they neither are or can be
represented, under their present Circumstances in that Legislature : Nor can
the Parliament, at the great Distance they are from the Colonies, be properly
informed, so as to enable them to lay such Taxes and Impositions with Justice
and Equity, the Circumstances of the Colonies being all different one from
the other.”
Before yet a month had elapsed the brave little colony of Rhode
Island sends to the Pennsylvania Assembly a communication dated
October 8th, also calling attention to the anticipated Act of Parlia-
ment. “The impositions already laid on the trade of these Colonies,”
say they through Stephen Hopkins, “must have very fatal conse-
quences, but the act in embryo for establishing stamp duties if effected
will further drain the people and strongly point out their servitude.
The resolution of the House of Commons that they have a right to tax
the Colonies if carried into execution will leave us nothing to call our
own.” .*
The Rhode Island letter evoked a unanimous resolution from the
Pennsylvania Assembly to enforce the instructions already given to
their agents in London to remonstrate against the Stamp Act and all
other acts of Parliament by which heavy burdens have been laid on
the Colonies; still the response given to Stephen Hopkins was con-
servative.
These matters of deep concern induced the House to enforce still
more strongly their instructions by sending another agent “ to join
with and assist ' Mr. Jackson.
Franklin was designated and was elected notwithstanding a remon-
strance from a number of inhabitants of Philadelphia, who objected to
this selection because “Mr. Franklin has had a principal hand in pro-
posing and promoting the petitions for a change of Government which
now appear ’’ say they “contrary to the sentiments of more than three
fourths of the Province; ” it was resolved, “That Benjamin Franklin,
Esq., be and he is hereby appointed to embark with all convenient
despatch for Great Britain.”
The murmurs of disapprobation which rolled from Massachusetts
to the Carolinas and back again, found vent in a masterly protest from
the pen of Samuel Adams. Deaf to the appeal, Parliament, late in
March of 1765, passed the celebrated Stamp Act, enforcing the collec-
tion of “a duty” (evidenced by a stamp) upon every paper used in
4
50 IIISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE HALL.
judicial proceedings, in commercial transactions, and even in the daily
amusements of the people, reaching pamphlets, newspapers, almanacs,
playing cards. The Act was not, however, to
go into operation till the first of November,
but tidings of its passage reached America
towards the middle of April.
At first the colonists admitted themselves
almost stupefied by the blow, the tendency of
which was at once proclaimed to reduce the
Colonies to slavery, but “the spirit of liberty
informed the Press, we began to collect our
scattered thoughts our privileges were set forth
in a clear and striking light, which the latent
spark of patriotism enkindled at once, and flew
like lightning from breast to breast, it flowed
from every tongue and Pen, and Press, till it
diffused itself through every part of British
America, it united us all — we seemed to be
animated by one spirit and that spirit was
LIBERTY.”
In legislative assemblies Patrick Henry opened the ball in his well
known speech before the House of Burgesses. “ Virginia gave the
signal to the Continent,” wrote the British Commander-in-chief, and
was promptly answered by Massachusetts, which at the instance of
James Otis demanded a convention or union of all the Colonies that
greater effect might be given to their resistance.
Massachusetts unhesitatingly makes a formal appeal to her sister
Colonies. Her communication received in the recess was promptly
answered by the Speaker, who laid both letters before the Penn-
sylvania Assembly upon their re-assembling on 10th September, 1765.
Here was the first germ — the first practical suggestion for an actual
union in counsel to secure the preservation of their rights and lib-
erties, and in the same chamber which ultimately witnessed the fruition
of “the more perfect union ” of the present day. It is entitled to
be presented in verbis ipsissimis.
PROVINCE OF MASSACHUsetts BAY, Boston, June 8, 1765.
SIR, - The House of Representatives of this Province, in the present
Session of the General Court, have unanimously agreed to propose a Meeting,
as soon as may be, of Committees from the Houses of Representatives, or Bur-
gesses of the several British Colonies on this Continent, to consult together on
the present Circumstances of the Colonies, and the Difficulties to which they


MA SSA CHUSETTS C.A. LLS FOR A CONGRESS. 51
are and must be reduced, by the Operation of the Acts of Parliament for
levying Duties and Taxes on the Colonies, and to consider of a general and
united, dutiful, loyal, and humble Representation of their Condition to his
Majesty and the Parliament, and to implore Relief. The House of Repre-
sentatives of this Province have also voted to propose, that such Meeting be
at the City of New York, in the Province of New York, on the first Tuesday
of October next, and have appointed a Committee of three of their members
to attend that Service, with such as the other Houses of Representatives or
Burgesses in the several Colonies may think fit to appoint to meet them; and
the Committee of the House of Representatives of this Province are directed
to repair to New York on said first Tuesday of October next, accordingly.
If therefore, your Honorable House should agree to this Proposal, it would
be acceptable, that as early Notice of it as possible might be transmitted to
the Speaker of the House of Representatives of this Province.
To the Speaker of the House of
Representatives of the Province of Pennsylvania.
The response was prompt, —
PHILADELPHIA, June 27, 1765.
To the Honorable the Speaker of the House of
*epresentatives for the Province of Massachusetts Bay.
SIR, - Your favor of the Eighth Instant coming to Hand in the Recess of
our Assembly, I thought proper to convene such members thereof as were in
and near the city, to consider of your Proposal of a Congress at New York,
in October next, to consist of Committees from the Houses of Representa-
tives of the Several British Colonies on the Continent and the business to be
then transacted ; which being UNANIMOUSLY APP Roved by the Gentlemen
who met, we have agreed to lay the same before our House, at their meeting
on the Ninth of September Next; and you may be assured I shall not fail
to transmit you, by the first opportunity afterwards, the Result of their Delib-
erations thereon. In the mean Time I have the Honor to be with great Re-
spect
Sir, your most obedient humble servant,
Speaker.
The House, when convened formally, unanimously confirmed the
Speaker's view and appointed a committee of three, with Mr. Speaker
FOX, to attend the proposed Congress at New York, - JoBN DICRIN-


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52 FIISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE HALL.
SON, GEORGE BRYAN, and JOHN MoRTON. The three last mentioned
were, with Wm. Allen, George Taylor, and a few others, appointed a
committee to draft instructions. These were cautiously worded; while
authorized to consult with the other colonies, and to join in petitions
imploring relief from the late acts of Parliament, the Delegates were
strictly enjoined to use “the most decent and respectful terms,” and
to make a report of proceedings to the House.
It was also ordered that the Speaker should communicate their
official acquiescence to the Massachusetts House of Representatives.
The Pennsylvania Assembly, in which John Dickinson was the able
and patriotic leader, while thus careful to approach their sovereign in
respectful and even humble terms, placed upon their Journals unequiv-
ocal evidences of their steadfast purpose to claim their rights under
the British Constitution, nor were these resolutions suppressed, but
having been passed unanimously, they were ordered to be published in
the newspapers, German as well as English.
They pointed out the alacrity and liberality with which the Provin-
cial Legislature had always met every requisition made by his Maj-
esty, for carrying on military operations for the defense of America,
and promised for the future every aid in men or money that might be
needed for the public services of the British American Colonies for
their defense or security, but they insisted that the inhabitants of
Pennsylvania were entitled to every liberty, right, or privilege of sub-
jects of Great Britain; “the Constitution of Government in this
Province ’’ say they, “is founded on the natural rights of mankind
and the noble principles of English Liberty, and hence is, or ought
to be perfectly free.” After specifying the infringements attempted,
they conclude that they deem it their duty, “thus firmly to assert,
with modesty and decency, their inherent rights, that their posterity
may learn and know that it was not with their consent and acquies-
cence, that any taxes should be levied by any Persons but their own
Representatives, and they are desirous that these Resolves should re-
main as a Testimony of the zeal and ardent desire of the present
House of Assembly to preserve their inestimable rights, which as
Englishmen they have possessed ever since this Province was settled
– and to transmit them to their latest Posterity.”
“The Congress of 1765" had not yet fully assembled at New York,
when, on Saturday the 5th October, the ship Royal Charlotte, under
the command of Captain Holland, and bearing the dreaded stamped
papers for Pennsylvania, Jersey, and Maryland, was reported coming
up the Delaware, rounding Gloucester Point. She was under convoy
f RESISTANCE TO THIE STAMP A CT. 53
of the royal man-of-war, the Sardine. Immediately the State House
Bell, and the bells of Christ Church, were muffled and tolled ; and all
the ships in port displayed their colors at half mast.
In the afternoon, a public town meeting of several thousand citizens
was held at the State House to prevent the landing of the stamps.
Addresses were delivered by several prominent merchants and law-
yers, declaring the act unconstitutional and void ; and delegates were
appointed to wait immediately upon John Hughes, the stamp master,
— who it was said had been appointed for Pennsylvania at the in-
stance of his friend Dr. Franklin, – to demand his resignation. Mr.
Hughes temporized with the Committee, but as he was seriously ill in
bed the Committee asked indulgence at the hands of the meeting which
had awaited the reply, and which then adjourned till the following
Monday. Upon reassembling in the square on the 7th, a letter was read
from Mr. Hughes, pledging himself to take no action except in con-
formity with that of the neighboring colonies. Huzzas at first greeted
this concession, but they were soon changed to hisses upon the claim
of one of the leaders that Mr. Hughes should have responded by an
immediate resignation of the office of stamp master, absolutely and
unequivocally." Still the dissatisfaction took no form of violence,
though it resulted in the transfer of all the stamps to the royal ship
without any attempt to land them.
The circumstances attending this practical defeat of the Act, seem
fully to justify the self congratulations of the newspapers of the day,
on the public spirit displayed, as well as the moderation with which
the measures were enforced. *
But the Merchants of Philadelphia, all honor to their memory, saw
that this was not enough. The Act must be repealed, and until its
repeal, measures should be devised to frustrate its future enforcement.
It was determined, by striking directly at their commercial interests,
to secure the coöperative influence of their friends and correspondents
among the British merchants. Thomas Willing, Samuel Mifflin,
Thomas Montgomery, Samuel Howell, Samuel Wharton, John Rhea,
William Fisher, Joshua Fisher, Peter Chevalier, Benjamin Fuller, and
Abel James were selected from among their number as a Committee.
Resolutions were drawn up by which they pledged their honors to each
other to require all new orders given for goods or merchandise in
Great Britain not to be shipped, to countermand all former orders, and
not even to receive goods for sale on commission, until and unless the
Stamp Act should be repealed.
These resolutions bear date October 25, 1765, and within a fortnight
were signed by three hundred and seventy-five of the most prominent
54 HISTO1& Y OF IN DE 12 L. NDENCE IIA LL.
merchants and citizens of Philadelphia." This, “the first Pledge of
Honor’’ in the record of our Independence, may be justly regarded as
the forerunner, if not the actual prototype, of that national interchange
of “lives, fortunes, and sacred honors ’’ on the 4th of July, 1776, that
has rendered its “Signers” famous.
The Shopkeepers of the time also appointed a Committee, and en-
tered into an agreement not to buy British goods till the Stamp Act
should be repealed. Their committee consisted of John Ord, Francis
Wade, Joseph Deane, David Deshler, George Bartram, Andrew Doz,
George Schlosser, James Hunter, Thomas Paschall, Thomas West, and
Valentine Charles.
Similar action was taken in New York, on 31st day of October, by
1 Colonel Etting was certainly in error in ascribing this date to the Non-Importa-
tion agreement of Philadelphia. The original document is in the Historical Society
of Pennsylvania; but it bears no contemporaneous statement showing when it was
adopted or signed. On the top of it, however, is written “Oct. 25th, 1765.” This
memorandum is in the handwriting of Thomas Bradford, and a letter of his grand-
son attests the authority of the handwriting, and states that it was placed there by
his grandfather when he gave him the document. Thomas Bradford at that time
was ninety years of age. Although he had, as a boy, carried the paper to a num-
ber of merchants to sign, and it had remained in his family, from that time, a trea-
sured proof of the patriotism of our merchants, we cannot accept his recollection
of the exact date of the signing, recorded so long after the event, in the face of the
evidence we have that the resolutions were adopted and signed at a meeting held at
the Court House, in Philadelphia, on the evening of November 7th, 1765. On the
6th of November, a circular was issued calling a meeting of the merchants, to be
held at the Court House, the next evening (November 7th), at 4 o'clock. The
Pennsylvania Journal, for November 14th, prints the resolutions that we know as
the Non-Importation Resolutions, and says that they were adopted at that meeting,
and adds that they were signed by about four hundred merchants.
In Volume II. of the Upcott Clippings, in the library of the New York Histori-
cal Society, there is a printed extract of a letter from a clergyman in Pennsylvania,
dated November 7th, 1765, which states: “An Association was formed this day, and
articles signed, by a very large number of the merchants, and will be subscribed by
all engaging, that they will not import from Britain any Goods or Merchandize till
the Stamp Act is repealed.”
In the St. James Chronicle, published in London, December 26th, 1765, there
appears a letter from a merchant in Philadelphia to his London correspondent, dated
Philadelphia, November 7th, 1765, which says: “At a general meeting of the
merchants and traders of the city it was this day resolved by them (and to strengthen
their resolutions, they entered into the most solemn engagements with each other),
that they would not import any goods from Great Britain until the Stamp Act was
repealed.”
Some years ago the resolutions were lithographed with the supposed date (Octo-
ber 25) at the head, and facsimile signatures attached. A copy of the broadside is
here given.—[Editor of Second Edition.]
IRESISTANCE TO THE ST_4 MP A CT 55
the Merchants, as well as by the Shopkeepers; and by those of Boston
on 3d of December following.
It is deeply to be regretted that the original New York and Boston
agreements cannot be found.
Every act requiring a stamp under the law was anticipated when
feasible, and where not, it was determined to ignore the law alto-
gether. We find even marriages consummated earlier than the day
originally fixed, to avoid using stamps for licenses, since dispensing
with these might involve very serious consequences legally. As the
dreaded November 1st approached, no effort was left untried to render
it a day of sadness and of gloom.
On the 31st day of October, the newspapers appeared in mourning
for the death of Liberty, and declared an intention to suspend publi-
cation from “the fatal to-morrow, till means can be found to elude
the chains forged for us.” "
The bells were rung muffled and every indication of grief for a
national calamity adopted that ingenuity could invent. Still no hesi-
tation appears at resorting to every means to make the law a prac-
tical nullity. While a large proportion determined and agreed among
themselves to proceed in their usual avocations, regardless of stamps,
it was rendered impossible to procure the latter, and no official recog-
nition of the detested stamp was even allowed. The only stamped
papers discovered in use by any vessel trading at Philadelphia, were
intercepted and publicly burnt at the Coffee House.” The Stamp Act
everywhere throughout the country became a dead letter, the stamp
masters having resigned either voluntarily or by compulsion, and no
stamps seem ever to have been officially distributed in any one of the
thirteen colonies.
Four colonies were not represented at the Congress in New York:
New Hampshire, Virginia, North Carolina, and Georgia, while the
representatives of Connecticut, New York, and North Carolina did
not feel themselves authorized to sign the addresses to the King and
to the two Houses of Parliament. These state papers succintly set
forth all the grievances of the colonies under fourteen heads, and were
signed by the Delegates from Massachusetts, Rhode Island, New Jer-
sey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, and Maryland. On the 7th January,
1766, they were laid before the Pennsylvania Assembly, which after
passing a vote of thanks to their delegates, ordered the transmission
of the addresses to England.
* See pages 56, 57, and 60.
* See page 59 for the only specimen extant rescued from the flames, from Du
Simitiere's collection in the Philadelphia library.
*D () 11/STO1& Y OF INDEPENDENCE II. LL.
's
º, Oöckr 31, – T H E : -
#P E N N S Y L V A N I A J O U R N A L,
: A N D ".
: W F. E. K L Y A D V E R T I S E R,
i. Frºm: T- –I
-- C - ºf a - -
* * * * * * * * * * * * ... . . . . . . . w ſº - ----
*** ***): lºts' brought by the laar, a to
And in ad Political Diſorders tº more contented we are B.
Gibralter ſay, St reporºfºº ſpread, that the age.
vndsvºbºtto, ſo much the wors, are º and ſo much
to acquaint my Read- be worſe are ºf thº, tº as a very happy Circum- rints have killed thºſ,
t - º: •. - " - Dey, * *
trs, that as The Stamp-, *** **nding.getic virta and public §. tº #: :::::::::::: aft all
he rºore it is viliard, the cºor iliuſºrious it always ap-.' ... solº tree, provos
Acy, isfear'd to be ob , otari. ºo atriº ºf can proſper, for it t o N D O My -
to us after at once Jarret, apé confuſes tº garkes ºf mº inver. 4-rºº ty. On Thurſday aſ the Miny's ves tºwers ºn
Corphiu, an elegral entertainment ºra, sº
... ººmittee ºf North-American ..º.º. -
* Glover, and Chates Garth, *R*, when thoſe genis.
*** received the thanks of that body, ºr ºf toda.
º
&s) be Publiſher of this Paper unable to ,
... bear the Burrhen, has thought it expedient
to gTor a while, in order j whr.
ther any Methºds can be found to elude the
Chains forged for us. and eſcape the infup- . .
* or writing, yºº Oppreſºon and Tyran
*** derives all its influetºſrors tº secrecy, may be
‘strºy bºnefited by the Rºtºrie, For this raſon, in ,
Countrict ſubjećted to the lattiable Drmands of Power
pºrtable Slavety; which it is hoped, from , i. - sº need onl kno º º
y to be wn in or- pow under to attack ºn hi
gie juſt Repreſentations acw made againſ: ... dºº-oº: tº the Deprivation of our sº...
*bºl: Liberty'ss be ruſtified on the ſame Principles a t g
that Aét, may be effected. Mead while,
ºuſt earneſtly Requeſt every ſedividual *...: ". .. *:::::: tº a
". - os- Auviable is the ºn Libe
* Juºx tº tº isºe hegrd- • rººm & Mºw-Ex $pirit ſo
fily Yree in §§. will *::::::::::::: -
tº $utuniff on to new and unwarrañtable Reſtrialons.
memorabis battle Major Munro gained sº be
i. Dowla, one of the º: º: -
• The conſequence of this battle rives the ºppsay .
the command oftwds in pºrt of rbè Mo .
ul's dominkos, ºud, *Speration, the Exit.
tiº cºmpany at preſeur ºry be brought in compani
º: § º: the Grººt, -bots rvamºnd,"free
tut river ladus to the river Gan
reſprèted as their's.” Sºº was not ſo much -
- ****, the new.ra- ---y, taking into coogdºrasoe
the preſent deplorable ſnaiº ºn. Canadians, have
sºlº to take up, all be Canada bul, strº, ºi,
latertà to the preſent thes i, and aſterward, to dº rºund, *
... is the not ſpºitrº terms, statist, and yearayalsº ºf
the coaled º: -
immediately Diſchargethel taped)ve Ar.
reare, that ſ. may be able, not only to
ºpport myſelf during the Interval, but
be etter prepared to proceed agaia with a. wrºoſt to preſerve the Rights and liberties
, this Paper, whenever an opening for that *
- c appears, which I hope will be
WII.I.IAM BRADFORD. .
º
3.hst Glory thºs, the ºrighted Crown of Praiſe,
Which every Lover of his connºry's Wealth,
And every Patron of Mankind deſerves |
Wiſ gracefully adorn ſuch Patriot's Deeds,
A. f
rascº, under ºria ºf all tººthºes
º º 2. º.
C. 16 new lords of trade and stions will hold a ,
Pººl, y *the cº-
|. We bear the rent rºllect the Avral propºlstºry ºnstrº.
ºth America, obºisod by forwarr grunts shºrt the tº
arº ordered to be made ºut, as alſº sa, dimºrs ºf ºf
anºus produce of their lead tax, in order to intrºdoº
ºare equitable form ºf lºvying his martyre revriº, in
R. O. M. E, 7sy nº. , that part of the world-
• O 6 e o Hº harya ic Uill country hab bor Prov. . . They wite from Gibralter, that Engla offern and
Cº. ed ſo gºod as we hºped. is evenſ haib ºl ſcarama are ºº:: and aſ inutes by lºgº .
- - to ſerve on board his Saranuian anizay -
Nº. Mediterrancan. uiao asjeffy's Dilys of
- no. The riglt hºnourabk the Eart Cºrasaï-
lis, lieutenan, ºlonel tº the ºrgiment ºf four, s , , .
pºinted one ºf hiſ mºiefly saids & camp, **, r*
vſ &: ::::: the anny, -
..We are arformed, what a grailuban . ."
lar in this county, is .5°. º ..º.º.
Sºhaeºlºad. •here be intends pub; thing tº
Sharkbill's poems, with explanatory notºs, as: ºne
ºxe-leafºrmed, but be has as ſººnrias ºr pºsiº.
§§ the ſame race, a kiaory ºf England sºns by .
ºf . " º
| F
*****, or/adº :7; tº Richt,
rut, *4 dºué;
* age ºrgs, :::::::fºresſºrry,
º trawfºrd tºfºrſkers.
tº fles, great Liber #. ser" *
With
... As sº sur (Pºrrid tº JºAes
tave behhad an Monour that will laſt
Praiſe krºnetta! to the End of Time.
77-ſºº lºft arrived Arry uke Aºp Pikletºa Perur,
cºnt. ºd lºw, fras Lºndºn, {y wºn ºf Perve tº ſel.
h!ch bruman bri ſpoºl A.
" whkh ºn th º n
º A 4 when we are º:::::::::::, ."
} J. 4. happiuſſº, "", ars, f d with the
chdoºt inimical ſºnirºs; , Nations, a T G engaged the co- - - -
. . †-º-º-º-? who arsbºn for thrurutwº ſupport of o nºting are tº ºppºse ºf iſions.
a . excb &her, flrookſ preſerve a teady ar. for this capital, to ſeek aſ poſſible means ||
º, tº ºut to the welfare and happineſs of that nation w
D are unitéſ, that their mutual alliance
t
ee see . preventº-a freſh ſcarcity-
- 37. 7aara's, Argºſ tº . The *"º. been pleaſed to.
s dſhip might tº ſinger and permanent. When , appoint the mod boogurable the Marquis of Rocking. I
Hºuxºi ºpºrated, #; encroachtments or “” hate to be lººd lieutenant of thrweſt-ridings of the cous-
, ºtºli * is t s Soul Cornmerce, and the { of York, and of the city of York, and county of the .
§3. and ako Cuſtos Rotulorum of the north and
iánge in the ſaid county of York and cſ the city aſ
... of the ſame city, and Ainſly, other-
º
ºt
{{
which in tºne gross-i\veterate, and familly recoils upon
...'... * -
W the myseº its unbsppy diſſolut on. & York, a
The Aisºry %. ºft hat'very jusly been eſteemed one "wiſe Aynflry, of York. -
yof the maſº Pillars of the liberty of the People. while ...The slog has been pleaſed to ºppoint the figur bºn. . -
ºthºr il apºntained, the Grººters to oppreſtron are de-, william Eart of Dartmooth, Sciſm. Jenyns, Edſward E. a “ſel arrived at Guernſey from Benºids there is
liot, Jºbn York, George Rise, John Robert, Jstemi-fi advice, that the French are cristing ſeveral bancº º
•h Dyſon, and William Fitzherbert, Eſqrs, to be cort- ". San Jy º: so the ſouth raft of the iſ and, and in the ''
rni : * tºº.ºrºd ſo iºting and reproving ... great ros. ...” dekent was made in the late ºf
* by the ſeaſure, and troops ut-dry AJaniral ke and
ð...i. :ſon. Ps Pºd and -
| Aux, *, *; hear lon1 Wiſcount Spencavi, Aortly to be
jereſty's savy. creatºl an earl. º
& jant's, Argºſ ºr. By the laſt letºeta from Col ºf . All thºught of any farther changry are ſaid to tº sa..
| f * † ...; bus inseſy's cºmmitºry : Dunkirk, we #tirely laid ...; h perſon of w
in the ſailleſ Degree, have always been inoff fre-ºre aſſured, that orders were given vy, the Prºach talni: , , it is reported, that a n of high_rank, on bring
g *:::: enbiaſed Pa. º. ºry, for iaimºhaftly ſetting § the deroetition of , epo reat shaployd 3. * * *
tries. It is the ilrºlge of Britºn; to ſpeak Truth, the Jette.ca, wbkt are the ſupport, of the tarbour of .ſmart, , refuſed, º, . º: of the tº AAUP. -
impºrnity, even to ſtay no Danger from ſpecq-. Dunkirk. ''' that be, could not º: & = ºr -
ºldºve §:. Religion or Politick. The want '. Marſaw, Arraft r. The tribunal of 9reat Poland. .. of it, conſidendy wit - * .
* - - ing to this haſ produceu Recºleſ; Enquiries, and held at Poſnanii, kas granted tº niſon to sks Luthe ºthe love he hºrs tº the Bruub
When this in ſuppreſſed, the puſnkjon of the
and their Ruiu may adºv of ſo ſadden a tranſ-
ſtir n, as render, the Suğlaſs of the ºrd 'impraélicable, bit majeſty's flºº ir America, and eurwbºre,
* vid the Miſeries arranding ºbe latter utº-voidable. So . . . The kiog has been pleaſed ra r unro the right ...
: 1, this to liste; Power, that the farthal ap-' boo. Richard Viſcouat low, the office of treaſurer of his
t
; and the Attentiºn ºf tº People kºſon-bly sº. º
# ra".”
p
pººches to it are reſolutely oppoſed, or rigoroeſ!y pun-,
... ºd. So eſſentirl' is thiſ to Freedoro, y, and
ºpineſ... that, the moſt plauſible. Attempts to currºil it
| M.
º, ºudy oppoſed by the viridovº,
º,
."
, of a º - -
ºurºnſtiá.ſ.l. Cºnſor. *!' what is true in Fat ºr iro more rant at Lobſcut, to open their church, which has been º' nation, wrºch would ºver be t
|- aſſu (alſº by ºcculatiºn.--bot, how unhappily is it to ſhut aar, twenty years, to provide a miniſtry, and to the obſeé ºf blº care anal stea: º
- "," ſign."
pºrſorin divine ſervice in public.
Crawwe, 7sly 17. The dºuchorºuteſ che bundred
tnes tirafted for idebºans, are on the airch fos Fenol,
where they are to embark º, bºard the Unitorº' trigate
with a governor, two ca in friars, a cºasiſſionary
af war, and ſoale civil .
Deºbarr'd from this [AA Relief \n a Jaugerous and 6ck-
ly ºste nor mº'e trolly wo pine and die while no
kund' tañº is alſ, ºd to £5 plure the Cºnſº, or pre-
Idribe rercore 64 onrunanifold Ditors!en The love of
Esſo, and abſºnce of Paxo in ſome Diſkmperº, is a Jatal
ºnaptoa ºf ſhe dºlpºnºſºircumſtance of the Patient.
*::::::: diſpatchriſ,
to be of importance, were re-
deal here tram'Mallasai, bº
§hs ſubjealist not yºnſ:
Private letters ſrong Pari
menſion ºut reº. Geºrº
:;§
























































NE WSPA P/E/2.S. J.W. J.IO UAP.V/AWG.
tº
7
*
THIRD and LAST S U P P L E M E N T
T O T H E
Maryland GAZETTE, of the Tenth Inſtant.
Ønnapolig, Oétober 31, 1765,
--cred ſo Yb. ſ. Article, and it is wrpeled that A N N A P O L I S, Caesar. H.;
R 5 A.D. E. R, º º? coffs to º for thoſe sº This Day §: General A: *a,
9 ee eV beans of a Jito - - - - - - - Ş. in H † At quickººs, ºd º:
• B Aś, sº **ſ, *ſ, *****, *d ºr and a Namber ºf the centiºn ºf ſº-
#.: ; º º:::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::
• zettes of Papers-bf it lituſ- * * Sunday laſt, being a v indy Day,
is Dâte; ex- * the sloop wºmſºs, a Schooner ed . & ń. §:...
nce, and Advertiſers, after -
$. on ſuch intolerable biſ; hehſome
Terms is cannot a frºnt º: * Fºr ºs
here, of courſe Thia muſt now-Uette and
Peterſhine.. The Printer hereof returns his
teful Thanks to the Public, for their paſt
ncouragement, and bopes he has in ſome
Degree tontributed to their Entertainment
and Amuſement, which he his always en-
dervour’d, and would ſtill continue ſo to do,
hut for the Reiſoús weſl knowh. If the
&:
On Tueſday, arriº oop
Captain Riv #: º boºbiºaco's *
whosi we §: $frto Salf of Tranſports ºf
'going House) wers strived ... and that here
º "tºº Mort.lity *::: thern, º ©r
rweive drºeg of a Uzy is ongſt which was that
gallast and worthy Officer Brigadier Gengsts
BQUQUST, whole, retres Sarikº, Ard sini :
able Charađºr, dering the trars of bus Country
abd Acquaintange, -ie ‘. 13° of Ae
gué, and died the i* Day of Sãptember, Qat 9
Ladies, w we secosºpagned tºem, 6
wers. &nd, and the ºther very ill, and act likely
to resover The Place, we are told, is barren
sod uncosfoºrable and as tº Trade has been per-
mitted with the Spaniards, 4co oco Dollars baw
ing been turité-away, the Dräge sod Uſe of it is
not sery diſcºnsible- woleſ, it be ſor a Burying
| Groqtd.
P H I L A p E L. P. H I A, Oactºr 24.
extrue y tº Avis &rAsſ. Argºff;.
carrying too much Sail was overſet tº
Mosth of Potºſs, and afie Man Drºwned.
|She afterwards drove #ſhore at the loweł Edd
of Kºst-Igººd.
Fdday trº Died in Dºe"Cºunty; the
Revº. i. Tbasic Airy, Restor of ...;
throe.
arrived here the Brig. Frº-Maſte,
Capa 3, in Sever. *::::. Cziz.
She ſpºke the Brig &aly, Captain. Ricº
Żºłº, from Nric-rººt -for Madeira, -in
Lat., Az' 25". Out 43 Dayu. All well., a
Mr. GREEN, *_.
* rº, ºr ºptla rºstrar tº & Płº-
... tër Celaruſt, I ...;Ž
gº asſinº ef; .cxd it if sº, ºf
†: j. 'flººd #. Maisºde -
atrº 4xº~a true Spirit ºf Petrºſº was
, thºr J cº, tº Lºs º 4t
ubliſh- in ſhe ſank Manner, for the ſame
rice, and wirh ſame Impartiality and
Freedom, as heretolore, provided there ſhalſ
. a ſufficient Number of Encouragers
the carrying on w work fo Neceſſary,
** ſees general Utility. All thoſe who,
ſhall & hºcſinable to give a helping Hindi. - * *
whereto ſea the Ternº §§tº Pl 㺠a * † The -- iſ the Col alarms ź.7% trºit; 3.3% & ‘ablised by war
* Suſpended) deſired to feave the evèry who has ſhy Connection with thers fºr ºf sºn of
ry. The rissy Isprefign of CONSIDE-
RATIONS ow. Fºr PROPRIsry or
§ rºš ox. The BRITISH
Names at º where thé, ºf G,
'rette uſed to be j.". at the Prišting
Office. And'ss as pºſſible, it will be
Reviv'd, and a Nev. r of a proper Size
provided , for the P - Nons are
fired to Subſcribe, except ſºch as irred t
Fog tº S. PURFoss of
NLES, Fox
l Ratsina, a REVENUE, by ACT or
our ſtadsſºn-How the will end, Tºe cely PARLiAMENT, bein #, §§ w a
Pay regularly. Abd all thoſe who are i We bear from Antigua, that a from Lon- Second is now in the Preſs, and will be
Arrestº, eltºr to Myſelf and Mr. Rikd, or eae. based ſo feasiº, but polic sociosafoºr publiſh'd in a few Days.
on dry own Account only, are esrtic thy re Goods for the Merchants of Antigua, had brought The ingeews ‘Ant of
º: to triakt fºr tº: }.. our three Prríona, ſaid to be the Diſtributor of r:::::::::::::3% ###. from
arewalh I Kºff Rúder Starap, for the used of Jamaica;,&c. who were have §§§ Pobji §§ t
Towa GR ran ºn ſo, great a Harry tº gº tº & Bros. where, jr. cºming sº; iº as the Gºiáriºs
'B' dver, with Imposity, they might rob and tes' tºº, sº cººrs;
. N. Single Aºys tlements, § *RY & lab ºbstaete of theſe likes their tºeser and Liber- § ...". * f jś
Kind of PRINTING.. the GAZETTÉ wes, that they effered asy Price for d veſſel to go tº the oarsº e
only exteºlcd, is cameo ou as uſual.
the firs Page of 8A week's paper, the
riº.i. *. 6(Y º:
ºf the Charter, there la Dºrdºi-au, insteadſ
Dąrties.
This Papen has bever bad OccºRoºs to
appear in Dre; Mourning, ſince tº
Death of our rate good `K 1 N Q,
antil NCW.
Cloth, &c. as , by a debderate Competition,
L O N D o N. A tº 8. Tººrºº:::::::::::::::
os ºr was of Diminatoa, it be weal. Example, worthy the Unitages at at lead every
Eğd dº tº Town, retsarkable for bº r". One º be ºvet .h, the Country. 4 as Fearºy *
Spragib and Athletic Yeoffrtution, has bad |** * Cºastrº ; or in e Yeº. bºw sers -
wegº ºf Goo Galsº hit be thrº-, - Sºlº tº “fºr” ºf . º
yo Fosudº walkºt so Yards. Great Sets are de... . we Arvº the Heature of informies ºf Reger: .
peeding on the Decréso lºssrºbe idportant Stºneſ, sº the GBN 8RAL * ºn Osºr se, 1763.
CONGR 83S sa New York tº ho Rrest Forward SORGR ISENBERG, intendieg to ſees
º * - i. few Mººſe this City takes able Yºſs-
tº to scºsaict he's Geetlerºes inciting tº ears
psi fºr theaſelves es the Gº-itas §:
(*t tº starter tº off, jeoped le
wned stely sher hula waso the Rhºes, ſeized hia by
the Nape of the Neck, sod would ox kē go bis
*old estu be had by Korce Leded tº at the
Bridge Foot on the Surry Side, to be gris D, -
*::fies of the Sredatºr. A Gestware. Frefer , " be esen with the Appresarested gººd wiſhes.
gfſ Guº tº de Dºg. *bie vers ºf fed “ of all, who kees sº be forerº, Jºasat
B W - Y O R K, Caster tº. • asd Kºb 6f rº Matter, t Aus ex-Ys
We bºar that a Deſign of effat ſhow in this: " perenced Abilities, known Homanity, remark.
<! * *darkrº to cºresease on Wedrstdar ºbs' " sole P and coaſtant Artrou the
75° latml, to all Riode of Howe Missal,6th. H. erºt &renº of ºn Rajeſty's Subköm, rºs.'
*** **b ouverſal Apºrobaboo , arthagy wereº" cred bia an Flowow a tº his Connºrr, and sº
* * Loſs to kcow how to come at what they lºw Loss to Mankind."
#Nolorous, and
Doll A R-less,


























































58 HISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE HA LL.
The determined and uniform resistance produced its natural result,
and the obnoxious law was finally repealed, March 18, 1766.
Rumors of the repeal had reached Philadelphia as early as 27th
March, by the way of Ireland through Maryland, and they were reit-
erated, though not credited, early in April, but on (Monday morning)
May 20th, the brig Minerva, Captain Wise, anchored opposite the
town, and having been boarded by an “individual,” the news was
ascertained and the official copy of the repeal, printed by Baskett,
the King's printer, was brought ashore and read aloud at the London
Coffee House.
This Act recited the passage of the Act, at the previous session
of Parliament, for applying certain stamp duties, etc. And that
Whereas the continuance of the said Act would be attended with many
inconveniences and may be productive of consequences greatly detri-
mental to the commercial interests of these Kingdoms,
99ap it therefore pleaſe jagur moſt QErtcſ.
ient q9ajeſip, that it map be £natted and be it ematicu
bp the ising'g moſt QErtellent 99ājcſip, hp and tuitb the
3Duice and QConſent of the ILOpUg ºpititual anD (Tempo-
rai, and QCommong, in thig preſent 195tliament aſſem-
biet, and bp the gutbovity of the ſame, ØIbat from and
after the firſt Dap of May, Dne tbouſant feuen bundled
and ſirtp fir, the aboucementioned 35t, and the ſtocral
99atterg and Tbingg therein contained, ſbail b2, and ig
and are bercup repealed and made uoit, to all 3ntentſ,
and 19tutpoſe; tubatſoeuct.
An immense crowd collected, and Captain Wise was brought ashore
amid acclamations to enjoy a large bowl of punch, to drink prosperity
to America. The next evening the city was grandly illuminated and
numerous devices displayed, “for which,” says the “Pennsylvania
Gazette,” “the public is indebted to the Ladies who exercised their
fancies on the occasion.”
Bonfires abounded, as did barrels of beer, and on the 21st we have
to chronicle “an elegant entertainment at the State House,” where
the Governor (John Penn, then just about to be married to Anne
Allen, elder daughter of William Allen the Chief Justice, and who
was very probably awaiting this repeal for the purpose), the officers
of the Government, of the Army, and of the Navy, including Captain
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THURSDAY, November 21, 1765. Ntrºn. 194.
N E W - 7 O R. K. Z E T T E ;
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THE * : JUST DEPENDENCY''' A CT. 61
Hawker, of the Sardine, and strangers in the city, sat down to a
sumptuous feast in the Banqueting Hall. Due honor was done by
toasts to the King and all the royal family, and to Lords, Commons,
and Ministry, and especially by name to Mr. Pitt, to Lord Camden,
to Daniel Dulany, of Mary-
land," to the London Com- 20 24 z/
mittee of Merchants, to the 42-4- o Ø 22-
Virginia Assembly, and to zºvſ. %.
all the other Continental /Ż &ºm=" 23 Ž } ºs /2. 3.
Assemblies actuated by the
like zeal for the liberties of their Country ; “ May,” said they,
“the interest of Great Britain and her colonies be always united.”
The worshipful the Mayor did the honors while cannon, placed in
the State House Yard, boomed forth the royal salute after “The
King,” and appropriately responded after every other toast. It was
determined at the table to specially honor the 4th June approaching,
as the birthday of “our most gracious Sovereign, and to dress our-
selves in a new suit of the manufactures of England, and give what
Home-spun we have to the poor.”
The Sardine, which had been kept in quarantine with the detested
stamps on board, was brought up before the town and gayly decorated.
On the 3d June, the Governor announced to the House the repeal of
the Stamp Act; a copy of the Repealing Act, and another for “secur-
ing the just dependency of the colonies on the Mother Country,” as
the Honorable Mr. Conway phrased it, were laid before the House.

(that the fait, Colonieg
and 19ſantationg in America jaue been, are, and of
t{igbt Ougbt to be, ſuboptimate unto, and Dependent
upon, the 3ruperiaſ Irown and 39arliament of Great
Britain; and that the king's Q9ajeſty, bp and tuith the
3öpice and Conſent of the loyag &piritual and (Lem.
p02āl, amb Glommong of Great Britain, in 19arliament
aſſemblet), bad, ; and of iSight ought to babe, full
190tuer and 3 utbolitp to make lawg and 35tatuteg of
ſufficient foyce and Galibity to bind the Colomeg and
1920ple of America, Šubjetts of the Croton of Great Bri.
tain, in all (Daſeg tobatſoeber.
This elicited an address of thanks to the “most gracious Sovereign,”
* Mr. Dulany, though afterwards a loyalist, staunchly opposed the Stamp Act as
unconstitutional.
62 JHISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE IIA LL.
and the assurance therein that they were “fully sensible how much
the happiness of your People depends on a perfect harmony and con
nection between Great Britain and her Colonies, we assure your Maj-
esty, that no care or endeavours shall be wanting on our part, to
promote and establish that Union of affection and interests so essen-
tial to the welfare of both, and to preserve that loyalty and affection
to your Majesty's person and government, which we esteem to be one
of their first and most important duties.”
This “just dependency” or Declaratory Act contained the germ
of much future trouble.
The Agents for Pennsylvania, in London, were instructed to give
the Assembly “the earliest intelligence of every new measure or reg-
ulation, that shall be proposed or intended to be proposed in Parlia-
ment, wherein the general liberties of America, or those of this
colony, may in the least be affected or concerned.”
Many months were allowed to elapse, however, ere any attempt
was made by Great Britain to exercise the power, claimed by this
statute, when suddenly, in 1767, an act was passed for imposing
duties on glass, paper, painters’ colors, and TEA ; the duties were
trifling, but the discussions incident to the Stamp Act had opened
the eyes of the colonists, generally, to their rights as freemen under
the Constitution of England. In the guise of a plain farmer, John
Dickinson, by a series of letters published in the newspapers, clearly
demonstrated the necessity of resisting the imposition of a tax by the
British Parliament, and pointed out that a free people are not those
over whom only a Government is reasonably and equitably exercised,
but those who live under a Government so constitutionally checked
and controlled, that its exercise otherwise is rendered impossible.
The Assembly of Pennsylvania at once enjoined their agents in
London, under date of February 20, 1768, “to coöperate with the
agents of the other colonies in any decent and respectful application to
Parliament (in case such application is made by them), for a repeal
of the late act imposing duties on the importation of paper, glass, etc.,
into the American Provinces, which act is looked upon as highly in-
jurious to the rights of the people.” On the same day the House
adjourned to meet on the 9th of May following.
In the recess the Speaker received a communication from the
Speaker of the Massachusetts House of Assembly, setting forth specif-
ically the infringements upon the constitutional rights of the Prov-
inces by this Revenue Act and asking suggestions. This deservedly
celebrated “Circular Letter” was promptly, May 10th, laid before
the Assembly.
PENNSYL WA NIA FIRM FOR UNION. 63
As the necessary instructions had already been given to their
agents, and the Pennsylvania Assembly only remained two days in
session, no further official action was taken at this time.
Upon the very day of their reassembling an artful letter from Lord
Hillsborough, the Co-
lonial Secretary, was
transmitted by the º
Governor to the House, <2%zz
in which he sought,
after bestowing praise
upon Pennsylvania for
the reverence and re-
spect always shown by her to the Constitution, to detach her from
the interests of her sister colonies. He invites her to stamp the
action of . Massachusetts as unjustifiable. On the same day, in bold
and emphatic language, the protest of Virginia was laid before the
House. “While,” say they, “we do not affect Independency of our
Parent Kingdom, we aspire to the national rights of British subjects,
and assert that no power on Earth has the right to impose Taxes
upon us without our consent.” The Old Dominion not only endorsed
what Massachusetts had done, but expressed the opinion “that the
Solonies should unite in a firm and decent opposition to every measure
which might affect their rights and liberties.”
Lord Hillsborough's letter elicited a Resolution fully sustaining the
magnanimous views of Massachusetts, and insisting upon “the un-
doubted right of the various Assemblies of the Colonies to correspond
with each other relative to grievances affecting the general welfare.”
A committee was at once appointed to express the sentiments of
Pennsylvania, who reiterated and enforced the instructions already
given on 20th Febuary to their agents, and inclosed for presentation to
the King, to the Peers, and to the Commons, separate petitions, insisting
“upon those rights, and that freedom which they are by birth entitled
to as men and Englishmen who cannot be legally taxed, either by the
principles of equity or the Constitution, but by themselves or their
legal Representatives.” In writing to their agents they also drew
attention to the fact that the reasons assigned by them, throughout
the petitions, to induce a repeal were “very much eonfined to the
right of the Colony in being exempted from Parliamentary taxation;
little is said on the inexpediency of the regulation adopted by the
Act, lest seeming to rely on the latter should weaken the arguments in
support of the former.”

64 IIISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE HALL.
Thus “the most temperate province of Pennsylvania” had scarcely
need to be "roused from its slumbers by the voice of the Old Domin-
ion,” as has been alleged.
These direct protests, ably seconded by the Merchants throughout
the country, who entered again into agreements not to import from
England those articles that were subjected to a tax, finally produced
the repeal, April 12, 1770, of this Act, though an exception was still
made by Parliament. That exception was the duty on tea, an article
that even then had become a necessity, and had yielded to the East
India Company. £130,000, sterling, per annum. Relying upon the im-
portance of this beverage, and apparently believing that, by reducing
its price, the technical claim of “right to tax America,” could continue
to be made, an eaſport duty was actually taken off, while a smaller duty
on importation into the colonies was imposed, and even this was at-
tempted to be covered up by requiring its payment in England, thus
to the consumers the cost apparently was alone increased.
The Americans were not to be taken unawares, nor yet to be over-
come by the bribe ; they detected the “snake in the grass,” and forth-
with set about crushing its head.
In the Pennsylvania Assembly, on 4th February, 1771, a committee
was appointed to draft a petition to the King for repeal of this duty
also, “ since great danger is apprehended from the continuance of such
a precedent for taxing the Americans without their consent.” Messrs.
Dickinson and Morton were both on this committee, which, on 5th
March, represented their grievance in a respectful though firm and
able petition for redress. Corresponding instructions were given to
their Agent in London, and reiterated at every session, but without
avail.
The legislature was not unmindful during the lull following the re-
peal of the Stamp Act, of charitable or of scientific wants of the times.
Their journals teem with reports on the Pennsylvania Hospital — an
institution which they had in every way fostered from its establish-
ment, some dozen years before. The individual members frequently
assumed duties the salaries of which they appropriated to this noble
foundation.
In their encouragement of scientific researches the Assembly sanc-
tioned and contributed to the erection of a building, destined to be
famous in the history of Independence. This was “The Observa-
tory ‘’in the State House yard.
The American Philosophical Society had presented a petition to
the Assembly in October, 1768, setting forth that a transit of Venus
TFIE OBSE I: V_ſ TOR Y. 65
over the sun would take place on the third of June, following, that it
would afford the best method of determining the dimensions of the
solar system, together with the correct longitude of the places where
observations should be made, etc., that as none other would occur for
more than one hundred years, the interests of astronomy as well as of
navigation denianded the encouragement of public bodies, and hence
they requested that some provision should be made by the govern-
ment for “the purchase of a reflecting telescope of about three feet
focus, and to defray expenses.” It was stated that no telescope was
to be found in the Province, and possibly none on the Continent,
proper for the purpose.
This petition was now supplemented by another, asking permission
to erect an observatory in the State House grounds, “with such pub-
lic assistance as you may think convenient for erecting the same.”
These requests were both complied with by the Assembly. The
telescope was ordered through Dr. Franklin — the then agent of
Pennsylvania at London. £100 were granted, and permission given
for the erection of the required building upon the public grounds.
The telescope duly arrived ; the observations were made by David
Rittenhouse, assisted by Dr. John Ewing, Joseph Shippen, Thomas
Pryor, James Pearson, and Dr. Hugh Williamson and Charles Thom
son, — the two last mentioned destined to become prominent in the
history of their country. The weather proved fine, and the situation
very favorable, so that the society had the gratification to report that
their observations “had been highly acceptable to those learned bodies
in Europe to whom they have been communicated.”
While no trace of this building is now visible, the foundations were
discovered, when recently perfecting the sewerage of the Square. It
appears to have been of circular shape, and was erected about forty
feet due west from the rear door of the present Philosophical Hall, and
about same distance south from the wall of the present (eastern) wing.
It would form an eminently appropriate site for a monument to the
signers of the Declaration of Independence, so long in contemplation.
The period of non-importation in Philadelphia gave rise to various
new enterprises, among them the establishment of a china factory in
Southwark. Gousse Bonnin (apparently a Dane) and George An-
thony Morris of Philadelphia, were the proprietors.
In January, 1771, they applied to the Assembly for aid. But little
is known in regard to this attempt ; the present interest in “the
5
(36 fLIST OR Y OF / N DEPENDENCE HA LL.
Ceramic Art” seems to call for the petition in full as laid upon the
table in the Assembly room. It reads as follows : —
THE ADDRESS OF THE PROPRIETORS OF THE CHINA MANUFACTORY.
WORTHY SIRS : — We, the Subscribers, actuated as strongly by the sincer-
est Attachment to the interest of the Public as to our private Emolument,
have at our sole Risque and Expence introduced into this Province a Manu-
facture of Porcelain or China Earthen Ware, a Commodity, which by Beauty
and Excellence, hath forced its way into every refined Part of the Globe,
and created various imitative Attempts, in its Progress through the different
Kingdoms and Principalities of Europe, under the Sanction and Encourage-
ment of their several Potentates. Great Britain which hath not been the least
backward, in Royal Testimonials of Favour to the first Adventurers, in so
capital an Undertaking, cannot yet boast of any great Superiority in Work-
manship, surpassing Denmark, France and the Austrian Netherlands, she
yields the Palm to Saxony, which in her Turn gives Place to the East Indies.
America, in this general Struggle, hath hitherto been unthought of, and it is
our peculiar Happiness to have been primarily instrumental in bringing her
forward; but how far she shall proceed, in a great Measure, depends on the
Influence of your generous Support. We have expended great Sums in bring-
ing from London Workmen of acknowledged Abilities, have established them
here, erected spacious Buildings, Mills, Kilns and various Requisites, and
brought the Work, we flatter ourselves, into no contemptible Train of Perfec-
tion. A Sample of it we respectfully submit to the Inspection of your
Honourable House, praying it may be viewed with a favourable Eye having
Reference to the Disadvantages under which we engaged ; if happy enough to
merit your approbation we would not wish to aspire at the Presumption of
dictating the Measure of your Encouragement, but with all Humility hint at
the Manner. You Gentlemen, who are appointed to a dignified Pre-eminence
by the free Votes of your Countrymen, as well for your known Attachment
to their truest Welfare, as superior Knowledge must be sensible, that capital
Works are not to be carried on by inconsiderable Aids or Advancements:
Hence it is, we beg leave to point out the Propriety of a Provincial Loan, at
the Discretion of your Honourable House, independent of Interest, for a cer-
tain Term of Years. Under such Indulgence, on our Part we shall not be
deficient in the Display of a Lively Gratitude, and the Promotion of the
Colony's service, by the introducing of an additional Number of Experienced
Workmen the Extension of our Buildings, and Improvement of the Manu-
facture, endeavoring to render it equal in Quality to such as is usually im-
ported, and vending it at a cheaper Rate. We have the Honour, etc., etc., etc.
The “Tea Act ’’ of Parliament still remained upon the Statute
Book; it was, however, practically nullified by the absolute refusal of
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TILE I? III L.; D E L J2 IIIA “ TEA PA I. TY.” 67
the Americans themselves to import, or even to receive the tea on
board the ships belonging to American ports. This caused an immense
accumulation in the warehouses of the East India Company in London.
In collusion with the ministry, the latter set about chartering vessels
themselves, having determined, in the language of the day, “to cram
the tea down the throats' of the colonists. These vessels were to be
consigned to different parties in Boston, New York, Philadelphia, and
Charleston.
News of this fact reaching Philadelphia at the end of September,
gave rise to an unprecedented commotion among the inhabitants, and
possibly to the now well-known expression of “a tempest in a tea pot,”
for to such “base uses '' may the most solemn events be subservient.
The Philadelphia papers teem with addresses to the Commissioners
and to the public. Probably the most able is from Scaevola, in the
“Pennsylvania Chronicle,” of the 11th October. The Boston papers
took up the refrain, and, on the 14th of the same month, “express the
same sentiments in regard to the tea, expected from London, as the
people of New York and Philadelphia, whose conduct they highly
approve and strongly urge their countrymen to imitate. The masters
of all their London vessels, too, they expect, like those of New York
and Philadelphia, will refuse to bring any tea to America while the
duty remains.”
An immense public meeting was held in the State House Yard on
the 16th day of October, 1773, when the following spirited resolutions
were adopted, and appeared in the public prints on the 18th : —
“Resolved, That the disposal of their own property is the inherent right of
freemen ; that there can be no property in that which another can, of right,
take from us without our consent; that the claim of Parliament to tax Amer
ica is, in other words, a claim of right to levy contributions on us at pleasure.
“That the duty imposed by Parliament upon tea landed in America is a
tax on the Americans, or levying contributions on them without their consent.
“That the express purpose for which the tax is levied on the Americans,
namely, for the support of government, administration of justice, and defense
of his Majesty's dominions in America, has a direct tendency to render Assem-
blies useless, and to introduce arbitrary government and slavery.
“That a virtuous and steady opposition to this Ministerial plan of gov-
erning America is absolutely necessary to preserve even the shadow of liberty,
and is a duty which every freeman in America owes to his country, to himself,
and to his posterity.
“That the resolution lately entered into by the East India Company to
send out their tea to America, subject to the payment of duties on its being
landed here, is an open attempt to enforce this Ministerial plan, and a violent
attack upon the liberties of America.
6S II ISTOR Y OF INDEPENDENCE HA! LL.
“That it is the duty of every American to oppose this attempt.
“That whoever shall, directly or indirectly, countenance this attempt, or
in any wise aid or abet in unloading, receiving, or vending the tea sent or to
be sent out by the East India Company, while it remains subject to the pay-
ment of a duty here, is an enemy of his country.
“That a committee be immediately chosen to wait on those gentlemen
who, it is reported, are appointed by the East India Company to receive and
sell said tea, and request them, from a regard to their own characters, and the
peace and good order of the city and province, immediately to resign their
appointment.” "
Notice of the actual sailing on the 27th of September, of the ship
with the cargo of tea intended for PHILADELPHIA, was publicly given
* In Boston, on 3d November, a meeting was held at “Liberty Tree,” to enforce
the resignation of the consignees of the tea intended for that city, which proved in-
effective, but resulted in another on 5th November, when the Hon. John Hancock,
Esq., was chosen Moderator, and at which it was —
“Resolved, That the sense of this town cannot be better expressed than in the
words of certain judicious resolves, lately entered into by our worthy brethren, the
citizens of Philadelphia.” Here follow the resolves of the citizens of Philadelphia,
of October 16th, preceding, as given in the text.
It is especially noteworthy that the handsome compliment thus and then paid tº
the city of Philadelphia, was, in 1873, returned in kind, by the selection for com
memoration — as the salient event in the history of the defeat of the “Tea
Scheme ’’ — of the patriotic action of the Bostonians.
At this Boston meeting it was also, - “Resolved, that it is the deſermination of
this town by all means in their power, to prevent the sale of the teas exported by the
East India Company,” etc., etc. The Messrs. Clarke, Messrs. Faneuil & Winslow,
as well as the Hutchinsons, all consignees of the tea, were evasive in their responses
sent to this assemblage, which declared them to be “daringly affrontive to the
town.” A renewal of a demand for their resignations at another meeting held on 18th
November, also resulted in an equivocal reply, which was voted “not satisfactory.”
On the 28th, the ship Dartmouth, Captain Hall, eight weeks from London, with 114
chests of the long expected and much talked of tea, “actually arrived and anchored
at the Long Wharf; ” immediately appeared a notification for every friend of his
country, to himself and to posterity, to meet at Faneuil Hall, to take action in the
premises — but Faneuil Hall proved too small to hold the multitude which answered
the call, and an adjournment was had at the “Old South Meeting House,” —
where the sense of the meeting was declared: “That it is the firm resolution of this
body, that the tea shall not only be sent back in the same bottom, but that no duty
shall be paid thereon.” As the consignees had professed a desire to give satisfac-
tion to the town, the meeting “out of great tenderness to these persons, notwith-
standing the time hitherto expended upon them to no purpose,” adjourned over till
the next day, the 30th November, in order to receive reply, but that proving no
more satisfactory, promises were extorted from the captain of the vessel, then in
port, as well as the owner, and effectually to secure their compliance, a watch was
then appointed for the Dartmouth, as well as for the expected vessels, to which
THE PII ILA DELPHIA “ TEA PA 1: TY.” 69
in the papers of the first day of December, and, as it was then hourly
expected, the “Americans” were urged to “be wise – be virtuous.”
On the 27th of September the self-constituted Committee for Tarring
and Feathering had issued handbills of the most friendly kind to the
pilots on the Delaware River, admonishing them : “Do your duty if
perchance you should meet with the (tea) ship Polly, Captain
equally they determined their resolutions should apply; then pledging each other to
carry their votes and resolutions into execution at the risk of their lives, they peace-
ably adjourned, after thanking those who “came from the adjoining towns for their
countenance and union with this body in this exigence of our affairs,” and also Jon-
athan Williams, Esq., who presided as Moderator at this meeting.
A few days afterwards arrived the Eleanor, Captain Bruce, with 116 chests, and
then the Beaver, Captain Coffin, with 114 chests of tea. A caution was posted up
throughout the town, that the granting of a permit to land, while it would betray an
inhuman thirst for blood, would also in a great measure accelerate confusion and civil
war. No effort was made to land the tea, the consignees themselves having taken
refuge in “the Castle,” but egress from the harbor was denied, and the alternative
of destruction to the tea alone presented itself to the Patriots. At the meeting
held on 16th December, — prolonged till candles were brought in, – this fact be-
came apparent, when suddenly from the gallery of the “Old South,” the war whoop
was raised by a person disguised as a Mohawk Indian, and a cry, “Boston Harbor
a Tea Pot to-night !” and “Hurrah for Griffin's Wharf ” A significant motion to
adjourn was immediately put and carried, and the populace streamed to the place of
rendezvous. A score or more disguised in a sort of mongrel Indian costume, with
faces blackened, accompanied by a posse of fifty, boarded the three vessels without
molestation, and having broken open the boxes of tea with their “tomahawks,”
cast the contents into the water, and then dispersed quietly to their homes.
In NEw York, intimation was received as early as October 11th, of the eon-
signment of tea to that port, and on the 15th, at a meeting at the Coffee House,
grateful thanks were rendered to the patriotic merchants and masters of vessels in
London, for refusing to receive from the East India Company on freight a quantity
of tea, etc., in strong contrast with which, one William Kelley, late of New York, and
designated as infamous, who had undertaken to advise the sending of the tea to New
York, and “the cramming the tea down the throats of his fellow-citizens,” was
hung and burnt in effigy at the Coffee House, with appropriate labels and insignia
to indicate the contempt of the people, and the fate that awaited him personally if
caught. An association termed the Sons of Liberty, was formed, and at a meeting
at City Hall, on 29th November, resolutions were passed similar to those of Phila-
delphia and Boston, with which cities they “perfectly concurred,” and rejecting
the proposition then made by the government, of landing the tea and placing it in
the fort, while a warning to the citizens appeared, under the favorite pseudonym
of the “Mohawks,” against presuming even “to let their stores for the reception
of the infernal chains,” thus sought to be imposed upon the colonists.
Notwithstanding, however, this opposition and that of the good people of CHARLEs-
TON, the tea was landed at both places, but stored under the protection of the
authorities, the consignees having refused to receive it. The firm stand taken by
the citizens rendered it dangerous to attempt to expose it for sale, and it is believed
none was sold.
70 IIISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE HA. LL.
Ayres,” and followed it up, as the vessel was actually reported off
Cape May, by an address to the aforesaid captain, which, after a
Warning to desist from any effort to approach the city with his vessel,
plainly promises, in case of his persistence: “A halter around your
neck, ten gallons of liquid tar scattered on your pate, with the feathers
of a dozen wild geese laid over that to enliven your appearance.” In
the meantime demands were made upon the commissioners to refuse
the consignment. Equivocal responses were at first made by some,
but finally they all yielded. A card, addressed to Messrs. James &
Drinker, probably received no direct response. These gentlemen,
however, had united with their fellow-citizens in protesting against
the Stamp Act, and both had signed the non-importation resolutions
of 1765; it is not likely, therefore, that such omission proceeded from
any want of patriotism.” The card is still extant.
A CARD.
THE PUBLIC preſent their Compliments to Meſfieurs JAMES
AND DRINKER. We are informed that you have this day
received your commiſſion to enſlave your native Country; and,
as your frivolous Plea of having received no Advice, relative
to the ſcandalous Part you were to ačt, in the TEA-SCHEME, can
no longer ſerve your purpoſe, nor divert our Attention, we ex-
pećt and deſire YoU will immediately inform the PUBLIC, by a
Line or two to be left at the CoFFEE House, Whether you will,
or will not, renounce all Pretenſions to execute that Commiſ-
ſion ?.... THAT WE MAY GOVERN OURSELVES ACCORDINGLY.
Philadelphia, December 2, 1773.
The strenuous measures thus taken in Philadelphia in anticipation,
were justified by the news received, December 24th, from Boston, of
1 Abel James, the head of the firm of James & Drinker, who occupied the house
of his father-in-law, Thomas Chalkley, immediately on the wharves, as represented
in the old painting of Philadelphia by Peter Cooper, was waited upon by a crowd
of citizens, and in response to a demand for his resignation then and there made, he
gave the guarantee of his word and property that the tea should not be landed, but
that the ship should go back to England; then pointing to his young daughter
Rebecca, who stood near him, perched on the head of one of her father’s hogsheads,
he pledged her (a vivum radium) to the fulfillment of his promise. This young girl
in after years married John Thompson, and was the grandmother of (besides sev-
eral esteemed Philadelphians of the same name) John T. and George T. Lewis,
gentlemen so well known on the wharves neighboring the transaction above related,
THE JPIIſ LA D/E LIPIIIA “ TEA JPA IP TY.” 71
what had there occurred ; the announcement was made in an extra of
that date : —
“Priday AEvening, 5 o'clock.
“Yeſterday, (December 16th), we had a greater meeting of this body than
ever, the country coming in from twenty miles round, and every ſtep was
taken that was practicable for returning the teas. The moment it was
known out of doors that Mr. Rotch could not obtain a paſs for his ſhip by
the caſtle, (on the outward voyage), a number of people huzza'd in the
ſtreet, and in a very little time every ounce of the teas on board of Capts.
Hall, Bruce, and Coffin was immerſed in the bay, without the leaſt injury
to private property. The ſpirit of the people on this occaſion ſurpriſed all
parties who viewed the ſcene.
We conceived it to be our duty to afford you the moſt early advice of
this intereſting event by expreſs, which, departing immediately, obliges us
to conclude. “BY ORDER OF THE COMMITTEE.”
“P. S. — The other veſſel, viz: Captain Loring, belonging to Meſſrs.
Clark, with fifty-eight cheſts, was by the act of God, caſt aſhore on the back
of Cape Cod.”
On Christmas-day, an express conveying intelligence of the arrival
at Chester of the long-expected ship Polly reached Philadelphia.
Immediately committees were dispatched to the commander. They
succeeded in intercepting him at Gloucester Point, and, requiring him
to come on shore, represented the general sentiments of the people,
and desired him to accompany them to town to ascertain for himself
their temper and resolution.
Yielding to their wishes, he reached Philadelphia in the evening.
An announcement appeared the next morning, December 27th, at
nine o'clock : —
“The tea ship having arrived, every inhabitant who wishes to preserve the
liberty of America is desired to meet at the State House, this morning, pre-
cisely at ten o'clock, to consider what is best to be done in this alarming crisis.”
The crowd assembled, according to call, though upon notice of an
hour only, is said to be the largest ever, up to that time, collected.
The State House being found inadequate, an adjournment to the
Square took place. The resolutions that were adopted, were concise
and peremptory : —
“Resolved. First. That the tea on board the ship Polly, Captain Ayres,
shall not be landed.
and so esteemed as to need no pledges of any kind to fortify to their fellow-citizens
their simple word of honor.
72 HISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE HA LL.
“Second. That Captain Ayres shall neither enter, nor report his vessel at
the custom-house. -
“Third. That Captain Ayres shall carry back the tea, immediately.
“Fourth. That Captain Ayres shall immediately send a pilot on board his
vessel, with orders to take charge of her, and to proceed to Reedy Island next
high water.
“Fifth. That the captain shall be allowed to stay in town till to-morrow, to
provide necessaries for his voyage.
“Sixth. That he shall then be obliged to leave town and proceed to his
vessel, and make the best of his way out of our river and bay.
“Seventh. That a committee of four gentlemen be appointed to see these
resolves carried inito execution.” *
The meeting was then informed of the spirit and resolution shown
upon this subject by the people of Boston, New York, and Charleston,
whereupon it was unanimously, -
“Resolved. That this assembly highly appove of the conduct and spirit of
the people of New York, Charleston, and Boston, and return their hearty
thanks to the people of Boston for their resolution in destroying the tea,
rather than suffer it to be landed.”
Though it was computed at the time that there were nearly eight
thousand persons present at this meeting, the business was conducted
with a degree of order and decorum which showed that the importance
of the cause was duly felt.
Captain Ayres having been called out, pledged himself that the
public wishes should be complied with, and the very next day he
was respectfully attended to the wharf of Messrs. James & Drinker,
by a concourse of people, who wished him a good voyage, and,
“Thus,” says a contemporary account, “this important affair, in
which there has been so glorious an exertion of public virtue and
spirit, has been brought to a happy issue, by which the force of a law,
so obstinately persisted in to the prejudice of the national commerce,
for the sake of the principle upon which it is founded (a right of tax-
ing the Americans without their consent), has been effectually broken,
and the foundations of American liberty more deeply laid than ever.”
The repeal of the Tea Tax Act, unlike its predecessor, was not to be
thus effected ; rigorous measures were determined upon by the ruling
powers of Great Britain. -
The enforced return by the Philadelphians of the detested tea, in
repudiation of the right of the Parliament to tax the colonists, did not
afford the ministry a salient object of attack, but what passed in Bos-
lon, the actual destruction of the tea, though done in a most orderly
THE BOSTON PORT BILL AND UNION.
*
73
manner, was declared by a majority in the English Parliament to be
an overt act of high treason “proceeding from,” says no less a person
than Lord Mansfield, “ our over lenity and want of foresight.” The
mother country must assert her authority, and as punishing all the
colonies at the same time seems to have been deemed inexpedient, the
devoted town of Boston was selected for chastisement, as an example
to some, while to others the individual benefits sure to accrue to their
ports from the mode selected would allure from the rapidly growing
union of the colonies.
While “ Divide et impera " became more obviously the axiom of
the British Govern-
ment, this only en- w \
forced the views of
the patriots through-
out the country, and
induced its correla- E SC
tive “ Unite or Die
— the watch word y
learned while acting ɺ G
on the defensive NSE:\\??
against the Indians : º NJT H. QR PLE ſº
when unassisted by
the mother country. The early emblem, a dissevered rattlesnake, be-
came again popular, and no doubt gave the cue to the subsequent
Revolutionary flag.
The privileges of Boston, “the ring-leading town,” as a harbor were
suspended, its port closed against all commerce until it should make
amends and promise future obedience to the King and Parliament of
England.
But Boston showed no sign of yielding. That town “bore its bur-
den with dignity and based its hopes of deliveranee upon Union,” says
its chiefest historian."
It was not disappointed. Throughout the Colonies there was but
one sentiment, the “wound upon the single nerve convulsed the whole
body, divulging its vitality.” “These acts of the British Parliament
are unconstitutional, oppressive, and dangerous to ALL the Amer-
ican Colonies, and must be resisted,” was the universal ery.
Charles Lee — only recently arrived, though soon to become prom-
inent as an advocate with pen and sword of the rights of America—
* Richard Frothingham, whose valuable Rise of the Republic should be studied by
every true American, and kept among his “ window books.”

74 HISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE IIA LL.
could not restrain his surprise that the tyranny over Boston seemed
to be resented by the other Colonies in a greater degree than by the
Bostonians themselves, while the feeling of the Continent was re-
ported to be expressed in the most eloquent words by Washington.
“I will raise one thousand men, subsist them at my own expense, and
march, myself at their head, for the relief of Boston.”
On Friday evening, the 20th of May, in Philadelphia, a meeting of
its residents was promptly held to consider “the execrable Port Bill,”
and it was determined to make the cause of Boston their own ; while
they recommended firmness, prudence, and moderation to the inhab-
itants of Boston, they gave assurance “that the citizens of Phila-
delphia would continue to evince their firm adherence to the cause
of American Liberty.” In testimony thereof, they then and there
appointed a committee of correspondence, consisting of Rev. William
Smith (who is now known to have drafted the reply to the Boston
committee), Thomas Mifflin, George Clymer, Charles Thomson, and
others. They transmitted, says the “Essex Gazette,” by the hands
of Paul Revere, to Boston, these sentiments of the people, and “their
resolution to stand by us to the last extremity.” They further ad-
vised, in a copy of their letter sent to New York and to the southern
colonies, that the first step that ought to be taken was to call a GENE-
RAL CONGRESS of all the Colonies.
On the first of June, the day the Boston Port Bill was to go into
operation, the shops were generally closed throughout the city ; a few
days afterwards a large meeting of the Manufacturers and Mechanies
was held at the State House to express their concurrence with their
New York brethren, “and to adopt such measures as will most effec-
tually tend to unite us in the common cause of our country, strengthen
the hands of our patriotic merchants, and animate and administer
relief and solid comfort to our brave and suffering countrymen in the
besieged capital of MASSACHUSETTS BAY.”
During the last days of the session of the Pennsylvania Assembly,
September, 1773, information of a highly important character had been
communicated to the House. Virginia announced that that Colony
had appointed STANDING COMMITTEES to keep up a correspondence
with her sister colonies on all proceedings that might tend to deprive
them all of their ancient, legal, and constitutional rights. This com-
mittee was composed of (besides others) Peyton Randolph, Richard
Bland, Richard Henry Lee, Benjamin Harrison, Edmund Pendleton,
Datrick Henry, Archibald Cary, and Thomas Jefferson. Contem-
poraneously were presented from Massachusetts, resolutions concur-
THE BOSTON PORT DILL A VD UNION. 75
ring in this action and expressive of a grateful sense of the obligation
that colony was under to the “House of Burgesses of Virginia, for
the vigilance, firmness, and wisdom which they had discovered, at all
times, in support of the rights and liberties of the American Colonies.”
Massachusetts placed upon her committee (among others) Thomas
Cushing, Samuel Adams, John Hancock, Elbridge Gerry, Joseph
Hawley; Connecticut, also concurring, selected William Williams,
Samuel H. Parsons, Silas Deane ; Rhode Island notified the appoint-
ment of Stephen Hopkins, Metcalf Bowler, Henry Ward, and Henry
Marchant. As the Assembly would be dissolved by the charter in a
few days thereafter, the Speaker was instructed to reply to these sev-
eral Colonies assuring them that Pennsylvania appreciated the impor-
tance of coöperation with them in measures to secure the preservation
and security of their rights and liberties, but that no measures at that
time could be taken in view of dissolution, and that the new Assem-
bly would meet in a fortnight.
In accordance with this promise, upon the opening of the session of
the new House the Assembly promptly authorized the committee of
correspondence — which already existed, and which had existed for
very many years — to correspond with the other committees of the
various colonies. This committee consisted of the Speaker, Joseph
Galloway, Samuel Rhoads, Samuel Miles, William Rodman, Isaac
Pearson, and John Morton.
Within a few days, Delaware, too, gave notice of her emphatic con-
currence in the measure, appointing Caesar Rodney, George Read,
Thomas McKean, and others.
Maryland, early in 1774, officially expressed her confidence in the
great utility of a PERFECT UNION, stating that on the 15th of Octo-
ber, 1773, the committee of that Province had been appointed, con-
sisting of Matthew Tilghman, Thomas Johnson, William Paca, Samuel
Chase, Edward Lloyd, and others.
At the State House, in the yard, there was assembled on Saturday,
the 18th of June, a general meeting of citizens which pledged the city
of Philadelphia to the common cause of liberty, and ultimately secured
the State. Thomas Willing and John Dickinson were made joint-chair-
men, and under their auspices and those of the Rev. William Smith,
a series of spirited resolutions were passed, declaring the act for clos-
ing the port of Boston unconstitutional and oppressive, and dangerous
to the liberties of the other Colonies as well as to Massachusetts; af-
firming that a Congress of deputies from the several Colonies was the
most probable and proper mode of procuring relief, and appointing a
76 HISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE FIA I. L.
committee to correspond with the “Sister Colonies” as well as with
the other counties of Pennsylvania. A subscription was also raised
at this meeting for the relief of the sufferers in Boston.
In introducing these resolutions, Dr. Smith referred to the impor.
tance of the deliberations, as they were then called upon to decide
“whether the breach with the country from which we are descended
shall be irreparably widened, or whether ways and means upon con-
stitutional grounds, may not yet be found for closing that breach,”
and he invited free expression of opinion, deprecating at the same
time any “ hissing or clapping,” etc.
A committee was appointed to carry out the intent of the meeting.
During the following winter a shipment was made of hundreds of
barrels of flour, and of “ship stuff,” with information that it was only
a part of the subscriptions procured in Philadelphia “which amounts
at present to about two thousand pounds; ” that the contributions
from the country, and of different townships of Pennsylvania, would
be forwarded as might be prescribed by the Boston Committee ;
concluding with “tenderly feeling for the inexpressibly distressed
situation of your town, and wishing an happy and speedy issue front
the exertions of tyranny to the full enjoyment of peace, liberty, and
security.”
The Assembly of Pennsylvania was not in session ; it had ad-
journed on January 22d, 1774, to meet on 12th September. Efforts to
induce the Governor to call a special session proving fruitless, applica-
tion was made by the Committee to the Speaker to address circular
letters individually to the members inviting them to Philadelphia, to
which request he consented; but the Governor, either from expediency,
under these circumstances, or from necessity, - assigning the Indian
troubles as a cause, –– formally called a special session of the Legis-
lature for July 18th, following. Whereupon the committee fixed the
15th as the time, and Carpenter's Hall as the place for meeting in
convention of committees from every county of the Province, believ-
ing this, as they say, to be the most effective means towards a Union ;
they appeal to the public spirit of Pennsylvania, instancing that
“all the Colonies from South Carolina to New Hampshire seem ani-
mated with one spirit in the common cause, and consider this as the
proper crisis for having our differences with the mother country
brought to some certain issue, and our liberties fixed upon a perma-
nent foundation.”
Already a Congress of Delegates from all the Colonies had been sug-
gested by “a Philadelphian,” in March, 1773. A spirited appeal in
A CONG ſº E.S.S. A D VOCA TE D. 77
favor of it followed in the Boston Gazette, and Samuel Adams boldly
advocated it about the same time ; but now it was demanded uni-
versally.
The popular committees in New York and Williamsburg, with
one accord, addressed communications similar to that of the Phila-
delphia Committee already cited, to the Boston Committee in favor of
its immediate call, and requested them to appoint the time and
place.
The Massachusetts Assembly, on 17th June, with their door locked,
and while the Governor's secretary on the outside was reading through
the key-hole the proclamation dissolving them, had fixed the 1st of
September following as the time, and Philadelphia as the place; and
at the same time appointed their own delegates, five in number,
James Bowdoin, Thomas Cushing, Samuel Adams, John Adams, and
Robert Treat Paine.
Rhode Island, too, had, on 20th June, officially responded, “it is the
opinion of this Assembly that a firm and inviolable Union of all the
colonies in counsels and in measures, is absolutely necessary for the
preservation of their rights and liberties.”
And now, during this “called ” short session of five days of the
Pennsylvania Assembly, the walls of that very room, destined to
witness its full development, listened to a debate which unquestion-
ably laid the corner stone of that empire which had been foretold
seven years before.
It was July 19, 1774; Virginia, the Old Dominion, through the pens
of Peyton Randolph, Robert Carter Nicholas, and Dudley Digges,
spoke:
“The propriety of appointing Deputies from the several colonies of British
America to meet annually in general congress, appears to be a measure ex-
tremely important and extensively useful, as it tends so effectually to obtain
the wisdom of the whole in every case of general concern with respect to the
unhappy dispute with our mother country. We are desired to obtain your
sentiments on this subject which you will be pleased to furnish us with, being
very desirous of communicating to you the opinion and conduct of the late rep-
resentatives on the present posture of American affairs as quickly as possible,
we beg leave to refer you to a future letter in which we shall more fully ex-
press our sentiments on those subjects.”
This communication bears date May 28, 1774, and may justly be
regarded as the first official suggestion for an annual Congress.
Sympathy with the Bostonians, coupled with distrust of the Legisla-
\
78 HISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE HALL.
ture, had, as we have seen, induced a popular movement in Philadel-
phia, and, as its results, a body composed of representatives from
the several counties in Pennsylvania met in convention at Carpenter's
Hall on the 15th of July.
“There is,” determined they, “an absolute necessity that a Con-
gress of Deputies from the several colonies be immediately assembled
to consult together and form a general plan of conduct to be observed
by all the colonies, for the purposes of procuring relief for our suffering
brethren, obtaining redress of our grievances,” etc., etc.
This action was formally communicated on the 19th to the Assem-
bly, and was followed up on the 21st of July by the appearance of
the whole body in the Assembly chamber. With much solemnity
they laid before the Speaker in his chair of office their Resolves on
the Grievances of the Colonies and their Instructions to their Repre-
sentatives in Assembly, together with a request for the appointment
of Deputies to Congress. Thomas Willing was Chairman, and Charles
Thomson, Clerk.
Thus stimulated, the Legislature pledged Pennsylvania to the Union, .
and selected from the Assembly the Speaker (Joseph Galloway), Sam-
uel Rhoads, Thomas Mifflin, Charles Humphreys, John Morton, George
Ross, and Edward Biddle to be her representatives in the Congress to
meet those from the other colonies, leaving, however, the time and place
to be selected by the general body." John Dickinson, not then a mem-
ber of the Assembly, was chosen at the next following election, and
immediately added to the Congressional Delegation.”
“The Instructions” of July 23, 1774, to the Committee of Assembly
appointed to attend the General Congress, give the cue to their subse-
quent action : —
G ENTLEMEN: —
The trust reposed in you is of such a nature, and the modes of executing it
may be so diversified in the course of your deliberations, that it is scarcely pos-
sible to give you instructions respecting it. We shall, therefore, only in gen-
eral direct that you are to meet in Congress the Committees of the several Brit-
ish colonies at such time and place as shall be generally agreed on to consult
together on the present critical and alarming situation and state of the colonies,
and that you with them exert your utmost endeavours to form and adopt a
* Connecticut and Maryland had already selected their representatives. Eight
other Colonies followed the example, Georgia alone taking no action at this time.
* It was Mr. Dickinson who prepared the admirable resolutions of the Provincial
Committee which undoubtedly brought Pennsylvania into line.
PENNSYLVANIA AND TIIE FIRST CONGRESS. 79
plan which shall afford the best prospect of obtaining a redress of American
Grievances, ascertaining American rights, and establishing that union and har-
mony which is most essential to the welfare and happiness of both countries.
And in doing this you are strictly charged to avoid everything indecent or dis-
respectful to the mother state. You are also directed to make report of your
proceedings to the next Assembly.
Signed by order of the House,

&/ºzº/
a;--
Speaker.
The Assembly, however, at the time seem to have made no provision
for a Hall for the meeting of Congress, though Philadelphia had already
been named as the place. The Assembly chamber itself would be
needed early in September, the Legislature having adjourned to meet
on the 12th of that month, so that seemed to be out of the question.
Carpenter's Hall, then a new building, had already been used for
civic purposes. The Philadelphia Committee and the “Provincial
Committee,” which both coöperated to bring about this meeting of
Congress, had assembled in the lower room, and it was doubtless they
who arranged with the Carpenter's Company for the meeting place of
Congress."
On the 5th September, accordingly, assembled that memorable
body generally known as THE FIRST CONTINENTAL CONGRESS.
Having convened at the City Tavern, the delegates walked to the
Carpenter's Hall, where, says Mr. John Adams, “they took a view of
the room and of the chamber where is an excellent library; there is
also a long entry where gentlemen may walk, and a convenient cham-
ber opposite to the library. The general cry was that this was a good
room, and the question was put whether we were satisfied with this
room, and it passed in the affirmative. A very few were for the neg-
ative, and they were chiefly from Pennsylvania and New York.”
It sat with closed doors. After passing a resolution approving of
the opposition made by the inhabitants of Massachusetts, to the ex-
* The Journals of the Assembly indicate that the Province of Pennsylvania bore
the expenses “ of the sitting of Congress,” as well as affording them an official rec-
ognition by giving that body “a most elegant entertainment at the City Tavern,
the whole House dining with us, making near one hundred guests.”
80 HISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE HALL.
CA RPENTER'S HALL IN 1774.
ecution of the recent Acts of Parliament, and that, if the same should
be attempted to be carried into execution by force, all America ought
to support them in their opposition, it determined upon, and the
members individually signed, an association sometimes called “the
Commencement of the American Union : " in which they agreed for
themselves and their constituents not to export, import, or consume
any merchandise from Great IBritain. A Declaration of Rights was
adopted, as were also an address to the people of Great Britain and
another to the King ; but they refused to appeal to Parliament.
The patriotism and dignity of this body, its noble and statesman-

THE FIRST CONTINENTA L CONGRESS. 81
like action, find their best exponents in the never to be forgotten
words of Lord Chatham upon the floor of the House of Peers; they
form the eulogium on its individual members : —
“When your lordships look at these papers transmitted us from America,
when you consider their decency, firmness, and wisdom, you cannot but re-
spect their cause and wish to make it your own. For myself, I must avow,
that in all my reading and observation (and it has been my favorite study),
I have read Thucydides and have studied and admired the master states of
the world, - that for solidity of reason, force of sagacity, and wisdom of con-
clusion under a complication of difficult circumstances, no nation or body of
men can stand in preference to the General Congress at Philadelphia.
“The histories of Greece and Rome give us nothing equal to it, and all at-
tempts to impose servitude upon such a mighty continental nation, must be
vain. We shall be forced ultimately to retract; let us retract while we can,
not when we must.” "
The Congress dissolved October 26, 1774, but George III. and his
ministry were equally deaf to their appeal and to the advice of the
far-seeing Lord Chatham. Pennsylvania in common with the other
colonies cordially approved (December 10) the proceedings and re-
solves of Congress, which were laid before them,” and “most seriously
recommended to the good people of the Province a strict attention to,
and inviolable observation of the several matters and things contained
in the Journals of Congress.”
They now appointed “Delegates” instead of committees, to rep-
resent the colony in the ensuing “Continental Congress,” and reit-
erated the instructions of the previous July.
Prophets were not wanting to predict the effect that would be
produced by the Congress of 1774. A South Carolinian foresees that
“eighteen hundred and seventy-four will be a year of triumphant
* Josiah Quincy, Jr., the youthful patriot, was present, and his report, cor-
roborated by Dr. Franklin,
also present in the House

of Peers at the time, is in 2%. ~< ~~~~
these words: “For genuine - 2”
sagacity, for singular mod- & 2.
eration, for solid wisdom,
manly spirit, sublime sentiments, and simplicity of language ; for every thing re-
spectable and honorable, the Congress of Philadelphia shines unrivaled.”
* It is believed that thirteen copies were actually signed by the members of this
Congress for this especial purpose. Two copies are known to be extant; one of
these, which had descended in the family of Matthew Tilghman, is now deposited
in the National Museum of Independence Hall.
6
82 HISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE HALL.
jubilee, when medals, pictures, fragments of writings will revive the
memory of these proceedings and when, if any adventitious circum-
stances can give precedency, it will be to inherit the blood or even to
possess the name of a member of this glorious assembly !”
While Rev. Ezra Stiles prophesied “If oppression proceeds, despot-
ism may force an ANNUAL CONGRESS; a public spirit of enterprise
may originate an American Magna Charta and Bill of Rights, sup-
ported by such intrepid and persevering importunity as even sover-
eignty may hereafter judge it not wise to withstand. There will be
a Runnymede in America.”
Yes, “the Congress '' which proved to be “Annual,” assembled in
Philadelphia, on 10th May, 1775, and paved the way to the American
Runnymede in Independence Hall. But in the meantime occurred
some significant events which left their foot-prints in our “State
House Yard.”
The Battle of Lexington and of Concord was fought on 19th April,
1775. The tidings reached Philadelphia on the afternoon of the 24th.
Immediately notices were given for a public meeting, and upon the
next day the State House Bell called together “eight thousand people
by computation who assembled in the Yard,” in order to consider
what measures should be pursued. After several “ eloquent and pa-
triotic speeches,” say the newspapers of 26th April, “the company
unanimously agreed to associate for the purpose of defending with
arms their lives, liberty, and property, against all attempts to deprive
them of them.”
Thus in the State House Yard originated the first effort on the
part of Pennsylvania to raise its quota towards the Army of the Rev-
olution, and to assert by force of arms the constitutional rights of
its citizens.
It is true thus far it was only a popular movement, but as we shall
see presently, the regularly constituted Legislature, whose prolonged
controversy with the Governors on this subject we have traced, soon
gave its authoritative sanction.
The Royal as well as the Proprietary interest, in the meantime,
sought, through their joint influence in Pennsylvania, to break up the
Union of the Colonies, which was being rapidly cemented, and thus
growing formidable.
John Penn in a message to the Assembly, on 2d May, 1775, trans-
mitted certain resolutions of the British Parliament, popularly called
“Lord North's Olive-branch,” which after reciting “an existing rebel-
lion in the Province of Massachusetts Bay, and that they have been
THE STATE HOUSE YARD AS ENCLOSED DURING THE REVOLUTION.

THE SE COND CONTINE NTA L CO.V.O. J. E.S.S. S3
countenanced and encouraged by unlawful combinations by several of
the other Colonies,” professed an inclination and desire to “pay
attention and regard to any real grievance.” This profession the
Governor had the temerity to call “a strong disposition manifested by
that august body to remove the causes which have given rise to dis-
contents, etc.,” and he urged upon them “as the first Assembly to
whom this resolution had been communicated and which I have au-
thority to tell you is approved of by his Majesty,” to contribute their
separate proportion to the common defense, and thus secure exemp-
tion from duty, tax, or assessment.
But John Dickinson prepared the refusal of the House. “If no
other Objection to ‘the Plan' proposed occurred to us, we should
esteem it a dishonorable Desertion of Sister Colonies, connected by an
Union founded on just Motives and mutual Faith, and conducted by
General Councils, for a single Colony to adopt a Measure, so extensive
in Consequence, without the Advice and Consent of those Colonies
engaged with us by Solemn Ties in the same Common Cause.” They
deprecate the “Calamities of a Civil War,” from which the Governor
had expressed the hope Pennsylvania would rescue the colonies, but
they conclude that while such would be a dreadful misfortune indeed
it would be exceeded as such by “an utter Subversion of the Liberties
of America.”
There were not now wanting voices to supplicate for a grant
of a sum of money, - announting at least to fifty thousand pounds,
towards putting the Province in a state of defense, in the most
effectual way.
Franklin, the moment of his return from the London agency,
was added to the Congressional delegation together with Thomas
Willing and James Wilson on 6th May, and a few days thereafter,
Galloway, who had already importuned the House “to be excused
from serving as a Deputy to the Continental Congress,” was “ex-
cused from that service.” On 13th May the House adjourned to
19th of June.
As has already been intimated, the Second Continental Congress
sat in the State House. The tenth of May had been fixed for their
meeting; the Assembly of Pennsylvania was on the eve of adjourn-
ment, and now for the first time they relinquished their chamber
in the State House for the use of the Representatives of the United
Colonies, leaving for that distinguished body all the furniture and
equipment of their chamber—the eastern room on the first floor, soon
84 HISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE HALL.
to earn and now universally known by the title of “Independence
Chamber.”
The Assembly frugally ordered “a dozen Windsor chairs,” with
which they supplemented the furniture of “the Court Room,” of
which they now took temporary possession for their sessions.”
The Congress of 1775 was essentially composed of the same dele-
gates who had been members of its precursor. Its sessions were held
from May 10th to August 1st, and from September 5th to December
30, 1775.
Its members were, —
From New Hampshire.
JOHN SULLIVAN. JosLAH BARTLETT.
JOHN LANGDON.
From Massachusetts.
JOHN HANCOCK. JOHN ADAMS.
THOMAS CUSHING. ROBERT TREAT PAINE.
SAMUEL ADAMS.
From Rhode Island.
STEPHEN HOPKINS. SAMUEL WARD.
From Connecticut.
ELIPHALET DYER. SILAS DEANE.
RogFR SHERMAN.
From New York.
PHILIP LIVINGSTON. HENRY WISNER.
JAMEs DUANE. PHILIP Schuyler.
JoBN ALSOP. GEORGE CLINTON.
JoBN JAY. LEWIS MORRIS.
SIMON BOERUM. FRANCIS LEWIS.
WILLIAM FLOYD. Rob ERT R. LIVINGSTON.
From New Jersey.
JAMEs KINSEY. John DEFIART.
STEPHEN CRANE. RICHARD SMITH.
WILLIAM LIVINGSTON.
1 le western room on the first floor, now forming part of the National Museum.
They afterwards appropriated and occupied for some years one of the square cham-
bers on the second floor, though returning apparently in 1781 or 1782, to the old
Court Room, as we shall hereafter see.
|（
||1==1）
， !
!!！!!!!!!!！）!=
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.
INDEPENDENCE CHAMBER.
(Arter º Estoration.)

THE SECOND CONTINENTAL CONGRESS.
From Pennsylvania.
EDw ARD BIDDLE.
JOHN DICKINSON.
JoBN MORTON.
GEORGE ROSS.
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.
THOMAS WILLING.
TBOMAs MIFFLIN.
CHARLEs HUMPHREYS.
JAMES WILSON.
ROBERT MORRIS.
ANDREW ALLEN.
From Delaware.
CAESAR RODNEY.
THOMAS MoREAN.
GEORGE READ.
From Maryland.
MATTHE W TILGHMAN.
THOMAs Johnson, J.R.
RoBERT GOLDSBOROUGH.
WILLIAM PACA.
SAMUEL CHASE.
JOHN HALL.
THOMAS STONE.
ROBERT ALEXANDER.
JoBN ROGERS.
From Virginia.
PEYTON RANDOLPH.
GEORGE WASHINGTON.
PATRICK HENRY.
RICHARD HENRY LEE.
EDMUND PENDLETON.
BENJAMIN HARRISON.
From North
WILLIAM HOOPER.
Joseph HEW Es.
RICHARD BLAND.
THOMAS JEFFERSON.
THOMAS NELSON, JR.
GEORGE WYTHE.
FRANCIS LIGHTFOOT LEE.
Carolina.
RICHARD CASWELL.
JOHN PENN.
From South Carolina.
HENRY MIDD LETON.
THOMAS LYNCH.
CHRISTOPHER GADSD EN.
Jo HN RUTLEDGE.
ED WARD RUTLEDGE.
From Georgia.
LYMAN HALL.
ARCHIBALD BULLOCH.
JOHN HOUSTOUN.
NOBLE WIMBERLY JONES.
JOHN J. ZUBLY.
Upon the re-assembling of the Pennsylvania Legislature, the citi-
zens of Philadelphia knocked at their door with the renewed request
for a vote of credit, that suitable pay and subsistence might be prom-
ised to such officers and soldiers of the military association already
86 HISTORY OF INDEPENJ) ENCE HA LL.
formed as should solemnly engage to go into actual service if required,
and for the purpose of supplying needful arms and ammunition for
any emergency.
The House, now hearkening to the voice of the blood which cried
unto them out of the ground of Lexington and of Concord, at once cor-
dially approved the military association already entered into by “the
good people of this Province ’’ in defense of their lives, liberty, and
property. . They undertook “to provide for and pay the necessary
expenses of the officers and soldiers, when called into active service,
in case of invasion or landing of British Troops or others made in
this or the adjacent Colonies, during the present Controversy.”
They recommended and enjoined the raising of Minute men for
any emergency, to be held in readiness to march to the assistance of
any Colony, and selected as a committee — giving them full powers
to secure the Province against any hurt from within as well as from
without — some of their staunchest patriots (names soon to become
distinguished in the
field, and in the ma-
tional councils), John
Dickinson, Anthony
§§§ Wayne, Benjamin
According to the Resolves of ºğ Franklin, William
the A s- [ 3 2 2/2 ) sembly º Thompson, Edward
*St gº N. ſº. º and Owen Biddle,
X the 30th $
june, in º George Ross, John
Day of
| the 15th Year Cadwalader, Robert
iſ of the Reign : Morris, Thomas Will-
Hºll" of His Majeſty ing, Daniel Roberd
ſiſ)" & E. O. III. Da Ing, Daniel Roberdeau
and others. To pro-
vide the necessary
funds they ordered to
be issued bills of credit
for thirty-five thousand
pounds “according to
the Resolves of the As-
#: sembly of Pennsylva-
--—ºxº~~ 2.sº -ºr ºº =# mia, made on the 30th
3.2% 3º4%: %&# § ity of June, in the
fifteenth year of his
Majesty GEORGE III.”!! — and these bills, unlike their predeces-
sors generally, bear the royal arms, instead of those of Penn and
of Pennsylvania. -
| ted at & & Pºlaºſ.
ſ phia, the 20th Day of july, 1775.
TEN SHI LL. A.







A CTI ON OF THI J3 L E G IS LA TUIR E. 87
The bills were ordered to be delivered to Michael Hillegas, who
was appointed Treasurer. Provision was made for their redemption
by a tax to be levied on all estates, real and personal, by the asses-
sors, who were “enjoined, and required to raise, levy, and recover,
and pay the same as they regard the Freedom, Welfare, and Safety
of their Country.”
The House, however, was not unmindful of what was due to
“Friends,” for “taking into consideration that many of the good
people of this Province
are conscientiously scru-
pulous of bearing Arms,
it is earnestly recom-
mended to the Asso- 'º -
ciators for the defence ºf # SIXTEEN &#iftings,
of their Country, and ºf According to an Ağ ºf Gºñeral
others, that they bear || Aſembly of Penn-ºº:
a tender and brotherly J}lvania, º jºy! S.Šć
s the 15th Year o
regard towards this class the Reign of His
of their fellow-subjects Majeſty GEORGA. &
and countrymen ; and the Third Dated
to these conscientious
people, it is also recom-
mended, that they cheer-
fully assist, in propor-
tion to their abilities,
§
S
§
NS
§
§§
§
§
S
S
§
S
º
§§
s
such Associators as can-
§§
§
|
not spend their time and isºl sº wº 24.2% §§
substance in the public #: Sixteen Shillin£3. #
service without great ſº §§ alº
injury to themselves ¥º &º
and their families.”
The Associators shortly afterwards complained of the lenity shown
towards persons professing to be conscientiously scrupulous against
bearing arms, and they say “that people sincerely and religiously
scrupulous are but few in comparison to those who, upon this occasion
as well as others, make conscience a convenience,” and they beg the
Legislature to establish some decisive plan by which it might not be
left to mere inclination, but that every one should contribute a fixed
and determined proportion either in men or money — and this request
was strongly endorsed by the Counimittee of Safety of which Franklin
was now President—but the House adjourned a few days afterwards,




















88 HISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE HA LL.
on 30th September, recommending these Applications “to the serious
attention of the succeeding Assembly.”
The new House assembled on 14th October, 1775, and Robert Mor-
ris is now returned for Philadelphia County. The important subject
referred to this House is promptly entered upon. “The people called,
Quakers” at once addressed them by petition, personally presented,
and after endeavoring to show that William Penn's glorious grant of
universal toleration, together with the chartered rights of liberty of
conscience, would be impinged upon by taxes or otherwise for warlike
purposes, they assert “the power of judging respecting our sincerity,
belongeth only to the Lord of our Consciences, and we hope, in a
Province heretofore remarkable for the preservation of religious and
civil liberty, the Representatives of the People will still be conscien-
tiously careful that it may remain inviolate.”
Counter petitions, showing the fallacy of these claims, were now
presented by the Committee of the city, by the Officers and by the
Privates of the Military Association.
At this important juncture, there was a renewed effort to open the
doors of the Assembly Room to “Freeholders,” that they might hear
the debates on a question that vitally concerned the whole community,
— but the motion was negatived eighteen to nine. Among those vot-
ing in the affirmative were Robert Morris, George Ross, and George
Taylor.
The sessions of the Legislature had always been strictly private.”
In February, 1764, however, a petition was presented from a num-
ber of the inhabitants of the city of Philadelphia, praying “that the
House would be pleased to make a standing Order that the Freemen
of this Province shall have free access at all seasonable times in future,
to hear their Debates, as is the Custom in the House of Commons in
Great Britain, and elsewhere in his Majesty's Dominions.” This
caused considerable debate, and it was finally ordered, that a commit-
tee should “examine the Journals of the House of Commons, and report
the Usage and Practice thereof, in respect to the Privilege petitioned
for by the said Inhabitants, and to enquire likewise what the Practice
is in the other American colonies.” |
It was not, however, till the October sitting of 1770 that a resolu-
%ion was introduced and passed “to set open the doors of the Assem-
bly Room for the admission of the Freeholders and other reputable
1 This is a mistake. The public were at times admitted to the house as early as
1758. In that year Dr. William Smith was called to the Bar of the House, and
some of the citizens present became so demonstrative that they were arrested.—
[Editor of Second Edition.]
END OF THE COLONIAL LEGISLA TU/e E. 89
inhabitants, at seasonable times, to hear the debates,” etc., etc. Even
this limited privilege was not conceded without a long debate, and upon
the first noticeable occasion, five years afterwards (4th March, 1775),
it was not deemed “seasonable '' to open the doors. The question for
debate was then the Governor's message of February 21, 1775, on the
only proper and constitutional mode of obtaining redress of American
grievances, viz., by humble representation to his Majesty by the sev-
eral Assemblies. Eighteen members were then adverse; among them
Galloway, Humphreys, and John Morton. Thirteen in favor, −Mifflin,
Wayne, Thompson (all of them afterwards Generals in the Army of
the Revolution), Charles Thomson, and George Ross.
The debates upon the Memorial of the Associators were protracted,
but their requests were finally concurred in. The Assembly recom-
mended all “male white persons,” between the ages of sixteen and
fifty, “who are not conscientiously scrupulous of bearing arms,” to
join the military association, whose rules and regulations were ratified;
they provided that all those who should and would not associate for
the defence of the province should contribute an equivalent in money,
“ministers of the Gospel of all denominations, and servants purchased
bond fide, alone excepted.”
They also directed the sum of £80,000 additional to be issued for
the exigencies of the service. It was now stated to the House that for
the first time “some persons not sufficiently attending to the import-
ance of preserving public credit at this critical juncture, seruple re-
ceiving the bills,” of the commission for military purposes, by which
means they feared depreciation."
The House adjourned on 25th November, 1775, to meet on 12th of
February following. Then assembling, they held a session which
terminated on 6th April, during which time they determined to raise
ten battalions of riflemen, and one of musketmen, consisting of 500
each, and to issue #85,000 in paper money to pay these troops, and
to meet other expenses. Their next session covered the period from
May 20 to June 14, 1776.” -
The celebrated Resolution of Congress of 15th May, recommending
in certain cases the establishing of new Governments under “the au-
thority of the People,” would possibly, at the outset, have been taken
into consideration by the Assembly, but promptly a protest against
* Such a catastrophe had never happened to the Pennsylvania Bills of Credit,
which, unlike those of most of the colonies, were guarded by real estate security.
* From and after the date of Mây 21st, we find the name of the Proprietary Gov.
ernor ignored upon the Journals,
90 IIISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE HALL.
their right to frame a new Government was presented. “We mean
not,” say divers of the inhabitants, “to object against the House exer-
cising the proper powers it has hitherto been accustomed to use for
the safety and convenience of the Province, until such time as a new
Constitution, originating from, and founded on, the authority of the
People shall be finally settled by a Provincial Convention, to be
elected for that purpose.” But since “the chartered power of this
House is derived from our mortal enemy, the King of Great Britain,
and the members thereof were elected by such persons only as were
either in real or supposed allegiance to the said King, to the exclusion
of many worthy inhabitants whom the aforesaid Resolve of Congress
hath now rendered Electors; and as this House in its present state is
in immediate intercourse with a Governor bearing the said King's
commission, and who is his sworn Representative, holding, and by oath
obliged to hold, official correspondence with the said King, and is not
within the reach of any act of ours to be absolved therefrom, therefore
we renounce and protest,” etc. This bold document was signed by
Daniel Roberdeau, as chairman.

onceſ cºffer)
It was the result of an immense town meeting, which took place at
the State House, and in the adjoining Square, notwithstanding the
rain, which came down in torrents, on the 20th May, 1776.
Resolutions were adopted : —
First, That the [existing] Instructions [of the House to their dele-
gates in Congress] may have a dangerous tendency to withdraw this
Province from the happy Union with other colonies, which we con-
sider our glory and protection.
Second, That the present House of Assembly was not elected for
the purpose of forming a new government.
Third, That for them to do so would be assuming arbitrary
power.
Fourth, That the present government is incompetent for the exi-
gencies of our affairs.
Fifth, “Resolved, THAT A PROVINCIAL CONVENTION OUGHT TO
BE CHOSEN BY THE PEOPLE.”
While this action was essentially a tentative experiment, tending to
an independent Government, it was the initiative towards practically
making the people of America the sovereign power.
TIIE INITIATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 91
A committee was, in consequence of the protest sent them, appointed
by the House to draw up a memorial, for a precise explanation by
Congress, and legislative action accordingly postponed.
The “Committee of Inspection ” for the County of Philadelphia,
presented an address to the Assembly, expressive of their alarm “at
the prospect of a disunion, which must attend the prosecution of a
scheme (for separation from Great Britain) that will in the end not
only set Province against Province, but (more dreadful to think) fo-
ment civil discords in each.”
They admit that if the “infernal plan of despotism” should be per-
sisted in by the British Ministry, they would be driven “by violence
to that last shift, a Declaration of Independence; every one will then
be convinced of the necessity of such a measure, and we shall be as
one man so united and strengthened by the conviction as to bid defi-
ance to all their attempts. What we have to offer or advise is, that
you will most religiously adhere to the Instructions given to our Dele-
gates in Congress. We consider them our greatest security. And we
do further most seriously entreat that you will to the utmost of your
power oppose the changing or altering, in any the least part, of our in-
valuable Constitution, under which we have experienced every happi-
ness, and in support of which there is nothing just or reasonable which
we would not willingly undertake.”
These opposing views were again and again brought before the
House in Representations and Counter Representations; on the 28th of
May the House received a petition from “the Freemen and Inhabi-
tants of the County of Cumberland,” wherein they besought the with-
drawal of the instructions given to the delegates of Pennsylvania in
Congress, in which the latter were enjoined not to consent to any step
which might cause, or lead to, a separation from Great Britain.
No action was taken ; within a few days, however, — the fifth of
June, – the Speaker, promptly upon its receipt, laid before the House
a letter dated on 22d May, from the President of the General Con-
vention of Virginia, enclosing resolutions which had been by that body,
“ thought indispensably necessary to enter into at this important crisis.”
As the first official act pregnant with the issue of actual Indepen-
dence we must listen to the very words as first uttered in this building
The clerk reads : —
IN Convention, Wednesday, May 15, 1776.
Present 112 Members.
Forasmuch as all the Endeavors of the United Colonies, by the most decent
Representations and Petitions to the King and Parliament of Great Britain,
92 HISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE IIA LL.
to restore Peace and Security to America under the British Government, and
a re-union with that People upon just and liberal Terms, instead of a Redress of
Grievances, have produced from ari imperious and vindictive Administration in-
creased Insult, Oppression, and a vigorous Attempt to effect our total Destruc-
tion : — By a late Act all these Colonies are declared to be in Rebellion, and out
of the Protection of the British Crown, our Properties subjected to Confisca
tiou, our People, when captivated, compelled to join in the Murder and Plunder
of their Relations and Countrymen, and all farther Rapine and Oppressions of
Americans declared legal and just ; Fleets and Armies are raised and the Aid
of foreign Troops engaged to assist these destructive Purposes: The King's
Representative in this Colony hath not only withheld all the Powers of Govern-
ment from operating for our Safety, but, having retired on Board an armed Ship,
is carrying on a piratical and Savage War against us, tempting our Slaves, by
every Artifice, to resort to him, and training and employing them against their
Masters. In this State of extreme Danger, we have no alternative left but an
abject Submission to the Will of those overbearing Tyrants or a total Separa-
tion from the Crown and Government of Great Britain, uniting and exerting
the Strength of all America for Defence, and forming Alliances with Foreign
Powers for Commerce and Aid in War: — Wherefore, appealing to the Searcher
of Hearts for the Sincerity of former Declarations expressing our Desire to
preserve the Connection with that Nation, and that we are driven from that In-
clination by their wicked Councils, and the eternal Laws of Self-preservation;
Jºesolved, unanimously, That the Delegates appointed to represent this Col-
ony in General Congress be instructed to propose to that respectable Body to
declare the United Colonies free and independent States, absolved from all
Allegiance to, and all Dependence upon, the Crown or Parliament of Great
Britain ; and that they give the Assent of this Colony to such Declaration, and
to whatever Measures may be thought proper and necessary by the Congress
for forming foreign Alliances, and a Confederation of the Colonies, at such
Time, and in the Manner, as to them shall seem best : Provided, that the
Power of forming Government for, and the Regulations of the internal Con-
cerns of, each Colony be left to the respective Colonial Legislatures.
Resolved, unanimously, That a Committee be appointed to prepare a Declara-
tion of Rights, and such a Plan of Government as will be most likely to main-
tain Peace and Order in this Colony, and secure substantial and equal Liberty
to the People.
oć
Gelºr ſºn 24//on J’
A debate of considerable length ensues, the question being finally
called for, is put by the Speaker, — shall a committee be appointed to
bring in new instructions to the delegates of this Province in Con-
gress.
THE INITIATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 93
• 2
It was “carried in the affirmative by a large majority,” says the
Journal.
John Dickinson, Robert Morris, Joseph Reed, George Clymer, and
Messrs. Wilcocks, Pearson, and Smith, were appointed the committee
to bring in the draught of instructions.
They promptly reported “an essay for that purpose the next day'
which was referred for consideration to the day following.
The Pennsylvania Legislature was scarcely yet prepared to take the
bold stand of Virginia. Unlike Virginia, Massachusetts, and most of
her sister colonies, Pennsylvania had been permitted under the existing
government to assume her place in the Union ; it could not be said
she possessed “no government sufficient to the exigencies of her
affairs.” It should be borne in mind in reference to this colony that
it not only possessed a Proprietary government, but through the Pro-
prietary, had received a most liberal charter by which every individ-
uality had always been protected. Her institutions had nourished and
developed the greatest lawyers of their day, who had under all circum-
stances fearlessly advocated the just privileges of freemen. Andrew
Hamilton had successfully shown that the Constitution of England
would not tolerate infringement upon individual rights, while his suc-
cessor, John Dickinson, the very foremost of the early patriots, had
proved to English as well as to American minds, that the spirit of that
very same Constitution of Great Britain extended to America and
embodied all that was needed to ensure perfect liberty.
The form of government was thus believed to be unexceptionable,
and the acts of the ruling ministry, even though sustained by the reign-
ing sovereign and his parliament, were simply regarded as usurpations
that could not and would not be maintained eventually ; hence “the
Liberals,” and “the Conservatives,” were nearly equal in numbers."
Conservatism naturally thus engendered, and growing with the
growth of Pennsylvania, was also reinforced by the religious tenets of
the Quakers whose doctrine of non-resistance (like the celebrated hat-
on-head theory), originating in a virtue, had far outrun the views of the
noble Founders, and thus gave rise to a third class, “the Loyalists.”
The fourth class — the Tories, were only represented by Joseph
Galloway, Andrew Allen, and a handful of others, who soon “se-
ceded.”
3.
* The American citizen of to-day whether of New York, or of Boston, or of Phil-
adelphia, shows quite equal forbearance in his toleration of the abuse of republican
institutions, in yielding to the rule of the present legislators in city and in state,
hoping always that something will “turn up ’’ to rid the country of the jobbers and
peculators who now govern it.
94 III STORY OF IN/) EPE \ DEN CJE HA / L.
While the debate is still pending in the second story of the build-
ing, in the legislative assembly, which was to decide the participancy
of Pennsylvania, let us descend the stairs with John Dickinson and
Robert Morris, who, with Mr. Speaker Morton (restrained by his posi-
tion from accompanying us), Franklin, Biddle, Humphreys, Willing,
Ross, and even Allen, had the right to appear on behalf of Pennsyl-
vania, and enter the great National Assembly then in session in the
Eastern Room on the first floor.
It is Friday, the 7th June, 1776. John Hancock, the President, is
seated in the ancient chair, once that of the speaker of the Pennsylvania
Assembly. It stands upon a dais or platform at the eastern end of
the chamber, elevated two steps from the floor. Before the President
is a plain mahogany table, oblong in shape, with drawers convenient for
use, its sole ornament a massive silver inkstand bristling with quills."
Over the door of entrance, “suspended in the Congress Room,” is
its chief decoration, — the Patriot or Rebel Flag of the Navy, which had
been presented to Congress on the 8th of February, 1776, by Colonel
Christopher Gadsden, of the Marine Committee of Congress. It is
described as an “elegant standard, such as is to be used by the com-
mander in chief of the American Navy ; being a yellow fiag with a
lively representation of a rattlesnake in the middle in the attitude of
going to strike, and these words underneath, “Don’t tread on me.’”
In a semicircle on either side of the president are seated the dele-
gates in Congress; clustered in groups, according to the colonies which
they represent, in order the more readily to give the authorized vote.
Now is taken that first step toward the Magna Charta, the mem-
orable act which sanctifies the whole building, — the already expected
“Runnymede of America.”
Richard Henry Lee, of Virginia, rises in his place. He holds in his
unfettered hand the instructions from the Convention assembled at
Williamsburg. Those instructions which we have already heard read
to the Pennsylvania Assembly, which had been brought to Philadel-
phia but a few days before by Thomas Nelson, Jr., himself then present
as a delegate from Virginia.
Mr. Lee reads, amidst breathless silence, a resolution still extant in
his own handwriting : —
1 For the reclamation and identification of this inkstand see page 168.
2 It was not till June 14, 1777, that Congress adopted the “Stars and Stripes,”
— thirteen of each, – though the standard in actual use by the army consisted, as
early as 1775, of thirteen alternate red and white stripes, either with the British
Union Jack, or having upon the stripes a rattlesnake, transversely painted, some-
times with the words given in the text. This latter flag was most probably displayed
with the navy flag in June, 1776.
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96 HISTORY OF INDE PENDENCE IIA LL.
Among the auditors, there are sitting several men, who for many
weeks have been toiling to bring their fellow-countrymen to this point,
and yet the doubt of unanimity among the colonies causes the stillness
that ensues to be almost painful. Personal responsibility had long
been lost sight of. This, as well as the fate of the country, had for
Some time, obviously, been recognized as dependent upon Union ; a
perfect union would insure success, while division must entail failure;
then “Rebellion,” with all its consequences. Hence Union was now
the paramount idea.
Mr. Dickinson anxiously fixes his eyes upon Samuel Adams, who,
catching the anticipated glance, merely compresses his lips a little
more tightly, and bows to his younger colleague and namesake, John
Adams, who thereupon rises, and seconds the motion, and the mo-
mentous question is, without debate, postponed till the morrow.
Charles Thomson, the Secretary of Congress, seated at the right
hand of the President, at a desk similar to his, thus makes the official
entry in his Journal : —
“Certain Resolutions respecting Independency being moved and seconded, -
“Resolved, That the consideration of them be referred till to-morrow morn-
ing, and that the members be enjoined to attend punctually at ten o’clock, in
order to take the same into their consideration.”
On the Saturday we may readily imagine a full house. The mo-
tion was immediately referred to the “Committee of the Whole,”
whereupon the President yielded the chair to Benjamin Harrison of
Virginia. Till seven o’clock in the evening of that day, and again on
Monday the 10th of June, till seven o'clock in the evening, was the
question debated in the committee.
Its immediate adoption was now urged on the floor by Richard
Henry Lee, John Adams, George Wythe, Elbridge Gerry, Thomas
McKean, Thomas Jefferson, and Samuel Adams.
Edward Rutledge, Robert R. Livingston, John Dickinson, James
Wilson, and most probably both Carter Braxton and John Rogers,
besides some others, earnestly advocated the postponement of the
question. e
The arguments of the latter prevailed to some extent. It was
agreed in committee to report to Congress the Resolution, which was
adopted by a vote of seven colonies to five, and the final question was
on motion (apparently of Edward Rutledge) in Congress postponed
till July 1.
But in order to meet the views of both sides, the Committee of the
THOMAS JEFFERSON
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TII E INITIA TIC, W OF INDEPENDENCE. 97
Whole expressed its conclusions “that in the mean time, least any
time should be lost in case the Congress agree to this Resolution, a
committee be appointed to prepare a declaration in conformity to it.”
This was adopted by Congress.
On the next day, the committee on the Declaration of Independence
was chosen by ballot. In the absence of Mr. Lee, the mover of the
Resolution (who had been called home by the illness of his wife)
Thomas Jefferson was selected from Virginia, that colony being cer-
tainly entitled to have the chairman; John Adams, who had seconded
it, and the three others chosen were, Benjamin Franklin, Roger Sher-
man, and Robert R. Livingston.
The delegates from Pennsylvania, it must be borne in mind, up to
this time, in common with those from New York, New Jersey, Dela-
ware, and Maryland, were restricted either specifically by their “in-
structions,” or by the expressed will of their constituents, from agree-
ing to any act or resolution that would separate the colonies from the
mother country.
Let us return to the temporary quarters occupied by the Pennsyl-
vania Legislature, on the second floor of the State House, and trace
its action, — since for the present with this colony only we are con-
cerned. When we last left that chamber on 7th June, the Assembly
was still debating the proposed instructions to their delegates in Con-
gress, upon which necessarily depended their vote for or against Inde-
pendence. The debate over “ the Cumberland County Petition,” as
it was called,—though really the question whether or not to concur in
the Virginia action, — continued for still another day, and for several
days thereafter no quorum could be secured. At last, on 14th June, the
very day of what may be regarded their final adjournment,” new and
modified instructions were finally ordered to be signed by the Speaker.
After explaining therein that their previous order to dissent from and
reject, on the part of Pennsylvania, any propositions that might cause
a separation from Great Britain, “did not arise from any diffidence of
your ability, prudence, or integrity, but from an earnest desire to serve
the good people of Pennsylvania with fidelity in times full of alarming
dangers and perplexing difficulties.” They say, “The situation of
public affairs is since so greatly altered, that we now think ourselves
justifiable in removing the restrictions laid upon you by those instruc-
tions.” ¥
* On this same day the House adjourned over to 26th of August; on 28th of that
month to 23d of September, and died out in three days more.
7
98 HISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE H.4 L I.
They recapitulated their reasons. They avow that the happiness of
these colonies had been their first wish during the whole course of the
fatal controversy, reconciliation with Great Britain their next ; but
that at this time all hopes for a reconciliation on reasonable terms were
extinguished.
Within a few days, there met at Carpenters' Hall a body of repre-
sentative men called “The Provincial Conference.” It was composed
of committees sent from the various counties of Pennsylvania, the re-
sult of the meeting (we have already attended) in State House Yard,
to determine what action should be taken by the people of Pennsyl-
vania under the Resolution of the Continental Congress for suppressing
all authority under the Crown of Great Britain. After promptly re-
solving upon a call for a Constitutional Convention, they unanimously,
on 24th June, the eve of adjournment, for their constituents and them-
selves, declared their “willingness to concur in a vote of the Congress
declaring the United Colonies free and independent States.”
On the 28th of June the Committee of Congress submitted to that
body their draft of the Declaration of Independence. It was necessarily
permitted to lie over.
The day fixed for final action upon the momentous question itself,
the first of July, now rapidly approached.
The constituted authorities of Pennsylvania had, as we witnessed,
withdrawn their restrictive instructions, to enable their representatives
to concur in the voice of the majority of the colonies. This fact, to-
gether with the expression of the popular will indorsing and empha-
sizing the action of their representatives, was laid before Congress.
Delaware, on 14th June, also had taken parallel action with Penn-
sylvania.
New Jersey on 21st, and Maryland on 28th June, had specifically
authorized their delegates to concur in declaring Independence, and
their action was also laid before Congress.
The South Carolina delegates had long been left untrammeled,' it
1 William Henry Drayton, President of the Provincial Assembly of South Caro-
lina, in February, 1776, was desired to thank the returned delegates, Middleton,
Gadsden, and John Rutledge, for their action in Congress.
“It became your business to ascertain the rights of America . . . . to make
humble representations to the King for redress, and he being deaf to the cries of his
American subjects, to appeal to the King of kings for the recovery of the rights of
an infant people, by the Majesty of Heaven, formed for future empire, . . . . what-
ever may be the issue of this unlooked-for defensive civil war in which unfortu-
TIIE INITIA TION OF INDEPENDENCE. 99
being discretionary with the majority, or even a single delegate (should
he alone be present), to concert, agree to, and execute every measure
which they or he, together with a majority of the Continental Con-
gress, should judge necessary for the defence, security, interest, or
welfare of South Carolina in particular or America in general.
New York, alone, remained unresponsive. Her restrictive instruc-
tions were still unrepealed. The New York Provincial Congress, on
motion of John Jay, unanimously resolved that the people of that
province had not given authority, either to that Congress or to the
delegates to the Continental Congress, to declare independency of
Great Britain ; and therefore they appealed to all the freeholders to
give instructions at the ensuing election to their deputies, and to vest
them with authority in the premises. At this time George Clinton,
Henry Wisner, William Floyd, Francis Lewis, and John Alsop,” were
actually present in Congress. The last mentioned was decidedly op-
posed to the measure, while Mr. Wisner was as earnestly in its favor,
but he himself tells us that he had received the instructions of his
constituents (not to concur in declaring independency), and that he
would faithfully pursue them.
Thus stood affairs, when, on the first day of July, Congress again
resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole to take into considera-
tion the “Resolution respecting Independency,” the declaration itself
being referred to the same body.
“After some time the President resumed the chair, and Mr. Harri-
son reported that the Committee had come to a resolution which they
desired here to report, and to move for leave to sit again.”
It appears that in the Committee of the Whole, in addition to those
States so voting previously, the delegates from New Jersey and from
Maryland had given their voices in favor of, while the Pennsylvania and
nately, though gloriously, we are engaged, – whether independence or slavery, -
all the blood and all the guilt must be imputed to British and not to American coun-
sels.”
A few days subsequently the new and liberal instructions were given the delegates,
as stated in the text.
*Fac-simile signatures of two of these delegates are given, since they are not
affixed to the engrossed Declaration.
2//-2 exº~

100 III STORY OF INDEPENDENCE HALL.
South Carolina vote had been given adversely to, the Resolution." The
vote of Delaware was lost, owing to the difference of views held by the
only two members in attendance, Messrs. McKean and Read. The
New York delegates asked, and obtained, permission to withdraw from
the vote. “At the request of a Colony, the determination of the
Resolution was put off till the next day,” Mr. Rutledge, it is said,
stating that he believed his colleagues, though they disapproved of the
Resolution, would join for the sake of unanimity. Mr. McKean un-
doubtedly promised the attendance of a third delegate to give the
casting vote of his State.
Thus stands the record : —
“TUESDAY, JULY 2d, 1776.
“THE CONGRESS RESUMED THE Cons IDERATION OF THE RESOLUTION
REPORTED FROM THE COMMITTEE OF THE WHOLE, WHICH WAS AGREED TO
AS FOLLOWS : —
“Resolved, THAT THESE UNITED COLONIES ARE, AND OF RIG IIT OUGHT TO
BE, FREE AND INDEPENDENT STATES: THAT THEY ARE ABSOLVED FROM ALL
ALLEGIANCE TO THE BRITISH CROWN, AND THAT ALL POLITICAL CONNEC-
TION BETWEEN THEM, AND THE STATE OF GREAT—BRITAIN, IS AND OUGHT
TO BE TOTALLY DISSOLVED.”
South Carolina, as well as Pennsylvania, and Delaware too, now
added their voices to the will of the majority of the Colonies. Thus,
on the second day of July, every State, except New York, concurred
in the Virginia motion, and resolved themselves
FREE AND INDEPENDENT STATES.
1 Among those participating in this vote were John Dickinson, Thomas Willing,
Charles Humphreys, and John Rogers. As they were not members of Congress
when the Declaration was signed, their fac-simile signatures are herewith presented.
2.2% (ºzº

THE DECLA R A TION OF INDEPENDENCE. 101
The Record of July 2d, further reads : —
“AGREEABLE TO THE ORDER OF THE DAY, THE CONGREss RESOLVED
ITSELF INTO A COMMITEE OF THE WII O L E ; AND AFTER SOME TIME, THE
presſ DENT RESUMED THE CHAIR, AND MIR. HARRIS ON REPORTED, THAT THE
COMMITTEE HAVE HAD UNDER CONSIDERATION THE DECLA RATION TO THEM
ir EFERRED, BUT NOT HAVING HAD TIME TO GO THROUGH THE SAME, DESIRED
II IM TO MOVE FOR L EAVE TO SIT AGAIN :
“Resolved, THAT THIS CONGRESS will L TO-MORRow AGAIN RESOLVE IT-
SELF INTO A COMMITTEE OF THE WHOLE, TO TAKE INTO THEIR FARTH FR
CONSIDERATION THE DECLARATION RESPECTING INDEPENDANCE.”
Thus not only during the rest of the second day, but the whole of
the third and of the fourth, in Committee of the Whole, was the Dec-
laration, in explanation of their action, debated paragraph by para-
graph.” Late in the evening of the fourth it was finally passed, and
ordered to be engrossed for the signatures of the Delegates from the
various States.
It was not, however, till the next day that the official promulgation
of Independence was ordered by the President of Congress.”
Congress sat, as was the custom with deliberative bodies at that day,
with closed doors, its members pledged to secresy. So important a step
! It is related that its author was discovered by Dr. Franklin “writhing under ’’
the alterations. Whereupon he related an incident of his own early days, the case
of one of his companions, who, having served out his time as an apprentice to a
hatter, was about to open shop for himself, and desired a handsome sign board with
an appropriate inscription. “He composed it in these words : “John Thompson,
Hatter, makes and sells Hats for ready money,’ with a figure of a hat subjoined.
But he thought he would submit it to his friends for their amendments. The first
he showed it to thought the word Hatter tautologous, because followed by the words
makes hats, which showed he was a hatter. It was struck out. The next observed
that the word makes might as well be omitted, because his customers would not
care who made the hats ; if good and to their mind, they would buy, by whom-
soever made. He struck it out. A third said he thought the words for ready
inoney were useless, as it was not the custom of the place to sell on credit. Every
one who purchased expected to pay. They were parted with, and the inscription
now stood, “John Thompson sells hats.” - Sells hats!!’ says his next friend, ‘why,
nobody will expect you to give them away. What, then, is the use of that word?'
It was stricken out, and hats was stricken out, the rather as there was one painted
on the board. So his inscription was reduced ultimately to ‘John Thompson,’ with
the figure of a hat subjoined.”
* So many misconceptions, so many misstatements, have been made as to the
time, place, and circumstances of promulgating the Declaration of Independence as
to make it important to bear the actual facts in mind. The absurd stories of a blue-
eyed boy and of the immense crowd besieging the doors of Congress on the 4th of
July, and of the reading of Declaration by Charles Thomson, the Secretary of Con-
gress, from the steps or balcony of the State House, are pure inventions.
102 HISTOR Y OF INDEPENDENCE HA LL.
as a severance of the ties which connected the Colonies with the
mother country could not have been agitated and acted upon, without
admitting the general public into a knowledge of the fact, apart from
which, it was wished and indeed designed, as has been already shown,
to predicate the action of the federal Congress upon the expressed
wishes of the individual colonies.
In the correspondence of the day, accordingly, the members did not
preserve their usual reticence ; they did not hesitate in their familiar
letters, in June, to foretell the event, nor immediately after the debate
and vote of the second day of July — the really important day—to
announce the fact, as the most memorable epoch in the history of
America, a day to be celebrated throughout all time.
It was not until July 4th, the day of the final adoption of the Dec-
laration itself, that any action was taken to authorize the public an-
nouncement. On that day it was formally “Resolved, that copies of
the Declaration be sent to the several assemblies, conventions, and
committees or councils of safety, and to the several commanding offi-
cers of the Continental troops; that it be proclaimed in each of the
United States and at the head of the army.”
Printed copies were at once prepared, promptly signed by John
Hancock as President, and attested by Charles Thomson as Secretary.
These were transmitted in accordance with the resolution.
In this form, it was laid before the Committee of Safety in Phila.
delphia, who, besides directing copies to be sent to the other counties
of the State, ordered, “That the Sheriff of Philadelphia read or cause
to be read and proclaimed at the State House, in the city of Philadel-
phia, on Monday the 8th day of July instant, at 12 o'clock at noon of
this same day, the Declaration of the Representatives of the United
States of America, and that he cause all his officers and the constables
of the said city to attend the reading thereof.
“Resolved, that every member of this Committee in or near the city
be ordered to meet at the committee chamber before 12 o'clock Mon-
day, to proceed to the State House, where the Declaration of Inde-
pendence is to be proclaimed.”
The Committee of Inspection of the City and Liberties were re-
quested to attend.
July 8, 1776, broke “a warm, sunshiny morning.” The Committee
of Inspection assembled at the Philosophical Hall' at eleven o'clock,
thence in procession proceeding to the Lodge, they were joined by the
1 Not their building on the Square, which it must be remembered was not built for
twelve years afterwards, but in Second Street.
JOHN NIXON.

THE PROMUL.GA TION OF INDEPENDENCE. 103
Committee of Safety; they then marched to the State House Yard
and collected about the Observatory. The constituted authorities, in-
cluding a number of the Delegates in Congress, filed out from the rear
entrance to do honor to the occasion. John Nixon, a prominent mem-
ber of the Committee of Safety, stood on the balcony or platform of
the Observatory, the popular rostrum of the day, and, in a voice clear
and distinct enough to be heard on the opposite side of Fifth Street,
read aloud to the people, for the first time, the Declaration of Inde-
pendence.”
The vast concourse of people greeted it by loud cheers and re-
peated huzzas.
The royal insignia over the judges' seats were taken down and
burnt, then the crowd left the square to exhibit, in other congenial
ways in different parts of the city, their contempt for the King and
his authority; assembling again at five o'clock in the afternoon on the
common to listen to the proclamation to the troops and to join in bon-
fires, impromptu fire-works, and other demonstrations of joy. The
night was star-light and beautiful.
The old State House Bell made its Biblical quotation intelligible to
every ear. For a quarter of a century its familiar tones had been the
signal for assembling the liegemen of a foreign potentate”; to-day it
called together a sovereign people only to dismiss them with the bene-
diction, all men are born free and independent.” -
* A printed broadside of the Declaration found among the papers of John Nixon,
possibly the identical sheet from which he then read, has been deposited in Inde-
pendence Hall by his great grand-daughter, Mrs. Charles Henry Hart.
* In early days “those members who do not appear within half an hour after the
ringing of the bell and the speaker assuming the chair shall pay a ten penny bit,”
etc., and again “ those members who do not appear within half an hour after the As-
sembly bell ceases to ring shall pay one shilling.”
* Even the bells of Christ Church joined in the chorus as merrily, aye and as
steadily, as if the Rev. Jacob Duché, its Pastor, had that day espoused the patriot
cause. In this gentleman's subsequent and famous letter to Washington, he states,
that he persisted in using the public prayer for his sovereign and the royal family
till the latest moment, though threatened with insults from the violence of a party;
but that on the Declaration of Independence, not being able to consult his spiritual
superior, he called his vestry together and solemnly put the question, whether
they thought it best for the peace and welfare of the congregations (of St. Peters
as well as Christ Church) to shut up the churches, or to continue the services, with-
out using the petitions for the royal family.”
The Minute Books, still extant in the careful custody of the Rev. Edward A.
Foggo, the present (1876) Rector, under the prompt date of July 4, 1776, show that
their religious observances conformed to their public action in “chiming the
chimers,” though apparently to the surprise of Mr. John Adams. The Entry is —

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104 HISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE HAL L.
Thus was fulfilled that portion of the text inscribed upon its surface,
and which has been celebrated in prose and in verse. Whether a
“coincidence ’’ only, or whether an inspiration induced Mr. Speaker
Norris thus, twenty-four years before, to baptize his State House
Bell, would seem a mere choice of words, determinable by one's
stand-point, but certain it is, that the Divine, command, to which
reference is made upon the bell, is, as we write, about to be obeyed
to the letter: —
“ AND YE SHALL HALLOW THE FIFTIETH YEAR, AND PROCLAIM
l,IBERTY THROUGHOUT ALL THE LAND UNTO ALL THE INHABITANTS
THEREOF: IT SHALL BE A JUBILEE UNTO YOU.” — Lev. XXV. 10.
Such in full are the words of Holy Writ, such the Handwriting on
the Wall.
We consult the oldest inhabitant, we scan the records of the day
in vain, for any especial notice of the first fiftieth birth-day of the
Nation;' but the second, its golden anniversary, is about to be a
“Jubilee '' unto us and unto all men.
Honor be to that man who made the first move, whether he be
familiar with the Scriptural injunction, or the unconscious instrument
in the hands of his Maker.
For full fifty years, as nearly as can be ascertained, our Liberty
Bell — for so it should be universally denominated — continued to
celebrate every national anniversary, and then — it cracked, it had
* performed its mission and was mute forever.”
Its vicissitudes had, however, been many ; when the American
“Present Rev. Jacob Duché, Rector; Thos. Cuthbert, Church Warden; Jacob
Duché, Robt. Whyte, Chas. Stedman, Edmund Physick, James Biddle, Peter
de Haven, Jas. Reynolds, Gerardus Clarkson, Vestry men.
“Whereas, the Hon. Continental Congress have resolved to declare the American
Colonies to be free and independent states: In cousequence of which it will be
proper to omit those Petitions in the Liturgy where the King of Great Britain is
prayed for, as inconsistent with the said declaration, therefore Resolved, that it ap-
pears to this vestry to le necessary for the peace and well being of the Churches to
onlit the said Petitions; and the Rectors and Assistant Ministers of the united
churches are requested in the name of the vestry and their constituents to omit such
petitions as are above mentioned.”
1 We should not fail to recall, however, the remarkable coincidence that occurred
on this day. The only two surviving signers of the Declaration who voted upon its
adoption, — Thomas Jefferson and John Adams, – lived just long enough to cele-
brate it, and died July 4, 1826, within a few hours of each other.
2 The personal statement made, while these pages are going through the press,
by the venerable Titian R. Peale, shows conclusively that Liberty Bell was cracked
in tolling, July 8, 1835, for the death of John Marshall, Chief Justice of the United
States.
-
|
THE
LIBERTY BELL.

THE DECLA RATION MIA DE UNA NIMO U.S. 105
forces, in 1777, were about to leave Philadelphia, the Bell (and the
chimes of Christ Church, its coadjutors in announcing Independence,
shared its fortunes) was taken down by the Commissary and trans-
ported to Allentown to prevent its falling into the hands of the
British, who were then about to occupy the city. Though brought
back to town after the evacuation, it does not seem to have been re-
stored to its original place in the old steeple.
On the fifteenth day of July the President received and laid before
Congress a resolution, unanimously adopted by “the convention of
the representatives of the State of New York,” dated July 9th, 1776,
from White Plains, “That the reasons assigned by the Continental
Congress for declaring the United Colonies free and independent
States are cogent and conclusive, and that while we lament the cruel
necessity which has rendered that measure unavoidable, we approve
the same, and will at the risk of our lives and fortunes join with the
other colonies in supporting it.”
Thus the chain became complete, and instructions were now given
to the engrossing clerk to alter the heading of the Declaration of In-
dependence, as the draft read (and as adopted by Congress, and as
was actually proclaimed to the people on the 8th day of July), by the
insertion of the words “The unanimous.”
It was not, however, and this is a fact too often lost sight of, until
the second day of August that the Declaration of Independence, en-
grossed on parchment, was brought into the Chamber of Congress and
placed upon the President's table for the signatures of the individual
members.
All those actually present on that day, affixed their names, and
1 September 15, 1777. By order of the Executive Council, the bells of Christ
Church (seven in number) as well as those of St. Peter's (two in number) were
ordered to be taken down and removed to a place of safety, in anticipation of
General Howe taking possession of Philadelphia. This was upon the recommenda-
tion of Congress. The church wardens and vestry very seriously objected, on
hearing what was about to be done, and they tried, through John Penn, to induce
Congress to make an exception in favor of the church bells on account of the great
risk in taking them down, the improbability of having a proper person to replace
them, and a feeling on the part of the vestry that they were really in no danger;
and receiving the reply that Congress had but recommended the measure, they then
applied to the Executive Council, but without success, and Colonel Flower accord-
ingly removed them. He, however, in October, 1778, replaced them at the public
expense.
In passing through the streets of Bethlehem, the wagon containing the State
House Bell broke down, and had to be unloaded.
106 HISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE FIA LA.
many were thus included who had no share in debating or voting upon
the document. It was then turned over to Charles Thomson, the
secretary ; and, as each new member joined his colleagues, he was
called upon to sign. Thus will be found the names, in some instances,
of Representatives who were not concurrently in Congress.
The change of title from “A Declaration by the Representatives of
the United States of America in Congress assembled,” into “The
Unanimous Declaration,” etc., has produced much needless confusion,
and even misrepresentation.
Before the expiration of the week in which Independence was pro-
claimed, the convention to form a constitution for the new State of
Pennsylvania assembled in the State House. The Judicial Chamber,
opposite that of Independence, seems to have been appropriated for its
sessions. It met July 15, and continued in session until September
28, 1776.
Shortly after its organization, it unanimously approved the reso-
lution declaring Pennsylvania, as well as the other United States of
America, free and independent, and avowed “before God and the
world, that we will support and maintain the freedom and independ-
ence of this and the other United States of America, at the utmost
risk of our lives and fortunes.”
The Convention did not hesitate to assume the legislative functions
required by the call. On the 20th day of July they elected delegates
to Congress, fixed the number at nine, and authorized a majority, at
any time present, to be a quorum. They reëlected Messrs. Franklin,
Robert Morris, and Wilson; and superseded Messrs. Dickinson, Wil-
ling, Humphreys, Biddle, and Allen, by George Ross, George Clymer,
James Smith (three of their own members), Benjamin Rush, and
George Taylor. Thus was constituted the delegation who officially
signed the Declaration of Independence on behalf of Pennsylvania.
The Convention finally, on 28th September, “unanimously passed
and confirmed " a declaration of rights and a frame of government for
the Commonwealth. These served as the fundamental law, success-
fully ruling the State throughout the whole of the Revolutionary
Struggle.
The Executive, vested in a President and Council, and the Leg-
islature, in a single House of Representatives, were, at the first,
both accommodated in the chambers of the second story of the State
House.
The Assembly met for the first time on the 28th November, 1776
E VA CUA TION OF PHILADELPHIA. 107
The character of its members seems to have been essentially changed,
and we find it entered of record, “A quorum did not appear, in conse-
quence of the absence of the members in the army.”" This was from
December 14, 1776, to January 13, 1777, when the House again met,
and sat till 21st March, and again from May 12 to June 19, - without
a quorum, however, from 12th to 21st May, - and from September 3d
to 18th, – without a quorum for ten days. On the 18th September,
an account having been received “that the enemy's army were in full
march for this city, it was agreed that the General Assembly should
adjourn to the borough of Lancaster, to meet there on 25th Septem-
ber.” 2
Congress had, upon similar apprehensions, left Philadelphia at the
close of December, 1776, but had promptly returned, and reconvened
in its chamber March 4, 1777.8
Now, however, their apprehensions were well founded; they hur-
ried away in the night of September 18, upon the actual approach of
the British. After one meeting (27th September), at Lancaster, they
adjourned to York, Pennsylvania, and sat there from 30th September,
1777, till June 27, 1778.
The British held possession of Philadelphia from September 26,
1777, till 18th June following.
During their occupation of the city under General Howe, the State
House was used as a prison and hospital. It was here, that the so-
called “arch fiend " Cunningham, the Provost Marshal, exercised his
atrocities. This man had deserted from the American to the British
employ, and some of the prisoners who escaped from his clutches stated
to Francis Hopkinson that they had actually seen bodies of their fel-
low sufferers lying in the State House Yard, who had died of mere
famine, with unchewed grass hanging out of their mouths. They re-
ported that a bucket full of broth had been sent, by some citizens, to
the prisoners confined in the provost; that Cunningham had taken it
into the State House Yard, and when the starving victims had gathered
eagerly around it, he kicked over the bucket with his foot, and then
* In the year preceding, we are told by Mr. Young, in a letter to Mrs. Fergusson,
of Graeme Park, “Our Honorable House made but a scurvy appearance the day the
memorial was presented to them by the Committees, it was enough to make one
sweat to see a parcel of Countrymen sitting with their hats on, great coarse cloth
coats, Leather breeches, and woollen stockings in the month of July ; there was
not a speech made the whole time, whether their silence proceeded from their mod-
esty or from their inability to speak, I know not.” MS.
* It sat at Lancaster, September 29 to October 13, 1777.
* They met in Baltimore from December 20, 1776, to February 27, 1777.
108 HISTOR Y OF INDEPENDENCE HALL.
laughed to see them, prostrate on the ground, lap up the slop like
dogs.
Congress returned to their chamber in the State House on 2d July,
1778. Shortly after, took place the ceremonial reception of the
Chevalier Conrad Alexandre Gérard, the first minister accredited to
the United States from any foreign power. Much formality was
hence given to it. M. Gérard had reached Philadelphia early in July,
but it was not until 6th August that, escorted by Richard Henry Lee
and Samuel Adams, in a chariot and six horses, he delivered personally
his credentials. “The carriages being arrived at the State House,”
Says a looker-on, “the two members of Congress, placing themselves
at the Minister’s left hand, introduced him to his chair in the Con-
gress Chamber, the President and Congress sitting; the chair was
placed, fronting the President. The Minister, being seated, handed
his credentials to his Secretary, who advanced and delivered them to
the President, Henry Laurens. The Secretary of Congress, Charles
Thomson, then read and translated them, which being done, Mr. Lee
announced The Minister to the President and Congress; at this time
the President, the Congress, and the Minister rose together; he bowed
to the President and Congress, and they bowed to him, whereupon
the whole seated themselves.” After a speech by the Minister, and
another by the President, and an interchange of copies thereof, mutual
ceremonial bows as before, the Minister retired.
The description given of the sitting of Congress at this time affords
us the best idea of their habits. “Within the bar of the House, the
Congress formed a semicircle, on each side of the President, and the
Minister; the President, sitting at one extremity of the circle, at a
table upon a platform, elevated two steps, the Minister sitting, at the
opposite extremity of the circle, in an arm-chair upon the same level
with the Congress.” The door of the Congress Chamber was on this
occasion thrown open, and without the Bar were admitted, to the audi-
ence, the Vice President of the Supreme Executive Council of the
State, the Speaker and the Assembly of Pennsylvania, foreigners of
distinction, and officers of the army.
The newspapers of the day exclaim : “ Thus has a new and noble
sight been exhibited in this New World — the Representatives of the
United States of America, solemnly giving public audience to a min-
ister plenipotentiary from the most powerful prince in Europe. Four
years ago such an event, at so near a day, was not in the view even of
imagination ; but it is the Almighty who raiseth up ; He hath sta-
tioned America among the powers of the earth, and clothed her in
robes of sovereignty.”
A RTICLES OF CONFEDER A TION. 109
Upon the ninth day of July, 1778, and in “the 3d year of the Inde-
pendence of America,” the “Articles of Confederation and Perpetual
Union ” between the United States of America had been signed in
this same chamber, by the delegates in Congress of eight States, but
it was not to be binding, until ratified by the whole thirteen.
The Resolution of 7th June, 1776, included a provision for “a
plan of confederation,” and a Committee was appointed on the 12th
to prepare a draft therefor. This Committee consisted of Josiah
Bartlett, Samuel Adams, Stephen Hopkins, Roger Sherman, Robert
R. Livingston, John Dickinson, Thomas McKean, Thomas Stone,
Thomas Nelson, Jr., Joseph Hewes, Edward Rutledge, and Button
Gwinnett, — a Representative from each State.
John Dickinson was the mouth-piece of this eminent Committee, and
reported, as early as July 12, 1776; but so many conflicting inter-
ests were to be compromised, and such diversity of sentiment recon-
ciled, that it was not until March 1, 1781, that the final ratification
took place.”
The following members were signers of the Articles of Confedera-
tion on the part and behalf of the State of —
New Hampshire.
Josi AH BARTLETT. JohN WENTwo RTH, JR.
Massachusetts.
JOHN HANCOCK. FRANCIS DANA.
SAMUEL ADAMS. JAMES LOVELL.
ELBRIDGE GERRY. SAMUEL IHOLTEN.
Rhode Island.
WILLIAM ELLERY. John Collins.
HENRY MARCIIANT.
Connecticut.
ROGER SHERMAN. TITUS HOSMER.
SAMUEL HUNTINGTON. AND REW ADAM.
OLIVER WOL COTT.
* “The cight states '' were New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Con-
necticut, New York, Pennsylvania, Virginia, and South Carolina. North Carolina
ratified “The Articles of Confederation '' on 21st July, Georgia on 24th, New
Jersey on 26th November, Delaware on 5th May, 1779, and Maryland on 1st March,
1781.
110 HISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE HALL.
New York.
JAMES DUANE. WILLIAM DUER.
FRANCIS LEWIS. GOUVERNEUR MORRIs,
New Jersey.
JoBN WITHERSPoon. NATHANIEL SCUDDER,
Pennsylvania.
ROBERT MORRIs. WILLIAM CLING AN.
DANIEL ROBERDEAU. JOSEPH REED.
JonATHAN BAYARD SMITH.
Delaware.
THOMAS McKEAN. NICHOLAS WAN DYK.E.
JOHN DICKINSON.
Maryland.
JOHN HANSON. DANIEL CARRoll.
Virginia.
RICHARD HENRY LEE. JOHN HARVIE.
JOHN BANNISTER. FRANCIS LIGHTFOOT LEE.
THOMAS ADAMS.
North Carolina.
John PENN. JOHN WILLIAMs.
CORNELIUS HARNETT.
South Carolina.
HENRY LAURENs. RICHARD HUTSON.
WILLIAM HENRY DRAYTON. THOMAS HEYWARD, JR.
JOHN MATTHEws.
Georgia.
JOHN WALTON. EDWARD LANGWORTHY.
EDWARD TELFAIR.
The form of government remained unchanged, but the powers of
Congress — still consisting of one body—and of the respective States,
were better defined ; while its defects were many, it is stated to have
been “ of extended benefit; to have met the pressing wants of the
Union and thus strengthened it. It conferred a great educational ser-
vice through the experience of its defects, and it carried the nation
along until a more efficient system was provided. No less an author-
CONGRESS LEA VES PHILADELP III.4. 11]
ity than Chief Justice Marshall has declared that “this service alone
entitles that instrument to the respectful recollections of the American
people and its FRAMERS to their gratitude.”
Thus not only was the Declaration of Independence debated and
signed within the walls of our chamber, but so, also, the next step in
the history of the Union was herein taken, and, as we shall presently
see, herein too that union made more perfect by the framing and sign-
ing of the Constitution of the United States itself. Throughout the
residue of the Revolutionary War, the Continental Congress continued
to hold its sessions and to debate every question of legislative im-
portance in Independence Chamber.
The closing scene of the Revolution, the surrender of Cornwallis, is
brought into direct association from the fact, that the British and Hes-
sian regimental flags, captured at Yorktown, twenty-four in number,
were, according to the newspapers of the day “received by volunteer
cavalry at the Schuylkill, paraded through the streets preceded by the
American and French colors at a proper distance, and at the State
House, the hostile standards were there laid at the feet of Congress
and of his excellency the Ambassador of France.” This took place
on 3d November, 1781.
Thus almost every event was more or less chronicled within the
walls of our State House, from the time of its first occupancy, inde-
pendent of the important scenes in the great historical drama at-
tempted to be recalled.
“All of a sudden Congress left Philadelphia, in the summer of
1783,” — such is the last record given. The cause of their abrupt de-
parture, this time, was not a foreign foe, but the apparent apprehension
of revolt on the part of their own soldiers, whose payment had been
some time delayed.
On Saturday, 21st June, 1783, when the Supreme Executive Coun-
cil was sitting, a handful of soldiers from the barracks brought a threat-
eming message to the State Executive, requiring permission to appoint
commissioned officers over themselves, that they might obtain “redress
of grievances.” The Council at once refused to consider their appli-
cation. The soldiers, in the mean time, had increased in numbers to
upwards of three hundred, who paraded before the State House, while
fifteen or twenty posted themselves in the yard ; they stationed osten-
sible guards at the doors of the State House, which, however, denied
ingress or egress in reality to none. The Council remained firm, and
authorized General St. Clair, who promptly repaired to the spot, to
allay the irritation by a conference with the insurgents.
112 HISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE HA LL.
Congress had adjourned over, as usual, from Friday to Monday, but
the President and some members collected in their chamber, and while
they assented to the conference, seem informally to have made up
their minds “that there is not a satisfactory ground for expecting
adequate and prompt exertions of this State for supporting the dig-
nity of the Federal Government,” and in such case, under advice, etc.,
they authorized and directed the President to summon the members
of Congress to meet, at Trenton, or Princeton.
It is stated that the President, Elias Boudinot, was personally
stopped in the street, but that some of the leaders at once rebuked
their followers for so doing, and apologized for the act.
Nevertheless, this emeute resulted in the adjournment of Congress
to Princeton, where they met on 30th June, and there they remained
until November 4th, meeting on 26th November, 1783, at Annapolis,
in Maryland." They continued at that place till June 3, 1784, and
during this time received the resignation of the commander-in-chief of
their armies. Their next session was held at Trenton, November 1,
1784, to December 24, whence they adjourned and met in New York,
January 11, 1785, and there they finally dissolved in 1789.
In the mean time, efforts were promptly made in the summer of
1783, by the State Government, to bring back Congress to Philadel-
phia; every possible guarantee of security was offered for their safe
and honorable sojourn, in Philadelphia, if they would return, and
the State even evinced a willingness to grant to national authority all
jurisdiction that might be deemed necessary.
Some of their own members endeavored to induce the return of Con-
gress, even temporarily, to Philadelphia, but in vain. Still the Assem-
bly do not appear to have given up the hope of it. The Congressional
Chamber seems still to have been reserved for their contingent use
for several years, after its actual abandonment by Congress.
Among the visitors to Congress, ere they left the State House, was
the Marquis de Chastellux, in 1780, who has left us an account of his
impressions : —
“The Hall in which Congress assembles is spacious, without magnificence;
* It was at first resolved that Congress should meet at two places — alternating —
one on the Potomac and the other on the Delaware. This gave rise to a sarcastic
effusion from the pen of Francis Hopkinson, wherein he aimed to determine the curve
and oscillation of what he called “this political bob,” though concluding that in
this instance the rule of gravitation would be reversed, since the bob would be more
inclined to motion in proportion as the matter of which it was composed should be
more dull and heavy.

VISIT OF DE CHA STELL UAV. 1 13
its handsomest ornament is the portrait of General Washington, larger than
life. He is on foot, in that noble and easy attitude which is natural to him ;
Cannon, Colours, and all the attributes of war form the accessories of the picture.
[This was Charles Wilson Peale's portrait of Washington after the battle of
Princeton.] I was then conducted into the Secretary's hall, which has nothing
remarkable but the manner in which it is furnished ; the Colours taken from
the enemy serve by way of tapestry. From thence you pass to the [Assembly]
library, which is pretty large, but far from being filled ; the few books it is
composed of appear to be well chosen.
“The building is rather handsome ; the staircase in particular is wide and
noble ; as to external ornaments, they consist only in the decoration of the
gate, and in several tablets of marble placed above the windows. I remarked
a peculiarity in the roof which appeared new to me: the chimneys are bound
to the two extremities of the building, which is a long square, and are so con-
structed as to be fastened together in the form of an arch, thus forming a sort
of portico.”
The constituted authorities of Pennsylvania also returned to their
old quarters in the State House, immediately upon the evacuation by
the British.
The Assembly, which, it must be remembered, still consisted of a
single body, met again in their chamber, up stairs, on the 26th Octo-
ber, 1778.
They retained this room, for their sittings, for some ten years, but
seem to have moved down stairs into the old Judicial (western)
Chamber, opposite to that still occupied by Congress, about 1780, or
1781, and, as far as can be learned, continued their sessions herein till
1790.
M. de Chastellux, whose account of his visit to Congress has already
been cited, “went again to the State House with M. de La Fayette,
Cte. de Noailles, De Damas, M. de Gimat, ete., to be present at the
Assembly of the State. We seated ourselves on a bench opposite the
Speaker's chair ; on his right was the President of the State; the
clerks were placed at a long table before the Speaker. The Executive
Council was sent for and heard.” -
It was also during their occupancy of this Judicial Chamber that
the “act for regulating party walls” was debated, in which was intro-
duced a clause (though subsequently repealed), requiring the destruc-
tion of all the trees, on certain streets throughout the city.
It was on 12th April, 1782, “when,” says Francis Hopkinson, “to
the amazement of all present, the business was interrupted by a voice,
perfectly articulate, proceeding from the capital of one of the columns
8
114 HISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE II aſ LL.
which supported the ceiling of the room. This voice claimed a right
to be heard on the subject of the bill, then before the House.
After the first surprise at such an unusual prodigy had a little sub-
sided, the right of a column to interfere in the business of the House
was considered and objected to ; and it was urged, that no instance
had ever occurred where a wooden member — a Blockhead — had pre-
sumed to speak in that Assembly; that this column could, by no con-
struction of law, be admitted as the Representative of any part or
district of Pennsylvania, having never been ballotted for, elected, or
returned, as a member of Assembly. That the House, when fully
met, necessarily consisted of a certain number of members, and no
nore, and that this number is full and complete, by the returns from
the several counties, as appears by the records of the House; there-
fore, if this column should be allowed a voice, there must be a super-
numerary member somewhere, which would be an absolute violation
of the Constitution. And lastly, that it is contrary to the order of
nature that an imanimate log should interfere in the affairs of rational
beings, Providence having been pleased to distinguish so obviously
between men and things.
To all this the column firmly replied, that he was, properly speak-
ing, a standing member of that House, having been duly fixed in his
station by those who had the right and power to place him there ;
that he was the true Representative of a numerous race, descended in
a direct line from the Aborigines of this country, those venerable an-
cestors who gave the name of Penn-SYLVANIA to this State, and whose
posterity now inhabit every county in it; that he was not only a
member of the House, but one of its principal SUPPORTERs, inasmuch
as they could never “make a house ’’ without him ; that he had
faithfully attended the public business, having never been fined as an
absentee, and that those very members who now opposed him had
confided in his wisdom and integrity, by constantly appealing to him *
n every contest about the rules and internal economy of the House;
and, lastly, that, as the bill under consideration so nearly concerned
his fellow creatures, and as he found himself miraculously endowed
with the power of speech for this occasion, he was determined to make
use of it in behalf of those who could not speak for themselves. After
much debate, it was determined that the House would hear what this
importunate Post had to say respecting the bill before them, but per-
emptorily refused to allow him a vote on this or any other business in
that Assembly.
1 The Rules of the House were framed and hung up against one of the columns.
SPEECH B Y A “ STANDING MEMBER.” 115
The columnar orator, having obtained leave, addressed the House
in the following words : —
“I am happy, O fellow-citizens, that speech hath been given me
on this important occasion ; and that I have your permission to exer-
cise a power, thus wonderfully obtained, in the cause of truth and jus-
tice.
“I stand here this day an upright advocate for injured innocence.
What fury, what madness, O deluded senators I hath induced you
to propose the extirpation of those to whom you are indebted for so
many of the elegancies, comforts, and blessings of life 2 If the voice
of justice is not to be regarded within these walls, let your own inter-
ests influence your conduct on this occasion. For I hope to show that
your safety and happiness are much more deeply concerned, in the
business you are upon, than you are at present aware of.
“By the 12th section of the bill now depending, it is proposed to cut
down and remove all the trees standing in the streets, lanes, or alleys
of this city. What I do we then hold our lives on such an uncertain
tenure ? Shall the respectable and inoffensive inhabitants of this city
stand or fall according to the caprice of a few ignorant petitioners ?
And will this House, without remorse, without even the form of trial,
give its sanction to an edict, which hath not a parallel since the san-
guinary days of Herod of Jewry 2 But I hope to convince this hon-
orable House that trees, as well as men, are capable of enjoying the
rights of citizenship, and therefore ought to be protected in those
rights; that, having committed no offense, this arbitrary edict cannot
constitutionally pass against them, and that your own, and the welfare
of your constituents, is nearly concerned in their preservation and cul-
ture.
“In reply to the charge that the trees are not well affected to the
present government, because they remained with the enemy when
they had possession of the city, I would ask, Will any one pretend to
say that the leaving or not leaving the city, on the approach of the
enemy, marks the true line of distinction between Whig and Tory? It
is confessed that we remained when others fled; we stood our ground
and heroically suffered in our country's cause. Turn, worthy sena-
tors 1 turn your eyes to yonder fields ! Look towards the banks of
the Schuylkill / Where are now those venerable oaks, that o'er the
evening walk of sober citizen, of musing bard, of sportive youths, and
sighing nymphs and swains, were wont to spread their hospitable
shade 7 Alas! nought now remains but lifeless stumps, that moulder
in the summer's heat and winter's frost, the habitations fit of poison-
116 HISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE HALL.
ous fungi, toads, and ever-gnawing worms. Hine ille lachrymae /
These were thy feats, O Howe
“Excuse, great sirs, this weakness in a Post, or rather, join your
sympathetic tears with mine ; the loss is yours — a loss, the impor-
tance of which you have not, perhaps, duly considered. * * * *
“It is now many years since I lost my vegetable life by the fatal axe,
my skin was stript off, and my limbs lopt away — and yet, you see my
body is still of use, and I stand here firm, sound, and hearty. And
barring an accident from all consuming fires, I shall attend future de-
bates in this house, when those whom I have the honor now to address
shall be no more.”
These columns undoubtedly did survive all who could have under-
derstood this speech, for, alas, a succeeding generation, deaf to, or igno-
rant of, this accost, consigned them to the axe, and selected in their
stead iron supporters, which, if endowed now with speech, could only
tell us of the petty squabbles of a subordinate court-room. Or per-
chance, they might recount, how they and their confederates, alien alike
to the sentiments of the Founder of Pennsylvania, as to the blood
and traditions of our Revolutionary sires, did staunchly oppose and
attempt to thwart the dedication of this very room as a Museum of
memorials of patriotic and noble deeds. But they perform the re-
quired functions, locum tementes, – et tenentes concilium — their very
existence ignored, even while yet visible to the eye.
Under the Constitution of Pennsylvania of 1776, 47th section, a
provision was made for a Council, to be elected every seven years,
whose duty it was after organization to investigate, whether the Con-
stitution in all its parts had been preserved inviolate, and with power
to call a convention to revise the same, if in their estimation desirable.
This body was termed the “Council of Censors.” It met for the
first and only time, November 10, 1783, though without a quorum
until the 13th. Frederick Augustus Muhlenberg was elected its Pres-
ident, and among its members were Thomas Fitzsimons, Arthur St.
Clair, Anthony Wayne, William Irvine, and William Findley.
It unquestionably convened at the State House, but whether in Im.
dependence Chamber, then recently vacated by the Congress, or in the
Eastern room of the second story, cannot now be told. It sat until
January 21, 1784, then adjourned to June 1, and remained in session
until 25th September following. It specifically, and with much ability,
pointed out various infringements of the Constitution, and of the Bill
of Rights, and, by a vote of a majority, resolved that the Constitution
TII/E CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION. 117
was defective in various particulars, and recommended changes to cor-
respond : —
That the Executive, consisting of President and Council, should be
superseded by a Governor alone;
That the legislative authority should be vested in two bodies in-
stead of one;
THAT THE JUDICIARY, SUPREME AS WELL AS SUBORDINATE,
SHOULD BE APPOINTED BY THE GOVERNOR, DURING GOOD BE-
HAVIOR ;
Recommendations which, apparently futile at the time (since a two
thirds vote was needed), were afterwards and remain now engrafted
upon the organic law, except the last, which, under the existing prac-
tice, demands the remedy, then pointed out, even more than did the
state of affairs under the Constitution of 1776, since under that, the
judges were dependent every seven years, the period of their election,
upon those who were themselves selected by their fellow citizens as
the most virtuous and most competent for the trust. To-day they
are dependent from first to last upon the dregs of the people, irre-
sponsible except to the ward politician.
MAY GOD SAVE THE COMMON WEALTH !
But Independence Chamber was now, in 1787, again put to national
use, and by a body of men as distinguished as any that had ever occu-
pied it, and for purposes scarcely second in importance to the drafting
the great Magna Charta.
The Federal Convention to frame a Constitution for the United
States of America met here May 14, 17S7, remaining in session till
September 17, 1787.
Its roll of members is its eulogy; its results are of course known
verbatim by every school-boy, as well as by every individual over
twenty-one, black or white, foreign or native to the soil, as a prelim-
imary to the exercises of voting for President of the United States, or
for a School Director.
The chair which Peyton Randolph had occupied, when Thomas
Johnson of Maryland nominated George Washington to be com-
mander-in-chief of the American armies, – the chair which John Han-
cock had occupied, when he attached his official signature as President
to the proclamation for liberty throughout the land unto all the inhabi-
tants thereof, - still remained in its accustomed position, and now, on
118 HISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE HALL.
the 14th day of May, 1787, that man who had been the chief instru-
ment in perfecting the plans initiated in this room, who had proved
himself “first in war,” was called to occupy, as President of this
Convention, that identical chair, and to make it the stepping-stone to
the “first in peace.”
Many members of the old Continental Congress resumed their seats
in this chamber. Several of them had debated the question of sepa-
ration from Great Britain and signed the Declaration of Independence.
They now returned to complete their work, and “to secure the bless-
ings of Liberty to themselves and to their posterity.”
The members who attended were —
For New Hampshire.
*JOTHN LANGD ON. *NICHOLAs GILMAN.
For Massachusetts.
ELBRIDGE GERRY. *NATHANIEL GORBAM.
*RUFUS RING. CALEB STRONG.
For Connecticut.
*WILLIAM SAMUEL JOHNSON. OLIVER ELLSWORTH.
*ROGER SHERMAN.
For New York.
ROBERT YATES. Jo HN LANSING.
*ALExANDER HAMILTON.
For New Jersey.
*WILLIAM LIVINGSTON. *WILLIAM PATERSON.
*DAVID BREARLEY. *JONATHAN DAYTON.
WILLIAM C. HOUSTON.
For Pennsylvania.
*BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. *THOMAS FITZSIMONS.
*THOMAS MIFFLIN. *JARED INGERSOLL.
*ROBERT MORRIS. *JAMES WILSON.
*GEORGE CLYMER. *GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.
For Delaware.
*GEORGE READ. *RICHARD BASSETT.
*GUNNING BEDFORD, JR. *JACOB BROOM.
*JOHN DICKINSON.
THE CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION. 119
For Maryland.
*JAMES M C HENRY. JOHN FRANCIS MERCER.
*DANIEL CARROLL. *DANIEL OF ST. THOMAS
LUTHER MARTIN. JENIFER.
For Virginia.
*GEORGE WASHINGTON. GEORGE WYTHE.
EDMUND RANDOLPH. *JAMES MADIson, JR.
*JOHN BLAIR. JAMEs McCLURG.
GEORGE MASON.
For North Carolina.
ALExANDER MARTIN. *HUGH WILLIAMSON.
WILLIAM R. DAVIE. *RICHARD DOBBs SPAIGHT.
*WILLIAM BLOUNT.
For South Carolina.
*JOHN RUTLEDGE. *CHARLES PINCRNEY.
*CHARLES C. PINCKNEY. *PIERCE BUTLER.
For Georgia.
*WILLIAM FEW. WILLIAM PIERCE.
*ABRAHAM BALDWIN. WILLIAM Hous TOUN."
After the final action, and engrossing of the Constitution, those
members of the Convention who were present and approved, advanced
by States, and affixed their signatures to the instrument.”
In Independence Chamber, also met the State Convention, to take
action upon the proposed Constitution for the United States. This
was on 20th November following. On 13th December a resolution to
ratify the same was passed.
1 Mr. Madison relates an anecdote of Dr. Franklin, at the time the last members
of the Convention were signing the engrossed copy of the Constitution, after its
adoption by the body. The chair therein referred to is high in the baek and is
surmounted by a carved effigy, duly gilt, of a sun with attendant rays. Turning to a
fellow member he observed, “Painters have always found it difficult to distinguish
n their art a rising from a setting sun. I have often and often in the course of this
session, and the vicissitudes of my hopes and fears, as to its issue, looked at that,
behind the President, without being able to tell whether it was rising or setting;
but now at length, I have the happiness to know, that it is a rising, and not a setting
sun.”
* Their names in the above list are preceded by asterisks.
120 HISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE HA! LL.
The voices of Madison, of Mason, of Wilson, and of Hamilton had
scarcely died away, when these walls again echoed with debates over
the same subject, in a different form. The Constitution of Penn-
‘sylvania had accomplished its purpose, and the people demanded a
new one for existing needs, and one more in consonance with the new
Constitution of the United States.
Responsive to their call, the convention to frame a Constitution
for the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania met in the Eastern chamber
November 24, 1789.1
Thomas Mifflin was made its President, and among the members
were James Wilson, Thomas McKean, Edward Hand, William Irvine,
and Timothy Pickering, who had already achieved a national reputa-
tion, and also William Lewis, James Ross, William Findley, and Al-
bert Gallatin, who were destined to fame. The subsequent Governors
Hiester and Snyder were also members.
This Convention, after an intermission from February 26th to August
9th, during which the proposed Constitution was published for the in-
formation of the people, adjourned finally September 24, 1790.
Upon the adoption of the State Constitution of 1790, providing for
two distinct branches of the Legislature, it would appear that the Sen-
ate and the House of Representatives took possession respectively of
the Eastern and Western chambers, on the first floor, and here they
remained till the abandonment of Philadelphia as the Capital of the
State.
Pennsylvania very promptly followed — as we shall see in the His-
tory of Congress Hall at the corner of Sixth Street — the tactics of
the Federal authorities, not only in abandoning Philadelphia, but in
adopting a “temporary '' as well as a “permanent Capital.”
The Legislature, as early as March, 1787, had indeed discovered, and
so resolved, that the major part of the good citizens of the Common-
wealth were subject to great inconvenience and unequal burdens in
1 The early part of the month preceding witnessed an event that must also be
noted among the occurrences of importance under this roof–the First General Con-
vention of the (United) Protestant Episcopal Church met in the Assembly Room, by
the consent of the President of the State, for eight days, and during their session
here occurred the union of the churches of New England with those of the Middle
and Southern States, the IIouse of Bishops as a separate house was formed, the first
President Bishop — Seabury — elected, the Constitution of the Church agreed upon,
and signed, and the Prayer-book in its present form adopted. “No more impor-
tant convention of the American Church ever assembled,” says Rev. William Ste-
vens Perry, the present Secretary ; and see also Perry’s Reprint of Journals, and
Perry’s Handbook of the General Convention.
º
REMOVA L OF THE STATE CAPITAL. 121
consequence of the unfortunate location of the seat of government
“ at the eastern extremity of the State, at the distance of near four
hundred miles from the western boundary thereof,” wherefore they
determined to erect a State House, for the accommodation of the Ex-
ecutive and General Assembly, and on the lot of land in the town of
Harrisburg, the property of the Commonwealth.
In April, 1799, an act was passed providing for the temporary
removal of the seat of government to the borough of Lancaster, prohib-
iting, after the first Tuesday in November then next ensuing, the exer-
cise elsewhere of any office connected with the Government. Lancas-
ter was also fixed as the place of meeting of the following session of
the Legislature, and there to continue till the establishment of the per-
manent seat of government.
Thus the chambers hitherto occupied by the National and by the
State Legislatures were vacated, after the spring of 1799 (April 11th),
and were permitted to lie fallow till 1802, when Charles Wilson Peale
made a successful application to the Legislature for the building, for
the reception of his Museum.
Independence Chamber, with the whole of the second floor, were
given up for this purpose, but at the request of the Supreme Court of
the State, which seems never to have been suitably accommodated
since the breaking out of the war, the former, the Eastern room, was
fitted up for their session, and now all the old chairs of members and
other furniture, not taken away by the Legislature," were sold or given
away as relics to the different families then residing in Philadelphia.”
THE BANQUETING HALL.
Before the identity of the Banqueting Hall is merged in “the long
room of the Philadelphia Museum,” it behooves us to recall a few
of its earlier associations, for it played no unimportant part in the
history of the times.
Among other recognized obligations of a provincial government
was that of giving state banquets on fitting public occasions. To meet
this requirement Mr. Hamilton had thrown the whole of the front,
of the second floor, into one long room ; this, with one ante-chamber,
* The President's chair, the table, and the inkstand, together with two ordinary
chairs raised on stilts, for the Sergeant-at-arms, and some others, were retained
and carried to Lancaster, and thence to Harrisburg, by the Legislature.
* Thus after a dispersion of seventy years, they are, one by one, so far as preserved
and identified, secured and replaced in this chamber. “The adventures of the
chairs of the Congress of 1776 '' might fill as many volumes as did those “Of a
Guinea '.' some hundred years ago.
122 HISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE HA LL.
constituted the Colonial Banqueting Hall. Very frequently the Coun-
cil Chamber, on the opposite side of the hall, and communicating also
with the Long Room, was brought into requisition. In these were
narked the advent of a new Governor, the arrival in the Province
of any of the Proprietary family; here was celebrated, by the loyal
citizens of Philadelphia, the King's birthday; and here were enter-
tained, generally, distinguished visitors whenever policy demanded
such hospitality.
Its first use, as has been seen already, was on the occasion of the
completion of the State House, when William Allen, as Mayor, en-
tertained his fellow-citizens, – the grand “raising frolic.”
Upon the birthday of George II., in 1752, the Governor, a son of
Andrew Hamilton, not only gave a handsome entertainment at his
mansion at, “Bush-hill; ” but in the evening a supper and “a brilliant
grand ball ” at the State House; all three chambers were brilliantly
lighted, as well as the fine stairway and hall leading thereto. “One
hundred ladies and a much greater number of gentlemen formed,”
says a contemporary, “the most brilliant assembly that had ever been
seen in this Province. The whole company were elegantly enter-
tained by His Honor at supper in the long gallery, and everything
conducted with the greatest decorum.”
Here, too, the succeeding Governor, Robert Hunter Morris, held a
levée, and rivaled Governor Hamilton in the elegance of “a supper
in the long gallery,” and the brilliancy of the guests.
Governor William Denny was here feasted by the Assembly in
August, 1756. The civil and military, as well as the clergy, were in
attendance ; while in March of the same year, the city officials en-
tertained Lord Loudoun, on the occasion of his visit to Philadelphia,
as commander-in-chief of the royal troops in America. In the
following year, General Forbes was also feasted at the State House.
“The Birthday” balls were frequent during the years preceding the
Revolutionary War.
When the Assembly entertained an incoming Governor, they or-
dered the clerk “to speak to some suitable person to provide a hand-
some dinner,” designating the day in the “quaker style,” and directed
to be invited thereto, besides the present (and generally the late)
Governor, the mayor and corporation, the officers, civil and military,
the clergy, and the strangers in the city. John and Richard Penn
frequently were feasted here. “The Merchants,” and “the City Au-
thorities,” as well as the State were permitted to use the Banqueting
Hall.
TIIE BANQUETING HALL. 123
On 21st May, 1766, besides other demonstrations of joy, a grand
entertainment took place at the State House to celebrate the repeal
of the Stamp Act. It was given by the principal inhabitants, and
attended by “ his Honor the Governor and the Officers of the Govern-
ment, the Military, Captain Hawker, of His Majesty's Ship Sardine,
which ‘had been brought before the town and gaily decorated,’ and
the other gentlemen of the navy and all strangers in the city.” The
worshipful the Mayor presided, assisted by some of the Aldermen.
Three hundred plates were laid ; “the whole was conducted with the
greatest elegance and decorum, so that detraction itself must be silent
on the occasion.”
After dinner, toasts were drank to the King, the Queen, the Prince
of Wales, and Royal family, even the House of Lords, the Commons,
and the Ministry; each specifically received the honors, while “the
glorious and immortal Mr. Pitt,” and “ that lover and supporter of
justice Lord Camden,” were treated to a bumper. “America's
friends, generally ” and by name, “the Virginia Assembly”; “Daniel
Dulany ” winding up with the “Liberty of the Press in America.”
The cannon belonging to the Province had been placed in the yard,
and gave the royal salute after the drinking to the King, and seven
guns after every other toast. The evening was enlivened by bonfires:
beer, ad libitum, to the populace; — the Liberty Bell pealed forth its
gratulations. Before the company dispersed in the Banqueting Hall,
they passed a resolution, in order to demonstrate their affection to
Great Britain, and their gratitude for the repeal, that each would, on
the approaching 4th June, “the birthday of our most gracious Sove-
reign George III., dress ourselves in a new suit of the manufactures
of England, and give what homespun we have to the poor.”
Probably the last and certainly the most significant of all the ban-
quets, was that given to the members of the First Continental Con-
gress in September, 1774.
“On Friday last,” says Bradford's “Journal " of September 21,
“the Honorable Delegates, now met in General Congress, were ele-
gantly entertained by the gentlemen of this city. Having met at
the City Tavern about three o'clock, they were conducted from thence
to the State House by the managers of the entertainment, where
they were received by a very large company, composed of the Clergy,
such genteel strangers as happened to be in town, and a number of
respectable citizens, making in the whole near five hundred. After
dinner, toasts were drank, accompanied by music and a discharge of
cannon.” These showed, even yet, no diminution of loyalty. “The
124 HISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE HALL.
3
King,” “The Queen,” “The Duke of Gloucester,” “The Prince of
Wales and Royal Family,” “Perpetual union to the Colonies,” “May
the Colonies faithfully execute what the Congress shall wisely resolve,”
“The much injured town of Boston and Province of Massachusetts-
Bay,” “May Great Britain be just and America free,” “No un-
constitutional standing armies,” “May the cloud which hangs over
Great Britain and the Colonies burst only on the heads of the pres-
ent Ministry,” “May every American hand down to posterity, pure
and untainted, the liberty he has derived from his ancestors,” “May
no man enjoy freedom who has not spirit to defend it,” “May the
persecuted genius of Liberty find a lasting asylum in America,”
“May British swords never be drawn in defence of tyranny,” “The
arts and manufactures of America,” “Confusion to the authors of
the Canada Bill,” “The liberty of the press,” “A happy recon-
ciliation between Great Britain and her Colonies, on a constitutional
ground,” “The virtuous few in both Houses of Parliament,” “The
City of London,” “Lord Chatham,” “Lord Camden,” “Marquis
of Rockingham,” “Mr. Burke,” “General Conway,” and some others,
concluding with “Dr. Franklin,” and “Mr. Hancock.”
“The acclamations with which several of them were received, not
only testified the sense of the honor conferred by such worthy guests,
but the fullest confidence in their wisdom and integrity, and a firm
resolution to adopt and support such measures as they shall direct for
the public good at this alarming crisis.” .
Thus Independence Hall shares with Carpenters' Hall, even its
association with the Pioneers of the Union.
THE UNION OF THE
AMERICAN COLONIES
SUGGESTED BY
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN
AT THE CONGRESS IN ALBANY IN 1754
FOSTERED BY MASSACHUSETTS IN 1765
DEVELOPED AT CARPENTERS HALL
IN 1774
WAS IN THIS BUILDING, EFFECTED IN 1776
AND MADE MORE PERFECT,
SEPTEMBER 17, 1787.
Among the reminiscences of the early years of Independence Hall
that came thronging upon us, though thrust aside from their chron-
A CONGRESS A D VOCA TED. 125
ological order by historical events, there are some which demand rec-
ognition.
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TICIRET OF ADMISSION.
To the practical telegrapher of 1876, more especially to those who
have (though in different form) accomplished the transmission of
electrical messages through thousands of miles of water, it cannot fail
to be interesting to find that some, if not the very earliest, experiments
on this subject were exhibited, and explained, at the State House.
While Franklin was the medium of communication through Peter
Collinson, with the Royal Society, and thus throughout Europe of the




126 HISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE FIA LL.
celebrated “Philadelphia experiments,” in electricity, his co-laborer
in the work, Ebenezer Kinnersley, gave, in one of the chambers of the
State House, his lectures on “the Electrical Fire,” its properties, char-
acteristics, and in some respects adaptations."
This course of lectures commenced September 21st, 1752; they
were advertised in “The Pennsylvania Gazette,” and the hope ex-
pressed that they will be thought worthy of regard and encouragement
“as the knowledge of human nature tends to enlarge the human mind,
and give us more noble and more grand and exalted ideas of the
author of nature, and if well pursued, seldom fails producing something
wseful to man.”
Among the most interesting of the expositions it was shown : —
That the electrical fire is an extremely subtle fluid.
That it does not take any perceptible time in passing through large
portions of space.
That this fire will live in water, a river not being sufficient to
quench the smallest spark of it.
Dr. Kinnersley discharged a battery of eleven guns by a spark after
it had passed through ten feet of water.
He showed that this fire was the same with lightning, and he also
exhibited the method by which houses could be secured against the
latter.
From Independence Hall Dr. Kinnersley, by a singular coincidence,
went to Faneuil Hall, and there, thirty-nine years before the birth of
Samuel F. B. Morse, explained some of the mysteries of that power
utilized by the latter, and almost within ear-shot of the very house
where Professor Morse first saw the light.
Our Building is not exempt from association with the primitive
owners of the soil. Here, in the Council Chamber, at least one grand
1 Franklin, Kinnersley, Philip Syng, the scientific silversmith (the same who
made the silver inkstand used in signing the Declaration of Independence), and
Thomas Hopkinson, formed this junto. It was Mr. Hopkinson who discovered the
power of metallic points in drawing off and diffusing the fluid, a discovery utilized
by Franklin in his lightning rod. An admirable address on Dr. Kinnersley by Mr.
Horatio Gates Jones, of Philadelphia, is yet in MS.

& 2,


A SSOCIA TION WITH THE INDIA N.S. 127
“ talk" with the Indians was held by the President and Council, at
the close of September, 1771. Chiefs of the Cayugas, of the Dela-
wares and Shawanese, Tuscaroras and Mohicans, were present. They
came upon a friendly visit to confirm the lands that “we gave to the
Proprietor Onas, [William Penn] and to no other person, and we not
only gave Wyoming to him, but a great space of land round about
it except the place where the Indians live.”
Though eighty-nine years had elapsed, these “savages had not
forgotten the Treaty of Shackamaxon, under the great Elm “remem-
bering,” say they, “ that there was an old road between us and our
Brethren at Philadelphia [Shackamaxon], in the very beginning of
Time, we sat out with some of our people and found the old road, and
travelled safe in it to this city, and we are glad to find the old Council
Fire, which was kindled by our Fathers, is still burning bright and
clear as it used to be, and that we see Our Brethren — Our Fathers and
your Fathers were in close Friendship. Here they presented a string
of wampum of three rows — they held fast the covenant chain and
strengthened it — one held it fast at one end and the other at the
other end, but there were always some bad people who wanted to
break the chain, but they never have been able to do it. Both you
and we have held it fast,” etc.
Deputations from the different Indian tribes had been frequently
sent to treat with the State Government, and to receive the usual
“condolences upon deaths of their sachems. They were entertained
generally in “the yard ” at the public expense, and previous to the
summer of 1759 were lodged in one of the wings of the State House.
Apprehensive of fire from carelessness on their part, directions were
given by the Assembly to erect a small house adjoining for their use.
It is supposed that this gave rise to the construction and use of the
two long low sheds at the ends of the Building, which are shown in
Peale's picture of the Hall, as it stood in 177S, and which during the
Revolution were used for artillery and general munitions of war,
Few alterations or repairs were made to the State House from the
time of its completion to the termination of the Revolution. The
steeple in which the Bell had been placed was of wood, and sur-
mounted “ the Tower" so-called. As early as 1771, Rev. Mr. Duché
in his “Caspipina's Letters,” tells us that the architecture of the stee-
ple was considered so miserable that it was determined “to let it go
to decay,” in order to its better replacement. In 1773, a skillful ear-
penter was employed to view and report on its state ; and the Assem-
bly in the following year considered the expedieney, and indeed gave
128 IHISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE HA LL.
the order, “that it should be taken down and the brick work cheaply
covered to prevent its being damaged by weather.” This order has
given rise to the error of Mr. Watson, the annalist, and generally those
who have since depicted the State House in 1776 have adopted his
statement, inferring “what ought to be done, has been done " — but
such was not the fact. Estimates were actually submitted in March,
1775; it was then proposed to place a cupola upon the front building,
but the subject was “referred for further consideration to the next
sitting of the House.” The Continental Congress met only a short
time afterwards within its precincts; this circumstance, together with
the pressure of the stirring events preceding the War of Independence,
rendered further action impossible at the time.
In April, 1781, the condition of the steeple was considered abso-
lutely dangerous, and was then, and not until then, pursuant to the
peremptory order of the Assembly, taken down.
“The heavy fraim whereon the Bell used to hang" was lowered
into the brick tower, and the old Liberty Bell was now again suspended
from its beam ; the three windows of the otherwise close room were
fitted with sounding-boards in order to give full effect to its tones, for
alarums, rejoicings, etc. The Tower was plainly though effectually
covered for the preservation of the building, and was surmounted by a
slender spire or point. Immediately in front of the spire on the main
roof, a second bell, called the “clock bell,” and sometimes confounded
with the Liberty Bell, was suspended with a slight covering or shed
built over it, as is seen in Birch’s “Familiar Views of the State
House.” The Bill for this work is also extant, and may interest the
curious : —
Mr. Thomas Wevell,
for the State House. 1781,
To Joh N CobURN, Dr.
July 16. — To sundry hands getting down the Old Steeple, and
getting up the new one, getting up the Bell, and fixing of
it, . tº tº de * © tº e tº gº . E12 00 00
To the two falls and blocks and Crab getting the Old
Steeple down and the new up, and the Bell, º º 8 00 00
£20 00 00
Not E. – This is the Rigger's bill against Nevell the Carpenter.
In September, 1784, important repairs were needed for the protec-
tion of the building. These are specified in the Report of the Com-
mittee, and are entirely immaterial, so far as the general appearance is
eoncerned. The sidewalk had not been entirely paved, but was in
THE OLD STATE HOUSE, 1781-1813.
(REAr view.)

EARLY SUR IRO UNDINGS. 129
turf, except apparently the then usual “pebble-stone” footway of semi-
circular form leading up to, and from, the steps. These stones seem
to have been taken up about 1784 or 1785, and a brick side-walk par-
allel with the street, nine feet in width, was constructed; the inter-
vening space was graveled. It so remained for some time after the
commencement of the present century.
No trees then ornamented the front, but a pump for “the conven-
iency of the public,” and for protection from fire, in connection with
the leather fire-bucket — one hundred of which were ordered to be sup-
plied and which were kept constantly on hand — was placed in front of
each arcade.
It was at one time deemed desirable to open a street through to
Market, immediately opposite the State House, and a Committee was
appointed by the Assembly, March 19, 1772, to confer with the owners
of the lots, to ascertain “if the same may be had at a reasonable price
and make report.”
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The plan was never acted upon. It does not appear that any report
ever was made upon the subject.
“THE WINGS.”
Of late years a notion has crept into, and taken possession of, the
public mind that the State House stood alone, and that the present wings











9
130 III STOIC Y OF IN L, EPENDENCE II.4 L L.
are mere innovations. This is by no means the fact. What is now
called “ the row ’’ covers nearly the same ground, and is not essentially
different from the originals, which were erected and appropriated for
the reception of the Records and Public Papers of the Province. Ac-
cording to the primitive practice of the times, these, in custody of the
officers, had always been kept at the respective residences of the latter.
The public exigencies, however, as early as 1735, seemed to demand a
change in this respect, to meet the convenience of the community.
This induced the planning, and prompt completion of, the eastern wing
of the State House. It was a low two-story structure of brick, of
about the same depth as the main building, and at a distance therefrom
of about thirty feet, though connected with it by an arcade on Chest-
mut Street, shut in, in the rear, by a blank wall. Within the arcade
was constructed a stairway, which led to the single large chamber of
the second story of “the wing,” its only means of access. The lower
floor was divided into two rooms, which were assigned respectively to
the Register General (the custodian of the original wills made in the
then County of Philadelphia) and to the Recorder of Deeds.
Much opposition was made, by both these officers, to taking posses-
sion of these quarters. The former protested that his papers and rec-
ords were more secure against embezzlement and fire, where he kept
them in his private residence, than they could possibly be in the public
building designed for them. He also “considered it a hardship to
attend at certain hours at the State House.” The Recorder of Deeds,
whose important functions — unknown to the English practice — had
been carried on since the first settlement, protested, in yielding to the
requirement, that he would not be responsible for the Records if the
removal were insisted upon, and asked in such case to be permitted, at
least, to retain at his residence each volume until its completion.
These gentlemen, however, were summarily required to take pos-
session of the offices assigned.
The “western wing ” corresponding with that on the east seems to
have been finished three years later, — in 1739. Its lower chamber or
chambers (for it is uncertain whether it consisted of two rooms) was
accorded to the Secretary of the Province, and was occupied contin-
uously by that officer down to the summer of 1779, when application
was made by the Board of War, through Lewis Nicola, for the use
of the second floor for the accommodation of twelve or fifteen Indians
then daily expected. This second floor was granted in October, 1739,
upon their application, to the Philadelphia Library Company, “to
deposite their books in.” The Library was continued here until 1773,
THE WINGS. 131
when it was transferred to the Carpenters' Hall, just in time for the
convenient use of the Congress in the following year.
It would appear that the flags captured during the Revolution were
herein displayed and that this chamber, and certainly a corresponding
chamber in the eastern wing, was used as a Committee room for the
Assembly and for Congress." Charles Thomson, the “permanent Sec-
retary’ of the latter, also had here his private office.
Shortly after Congress left Philadelphia, the upper chamber of the
western wing was occupied by the Supreme Court of the State,” and
some efforts were made in 1786, to make it conform to the convenience
and dignity of the Court. The State arms were painted and placed
over the chair of the Chief Justice, “partitions put up in the cham-
ber, and a new “stove placed therein.”
It was the custom for the doorkeeper of the Assembly in Colonial
days to occupy the attic of the western wing. The product of “ the
Yard ” was his perquisite. We find one Joseph Fry, the incum-
bent in 1788, praying to be exonerated from the payment to the State
of one hundred and ninety-five pounds, with which he was charged for
arrears of rent. Apparently he kept a cow “ to consume the herbage
of the State-House yard.”
At the close of the Revolution, while pensions were provided by the
State for officers, soldiers, and seamen of the Continental Army, of
the Pennsylvania line, wounded, maimed, or disabled so as to prevent
their obtaining a livelihood, a corps of invalids was formed, to guard
public property and offices, and among others the State House and
adjoining buildings. This corps was ordered, in March, 1789, to be
disbanded, and the Supreme Executive Council was authorized to em-
ploy a requisite number of watchmen, under the civil establishment of
the city, to guard the public buildings.
State House Yard, or Independence Square, as it is now dubbed,
only extended, at first, from Fifth to Sixth streets, and, back from
Chestnut, three hundred and thirty-seven feet, or rather more than
1 The “Busto,” of the Proprietary, Thomas Penn, presented to the Province by
his wife in 1773, though all trace of it seems lost, was most likely placed in the
“Committee room at east end of State IHouse,” where the State House deeds were
from time to time ordered to be deposited in “the chest; ” and where, also, John
Hughes was also directed to place his Record Books, etc., etc.
* The locus site of the Supreme Court during the Revolutionary War, after
April, 1776, - its last sitting in its own chamber, and its last session as “ the Pro-
vincial Supreme Court,” — cannot be determined. Mr. Fletcher, the present pro-
thonotary, has sought for the minute books of the period in vain.
132 IIISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE HALL.
one half the distance toward Walnut. It appears that a single tree
was then upon the premises, which were inclosed by a high brick wall.
The whole Square originally had been cut up into convenient lots.
The Chestnut Street front, 255 feet deep, was divided off into eight
lots forty-nine and a half feet front each, and, with the exception of
the westernmost (at corner of Sixth Street), still “vacant,” had been
all granted by Penn, in 1683, to private individuals, in order, from
Fifth Street.
Edward Jones, Peter Fdwards,
John Roberts. David Kinsey,
John German, Richard Miles.
John Oliver, Vacant.
While the front on Walnut Street had been granted to —
John Evans, Vacant.
David James, David Powell,
Samuel Miles, Wm. Davis, in right of Thos. Jones.
Vacant. David Powell.
The last named having been granted as late as 1715, the others in
the years 1683, 1684, and 1692.
The original purchases by William Allen, at the instance of An-
drew Hamilton, and by Mr. Hamilton himself, covered the whole
Chestnut Street front, (the title to which passed through intermediate
purchasers,) and just sufficient in addition — 82 feet by 1483, on Fifth,
and the same on Sixth Street — to justify his requirement that a ces-
sion should be made to the city and county out of the Chestnut Street
front of lots, upon which to build their respective Halls.
The legal title of the Province to the property had not been per-
fected in 1762. On the third of February of this year the existing
deeds were brought in and delivered to the House; they were ordered
to be kept in the Committee Room. The chain of title not being com-
plete, however, an act was passed divesting all the interest of Andrew
Hamilton and William Allen and their heirs, and vesting it in Isaac
Norris, the then Speaker, Thomas Leech, Joseph Fox, Samuel Rhoads,
Joseph Galloway, John Baynton, Edward Penington, Esquires, as
Trustees for the Province. A proviso was added, and it was declared
“to be the true intent and meaning hereof that no part of said ground
lying to the southward of the State House, within the wall as it is now
built, be made use of for erecting any sort of buildings thereon, but
that the same shall be and remain a public green and walk forever.”
This act was passed upon 17th February, 1762. A committee who
had been appointed to treat with the owners of the lots, lying to the
southward of the State House, in order to their purchase by the Prov-
THE LEGA L TITLE. 133
ince, having also reported favorably as to inclination of owners, etc.,
that they would sell, at such price as the lots might be valued by in-
different persons, an act was procured on fourteenth of May following.
It made an appropriation of five thousand pounds, and required the
trustees to purchase the residue of the Square on Walnut Street
“to and for the same uses, intents, and purposes to which the said
House and its appurtenances are appropriated.” These final pur-
chases were perfected by the spring of 1769 and deeds duly executed
to the trustees, and thus the Province became possessed of the whole
Square. A brick wall, seven feet high, was at once (in 1770) con-
structed around the whole premises, with an immense gateway and
wooden door on Walnut Street, in the middle of that front. It is
believed that there was no other entrance save from the buildings
themselves.
After the Province of Pennsylvania became a free State, under the
new Constitution, it was considered expedient to vest the title to all
the real estate of the former in the Commonwealth by statute. This
was accordingly done by act of the 28th February, 1780. Samuel
Rhoads and Edward Penington were then the only surviving trustees,
except Joseph Galloway, who had forfeited his trusts by treason, and
whose title to his own former residence on “High, Minor and Sixth
Streets '' ) was included in the same act. This latter provided that
the State House with its adjoining lot, etc., etc., with all the other
real estate belonging to “the good people of this Commonwealth or
of any county thereof in their public and collective capacity belonging
or to their use or interest vested and conveyed, shall be, and hereby
are, vested in the Commonwealth, freed and discharged and absolutely
acquitted, exempted and exonerated of, from, and against, all claims
and demands of the said Feoffees or Trustees, . . . . subject, how-
ever, to the several uses, intents, trusts, dispositions, and direction for
which the same have been heretofore respectively appointed and lim-
ited, and to none other.”
Just before the troubles with Great Britain commenced it had been
ordered that the Superintendents “prepare a plan for laying out the
Square, behind the State House, in proper walks, and to be planted
with suitable trees, etc., and that the plan should be submitted to the
Assembly, but, apparently, no further steps were then taken to this
end, and, indeed, no practical measures, before or during the Revolu-
1 See page 82 for representation of the State House Yard at this time and as it
continued till 1873.
* This residence had been appropriated by statute and “appointed for the use of
the President of the Supreme Executive Council” of the State.
134 HISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE HALL.
tion, seem to have been taken. Had any been attempted, they would
have been rendered abortive, by the immense public meetings for
patriotic purposes which, as we have seen, were so frequent during the
early days of the Revolutionary War.
The peace of 1783 afforded the citizens leisure for internal improve-
ment as well as for the encouragement of scientific research. The
State House Square presented scope for both. In September of this
year President John Dickinson invites the attention of the Assembly
to the condition of the State House lot, and urges the execution of the
law, as “the laying out the ground according to the original design
would be reputable to the State, particularly useful to the inhabitants
of this city and agreeable to strangers.”
No evidences of any active measures to effect this appear till Feb-
ruary 28, 1785, when a few trees were planted. Mr. Samuel Vaughan,
a public-spirited citizen of the day, is said to have taken much interest
in the improvement of the Square. Through him Mr. George Morgan,
of Princeton, N. Y., presented one hundred elm trees in April, 1785 ;
these, with possibly one exception, are the oldest trees upon the square.
“Public walks '' were now laid out, and it commenced to be called
“ the State House Garden º’ and was a place of fashionable resort. In
1791 it was thought that it would contribute to its embellishment as
well as “conduce to the health of the citizens, by admitting a freer
circulation of air, if the east and west walls were lowered, and
palisadoes placed thereon.” The city of Philadelphia was therefore
allowed by the State, at its own expense, to reduce the brick wall to
three feet, and to place upon it “an iron railing fixed into a stone
capping along the length of Fifth and Sixth streets.” The wall on
Walnut Street, however, still remained as originally built, till 1813,
when that also was lowered to correspond. A very handsome iron
gate flanked by substantial marble posts, the latter surmounted by
lamps, now replaced the cumbersome folding doors."
1 The cost of removing the wall of the State House Yard, and erecting the iron
railing, has been preserved by Mr. Hazard.
EAST AND WEST WALLS.
Taking down the wall, preparing foundation and materials . e e $310.36
Bar iron and castings s & º e e © º g º . 1,447.08
Lead ſº e - e - º & e e e tº e e 147.50
Connecting plates, rivets, and Smith work . º © g e te . 462.70
Marble coping e e - º º º e e e e . 1,671.01
Gates . º º º & e º sº . 1 32.1 5
Painting two coats . tº & & ſº º © º 88.00
$4,258.75
CONGRESS HA LL. 135
In giving its sanction to these changes, the State was careful to
express a reservation of all right, title, and interest in, and to, the
Square.
Permission was also granted in this year, 1812, to the County
Commissioners to alter the wings of the State House, for the current
needs of the city. This was accordingly done in 1813. The arcades
and staircases were then removed and two-story structures replaced
them, while the buildings next adjacent on both sides were also
changed. The base of the old clock at this time was removed, though
the clock itself was permitted to remain till 1828.
CONGRESS HALL.
The next portion of the buildings upon “the Square,” which
claims our attention, is that at the southeast corner of Chestnut and
Sixth streets.
The funds to defray these expenses were derived from the following sources: —
Old materials sold . * tº tº a * g * is gº . $4.11.21
Appropriated by the City Council . º * e * s sº 1,500.00
Subscriptions by individuals . © g & tg & e * . 2,347.54
$4,258.75
SOUTH WALL-
Taking down the wall and preparing foundation and materials . . . $184.66
Marble coping . de & e º gº e . 914.30
Castings and bar iron . tº e tº ſº g * g & g 786.63
Smith work, connecting plates, putting up, etc. & & g º . 271.58
Lead e i- º * © * * © e * tº tº º 52 50
Painting . e * © Q º © tº & e & e e 37.75
$2,247.42
The funds for which were derived from the following sources: —
Bridge Co.'s debt appropriated by councils . tº * e e * $500.00
Fines for breach of ordinances by councils º e e . 3S3.94
Appropriated in 1813, by councils º º e tº º g e 600.00
Subscriptions by individuals & 765.48
$2,247.42
Total cost exclusive of the southern gate : —
East and West sides * tº tº G wº * * e e $4,258.76
South side . wº tº is ſº & º wº * § © . 2, 247.42
$6,506.1 S
* FEET.
Length of railing on the west side exclusive of gateways e in . 397
East side . * tº te s tº tº º se te * * * 33.7. 9
South end . & º * © e tº * © * t * . 391.4
1126, 1
136 HISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE HA LL.
Though actually erected after the Revolution, its plan was almost
coeval with that of the State House itself.
In his scheme of public utility, Mr. Hamilton did not restrict him-
self to the needs of the State alone. In conjunction with his friend,
William Allen, he purchased both corner lots on Chestnut Street, ad-
joining what was appropriated by him to the State House proper, and
its appurtenant offices, and in February, 1736, procured the passage
of a Resolution of Assembly, resulting in an Act, which authorized
and directed him to convey certain lots to designated Trustees, who
should hold them in trust for the use of the City and the County of
Philadelphia. These lots were each fifty feet on Chestnut, running
back seventy-three feet, one at southeast corner of Chestnut and Sixth
streets, and the other at southwest corner of Fifth. It was provided
in the Resolution referred to, that the buildings to be erected there-
upon should be “ of the like outward form, structure and dimensions,
the One for the use of the County and the other for the use of the
City, and to be used for the holding of courts or common halls and
not for private buildings.” The two corporations were required to
refund to the State the proportionate value of these lots, and the
buildings were to be erected within twenty years.
When the Act of February 17, 1762, already cited, was passed to
perfect the title, these requirements were duly incorporated in its body.
It was not till July, 1764, that an actual conveyance of this prop-
perty 1 was made to the City and to the County respectively, for the
erection of their Public Buildings. Ten years yet elapsed before any
action was taken. In February, 1775, a committee was appointed by
the Common Council to draw a plan of the building for city uses
and to make an estimate of the cost. In order to meet the latter in
part, the corporation fund, arising from donations made by former
Mayors to the city, was deemed available. A custom had existed
down to the year 1741, for the Mayor, on expiration of his term of
office, to entertain his constituents at a public banquet. Mr. James
Hamilton (the son of Andrew Hamilton), however, disapproving this
practice and at the same time desirous of showing his appreciation of
the honor paid him by his fellow-citizens, presented for municipal use
for the erection of an Exchange, or other public edifice, one hundred
and fifty pounds, an example that was followed for many years by his
successors. This fund, however, was not yet adequate, nor do the
demands for accommodations, for the municipal authorities, seem to
have been pressing.
1 Under the Act of Assembly of February 17, 1762.
CONGRESS HALL. 137
No active efforts were made to carry out the design till after the
close of the Revolutionary War. *
On 18th March, 1785, the Assembly took into consideration, and
on 8th April following, finally passed an Act, by which an appropria-
tion of £3,000 was made out of the proceeds of the sale of the “old
gaol and work-house ’’ of the County, then ordered to be disposed of,
towards the erection of the County Building on the State House
Square, and a similar amount to be taken out of the Treasury of the
City for the erection of the City or “Common Hall,” at the corres-
ponding corner of Fifth and Chestnut. The Act also required the
submission of the plans to the President and Council of State, who
had recommended the consideration of the subject in December, 1784,
“in order that their outward appearance may be alike and uniform.”
The seventy-three feet in depth already conveyed proving “insuffi-
cient,” an additional grant was made by the Legislature on 29th
March, 1787, of fifteen feet; it would, however, appear that the “in
sufficiency " had arisen from placing the Halls further from the curb
than was originally intended, in order to widen the side-walk.
In the spring following the County Building was promptly com
menced, and apparently finished in February, 1789. We find that on
4th March of that year—the very day upon which the new government
of the United States was to go into operation in New York City —a
motion was made in the House of Assembly of Pennsylvania by the
Representatives of the City and County of Philadelphia, who at the
same time stated they were so authorized by their constituents: de-
ferred to the next day, it was then unanimously Resolved, -
“That the members of the Senate and House of Representatives of the
United States, from this State, be authorized to make a respectful offer to
Congress of the use of any or all the public buildings in Philadelphia, the
property of the State and of the building lately erected on the State House
Square belonging to the City and County of Philadelphia, in case Congress
should at any time incline to make choice of that city for the temporary res-
idence of the federal government.”
In Congress, as early in the session as 15th May, 1789, efforts were
made to establish the permanent seat of Government of the United
States. Virginia, Maryland, New Jersey, and Delaware, as well as
Pennsylvania, competed. The House passed a Resolution in favor of
the last mentioned State.
Simultaneously with the passage of a bill to this effect in the House,
Robert Morris in the Senate, on 21st September, presented the Resolves
138 HISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE HALL.
of the Pennsylvania Assembly as already given, tendering the use of
the public buildings in Philadelphia. The Senate, however, made
Some amendments to the House Bill, and on its return to the House,
for concurrence, it was postponed till the next session; the subject was
then again brought up, at the same time, in the House and in the Sen-
ate. In the former, it was determined that “Congress should meet
and hold their next session in Philadelphia,” but the Senate again re-
fused to concur in the Resolution, and debated, without result, the
question of a permanent seat of government
The House then made another effort for a temporary Capitol, sub-
stituting Baltimore for Philadelphia ; and to this, also, the Senate re-
fused its concurrence, and insisted upon considering the question of a
permanent Capitol, which they now did by naming the banks of the
River Potomac, and fixing the year 1800 as the time for transfer
thereto. After considerable debate and discussion of resolutions in
every variety of form over Philadelphia, New York, and Baltimore, the
Senate finally agreed to establish their temporary residence in Phil-
adelphia. The Bill, received by the House on 20th July, 1790, was
attacked by attempted amendments, but was finally passed by a very
close vote.
In a letter to his wife, dated New York, July 2, 1790, Mr. Morris
himself says: —
“I congratulate you my Dearest Friend upon our success, for at length the
Senate has passed a Bill fixing the temporary seat of Congress at Philadel-
phia for ten years, after which it is to be permanently fixed on the banks of
the Potomack (provided the buildings, cte., are ready). The next Session of
Congress is to commence on the first day of December next, in Philadelphia.
“This Bill had the third reading and passed in the Senate yesterday fourteen
to twelve. This morning it will be sent to the House of Representatives,
where it must have three readings and will undergo a fiery trial, but our Peo-
ple are confident that they have a majority which will carry it through, and
there is no room to fear the President’s consent, so that we have a much better
prospect of perfecting this momentous affair to our satisfaction now, than we
have had at any time this Session, but I cannot help remembering what hap-
pened the last year ; we were nearer to our object then, than we are now, and
yet we lost it, at the moment when we were most sure.
“The majority in the House of Representatives is so small, that many con-
tingencies may happen to dash the ‘Cup from the Lip;' therefore, it is best
not to be too sanguine. The Yorkers are cunning and intrigueing. They
spare no pains to coax and cajole those with whom they think there is the least
chance of success. They lay all the blame of this measure on me, and abuse
Ine most unmercifully, both in the Public Prints, private conversations, and
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140 HISTORY OF IND EPIENDENCE HA LL.
even in the streets ; and yesterday I was nearly engaged in a serious quarrel
with one of them. – IIowever, I don't mind all they can do, and if I carry
the point, I will, like a good Christian, forgive them all.” "
The Bill received the assent of the President (communicated to
the Senate on 16th July), but even then its repeal was attempted.
This proved unsuccessful.
The third session of the First Congress met, accordingly, on 6th
December, 1790, in the building which was henceforward known as
“Congress Hall.”
Shortly after they assembled (on 8th December), the Commission-
ers of the City and County confirmed the offering that had already been
made of the County Court House for the accommodation of the Rep-
resentatives of the Union during their residence in the city of Phila-
delphia ; and on the next day the Senate ordered the following reply to
be addressed to the Commissioners : —
GENTLEMEN : —
The Senate have considered the letter that you were pleased to address to
the Senate and House of Representatives on the 6th inst., and they entertain
a proper sense of the respect shown to the General Government of the United
States by providing so commodious a building as the Commissioners of the
City and County of Philadelphia have appropriated for the accommodation of
the representatives of the Union, during their residence in this city.
I have the honor to be
Your most humble servant,
JOHN ADAMS,
Vice-president of the United States and President of the Senate.”
A communication from the Commissioners, similar to that to the
Senate, was made to the House of Representatives on the 11th De-
cember.
1 In Manuscript from the forthcoming Life of Robert Morris, by Charles Henry
Hart.
* On 6th December, the State House might, possibly, as some have suggested,
have been used by Congress; but as the Pennsylvania Assembly met the next day,
the former must have immediately adjourned to take possession of the chambers
which had been prepared for them. The only ground for doubt as to their meeting
even at the first, in the County Building, proceeds from the letter of the Commis-
sioners given in the text; but this seems to have been a mere formality to guarantee
to government the continuous use of the building, and this view is confirmed by the
language of Mr. Adams's letter, not accepting (which the actual occupancy would
render unnecessary), but simply thanking the constituted authorities for the com-
modious building appropriated to the representatives, etc., “during their residence
in this city.” -
CONGRESS HALL, 1790-180o.
(FROM “ELECTION DAY,” BY KRIMMEL.)

CONGRESS HALL. 141
Comparatively little had been done while Congress still sat in New
York and as they continued to sit in this building till the year 1800,
it was here that the essential features of the new government Were
adopted and the Constitution of the United States practically put in
running order.
The Army and Navy were placed upon a creditable footing.
The United States Mint was established.
The celebrated Treaty of Commerce with England, known as
“Jay's Treaty,” was debated and ratified.
The United States Bank was instituted.
The States of Vermont, Kentucky, and Tennessee were all admitted
into the Union.
While still in Philadelphia, the Government successfully withstood
the first insurrection that threatened its overthrow, “The Whisky In-
surrection” in Pennsylvania; it conducted an Indian war, in which “St.
Clair's Defeat” and “Wayne's Success” were crystallized into history ;
the severest of all the tests to which it was subjected was probably the
encountering the hostilities of the staunch friend and ally of America
in the Revolution — France, and thus creating the most bitter animosi-
ties at home.
It was in this building that the second inauguration of the First
President took place, March 4, 1793.
The announcement of the event in the papers of the 5th is thus
chronicled : —
“Yesterday, our beloved and venerable George Washington came to the
Senate Chamber of Congress, and took the usual oath of office, which was ad-
ministered to him by Judge Cushing, at noon, in presence of an immense con-
course of his fellow citizens, members of both Houses of the Congress of the
United States Legislature, and several foreign ministers, consuls, ete. There
was likewise an assemblage of ladies attending on this solemn oceasion, and
the day was extremely serene, for Providence has always smiled on the day
of this man and on the glorious cause which he has espoused, of Liberty and
Equality.
“After taking the oath, the President retired as he had come, without pomp
or ceremony, but on his departure from the House, the people could no longer
restrain obeying the genuine dictates of their hearts, they saluted him with three
cheers.”
In the self-same building, though this time, in the Chamber of the
House of Representatives, the Second President of the United States,
1 The first inauguration, April 30th, 1789, Congress had met and was in session
a New York City.
142 HISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE HALL.
John Adams, assumed his official duties, March 4, 1797. The re-
tiring President, General Washington, greater, if possible, than at any
otber period of his life, was seated on the right of Mr. Adams, and
the Vice President elect, Mr. Jefferson, on his left. Jonathan Dayton
Was the Speaker of the House at this time, and he occupied the seat of
the Clerk, immediately in front of the Speaker's chair. The Chief
Justice and the Associate Justices occupied a table in the centre;
General Wilkinson, Commander-in-chief of the Army, the Heads of
Departments, and many of the principal inhabitants were in attend-
3,1] C62.
Previous to taking the oath, Mr. Adams delivered a speech from the
Speaker's chair, which probably, for the first time, was issued the
same afternoon in a postscript to the daily papers. Upon its conclu-
sion, the President descended and took the oath of office; the Chief
Justice, Oliver Ellsworth, pronounced the Constitutional Oath with
much solemnity, which was repeated in an equally audible and solemn
manner. The President then resumed his seat for a moment, rose,
bowed to the audience, and retired. He was followed by the Vice
President, though not without a contest between him and the out-
going President, with respect to precedence, the latter insisting upon
the Vice President taking it, and he with great reluctance receiving it.
The papers of the day comment upon the ceremony as “affording
high satisfaction and delight to every genuine republican, to behold a
fellow citizen, raised by the voice of the people, to be the first Magis-
trate of a free nation, and to see at the same time him, who lately filled
the Presidential chair, retiring by ‘voluntary choice,” and, as a private
citizen, attending the inauguration of his successor in office. Thus
was beautifully exemplified the simplicity and excellence of the Re-
publican system, in opposition to hereditary monarchical governments,
where all is conducted by a few powerful individuals, amidst all the
pomp, splendor, and magnificence of courts.”
Within a year a scene occurred in the House of a very different
character and which caused much scandal at the time. It induced the
issue of a caricature, “the First Battle in Congress,” and a burlesque,
styled “The House of Wisdom in a Bustle — a poem descriptive of
the noted battle lately fought in C-ng-ss.” This was in 1798, January
30. The facts were these : during the sitting of the House of Repre-
sentatives, though while the Speaker was not actually in the chair,
(the tellers being engaged in counting the votes in an impeachment
case) but occupying a member's seat on the floor and in conversation
with Matthew Lyon of Vermont, — Roger Griswold of Connecticut
JOHN ADAMS.
---------------------------------------------

ºSSE Q}{DNO O NI EHTIJL LW8 JLS?||-|| E. HIJL

CONGRESS HAL L. 143
approached the party; Mr. Lyon, who was standing outside of the
Bar, had just made some remark very disparaging to the Representa-
tives from Connecticut, and evidently intended for their ears, – Mr.
Griswold immediately retorted by a taunt suggesting that Mr. Lyon
should carry his wooden sword into Connecticut, — thus alluding to the
fact that Lyon had been cashiered from the army, - whereupon the
latter spat in the face of Mr. Griswold, who stepped back as if about
to strike, but some members interposed, observing, “such an affront
must be considered, but this is not the time or place.” Mr. Griswold
thereupon wiped his face, and quietly went out with his colleague.
The Committee at once appointed on “breach of privileges' reported
the facts, and recommended Mr. Lyon's expulsion for the “gross in-
decency.”
After various discussions in the Committee of the Whole, the House,
on 12th February, refused, for want of two thirds, to take this step,
though a majority favored it. As some anticipated, the result was a
personal fracas, notwithstanding the House had taken the precaution
to pass a Resolution, that they would consider it a high breach of
privilege, if a personal contest should ensue.
After the usual morning prayer, on the fifteenth of February, fol-
lowing, but before the Speaker had called the House to order, and
while Mr. Lyon was sitting at his desk writing, Mr. Griswold ap-
proached and dealt him one or more blows with a cane. Mr. Lyon
extricated himself and retreated ; Mr. Griswold followed, still bela
boring him, till Mr. Lyon, reaching the fire-place behind the Speaker's
chair, grasped the tongs, when the two combatants closed and both
came to the floor, whereupon some members interposed and separated
them ; each combatant arming himself with a cane, Mr. Griswold was
about to renew the attack, when, the Speaker calling the House to
order, he desisted.
The motion for expulsion was renewed, and made applicable to both
members, on the following day ; this motion was also referred to a
Committee, who reported adversely to expulsion, and a motion for
even a vote of censure on both was defeated.
To the want of dignity, displayed by the House upon this discred-
itable occurrence, may, it is believed, “be ascribed the personal affrays
that have since, from time to time, disgraced it.”
One other event ere Congress vacated this building can scarcely
pass unnoticed in our memories of it, —
The official announcement of the Death of Washington.
144 HISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE HALL.
On the nineteenth of December, upon the report of his death, both
Houses adjourned. Upon the next day, John Marshall, then a mem-
ber of the House (afterwards Chief Justice), rose in his place, and
after confirming the melancholy event which the day before had been
announced with doubt, “our Washington is no more, he lives only in
his own great actions and in the hearts of an affectionate and afflicted
people,” he paid a tribute to his character and service, that has never
been surpassed. “More than any other individual, and as much as to
one individual was possible, has he contributed to found this our
wide-spreading empire, and to give to the Western World its indepen-
dence and its freedom.” He concluded with offering resolutions that
the House should wait upon the President in condolence; that the
Speaker's chair should be shrouded with black, and that the members
wear mourning.
“That a Committee, in conjunction with one from the Senate, be appointed
to consider on the most suitable manner of paying honor to the memory of the
mail, FIRST IN WAR, FIRST IN PEACE, AND FIRST IN THE HEARTS OF HIS
COUNTRY.” "
The Senate concurred, and on the Monday following, to which time
the House adjourned, Mr. Marshall, as chairman of the joint com-
mittee, reported among other resolves; that the United States should
erect a monument in the city of Washington; that there be a funeral
procession from Congress Hall to the German Lutheran Church, in
honor of the memory of General George Washington, on the twenty-
sixth of December, and that an oration be prepared at the request of
Congress, to be delivered before both Houses on that day. These
Resolutions were unanimously agreed to.
Both Houses met at Congress Hall, on the twenty-sixth of Decem-
ber, pursuant to the arrangements. The Society of the Cincinnati
and the military having assembled at the State House, a funeral pro-
cession was formed and escorted the bier, on which were displayed
the General's bat and sword, to Zion Church where General Henry
Lee, a personal friend of General Washington, pronounced his cele-
brated “Oration.”
“The streets through which the procession passed '' are described
by the papers as “crowded with citizens who partook of the general
sorrow, and on no occasion was the sympathy of every individual more
1 Amended, apparently by Mr. Marshall himself, into countrymen, and subse.
luently incorporated in these words in General Lee's oration.
CONGRESS HALL. 145
strongly excited than on this, the most awful and impressive scene
ever witnessed.”
It was recommended by Congress, that the ensuing twenty-second
of February should be properly solemnized, which was accordingly
done throughout the United States.
In Philadelphia the Society of the Cincinnati invited Major William
Jackson to deliver an address suitable to the occasion.
The exterior of “Congress Hall” remains substantially as it was,
when used by the Government; the interior has been changed. The
Representatives met on the lower floor, the whole of which was in one
chamber, with the exception of a vestibule running along the full front
on Chestnut Street, and containing, on the left of the main door of en-
trance, the staircase to the chambers above. This again opened into
a logia, over which was the gallery, which latter opened directly into
the street, through a door-way still visible on the east side. The
Speaker's seat without canopy, “ of plain leather and brass mails,” was
on the western side of the house, with members' seats ranged in three
semi-circular rows in front. “ The room was fitted up,” says a con-
temporaneous European traveller, “in the plainest manner, though the
Senate chamber in the story above is furnished in a much superior
style.” The latter occupied the chamber afterwards appropriated to
and used by District Court No. 1, without essential change except in
the removal of the gallery. The President's seat was on the south
side, just without the bay-window ; though he too occupied a plain
chair without canopy, the mahogany table in front of him is described
as “festooned with silk.”
At the instance of Mr. Monroe, efforts were made to open the doors
of the Senate Chamber to the public, on suitable occasions, and to order
the construction of “a gallery” for the purpose. This attempt was
made in February, 1791, but it was not successful. It was renewed
at the next following session of Congress, and with similar results; nor
was it practically effected till 1795; in that year, a small gallery was
erected for the use of spectators, running along the northern side of the
chamber.””
1 This gallery remained till Friday, the 24th of July, 1835, when the County Com-
missioners commenced some alteration in this chamber to conform to its use as a
court-room. In removing the gallery and its accompanying wood-work adornments
“a number of small pilasters ornamented,” says a contemporary news-sheet, “ with
stucco work, were taken down; one of these pilasters was discovered bearing upon
9
I46 HISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE HALL.
THE CITY HALL.
The original “ Towne Hall” was built long enough, ere Philadel-
phia was incorporated, to earn its name. We have already glanced at
its occupation. It attained to very nearly the centennial anniversary
of its erection when its successor was called into existence.
The first charter of incorporation of the City of Philadelphia bears
date October 25, 1701. It was issued under the great seal of the
Province and the sign-manual of William Penn."
William Penn himself nominated the first Mayor, Recorder, Alder-
men, and Common Councilmen, and granted to them amongst other
privileges that of electing others to supply vacancies, and even to
increase their own number at pleasure. The public grounds were
granted to them by the title of the Mayor and Commonalty of the
city of Philadelphia; but it was said that the Commonalty had no
share in the government or estate of the city, the whole body being
self-elective and not accountable to the citizens in any respect.
Tradition informs us that the charter of the city of Bristol, in Eng-
land, from which many of the early settlers came, formed the model of
the Philadelphia charter. “The Commonalty " soon evinced dissatis-
its back, unseen for forty years, an inscription in pencil mark, intended no doubt to
hand down to posterity the name of the youthful journeyman carpenter, just out of
his apprenticeship, by whom it was executed. This pilaster has fallen temporarily
into our hands, and we are determined that the author of the record shall not be dis-
appointed. If he be still living, we give him joy; if lie be dead and has left posterity
the pilaster ought of right to belong to them, and we will use our influence with the
owner to obtain it for the proper person if he will apply to us. The inscription is
as follows : ‘Henry Clayton, son of William Clayton born June 27th, 1774, and
aged twenty-one years and six months. George Forepaugh master-carpenter of the
work of this gallery, November 14, 1795.” -
The same writer goes on to state : “Among the time honored lumber which has
been turned out of the chamber in question, we observe four beautiful Doric columns
of wood which supported the gallery, in a perfect state of preservation; and should
any of our readers desire to build a summer house with these valuable relics, he
could no doubt buy them cheap of the County Commissioners, who probably intend
them to go into the cellar, amongst a mass of other wood-work to kindle fires with,
adding another proof to the many existing, that ‘sic transit gloria mundi.’”
Notice is hereby given by the Committee on Restoration of Independence Hall,
that these columns are very much desired by them towards the restoration of Con-
gress IIall, if any party then had sufficient foresight to act upon the editor’s abovo
suggestion. No trace of them remains in the cellar of the building.
i Since this work was issued in 1876, a charter of the city bearing date 6 mo. 8d.,
1691, has been discovered.—[Editor of Second Edition.]
THE CITY HALL. 147
faction ; they made frequent complaints to the Assembly of the abuses
that were practiced under the city government; many appear upon the
minutes of the House, notwithstanding which, at this early period, the
legislative powers granted by the charter were very limited. They
could not levy taxes for any use whatever, and could employ the in-
come, of the city estates for its use and embellishment only. Two
separate bodies were constituted by the names of the City Wardens
and Street Commissioners, to the former of whom, the lighting and
watching, and to the latter the paving of the streets was committed.
The Mayor, or Recorder, and four of the Aldermen concurring with
each body, in laying the taxes and prescribing the mode of expend-
ing them ; and thus the city legislation for these purposes became
compounded of two branches. The Wardens and Commissioners, im-
mediately elected by the people in the same manner as their represent-
atives in Assembly, constituted the popular, and the Mayor and
Aldermen the conservative branch. These bodies met in the Town
Hall or Court House, on Market Street at corner of Second. They
transacted the business committed to them with great harmony. The
taxes are said to have been laid with equality, collected with modera-
tion, and expended for the real use and improvement of the city.
The Mayor's Court was always filled with an able lawyer for the
Recorder," and another for the prosecution of criminal offences; and
such was the orderly and upright administration of justice in it, that
no court in the Province, or perhaps in any other country, exceeded it.
The Revolutionary War broke out and soon transformed “the
Province ’’ into “the State of Pennsylvania.”
The Assembly on the 14th of March, 1777, passed an Act, which,
after reciting that by the change of government the powers of the
Mayor, Recorder, and Aldermen had ceased, specifieally dispensed
with their authority in certain cases, where their concurrence had
been made necessary by statute, and, on the 21st of March of the
same year, they passed another Act, the preamble of which declared
that the late Revolution had divested all powers and jurisdictions, not
founded on the authority of the people only, and it provided, that the
President and Executive Council should appoint judges of a City, in
* The Recorders were, —
1701. Thomas Story. 1741. William Allen.
1704. David Lloyd. 1750. Tench Francis.
1707. Robert Assheton. 1755. Benjamin Chew.
1726. Andrew Hamilton. 1789. Alexander Wilcocks,
148 HISTORY OF IN DEPENDENCE H. L.L.
lieu of the Mayor's, Court, and further authorized them to appoint
the city officers immediately needed, “until the public tranquility
shall be so far established as to afford leisure for making some more
Permanent regulation.”
This was not dome, however, until 11th of March, 1789, when the
Legislature of Pennsylvania saw fit to grant corporate powers to," the
Mayor, Aldermen, and Citizens of Philadelphia.”
The preamble of the Act stamps the general system, and regulations
in use, as ineffectual in providing for the order, safety, and happiness
of the people; inadequate, to the suppression of vice and immorality,
to the advancement of the public health and order, and the promotion
of trade and industry; it is therefore “necessary to invest the inhab-
itants thereof with more speedy, vigorous, and effective powers of gov-
ernment.” The municipal authority was vested in two branches
though they sat and deliberated together.
A Board of Aldermen, fifteen in number, to serve for seven years,
to be elected by the people ; the Mayor to be chosen annually by the
Board out of its own number.
A Common Council, to be composed of thirty members, and to be
elected every three years.
A Recorder, to be elected by the Mayor and Aldermen. A Mayor's
Court was established as a Court of Record, to consist of the Mayor
or Recorder and three Aldermen, with specific powers as a Court of
Quarter Sessions, etc., etc., and with right to writ of error directly to
the Supreme Court.
To provide suitable apartments for these dignitaries it now became
necessary to erect the City or “Common Hall,” at the southeast corner
of Fifth and Chestnut streets. Prompt measures were taken to this
end.
To help the work along, a lottery was authorized in March, 1789.
The preamble to the act recites the fact, that the buildings, already
erected on the public or State House Square, were not only orna-
mental to the city, but have been found very convenient, and useful,
for the accommodation of the Congress of the United States, for hold-
ing the sessions of the General Assemblies, Councils, Conventions, and
such other bodies as the exigencies of this State have, from time to
time, required ; that the city is possessed of a lot, corresponding with
that upon which the County Court House has been lately built, that
the taxes already levied are exceedingly heavy, and any additional
burden would be improper, etc., etc. A lottery is hence instituted,
and ordered to be drawn under the authority of the Mayor, etc.,
THIE CITY HA. LL. 149
twelve thousand five hundred tickets directed to be prepared, and
specific directions given as to their form, price, method of drawing,
etc., etc. Three thousand six hundred and eighty-seven were to be
prize tickets, ranging from six dollars to three thousand, and in the
aggregate fifty thousand dollars — twenty per cent. whereof, or ten
thousand dollars, was the sum to be gained. Dickinson College, whose
funds were recited as inadequate for the intended purposes, was to
share in the benefits of the lottery to the extent of one-fifth, – two
thousand dollars.
The building seems to have been finished in the Fall of 1791.
One of its chambers, at least, was at once appropriated to national
purposes. The large back room on the second floor, subsequently
known as the “Common Council Chamber,” seems to have been re-
linquished to, - the always most august body of the Union, — the
Supreme Court of the United States. Its first session was held here
on the first Monday (7th) of February, 1791.
JOHN JAY presided as Chief Justice, with —
JOHN RUTLEDGE, JOHN BLADR,
WILLIAM CUSHING, JAMES IREDELL,
JAMES WILSON, Associate Justices.
JOHN RUTLEDGE and OLIVER ELLsworth," as Chief Justices, also
sat in this chamber, whilº,
BUSHROD WASHINGTON, WILLIAM PATERSON,
SAMUEL CHASE, and
THOMAS JOHNSON, ALFRED MOORE,
were all Associate Justices during the period in this building. Its
last session in Philadelphia terminated on the 15th of August,
1800.
Partly probably in recognition of this use, and partly for providing
the President's House, the State Legislature reimbursed the City, in
common with the County, for the additional outlay in accommodating
the National Government.
The Mayor, Aldermen, and Common Council, at this time, sat
together as one body, and seem to have occupied the large back room,
also used for the Mayor's Court, on first floor, adjoining which, on
the western side, was the Mayor's private office and on the eastern
two offices for other city officials.
* John Marshall was appointed Chief Justice, 27th January, 1801, and thus was
the first Chief Justice of the Court at its session in Washington City.
150 HISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE HALL.
The Supreme Court of the State also held its sessions in this build-
ing, from the time of its completion, and most probably, interchange-
ably with the Supreme Court of the United States, in the same
chamber. The sessions of the latter, at this period, were only of a
few days duration, each.
In 1796, on the 4th April, an Act was passed which created, for
municipal control, two distinct bodies, in order, says the preamble,
that the charter of incorporation “may be rendered more similar to
the frame of government of this Commonwealth.” Twenty persons
to be elected to the Common Council to serve for one year, with
qualifications the same as Members of the House of Representatives of
Pennsylvania, and twelve persons for Select Council to serve for three
years, except as modified by the requirements of the first period of
service, in order to effect a change of one third of their number in
every year. º
The eastern room in the second story, used in 1876 by clerks of
councils, was apparently appropriated to the Select Branch, while the
opposite room was given to the Common. After the Supreme Court
of the United States was transferred to the federal capital, its large
chamber was relinquished to the Common Council," and the eastern
chamber adjoining, to the Select. These apartments were respectively
retained by them until “ consolidation,” in 1854, of the old “City
proper,” with the adjoining Districts and Suburbs. The large increase
of members thence resulting made larger quarters necessary, and the
second floor of the main building — “Independence Hall”— was
completely remodeled, essentially as we have it in 1876.
The Mayors from the time of the occupation of this building
were, —
1791. JOHN BARCLAY. 1811. MICHAEL KEPPELE.
1792. MATTHEW CLARIKSON. 1812. JOHN BARKER.
1796. HILARY BAKER. 1813. JOHN GDYER.
1798. ROBERT WHARTON. 1814. ROBERT WHARTON.
1800. JoHN INSREEP. 1819. JAMES N. BARKER.
1801. MATTHEW LAWLER. 1820. ROBERT WHARTON.
1805. JOHN INSKEEP. 1824. JOSEPH WATSON.
1806. ROBERT WHARTON. 1828. GEORGE M. DALLAS.
1808. JOHN BARKER. 1829. BENJ. W. RICHARDS.
1810. ROBERT WHARTON. 1830. WILLIAM MILNOR.
1 Thus the Supreme Court of the State was again the victim of circumstances
until, in 1802, Independence Chamber itself was given up for their use.
MA YORS AND RECORDER.S. 151
1831. BEN.J. W. RICHARDS. 1849. JOEL JONES.
1832. JOHN SWIFT. 1850. CHARLES GILPIN.
1838. ISAAC ROACH. 1854. ROBERT T. CONRAD.”
1839. JOHN SWIFT." 1856. RICHARD VAUX.
1841. JOHN M. SCOTT. 1858. ALEXANDER HENRY.
1844. PETER MCCALL. 1865. MORTON MCMICHAEL.
1845. JOHN SWIFT. 1868. DANIEL M. Fox.
1871–76. WILLIAM S. STORLEY.3
The Recorders have been Alexander Wilcocks, from 1791 to 1800.
Alexander J. Dallas, 1801. Moses Levy, 1802. Mahlon Dickerson,
1808. Joseph Reed, 1810.
* First Mayor elected by the people.
* First Mayor upon consolidation of “the Liberties” etc., with the old city
proper.
* Their Predecessors were “The First Mayor’’ Edward Shippen, 1701.
1703. Anthony Morris. 1742. William Till.
1704. Griffith Jones. 1743. Benjamin Shoemaker.
1705. Joseph Wilcocks. 1744. Edward Shippen.
1706. Nathan Stanbury. 1745. James Hamilton.
1707. Thomas Masters. 1746. William Atwood.
1709. Richard Hill. 1748. Charles Willing.
1710. William Carter. 1749. Thomas Lawrence.
1711. Samuel Preston. 1750. William Plumsted.
1712. Jonathan Dickinson.
1713. George Roch.
1714. Richard Hill.
1717. Jonathan Dickinson.
Robert Strettell.
Benjamin Shoemaker.
Thomas Lawrence.
Charles Willing.
:
:
e
1
1
1
1 *
1719. William Fishbourne. 1755. William Plumsted.
1722. James Logan. 1756. Atwood Shute.
1723. Clement Plumsted. 1758. Thomas Lawrence.
1724. Isaac Norris. 1759. John Stamper.
1725. William Hudson. 1760. Benjamin Shoemaker.
1726. Charles Read. 1761. Jacob Duché.
1727. Thomas Lawrence, 1762. Henry Harrison.
1729. Thomas Griffitts. 1763. Thomas Willing.
1731. Samuel Hassel. 1764. Thomas Lawrence.
1733. Thomas Griffitts. 1765. John Lawrence.
1734. Thomas Lawrence. 1767. Isaac Jones.
1735. William Allen. 1769. Samuel Shoemaker.
1736. Clement Plumsted. 1771. John Gibson.
1737. Thomas Griffitts. 1773. William Fisher.
1738. Anthony M. Morris. 1774. Samuel Rhoads.
1739. Edward Roberts. 1775. Samuel Powel.
1740. Samuel Hassel. 1789. Saumuel Powel.
1741. Clement Plumsted. 1790. Samuel Miles.
152 HISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE HALL.
PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY BUILDING,
Shortly after the acquisition, by the Colonial authorities, of the
whole of the State House Square, the Library Company of Phila-
delphia had petitioned the Legislature for the grant of a lot, where-
upon to erect a suitable building. The rapid increase of their stock
of books demanded more space than that already given them, in the
chamber of the western wing of the State House, which the Legislature
had allowed them to use since 1740. No action was taken, at that
time, by the Assembly, and a second effort, after its junction, in 1769,
with the Union and the Association Library Companies, met with a
similar fate.
The petition of the Library Company was quickly followed by a
similar application from the American Philosophical Society, who
“needed a commodious Building, suitable to meet in and to deposit
the curiosities of Nature and Art, which are or may be transmitted,
etc.” They expressed the hope of being able “to execute their plan,
in a degree that would be beneficial to their country, and do honor
to their city,” etc.
A joint petition from both corporations to the same effect was re-
fused by the Assembly in September, 1784.
When at the close of that year, however, plans for the improvement
of the Square were being agitated, the Philosophical Society renewed
its application for a lot, and now undertook to specify the location
desired by them. The application having been favorably entertained,
a Bill was presented on the 23d of December, and though it met with
considerable opposition in the House, and the Library Company peti-
tioned against such discrimination, the Bill was finally passed, thirty-
six to twenty-five, and duly “enacted " March 28, 1785."
* The law itself—not reprinted in the Laws of Pennsylvania—is entitled “The
Act for vesting in the Philosophical Society,” etc., etc.
“Whereas, It is expedient and proper to give all due encouragement to societies
established for the purpose of advancing the arts and sciences and promulgating
useful knowledge; and whereas it hath been represented to us by the incorporated
Philosophical Society held at Philadelphia that for the better answering the purpose
of their institution it is necessary that they should have a public Hall, Library, and
other accommodations: and whereas the said society have prayed us to grant to them
and their successors a lot of ground suitable and convenient for erecting a hall and
other buildings necessary for their accommodation; therefore:
“II. Be it enacted, etc. That a certain lot or piece of ground, being part of the
State House Square, situated on the west side of Fifth Street and beginning ninety-
six feet southward from Chestnut Street, and thence extending along Fifth Street
PHILOSOPHICA L SOCIETY BUILDING. 153
The lot granted was located on Fifth Street, immediately in the
rear of that allotted for the city buildings. The grantees were strictly
restrained from selling, transferring, or even leasing it, and the build-
ings to be erected thereon were to be applied exclusively “to the ac-
commodation of the said Society.” No time was lost. An appeal for
aid was at once made to the friends of the Society.
“Inasmuch as useful knowledge is always an object of first consideration
among an enlightened and free People ; and as the American Philosophical
Society was Instituted for the express purpose of cultivating such branches
thereof as have an immediate tendency to advance the Agriculture, Manufac-
tures, and Commerce of this Country; as well as to pursue more deep and re-
fined disquisitions in the field of Nature. And whereas their proceedings and
success have been heretofore, and still are, greatly impeded through want of a
suitable place to meet in, and proper Repositories for their Books, Apparatus,
and various Communications, Donations, &c. To remedy which, the General
Assembly of this Commonwealth have, by a special Act, granted and con-
firmed to the said Society and their Successors a very convenient Lot of ground,
being part of the State House Square.”
A liberal subscription was promptly made in July, in order with
“all practicable Expedition, to enable a Committee, which is ap-
aforesaid seventy feet south towards Walnut Street, thence westwardly on the
State House Square fifty feet, thence northward on a line parallel to Fifth Street
seventy feet, and thence eastward fifty feet to the place of beginning, shall and
hereby is given and granted to and vested in the American Philosophical Society
held at Philadelphia for promoting useful knowledge to have and to hold the said
lot of ground to the said American Philosophical Society and their successors for-
ever; for the purpose of erecting thereon a hall, library, and such other buildings or
apartments as the said Society may think necessary for their proper accommodation.
“III. Provided always, and it is the intention and meaning of this act that the
said lot of ground shall not be sold, leased or transferred by the said Philosophical
Society or their successors to any other person or persons or bodies corporate, nor
shall the same be applied by the said Society to any other use or purpose but that
of erecting buildings for the accommodation of the said Society as hereinbefore
specified.
‘‘ Enacted March 28th, 1785.”
* In the fall following, the Society presented a petition to the Assembly, setting
forth “that the ground was found to be so high, and the sand so deep, as to admit
the having a range of vaults with a range of stores thereon under the buildings in-
tended for the accommodation ” of the Society, and therefore prayed for power to
lease the stores and vaults when completed, and also such apartments as would not
be wanted for the immediate use of the Society for such purposes as might bear
affinity with, or tend to promote, the design of the Institution. This privilege was
not accorded until March 17, 1786, and it was then restricted to such purposes as
have an affinity with the design of their institution, and no other.
154 HISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE IIA LL.
pointed for the purpose, to construct a meat, sufficient Building, on
the ground aforesaid.”
Dr. Franklin subscribed one hundred pounds, and Samuel Vaughan
fifty. Upon the subscription list are to be found the names of James
Wilson, Bishop White, Rev. Samuel Magaw; Doctors Rush, Hutch-
inson, Samuel Powel Griffitts, Parke and Kuhn ; David Rittenhouse,
John Vaughan and Samuel Vaughan, Jonathan Bayard Smith, Jared
Ingersoll, William Bradford, Levi Hollingsworth, John Carson, and
other public-spirited citizens of the day.
Ground was at once broken, and the Society took possession about
1787–88, of its finished building.
PEALE’S MUSEUM.
The chambers on the lower floor of the Hall of the Philosophical
Society were occupied by Charles Wilson Peale, in 1794. Here he
placed his Museum and practiced his profession as an artist. This
Museum was the first established in America, and was started by Mr.
Peale almost immediately after the Independence of the United States
had been formally acknowledged by Great Britain. Having studied
with Hesselius, Copley, and West, Mr. Peale had acquired considerable
talent at portrait-painting, and he set himself to work, -before Trum-
bull seems to have thought of it, — to preserve the likenesses of the
heroes of the war. He was also something of a naturalist, and had
formed quite a collection of natural history subjects. Some bones of
the Mammoth and the Paddle-fish gave him his first start, in 1785.
Mr. Westcott tells us that “ the collection was at first located in a
diminutive frame-house connected with his dwelling at the corner of
Third and Lombard Streets.”
After the removal to the Philosophical Society, “Mr. Peale was
constantly engaged in adding to the value and interest of his collec-
tions by the labor of his own hands.” Many of the portraits known as
“ the Peale Collection,” were painted while in this building. Wash-
ington himself here sat to him, and simultaneously to his brother and
two sons, giving rise to the bon-mot of a Philadelphia punster on meet-
ing Mrs. Washington, who mentioned the fact to him, “ Madam, the
President will be peeled all round, if he don't take care.”
It is also stated that Mr. Peale started a Zoëlogical Garden, in the
rear of the Hall. Besides the wild beasts in the enclosure, an Ameri-
can Eagle I was exhibited in a large cage, on which was this inscrip-
tion, “Feed me daily, one hundred years.”
1 This identical eagle, carefully stuffed, ere yet the hundred years had elapsed, is
CHARLES WILLSON PEALE.

PEA LE'S MUSE UAſ. 155
The accommodations here proving inadequate for his largely in-
creasing stock of curiosities, Mr. Peale made application to the Legis-
lature for the use of the State House. Accordingly, in 1802, the whole
of the second floor, together with Independence Chamber itself, were
granted to him rent free. At the request, however, of the Supreme
Court of the State he relinquished Independence Chamber for their
UlS62.
Under date of April 9, 1802, he writes to a friend in Baltimore :
“I am excessively busy in preparing the State House of this city to
place my Museum therein. The Legislature having made me a grant
of it during their pleasure, and which it will not be difficult for me to
transform to during my pleasure," as the increase and improvement
of this School of Nature shall become so much the favorite of the
Public and the utility made manifest to all men, so that further aid
will also follow. It ought to be national property, since it is truly
a national good, and requires, and is well deserving, an appropriation
of greater funds than an individual can afford.”
Mr. Peale now gave up his profession and devoted himself to the
permanent establishment and enlargement of his Museum.
In the “ long gallery,” or banqueting hall, he placed his Portrait
Gallery of distinguished people, painted from the life, chiefly by him-
self and by his son Rembrandt Peale. These were arranged in two
rows over the cases. The latter, about twelve feet in height, contained
a large collection of birds, duly classified and arranged, according to
Linnaeus's system ; while, in the background, was the scenery appro-
priate to each, – mountains, plains, water, etc. The genus and species
were noted in the Latin, English, and French languages.
Insects, properly classified, were also here exhibited ; and those “too
small to be examined with the naked eye are placed in microscopic
wheels.” A perfect skeleton of the mammoth which had been found
in New York, “after great exertion ” was obtained and placed in one
of the ante-chambers. “The Marine Room '' contained many am-
phibious animals, as well as every variety of fishes, while the tops of
their cases were ornamented “with artificial rock-work supporting
corals, sea-fans, and other marine productions.” Minerals and fossils
were also displayed, arranged according to Kirwan. “Among the
clays,” says Mr. Peale, “are some American specimens, equal to those
now in the National Museum of Independence Hall, and to many of the old gentle-
men of to-day, reviving as it does their childish recollections of “the first Zoo,” it
forms a highly interesting feature.
* Mr. Peale, as will be seen, retained the building until his death.
156 IIISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE HALL.
of which the finest porcelain is made in China or France; various fine
colored earths proper for pigments; a variety of handsome crystals
and precious stones, among which is the North American topaz.’’
No essential change in the building was made, for the occupancy by
Peale, for his Museum. He constructed, however, a room over the
stairway in the main hall, of a temporary character, in which he pre-
pared subjects and deposited the stores of duplicates, intended for ex-
change for subjects from other quarters of the globe, and also the
library of natural history, etc. After acquisition of the property by
the city, the authorities required the removal of this room, on account
of the injury caused to the architectural beauties of the stairway; but,
as he urged, that it was an indispensable appendage for the necessary
J/ºcºzº {
work and improvement of the Museum “which is always receiving and
possessing valuable articles of natural history, which require our ut-
most exertions to find place for their display in proper order, without
this room, the Museum cannot be improved or even maintained; it is
confessed to be a valuable repository for diffusing knowledge to the
citizens generally, and also an attractive inducement to strangers to
visit and spend their money amongst us.” This protest, it is believed
was effectual; the little room was not removed until Mr. Peale's
death, upon the reconstruction of the steeple.
A sign-board “Museum ” was placed over the front door.
The city authorities, in March, 1812, asked permission of the Legis-
lature, and were allowed to remove a portion of the wings, including
the arcades and the connecting square offices, and to construct build-
ings for the public uses of the day. This was accomplished in 1813.








PUR CHA SE BY THE C'ſ TY. 157
The new buildings were carefully planned, and erected by Robert
Mills, the architect, and as consistent with the symmetry and architec-
ture of the State House and corner buildings as their general needs
admitted, the same line of exterior walls was nearly preserved, except
as to the recess immediately adjoining the main building, which was
widened towards Walnut Street. This closed the two southernmost
doors in Independence Chamber and in the Judicial Chamber. The
only relic, then in consequence removed, was the ease of the old clock;
the case itself was modified and suffered to remain till 1828.4
Within a few years after this was effected, under an act of the
Legislature of March 11, 1816, the city of Philadelphia became the
actual owner of the whole property. The deed of sale was formally
executed June 29, 1818, for and in consideration of the sum of seventy
thousand dollars. [Recorded in the office of Recorder of Deeds for
City of Philadelphia, in Deed Book MR., No. 20, p. 241.]
The State reserved in favor of the Philosophical Society the rights
already granted to that body; the public interests were not over-
looked, but a restriction was laid upon the grantees “that no part of
said ground lying to the southward of the State House, within the
wall as it is now built, be made use of for erecting any sort of build-
ings thereon ; but the same shall be and remain a public green and
walk forever.”
Several changes seem to have taken place at this time.
Congress Hall was slightly modified (no doubt the entrance on
Sixth Street was then constructed), and fitted up for the Supreme
Court of the State, which since 1802 had been sitting in Independ-
ence Chamber. The Hall of Representatives, or a part thereof on
the first floor, was assigned to the District Court of the City and
County of Philadelphia, a tribunal at one time as highly respected as
the Supreme Court, and which probably sat from its organization,
in 1811, in the Colonial Supreme Court Room ; this latter at the time
of the purchase by the city seems to have been relinquished to the
Mayor's Court.”
* In January, 1830, upon petition from citizens, this clock, together with the old
bell—the second one imported from England, - were given to the congregation of
St. Augustine's Church in North Fourth Street, with the right reserved to the
municipality to reclaim the same should it be so determined. They were both de-
stroyed by fire with the church.
* It may be as well to note here that this chamber was afterwards used by the
Court of Common Pleas, a bench onee occupied by Oswa LD THoMPson, as Chief
Justice, a great jurist, an upright judge, a pure man, and an accomplished gentle-
IIla, Il.
158 HISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE HA LL.
The United States Circuit and District Courts seem generally to
have occupied the old United States Senate Chamber, while it is likely
the old Court of Common Pleas, after the demolition of the Court
House, on Market Street, had, up to this time, exclusive possession of
the old Hall of Representatives.
Few of the associations, since the city’s ownership, are calculated
to increase our attachment to this venerated building.
In 1824, Lafayette visited Philadelphia. It was considered appro-
priate that Independence Chamber should be fitted up to enable him
to formally receive the citizens. This was accordingly done, though
apparently more in a mode to suit the notions of the day, than with
any effort to recall the memories of 1776." Still the selection of the
place was fruitful of results, for attention was thus again drawn to the
State House, and upon what was nearly the centennial of the date
of its erection, a resolution was introduced in the Common Council,
which led to a partial restoration of the building.
Messrs. Francis Gurney Smith and Benjamin Tilghman, of Com-
mon Council, and Manuel Eyre and John W. Thompson, of the Select
Council, were appointed a committee to carry out the resolution of-
fered by the first named : —
“Resolved, by the Select and Common Councils, That a joint committee of
two members from each Council be appointed, to have the turret in the rear
of the State House surveyed, and, if found adapted to the purpose, to procure
a plan and estimate of the cost of carrying it up to a height sufficient to place
a clock and bell therein, to be called the ‘City Clock,' from which the time
for the whole city can be regulated.””
Messrs. William Strickland, Daniel Groves, John O'Neill, and John
Struthers, practical architects and builders, were accordingly called
upon to survey the building and submit plans and estimates, on 14th
February, 1828. They accordingly stated to the Committee, that
having examined the square tower, in the rear of the State House,
with reference to its strength and capability of supporting a super-
structure, they found that the foundation walls were three feet in
thickness at the base, and eighteen inches at the top, being carried up
1 The wooden statue of Washington, carved by William Rush, so celebrated for
his figure-heads to ships, was now placed in this chamber on deposit.
2 The desire to have a clock and bell upon this occasion, led to a result most
gratifying to the next generation. We will hope that the present effort to super-
sede these for reasons best known to the projectors, may not be a source of regret
to the present or succeeding generations.
RESTORATION OF STEEPLE. 159
with good substantial brick-work, to the height of sixty-nine feet,
having regular offsets on the outside at each of the stories. The
walls of the upper story are thirty-one feet square, being tied to-
gether with girders; and a strong trussed framing of oak and gum
timber ; that no departure from stability then appeared in any part
of the building, except a slight crack in the southern face of the wall,
immediately over the arch of the large Venetian window, which must
have occurred shortly after the tower was built ; that it had been
caused by the opening of the window being so great, as to throw the
largest portion of the weight of the walls toward the external angles
of the tower; they stated their opinion, however, that this circum-
stance did not at all affect the strength of the building, and that two
stories of brick-work, eighteen inches in thickness, and comprising
about twenty-eight or thirty feet in height, could be added to the
existing walls with perfect safety ; and “by a continuation of the
framing alluded to, connecting it with strong diagonal girders, attached
by iron clamps to the walls of each of these stories, a wooden cupola
and spire,” they go on to say, “ could be firmly and easily con-
structed.”
This statement and opinion were submitted by the Committee, ac-
cordingly, to Councils, and they reported that they had also received
a proposal from Mr. Isaiah Lukens, to make a clock for the city, and
a proposal from Mr. John Wilbank to cast a bell, to be placed in the
cupola of the turret. That the expenses of carrying up the turret
according to the plan proposed, of which a drawing by Mr. Strick-
land was submitted, and stated to be in fact a restoration of the
spire originally erected with the building, and standing there on 4th
July, 1776, and putting a clock and bell therein would be : —
Expenses of carrying up the Turret and Cupola . e º . $8,000
{{ “ Clock . º © º e º e º -> 2.000
{{ “ Bell, 4,000 lbs. at 45 cts., $1,800
(Allowed for old Bell $400) te º e . 1,400
$11,400
Cost of painting Turret and incidental expenses . e e © 600
Total estimate $12,000
“The value of the old clock,” say they, “is left out of view, as
from its age and condition, it is not considered of more value than old
metal, except the dials, which might be used for the new clock, and an
allowance made for them by the maker.
“In making this report to Councils, your committee are impressed
160 HISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE HALL.
with the necessity of having a uniform time for the city, which would
be obtained, by having a good clock under the superintendence of a
careful person.
“The carrying up of the turret would also contribute greatly to the
ornament of our city, which is so deficient in embellishments, which
in other cities, are considered as indispensable. From what your com-
mittee have learned since their appointment, the carrying into effect
of the plan proposed by them, would meet the approbation of the city
at large, and is anxiously and heartily wished for by all. Your com-
mittee do not deem it necessary to expatiate upon the utility that the
accomplishment of the object before you would be in case of fires, in
affording an opportunity of discovering them, and giving the alarm in
a much more effectual manner than at present.”
The committee, therefore, asked that they be authorized to perfect,
and carry out, the plan submitted. The discussion which ensued
shows how the prevalence of a more correct taste and due apprecia-
tion of Independence Hall, among the citizens of Philadelphia, was
beginning to exercise its legitimate effect upon Councils.
The chairman, in enforcing the passage of the resolution, stated that
the citizens of Philadelphia seemed to be unanimous in regard to the
proposed improvement, and he hoped a like unanimity would be
found to prevail in Councils.
Mr. Wayne objected to the question being hastily decided. He
doubted if the tower would sustain as heavy a superstructure as it
was proposed to raise on it. The clock, then in use, might well last
for fifty years.
Mr. Tilghman said: “If there is anything proverbial, it is the bad-
ness of the clock at the State House. It is an excusing not a regu-
lating clock. It is a clock which affords no rule to go by, but a rule
not to go by, for everybody knows it can never go right.” He stated
that “the plan of Mr. Strickland had been preferred, on account of its
being a restoration of the old steeple. If there were a spot on earth,
on which space might be identified with holiness, it would be the spot
on which the old State House stands. It is a sacred spot, a sacred
building.” He also expressed his regret that unhallowed hands had
ever been permitted to touch it, and regarded the rebuilding of the
steeple as an entering wedge for restoring the building to the state in
which it stood in 1776.
Mr. Smith said he must correct the error of his friend. “The plan
of rebuilding coincides with the original plan as far as is possibly con-
sistent with durability, and the use for which the steeple is intended.
RESTOR.4 TION OF STEEPLE. 161
Two stories of brick-work are substituted for the wood-work, which
used to be a part of the superstructure of the present tower.” Brick,
he stated, had been preferred to wood to prevent a vibration which
would damage the clock as a time-keeper; and to bear the great
weight of the bell; “I would prefer,” he continued, “rebuilding the
steeple exactly according to the original plan, but that would not be
possible if an improved clock and bell are to be placed therein.” The
cupola and spire he claimed to be exact copies of the original.
Mr. Troth remarked that regard to his own character compelled
him to say that the plan submitted was not a copy of the original
steeple. “That was very handsome, this is very far from being so.
By carrying up the turret two stories higher with brick, without any
offsets, instead of the old wood-work, the effect of the original is en-
tirely destroyed. Our character is at stake as men of taste and as
admirers of antiquity, and I hope we will not proceed hastily in this
business.”
Mr. Lowber: “So far from being an ornament to the city, it would
be a deformity ; so far from recalling to mind the venerable pile that
stood on the spot, it would efface the remembrance of it altogether.
It is not the ancient design. I would rejoice to see that building re-
stored to its ancient state — to the precise state in which it was when
the glorious event to which it owes its celebrity was consummated.
But no man will be able to look at that building with its new (pro-
posed brick) steeple and be able to persuade himself that it represents
the ancient State House. If the original features of the building can-
not be preserved, I would much rather the whole were demolished,
that we might by some handsome monument point out the spot where
the glorious Declaration of our National Independence was agreed
upon.”
Mr. Tilghman: “No man shall ever say of me that I took advantage
of the excitement of the moment to press through a favorite measure.
I again say that I regard the rebuilding of the steeple as the entering
wedge for restoring the building to its original state. The restoration
of it is now possible, as persons are now living who remember the ex-
act appearance of every part. Fifty years hence it will be impossible.
The old door, the old roof, all the ancient characteristies of the
building, might be restored at the expense of a few hundred dollars,
and I, for one, am determined to make the effort.”
Mr. Walmsley had come to the Council Chamber prepared to vote
for steeple, clock, and bell, but he was now convinced that carrying
up the turret with two stories of brick would destroy the effect of the
original plan.
162 HISTORY OF INDEPE \' DIENCE II.1 L L.
Mr. Johnson had conversed with a number of respectable persons
on the subject, and found them all in favor of the clock and bell, and
careless of the expense of rebuilding the steeple, provided the build-
ing were restored to its original form. He moved to postpone the
further consideration of the resolution for the present.
Mr. Smith said the Committee would like to know what the mem-
bers of Council desired.
Mr. Lowber had no difficulty in answering for himself: he wished to
See the old steeple restored ; with two stories of brick work, to receive
the clock and bell, but of precisely the same form as the old wood-
work, and to be painted in resemblance of it.
Mr. Smith replied this would be impossible, as the walls of the tur-
ret are only eighteen inches in thickness at top ; it will not be practi-
cable to make the different offsets in brick-work without carrying up
a new wall from the foundation, inside of the present tower.
Mr. Lowber: “I should like to know the expense of completing the
steeple in this way. A picture of the original steeple has just been
placed in my hand, that I may contrast it with the plan reported by
the Counmittee. Why, no man who had ever seen the original, and
who was called to look on the State House, with the new steeple, could
believe he was in the same country ; he would suppose he was on a
different side of the Atlantic. The ancient steeple was very handsome.
This is a mammoth chimney — so it would be called if it was ever
erected — a straight mass of walls; a short tower ; there is no beauty,
no symmetry about it.”
Fortunately the objections, thus made, prevailed. Another plan was
obtained from Mr. Strickland, and adopted. In this, the two stories
of brick were dispensed with, and the steeple restored very nearly to
its original. Openings, however, for the four faces of the clock were
made, and thus practically the views of both sides were accomplished.
The completion of the new steeple was celebrated upon 4th July,
1828, and “a grand raising frolic was given, in the long room of the
State House, to the workmen, and there was a very good time.” Ac-
cording to programme Lukens made the clock, and Wilbank, the bell,
– the latter was completed and placed in position on 11th September
following. It is stated that “the dimensions of this bell were scien-
tifically calculated previously to being cast, and so accurately, that the
weight was in excess only seventy-five pounds, its total weight being
4,275 pounds, and cost $1,923.75.” "
1 This bell was short-lived, but like its great predecessor proved so unsatisfactory
|

EFFORTS AT RESTORATION. 163
This vaunt, however, is not sustained by the estimate submitted in
advance to Councils, as its weight was to be 4,000 pounds. Still, as
the increase, over the intended, weight of the original bell was but
eighty pounds, it would not appear that our more modern bell-founder
could plume himself on any progression in “scientific calculation ”
in the intervening seventy-five years.
Mr. Lowber's words fell upon fallow ground, and we find that in
July, 1830, petitions were sent to the Councils to restore the old Hall
to its original condition, and to require for the future that the cham-
ber should be used for “dignified purposes only.” In the early part
of the following year, a plan for restoring Independence Chamber was
accordingly submitted to, and approved by, Councils. It was drawn by
Mr. Haviland, and as he confined himself to the reinstating such por-
tions of the paneling as had been removed (but fortunately preserved
in the attic of the State House), and only eked out the missing portions
which, he assures us, were “trifling,” the results are very satisfactory.
Mr. Haviland, in his report to Thomas Kittera, Esq., dated March
29, 1831, conceives, – though fortunately so imperfectly that he could
not carry it out, — at the western end of the room a gallery forsooth,
and, as if this did not open the Assembly or Congress sufficiently to the
public, he further imagines, an arcade opening into the vestibule “ on
either side of the entrance, similar to the one through which you pass
to the staircase.” Two conceits, more antagonistic to the practice of
the times, of “closed doors,” could not well have been brought forth.
The arcade is entirely irreconcilable to the finish of the vestibule,
which has fortunately never been tampered with.
Disposition was now shown by Councils to adorn the chamber, and
the first purchase was Rush's Statue of Washington, in the fall of
this year. Mr. Rush states, in his application for the purchase, that he
had executed it about 1812, and that he had frequently modeled Gen-
eral Washington, in his life-time, as well in miniature as of life-size;
that this statue was the result of a labor of four months, and that he
had been sixty years in the business. He winds up with the state-
ment : “The figure is excavated, and saturated with oil, and will
be as durable as any furniture, etc.” His price was five hundred
dollars.
that Mr. Wilbank was required to cast another, which was placed in position De-
cember 27, 1828. It weighed forty-six hundred pounds, and was struck for the first
time at three o’clock, December 30, when was used the new arrangement of a ham-
mer striking the hour by means of the clock-works. It is said that by New Year's
day of 1829, the whole machinery was in perfect and satisfactory operation.
[In 1876 a bell and clock were presented to the city by Henry Seybert, but, like
that of its predecessors, the tone of the bell was unsatisfactory, and it was re-east.—
[Editor of Second Edition.]
164 HISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE HALL.
At the close of 1832, Roberts Vaux and Thomas I. Wharton, a
committee of a society formed for commemorating the landing of
William Penn, presented to the city the full-length portrait of the
Founder by Inman, and desired that it might be placed in Indepen-
dence Hall. They expressed an earnest hope on the part of the
Society, that a gallery of portraits of distinguished Pennsylvanians
might be thus commenced. Councils cordially approved of the design
of the Society, and authorized the portrait to be placed in the building.
After these repairs and in provements to Independence Chamber
were made, “it was no easy matter,” says Mr. Westcott, in his “ History
of Philadelphia,” “to obtain a sight of its interior. The key was in
the custody of the janitor of the steeple, and that Caleb Quotemish
sort of a functionary was expected to look out for fires, both by day
and by night, to keep the building in order, to act as guardian of the
sacred Hall, and to play the cicerone, to all strangers who made pil-
grimages thither. It is no wonder, under these circumstances, that
very few, of the many who desired to visit the spot, were ever gratified
by accomplishing more than the obtaining of a peep through the key-
hole.”
Upon “Consolidation ” of the city of Philadelphia with its suburbs,
in 1854, into one corporation, the City Hall was found too small for
the accommodation of the Select and Common Councils. The second
story of the State House was appropriated to their sessions. The
Banqueting Hall, with its adjoining chambers, now disappear, and the
three rooms are modified into two large chambers with intervening
galleries for spectators.
On the first floor, the judicial room, long used for the Mayor's
Court, was appropriated to the Court of Common Pleas, while the
former took possession of the Common Council Chamber in the old
City Hall.
Independence Chamber had for some time been used, upon occasion,
for the courtesies of the city, extended either to the living or the dead
whom the municipality “delighted to honor.” At intervals it was
thrown open to the public, and finally a janitor was appointed, and
the room kept open, permanently, to gratify the increasing patriotic
Sentiment. The papers had announced in June, 1846, that “this
sacred place is undergoing a thorough repairing, repainting, etc.”
The court fixtures have all been removed, and the old furniture dis-
posed of; a splendid outfit in furniture, including carpets, sofas,
chairs, etc., are to be placed in it.” Old Liberty Bell, which had long
been permitted to remain in dignified retirement in the tower, ever
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PEA LE”.S. POR TRAI T.S. 165
since the futile effort to restore its sound by enlarging the cause of its
dissonance," was taken from its scaffolding and lowered to the first
floor.
A massive pedestal of wood, ornamented by Roman fasces, liberty-
caps, and festooned flags, was constructed in Independence Chamber,
and the old Bell, with its tongue uprooted, and surmounted by Peale's
Eagle, was placed upon it.
Most opportunely in October, 1854, Mr. Peale's gallery of paintings
was offered for sale at public auction. This same gallery, it will be
remembered, formed part of Peale's Museum during its occupancy of
the second floor of the State House.
Earnest efforts were made to secure the whole collection for the city
of Philadelphia, but failing in this, the agents who attended the sale
succeeded in securing quite a number of historical portraits, among
them thirteen of the Signers of the Declaration of Independence.
All the paintings then purchased were indiscriminately placed in
Independence Chamber. From time to time, other purchases were
made and numerous offerings were accepted by the city authorities.
Besides the portraits, thus accumulated, the chamber became a store-
house, a lumber-room for every variety of trash. As the writer had
occasion to say when urging a reformation : “Oecasionally a public-
spirited citizen would be moved to present to the city a Portrait, a
Photograph, a Bible, a casting, or a relie, – real or imaginary, - and
it was at once stored in this room. The latter became a general re-
ceptacle for framed resolutions of Councils, the abortive contribution
to the Washington National Monument, — in fact it served as a liv-
ing, ever ready, response to the often embarrassing question in Coun-
cils, ‘What shall we do with it 2
“We had every reason to apprehend that the vehicle yelept Wash-
ington's coach — which as such has done noble duty at fairs or pro-
cessions — would find its way or be thrust into this chamber, for
here already was his leather colored horse, prancing over the door in
such form and manner as might have justified the intervention of the
Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals. While some of the
portraits, though valuable as original paintings and as representing
* In 1846, it is said, in order to use it upon Washington’s birth-day of that year,
it was drilled out, but on attempting to ring it, the crack threatened to extend, and
further tinkering was then abandoned. All sorts of chimerical projects have since
been submitted to the committee in regard to it. Some have projected filling up the
crack, that it might again be rung, and they undertook to “guarantee perfect suc-
tess,” while others have had the actual temerity to ask the privilege to recast it !!!
166 HISTOR Y OF INDEPENDENCE HA. LL.
men great and good in their various walks of life, their memories were
actually contemned by right thinking people, from being thrust into
positions which they could neither grace nor justify, other portraits
again absolutely defiled the walls. Brant, the savage, above all others
in Pennsylvania history, damned to eternal infamy; Red–Jacket too,
forsooth was here, — a whole batch of men of whom the catalogue
could only say: ‘of liberal education and excellent moral character’;
the vilest daub and caricature of General Jackson (unfit for a tavern
sign); the likeness of an obscure political agitator doing duty for
Charles Lee, of Revolutionary motoriety ; lithographs of cooper-shop
refreshment saloons, forged autographs, and fictitious relics.” Thus
were the walls defaced and the architectural beauties of the chamber
marred or concealed. Not a single piece of furniture of its original
equipment had been preserved within this chamber, except the fine
old glass chandelier which alone had escaped the hands of the van-
dals — the latter had even removed the pillars once supporting the
ceiling."
Such was the state of affairs when the writer conceived the design
of effecting the restoration to Independence Chamber of its original
furniture, and of ridding it of everything inconsistent with the memo-
ries which alone should be recalled on visiting this sanctuary, en-
couraging the latter by appropriate illustrations in portraiture.
Upon the death of a near relative, he became the possessor of one
of the original chairs used in the Hall in 1776, which had been pre-
served in his family for sixty years in its original worn condition ; *
he determined to replace this, and to seek others. Upon an official
visit to Harrisburg, at the close of the late civil war, he discovered in
actual use in the Senate Chamber at the Capitol, two more of the
original chairs, which he was able to identify, though they had been
slightly changed by the elongation of their legs for the convenience of
the Sergeants-at-arms: whereupon he applied to the then Governor
(Curtin) to order them returned to Philadelphia, to the original
Legislative chamber, from which they had been taken. This was
eventually done.
The Governor went further. He sent back to the Hall the identical
chair originally made for the Speaker of the Assembly of Pennsylva-
nia, the chair already referred to as used by Hancock, while President
of Congress, and by Washington, while President of the Convention
1 Possibly this was done during the “improvements” of 1828.
2 It was presented by Mrs. William Meredith, the elder, a niece of Gouverneur
Morris who secured it at the time the furniture was scattered.
•ę ， ， ** **
*
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es ： * ， •
THE TABLE UPON which THE DECLARATION WAS SIGNED
AND CHAIRS OF PRESIDENT AND MEMBERS OF CONGRESS, 1776.
(AFTER REstoration.)

THE REST OR A TI ON. 167
which framed the Constitution of the United States; with it came
also the Speaker's table, which had also been in use during the session
of Congress in 1776, and upon which the Declaration of Independence
must itself have been signed by those who subscribed on August 2,
1776.
On visiting the Hall of the American Philosophical Society, the
writer also discovered a chair, the exact counterpart of the Congres-
sional chair of 1776, and already referred to as authenticated by tradi-
tional statement and family possession. Upon the examination of the
minutes of the Society, it was found that this second chair had been
also authenticated and presented to the Society some forty years before
by Francis Hopkinson, Esquire, the Clerk of United States District
Court, in whose possession it had been since the dispersement of the
furniture of Independence Chamber. Thus was presented conclusive
proof of the identity of both. The very existence of these four chairs
afforded the where withal for the conviction that such “restoration ”
as he then contemplated, was, in point of fact, feasible, whenever per-
mission could be obtained to undertake the work.
The approach of the one hundredth anniversary of the nation's
birth seemed to offer the fitting opportunity.
Plans for proper rejoicings and for the due celebration of the period
were already organizing ; the claims of Philadelphia as the appro-
priate place were being duly set forth and urged ; for was it not here
that the event itself occurred which we were to celebrate 2 Did not
Philadelphia still possess the very building within whose walls the
American Magna Charta was adopted 2 Was it not here that the very
Constitution itself was signed, and subsequently placed in practical
operation during the administration of the first two Presidents 2 It
certainly seemed now that Philadelphia could best sustain these claims
by showing a worthy and discriminating appreciation of this historie
edifice, and a readiness to appropriate it to the nation to which be-
longed the city of Penn.
Thus, at last, the likelihood that official sanction might be gained,
and that possible coöperation might, upon such grounds, be secured
to attain the end. Influenced by this belief, a formal applieation for
the needful permission was addressed to Councilman John L. Shoe-
maker. This gentleman, as ellairman of the Committee of Councils
on the Centennial Celebration, was devoting every energy to insure
success for an International Exposition of Industries at Philadelphia.
He promptly appreciated the importance of the plan as submitted, not
only intrinsically, but as an adjunct to the grand project he had
168 HISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE HALL.
himself undertaken. Through his aid, both in Committee and on
the floor of Councils, the necessary authority was granted by ordi-
Whance, together with the requisite appropriation for repairs and alter-
ations.
Under the sanction of his Honor William S. Stokley, Mayor of Phil-
adelphia, who has consistently fostered and protected the work of the
committee appointed by him, the restoration of Independence Hall
to its condition and appearance of 1776, is very nearly perfected, not
only in its exterior, but in such equipment of the chamber as was
contemporaneous with the events whose detail has herein been at-
tempted.
“The Philadelphia Press” of the 8th June, 1875, gives an account
of the last and most important acquisition to Independence Chamber.
“The Committee on Restoration of Independence Hall repaired to the
chamber yesterday, where, in the presence of the Mayor, Hon. William S. Stok-
ley, and a number of distinguished citizens, Col. Frank M. Etting, chairman of the
committee, presented to the city, in presence of the Mayor, a Revolutionary
relic of great value and significance. Col. Etting addressed his Honor as
follows : —
“Just three years have elapsed since your Honor placed in position the chair
in which you are now sitting as the corner-stone of the restoration of Inde-
pendence Hall. With your aid we have been sedulously engaged in collecting
all articles that were used herein in 1776, but no one surpasses in interest the
relic I now hold in my hands. It is the original silver inkstand made by order
of the Assembly of Pennsylvania one hundred and twenty-three years ago. It
cost £25 16s., and was made by Philip Syng. It was used by Mr. Speaker
Norris and all his successors, Speakers of the Assembly, till 1775, when this
chamber and all its furniture and appliances were relinquished to the Conti-
nental Congress, by whom it continued in use during the period they held their
sessions in Philadelphia. It supplied the ink to John Hancock when he affixed
his bold signature to the Declaration of Independence, and to each member as
he came up to sign that charter.
“‘When Washington occupied this chair and presided over the convention
which framed the Constitution of the United States, he, too, dipped his pen in
this identical ink-pot. Transferred to Harrisburg, it was used by the Penn-
sylvania Legislature till 1849, and its subsequent history is given in two let-
1 The clew to its continued existence was furnished me by the late Hon. William
M. Meredith, who, as Speaker of the House, had known it. Several years’ search
for it, however, proved fruitless, till, through Col. Russell Errett, it was discov-
ered in the possession of Mr. Smull, a former clerk of the House. -
The fact ‘hat Mr. Meredith should be the medium of its return, forms another
strange coincidence, since it was his mother, the niece of Gouverneur Morris, who
presented to my relation the original chair – “the corner-stone of the restoration.”
THE RESTORATION. 169
ters, which I also hand you. With patriotic action, and in the most graceful
way, his Excellency, Governor Hartranft, now gives this valuable relic to your
safe keeping. He has wisely selected a day that is memorable in our annals.
On this day ninety-nine years ago Richard Henry Lee rose in his place and
offered his famous resolution : “That these Colonies are, and of right ought to
be, free and independent States,” and on the same day was appointed the com-
5 : 5
mittee to draft the Declaration of Independence. e s - e.
“The Mayor, on receiving the inkstand, said : —
“‘I accept this invaluable relic on behalf of the City of Philadelphia, and
through you return to His Excellency Governor Hartranft the thanks of the
corporation, and I desire, also, to express to you, sir, the chief mainspring of
this work of restoration of this Hall, the thanks of the citizens of Philadelphia.
I suggest to you, that in order that this relic may be properly exhibited and
preserved, a fire-proof safe may be obtained in which to place it, large enough
to hold the original Declaration of Independence, which, no doubt, will be
eventually deposited with us.”
*
*:-
#
THE INRSTAND.
“The Mayor received the inkstand, and deposited it upon the table where
It was so long used. Whereupon Messrs. Farrell and Herring, who were
among the spectators, stepped forward and assured his Honor that the safe
should be furnished without any cost to the city.

170 III STOIR Y OF INDIJI2E ND ENCE IIA LJ.
“The following correspondence accompanied the inkstand:—
“ExEcutiv E CHAMBER,
“HARRIs BURG, PA., June 1, 1875.
“FRANK M. ETTING, Esq., Chairman Committee on Restoration of Independ.
ence Hall, Philadelphia, Pa.
“DEAR SIR, - In reply to your letter inviting my attention to the exist-
ence of ‘the original silver inkstand used in signing the Declaration of Inde-
pendence, which, ordered for the Assembly of Pennsylvania shortly after the
occupation of their chamber in Philadelphia, was transferred with other portions
of their furniture to Harrisburg, I have the honor to say that the inkstand
alluded to has this day been forwarded to you per express. The inkstand was
kindly placed at my disposal by Mr. Smull, with a letter containing its his-
tory,” which I enclose herewith, and I take great pleasure in transferring it to
your custody to be restored to its old stand upon the table upon which the
chart of our Independence was signed.
“In forwarding the inkstand, as a citizen of Pennsylvania I cannot refrain
from expressing to you my thanks for the zeal and industry you have displayed
in your efforts to restore Independence Hall, and the extended and elaborate
research you have made to establish the identity of the articles reclaimed.
“With great respect,
“I am your obedient servant,
“ J. F. HARTRANFT.”
* Mr. Smull, in returning this inkstand to the Governor, states : —
“In the year 1849 there was placed in my custody a small silver tray, containing
an ink and sand-holder of the same material. At that time tradition held that this
was the inkstand used by the President of the Continental Congress at the time the
Declaration of American Independence was signed.
“I took great interest to obtain as much information as was possible to establish
its identity, and made inquiries on the subject, during several years succeeding
1849, from then aged public men, and the result of my investigations resulted in con-
vincing me of the identity of this one with that used by the first Congress.
“The late venerable Thomas H. Burrows, afterwards Superintendent of Common
Schools, told me that he had made minute inquiries regarding this stand many years
previously, and that he had no doubt that it was the same that held the ink used by
the signers of the Declaration.
“The late Hon. Thomas Nicholson, who will be remembered as a man who re-
quired the most positive and conclusive evidence to convince his mind, was an en-
thusiastic believer in the fact that this was the ‘Independence Inkstand.’
“One incident will show how much he felt on the subject. When Harris-
burg was threatened by the rebel army in 1863, he came personally to me and
said: ‘If the rebels come into Harrisburg, be sure and hide in a safe place “Inde-
pendence Inkstand.” ” This inkstand has been in my custody uninterruptedly ever
since 1849, and I can vouch for it being the one referred to by the gentlemen I
have named. It was used very many years prior to 1849, by Speakers of the House
of Representatives.”
THE RESTOIRA TI ON. 171
The official Reports, submitted to the Mayor from time to time, re-
capitulate the changes made and proposed, as well as the condition of
affairs modified and altered.
“We found the doors, cornices, wainscoting, and the architectural
characteristics of the room completely concealed beneath a mass of pic-
tures of every kind, while the floor contained the dilapidated furniture
rejected by former Councils, and one of the windows was barricaded
by the block of marble ordered by the city of Philadelphia as its con-
tribution to the Washington National Monument. This last, under
the sanction of your Honor and of Councils, we caused to be trans-
mitted to its destimation.
“The old “Liberty Bell,’ which had been taken from the cupola
and placed within the chamber, we removed to the vestibule, suspend-
ing it from the original beam and scaffolding. (The latter having
been discovered nearly intact in the steeple.) We deemed it appropriate
to inscribe upon its base the whole Scriptural text, a part of which
had been moulded upon the bell in 1753, as it, even then, so essentially
predicted and ordained : first, “Liberty throughout all the land,’ and
secondly, the CENTENNIAL celebration thereof. The whole has been
enclosed by a plain iron railing, which circumstances showed to be
essential to its preservation.
“We have replaced at the east end of the chamber the President's
dais, in exact conformity with the contemporary description given upon
the reception of the first French Minister to the Republic then strug-
gling for its existence, and the identical chair and table used by Han-
cock are restored to their places thereupon. In conformity, also, with
the cited authority, we have ranged six of the original chairs used by
the Delegates in 1776 — two of which had been reclaimed as already
stated, from Harrisburg, and the others have been presented to the
city by Mrs. William Biddle, Mrs. E. A. Foggo, Mr. John J. Smith,
Mr. C. C. Dunn ; these chairs having been changed as to their cover-
ing, it is our design to make them assimilate. Two chairs which con-
tain the original leather covering, the one deposited by the Chairman
of your Committee, the other obtained from the Philosophieal Society,
though somewhat dilapidated, are required to be forever kept intact
by their depositors, and have been placed upon the steps of the dais.
Nome others in the original condition are found to be extant after the
most diligent inquiry on the part of your Committee.”
The Committee go on to state that they have ascertained the ex
istence of five other chairs, undoubtedly authentic, though re-uphol-
stored, and efforts were being made to persuade their owners to present
172 IIISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE FIA LL.
or deposit the same. If successful in this (and it has been accom.
plished since this report was written), “a sufficient number will thus,’
says the Committee, “be supplied to enable us to recall the sitting of the
Congress of 1776, besides thus representing each of the original thir-
teen States. The original number of these chairs could not have ex-
ceeded thirty-two, that being the number of Representatives in the State
Legislature, for whom these chairs were made. The other members of
the Congress of 1776 must have been otherwise accommodated, though
how, we cannot now determine.”
“We have replaced the pillars which formerly sustained the ceiling
of the Chamber by means of the precise description given by our ven-
erable fellow citizen, Horace Binney, the only living man who posi-
tively remembers them, and whose description is fully confirmed by a
fragment of the original still preserved in Germantown as a relic. To
protect the Chamber and its furniture, we found it necessary to con-
struct a light railing, so arranged, however, as to interfere with or mar
as little as possible the general appearance of the Chamber. Addi-
tional support has been given to the rafters of the floor, while every
precaution that seemed feasible, has been adopted to avoid danger of
fire from flues, etc.”
One of the most experienced insurance inspectors in Philadelphia
has approved all that was done to the lower rooms. He pointed out
certain changes in the roof and in the steeple as indispensable. Under
the sanction of an ordinance these changes have been made. Iron ven-
tilators to the Council Chamber have been substituted for the wooden
ones, and a third superfluous shed upon the roof removed altogether.
The loft, which was discovered to have been made a store-house for
books and refuse household furniture, and which was accessible from
adjoining roofs, has been cleared of its combustible contents, and ab-
solutely closed to all unnecessary ingress.
The steeple, which had been long (and since the abandonment of
bell-ringing, unnecessarily) occupied by a family carrying on all the
domestic functions and avocations, has been vacated, - all fire and
lights therein have been interdicted, and, indeed, rendered impossible,
by the removal of the means, save only to light the city clock.
The unnecessary outlets to the cellar in the rear of the building
have been closed, and its windows effectually guarded, and but one ac-
cess provided and secured as it was originally.
In regard to the portraits to be placed in Independence Chamber,
we have steadily adhered to the plan pointed out by our Chairman, as
published in the “Penn Monthly.” They could only be admitted
INDEPENDENCE CHAMBER, WESTERN SIDE.
(AFTER RESTORATION.)

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174 HISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE FIA LL.
the admission of their original publisher to the committee, were ex-
ecuted “by a young English engraver, just then arrived, who received
carte-blanche to produce them all on wood,” whereupon ‘he took a
room, furnished it with a barrel of ale and a quantity of tobacco pipes,
and under the inspiration imparted by these, produced, for the first
time, portraits of all the signers.’”
We have consulted with the descendants of several of these gentle-
men as to the most appropriate and satisfactory way to perpetuate
their memory in the chamber, and anticipate giving them the prom-
inence in some form to which they are justly entitled. Thus only ten
remain “absent and unaccounted for,” but should we be as successful
during our coming year as in the past, these will also “answer to their
names,” at our next muster. -
LIST OF PORTRAITS.
1. JoHN HANCOCK,
The President of Congress of 1776, and from May 24th, 1775,
to 31st October, 1777. Peale.
2. RICHARD HENRY LEE, of Virginia,
The mover of the Resolution for Independence, President of
Congress from November 30, 1784, to June 5th, 1786. Peale.
3. BENJAMIN HARRISON, of Virginia,
The Chairman of the Committee of the Whole, who reported
the same. Lambdin, after Trumbull.
4. TEIOMAs J EFFERSON,
The Chairman of the Committee to draft, and Author of, the
Declaration of Independence. Peale.
5. Rog ER SIIERMAN, of Connecticut,
A Member of the Committee to Draft the Declaration of Inde-
pendence. Hicks, after Earle.
Presented by his grandson, William M. Evarts.
6. JOHN ADAMS,
The Seconder of the Resolution for Independence, Member of
the Committee to Draft the Declaration, and the “Colossus of
the Debate.” i Peale.
7. SAMUEL ADAMs, of Massachusetts,
The Pioneer of Independence — the Palinurus of the Re-
public. Onthank, after Copley.
Presented by George A. Simmons, on behalf of his wife and other
descendants of the Patriot. --
8. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN,
A Member of the Committee to draft the Declaration of Inde-
pendence, etc. Etter, after Martin.
INDEPENDENCE CHAMBER. 175
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
1 Trumbull’s sketel
JOHN DICKINSON,
The great advocate of Constitutional rights, and Member of
Congress, July, 1776, from Pennsylvania. Peale
ROBERT MORRIs,
The great Financier of the Revolution, and Member of Con-
gress, July, 1776, from Pennsylvania. Peale
THOMAs McKEAN,
Advocate of Independence, and Member of Congress, July, 1776,
from Delaware, President of Congress from July 10 to Novem-
ber 4, 1781. Peale.
SAMUEL CHASE, of Maryland,
Advocate of Independence, and Member of Congress, July, 1776,
from Maryland. Peale.
GEORGE WYTHE, of Virginia,
Advocate of Independence, and Member of Congress, July, 1776,
from Virginia. Weir, after Trumbull.
Joseph Hewes, of North Carolina. Member of Congress, July,
1776, from North Carolina. Tiffany, from a miniature.
JosLAH BARTLETT, of New Hampshire,
Member of Congress, July, 1776, from New Hampshire.
Presented by his descendants.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON, of New York,
A Member of the Committee to draft the Declaration of Inde-
pendence. Pratt, after Stuart.
Presented by Clermont Livingston and others, the descendants.
THOMAS HEY WARD, Jr.
Member of Congress, July, 1776, from South Carolina.
Presented by Nathaniel Heyward. Frazer, after Theus.
ELBRIDGE GERRY, of Massachusetts,
The earnest advocate of Independence in and out of Congress.
Member of Congress, July, 1776, from Massachusetts.
CHARLES THOMPson,
The permanent Secretary of Congress. Peale.
. WILLIAM WHITE,
Chaplain to Congress. Peale.
WILLIAM WHIPPLE,
Member of Congress of 1776, from New Hampshire. After St. Memin.
2. ROBERT TREAT PAINE,
Member of Congress of 1776, from Massachusetts.
. STEPHEN HOPKINS,
Member of Congress of 1776, from Rhode Island.
wº Lambdin, after Trumbull."
was made from the son, upon representation of the family
\
‘hat the likeness was so great as to justify it.
176
HISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE HA LL.
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
30.
31.
32.
33.
34.
36.
37.
38.
39.
40.
WILLIAM ELLERY,
Member of Congress of 1776, from Rhode Island.
Waugh, from Trumbull's eriginal sketch.
SAMUEL HUNTINGTON,
Member of Congress of 1776, from Connecticut. President of
Congress, September 28, 1779, to July 9, 1781. Peale.
WILLIAM WILLIAMS,
Member of Congress of 1776, from Connecticut.
Sawyer, from a family portrait by Trumbull.
OLIVER WOLCOTT,
Member of Congress of 1776, from Connecticut.
Lambdin, after Trumbull.
WILLIAM FLOYD,
Member of Congress of 1776, from New York. Henry, after Polk.
PHILIP LIVINGSTON,
Member of Congress of 1776, from New York. Peale.
FRANCIS LEWIs,
Member of Congress of 1776, from New York.
LEWIS MORRIs,
Member of Congress of 1776, from New York. Flagg, after Trumbull.
Presented by his descendant, Harry G. Morris.
RICHARD STOCKTON,
Member of Congress of 1776, from New Jersey.
Conarroe, after —
JOHN WITIIER SPOON,
Member of Congress of 1776, from New York. Peale.
FRANCIS HOPKINSON,
Member of Congress of 1776, from New Jersey. Peale.
. ABRAHAM CLARK,
Member of Congress of 1776, from New Jersey.
Lambdin, after Trumbull.
BENJAMIN RUSH,
Member of Congress of 1776, from Pennsylvania. Peale.
JAMES WILSON,
Member of Congress of 1776, from Pennsylvania.
Wharton, after a miniature by Jas. Peale.
GEORGE Ross,
Member of Congress of 1776, from Pennsylvania.
Wharton, after West.
GEORGE CLYMER,
Member of Congress of 1776, from Pennsylvania.
Marchant, after
GEORGE READ,
Member of Congress of 1776, from Delaware. Sully, after Stuart.
INDEPENDENCE CHAMBER. 177
41.
42.
43.
44.
46.
47.
48.
49.
50.
51.
52.
THOMAS STONE,
Member of Congress of 1776, from Maryland. Mayer, after Peale.
Presented by the State of Maryland.
WILLIAM PACA,
Member of Congress of 1776, from Maryland. Mayer, after Peale.
Presented by the State of Maryland.
CHARLEs CARROLL, of Carrollton,
Member of Congress of 1776, from Maryland. Peale.
THOMAS NELSON, JR.,
Member of Congress of 1776, from Virginia.
. WILLIAM HIOOPER,
Member of Congress of 1776, from North Carolina.
Lambdin, after Trumbull.
ED WARD RUTLEDGE,
Member of Congress of 1776, from South Carolina.
Presented by Joshua Fraucis Fisher. Wharton, after Trumbull.
THOMAS LYNCH, Jr.
Member of Congress of 1776, from South Carolina.
Presented by the Artist. Miss Anna Lea, after
ARTHUR MIDD LETON,
Member of Congress of 1776, from South Carolina.
Presented by the Artist. Wharton, after West.
GEORGE WALTON,
Member of Congress of 1776, from Georgia.
Waugh, after original miniature by James Peale.
TII OMAS JOIINSON,
Member of Congress of 1776, from Maryland. Mayer, after Peale.
Presented by the State of Maryland.
John Rog ERs. (vacant.)
THOMAS WILLING. (v cant.)
Such portraits of the Presidents of the Old Continental Congress,
not included among the Signers of the Declaration of Independence,
and of distinguished Officers of the Revolutionary Army and Navy as
could be secured, have been placed along the surbase of Indepen-
dence Chamber, subordinated to the general plan.
53.
54.
55.
PEYTON RANDOLPH,
President, 5th September to 21st October, 1774, and
10th May to 23d May, 1775. Peale.
HENRY LAURENS,
President 1st November, 1777, to 9th December, 1778. Peale.
John HANSON,
President 5th November, 1781, to 3d November, 1782. Peale.
12
178
IIISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE HAſ LL.
56.
58.
59.
60.
61.
62.
63.
64.
65.
ELIAS BOUDINOT,
President 4th November, 1782, to 2d November, 1783.
. THOMAS MIFFLIN,
President 3d November, 1783, to 29th November, 1784.
ARTHUR St. CLAIR,
President 2d February, 1787, to 21st January, 1788.
CYRUS GRIFFIN,
President 21st January, 1788, to 1789.
After an original miniature by Sully, taken in 1801.
GEORGE WASHINGTON,
The Commander-in-Chief of the Army.
MAJOR-GENERALs.
ARTEMAS WARD !
PHILIP SCIIUYLER .
ISRAEL PUTNAM
RICHARD MONTGOMERY .
HoRATIO GATES
65}. JoHN SULLIVAN .
NATHANAEL GREENE .
66.
67.
68.
69.
70.
71.
72.
73.
74.
75.
76.
77.
78.
WM. ALEXANDER (Lord Stirling
BENJAMIN LIN COLN
MAR QUIS DE LAFAYETTE
BARON DE ICALB
BARON DE STEUBEN
WILLIAM SMALLwooD
L. LE BEGUE DUPORTAIL .
HENRY KNOX
BRIGADIER-GENERALS.
CHRISTOPHER GADSDEN
LACHLAN MCINTOSH .
ANTHONY WAYNE .
JAMES MITCHELL WARNUM .
784.PFTER MUHLENBERG .
79.
80.
81.
82.
83.
8
85.
1 Nearly all of these portraits are originals by Charles Wilson Peale.
GEORGE CLINTON .
Jos EPH REED
JAMES WILKINSoN (B
DANIEL MORGAN
OTHo Holl AND WILLIAMS .
4. JOSEPH WARREN
THOMAS SUMTER .
revet)
•
Massachusetts
New York .
Connecticut.
New York .
Virginia . .
New Hampshire
. 9th August, 1776.
. 19th February, 1777.
. 19th February, 1777.
. 31st July, 1777.
. 15th Sept., 1777.
. 5th May, 1778.
. 15th Sept., 1780.
. 16th Dec., 1781.
Rhode Island
New Jersey
Massachusetts
France
France
Prussia
Maryland
France
Massachusetts .
S. Carolina .
Georgia .
Pennsylvania
Rhode Island
Virginia .
New York
Pennsylvania
Maryland
Virginia .
Maryland
Peale
Peale.
Original, by James Peale.
. 17th June, 1775.
. 19th June, 1775.
. 19th June, 1775.
. 9th December, 1775.
. 16th May, 1776.
9th August, 1775.
22d March, 1782.
. 16th Sept., 1776.
. 16th Sept., 1776.
. 21st February, 1777.
. 21st February, 1777.
. 21st February, 1777.
. 25th March, 1777.
. 12th May, 1777.
. 6th November, 1777.
. 13th October, 1780.
. 9th May, 1782.
Massachusetts State Troops.
South Carolina State Troops.
given is that of which a resident at date of appointment.
The State
� � � • •
• • • • •
THE HALL OF THE OLD STATE HOUSE.
(AFTER RESTORATION.)

INDEPENDENCE CHAMBER. 179
86. Colonel JOHN EAGER II OWARD e * * . Maryland.
87. Colonel W.M. A. WASHINGTON . e ſº ſº Virginia.
88. Colonel HARRY LEE g e g & & . Virginia.
89. COMTE DE ROCHAMBEAU . © tº e G France.
90. Commodore JOHN PAUL JONES * * tº . Virginia.
91. Commodore JOSHUA BARNEY e e e * Maryland.
92. Commodore NICHOLAS BID DLE e © ſe . Pennsylvania.
93. Commodore JOHN BARRY . Qe © e © Ireland.
Independence Chamber is thus kept intact, to represent the year
1776 and its associations.
The whole front of the building, bricks, mortar, even the marble
trimmings and ornaments, had been daubed with paint, which many
practical builders declared it impossible to remove. A mechanic was
at last found who believed that this offensive innovation could be
gotten rid of, and after a successful experiment with the base, the
bricks of the entire front were finally disclosed, as well as the marble,
which had lost its identity under its coating of red.
The interior, with equal impartiality, had been treated with coat
after coat of paint. The ornamental carving of the vestibule and stair-
case, all done by hand, and once the pride of the early Pennsylvanians,
and the admiration of every visitor of the last century, were obscured
by a similar process of a contractor's efflorescence. By the careful use
of acids, and of purifying fire, the overlying coats of paint have been
removed. The delicate tracery of the panels and of the stairway is
again made visible. An experienced carpenter has supplemented the
original work, where time or relic hunters had laid their vandal hands,
and protection afforded against the eaeoethes scribendi with the finger,
or the heel of the boot-black, or of the irrepressible lounger about
the premises.
These purposes were set out in the first annual report of the Com-
mittee, and having previously overcome the impediments thrown in
their way by some of the former occupants of the Chamber, they go
on to say : —
“The western room having been finally yielded to us, we proceeded to in-
itiate the plan for a NATIONAL MUSEUM. The chamber was thoroughly ren-
ovated, and the decayed floor replaced by a tiled pavement similar in style to
that laid some years since in Independence Chamber.
“With the assistance of the Board of Lady Managers we set ourselves to
the work of collecting and arranging everything that seemed adapted for the
illustration or commemoration of the past. The chamber itself was formerly
the Judicial Hall of the Colony of Pennsylvania, where Justices Logan, Allen,
180 IHISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE IIA LL.
Chew, and McKean, gave dignity and weight to the Supreme Bench. This
room we therefore dedicate to the memories of these men, and to illustrate the
history of our State from its foundation, in 1682, down to the epoch of the
adoption of the Constitution of the United States, in 1789, when it merged into
the ‘United States of America, including as a specialité all that pertains to
the Framing of the Constitution of the United States, such as portraits of the
Signers thereof, their manuscript letters and other memorials and relics.
“Receptacle cases, constructed upon a plan devised by the Committee, have
been prepared, and are already partially filled ; the one with relics and me-
morials of distinguished men of the period from 1682 to 1787, and the other
with pamphlets, wearing apparel, newspapers, and everything illustrative of
the daily life in America during the same period; while appropriate platforms
are reserved to display furniture once in use by the patriots of that day.
“Mr. Joseph Harrison's public spirit (confirmed since his death by Mrs.
Harrison) has enabled us to present a synopsis of this part of our plan by a
series of paintings. Mr. Harrison deposited the celebrated painting, by West,
of the great Treaty, “never sworn to and never broken.” Over this picture it
is our wish to place a portrait of CHARLES II." (whose royal grant to Penn
enabled the latter to set an example of ‘peace on earth and good-will towards
men’), and next in order chronologically as our Ruler of the time — whatever
faults may be ascribed to him, always the true friend of Penn — JAMES II.
After him we have the portraits, in chronological order (thanks again to Mr.
Joseph Harrison), of King WILLIAM, Queens MARY and ANNE, and Kings
GEORGE I., II., and III., with whom terminated the royal authority in this
country, and whose portraits are, in our opinion, indispensable to the illustra-
tion and understanding of our local history and government.
“The Charter of incorporation of the City of Philadelphia, with the original
signature of the Founder, and with the great seal of Pennsylvania appended,
is encased appropriately, and displayed between the likeness of the Grantor
and the commemorative painting of the Treaty which made it feasible.
“The celebrated Non-Importation Resolutions of October 25th, 1765, signed
by three hundred and seventy-five of our merchants and traders (fac-simile),
constitutes an appropriate pendant in juxtaposition with the portrait of the
sovereign whose authority over Pennsylvania and her sister colonies, it was
destined to form the entering wedge to sever.”
Among all the acquisitions to the National Museum, no one is of
more intrinsic value than the portrait of William Penn, taken at a
time when the Founder of Pennsylvania was in the full maturity of
his powers. The existence of such a painting, though mentioned in a
rare county history of Durham, England, seems to have been entirely
1 Through the active exertions of Col. John W. Forney, who has always been the
kind friend of the Museum, an original portrait of Charles II., by Lely, has been
loaned by Mr. William Thompson.
Cº-
- -

THE NATIONTA I, Aſ U.S E Ulſ. 181
unknown to any Pennsylvanian, until Mr. Samuel L. Smedley, learn-
ing of it, procured from the original a small photograph, which by
accident was seen by the Chairman of the Committee on Restoration
of Independence Hall. Efforts repeatedly made by letter, to secure a
copy, were disregarded, but through the intervention of a friend, who
was asked to call in person and to make the request on behalf of the
citizens of Pennsylvania, the present careful copy was finally pro-
cured and placed beside West's painting of the Treaty. The original
artist is Francis Place, who painted the portrait from life shortly after
William Penn's second marriage in 1696, at the age of fifty-two. The
copy is made by Henry J. Wright, who certifies to its entire accuracy
in every detail. Its companion picture is a copy by the same hand,
from the original portrait of Mrs. Penn — Hannah Callowhill, -
painted by Place at the same time.
Of the Framers of the Constitution of the United States, the fol-
lowing portraits have been secured : —
GEORGE WASHINGTON iº © . Original by Rembrandt Peale.
JOHN LANGDON º gº º & Original by Sharpless.
RUFUs KING tº. & o . Original by C. W. Peale.
ALEXANDER HAMILTON . tº º Original by C. W. Peale.
ROBERT MoRRIs © tº e . Original by C. W. Peale.
JARED INGERSOLL . e & e George Lambdin.
GOUVERNEUR MoRRIs e tº . Marchant, after Sully.
ALEXANDER HAMILTON . & * Original by Sharpless.
LUTHER MARTIN g * e . Tiffany, after
JAMES McHENRY . tº tº gº Original by Sharpless.
JAMES MADISON . * e e . Miss Drinker, after Stuart.
GEORGE MASON tº e * º Herbert Welsh, after Stuart.
( Orginal by St. Memin, and
RICHARD D. SPAIGHT . te * * … ~
UOriginal by Sharpless.
The following miscellaneous Portraits (originals) by Sharpless : —
GEORGE WASHINGTON. HORATIO GATES.
John ADAMs. DOLLY P. MADIson.
THOMAS JEFFERSON. AARON BURR.
JAMES CLINTON. BUSHROD WASHINGTON.
JAMES Monroe. JAMES WILRINson.
NoAH WEBSTER. ANTHONY WAYNE.
JAMES KENT. ELIAS DAYTON.
R. R. LIVINGSTON. WILLIAM JoHNson.
DEWITT CLINTON. ASHBEL GREEN.
FISHER AMEs. BENJAMIN RUs H.
182 III STOI: Y OIF INDEPENDENCE H.A. LL.
Members of the Continental Congress — 1774 to 1789 — excluding
those who were in Congress June 7th, to November, 1776 : —
MATT.III: W TILG IIMAN. JONATIIAN BAYARD SMITH.
JAMES BOW DOIN. JONATHAN D. SERGEANT.
ARTHUR LEE. DAVID RAMSAY.
NATHANIEL RAMSEY.
The following Miscellaneous Portraits from Peale's Museum : —
JOHN PAGE . º ce wº . Governor of Virginia
ROBERT FULTON * * e The Inventor of Steamboat.
WILLIAM BARTRAM © g . The 13otanist.
DAVID RITTENIIo Us E . tº e The Astronomer.
THOMAS PAINE © * º . The Author of “Common Sense.”
SAMUEL SMITII . e © * Colonel Revolutionary War.
TIMOTIIY PICKERING . & . Colonel Revolutionary War.
THOMAS For EST © * e Colonel Revolutionary War.
TENNENT . © e . Colonel Revolutionary War.
M. DU CAMBRAY gº ſe * Colonel Revolutionary War.
WILLIAM RUSH e © sº . The Carver in wood.
CHEVALIER DE CIIASTELLUX . The Traveller.
CoMTE DE VOLN EY * e . The Traveller.
CHEVALIER DE LA LUZERNE . French Minister.
Towards the completion of the plan the present rooms form but the
nucleus.
The Councils of the City still occupy the second story of the build-
ing. They have accorded permission to the Committee on restoration
of Independence Hall, to use the walls of the chambers in the second
story. In conformity with their plans, on these are being arranged
as rapidly as they can be procured, Portraits of —
The Presidents of the United States.
The Vice Presidents.
Cabinet officers.
Speakers of the House of Representatives.
Prominent Statesmen of the Country from 1789.
When these chambers shall be vacated by the Municipal Govern-
ment, upon the completion of the City Buildings at Centre Square, it
is intended to arrange glass cases and other appropriate receptacles for
every variety of souvenirs of the epoch since the adoption of the Con-
stitution of the United States, down to the period only, probably, of
the War of 1812.
The plan designed by the Committee, provides for making the pres-
ent wings correspond on the exterior with the structures that adjoined
THE RESTORATION. - 183
the main building in 1776, as seen in the plate (page 13), and from
which even now they do not essentially differ; to reconstruct the inte-
rior with a blank wall, and while lighting from above, to arrange for
access thereto only from the State House proper. The interiors to be
used as portrait and picture galleries, and to be made contributory to
the National Museum thus established; the interest the Committee
reports is daily growing, as knowledge of the purposes is disseminated,
and they instance the fact that the average number of visitors during
any one month was five hundred and forty daily.
The building at Sixth and Chestnut streets, whose history has been
already traced, and identified with the inauguration of the National
Government, has been appropriately marked by a tablet recording its
associations. This building should be kept in its original state as well
as the corresponding corner building at Fifth and Chestnut streets.
The former bears a tablet inscribed as follows:—
“In this building sat the first Senate and the first House
of Representatives of the United States of America. Herein
WASHINGTON was Inaugurated President, March 4, 1793, and
closed his official career when, herein also, Joh N ADAMs
was Inaugurated second President of the United States, March
4, 1797.”
The latter, one inscribed :—
“City IIall, 1791–1854. In this building met the first Supreme
Court of the United States, 1791–1800, presided over by Chief
Justices JoHN JAY, JotLN RUTLEDGE, and OLIVER ELLs-
W. O. IRTH.’’
No appeal has yet been made to the people of the United States
for aid on this behalf. The city of Philadelphia has been asked, and
did promptly accord the first year $3,000, and the second year $3,500,
for the limited repairs which, under the circumstances, the Committee
felt it indispensable to ask. Individuals in Massachusetts, in New
York, in New Jersey, in Virginia, have generously responded to the
personal requests made by members of the Committee and of the
Board of Managers, while the State of Maryland itself has set an ex-
ample of contributing by legislative action to Independence Chamber
and to the National Museum, the portraits of the patriots of that
184 HISTOI: Y OF INDEPENDENCE HALL.
State, together with a handsome emblazonment of its heraldic device
and seal of State. In transmitting these the Governor expressed his
high “appreciation of the endeavor to restore and preserve intact In-
dependence Hall as it was in 1776, and also of the plan of the Com-
mittee in establishing the National Museum, which, if accomplished
as designed, will make the old Hall of Independence the Mecca of
Liberty, where every American can renew his veneration for the
illustrious Founders of our country.”
It is hoped that not only all the original Thirteen States of the
Union, but all those which have since matriculated, will thus establish
an ownership within these walls, their living citizens coming them-
selves annually to renew and brighten the chain of mutual friendship,
and enjoining it upon their descendants to keep alive the national
association at this, their Alma Mater of Liberty. º
Let every State in its sovereign capacity, let every American citizen
individually, assist in justifying this inscription, soon — now — to be
placed upon a conspicuous panel in Independence Hall : —

T H E S T A T E H O U S E
OF
P E N N S Y L V A N | A
CON SECRATED
BY THE MEMORI ES OF
THE EVENTS THAT OCCURRED
WITH IN AND UNDER THE SHADOW OF ITS WALLS
|S DEDICATED
BY THE CITIZENS OF PHILADELPHIA
TO THEIR FELLOW COUNTRY MEN OF THE
UNITED STATES
AS A
PERPETUAL MONUMENT
TO THE
FOUNDERS OF AMERICAN IN DEPENDENCE
O N THE
NATIONAL CENTENARY AN NIVERSARY
JULY 4 |876
THE RESTOIR...! TION. 185
The inscriptions, upon the four tablets in the vestibule, were elabo-
rated carefully to express all the historical incidents which the lower
floor was intended, especially, to realize and to commemorate. Thus,
while the Museum Chamber illustrates the period of 1682 to 1787, the
panels on either side of the door of entrance present, in letters of gold
—the one, William Penn's Record and his establishment of Universal
Liberty traced to its accomplishment in 1789, when the colony, which
he had founded, became an absolute sovereignty as the Keystone of the
Republic; the inscription, on the other, traces the germ of Union from
its conception, one hundred and twenty-two years ago, to its “more
perfect ’ development in 1787, when the present Constitution of the
United States was framed in this Hall.

WILLIAM PENN
BORN IN
LONDON OCTOBER 14 1644
LA] D THE FOUNDATION OF
UNIVERSAL LIBERTY
A. D. 1682
1N THE PR IV LEGES HE THEN
ACCORD ED
THE EMI GRANTS TO
PEN NSYLVANIA
AND THUS E N AB LED
T H E J R D E S C E N D A N T S
TO MAKE THE COLONY
THE KEYSTONE STATE
OF THE
FEDERAL UNION
|N 1789
186 HISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE HALL.

THE
U N | O N
OF THE
AMERICAN COLONIES
SUGGESTED BY
B E N J AM 1 N F RAN K L | N
AT THE CONGRESS IN
ALBANY 1754
WAS FOSTERED BY
MASSACHUSETTS IN 1765
DEVELOPED AT
CARPENTERS HALL IN 1774
|N THIS BUILDING
EFFECTED IN 1776
AND MADE MORE PERFECT
SEPT |7th 1787
The opposite chamber, appropriated exclusively to “1776,” contain-
ing portraits and other memorials of those men who participated in
the achievement of independence, exhibits corresponding panels on
either side. On one of these the concise history of Independence, and
THE VESTIBULE OF INDEPENDENCE HALL.
Toration.)
(AFTER RES

THE RESTORA TION. 187
on the other Penn's noble enunciation of that wherein a free govern-
ment consists, the more elaborate assertion of individual rights, from
the Declaration of Independence, and Washington's fiat of one of the
essentials of their preservation in this country, namely, Absolute
Union of the States of North America as essential to the maintenance

of their Liberties.
|N D EP E N D E N C E
FORE SHADOWED
BY
THE NON-IMPORTATION
RE SOLUTIONS
OF THE
M E R C H A N T S A N D O T H E R C | T | Z E N S
PH | LADELPHIA OCTOBER 25th 1765
NEW YORK OCTOBER 31st
BO STON DEC E M BER 3rd
WAS PROPOSED IN CONGRESS BY
RICHARD HENRY LEE
PURSUANT TO THE INSTRUCTIONS OF
Wl RG|N|A
JUNE 17th ADOPTED JULY 2nd
AND
T H E D EC LA R AT | ON
FINALLY AGREED TO
JULY 4th 776
188 IIISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE IIA LL.
~~
ANY GOVE R N M ENT
1S FREE
TO THE PEOPLE UNDER IT WHAT EVER BE THE
FRAME WHERE THE LAWS RULE AND THE PEO-
PLE ARE A PARTY TO THOSE LAW S AND MORE
THAN THIS IS TYRANNY O LIGARCHY AND CON-
FUSION. Penn's Frame of Government.
WE HOLD THESE TRUTHS TO BE SELF-EVIDEN I
THAT ALL MEN ARE CREATED EQUAL THAT THEY
ARE ENDOWED BY THEIR CREATOR WITH CER-
TAIN UNAL ENABLE RIGHTS THAT AMONG THESE
ARE LIFE LIBERTY AND THE PURSUIT OF HAP-
PIN ESS THAT TO SECURE THESE RIGHTS GOV-
ERNMENTS ARE INSTITUTED AMONG MEN DE RIV-
| NG THEIR JUST POWERS FROM THE CONSENT
OF THE GOVE R N E D. Declaration of Independence.
YOUR UNION OUGHT TO BE cons|DERED AS A
MAIN PROP OF YOUR LIBERTY.
Farewell Words of George Washington.
These are the principles, these are the events, these are the patriots
whose memory it is sought to perpetuate, in the full belief that their
practical teachings will influence the American citizen of to-day.
The Hall of Independence and the National Museum, are of little
avail unless they subserve the purposes of object-instruction, an in-
struction not limited to producing familiarity with the naked events
of history or of individuals, but extending into the higher field of
education, where respect, aye, and reverence for the great and good
never fail to inspire emulation; thus teaching by example and by the
honor secured, - How good a thing it is to LIVE for one's country.
May not, by such means, the time be hastened when the people of
the United States, now rapidly merging into slaves of party, a slavery
worse than ever otherwise existed on this continent, will throw aside
the trammels imposed by the present prostitution of the name of Free-
dom? Odd as it may seem, the words of William Penn, the monarchist,
the friend of the last two of the Stuarts who ruled by royal right divine,






IIISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE H.4 LL. 189
— his words to-day are more truly democratic, state more accurately
the principles of a free Republic, than can be found in the modern
platforms of “Democrats” or “Republicans,” or can be discovered
in the actions of their leading apostles.
Periodically are false gods erected for our homage by rings, cau-
cuses, or other combinations, and by the very dregs of the people,
under the pretense that this constitutes a free government, thus
trailing in the dust the great names of Washington, of Adams, of
Clay, and of Webster on one side, or of Samuel Adams, of Jefferson,
and of Jackson on the other. And what do we — the sovereign
people of America 2 We periodically do fall down and worship
these idols, or pass by on the other side, to attend to our own business.
It may be designed for us to pass through trial and through tribula-
tion, like the chosen people of old, but may we not learn in the mean
time, – and in no place more practically than in what we are fond of
calling our Temple of Liberty,+that what the founders of this Repub-
lic really toiled and fought for was, self-government, the Rule of the
Best citizens of America, – not the Rule of the Worst. Neither De-
mocracy nor Republicanism originally taught that victory was to be
gained for spoils, nor an independent government created in order
to establish offices in the city, state, or national gift for the main-
tenance of the political huckster.
The precepts of our national creed should not be laid aside for mere
Fourth of July speeches, or worse, relinquished to the use and exposi-
tion of the bread-seeking politician. Their living spirit should form
part of our daily lives; every man, woman, and child who runs should
read and ponder, each for himself, this enunciation of William Penn,
expounded by the framers of our Magna Charta and now inscribed in
letters of gold upon the tablets over against Independence Chamber.
Let every American teach these words diligently unto his children;
think of them when he lieth down and when he riseth up and when he
walketh by the wayside, and write them as a sign upon the door-posts
of his house, and upon his gates, – thus may he learn
PRO DEO ET PRO PATRIA — VI VERE.
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THE STATE HOUSE.
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CONTINU ATION.
SINCE the first edition of this work was issued, a number of interesting
facts connected with the history of Independence Hall have come to light,
and the Centennial anniversaries of the most important events which
happened within its walls, the passage of the Declaration of Independence,
and the formation of the Constitution of the United States, have been
appropriately celebrated. In issuing the second edition, it is but proper
that some account of these should find a place, together with some incidents
which either escaped the observation of the author, or which at the time he
did not see proper to include in his work.
The most important document lately discovered, immediately connected
with the building, is what appears to be the original plan, a facsimile of
which will be found opposite this page. It is drawn on parchment, and
measures 13 by 28% inches. It was found in the Dickinson Papers, and
probably came into the possession of John Dickinson through Isaac Norris,
the Speaker of the Assembly. It shows the building as originally planned,
without the tower to the south, which now contains the stairway, and
which we know was not added until 1749. What is very curious is, that
it does not appear to have been the intention of the architect to separate
the west room on the ground floor from the hall by a closed wall, as was
the case with the east room ; but to have an open colonnade formed by a
series of pillars supporting the ceiling. Strange as it may seem, this fact
has escaped the observation of all who have written about the Hall,
although it is possible that the building remained so until after the Revo-
lution. Such a construction would agree with that description given by
Manasseh Cutler, in 1787, which will be found on page 194.
Between the years 1768 and 1773, a number of meetings were held in
Philadelphia to oppose the acts which Charles Townshend had suggested
for raising a revenue in America, by imposing a duty on certain articles.
Several of these meetings were held in the State House, and belong to its
history.
On the 30th of July, 1768, a meeting gathered there, at which resolu-
tions were adopted against importing any goods subject to the duty, and
( 191 )
192 HISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE II A LL.
subsequently more general non-importation resolutions were agreed upon,
and a committee of merchants appointed to see that they were not violated.
In July, 1769, a vessel laden with malt arrived, and the people were
again called together, at the State House, to decide what should be done
with it, as its importation was contrary to the resolutions of the 6th of
February and the 10th of March of the same year.”
The brewers attended the meeting in a body, and informed the people
that they would not purchase or brew the malt for any person whatsoever.
The meeting adopted a resolution that no one should purchase it or assist
in handling or storing it, so the vessel was compelled to return to England
with her cargo.
The duty on all goods except tea was soon repealed, and some of the
colonies declined longer to live up to the non-importation agreement.
The measure, therefore, failed in effecting the object for which it was
adopted; and in 1770, New York, which had probably adhered more closely
to the resolutions than any of the other colonies, abandoned them and de-
termined to import such goods as were not dutiable. The receipt of this
news raised a storm of indignation in Philadelphia; and on the 14th of
July the people again crowded around the State House. A circular of
bitter invectives, dated from the State House, gave the reasons which had
brought the citizens together. “The New Yorkers,” it read, “have be-
trayed a meanness and a cowardice in deserting us in the present import-
ant juncture which wants a name. May infamy be their portion l and
may the name of a Bute, a Grenville, a Bernard, and a Yorker hereafter
be synonymous words!” “We cannot help telling you,” said the mer-
chants, in reply to a letter from New York, “that, however you may
color your proceedings, we think you have, in the day of trial, deserted
the cause of liberty and your country.” And a card published in a paper
of the day read: “The inhabitants of the City of Philadelphia present
their compliments to the inhabitants of New York, and beg they will send
their OLD LIBERTY Pole, as they imagine they can, by their late conduct,
have no further use for it.”
The citizens determined to adhere to the resolutions, but some of the
merchants thought it folly to attempt longer to carry out the agreement
which had been given up by other colonies. On the 20th of September,
a meeting held at Davenport's Tavern, on Third Street below Arch,
declared in favor of importing all goods but tea and such other articles
as might be subjected to a duty for the purpose of raising a revenue in
* We regret to say that we have been unable to find these resolutions in full, or
the proceedings of the meeting at which the committee of merchants was appointed
to see the non-importation carried out.
MEETING OF MARCH 25, 1779. 193
America. To oppose this, a general meeting was called, which gathered at
the State House, on the 27th of September, and although every effort was
made to continue the non-importation agreement, and spirited resolutions
were passed, they failed, and before long “trade between America and
England was open in everything but TEA.”
The excitement which grew out of the attempt to force the importation
of tea, and the meetings at the State House in consequence thereof, as
well as those held at the beginning of the Revolution, have been already
mentioned. But all through the war the State House was the rallying-
point for the Whigs when important questions were to be discussed. One
of the most noted of these gatherings was that of May 25, 1779, called to
bolster up the rapidly depreciating continental money by enforcing the
“Tender Acts,” and bringing about the gradual reduction of the price of
goods. In the verses of the Tory poet, Joseph Stansbury, we have an
interesting but bitterly sarcastic picture of the meeting, of which we give
a few stanzas as a specimen :-
And now the State-House yard was full,
And Orators so grave, so dull,
Appear'd upon the stage:
But all was riot, noise, disgrace;
And Freedom's sons thro' all the place
In bloody frays engaged.
Sagacious Matlack strove in vain
To pour his sense in Dutchmen’s brain
With every art to please:
Observ'd “that as their money fell,
Like Lucifer, to lowest Hell,
Tho' swift, yet by degrees—
So should it rise, and goods should fall,
Month after month, and one and all
Would buy as cheap as ever;
That they lost all who grasp'd too much”—
(This Colonel Bull explain'd in l)utch)
—But fruitless each endeavour.
In 1782 the State House had a visitor in the person of the Prince de
Broglie, who has left us the following description of the appearance of
Independence Hall: “The State House, where Congress assembles, as
does the Council of Pennsylvania, and where also the courts of justice are
held, is a building literally crushed by a huge massive tower, square and
not very solid.
“Congress meets in a large room on the ground floor. The chamber is
194 IIISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE HALL.
large, without any other ornament than a had engraving of Montgomery,
one of Washington, and a copy of the Declaration of Independence. It
is furnished with thirteen tables, each covered with a green cloth. One
of the principal representatives of each of the thirteen States sits during
the session at one of these tables. The president of the Congress has his
place in the middle of the hall upon a sort of throne. The clerk is seated
just below him.
“Each member of the assembly has the right of discussion or expressing
his opinion verbally or by writing, and the majority of votes decides, for the
president has no vote more than any other member. * In the wing just
by the hall of Congress is an apartment for the reception of Indian depu-
tations. The War Department is also in this part of the building and has
a large room, where are kept with the greatest care and order the flags
and other trophies taken from the enemy. Just back of the State House
the prison is to be seen, which queerly enough is the only building which
has any architectural beauty.”
On July 13, 1787, Manasseh Cutter visited Philadelphia, and thus
described Independence Hall and its surroundings:–
“This is a noble building ; the architecture is in a richer and grander
style than any public building I have before seen. The first story is not
an open walk, as is usual in buildings of this kind. In the middle, how-
ever, is a very broad cross-aisle, and the floor above supported by two
rows of pillars. From this aisle is a broad opening to a large hall toward
the west end, which opening is supported by arches and pillars. In this
Hall the courts are held, and as you pass the aisle you have a full view of
the Court. The Supreme Court was now sitting. This bench consists
of only three judges. Their robes are scarlet; the lawyers, black. The
Chief Judge, Mr. McKean, was sitting with his hat on, which is the
custom, but struck me as being very odd, and seemed to derogate from
the dignity of a judge. The hall east of the aisle is employed for public
business. The chamber over it is now occupied by the Continental
Convention, which is now sitting, but sentries are planted without and
within—to prevent any person from approaching near—who appear to
be very alert in the performance of their duty.
“We passed through this broad aisle into the Mall. It is small, nearly
square, and I believe does not contain more than one acre. As you enter
the Mall through the State House, which is the only avenue to it, it appears
to be nothing more than a large, inner court-yard to the State House,
ornamented with trees and walks. But here is a fine display of rural
fancy and elegance. It was so lately laid out in its present form that it has
* The vote was taken by States.
I’ISIT OF ..] IANA,SS EII CUT'TER. 195
not assumed the air of grandeur which time will give it. The trees are
yet small, but most judiciously arranged. The artificial mounds of earth,
and depressions, and small groves in the squares have a most delightful
effect. The numerous walks are well graveled and rolled hard; they are
all in a serpentine direction, which heightens the beauty and affords
constant variety. That painful sameness commonly to be met with in
garden-alleys, and other works of this kind, is happily avoided here, for
there are no two parts of the Mall that are alike. Hogarth's ‘Line of
Beauty' is here completely verified. The public are indebted to the fertile
fancy of Mr. Saml. Vaughan, Esq., for the elegance of this plan. It was
laid out and executed under his direction about three years ago. The Mall
is at present nearly surrounded with buildings, which stand near to the
board fence that encloses it, and the parts now vacant will in a short time
be filled up. On one part the Philosophical Society are erecting a large
building for holding their meetings and depositing their Library and
Cabinet. This building is begun, and on another part a County Court-
house is now going up [at Sixth and Chestnut Streets]. But after all the
beauty and elegance of this public walk, there is one circumstance that
must forever be disgusting, and must greatly diminish the pleasure and
annusement which these walks would otherwise afford. At the foot of the
Mall, and opposite the Court-house, is the Prison, fronting directly on the
Mall. It is very long and high, I believe four stories, and built of stone.
The building itself, which is elegant, would appear well, were it not for
its unsavory contents. Your ears are constantly insulted with their
billingsgate language, or your feelings wounded with their pitiful com-
plaints. Their long reed poles, with a little cap of cloth at the end, are
constantly extended over into the Mall, in order to receive your charity,
which they are incessantly begging. And if you refuse them they load
you with the most foul and horrid imprecations. In short, whatever part
of the Mall you are in, this cage of unclean birds is constantly in your
view, and their doleful cries attacking your ears.”
Immediately after the adjournment of the Federal Convention a re-
markable scene was enacted in Independence Chamber. The members of
the Assembly who were in favor of the new Constitution were determined
that a State Convention should be immediately called for its conside-
ration, and those members who opposed it endeavored to prevent such
action. They argued that such a step should not be taken until the Con-
stitution had been formally submitted to the States by Congress, and
finding themselves in the minority absented themselves from the House
to prevent a quorum assembling. The scene which followed is thus
described by Professor McMaster:—
“At four o'clock” on the afternoon of September 28 “ the Assembly
196 HISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE HALL.
met, with the Speaker and every federal menber in his place, but all told
they counted only forty-four, and the business could not go on. After
waiting awhile and no more coming in, the Speaker sent out the sergeant-
at-arms to summon the absentees. None would obey, and the House was
forced to adjourn to nine o'clock on Saturday morning.
“Meanwhile, the rider sent on by Mr. Bingham [from New York] came
spurring into town with the resolution of Congress submitting the Con-
stitution to the States. This, when the Speaker had taken the chair on
Saturday, was read to the house. Hoping that the opposition of the
minority would now be removed, the sergeant-at-arms and the assistant
clerk were despatched to hunt up the malcontents, show them the resolu-
tion, and summon them to attend. The two officers went first to Major
Boyd's, where were James M’Calmont, who sat for Franklin, and Jacob
Miley from Dauphin. They were shown the resolution, and stoutly said
they would not go. The people, however, decided that they should;
broke into their lodgings, seized them, dragged them through the streets
to the State House and thrust them into the assembly room, with clothes
torn and faces white with rage. The quorum was now complete. When
the roll had been called and a petition praying for a Convention presented
and read, Mr. M'Calmont rose, complained of his treatment, and asked to
be excused. Some debate followed, in the course of which the rules touch-
ing the matter were read. It then appeared that every member who did
not answer at roll-call was to be fined 2s. 6d. Eut when a quorum could
not be found without him, a fine of 5s. was to be imposed. Thereupon
Mr. M'Calmont rose, and, taking some silver from his pocket, said, ‘Well,
sir, here is your 5s, to let me go.” The gallery broke into a laugh, the
Speaker refused the money, and the debate went on till the vote was about
to be taken, when Mr. M’Calmont left his seat and made for the door.
Instantly the gallery cried out, “Stop him l’ The crowd about the door
did so ; Mr. M'Calmont returned to his seat; the house refused to cxcuse
him, and appointed the first Tuesday in November for the election of
delegates.”
The Convention having been called, the next step necessary was to
secure for the Constitution a fair consideration. At a public meeting
held at the State House on the evening of October, able speeches were
delivered by James Wilson and Dr. Benjamin Rush explaining and defend-
ing the proposed Constitution.
As it has been claimed that the sessions of the Federal Convention
were held in Carpenters' Hall, it is but proper here to give the evidence
which undoubtedly proves the State House to have been the birth-place of
the Constitution. In the first place, we believe the only ground on which
a contrary claim rests is the fact that the records of the Carpenters' Com-
THE BIRTII-PLACE OF THE CONSTITUTION. 197
pany show that the Convention was invited to occupy its Hall. The
contrary evidence is: First, that the Journal of the Convention states the
Convention met in the State House on May 14. Second, Franklin, in a
letter to his sister dated September 20, 1787, wrote, “The Convention
finished the 17th instant. I attended the Business of it five Hours in
every day from the Beginning, which is something more than four months.
You may judge from thence that my health continues; some tell me I
look better, and they suppose the daily Exercise of going and returning
from the State house has done me good.” Third, when Manasseh Cutler
was in Philadelphia he visited the State House on July 13, 1787, and the
room was pointed out to him in which the Convention was then in ses-
sion, with the sentries outside of the door to prevent any one approach-
ing. He also visited Carpenters' Hall, and tells us for what purposes it
was then used. Fourth, when the Assembly of Pennsylvania met in
September, 1787, the Journal states that the members met in an upper
room, as the one they usually sat in was occupied by the Convention that
was expected to finish its labors in a few days.
This testimony proves conclusively in what building the Convention
held its sessions, and it also calls attention to a fact not generally known
that the sessions were not all held in the same room. When Dr. Cutler
visited the building on July 13th the Convention occupied one of the
rooms in the second story, and in September we know from the journals
of the Pennsylvania Assembly that it sat in Independence Chamber.
And here it may be well to note, that notwithstanding Colonel Etting's
opinion, expressed on page 163, there can be little doubt that there was a
gallery, at one time, in Independence Chamber. The behavior of the
people in it is mentioned in the account we have given of M’Calmont's
attempt to withdraw from the house, which account is based on Lloyd's
Debates, taken in shorthand at the time; also by a writer in the Pennsyl-
vania Packet, for December 8th, 1787, who says: “That while listening
to the debates in the State Convention he had heard in the GALLERY the
whispers of approbation circulated, as true federal sentiments were ex-
pressed.”
On July 25th, 1795, there was another gathering at the State House of
a very different character than the last we have described. It was called
to denounce Jay's Treaty, and one of the speakers was Blair McClena-
chan, then pretty well advanced in years, an irritable, violent man, badly
affected with the gout. The late Charles J. Ingersoll, in his “Recollec-
tions,” gives this account of his speech, which, as a boy, he had heard sixty
years before. “In a hoarse, guttural voice, struggling for ejaculation, a few
jerking phrases were uttered with vehement action without a particle of
oratorical method . . . or idea whatever. But the essence of conviction
198 HISTOIR Y 01' IN DEPENDENCE HALL.
poured forth upon the crowd from the speaker with flashing earnestness
of tone, look, manner, rubicund face, reddened to fiery purple, and indig-
nant motion, while with one hand he propped himself upon his stick and
beat the air with the other. He soon brought his harangue to a conclu-
sion, and ended with calling upon his fellow-citizens to join in kicking the
treaty (or the author of it, as some reported) to a place where the temper-
ature is said to be considerably greater than that he then occupied. De-
scending from his position, he then hobbled across Chestnut Street with
the crowd, and burned the treaty at the door of Phineas Bond, the British
consul.”
Probably the most important meeting held at the State House during
the War of 1812 was that of August 26th, 1814, occasioned by the news
of the capture of Washington. It was presided over by the venerable
Thomas McKean. At it the Committee of Defence, of which Charles
Biddle was chairman, was appointed; and the subsequent meetings of that
body were held in the City Hall, at Fifth and Chestnut streets.
When the committee of Congress that accompanied the remains of John
Quincy Adams from Washington to his Massachusetts home reached
Philadelphia, on March 7th, 1848, the body of the ex-president was re-
ceived with military and civic honors. Independence Hall had been draped
for the occasion ; and there, in the very room where, nearly three-quarters
of a century before, his father had battled for independence, his remains
rested over night.
The ceremonies attending the reception of the remains of Henry Clay,
in Philadelphia, on the night of July 26, 1852, were particularly impres-
sive. An immense procession, bearing torches, met the funeral party at
the depot, Broad and Prime streets, and escorted it to Independence Hall.
The head of the procession reached there about midnight. The square
was brilliantly illuminated, and the bell solemnly tolling. Surrounded by
torches, and saluted by the military, as it passed, the body of the great
Commoner was born beneath the overlapping branches of the trees that
shade the main walk, up to the Hall, where it remained over night.
So too, in 1857, when the people wished to honor the memory of the
intrepid Kane, his body was brought to Independence Hall, where it rested
from the 11th until the 14th of March,
On the afternoon of February 21, 1861, Abraham Lincoln, then Presi-
dent-elect of the United States, arrived in Philadelphia, on his way to
Washington, to be inaugurated. On account of the threatening attitude
assumed by the Southern States, the city was greatly excited; and the
people, to show their Union sentiments, had determined that Washington's
birthday should be commemorated with more than usual ceremonies. Mr.
Lincoln opened these services early on the morning of the 22d, by raising
A BI: 4 II.4.11 L I.N.C'O L \ 1 T. J.Y.D EP E.N.D.E.YC'E II.4 L L. 199
a flag, bearing thirty-four stars, over Independence Hall. The halyards
of the flag reached from the staff on the roof of the building to a stage
that had been erected on Chestnut Street, about where the statue of Wash-
ington now stands; and from it, amidst the cheers of a great concourse of
people, the flag was unfurled. Iłefore this, Mr. Lincoln had been received
in Independence chamber by the city authorities; and it was on this occa-
sion, in replying to a speech of Mr. Theodore Cuyler, President of Select
Council, that he made use of the expression : “If this country cannot be
saved without giving up that principle [the principle of the Declaration of
Independence], I was about to say, I would rather be assassinated on this
spot than surrender it.” And in conclusion. “I have said nothing but what
I am willing to live by, and in the pleasure of Almighty God to die by.”
All during the Rebellion the State-House yard was the chosen spot for
meetings of citizens called to take measures to support the government
and defend the State against invasion. Here the news of the fall of Wicks-
burg and other Union victories were rejoiced over. In the Hall the bodies
of some of the distinguished soldiers who had given their lives in the de-
fence of the Union found a temporary resting-place as they were being
borne to their long homes. And when, at last, the glad tidings were rung
out from the tower of the building, at noon, on April 3d, 1865, that
Richmond had fallen, the people crowded around the Hall as if the spot
that had seen the birth of the nation was the only one where they could
express their joy at the overthrow of the Rebellion that threatened its
existence. The next day the members of the Union League marched from
their quarters, on Chestnut Street below Twelfth, to the State House; and
in front of the old building public thanks were given for the victory that
had been won.
The governor of the State recommended the people to observe the fol-
lowing Sunday as a day of general thanksgiving. In some of the churches
evening services were held, and as the congregations of these were return-
ing to their homes, at 9 o'clock, word flashed across the wires that Lee
had surrendered.
The news spread through the city with remarkable rapidity, and, as if
moved by a common thought, the people flocked to the State House. The
volunteer fire companies turned out in force. The hose-carriages and
* “There was another flag-raising at Independence IIall, on December 7th, 1861,
when the sailors and marines of the Hartford, now inseparably eonnected with memo-
ries of Admiral Farragut, then just arrived from the East Indies marched to Inde-
pendence Hall, and presented to the city a splendid silk flag made by them during
their voyage home. The flag was raised at noon upon the flag-staff amid great en-
thusiasm, and salutes were fired at the Navy Yard, and from the Hartford.”—Pre-
ble's IIistory of the Flag, 2d ed., p. 410.
200 II/STOR) () I.' I,\ J) EP E.V.D. L.VCE II ..] J. L.
on-inos were gathered around the building, and while the bells of the
former were kept continually ringing, the screaming whistles of the latter
were sounded with deafening effect. Crowds of men shouting themselves
hoarse, and headed by bands playing patriotic airs, came from all direc-
tions, and Chestnut Street from Fourth to Eighth became almost impass-
able. The State House and many of the large buildings in the neighborhood
were illuminated, making the streets as light as day. Men and women
who had parted but a few hours before shook hands when they met and
greeted each other as if they had been separated for years. No extrava-
gance seemed too great to be committed in the frantic efforts of the people
to express their joy. The excitement lasted until far into the night, and
the papers of the next day compared it to what must have taken place on
that memorable night in the last century when the news of the surrender
of Cornwallis reached the city.
All of this was in sad contrast to that mournful and solemn pageant which
in less than two weeks (Saturday, April 22d), accompanied the remains
of the lamented Lincoln to Independence Hall. None who saw it will
ever forget the appearance of that double file of orderly sergeants march-
ing in lock-step from the Walnut Street gate of the square to the southern
door of the Hall, bearing on their shoulders the casket that contained the
remains of the martyred president. Guarded by the First Troop of
Philadelphia City Cavalry, the body of Mr. Lincoln was allowed to
remain there during the next day, while thousands of our citizens, forming
a line which extended up Chestnut Street beyond Broad, passed through
Independence Chamber to look for the last time on the face of the dead
president.
On the 4th of July, 1866, the battle-flags which had been carried by the
soldiers of Pennsylvania during the Rebellion were returned to the State.
Independence Hall was the spot chosen for the impressive ceremony. The
presentation was made by Major-General George G. Meade, and the flags
were received on the part of the State by the Hon. Andrew G. Curtin, in
the presence of an immense multitude.
As this volume records, extensive preparations were made to place the
Hall in a suitable condition to be visited by the thousands who it was
known would come to our city to attend the exhibition held in honor of
the anniversary of the passage of the Declaration of Independence. As
this anniversary approached the interest in it was intensified, and the Cen-
tennial Year was ushered in with rejoicings almost equal to those called
forth by the news of the surrender of Lee.
Naturally, Independence Hall was chosen for the special ceremonies
which were to mark the One Hundredth Anniversary of the passage of the
great Declaration, but before these were held it was thought proper to cele-
.J U L Y 2, 1876. 201
brate the anniversary of the adoption of the “Resolution respecting Inde-
pendency,” that forerunner that paved the way for the passage of the more
celebrated act. For this purpose, months before, authors and representatives
of historical and literary societies, together with descendants of those who
had been active in the Revolution, were invited by the committee having in
charge the restoration of Independence Hall, to prepare biographical
sketches of participants in the Continental Army and the Continental
Congress, and deposit them in Independence Chamber on the day that
was to be celebrated. As the true anniversary of the event, July 20, fell
on Sunday, it was decided to hold the celebration on the first of the month.
On the morning of that day, those who had been invited assembled in
Independence Chamber, and, at a meeting presided over by the venerable
William A. Whitehead, the president of the New Jersey Historical Society,
deposited the memoirs they had prepared. At twelve o'clock they ad-
journed to a large stage that had been erected at the rear of the building
facing the square, where a number of citizens had assembled. This meet-
ing was presided over by the Hon. John William Wallace, president of the
IIistorical Society of Pennsylvania. Having called the meeting to order
and made appropriate remarks, he introduced Mr. William W. McKean,
who delivered an historical address, describing, with great accuracy, the
action of Congress in passing the Resolutions and the Declaration of In-
dependence. Addresses were also made by the Hon. Leverett Saltonstall,
Hon. IIenry Lippitt, Governor of Rhode Island, Hon. Frederick dePeyster,
president of the New York Historical Society, Hon. Francis Putnam
Stevens, of Maryland, and the Hon. Benjamin Harris Brewster, of Penn-
sylvania. Vocal and instrumental music, suitable for the occasion, was
rendered by the Choral Society of the Centennial Musical Association
between the several addresses, and the ceremonies were concluded by a
benediction invoked by the Right Reverend William Bacon Stevens,
Bishop of the Diocese of Pennsylvania.
Early on the evening of July 3, 1876, the people who had assembled in
Philadelphia to celebrate the great anniversary began to congregate
around the old Hall, to welcome the hour that was to complete the cen-
tury of independence. By half past eleven the square was full to over-
flowing, and it was estimated that from fifty to seventy-five thousand
people were in it and in the neighboring streets.
When the clock in the tower struck twelve, it was answered by the
united voices of the thousands below, by the explosion of guns and can-
non, and by the strains of patriotic music. The scene was such as John
Adams, with prophetic vision, might have seen, when supposing that the
Resolutions respecting Independency would go down in history as the
final act of Congress dissolving the tie that united the thirteen colonies
202 IIISTORY OF INDEPENDENCE IIA LL.
with Great Britain, wrote: “The second day of July will be the most
memorable epocha in the history of America. I am apt to believe that it
will be celebrated by succeeding generations as the great anniversary fes-
tival. It ought to be commenorated, as the day of deliverance, by solemn
acts of devotion to God Almighty. It ought to be solemnized with pomp
and parade, with shows, games, sports, guns, bells, bonfires and illumina-
tions from one end of this continent to the other, from this time forward
forevermore.”
Early on the morning of the 4th, a military parade, composed of soldiers
from all parts of the country, under the command of General Hartranſt,
marched through some of the principal streets of the city. As it passed
Independence Hall it was reviewed from a stand in the front of the build-
ing by General Sherman, the commander-in-chief of the army, and General
Joseph Hawley, President of the Centennial Commission. Before the
line had passed the stand, the people began to assemble in the Square. At
the south of the Hall a stage, capable of seating between four and five
thousand persons, had been erected for invited guests; while facing it on
the south side of the Square was a stand for the chorus and orchestra,
which contained together from a thousand to twelve hundred performers.
In the absence of President Grant, the Hon. T. W. Ferry, President of
the Senate, presided. By his side was General Hawley, President of the
Centennial Commission, and near by Dom Pedro II., Emperor of Brazil,
and Count Rochambeau, the grandson of General, Count Rochambeau,
who commanded our French allies during the Revolution. Near to these
were seated the staff of the Emperor, in uniforms of blue and gold. Among
others present were Sir Edward Thornton, the English Minister; Generals
Sherman, Sheridan, Hooker, and McDowell, the governors of many of the
States, and the officers of several foreign vessels of war that were on our
coast at the time. The uniforms of the officers and the costumes of the
ladies, who appeared in full dress, added to the brilliancy of the scene.
At half-past ten the stage was fully occupied, and the assemblage in
front of it extended to the south side of Walnut Street. At a signal from
General Hawley, the orchestra played an overture, entitled “The Grand
Republic,” by George P. Bristow, of New York. Remarks were made
by General Hawley, and after Senator Ferry had taken the chair, a prayer
was offered by Bishop Stevens.
The chorus then sung, to the tune of Keller's Hymn, “Welcome to All
Nations,” written for the occasion by Oliver Wendell Holmes.
The Hon. William S. Stokley, Mayor of Philadelphia, brought to the
front of the platform the original Declaration of Independence, which
had been placed on exhibition in a fire-proof case in Independence Cham-
ber, to remain there while the Centennial Exhibition was being held. As
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CENTENNI.4 L () I.' T'// E CO.V.STITUTIO_\ . 203
soon as the people recognized the familiar parchment, shout upon shout
arose from the vast multitude ; those on the stage rose to their feet; hats
and handkerchiefs were waved to greet it, and no royal personage ever
received a more hearty welcome. It was read to the people by Richard
Henry Lee, the grandson of that Richard Henry Lee who, on the 1st of
June, 1776, offered the Resolutions respecting Independency.
After the reading, the orchestra rendered a Brazilian Hymn, written
for the occasion by A. Carlos Gomes, of Brazil, at the request of the
Emperor. Following this the Hon. John Welsh introduced Bayard
Taylor, who delivered the Centennial Ode. “Our National Banner,” by
Dexter Smith, of Massachusetts, music by Sir Julius Benedict, of Eng-
land, was then sung by the chorus.
The orator of the day, the Hon. William M. Evarts, was introduced,
and at the conclusion of his oration, the Hallelujah Chorus, Old Hundred,
and the Doxology were sung, and the audience dismissed with a benedic-
tion by Bishop Simpson.
The governors of the thirteen original States visited Independence Hall
on the morning of September 17th, 1886, and then adjourned to Carpen-
ters' Hall where steps were taken to celebrate, the following year, the
one-hundredth anniversary of the promulgation of the Constitution of the
United States. It is unnecessary to speak at length of this celebration,
which covered three days, as its history has fortunately been published,
and from the volumes issued by the committee having the celebration in
charge, we gather the following account of that part of the ceremony
which was held at Independence Hall.
“The most important and impressive ceremonies of the celebration were
those commemorative of the adoption of the Constitution of the United
States of America by the Federal Convention. These were held in the
square of Independence, beneath the shadow of the Old State House, in
which the Declaration of Independence had been signed, and where the
Federal Convention had framed and adopted the Constitution of the
nation.
“A vast platform had been erected upon the south side of the State
House, and conspicuously placed at the very front, draped in the national
colors, stood an exact photographic reproduction of the original Con-
stitution resting upon the chair in which George Washington had sat
while presiding over the deliberations of the Convention. On either side
were two lofty poles, from which floated the flag of the United States,
guarded by a soldier and sailor respectively. The entrance for special
guests was through the south door of the hall. Upon the outer edge of
the circle, at the extreme front, seats had been provided for the members
of the Constitutional Centennial Commission, who acted as hosts. Facing
204 III.S.TOR }'' () I.' [.VI) EP ENJ) ENCE II.'ſ L L.
these were the President of the United States, Ex-President Rutherford
B. Hayes, and Ex-Vice-President Hannibal Hamlin. Immediately beside
them sat Mrs. Cleveland, the members of the Cabinet and their wives,
the President of the Senate, the Chief Justice and Justices of the Supreme
Court of the United States, Senators of the United States and members
of Congress, the General of the army, and Rear-Admiral Luce represent-
ing the navy. Upon the right were the representatives of foreign govern-
ments; upon the left the governors of the States and the mayor of the city
of Philadelphia. Behind these were members of the legislative and judi-
ciaries of the States, dignitaries of the Church, the Society of the Cincinnati,
the councils of the city of Philadelphia, the mayors of other cities, officers
of the army and navy, descendants of the framers of the Constitution and
other distinguished guests. To the extreme left, and occupying one-third
of the platform, were stationed the Band of the Marine Corps of the
United States, under the direction of Professor Soussa, the chorus of
three hundred men under the direction of Professor Herman, and the
chorus of two thousand school-boys from the public schools, under the
direction of Professor Rosewig. Sweeping to the right and rear, and
rising tier upon tier in a vast amphitheatre, sat thousands of strangers
who had come from far distant places to testify by their presence their
devoted allegiance to the great charter of national rights. The speakers'
stand was placed between the chairs of the commissioners and the chair
occupied by the president, and in its immediate neighborhood sat the
orator of the day, the Rt. Rev. Bishop Potter, Cardinal Archbishop
Gibbons, Dr. Witherspoon, the President of the Commission, the members
of the Executive Committee, the chairman of the sub-committees of the
Commission, and the chairman of all auxiliary committees. In front of
the platform, beneath the shade of the trees, and stretching to the utmost
limits of Independence Square, stood in solemn silence a concourse of
more than twenty thousand people. Blue skies and unclouded sunshine
smiled propitiously upon the majestic scene ''
At eleven o'clock “The March of the Men of Columbia,” as an opening
chorus, was rendered by the children from the public Schools.
The Rt. Rev. Bishop Potter, of New York, then pronounced the divine
invocation, after which a hymn was rendered by the chorus of boys.
The Hon. John A. Kasson, President of the Commission, delivered an
introductory address, after which the men's chorus rendered Schiller's
Appeal to Truth, by Mendelssohn.
The President of the United States was introduced, and on taking the
chair made an address. At the close of Mr. Cleveland's remarks a patriotic
song, entitled “The Young Recruit,” was sung by the chorus of boys.
C/2NT E_\ \'ſ, L () I.' 'ſ J/ JE ( '( ) \, N / / T'ſ 77() V. 20.5
The Hon. Samuel F. Miller, senior Justice of the Supreme Court of the
United States, the orator of the day, delivered the oration.
The chorus of boys then sang “Hail Columbia,” with new words con-
tributed by Oliver Wendell Holmes. Professor Murdock recited the new
national hymn, written for the occasion by F. Marion Crawford, the
musical chorus contributed by Professor Gilchrist being rendered by the
chorus of men's voices.
Cardinal Gibbons then offered the closing prayer. “ The Star-Spangled
Banner” was sung by the men's chorus, Dr. Witherspoon pronounced
the benediction, and the ceremonies were concluded by a march by the
Marine Band.
An account of INDEPENDENCE HALL cannot be more fittingly concluded
than by the following extract from the address of Hampton L. Carson,
Esq., before The Historical Society of Pennsylvania on the anniversary of
the meeting of the First Congress of the United States:–
“When Congress next met, it was in the city of Philadelphia, the third
session being held in the old building erected in 1788, at the southeast
corner of Sixth and Chestnut streets. There John Adams presided over
the Sonate. There Madison and Fisher Ames contended with each other
upon the bill to establish a National Bank. There Washington was in-
augurated for his second term. There John Adams was inducted into the
Presidential office. In a similar building, at the southwest corner of Fifth
and Chestnut streets, sat the Supreme Court of the United States. There
Jay and Rutledge, and Ellsworth presided as Chief Justices. There Lewis
and Dallas, Ingersoll and Tilghman, Rawle, Dexter and Harper appeared,
to argue their causes. Between them stands the Hall, sacred to the De-
claration of Independence and the Constitution. Where in America can
be found a similar group of historic buildings? Quaint in their simplicity,
solid in their structure, thrilling in their associations, they speak each hour
to the Americans of to-day. They recall the plainness, the strength, the
endurance, the patriotism, the heroism, and the sacrifices of our early days.
Invested with a charm that clings not to the mouldering ruins of feudal
castles, or the frowning prisons of the Doge, they speak not of tyranny but
of liberty. They are the shrines and places of baptism where our fathers
knelt and dedicated themselves and their children to the service of man-
kind.
“LET No RAGE FOR MODERN IMPROVEMENT DEMAND THEIR REMOVAL LET
NO TIIOUGHITLESS SPIRIT OF PROGRESS LAY RUTHLESS li-ANDS UPON THEIR HOLY
WALLS,”
AIPPENDIX A.
LIST OF THE SIGNERS
OF THE NON_IMPORTATION RESOLU
TIONS OF THE MERCHANTS AND OTHERS.
OCTOBER 25, 1765.
A.
ADoock. See PEYTON
ALEXANDER, JAMES
ALLEN, ANDREW
ALLEN, JOHN
ALLEN & TURNER
ALLISON, WILLIAM
ARMITAGE, JUN., BENJA
ARMITT, JoHN
B.
BACHE, RICHD
BAcON, DAVID
BAkER, Jos BPH
BALDw1N, JOIIN
BALL, WILLIAM
BANKson, ANDW
BARCLAY. See CARSoN
BARNARD & JUG Iz
BARTRAM, ISAAC & Moses
BARTRAM & DUNDAS
BARTRAM & LENNox
BAss, Robert
BATHo, CHAs.
BAY ARD, John
BAYLY, JoHN
BAYNTON, WHARTON & MoRo AN
BELL, John
BENEzet, DANL
BENEzRT, JAMEs
BENEzET, PHILIP
BEVERIDGE, DAVID
BICKLEY, ABRA.
BIDDLE, CLEMENT
B1 DDLE, OWEN
BINGHAM. See STAMPER
BLAIR. See MURRAY
BoxD, PHENIAs, SAM. MIFFLIN for
BoxD, THos.
Box D, J.R., TIIos.
Booth, BENJAMIN
Bowe, HUGH
Boy LE, John
BRADFord, CoRNL
BRADFord, WM
I31; EcHELL, ANDREAS
BRING HURST, Joli N
BROWN, ELIJAH
BROWNE, JONA.
BRY AN, GEO.
BRY AN, WILLIAM
BRYON, John
BUDDEN, JAMES
BUDDEN, RICHARD
BUNTING, SAMUEL
BURGE, SAMUEL
BUSH, MATHIAS
C.
CADWALADER, JNo. & LAMB
CALDWELL, SAMUEL
CADWALADER, THos.
CALDw ELI., W.M & ANDw
CARM1ck, Steph EN
CARPENTER, Tuo MAS
20S
A PPENDIX.
CARRUTHERs, SAMUEL
CARSON, BARCLAY & MITCHELL
CHARLTON, THos.
CHEESMAN, SAMUEL
CHEVALIER, JNo. & PETER
CHEW, BENJAMIN
CHEw, Jon N
CLAMPFFER, WM
CLAYPOOLE, JAMEs
CLAYPOOLE, Jose PH
CLAYTON, John
CLIFFORD, THos.
CLYMER, GEo.
CoLLINS, STEPHEN
CoNYNG IIAM & NESBITT
Corry, WM & SAML
COTTRINGER, John
Court ENAY, HERS
Cox, ISAAC
Cox, JoHN
Cox, JUN., Jon N
CoxE, CIIAs.
Cox E & FURMAN
CRAIG, J.
CRA1G, WM
DAvi Es, BENJA
1)AVIS, GEO.
IDEAN, JOSEPH
JDESHLER, DAVID
JDEv1 NE, MAG DALEN
}) ICAs, TIIOMAS
DICKINSON, JOHN
DICKINSON, PIII LN.
DoNNALDSON, HUGH
Dow ELL, WILLIAM
Dow ERs & YORKE
I)RINK ER & JAMES
DRINKER, JUN., JOHN
DUCHE, JACOB
DUN CAN. See St EwART
DUNDAs. See BART RAM
E.
FDDY, JAMES
EDw ARDs. See WIS HART
EMLEN, JUN., GEO.
EMLEN, HUDSON
Ev ANS, JONA.
Eve, Oswell,
F.
FALCONER, WILLIAM
FALKNER, LESTER
FISHER, SAML
FISHER, WILLM
FISHER & SoN, Josh UA
FLANAGAN, JOHN
FLEEson, PLUNKETT
Foot MAN, RICHD & PETER
FORBEs, HUGH
FOULKE, CALEB
Foul RE, JUDAH
Fox, Jos.
FRANC1s, TENCH
FRANKs, DAVID
FRAzer, PERSIFOR
FRY, WM Storrs
FULLER, B.
FULLERTON, JOHN
FULTON, JAMEs.
FU RMAN. See CoNE
G.
GARDNER, THEO.
GIB BS, BENJA
GIBSON, JOHN
GILDERT. See KEARNEY
GLENIiolME & Co., OWEx
GLENTwo RTII, GEORGE
GRAFF. Sec HUBLEY
GRATz, BARNARD
GRATz, MICHAEL
GRAY, MARCY
H.
HAIN Es, RE UBEN
HALL, DAV II)
HARBEsoN, BENJAMIN
HARDIE, ROBERT
HARDING, JAMES
HARMAN. See NEAVE
HAR R1S, FRANCIS
HARRIs, IROBERT
HARRI son, HENRY
HART, JoHN
HART LEY, JAMES
HARVEY, JAMES
IIEAD, JOHN
HEATON, JOHN
HENRY, W I LLIAM
HEw Es, CALEB.
HEw Es, Jos I AII
IIEY SHAM, WILLIAM
HILLBORN, JNo. & AMos
HoDGE, WILLIAM
Hoops, ANDREw
Hooton, BENJAMIN
How ARD, PETElt
APPENDIX. 209
How ELL, John LADD
How ELL, JOSHUA
Howell, SAMUEL
HUBLEY & GRAFF
HUDson, SAMUEL
HUGHES, JOBIN
HUMPHREYs, RICHARD
HUMPHREYs, WILLIAM
HUNTER, JAMES
HUston, ALEXANDER
HUTCHING's, ZACH.
HYDE, LYDIA & ELZ.
I.
IBIson, WILLIAM
INGLES, JOHN
J.
JACKson. See LATHIM
JACKson. See WILLS
JAcobs, Jos EPH
JAMES & DRINKER
JANN, JAMES
JEYES, FRANCIS
JoxEs, CALEB
Jon Es, Owen
Jon Es & WALL, H. Jon Es for
JUG Iz. See BARNARD
K.
KEARNEY, JUN., PHILIP
KEARNEY & Gi LBERT
KEARSLEY, J.R., JNo.
IXENDALL, BENJA.
REPPELE, SENIOR, HENRY
KEPPELE, JR., HENRY
KIDD, GEORGE & JoBIN
KIDD, JoHN
KING, Joseph
KINSEY, PHILIP
KNIGHT, PETER
KNow LEs, JoBN
L.
LATHIM & JACKSON
LAwRENCE, THos.
LAY.cock, GoDFREY
LEAcock, John
LENNox. See BARTRAM
LEvy, BENJAMIN
13
LEvy, JUN., HYMAN
LEvy, SAMSON
LEWIS, ELLIS
LIGHTFoot, THOS
LLOYD, WILLIAM
Log AN, WILLM
LookERMARY & SoN, VINCENT
LUNAN, ALEX.
M.
M.AccuRBIN, JAMES
MAGEE & SANDERSON
MARSHALL, BENJA.
MARSHALL & SoNs, CHRISTOPHER
MATHEY, SAMUEL
McCALL, ARCHIBALD
McCULLocH, HUGH
McMURTRIE, DAVID
McMURTRIE, WM
McNEILL & ToI.BERT
MEADE, GARRETT & GEORGE
MEASE, JOHN
MEASE & MILLER
MEREDITH, CHAs.
MEREDITH, REESE
MEREDITH, SAML
MIFFLIN, JNo.
MIFFLIN, SAML
MIFFLIN, THos.
MILLER. See MEASE
MILNE, E.
MITCHELL. See CARson
MITCHELL, ABRAHAM
MITCHELL, RANDLE, B. F. for
Montgomſ ERY, Robert
MontgoNIERY, THos.
MooRE, JNo.
MooRE, WM
MoRDECAI, Moses
MoRGAN. See BAYNTox
MoRGAN, BENJAMIN
MoRRELL, WILLIAM
MoRRIs, JUN., A.
MoRRIs, CAD. & SAML C.
MoRRIs, GEO. A.
MoRRIS, JUN., ISAAC
MoRRIs, JR., ISRAEL
MoRRIs, Jos.
MoRRIs, Robert
MoRRIs, J.R., SAML
MoRRIs, J.R., W.
MoRRISON, GEORGE
MoRTON, JOHN
21()
APPENDIA.
MoRTON, SAML
MURRAY & BLAIR
N.
NEAve & HARMAN.
NELSON, John
NESBITT. See CoNYNG HAM
NICHOLLs, WILLIAM
NIX ON, John
O.
ORD, John
ORMES, SAMUEL
PARKER, RICHD
PASCIIALL, ELISA
PASCIIALL, ISAAC & Jos.
PASCHALL, THos.
PEARSON, ANN
PEIRSE, JNo.
PEMBERTON, Isr.
PEM BERTON, JAMEs.
PENNOCK, J.R., JAS.
PEN Rose, JAMEs.
PEN Rose, Trios.
PETERs, Joji N.
PEYTON & Alcock,
PHILLII's, JNo. & THos.
PLEASANT, SAML
POLLAR D, WILLIAM
POTTs, DAVID
PRI EST, John
PRINGLE, JOHN
PUSEY, WILL AM
PURVIANCE, SAML
PURVIANCE, JR., SAML
R.
RA wile, BENJAMIN
REDMAN, JOSEPII
REEvE, PETER
RELFE, JNo.
REYNELL, JOHN
RIIEA, JNo. & DAVID
RICHARDS, WILLIAM
RICJIARDSON, JUN., FRANCIS
RICII ARDSON, JOSEPH
R1c11 ARDSON, JOS.
JR ICII E, Trios.
Roſ; ER DEA U, DANIEL
RO PERt.8, HUG II & GEORGE
Robinson, HUMPHREY
RoD INSON, Triosi As
Ross, JNo.
RUNDLE, DANL
RUSII, WILLIAM
SANSOM, J.R., SAML
SAUNDERs, Jos.
SAVADG E, THOS.
Scott, WILLIAM
SEARLE, JAMES
SIIAW & SPROGELL
SII EE, JNo.
SIIDWELL, STEPHEN
SIIIPPEN, JR., W.
SIMs, BUCKRIDGE
SIMs, JO.
SIT G REA v Es, WM
SMITII, ALEX.
SM1T II, SAMUEL
SMIt II, SAMUEL
SMITII, Tilo M.As
SONMANs, P.
SPARIIAW K, JOHN
SPRO AT, DAVID
STAM PER & BING IIA
STEIN Metz, John
STEVENs, IRICHARD
Stock ER, ANTHONY
Story, l'Noch
Street, ERANC1s
STRETTELL, AMOS
STUART, JAMES
SWAN, RICHARD
Swift, Josepil
SYMONDs, WILLIAM
SYNG, PIII LLP
TAG G ERT, ROBERT
Trio MSox, CIIAs.
TIIoM son, PETER
TI LG IIMAN, JAMES
TILG IIMAN, TENCH
Ikorotii A.M., GEORGE
S.
SANDERSON. See MAGEx
SIIEE & SON, WALTER
SHOEMA RER, Jr., JACOB
SIIOEMA RER, SAMUEL
SPROG ELL. See SHAw
M
STEDMAN, CIIAs., “for self & brother’
St EwART, DUN CAN & Co.
T.
g
APPENDIX. 211
TOD. See WILLING
TOLLERT. See McNEILL
TROTTER, Jos EPH
TUCKNEss, Robºt
TUETT, J.R., B.E.N.I.AMIN
TURNER. See AL LEN
TURNER, SR., PETER
TURNER, JR., PETER
TURNER, Trios.
TURNER, W I LLIAM
Tweedy, NATHL
U.
USHER, ABRAHAM
V.
VANDERSPIEGOL, WILLIAM
W.
WADE, FRANCIS
WALL. See JONES
WALLACE, JAMES
WALLACE, JOHN
WALLACE, THos.
WALN, RICHARD
WALN, Rol:T
WARDER, JEREMIAH
WEST, THos.
WEST, WILLIAM
WHARTON, CHAs.
WHART.ox. See BAYNTON
WHART.on, JAs.
WHARTON, John
WHART.on, Jos.
WHART.on, J.R., Jos.
WHART.ox, Thos.
WHARTON, JR., T Hos.
WHITE, JAMES
WHITE, JNo.
WHITE, Tows sex D
WIKOFF, ISAAC
WIKOFF, John
WIKof F, PETER
WILCocks, John
WILLIAMs, DANL
WILLING, THos.
WILLING & TOD
WILLs & J Ackson.
W II SON ROBT
WILsoN, WILLIAM
WINEY, JACOB
WISHART & EDWARDS
WISTER, DANL
WISTER, Jo HN
WooD, JoHN
WooD, Jose PH
Wood H.A.M & You Ng
WYN Roop, BEN.J.A
Y.
YoFRE. See Dow ERs
You Ng. See WooD HAM
Z.
ZANE, Jos ATHAN, - ABEL JAMEs “signs
for ’’
Zest, John
Zw EIGELL, ANDREw
APPENDIX IB.
LIST OF THE SIGNERS OF THE DECLARATION OF
INDEPENDENCE.
Alphabetically arranged.
ADAMS, John
ADAMS, SAMUEL
BARTLETT, Jos IAH
BRAxton, CARTER
CARROLL, CHARLES OF CARROLLTON
CHASE, SAMUEL
CLARK, ABRAHAM
CLYMER, GEORGE
ELLERY, WILLIAM
FLOYD, WILLIAM
FRANKLIN, BENJAMIN
GERRY, ELBRIDGE
GwinneTT, BUTTON
HALL, LYMAN
HANCOCK, John
HARRISON, BENJAMIN
HART, John
HEw Es, Joseph
HEYWARD, J.R., THOMAS
Hooper, WILLIAM
HoPKINS, STEPHEN
Hopki NSON, FRANCIS
HUNTINGTON, SAMUEL
JEFFERSON, THOMAs
LEE, FRANCIS LIGHT FOOT
LEE, RICHARD HENRY
LEWIS, FRANCIS
LIVINGSTON, PHILIP
LYNCH, JR., THOMAS
McKLAN, THOMAS
MIDD LEton, ARTHUR
MoRRIs, IEw Is
MORRIs, ROBERT
MoRTON, JOHN
NELSON, JR., THOMAS
PACA, WILLIAM
PAINE, Robert TREAT
PENN, JoHN
READ, GEORGE
RopNEY, CAESAB
Ross, GEORGE
RUSII, BENJAMIN
RUTLEDGE, EDWARD
SHERMAN, ROGER
SMITH, JAMES
STOCKTON, RICHARD
STONE, THOMAS
TAYLOR, GEORGE
THORNTon, MATT.II Ew
WALTON, GEORGE
WIIIPPLE, WILLIAM
WILLIAMS, WILLIAM
WILSON, JAMES
WITIIERspoon, John
Wolcott, OLIVER
WYTHE, GEORGE
IIN DE X.
Act, of Assembly, for building State House,
8; draft of, 9.
Act, Stamp, resisted by Massachusetts, 47 ;
Rhode Island, 49 ; Pennsylvania, 48, 49 ;
effect of passage, 49–52; in Philadelphia,
52–55; repeal of, 58; its effect in Phila-
delphia, 58–61.
Act, Tea, 62; its effect in Philadelphia, 64,
66–72, 75; in Boston, 68, note; in New
York, 69, note; in Charleston, 69, note.
Act, the Declaratory, of Parliament, 61.
Adam, Andrew, 109.
Adams, John, 77, 79, 84, 96, 97, 103, 104,
140; inaugurated as President, 142.
Adams, Samuel, 49, 75, 77, 84, 108, 109, 196.
Adams, Thomas, 110.
Aldricks, Peter, 28.
Alexander, Robert 85.
Allen, Andrew, 85, 93, 94, 106.
Allen, Anne, 58.
Allen, William, 12–16, 24, 35, 52, 58, 122,
132, 136, 147, 151.
Alsop, John, 84, 99.
Armstrong, Thomas, 16.
Articles of Confederation, adopted
signed, 109; signers of, 109, 110.
Assembly, first, 2; at Chester, 3; at Phila-
delphia, 4; place of meeting of, 5; pro-
vided for by the State House, 7; first sit-
ting at State House, 16; list of its mem-
bers, 16; room finished, 24; went off to
Lancaster upon approach of British, 107;
returns to State House, 1778, 113; oc-
cupies lower floor, 120; abandons Phila-
delphia, 121.
Assheton, Robert, 147.
Atwood, William, 151.
Ayres, Captain, 70–72.
and
Baldwin, Abraham, 119.
Baltimore, Lord, 2.
Bancroft, George, 54, 186.
Bank Meeting-house, 5.
Bannister, John, 110.
Banqueting Hall, inaugurated, 15, 25, 121 -
124.
Barnes, Jon., 28.
Bartlett, Josiah, 109.
Bartram, George, 54.
Bassett, Richard, 1 18.
Baynton, John, 132.
Bedford, Gunning, 118.
Bell, the, ordered, 26–32; “proclaims lib-
erty,” 103; foretells centennial celebration,
104; taken out of town, 105; placed in In-
dependence Chamber, 165; restored to its
original frame-work, 128, 171; new bell
and clock discussed in councils and ordered,
1 5S-162.
Bell, John, 35.
Biddle, Edward, 78, 85, 86, 94, 106.
Biddle, Mrs. William, 171.
Biddle, Owen, 86.
Biles, William, 16.
Binney, Horace, 172.
Blackwell, John, 25.
Blair, John, l 19, 149.
Bland, Richard, 74, 85.
Blount, William, l 19.
Boerum, Simon, 84.
Bonnin, Gousse, 65.
Boude, Thomas, 14.
Boudinot, Elias, l 12.
Bowdoin, James, 77.
Bowler, Metcalf, 75.
Braddock, General Edward, 6, 34.
Bradford, Thomas, 53, 54.
Bradford, William, 19, 20, 154.
Brahl, Lewis, 24.
Braxton, Carter, 96.
Brearley, David, 118.
British occupy Philadelphia, 107.
Brown, Jacob, 118.
Bruce, Captain, 31.
214
INDE_\.
Bryan, George, 25, 52.
Budden, Captain, 30.
Bulloch, Archibald, 85.
Butler, Pierce, 119.
Cadwalader, John, 22, 86.
Cadwalader, Thomas, 35.
Camden, Lord, 61, 123, 124.
Cann, Jon., 28.
Carpenter, Samuel, 6, note.
Carpenter House, 6.
Carpenter's Hall, used for convention, 76;
for Congress, 79.
Carroll, Daniel, 110, 119.
Carson, John, 154.
Carter, William, 151.
Cary, Archibald, 74.
Caswell, Richard, 75.
Centennial Celebration proposed, and pre-
Senting favorable chance for restoration,
167.
Chairs, history of, and restored, 166, 167,
171.
Chalkley, Thomas, 70, note.
Chandler, Thomas, 16.
Change of government, 89,90; first sugges-
tion for independence, 91, 92; action upon
it in Pennsylvania, 93, 97, 98 ; action in
Congress, 94, 98 ; draft of Declaration of
Independence submitted to Congress, 98;
resolution for independence introduced,
94, 95; considered in committee, 99 ; re-
ported and adopted, 100; Declaration of
Independence considered and adopted, 101;
promulgated, 101, 102; made unanimous
by the action of New York as the 13th
State, 105; engrossed and brought in for
signature, 105.
Charles II., King, 2, 28, 47, 48.
Charles, Robert, 29, 31.
Charles, Valentine, 54.
Chase, Samuel, 75, 85, 149.
Chastellux, de, visit to the State House, 112,
l 13.
Chatham, Lord. See William Pitt.
Chevalier, Peter, 54.
Chow, Benjamin, 24, 147.
China factory, 65.
City, Authorities, 146–150; list of Mayors
of, 150, 151; list of Recorders, 147, note.
City Hall, 137, 146-151.
Clarke, Mr., 68, 71.
Clingan, William, 110.
Clinton, Governor George, 39, 84, 99.
Clock, the, 32, 157, and note; new clock, etc.,
ordered, 158—162.
Clymer, George, 74, 93, 106, 118.
Coffin, Captain, 69, 71.
Coleman, William, 25.
Collins, John, 109.
Collinson, Peter, 125.
Confederation, articles of, signed, 109; list of
signers of, 109, 110.
Congress, of 1754, commissioners to, from
Pennsylvania, 40; of 1765, at New York,
commissioners to, from Pennsylvania, 51 ;
meeting of, 55; of 1774, to be called at
Philadelphia, 75–81; meets at Carpenter's
Hall, 79; entertained at State House, 123,
124; meets at State House, 83 ; members
of, of 1775, 84, 85; leaves Philadelphia,
1776–77, 107; returns, 108; abandons
Philadelphia, l l 1, 112 ; debates its return
to Philadelphia, 137–140; its return to,
140; first battle in, 142; remains in Phila-
delphia until year 1800, 141.
Congress Hall, 135–145; changes made, 157
Convention, to frame Constitution for Penn-
sylvania, to be called, 89, 90; in 1776,
106; elects delegates to Congress, 106; in
1790, 120; to frame Constitution of United
States, 117; members of, l 18, 119 ; to act
upon Constitution of United States, 119;
of Episcopal Church meets in Independ-
ence Chamber, 120, note.
Conway, H. S., 61, 124.
Cooper, Peter, 70, note.
Cornwallis, Lord, surrender of, l l l .
Correspondence, committees of, 74, 75.
Council, of Censors meets, 116; first Provin-
cial, 4; to be accommodated in State
House, 7.
Council, character, 25.
Councils of city occupy State House, 164.
Court, Supreme, of the Province ; place of
meeting, 7; to be accommodated in State
House, 7; Judges of, 24, 25.
Cowpland, Caleb, 14, 16, 25.
Crane, Stephen, 84.
Cummings, Thomas, 16, 36.
Cunningham, Provost, 107.
Cushing, Thomas, 47, 48, 75, 77, 84.
Cushing, William Justice, 141, 149.
Dallas, Alexander, J., 151.
Damas, Comte de, 113.
INDEX.
215
Dana, Francis, 109.
I)arvall, William, 28.
J)avie, William R., 119.
Dayton, Jonathan, 118, 142.
Deane, Joseph, 54.
Deane, Silas, 75, 84.
Declaration of Independence. See Independ-
€. In Cè.
Declaratory Act of Parliament, 61.
De Hart, John, 84.
De Lancey, James, 20.
Denny, William, 25, 122.
Deshler, William, 54.
Dickerson, Mahlon, 151.
Dickinson, John, 25, 45, 51, 52, 62, 64, 75,
78, 83, 85, 86, 93, 94, 96, 100, 106, l 10, 118,
134. *
Dickinson, Jonathan, 151.
Digges, Dudley, 77.
l)inwiddie, Robert, 40.
Doz, Andrew, 54.
Drayton, Mrs. 173.
Drayton, William Henry, 98, 110.
Duane, James, 84, 110.
Duché, Jacob, 30, 103, 104, 127, 151.
Duer, William, 110.
Duffield, Jºdward, 32.
Dulany, Daniel, 61, 123.
Dunn, C. C., 171.
Dyer, Eliphalet, 84.
Edwards, Thomas, 14, 16.
Electricity, lectures upon in the State House,
125, 126,
Ellery, William, 109.
Ellis, Thomas, 14.
Ellsworth, Oliver, l 18, 142, 149.
Evans, John, 16, 25.
Ewing, John, 65.
Eyre, Manuel, 158.
Fairman, Benjamin, 14.
Faneuil & Winslow, 68.
Fergusson, Elizabeth, 107.
Few, William, l 19.
Findley, William, 116, 120.
Fishbourne, William, 15l.
Fisher, Joshua, 54.
Fisher, William, 54, 151.
Fitzsimons, Thomas, 116, 118.
Fleeson, Plunket, 24.
Fletcher, Benjamin, 25.
Floyd, William, 84, 99.
Foggo, Mrs. Anne Hopkinson, 171.
Forbes, General, 6, 122.
Forney, John W., 118, note.
Foundation of universal liberty laid by
William Penn, 185.
Fox, Joseph, 38, 51, 132.
Frampton, William, 28.
Francis, Tench, 147.
FRANKLIN, BENJAMIN, 16, 25, 33, 38, 40,
41–44, 49, 53, 65, 81, 85–87, 94, 97, 101,
106, 109, l 18, 119, 124–126, 154.
Franklin, Deborah, 43.
Franklin, William, 43.
Franks, David, 35.
French Minister, received at State House,
108.
Fuller, Benjamin, 54.
Gadsden, Christopher, 85, 94, 98.
Galbraith, Andrew, 16.
Gallatin, Albert, 120.
Galloway, Joseph, 75, 78, 79, 83, 89, 93, 152
I 33.
George II., King, 45, 122.
George III., King, 47, 81, 86, 123.
Gerard, Chevalier, 108.
Gerry, Elbridge, 75, 96, 109, I 18.
Gibson, John, 35, 151.
Gilman, Nicholas, 1 18.
Gimat, M. de, 113.
Godfrey, Thomas, 14.
Goldsborough, Robert, 85.
Goodsonn, Job, 16.
Gookin, Charles, 25.
Gordon, Patrick, 8, 11, 25.
Gorham, Nathaniel, 1 18.
Government of Pennsylvania, instituted, 2.
Governors, of Pennsylvania, list of, 25.
Graeme, Thomas, 24.
Gray, Thomas, 47, 48.
Greene, W., 28.
Griffitts, Thomas, 151.
Griswold, Roger, 142, 143.
Growdon, Laurence, 16, 25.
Guest, George, 4.
Gwinnett, Button, 109.
Hall, Captain, 68, 71.
Hall, John, 85.
Hall, Lyman, 85.
HAMILTON, ANDREW, 9, 11–13, 16–23, 25,
26, 122, 132, 136, 147.
Hamilton, Alexander, 118, 120.
Hamilton, James, 16, 18, 25, 34, 39, 122, 136,
15l.
216
INDEX.
Hancock, John, 68, 75, 84, 94, 102, 109, l 17,
124.
Hand, Edward, 120.
Hanson, John, 110.
Harnett, Cornelius, 110.
Harrison, Benjamin, 74, 85, 96–99, 101.
Harrison, Henry, 151.
Harrison, John, 14.
Harrison, Joseph, Jr., 180.
Hart, John, 3.
Hartranft, J. F., returns inkstand, 169, 170.
Harvey, Joseph, 16.
Harvie, John, 110.
Hassel, Samuel, 151.
Hawker, Captain, 61.
Hawley, Joseph, 75.
Hazard, Samuel, 134.
Henry, Patrick, 50, 74, 85.
Hesselius, Gustavus, 14.
Heyward, Thomas, Jr., 110.
Hewes, Joseph, 85, 109.
Hill, Richard, 151.
Hillegas, Michael, 87.
Hillsborough, Lord, 63.
IIind, Robert, 14.
Hitchcock, Joseph, 14.
Holdernesse, Earl of, 39, 40.
Holland, William, 14.
Hollingsworth, Levi, 154.
Holme, Thomas, 28.
Holten, Samuel, 109.
Hooper, William, 85.
Hopkins, Stephen, 49, 75, 84, 109.
Hopkinson, Francis, 107; humorous account
of speech of a standing member by, 113–
| 16.
Hopkinson, Thomas, 25, 126.
Hosmer, Titus, 109.
Houston, William C., 118.
Houstoun, John, 85.
Howe, Sir William, 107.
Howell, Samuel, 54.
Hudson, William, 151.
Hughes, John, 53.
Hughes, Matthew, 16.
IIumphreys, Charles, 78, 85, 89, 94, 100, 106.
IIunter, James, 54.
Huntington, Samuel, 109.
Huston, Alexander, 35.
Hutson, Richard, I 10.
IIutchinson, James, 154.
INDEPENDENCE, not aimed at, 63; fore-
shadowed by NoN-IMPORTATION RESOLU-
TIONS, - PHILADELPHIA, 53, 54, NEw
York, 54, Bostos, 55; first suggestion
for, 91, 92; action upon it in Pennsylvania,
93, 97,98; MOVED IN Cong Ress BY RICH-
ARD HENRY LEE, 94; considered, 96, 97;
RESOLUTION ADOPTED, 100; DECLARA-
TION OF, submitted, 98; debate upon, and
ADOPTION by twelve States, 101; promul-
gation of, 102, 103; made “unanimous ”
by New York’s adoption, 105; engrossed
and signed, 105, 106; signers of, for list
of, see Appendix B, page 196.
Independence Chamber, Episcopal Conven-
tion meets in, 120, note; Kinnersley lect-
ures on electricity in, 126; Lafayette's
reception in, 158; effort in Councils
towards its improvement, 158—162; its
restoration, 163; its indiscriminate uses
and application, 165, 171 : design of res-
toration, 166; return of President’s chair
and table, 166, 167; Centennial celebra-
tion a fitting opportunity to cffect restora-
tion, 167; reports of committee, 171; ink-
stand restored, 168; security against fire,
| 72.
Indians, 126, 127.
Ingelo, Richard, 28.
Ingersoll, Jared, 118, 154.
Inkstand, Independence, 24; traced and re-
stored, 168, 169, 170.
Inn opposite the State House, 129.
Invalid Corps of the Revolution to guard the
State House, 131.
Iredell, James, 149.
Irvine, William, 116, 120.
Jackson, Richard, 48, 49.
Jackson, William, 145.
James, Abel, 54, 70.
James, Rebecca, 70, note.
James II., King, proclaimed, 28.
James & Drinker, 70, 72.
Janney, Thomas, 28.
Jay, John, 84, 99, 149.
Jefferson, Thomas, 74, 85, 96, 97, 104, 142.
Jeniſer, Daniel, of St. Thomas, 119.
Johnson, Thomas, 75, 85, 117, 149.
Johnson, William Samuel, 118.
Jones, Benjamin, 16.
Jones, Daniel, 14.
Jones, Griffith, 151.
Jones, Isaac, 151.
Jones, Noble W., 85.
Jones, Robert, 16.
INDEX.
217
Judges, list of, of Supreme Court of Province,
24, 25; of the Supreme Court of United
States who sat in the City Hall, 149.
Judicial Chamber of State House completed
and first used, 24.
Kearsley, John, 11–13, 16, 35.
Keith, George, 7.
Keith, Sir William, 25.
Kelley, William, 69.
Kerr, Thomas, 14.
King, Rufus, 118.
Kinnersley, Ebenezer, 126.
Kinsey, James, 84.
Kinsey, John, 14, 16, 24.
Kirkbride, Joseph, Jr., 14, 16, 38.
Lafayette, Marquis, 113, 158.
Langdon, John, 84, 118.
Langhorne, Jeremiah, 16.
Langworthy, Edward, 110.
Lansing, John, 118.
Laurens, Henry, 108, 110.
Lawrence, John, 25, 151.
Lawrence, Thomas, 11–13, 151.
Lee, Charles, 73.
Lee, Francis Lightfoot, 85, 110.
Lee, Henry, 144.
LEE, RICHARD HENRY, 74, S5, 94, 96, 97,
108, 110.
Leech, Thomas, 16, 29, 132.
Levy, Moses, 151.
Lewis, Francis, 84, 99, 110.
Lewis, William, 120.
Lexington and Concord, battles of, S2, S6.
Liberty, universal in Penn's grants, 185; of
the Press first vindicated, 20, 21, 22; as-
serted, Virginia, 50; by the Pennsylvania
legislature, 52; Boston firm for, 73; all
the Colonies a unit for, 73, 74; Philadel-
phia pledged to it in meeting in State
House yard, 75.
Library of Assembly, 27.
Lists. See, under appropriate heads, Non-
Importation Resolutions, signers of; Con-
gress, members of, etc.
Livingston, Philip, S4.
Livingston, Robert R., S4, 96, 97, 109.
Livingston, William, S4, 118.
Lloyd, David, l 1, 147.
Lloyd, Edward, 75.
Lloyd, Thomas, 25, 28.
Logan, James, 6, 16, 25, 151.
Logan, William, 25.
Loring, Captain, 71.
Lots purchased for State House, 12; title to
14, 131.
Loudoun, Lord, 122.
Lovell, James, 109.
Lukens, Isaiah, 159, 162.
Lynch, Thomas, 85
Lyon, Matthew, 142, 143.
Mackey, Thomas, 16.
Madison, James, l 19, 120.
Makin, Thomas, 7.
Mansfield, Lord, 73.
Marchant, Henry, 75, 109.
Markham, William, 25.
Marshall, John, 104, Ill, 144, note, 149, note.
Martin, Alexander, 119.
Martin, Luther, 119.
Mason, George, 119, 120.
Massachusetts, takes the initiative in resist-
ing Great Britain, 47; fosters union, 50;
circular letter, 62.
Masters, Thomas, 151.
Matthews, l 10.
Mauduit, Israel, 47.
Mayors of Philadelphia, list of, 150, 151.
McCall, Samuel, 35.
McClurg, James, 119.
McHenry, James, 119.
McKean, Thomas, 75, 85, 96, 100, 109, 110,
I 20.
Mechanics employed at State House, 14.
Mercer, John Francis, 119.
Middleton, Henry, S5.
Mifflin, Samuel, 35, 54.
Mifflin, Thomas, 25, 74, 78, S5, S9, 11S, 120.
Miles, Samuel, 75, 15l.
Militia, establishment attempted, 34–38; ef.
feeted, S6.
Mills, Robert, 157.
Monington, William, ll.
Montgomery, Thomas, 54.
Moore, Alfred, 149.
Moore, William, 16, 25.
Morgan, George, 134.
Morris, Anthony, 30, 151.
Morris, Anthony M., 151.
Morris, Gouverneur, 23, 110, l l S.
Morris, Joshua, 36, 3S.
Morris, Lewis, S4.
Morris, Robert, S5, S6, SS, 93, 94, 106, 110.
l 18, 137, 139, 140.
Morris, Robert Hunter, 25, 34, 122.
Morse, Samuel F. B., 126.
21S
INDEX.
Morton, John, 25, 38, 52, 64, 75, 78, 85,
89, 94.
Muhlenberg, Frederick A., 116.
Museum, National, plans for, 179; exten-
sion of, 182–184; Peale's, see Peale's Mu-
Sell II).
Nelson, Thomas, Jr., 85, 94, 109.
Newspapers in mourning, 55–57, 60.
New York withholds concurrence in Inde-
pendence, 99; finally adopts it, 105.
Nicholas, Robert C., 77.
Nixon, John, 103.
Noailles, Comte de, l 13.
NoN-IMPORTATION REsolutions of the
merchants of Philadelphia, 53; foreshadow
Independence, 54; list of signers of, 191–
195 (Appendix A); of New York, 54; of
Boston, 55.
Norris, Charles, 27.
Norris, Isaac, 6, 29–32, 40, 41, 132, 151.
North, Lord, 82.
Observatory, the, in State House Square,
64.
Okill, George, 35.
Open doors, efforts to, of Assembly, 88, 89;
of Senate of the United States, 145.
Ord, John, 54.
Otis, James, 47, 48, 50.
Paca, William, 75, 85.
Paine, Robert Treat, 77, 84.
Palmer, Anthony, 25.
Palmer, Jonathan, 14.
Parry, John, 16.
Parsons, Samuel H., 75.
Parvin, Francis, 36.
Paschall, Thomas, 54.
Pass, 30, 31.
Pastorius, Francis Daniel, 7.
Paterson, William, 1 18, 149.
Paxton Boys march on Philadelphia, 45.
Peale, Charles W., 113, 121, 154–156, 165.
Peale's gallery of portraits purchased by
city, 165; museum, sketch of, 154–156;
its removal into State House, 155.
Pearne, Richard, 38.
Pearson, Isaac, 75, 93.
Pearson, James, 65.
Peglar, Thomas, 14.
Pemberton, Israel, 16,
Pemberton, James, 36, 38.
Pemberton, Phinchas, 28.
Pendleton, Edmund, 74, 85, 92.
Penn, John, 25, 40, 46, 58, 82, 122.
Penn, John, of North Carolina, 85, 110.
Penn, Juliana, Lady, 27.
Penn, Richard, 25, 122.
Penn, Thomas, 27, 131.
PENN, WILLIAM, 1, 2, 4, 6, 12, 17, 23, 25,
27, 35, 39, 47, 81, 88, 123, 124, 127, 146,
164, 180, 181 ; LAYS THE FOUNDATION OF
UNIVERSAL LIBERTY, 185, 189.
Penn's cottage, 4.
Penn's portrait secured for National Museum,
180.
Penn's tablet in Independence Hall, 185.
Pennington, Edward, 132, 133.
Pennsylvania concurs with Virginia, 93, 97,
98; delegates in Congress vote against
independence, 99.
Pennsylvania Hospital, 64.
Peters, Richard, 27, 40.
Peters, William, 36.
Philadelphia, library occupies western wing,
130; applies for lot, 152. See City.
Philosophical Society, 64; its building, 152–
154; grant of lot to, 152, note; subscrib-
ers to, l 54.
Pickering, Timothy, 120.
Pierce, William, 119.
Pinckney, Charles, 119.
Pinckney, Charles C., 119.
Pitt, William, 44, 61.
Plumsted, Clement, 151.
Plumsted, William, 35, 15l.
Port Bill, Boston, effect in Philadelphia, 74.
Portrait, selected for Independence Cham-
ber, 173; list of, 174–179; list of, in Na-
tional Museum, 181, 182; list of, of
“signers” never taken, but manufactured,
| 73.
Potts, Stephen, 16.
Powel, Samuel, 151.
Proud, Robert, 7.
Preston, Samuel, 151.
Pryor, Thomas, 65.
Quincy, Josiah, Jr., 81.
Randolph, Edmund, 119.
Randolph, Peyton, 74, 77, 85, 117.
Read, Charles, 151.
Read, George, 75, 85, 118.
Read, John M., 173.
Redman, Thomas, 14.
Reed, Joseph, 25, 93, 110, 151.
INDEX.
219
Revere, l’aul, 74.
Rhea, John, 54.
Rhoads, Samuel, 75, 78, 132, 133, 15 l.
Rhode Island follows Massachusetts in re-
sisting Great Britain's aggressions, 49.
Rittenhouse, David, 32, 154.
Roades, Jonathan, 28.
Roberdeau, Daniel, 86, 90, l l 0.
Roberts, Edward, 151.
Robeson, Jonathan, 16.
Robinson, Septimus, 16.
Roch, George, 151.
Rockingham, Marquis of, 124.
Rodman, William, 75.
Rodney, Caesar, 75, 85.
Rogers, John, 85, 96, 100.
Ross, George, 78, 85, 86, 88, 89, 94, 106.
Ross, James, 120.
Rotch, Mr., 7 l.
Rudyard, Governor, 17.
Rush, Benjamin, 106, 154, 163.
Rutledge, Edward, 85, 96, 100, 109.
Rutledge, John, 85, 98, note, l 19, 149.
Schlosser, George, 54.
School House used for Assembly, 7.
Schuyler, Philip, 84.
Scudder, Nathaniel, l l 0.
Seabury, Bishop, 120, note.
Settlemei,t of Pennsylvania, 2.
Sheafe Þdward, 47, 48.
Sherman, Roger, 84, 97, 109, 118.
Shippen, Edward, 25, 151.
Shippen, Joseph, 7, 65.
Shoemaker, Benjamin, 151.
Shoemaker, John L., 167.
Shoemaker, Samuel, 15l.
Shoemaker, Thomas, 14.
Shute, Atwood, 151.
Simpcock, Jonathan, 28.
Smith, Francis G., 158, 160, 162.
Smith, James, 106.
Smith, John Jay, 171.
Smith, Jonathan B., 110, 154.
Smith, Richard, 84.
Smith, William, 74–76.
Southbee, William, 28.
Spaight, Richard Dobbs, l 19.
Square, the. See Yard.
Stamp Act anticipated, 47, 48; passed, 49 ;
resisted, 50–58; repeal announced in Phil-
adelphia, 58; rejoicings, f ; banquet upon
it, 123.
Stamper, John, 151.
Stamps in use and proposed, 50; attempted
to be landed in Philadelphia, 52, 53, 59,
60; burnt, 55.
Stanbury, Nathan, 15l.
State House, application to build a, 8; neces-
sity for, considered and determined, 9;
draft of act, 10; trustees appointed, 1 1,
14; plans of Dr. Kearsley, 12; ground
purchased, 12; plans of Mr. Hamilton,
12; adopted, and Mr. Hamilton requested
to carry them out, 13; ground to the South-
ward not to be built upon, 14; first occu-
pied by Assembly, 15, 16; first occupied
by Supreme Court, 24; first occupied by
Governor’s Council, 25; finished, 32.
St. Clair, Arthur, l l 1, 116.
Stedman, Alexander, 25.
Steeple finished, 15 ; project to take down,
127; errors in consequence, 128 ; taken
down, 128; restored, and debate in Coun,
cil thereupon, 158—162.
Stiles, Ezra, 82.
Stokley, William S., 151 ; assists the resto-
ration of Independence Hall, 168; re-
ceives the inkstand, 169.
Stone, Thomas, 85, 109.
Stoops, James, 14.
Story, Thomas, 147.
Stow, Charles, 30.
St. Pierre, Legardeur de, 40.
Stretch, Peter, 32, 38.
Strettell, Amos, 35.
Strettell, Robert, 151.
Sullivan, John, 84.
Supreme Court, 7; occupies its chamber, 24;
Judges of 24, 25; occupies “Wing,” 131 ;
occupies City Hall, 150; occupies Inde-
pendence Chamber, 155; removes into
Congress Hall, 157.
Supreme Court of United States, Justices
of, in City Hall, 149.
Supreme Executive Council, 116.
Sutton, Captain, 27.
Syng, Philip, 24, 26, 168.
Taylor, Christopher, 28.
Taylor, George, 52, S8, 106.
Tea sent to Colonies, 67 ; first opposition in
the State House yard, 67; followed by
Boston, 68, note; New York; 69, note;
attempt to land in Philadelphia, 6S-72
Boston Tea Party, 71.
Telfair, Edward, 110.
Thatcher, Oxenbridge, 47, 4S.
INDEX.
Thomas, George, 25, 33, 39.
Thompson, John (hatter), 101.
Thompson, John W., 158.
Thompson, Oswald, 157, note.
Thompson, William, 86, 89.
Thomson, Charles, 65, 74, 78, 89, 96, 101,
102, 106, 108, 131.
Tilghman, Benjamin, 158, 160, 161.
Tilghman, Matthew, 75, 81, 85.
Till, William, 24, 151.
Title to State House Square, 13, 14, 131–
133, 136, 157.
Tomlinson, Ebenezer, 14.
Town House, 7.
Trent, William, 6.
Tresse, Thomas, 11.
Trotter, Joseph, 36, 38.
Turner, Joseph, 25, 35.
*
UNION, the, first broached in Independence
Hall, 39; FRANKLIN’s sugg Est 1 on For,
43; MASSACHUSETTS Fost ERs IT, 50 ;
Ezra Stiles predicts, 82; D Eve LoPED AT
CAR PENTER’s HALL, 79, 80; efforts to dis-
solve made by the Government, 82; failure
of the attempt upon l’ennsylvania, 83;
the first thing to be secured, cssential to
liberty, 91 ; EFFECTED IN 1776, 105, 106;
MADE MORE PERFECT, l l 8, 119 ; résumé
of, 124, 188.
Vandyke, Nicholas, 110.
Van Horne, Christian, 16.
Vaughan, John, 154.
Vaughan, Samuel, 134, 154.
Vaux, Roberts, 164.
VIRGIN IA INSTRUCTS HER DELEGATES IN
CoNGRESS TO OFFER THE REsolution
For INDEPENDENCE, 91, 92.
Wallace, John, 35.
Walton, John, l l 0.
Ward, Henry, 75.
Ward, Samuel, 84.
Warner, Edward, 16, 29.
Washington, Bushrod, 149.
WASHINGTON, GEORGE, first named in In-
dependence Hall, 15, 40, 74, 85, 103, 113,
117, 119 ; inaugurated as President in
Congress Hall, 141 ; death announced,
143, 144, 154, 158, 163, 173.
Watson, Luke, 48.
Way, Francis, 8.
Wayne, Anthony, 86, 89.
Webb, William, l 1, 16.
“Welcome,” the, 2.
Wells, Rachel, 27.
Wentworth John, Jr., 109.
West, Thomas, 54.
Wharton, Samuel, 54.
Wharton, Thomas I., 164.
White, S., 51.
White, Townsend, 35.
Whitpain, Richard, 6; house of 6
Whitpain, Sarah, 6.
Wilbank, John, 159, 162, 163.
Wilcocks, John, 35, 93, 147, 15l.
Wilcocks, Joseph, 151.
Wilkinson, Brian, 14.
Williams, John, l 10.
Williams, Jonathan, 69.
Williams, William, 75.
Williamson, Hugh, 65, 19.
Willing, Charles, 151.
Willing, Thomas, 25, 54, 75, 78, 83, 85, 8,3
94, 100, 106, 151.
Wilson, James, 83, 85, 96, 106, l 18, 120,
149, 54.
Wings of the State IIouse ordered to be built,
15, 129-131 ; occupation of, 130; altered
by city, 135, 156, 157; plan to restore, to
original for use as part of National Mu-
seum, 182, 183.
Wise, Captain, 58.
Wisner, Henry, 84, 99.
Witherspoon, John, 110.
Wolcott, Oliver, 109.
Wood, Joseph, 35.
Wood, William, 28.
Woolley, Edmund, 14, 26, 30.
Worrall, I’eter, 36, 38.
Wright, Patience, 27.
Wythe, George, 85, 96, 119.
Yard, State House, extent of, originally,
13 l ; ordered to be laid out in walks, 133,
134; its walls, 134; its railings, 134, 135 :
not to be built upon, 14, 157.
Yates, Robert, 118.
York, Duke of, 2, 28.
Zenger, John Peter, 19–21; his trial, 19,
Zubly, John J., 85.
INT) EX TO CONT IN U ATION.
Adams, John, quoted, 201.
Adams, John Quincy, remains of at Inde-
pendence Hall, 198.
Biddle, Charles, 198.
Bingham, William, 196.
Bond, Phineas, 198.
Brewster, Benjamin Harris, 201.
Broglie, de, visits the State House, 193.
Carpenters' Hall not the birth-place of
the Constitution, 196, 197.
Carson, Hampton L., quoted, 205.
Clay, Henry, remains of, at Independence
Hall, 198.
Cleveland, Grover, 204; Mrs., 204.
Constitution of the United States framed
in Independence Hall, 196 ; defended,
196 ; Centennial celebration of the for-
mation of, 203.
Convention, Federal, sits in Independence
Hall, 197; of Pa.. to consider Federal
Constitution, opposed, 195.
Crawford, F. Marmon, 205.
Curtin, Andrew G., receives the flags car-
ried during the war, 200.
Cutler, Manasseh, 192; visits Indepen-
dence Hall, 194; mentioned, 197.
Cuyler, Theodore, 199.
Declaration of Independence, Celebration
of the Centennial of, 202.
Dom Pedro II. present July 4, 1876, 202.
Evarts, Hon. William M., delivers oration
July 4, 1876, 203.
Farragut, David G., 199.
Federal Convention held in Independence
Hall, 196.
Ferry, Hon. T. W., presides on July 4,
1876, 202.
Flag raised by Mr. Lincoln, 199; made
by sailors of the Hartford, 199; those
carried during the war returned, 200.
Fourth of July, 1876, welcomed in, 201 ;
celebration on, 202.
Franklin, Benjamin, 197.
Gibbons, Cardinal, 204.
Hamlin, Hon. Hannibal, 204.
Hawley, Hon. Joseph, President of Cen-
tennial Commission, 202.
Hayes, Hon. Rutherford B., 204.
Holmes, Oliver W., 205.
Independence Hall, original plan of, 192:
described by de Broglie, 193; by Cut-
ler, 194; gallery in, 197.
Independency, resolutions of, celebrated,
200.
Ingersoll, Charles J., quoted, 197.
Jay's Treaty, 197.
Kane, Elisha Kent, remains of, at Inde-
pendence Hall, 198.
Kasson, Hon. John A., 204.
Lee, Richard Henry, reads Declaration of
Independence, July 4, 1876, 203.
Lee, Robert E., news of the surrender of,
199.
Lincoln, Abraham, raises a flag over the
Hall, 199; remains of, in, 200.
Lippett, Hon. Henry W., 201.
Lloyd, Thos., debates of, 197.
Luce, Admiral Stephen B., 204.
McCalmot, James, opposes calling a con-
vention, 196.
McClenaehan, Blair, his account of the
opposition to Jay's Treaty, 197.
(221)
222
INDEX TO CONTINUATION.
McKean, Thomas, 194, 198; William W.,
201.
Meade, Gen. George, returns flags to the
State, 200.
Miley, Jacob, opposes calling a conven-
tion, 196.
Miller, Hon. Samuel F., delivers oration
Sept. 17, 1887, 205.
New York abandons non-importation in
1769, 192.
Non-importation agreements of 1769, 192;
abandoned, 192.
Peyster, Frederick de, 201.
Potter, Rt. Rev. H. C., 204.
Prison, Walnut St., 194, 195.
Resolutions of July 24, 1776, passage of,
celebrated, 200.
Richmond, Va., news of the surrender of,
199.
Rochambeau, Count, present on July 4,
1876, 202.
Rush, Benjamin, defends the Constitu-
tion, 196.
Saltonstall, Leverett, 201.
Sherman, Gen. William T., 202.
Stansbury, Joseph, verses quoted, 193.
State House, meetings at, in 1769, 192;
Yard, meeting at, in 1779, 183; de-
scribed, 194; during the Rebellion, 199.
Stevens, Francis P., 201.
Stevens, Rt. Rev. William Bacon, 201, 202.
Stokley, Hon. William S., 202.
Taylor, Bayard, delivered poem on July
4, 1876, 203.
Townshend, Charles, his proposed mea-
sures opposed, 192.
Treaty. See Jay.
Union League gives thanks at Indepen-
dence Hall, 199.
Vaughn, Samuel, 195.
Vicksburg, celebration of the fall of, 199.
Wallace, John William, 201.
Whitehead, William A., 201.
Wilson, James, defends the Constitution,
196.
Witherspoon, Rev. Jerry, 204.
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