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MEMOIRS
CHIEFLY ILLUSTRATIVE OF THE
HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES
OF THE
COUNTY AND CITY OF OXFORD,
COMMUNICATED TO THE ANNUAL MEETING
OF THE
Archaeological Institute of Great Britain and Ereland,
HELD AT OXFORD, JUNE, 1850.
WITH A REPORT OF THE GENERAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE MEETING.
LONDON:
PUBLISHED AT THE OFFICE OF THE INSTITUTE, 26, SUFFOLK STREET,
PALL MALL, EAST.
1854.
The CENTRAL COMMITTEE of the ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE desire that it should be
understood that they are not responsible for any statements or opinions expressed in the
Publications of the Institute, the authors of the several Memoirs being alone answerable
for the same.
THE Central Committee of the Archæological Institute, in producing the
following selection from Memoirs communicated to the various sections, at
the Oxford Meeting in 1850, feel it requisite to observe, that this volume
will be found to comprise those subjects only which have already been brought
before the Society in the Archæological Journal.
Circumstances, which they have been unable to control, having rendered
the proposed arrangements for the publication of a distinct "Oxford
Volume "impracticable, the Committee, in adopting the alternative of trans-
ferring to the Journal the Memoirs originally destined to appear in another
form, have thought it advisable to cause, from time to time, a limited
number of copies of these communications to be printed separately. The
volume, in which these Memoirs are now combined, will doubtless prove
acceptable to persons desirous to possess some memorial of the Meeting in
the University of Oxford, in which they may have taken part, and who, not
being members of the Institute, have not received the quarterly Journal.
The Committee has moreover desired, by this separate publication, to gratify
the wish of many members of the Institute, and to preserve without
interruption, so far as circumstances permitted, the regular series of
distinct memorials of the Annual Meetings.
APARTMENTS OF THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE,
26, SUFFOLK STREET, PALL MALL, May, 1854.
203050
*
CONTENTS.
PAGE
Report of the Proceedings of the Meeting
ix
ON THE STUDY OF ARCHAEOLOGY; a Discourse read at the Inaugural Meeting
held in the Theatre, June 18, 1850. By CHARLES NEWTON, M.A.
REMARKS ON THE CHURCH OF ST. MARY THE VIRGIN, OXFORD. By the
late REV. RICHARD HARINGTON, D.D., Principal of Brasenose
1
27
ON THE BELGIC DITCHES, AND THE PROBABLE DATE OF STONEHENGE. By EDWIN
GUEST, D.C.L., F.R.S., Master of Caius College
•
•
45
REMARKS ON THE RENT-ROLL OF HUMPHREY, DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM, 1447, 1448.
By JAMES HEYWOOD MARKLAND, D.C.L., F.R.S., and S.A.
EXTRACTS FROM THE FERMOR ACCOUNTS, A.D. 1580. By EVELYN PHILIP SHIRLEY.
ADDITIONAL PARTICULARS FOR THE BIOGRAPHY OF THREE OXFORDSHIRE WRITERS,
GEFFREY of Monmouth, WALTER MAP, and ALEXANDER DE SWERFORD.
By Sir THOMAS PHILLIPPS, Bart., F.R.S., F.S.A., &c.
60
83
91
SILCHESTER, Illustrated by a Plan from a Survey expressly made for the
occasion of the Oxford Meeting. By HENRY MACLAUCHLAN
101
NOTICES OF A REMARKABLE COLLECTION OF ROMAN ORNAMENTS, connected with
the Worship of the Dea Matres. By EDWARD HAWKINS, F.R.S., F.S.A.
NOTICES OF REMAINS OF A ROMAN CHARIOT, preserved in the Museum at
Toulouse. By the late WILLIAM BROMET, M.D., F.S.A.
121
131
•
THE CASTLE, AND THE PROVISIONS OF OXFORD. By the REV. C. H.
HARTSHORNE, M.A.
135
THE LINES FORMED ROUND OXFORD, with Notices of the part taken by the
University in behalf of the Royalist cause, between 1642 and 1646.
By CAPT. GIBBS RIGAUD, 60th Regiment Royal Rifles
147
vi
CONTENTS.
PAGE
ON THE LATE OR DEBASED GOTHIC BUILDINGS OF OXFORD. By ORLANDO
JEWITT .
164
THE DESCENT OF THE EARLDOM OF OXFORD. By JOHN GOUGH NICHOLS, F.S.A. 178
ON THE PAINTED GLASS IN NEW COLLEGE CHAPEL AND HALL, OXFORD.
By CHARLES WINSTON
191
SEPULCHRAL MONUMENTS IN OXFORD CATHEDRAL. BY MATTHEW HOLBECHE
BLOXHAM
221
•
ON THE ARCHITECTURE OF THE ABBEY CHURCH OF DORCHESTER. By EDWARD
A. FREEMAN, M.A.
229
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.*
1. St. Mary's Church, Oxford; Pinnacles of the Tower, as restored by
2.
Mr. Bucklert.
S. side of the Old Congregation House
Arch on the E. side of the Tower.
PAGE
27
34
35
3.
4.
Section of S.E. Pier of the Tower
*35
5.
S.E. Pier of the Tower
*36
6.
Ground Plan
38
7-9.
10.
Boss, Piscina, and E. end, Old Congregation House .
Groining of the Porch
42
44
11. Map, shewing the "Belgic Ditches," and advances of the Belgæ in
South Britain ‡
45
12. Plan of Silchester, from an Original Survey by Henry Maclauchlan§. 101
13. Bronze Relics, found at Silchester
119
•
14-17. Antiquities found at Silchester
119
18. Silver Vessel, from the Brumell Collection.
121
•
19-22. Inscribed Handle of the Vessel, and three Gold Rings found in it.
23, 24. Gold Chain and Armlet
122
•
124
25-28. Gold Fibula; Pendant Ornament; Portion of a Gold Armlet, Payne
Knight's Collection
125
29-30. Two Silver Spoons, from the Brumell Collection
*126
131
132
31-33. Roman Chariot Wheel of Bronze
34. Portion of the Wheel, shewing the construction
35. Plan of the Lines round Oxford, 1646
36, 37. Bodleian Library, Entrance, and the E. Window
. *161
166
་
* The Illustrations marked thus are in the letter press. The remainder are to to be inserted
facing the pages indicated.
+ The Institute is indebted to the kindness of their lamented friend and coadjutor, the late
Principal of Brasenose, for several of the Illustrations which accompany his Memoir.
This Map has been kindly presented by the Master of Caius College.
§ The Institute is indebted to Mr. Maclauchlan's kindness for this, the first accurate survey of
the important remains at Silchester, prepared specially for the Oxford Meeting, and presented by
him to the Society for the gratification of the visitors of that remarkable Roman site, on this
occasion.
viii
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
38-40. Details of Proscholium, Divinity School.
41, 42. Gateway of the Schools, Groining and Boss
43. Wadham College, Arches of the Ante-Chapel.
44.
Windows of the Chapel
45, 46.
Sections of the Windows
47. Jesus College, E. Window
·
48. Exeter College, Entrance to Chapel
49, 50. St. Mary's Hall, Windows
•
•
51. Lincoln College Chapel, Section of Window
52. Roof of Chapel, Water Eaton
53. Seal of Robert de Vere, Earl of Oxford
54, 55. Seals of Alberic and Hugo, Earls of Oxford
56, 57. Seals of John, 7th Earl, and John, 13th Earl of Oxford
59, 60.
58. Dorchester Abbey Church, Ground Plan
•
Norman Pilaster and Turret
PAGE
167
168
170
171
*171
172
172
•
173
*173
*176
188
189
189
230
*245
61.
Junction of Norman and Decorated Work. *246
PROCEEDINGS OF THE ANNUAL MEETING.
HELD AT OXFORD, JUNE 18TH Tо 25TH, 1850.
THE University and city of Oxford having been selected as the scene of the
Annual Assembly of the Institute, with the patronage of the Rev. the Vice-
Chancellor, it appeared desirable that the proceedings should commence
immediately after the festivities of the commemoration. The inaugural
meeting took place in the Sheldonian Theatre, on Tuesday, June 18.
Shortly after twelve, the MARQUIS of NORTHAMPTON, President Elect,
entered the Theatre, accompanied by the Vice-Chancellor and other dis-
tinguished members of the Society.
The Provost of Oriel announced to the Assembly that he had that
morning received from the President, the Right Hon. Sidney Herbert,
who had promised to become his guest during the meeting, the intimation
that it had proved impracticable for him to quit home on the present
occasion; with the assurance of his regret to be unable, through causes of
domestic anxiety, to keep his engagement and formally resign the Presi-
dential chair to his noble successor.
The VICE-CHANCELLOR, Patron of the meeting, then rose and observed,
that the duty appeared to devolve upon himself to present to them their new
President. In inviting the Noble Marquis to take the Chair, he felt no
ordinary gratification, having witnessed the proceedings of the Society
under his auspices, at the meeting in Winchester; he was assured that many
now present would share with himself the grateful remembrance of the
ability and kind consideration with which the Marquis of Northampton had
conducted the proceedings on that occasion. He adverted to the dis-
tinguished part which that Nobleman had so ably sustained as President of
another and very influential Society. The Vice-Chancellor observed that
he desired to take this occasion to offer to the Institute the assurance of
cordial welcome in the University, as also of his high sense of the import-
ance of such societies and such meetings, as that now addressed by him, in
encouraging an increased esteem for the memorials and monuments of the
past, and in cherishing the desire for their preservation.
The MARQUIS of NORTHAMPTON took the Chair: he expressed his thanks
for the kindness and the warm reception with which he had been repeatedly
welcomed on such occasions, twice also previously in Oxford. He must
hail such a welcome with especial gratification, as shown by the members
of that ancient University towards the son of another Alma Mater;
and as a striking assurance of that friendliness and unanimity of purpose
between the two Universitics, so essential to the welfare of both. It would
X
PROCEEDINGS OF THE ANNUAL MEETING.
be an idle intrusion to advance any argument in favour of the claims of
antiquarian studies, in an University which had been for centuries devoted
to kindred pursuits. He rejoiced to feel assured that the Institute had
become so established in the good opinion of the antiquaries of their
country, that it were needless to speak in commendation of the purpose for
which the Society had been instituted, or the results which had attended
its proceedings. He must heartily regret the unavoidable absence of his
predecessor in office; his address on a similar occasion, at their last annual
meeting, would long be remembered. He had then set before them all
those bright examples and eminent persons that Wiltshire had produced.
Were he, his successor, to follow that precedent, it would be no casy duty
to testify respect and show due honour to the memory of those, whose
learning and piety had been cherished amidst the scenes by which the
Society now assembled in that ancient city was surrounded.
THE VICE-CHANCELLOR proposed a vote of thanks to the President of the
previous year, whose cordial welcome had given to their meeting at
Salisbury a charm which the Institute must long recall with grateful remem-
brance. The motion, seconded by ANDREW LAWSON, Esq., was carried
by acclamation.
The PRESIDENT then called upon Mr. CHARLES NEWTON to deliver his
address on the Study of Archaeology. (Printed in this volume, page 1.)
At the termination of a discourse which was received with great interest
and gratification, the Rev. VAUGHAN THOMAS expressed the satisfaction which
he felt in bearing his testimony to the pleasure he had derived from the able
disquisition delivered by Mr. Newton ;-from the powerful arguments and
lucid arrangement with which he had treated so important and extensive a
subject. To some it might be matter of surprise, that so wide a range
was comprised within the scope of archaeology: wide however as it is,
without attempting to contract the limits of that ample range, he would
suggest that they should not confine themselves to the consideration of its
comprehensiveness. In his view the great end and express purpose of
archaeology consisted in minute investigation and inquiry; it was the duty
of the archaeologist to verify facts moral or material; to elicit evidence
serving to enlighten the obscurity of past history, and serve as a guide in
present emergency. Archaeology seemed to take its place with minute
philosophical inquiries; as the agriculturist recognised his obligation to
chemistry, the physician to minute anatomy, the miner to the detailed
inquiries of the geologist, thus also the historian must admit his obligation
to that careful discrimination of facts which properly fell within the province
of archaeology. It was the exposition of the importance of such facts, and
the elucidation of the nature and value of the several sources of archaeo-
logical evidence, which gave to Mr. Newton's address so essential an
interest; and he begged to move the cordial thanks of the Assembly to that
gentleman on this occasion.
Mr. HALLAM rose to second this vote to Mr. Newton. The historian, he
observed, must heartily admit the importance and value of archaeological
investigation, without which his productions were little superior to those of
the writer of romance. He could not refrain from expressing his admiration
of the profound and luminous views which pervaded the discourse they had
heard. It was a masterly sketch; and, as in an outline by the hand of
a great master, they might distinctly see that the power was not deficient
to fill up and carry out the design. He felt great pleasure in expressing
PROCEEDINGS OF THE ANNUAL MEETING.
xi
the thanks of the meeting to Mr. Newton, having known him for several
years in connection with that vast National depository, not less remarkable
for the treasures it contains than for the intelligence, zeal and courtesy
of its officers. No slight commendation was due to Mr. Newton, who
had so well employed the advantages which his position at the British
Museum had afforded. He would only add the expression of his sincere
hope that the proceedings of the meeting, so auspiciously commenced,
might be of a character not less gratifying than on previous occa-
sions; and prove such as might do honour both to the Institute and to
the great University which had hailed them with so cordial and generous a
welcome.
The PRESIDENT, having put the motion, assured Mr. Newton that he
felt it a most agreeable duty to convey to him the unanimous thanks
of the audience for his admirable address; and he would express the hope
that he might long continue to render valuable service to Archaeology,
both in his co-operation with the Institute, and his zealous exertions at the
British Museum.
The Meeting then adjourned; and ample occupation for the remainder
of the day was afforded by the numerous objects accessible to visitors, with
the attractions of the Museum, now opened at the Taylor Buildings, by the
kind permission of the Curators. To this also was added the collection of
drawings, plans, fac-similes of brasses, &c., with the series of designs.
representing, on the same scale as the originals, the remarkable tesselated
pavements discovered at Cirencester since the previous meeting of the
Institute. These valuable drawings, the fruits of the assiduity and skill of
Mr. Cox, of that town, were kindly contributed by Professor Buckman and
Mr. Newmarch, and they formed a very attractive feature of the series
which was displayed in the Divinity School.
The evening meeting was held at the Town Hall, by the permission of
the Mayor and Corporation, and it was numerously attended. The Principal
of Brasenose, the Rev. Dr. HARINGTON, read a memoir on the history and
architecture of St. Mary's Church. (Printed in this volume, page 27.)
After some observations by Mr. Freeman, a cordial vote of thanks to
Dr. Harington was passed unanimously, and the company withdrew to a
conversazione in the Council Chamber.
On Wednesday, June 19th, the Meetings of Sections commenced simul-
taneously at ten o'clock. The Historical Section assembled in the
Convocation House, Mr. HALLAM, (President of the Section,) in the chair.
The following communications were read ;-
Memoir on the site of the memorable battle of Ashdown, the Escesdune
of the Saxon Chronicle, between Ethelred, supported by Alfred his brother,
and the Danes, who were signally defeated, A.D. 871. Communicated by
W. NELSON CLARKE, Esq.. D.C.L., and read by the Rev. H. 0. Coxe.
Remarks on the Rent-Roll of Humphrey, Duke of Buckingham, (26th and
27th Hen. VI.,) with notices of that nobleman and other members of the house
of Stafford. By JAMES HEYWOOD MARKLAND, Esq., D,C.L., F.R.S., F.S.A.
(Printed in this volume, page 60).
The Rev. CHARLES HARTSHORNE read a memoir on the Castle and the
Provisions of Oxford, exacted by the Barons from Henry III. in 1258.
(Printed in this volume, page 135).
WILLIAM SIDNEY GIBSON, Esq., read a Memoir on Richard de Bury,
Bishop of Durham, Lord Chancellor in the time of Edward III. He was a
xii
PROCEEDINGS OF THE ANNUAL MEETING.
zealous collector of books, and bequeathed his valuable library to Durham
College, in Oxford.
EDWIN GUEST, Esq., delivered a discourse on the Earthworks which
formed the boundaries of the Belgic settlements in Britain, and on those
made after the treaty of Mons Badonicus. (Printed in this volume, page 45.)
His interesting observations were in continuation of his Memoir brought
before the Institute at the Salisbury Meeting, and printed in the Volume
of Transactions on that occasion, page 28.
The Architectural Section met, by the permission of the Architectural
Society, in their meeting-room in Holywell. The chair was taken by Dr.
HARINGTON, President of the Section.
A paper was read by E. A. FREEMAN, Esq., on "The Architecture of
Dorchester Abbey Church." (Printed in this volume, page 229.)
The Rev. JAMES CLUTTERBUCK read a Memoir on the antiquity and
construction of certain timber houses existing near Long Wittenham, in
Berkshire. He supposed that they are of the fourteenth century. They
are locally called "sile-houses," possibly from their being built as it were
on a sill, that is, on long beams forming the ground-work of the building.
They resemble roofs placed on the ground, and in the centre of each is a
chimney stack.
ALEXANDER NESBITT, Esq., communicated a detailed account of the
Manor-House and "Fish-House," at Meare, Somersetshire, a curious ex-
ample of domestic architecture. It was erected by the Abbot of Glaston-
bury in the fourteenth century. The paper was illustrated by several
excellent drawings, representing the details of these structures and of the
Church of Meare. (Printed in the Archaeological Journal, vol. x. p. 130.)
The Section of Early and Medieval Antiquities met in the Writing-
school, W. W. WYNNE, Esq. (President of the Cambrian Archaeological
Association) presiding.
EDWARD HAWKINS, Esq., read an account of a remarkable collection of
gold ornaments, recently purchased from the cabinet of Mr. Brumell by
the Trustees of the British Museum. (Printed in this volume, page 121.)
Mr. Hawkins laid before the Meeting faithful representations of these
singular relics, drawn for the occasion by Mr. Fairholt.
GEORGE DU NOYER, Esq., of Dublin, communicated a paper on the
classification of bronze arrow-heads (printed in the Archaeological Journal,
vol. vii., p. 281), being a sequel to his memoirs on the classification of
bronze celts, read at the Norwich Meeting. (Archaeological Journal, vol. iv.,
pp. 1, 327.)
A curious unpublished account was then read, written by the late Dr.
Nott, and communicated to the President of Corpus Christi College, being
a relation of the opening of the tomb of Bishop Fox, founder of that
College. His remains were accidentally brought to light in Winchester
Cathedral, Jan. 28, 1820.
The Rev. HENRY O. COXE gave an interesting notice of a Book of Prayers,
once the property of Jane Wriothesley, Countess of Southampton, and
now preserved in the Bodleian. It contains the autographs of distinguished
personages, her friends,-Margaret Dowglas, grandaughter of Henry VII.,
Mary, Queen of England (when Princess), Katherine Parr, and other
persons memorable in the history of the period.
In the afternoon, amongst various attractions, by the liberal permission
PROCEEDINGS OF THE ANNUAL MEETING.
xiii
of the several Colleges, the various objects of interest, especially the plate
and reliques connected with their founders, were displayed in the College
Halls for the gratification of visitors. The salt-cellar of Archbishop Chichele,
the founder's jewels and ancient plate at All Souls; the salt-cellars,
spoons, and cups of Bishop Fox, at Corpus, with the gold chalice, paten,
and chargers, and especially the remarkable enamelled crosier of that prelate,
preserved in the chapel, excited great admiration. At Queen's College, a
fine drinking vessel mounted with gold, with various rich specimens of
plate, and a silver horn, used for calling the members of the College together,
were displayed; numerous visitors were also attracted to the Library, and
to the collections presented by the late Mr. Mason. At Baliol College, the
Treasury was opened to a small party, who enjoyed an unusual gratification
in examining the charters and remarkable series of impressions of rare
seals, preserved in that depository.
At six o'clock the public dinner took place at the Town Hall, the Noble
PRESIDENT in the chair. About 350 ladies and gentlemen were present.
A few toasts were proposed according to usual custom, and they were
responded to by the Vice-Chancellor, the President, the Worshipful the
Mayor, Sir Charles Anderson, Bart., the Principal of Brasenose, the
Warden of New College, the Rector of Exeter, Mr. Hallam, and the
Rev. Edward Hill. The healths of two distinguished visitors, Professor
Waagen and M. Passavant, were also proposed, and received with much
enthusiasm.
The company proceeded at an early hour to Exeter College, to enjoy the
hospitalities to which they had been most generously invited by the
REV. WILLIAM SEWELL, as the President of the Oxford Architectural
Society. Nearly 700 persons shared in the entertainment there prepared
with singular taste. The college gardens were illuminated, the hall was
adorned with unique effect for their reception; melodious sounds filled the
crowded quadrangle, and nothing was forgotten, which might tend to
enhance the gratification of the numerous visitors, or evince the cordiality
of the welcome with which the Institute was honoured on this occasion.
On Thursday, June 20, at nine o'clock, a numerous party set forth on
an excursion to Ewelme and Dorchester, under the direction of the Rev.
Edward Hill, whose arrangements had ensured their gratification and
convenience. They reached Ewelme, the more remote object of the day,
about eleven, and were there received by the Rector, the Rev. Dr. Jacobson,
Regius Professor of Divinity, who attended them to the church, the
hospital, known by its original name of "God's House," its curious cloisters,
and the endowed school. Mr. J. H. Parker directed their attention to the
peculiar features of these buildings, erected about 1440, by the Duchess of
Suffolk, widow of Reginald de la Pole, and daughter of Sir Thomas Chaucer.
He pointed out the curious details of moulded brick work, the richly carved
timber-work, the interesting tombs, also, of the foundress and Sir Thomas
Chaucer. The Mastership of the Hospital is now attached to the Regius
Professorship of Medicine, and the Rectory to that of Divinity. Dr.
Jacobson invited his visitors, with a very hospitable welcome, to repair to
the Rectory garden, where a collation had been prepared for them under
the shade of a spreading acacia. On their return towards Dorchester, a few
archaeologists repaired to the "Dyke Hills," where an excavation had
been made, by the permission of Mr. Latham, the proprietor, and some
Roman pottery with other ancient relics, disinterred.
xiv
PROCEEDINGS OF THE ANNUAL MEETING.
At Dorchester, the Members were received by the Vicar. Mr. Freeman
delivered his discourse on the church, and guided the visitors to the various
points of interest. He showed that the original structure was of the
Transitional Norman period (about 1180), and was nearly of the same
extent as the existing fabric; but it was almost wholly rebuilt about
a century later, and an eastern bay or presbytery added about 1360.
A discussion ensued, in which Sir Charles Anderson, Mr. Petit, Mr.
Penrose, Mr. Parker, and other members evinced the interest excited by
the visit of the Society to this fine architectural monument. The Rev.
John Barrow, of Queen's College, offered some interesting remarks on the
sepulchral effigies, brasses, painted glass, the "Jesse window," and other
curious details. The restoration of the fabric had been partially carried
out; and contributions were offered by some of the visitors in aid of this
work, for which funds have been insufficiently supplied. Some of the party
visited the Roman Catholic Chapel of St. Birinus, recently erected, and
examined the ancient painted glass, stated to have been removed from
Dorchester Abbey. They inspected also a curious chasuble, with a rich
orfray (attributed to the early part of the fourteenth century), the property
of Mr. Davy, a farmer, by whose family it had been preserved since the
Reformation.
The members then proceeded to visit the Carfax Conduit, removed in
1787 by the Earl of Harcourt, and preserved in the park at Nuneham.
They examined the allegorical figures with which it is ornamented, and of
which a contemporary description had lately been discovered. Some of the
party stopped at Sandford, to examine the architectural features of the
church, and a remarkable relic of ancient sculpture representing the
Assumption of the Virgin.
In
In the evening the Society re-assembled at the Town Hall, Sir Charles
Anderson, Bart. in the chair, when a communication was made from DANIEL
WILSON, Esq., Secretary of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, in
reference to the law of "Treasure Trove," and the prejudicial hindrance to
archaeological science by the operation of that feudal right. He stated that
strenuous endeavours had been made in Scotland to call attention to the
injurious results of the existing law, and he forwarded a circular issued by
the officers of the Crown, showing that they are desirous of affording every
facility in their power to promote archaeological research, and to carry out
the existing law in the most liberal spirit. Amongst Scottish antiquaries
a general desire subsists to see the Danish law adopted as a model.
Denmark, by recent modification of the law, the finder receives from the
Crown the full value, or even in some cases more than the value, of precious
objects discovered. But the State exacts that all such antiquities (of the
precious metals) shall be given up to be preserved in the Public Museums,
under certain penalties in case of concealment. The owner of the soil
receives the value only in cases when the discovery has been made by
researches under his directions. The finder receives payment without
delay, a regulation which has proved most efficacious, and scarcely any
relics of gold or silver have for many years, as it is stated, been lost to the
National Museum. Mr. Wilson advocated warmly the beneficial results
which a similar system would ensure in our own country, although, at first
view, it might appear arbitrary and injurious to the rights of the lord of the
soil; and he pointed out the evils which had arisen from the deficiency of a
liberal spirit in the promotion of public collections, whilst in private hands.
PROCEEDINGS OF THE ANNUAL MEETING.
XV
many precious relics, links in the archaeological series, are lost to science,
and are rarely to be traced after the lifetime of the finders.
A warm discussion ensued in reference to this important question, and
great diversity of opinion prevailed. It was finally agreed that the further
consideration of the arguments so forcibly advanced by Mr. Wilson should
be recommended to the Committee of the Institute.
The proceedings of the day closed with a discourse, delivered by MR.
CHARLES WINSTON, on the art of glass painting, and on some of the
valuable specimens of ancient glass existing at Oxford (printed in this
volume, page 191).
On Friday, June 21st, the Sections resumed their meetings at an early
hour.
In the Historical Section a memoir was read by MR. JOHN GOUGH
NICHOLS, F.S.A., on the descent of the Earldom of Oxford (printed in this
volume, p. 178).
SIR THOMAS PHILLIPPS, Bart., communicated notices of Walter Map,
Archdeacon of Oxford, with some interesting observations in relation to
two other Oxfordshire writers, Geffrey of Monmouth, and Alexander de
Swerford (printed in this volume, p. 91).
The REV. VAUGHAN THOMAS, B.D., contributed Memorials of Sir Robert
Dudley, son of the Earl of Leicester.
A communication was received from the Rev. LAMBERT LARKING, L.L.B.,
comprising a curious selection of documentary evidence relating to the
disputed claim of Jurisdiction, between the University and the City of
Oxford; transcribed by him from the Surrenden collections.
A memoir on the History of Exeter Castle, by the REV. GEORGE OLIVER,
D.D., was read. It has been printed in the Journal, vol. vii. p. 128.
In the Architectural Section, JOHN BRITTON, Esq., F.S.A., communicated
biographical notices of John Carter, and displayed a very interesting series
of his valuable architectural drawings, comprising the collection illustrative.
of Wells Cathedral, executed by him for the Society of Antiquaries of
London, and entrusted to Mr. Britton by the permission of the council for
exhibition on this occasion.
The REV. JOHN LOUIS PETIT read a memoir on Sherborne Church,
Dorset, illustrated by a display of his admirable drawings. This fine
example of the Perpendicular style has recently undergone extensive
restorations. This Memoir is given in the Bristol volume, p. 185.
The following communication, prepared for this section, was unavoidably
deferred, the author being called from Oxford by urgent business.
Remarks on the Monumental Remains in the Cathedral Church of Oxford;
by MATTHEW HI. BLOXHAM, Esq. It has been printed in this volume,
p. 221.
In the Section of Antiquities, the chair was taken by the President,
W. W. WYNNE, Esq. A notice was given by H. W. ACLAND, Esq., M.D..
of an outline traced upon stone, found on the quay at Utica near Carthage,
representing a ship, and illustrating in an interesting manner certain
expressions occurring in the account of St. Paul's voyage and shipwreck.
He produced the stone, which was obtained through the American Consul.
EVELYN PHILIP SHIRLEY, Esq., communicated some extracts illustrative of
ancient manners and household expenses, in the sixteenth century; selected
from the accounts of the executors of Thomas Fermor, Esq., of Somerton,
Oxfordshire. (Printed in this volume, p. 83.)
xvi
PROCEEDINGS OF THE ANNUAL MEETING.
MANUEL J. JOHNSON, Esq., Radcliffe Observer, read a dissertation on
illuminated MSS., illustrated by examples from his own collection, and from
other volumes preserved in the University.
The REV. JOHN BARON communicated a notice of a singular discovery
of some earthen vessels, immured in the wall of a church in Oxfordshire,
and supposed to have served in the preparation of the "oblys," or wafers
for the mass.
HENRY MACLAUCHLAN, Esq., communicated a Memoir on the remains of
the great Roman city of Silchester, with a detailed report of his survey of
the site, and of the adjacent works, roads, and lines of entrenchment.
(Printed in this volume, p. 101.) He had undertaken this work for the
gratification of the members on the present occasion, and had prepared a
plan specially for this meeting, being the first accurate representation of
these remains, existing on the estates of the noble Chancellor of the
university in which the Institute had assembled. The plan was laid before
the meeting; and a special vote of thanks was passed to Mr. Maclauchlan
for these valuable services.
PROFESSOR BUCKMAN, of Cirencester College, gave a dissertation on the
substances employed in forming the tessella of the mosaic pavements
discovered at Cirencester, and on their chromatic arrangement.
Some other communications were received-one by a learned foreign
archaeologist, MR. P. MUNCH, on the correct reading of certain Runic
inscriptions on churchyard crosses in the Isle of Man ; another by the late
DR. BROMET, F.S.A., on the remains of an ancient chariot of bronze,
preserved in the Museum at Toulouse. (Printed in this volume, p. 131.)
At twelve o'clock a large assemblage congregated in the Theatre, and
PROFESSOR WILLIS gave his lecture on the architectural history of Oxford
Cathedral, originally the Church of the Priory of St. Frides wide. He
commenced by referring to a MS. in the Bodleian, relating to the miracles
of St. Frideswide, and recording the translation of her relics to the new
work at the time when the Parliament was assembled at Oxford, in 1180.
It also relates the miraculous vision said to have occurred eight years
previously, when the light issuing from the relics of the saint was seen
shining above the tower of the cathedral, proving that the tower was com-
pleted in 1172. He proceeded to show that the whole fabric is of that
period, although of somewhat unusual design, and that the popular notion
of its being partly a Saxon building, enlarged and raised by the Normans,
is without foundation. He illustrated this by various proofs; the most
conclusive of these was illustrated by opening an aperture in the roof of the
aisle, showing that behind the two-light openings, supposed to have been
the Saxon clerestory, there is a single arch inclosing the two, according to
the usual arrangement of a Norman triforium. These openings, moreover,
had never been glazed, nor even grooved to receive glass. The chapel on
the north side of the choir, usually called the Lady Chapel, is of the early
part of the thirteenth century, and it was probably that into which the relics
of St. Frideswide were a second time translated, in 1289. The rich piece
of stonework and wood-panelling, of the end of the fifteenth century, usually
called the Shrine of St. Frides wide, Professor Willis believed not to have
been a shrine, but the watching chamber by the side of the shrine. The
beautiful chapel adjoining to this, commonly called the Latin Chapel, he
considered to belong to the first years of the fourteenth century, too early
to have been the work of Lady Montacute, who died in 1355, and whose
PROCEEDINGS OF THE ANNUAL MEETING.
xvii
tomb is placed between this and the chapel before-mentioned. She founded
a rich chantry in this church. The Chapter house he regarded as a very
beautiful work of the first half of the fifteenth century; and he expressed his
great regret at the present state of this portion of the structure, being
divided into two chambers by a solid wall. He then proceeded to describe
the alterations made by Wolsey, who intended to convert this church into
the chapel of his new college, and to have built, also, a large cathedral
church, which he actually commenced. The vaulting of the choir is an
admirable specimen of the work of that period, and very ingeniously incor-
porated into the Norman work. Wolsey also shortened the nave by about
one half its length, -the original West end extended as far as the outer wall
of the Canons' houses in the great quadrangle.
The Professor's discourse was enthusiastically received. At its conclusion,
the Principal of Brasenose (Dr. Harington) expressed the thanks of the
meeting for this instructive dissertation, and their appreciation of Professor
Willis's valuable services to the cause of Archaeology, adverting also with
gratification to the value of his assistance in preparing the new edition of
the "Glossary of Architecture. This vote of thanks was warmly seconded
by the Noble President, as also by the Rev. W. Sewell, President of the
Oxford Architectural Society. At two o'clock the audience attended the
Professor in the Cathedral, when he pointed out the peculiarities which
he had previously described. He was accompanied by about three hundred
persons in this interesting demonstration.
At the Evening Meeting at the Town Hall a very instructive discourse
was delivered by GIDEON H. MANTELL, Esq., LL.D., on the Remains of
Man and Works of Art buried in Rocks and Strata, as illustrative of the
connection between Archaeology and Geology. It was illustrated by various
drawings and specimens. (Printed in the Archæological Journal, vol.
vii. p. 327.)
JOHN THURNAM, Esq., M.D., then read a memoir on the results of recent
investigations of tumuli in Yorkshire, known as The Danes' Graves,'
excavated by the Yorkshire Antiquarian Club. The antiquities thus
discovered have been deposited in the Museum at York.
On Saturday, June 22, a numerous party took their departure at ten
o'clock, by special train, on an excursion to the ancient Roman city of
Silchester, which the Society had been unable to visit during their meeting
at Winchester in 1846. They alighted at a short distance from the
Mortimer Station, and under the guidance of the Rev. Edward Hill, repaired
to the site, easily attainable from that place. The numerous visitors were
courteously received by MR. BARTON, the occupier of the farm, with whose
obliging permission the expedition had been arranged. After a hospitable
welcome at the Manor House and the inspection of numerous antiquities,
coins, and vestiges of Roman times, collected by Mr. Barton, the party
dispersed to examine the most striking features-the amphitheatre, gates,
and lines of streets, to which their attention was directed by the REV.
W. GUNNER. They also examined the various earth-works existing in the
neighbourhood.
Many of the visitors resorted to the church in which is preserved a curious
tomb and effigy of a lady, probably the foundress of a chantry; they
examined also the fine chancel screen, and some early monumental slabs,
placed on the remains of the Roman wall now inclosing the churchyard,
One of these has a head carved in a deep recess, resembling the slab at
xvii
PROCEEDINGS OF THE ANNUAL MEETING.
Gilling. (Archaeological Journal, vol. v., p. 69.) The other has two
heads over a cross flory.
The travellers reached Oxford shortly after four; and in the evening an
agreeable soirée was given at the Botanic Gardens by the Professor of
Botany, DR. DAUBENY.
The proceedings of Monday, June 24th, were of a mixed character;
a considerable party proceeded to Uffington, whilst in Oxford, during the
earlier part of the day, the Sectional proceedings were resumed, and the
following papers were read:-
In the Historical Section, the REV. VAUGHAN THOMAS, B.D., communi-
cated an account of the line of nightly march taken by Charles I., June 3,
1644, in his escape from Oxford, between the Parliamentary forces posted
at Ensham and Woodstock. Of this memoir, subsequently printed privately
by the Author, he has very kindly presented copies, to accompany this
volume of the Transactions of the Oxford Meeting.
In the Architectural Section, three memoirs were read :-
Extracts from the Building Accounts of Wadham College, commencing in
1610; by the REV. JOHN GRIFFITHS, M.A.
Architectural Notices of Abingdon Abbey, its History and its existing
remains; by MISS SPENLOVE, illustrated by drawings prepared by
Mr. A. Palmer.
Historical Memoir on the late or debased Gothic buildings of Oxford;
by Mr. ORLANDO JEWITT. (Printed in this volume, page 164.)
Many persons devoted this day to expeditions to Blenheim, Nuneham,
and other objects. The chief and most interesting excursion, however,
was that arranged by special train from Didcot to Uffington, where the
party were welcomed by MARTIN ATKINS, Esq., of Kingston Lisle, who
accompanied them to the church, a fine structure of the thirteenth century,
the chief peculiarities of which were explained and pointed out by Mr. PETIT.
They examined also the church of Woolstone and its curious leaden font ;
the earth-work, called Hardwell Camp, occupied, as tradition affirms, by
Ethelred before the battle of Ashdown; Wayland Smith's Cave, and the
extensive works of Uffington Castle. The interest of their visit to these
remarkable sites was much enhanced by the observations offered by the
REV. JOHN WILSON (now President of Trinity College), who pointed out
the surrounding objects of this locality, rich in historical associations; he
explained the peculiar construction of the works at Uffington, from which
may be viewed the scene of the battle of Ashdown,-the "Dragon's
Hill," the Seven Barrows-the Ridgeway, and Alfred's Castle. These
interesting remarks were rendered more satisfactory by the aid of the
series of valuable plans of the camps and earthworks which he had
caused to be prepared by Mr. Maclauchlan.
The party then visited the White Horse, cut in the turf on the side of
the hill. They were there met by a gentleman of the neighbourhood who
made a singular proposition, from which the archaeologists present
unanimously dissented, -to render the figure durable, by paving it with
white stone. The notion was readily abandoned, and the rustic ceremony
of Scouring the White Horse" will, it may be hoped, long continue.
uninterrupted.
"
The visitors, having inspected the remarkable block of Sarsen, called
the "Blowing-stone," and heard the extraordinary sounds, which may be
PROCEEDINGS OF THE ANNUAL MEETING.
xix
produced from it, then repaired to Kingston Lisle, to the mansion of
Mr. Atkins, whose kind hospitality formed a very agreeable close to this
excursion. They returned by the church of Sparsholt, with its curious
tombs. Here the vicar, Dr. Nelson, had provided hospitable entertainment;
and the archaeologists proceeding to Wantage, after a visit to its church
and the memorials of the Fitzwarrens, rejoined the train, in readiness to
convey the party on their return to Oxford.
A numerous party also proceeded in the direction of Wheatley and
Cuddesdon, and visited various objects in that direction. They were
received at Cuddesdon Palace by the Bishop of Oxford, who accompanied
them to the church of Cuddesdon, which formed, on this occasion, the subject
of an interesting discourse by Professor Willis. They were conducted also
to the remains of the Roman villa and hypocaust, adjacent to the parish,
and excavated by the Bishop's directions, as detailed in the Archaeological
Journal (vol. ii, p. 350).
In the evening, the Institute and a large assembly of visitors were
invited by the Mayor to a conversazione, given at the Town Hall. Numerous
valuable works of art were displayed; and an amateur concert of ancient
music, under the direction of Mr. Corfe, added to the gratification of the
evening. In the Council Chamber the guests were greeted with the well-
replenished "grace-cup" of the Corporation, and with other demonstrations
of civic hospitality. The arrangements of this entertainment were carried
out with great taste and effect by Mr. R. J. SPIERS, and proved a very
gratifying termination of the hospitalities of the week.
On Tuesday, June 25th, previously to the concluding meeting, the Archi-
tectural Section assembled, DR. HARINGTON presiding, when the following
communications were read :-
Remarks on the Complete Gothic and After-Gothic Styles in Germany,
by the REV. W. WHEWELL, D.D., Master of Trinity College, Cambridge.
This valuable memoir is printed in the Archaeological Journal, vol. vii, p. 1.
Observations on certain peculiarities of continental churches, especially as
to their form and arrangement; by A. MILWARD, Esq.
The curious Charters belonging to the city, commencing with those of
John and Henry III., were exhibited in the Council Chamber, and some
explanatory observations were offered by the Town Clerk, G. P. HESTER,
Esq., a gentleman intimately conversant with the documentary evidences.
tending to illustrate the history of his native city. They comprise also
matters of importance as connected with the annals of the University and
the foundation of colleges.
Shortly after twelve, a large assembly again met in the Theatre, where
the concluding GENERAL MEETING took place.
The PRESIDENT opened the proceedings by calling upon the Secretaries
to submit the Annual Reports of the Central Committee and of the Auditors,
which were read by Mr. TUCKER, and, on the motion of the President, they
were adopted unanimously.
The following list of the members of the Committee retiring in annual
course, and that of persons nominated to fill the vacancies, was then
submitted to the meeting, and adopted :-
Members selected to retire :-The Dean of Westminster, Vice-President;
Peter Cunningham, Esq.; Rev. J. B. Deane Philip Hardwicke, Esq.;
Sir F. Madden; Charles Manby, Esq.; Digby Wyatt, Esq.
XX
PROCEEDINGS OF THE ANNUAL MEETING.
The following gentlemen were elected to supply the vacancies:-the
Hon. Richard C. Neville, Vice-President; John Auldjo, Esq., F.R.S.;
W. Wynne Ffoulkes, Esq.; Thomas W. King, Esq., F.S.A., York
Herald; Henry Salusbury Milman, Esq.; Alexander Nesbitt, Esq.;
Rev. Stephen J. Rigaud, M. A.
The following gentlemen were also elected as Auditors :-Charles
Desborough Bedford, Esq.; George Vulliamy, Esq.
The PRESIDENT then called the attention of the Meeting to the selection
of the place of assembly for the ensuing year. The Central Committee
had received from the Mayor and Corporation of Lichfield, and from the
Diocesan Architectural Society, a cordial invitation to that cathedral town,
with the assurance of the ready disposition of influential persons in the
vicinity, and in the county of Stafford, to render encouragement and
assistance. It was, however, understood that the coming year might be less
suitable than a later occasion for such a meeting. Peterborough had been
proposed, and the Institute had received assurances of the co-operation of
the Northamptonshire Architectural Society and of many zealous friends.
in that county. He would call upon the Secretary to read the gratifying
requisition received from the Society of Antiquaries of Newcastle, to hold a
meeting on the banks of the Tyne, in 1852, with the full promise of influential
support and of the cordial co-operation of the archaeologists of North
Britain. The desire had been also expressed, in a very friendly manner,
that the Institute should visit St. Albans. They had cordial assurance of
welcome at Chichester, with the aid of the energetic Society of Sussex
archaeologists. A letter had been that day received from the noble
President of the St. Albans Architectural Society, the Earl of Verulam,
with the promise of his sanction and encouragement, in the event of their
assembly being held in that place. A strong desire had, however, been
expressed that their next meeting should be held in one of the cathedral
cities of the West; and the Committee would recommend Bristol, as
presenting numerous attractions, with great facilities for visiting the
interesting sites in South Wales, Chepstow, Tintern, and Caerleon,-the
antiquities there recently brought to light, and the Museum established by
an active local society under the auspices of Sir Digby Mackworth.
JOHN BRITTON, Esq., begged to express his warm interest in the proposi-
tion to visit Bristol, a locality replete with ancient remains, the claims of
which upon the antiquary he had long appreciated. The noble architectural
monuments in that city, the Cathedral of Wells, and numerous vestiges of
every period, accessible from Bristol, combined to render the place proposed
singularly eligible for the objects of the Institute. He had received from
their friends in the West frequent intimation of the desire that they should
assemble at that city on an early occasion.
It was accordingly unanimously resolved to hold the meeting of the
following year at Bristol.
The VICE-CHANCELLOR then rose, and observed that the business of the
present occasion being closed, the gratifying duty devolved upon himself to
convey their thanks to their noble President. He alluded to the kindness
with which the Marquis had hastened home from an interesting foreign
tour, that they might not be disappointed of the advantage and gratification
of his presence.
In common with all the members of the University, he
felt the highest satisfaction that the noble President of the Institute had
on this occasion permitted them to enrol, as a member of that University,
PROCEEDINGS OF THE ANNUAL MEETING.
xxi
one who was so distinguished a member of the University of Cambridge, and
whose life had been devoted to the advancement of science and literature.
SIR CHARLES ANDERSON, Bart., proposed a vote of thanks to the Vice-
Chancellor, who had so cordially promoted the success of the Meeting by
his patronage, and with the kindest consideration had secured every
desired facility for their advantage.
J. H. MARKLAND, Esq., then proposed their acknowledgment to the Heads
of houses, the Proctors, and other distinguished members of the University,
from which they had received so friendly a welcome. The Society must
gratefully esteem the sanction thus given to the pursuits of British
archaeologists by that ancient University. He alluded to the enlightened
advance of antiquarian science since the days of Anthony Wood and Hearne,
who little thought of times when the noble and the learned would here be
found assembled, and taking a prominent part in a society instituted for the
study and preservation of national antiquities.
W. W. E. WYNNE, Esq., expressed a suitable tribute to the warm encou-
ragement which they had received from the Mayor of Oxford, and the
Municipal authorities of the city.
The MAYOR returned his thanks, with the assurance of the gratification
which, in common with his fellow citizens, he had derived from the visit of
the Institute, and the opportunity of adding in any degree to the cordial
reception with which the Society had been met in that ancient city.
A resolution was proposed by the REV. J. HAMILTON GRAY, to return
thanks to the Curators of Public Institutions, especially of the Bodleian
Library, the Ashmolean Museum, the Taylor Buildings, in which the Insti-
tute had been permitted to form so attractive a museum, to the Presidents.
also of the Ashmolean and Architectural Societies.-The compliment was
acknowledged in very gratifying terms by the REV. R. GRESWELL, Presi-
dent of the Ashmolean Society.
The REV. J. L. PETIT then claimed a grateful testimony to the kindness
of the Rev. William Sewell, whose reception of the Institute within the
walls of Exeter College was without any parallel amongst the gratifying
hospitalities with which they had been favoured on similar occasions. He
made honourable mention of the kind entertainments which had cheered
them in their excursions,-at Ewelme, at Silchester, and amidst the striking
historical associations which had recalled the times of Alfred and the
prowess of their forefathers on the Berkshire heights.-The REV. WILLIAM
SEWELL returned thanks, expressing with much feeling his friendly interest
in the visit of the Institute to the University, his desire to contribute to
their agreeable reception, and the hope that many might carry away on
this occasion the impression that, with the hearty purpose of promoting the
advancement of science, the University devoted itself and its resources to
those purposes of a deep and lasting import, which alone entitled it to be
regarded as a national institution.
The BISHOP OF OXFORD, having entered the Theatre, addressed the
meeting, on the invitation of the President. Having expressed regret that
his duties and engagements had deprived him of the pleasure of earlier
participation in their proceedings that day, he desired to contribute his
testimony to the utility of such meetings;-to the advantages connected
with the extension of enlightened views of antiquity which must thence
accrue. He spoke in the highest terms of the pleasure and instruction
afforded by Professor Willis, both in his elucidation of the history of
xxii
PROCEEDINGS OF THE ANNUAL MEETING.
the Cathedral, and also during the examination of Cuddesdon Church
on the previous day. He felt assured that all present would respond to the
proposition he desired to make, and give to the Professor their warmest
thanks.
The thanks of the meeting were then moved, by the PROVOST OF ORIEL
to the contributors of memoirs ;-by the RECTOR OF EXETER, to the
numerous contributors to the museum, the varied contents and instructive
arrangement of which had proved so attractive; and by the REV. BADEN
POWELL, Professor of Geometry, to the Presidents and officers of the sections.
MR. CHARLES TUCKER proposed thanks to the Local Committee, to their
worshipful Chairman the Mayor, and to the Manager of Excursions, the
Rev. Edward Hill, whose arrangements had rendered that feature of their
proceedings of the meeting signally successful.-MR. HILL, in acknowledg-
ing the compliment, moved a closing vote to the Officers of the Institute,
and the meeting then separated.
ON THE STUDY OF ARCHAEOLOGY.
A DISCOURSE READ AT THE INAUGURAL MEETING IN THE THEATRE AT OXFORD, ON THE
OCCASION OF THE ANNUAL ASSEMBLY OF THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF 1850.
BY CHARLES NEWTON, M.A.
THE record of the Human Past is not all contained in
printed books. Man's history has been graven on the rock of
Egypt, stamped on the brick of Assyria, enshrined in the
marble of the Parthenon,-it rises before us a majestic
Presence in the piled-up arches of the Coliseum,—it lurks an
unsuspected treasure amid the oblivious dust of archives and
monasteries, it is embodied in all the heir-looms of religions,
of races, of families, in the relics which affection and grati-
tude, personal or national, pride of country or pride of lineage,
have preserved for us,-it lingers like an echo on the lips of
the peasantry, surviving in their songs and traditions, renewed
in their rude customs with the renewal of Nature's seasons,-
we trace it in the speech, the manners, the type of living
nations, its associations invest them as with a garb,—we dig
it out from the barrow and the Necropolis, and out of the
fragments thus found reconstruct in museums of antiquities
something like an image of the Past,-we contemplate this
image in fairer proportions, in more exact lineaments, as it
has been transmitted by endless reflections in the broken
mirror of art.
Again, the vouchers for Printed History, the title-deeds of
our great heritage of Printed Literature, are not all preserved
in printed texts.
Before there can be Composed History, there must be
evidences and documents, Tradition Oral and Tradition Monu-
mental; before the publication of Printed Literature, there
must exist the elements and sources from which such publi-
cation is made; before the Printer must come the Palæogra-
pher; before authoritative edition, scrutiny and authentication.
Before we can discern the image of a period, or read the
history of a race in Monuments of Art, we must ascertain to
what period and to what race these monuments belong;
ON THE STUDY OF ARCHAEOLOGY.
૭
before antiquities become the materials for the history of
manners, they must be collected and arranged in museums;
in other words, if we would authenticate Printed Literature, if
we would verify and amplify Printed History, if we would not
ignore all those new elements of thought and memorials of
the deeds of men which time is for ever disclosing to us, we
must recognise the purpose and function of Archaeology; that
purpose and function being to collect, to classify, and to inter-
pret all the evidence of man's history not already incorporated
in Printed Literature.
This evidence, the subject-matter of Archaeology, has been
handed down to us, partly in spoken language, in manners,
and in customs, partly in written documents and manuscript
literature, partly in remains of architecture, painting, and
sculpture, and of the subordinate decorative and useful arts.
Or, to speak more concisely, the subject-matter of Archaeo-
logy is threefold,—the Oral, the Written, and the Monumental.
Perhaps it would be more exact to say, that there are but
two classes of archaeological evidences, the Oral and the
Monumental, Monuments being either inscribed or Monu-
ments of art and of handicraft.
But I shall venture, on this occasion, to waive strict logical
accuracy for the sake of an arrangement which seems more
convenient and impressive.
I shall consider each of the three classes of archaeological
evidence in succession, taking, first, the Oral, under which
head I would include not only all that has been handed
down to us in Language, but all that can be gathered from
the study of Manners and Customs.
That spoken language is Archaeological evidence is suffi-
ciently obvious. Every one is aware that in tracing out the
history of any language, we must study not only its written
form, but those archaic words, inflections, and idioms, which
literature has either rejected or forgotten, which, once general,
have become provincial, and are retained only in the mother-
tongue of the peasantry.
These obsolete and rare forms of speech are to the philolo-
gist what the extinct Faunas and Floras of the primeval world
are to the comparative anatomist and the botanist; and, as
Geology collects and prepares for the physiologist these scat-
tered elements of the history of nature, so does Archaeology
glean these vestiges of language, and construct out of them
ON THE STUDY OF ARCHAEOLOGY.
3
glossaries of provincial words, that they may form evidence
in the great scheme of modern Philology.
As only a certain portion of the spoken language of a race
is permanently incorporated in its literature, so its written
poetry and history only represent a certain portion of the
national tradition. Every peasantry has its songs and mythic
legends, its rude oral narrative of real events, blended with
its superstitions. Archaeology rescues these from oblivion,
by making them a part of Printed Literature. It is thus
that Walter Scott has collected the minstrelsy of the Scottish
border, and Grimm the traditions of Germany.
Such relics are of peculiar interest to the historian of
literature, because they contain the germ of Written History
and Poetry; before the epic comes the ballad, the first
chronicle is the sum of many legends.
But unwritten tradition is not all embodied in language,
it has been partly preserved to us in manners and customs.
In a rude, unlettered age, indeed at all times when men are
too ignorant, hurried, or pre-occupied to be acted upon by
language alone, the instinct of those who govern the multi-
tude has suggested other means.
Symbolic acts and gestures, tokens, forms, ceremonies,
customs are all either supplementary to or the substitute for
articulate speech.
In the processions, military triumphs, coronations, nuptials,
and funeral ceremonies of all races we see this unwritten,
inarticulate, symbolic, language in its most fully developed
and eloquent form.
Hence it is obviously necessary for the Archaeologist to
study customs. Addressing the eye by symbols more gene-
rally and readily understood even than words, they may be
said to exhibit the utterance of thought in its most primitive
and elementary form; the repetition of such utterance be-
comes record which, however rude and precarious, may still
rank as a distinct source of historical evidence.
For the observance of such customs as fall under the
notice of the Archaeologist, it is for the most part necessary
that certain acts should be performed, or certain instruments
employed with or without the recital of a set form of words;
the custom may be commemorative or symbolic without re-
ference to the past; the event of which it is the memorial
B
4
ON THE STUDY OF ARCHAEOLOGY.
may be real or mythical; the doctrine it typifies and embodies
may be religious, political, or legal; its observance may be
occasional, as in the case of a marriage ceremony, or perio-
dical, as in the case of the great festivals with which most
nations distinguish the course of the seasons. The Archaeo-
logist, of course, directs his attention less to those customs
which form a part of the established religion and legal code
of a race than to those which, being the result of ideas once
generally prevalent, still survive among the peasantry in
remote districts, or of which dim traces may be still discerned
in the institutions of modern society. It is thus that, in the
customs of Calabria, we still trace the relics of the ancient
heathen worship, and that the customs of Greece and Asia
Minor remain a living commentary on the text of Homer.
The peasant's mind reflects what has been rather than
what is. It revolves in the same circle as the more cultivated
mind of the nation, but at a much slower rate.
On the great
dial-plate of time, one is the hourhand while the other is the
minutehand.
When customs are only partially extant, the Archaeologist
has not only to record and interpret the usage, but to
preserve the instrument with which that usage was associated.
It is thus that the horns which once ratified the tenure of
land, the sword or mace, once instruments of investiture and
insignia of feudal or official power, vessels once consecrated
to the service of religion, are gathered in, one by one, into
national museums, the garners and treasuries of archaeology.
A custom may be not merely extinct, but buried. In the
tombs of many races, such as the Celtic or Scandinavian, we
find nearly all that is known of their sepulchral rites, and
thus an examination of the places of sepulture of various
countries enables us, with the aid of philology, to trace out
many unsuspected national affinities, while at the same time
it gives us the means of comparing a number of unwritten
creeds. In an uncivilised age men do not define their re-
ligious belief in a set form of words, but express it by symbolic
rites, by acts rather than by statements.
It is the business of the Archaeologist to read these hiero-
glyphics, not graven on the rock, but handed down in the
memory and embodied in the solemn acts of races, to elicit
these faint rays of historical evidence, latent in the tomb.
ON THE STUDY OF ARCHAEOLOGY.
5
Manners differ from customs, in that they furnish rather
general evidence of a nation's character than special evidence
for particular facts; that they are neither commemorative
nor symbolic.
It was the custom of the last century to drink the king's
health after dinner; it is part of the general history of
English manners to know how our ancestors comported
themselves at their meals, and when they first began to use
forks.
Traces of ancient manners must be sought, as we seek for
customs, in the secluded life of the peasantry, or we must
discern them half-obliterated beneath the palimpsest surface
of modern society, and this palimpsest must be read by a
diligent collation not only with early literature, but with the
picture of ancient manners preserved in Monuments of Art.
Such then is a slight outline of the Oral evidence of
Archaeology. It is inferior in dignity either to Written or
to Monumental evidence, because of all the means which
man possesses for utterance and record, the oral is the most
transient.
We may add that animals are not altogether destitute
of oral utterance. Though they do not articulate, they com-
municate their meaning vocally, and by gesticulation; and
some of them can imitate articulate speech, action, and music.
But no animal but man draws or writes, or leaves behind
him conscious monumental record.
It is because man can draw, because he possesses the
distinctive faculty of imitating forms and expressing thoughts
not only by his own gesticulations, but by and through some
material external to himself, that he has acquired the
inestimable power of writing. This general assertion, that all
writing has its origin in drawing is, perhaps, open to discus-
sion, but those who have most deeply investigated the ques-
tion, have been led to this conclusion, by a comparison of
the most primitive systems of writing now extant.
It is stated by these authorities that the elements of all
written character are to be found in the Picture, or Direct
Representation of some visible object; that such Pictures
were subsequently applied as Phonetic symbols, or symbols of
sounds, and as Emblems, or symbols of ideas; that these
three modes of conveying meaning, by Direct Representation,
B 2
6
ON THE STUDY OF ARCHAEOLOGY.
by Phonetic symbols, and by Emblems, existed co-ordinately
for a while, and were finally absorbed into, and commuted
for the one fixed conventional Alphabetic method.
If we apply this theory to the classification of the systems
of writing which remain to us, it will be seen that, though
not of course admitting of arrangement in chronological
sequence, they exhibit the art in various stages of its
development. The Mexican will present to us a system in
which the Pictorial is predominant; the Egyptian hiero-
glyphics will enable us to trace the gradual extension of the
Phonetic and Emblematic, the abbreviation of both forms in
the more cursive Hieratic, and the decay of the Pictorial
system: the Chinese, and perhaps the Assyrian Cuneiform,
will bring us one step nearer the purely conventional system;
and the perfection of the Alphabetic method will be found
in the Phoenician, as it has been adapted by the Hellenic
race.
I will not attempt here to illustrate more fully, or to
justify more in detail, this theory as to the origin of writing;
nor do I ask you, on the present occasion, to admit more
than the general fact, which the most superficial examination
of the Egyptian or Mexican hieroglyphics will show, that
there have been ages and nations when the Alphabetic system
was as yet undeveloped, and the Pictorial was its substitute,
and consequently that there was a period when art and writing
were not divorced as they are at present, but so blended into
one, that we can best express the union by such a compound
as Picture-writing.
This original connection between two arts which we are
accustomed to consider as opposed, obliges us to regard the
elements of writing as part of the history of imitative art
generally. Thus the inscribed monuments of Egypt are
neither art nor literature, but rather the elements out of
which both sprang, just as early poetry contains the germ
both of history and philosophy.
It is this first stage in the history of writing which pecu-
liarly claims from the Archaeologist thought and study. The
art of which he has to trace the progress, as it has, perhaps,
more contributed to civilisation than any other human inven-
tion, so has it only been perfected after many centuries of
experiment and fruitless labour. We, to whom the Alpha-
ON THE STUDY OF ARCHAEOLOGY.
7
betic system has been handed down as the bequest of a
remote antiquity, find a difficulty in transporting our minds
backwards to the period when it was yet unknown; the
extreme simplicity of the method makes us accept it as a
matter of course, as an instrument which man has always
possessed, not as something only wrought out by patient, oft
repeated trials in the course of ages. Till we study the
Egyptian hieroglyphics, we are not aware how difficult it
must have been for the more perfect Phonetic system to
displace the Pictorial, how long they continued co-ordinate,
what perplexity of rules this co-ordination engendered, how
obstinately the routine of habit maintained an old method
however intricate and inconvenient, against a new principle
however simple and broad in its application. The history of
writing, in a word, exhibits to us most impressively a type
of that great struggle between new inventions and inveterate
routine, out of which civilisation has been slowly and painfully
evolved.
When we pass from the study of imperfect and transition
systems of writing, such as the Mexican, Egyptian, Cuneiform,
and Chinese, to the study of perfect alphabets, it is rather
the tradition of the art from race to race, than the inventive
genius shown in its development, which forms the subject of
our inquiries.
The Phoenician alphabet is the primary source of the
system of writing we now use. The Greek and Roman
alphabets, each adapted from the Phoenician with certain
additions and modifications, were gradually diffused by
commerce or conquest through the length and breadth of the
ancient civilised world. On the decay of the Western
empire of the Romans, their alphabet, like their language,
law, architecture, and sculpture, became the property of their
Teutonic conquerors.
Rude hands now wielded these great instruments of
civilisation; strong wills moulded and adapted them to new
wants and conditions; and it was thus that the Roman
alphabet, transferred from marble to parchment, no longer
graven but written, was gradually transformed into that
fantastic and complicated character which is popularly called
black letter, and in which the original simple type is some-
times as difficult to recognise, as it is to discern at the first
8
ON THE STUDY OF ARCHAEOLOGY.
glance the connection between the stately, clustered pier and
richly sculptured capital of the Gothic cathedral, and its
remote archetype, the Greek column.
The changes which the handwriting of the Western world
underwent from the commencement of the Middle Ages to
the revival of the simple Roman character in the first printed
texts have been most clearly traced out, century by century,
by means of the vast series of dated specimens of medieval
writing still extant.
When we turn from the Palæography of the Western to
that of the Eastern world, we find the evidence of the subject
in a far less accessible state.
In tracing back the history of Oriental systems of writing,
as in investigating the sources of Oriental civilisation, we
cannot, as in the West, recognise in many varieties the same
original classical type; there is no one paramount influence, no
one continuous stream of tradition, no one alphabet the
parent of all the rest; the chronological basis of the Palæo-
graphy rests on much less certain grounds.
When this branch of the history of writing has been more
studied, we shall be able to say more positively whether the
Assyrian Cuneiform is a modification of the Egyptian hiero-
glyphics, whether the Phoenician alphabet was derived from
the same elements, whether it was the parent not only of the
Greek and the Roman, but also of the Semitic alphabets
generally, and we shall probably discover more than one
other independent source whence some of the Oriental
alphabets may have been derived.
This, then, is one point of view in which the Archaeologist
may regard all written memorials,-as evidence either of the
invention or of the tradition of the alphabetic system; but
the history of the art cannot be fully investigated without
taking into account the nature of the writing materials
employed. These materials have been very different in
different ages and countries. Character may be either
graven on hard materials, such as stone or metal, written on
pliable materials, such as bark, papyrus, parchment, linen,
paper, or impressed as the potters' names are on the Samian
ware, or the legends of coins on a metallic surface. The
greater part of the writing of the ancient world has been
preserved on the native rock, hewn stones, metallic tablets,
ON THE STUDY OF ARCHAEOLOGY.
9
2
or baked clay, as in the case of the Cuneiform character. There
was a preference for hard unpliable materials in classical
antiquity just as there was a preference for parchment as a
writing material all through the Middle Ages, both in Europe
and Asia. As the harder materials fell into disuse, the cha-
racter of course became more cursive, writings circulated
more generally from hand to hand, and were multiplied by
frequent copies not only to meet an increased demand, but
because that which is written is more perishable than that
which is graven; the stroke of the chisel is a more abiding
record than the stroke of the pen.
In consequence of this difference in the writing material,
the researches of the Palæographer of classical antiquity
embrace a far wider field than those of the medieval Palæo-
grapher. It is in the marble and the granite, in the market-
places, the temples, and the sepulchres of the ancients that
we must search for their records; these were their libraries,
their muniment rooms, their heralds' college. If Magna
Charta had been ceded to the Roman plebs, instead of to the
English nobles, it would not have been called Magna Charta,
but Magna Tabula, or Magna Columna; most of the Diplo-
matic record of the ancients was a Lapidary record.
I have been as yet considering the written memorials of
races only as they are evidence of the art of writing itself,
but Archaeology has not only to study character and writing
materials, but also to interpret more or less the meaning of
the words written, and to inquire how far they have an
historical value.
Now all written character, all literature, to use this word
in its original sense, may be divided into two great classes,-
the Composed and the Documentary.
By Composed Literature I mean history, poetry, oratory,
philosophy, and such like mental products; by Documentary
Literature I mean all writings which have no claim to rank as
literary composition, such as deeds, charters, registers, calen-
dars, lists, in a word, all those historical and literary
materials, some of which are already incorporated in com-
posed history and composed literature; some of which are
stored up in national, ecclesiastical, municipal, or private
archives; some of which yet remain in situ, associated with
the architectural monuments and works of art on which they
are inscribed, and some of which, uncared for or unknown,
10
ON THE STUDY OF ARCHAEOLOGY.
moulder on the surface of untravelled lands, or in the ruins
of deserted cities.
Now, in regard to Composed Literature, it is obvious that
its subject-matter is far too vast for the scope and limits of
archaeological research; it is chiefly with its manuscript text
that the Palæographer has to deal; his business is to collect,
decipher, collate, edit. Printing transfers the text from his
hands to those of the philologer, the historian, and the critic.
In dealing with the Literature of Documents, the Archaeo-
logist has to do more than barely edit the text. On him, in
a great measure, is devolved the task of interpretation and
classification; the mere deciphering or printing the docu-
ments does not at once render them accessible to the general
reader, nothing but long familiarity, acquired in the course
of editing, can give dexterity and intelligence in their use.
It is the business, then, of the Archaeologist to prepare for
the historian the literature of documents generally, as Gruter
has edited his great work on Latin inscriptions, or Muratori
the documents of medieval Italy.
He must as far as possible ascertain the value of this
unedited material in reference to what is already incorpo-
rated with printed literature, how far it suggests new views,
supplies new facts, illustrates, corroborates, or disproves
something previously acknowledged or disputed; whether, in
a word, it will contribute anything to the great mass of
human knowledge which printing already embodies.
Composed Literature should be as far as possible confronted
with those written documents which are, in reference to it,
vouchers, commentary, or supplement. Sometimes we possess
the very materials which the historian used; sometimes we
have access to evidence of which he had no knowledge.
Now, it is needless to insist on the historical value of such
documents as the inscription of Darius on the rock of
Behistan, the Rosetta stone, and the many hieroglyphical
and cuneiform texts which the sagacity and learning of a
Young, a Champollion, and a Rawlinson have taught the
nineteenth century to interpret by means of these two
trilingual keys.
Such evidence speaks for itself. When in the laboratory
of the philologer and the historian these documents shall
have been slowly transmuted into composed narrative, we
may hope to contemplate the ancient world from a new point
ON THE STUDY OF ARCHAEOLOGY.
11
of view. The narrow boundaries of classical chronology
may be enlarged by these discoveries as the barriers of
ancient geography were burst through by the adventurous
prow of the Genoese navigator; events, dynasties, and per-
sonages, which flit before our strained eyes, far away in the
dim offing of primeval history, shrouded in the fantastic haze
of Hellenic mythology, may be revealed to us in more defined
outlines, if not in perfect fulness of detail.
But it is not merely where there is such immediate pro-
mise of a great historical result that the Archaeologist must.
study written evidence, nor must he confine his labours to
the editing what is already complete as a document; he must
out of isolated and fragmentary materials construct instru-
ments for the historian to use.
Roman coins are not Fasti, nor are Greek coins a treatise
on ancient geography, yet the labour of numismatists has
made the one almost the best authority for the chronology
of the Roman empire, and has found in the other an ines-
timable commentary on Strabo and Ptolemy.
The seals, deeds, and sepulchral brasses of the Middle
Ages are not in themselves pedigrees, but how have they not
contributed to the legal proof of genealogies? The countless
rolls relating to the property of individuals preserved in
muniment rooms, seem many of them of little historical value;
but out of them what a full and minute history of ancient
tenures has been developed; what directories, and gazetteers,
and inventories of the past, giving us the names, titles, and
addresses of those historic personages, whom in reading the
old chronicles we are perpetually liable to confound.
The pioneering labour which prepares the Literature of
Documents will always be appreciated by a great historical
mind. After a Gruter, an Eckhel, and a Muratori, come a
Gibbon, a Niebuhr, a Sismondi.
Before we dismiss this branch of our subject, there is one
more point to be noted, the use of written documents not
for the immediate purposes of history, but subordinately, as
evidence for archaeological classification. It is obviously
easier to fix the date of an inscribed than of an uninscribed
work of art, because Palæography has rules of criticism of
its own, perfectly independent of those by which we judge of
art or fabric. In arranging the Monumental evidence of
Archaeology, we cannot dispense with the collateral illustration
12
ON THE STUDY OF ARCHAEOLOGY.
of the Written evidence. Palæography is the true guide of
the historian of Art.
It is this third branch of our whole subject-matter, the
Monumental, which we have now to consider.
Monuments are either works of Art or works of Handicraft.
Art is either Constructive or Imitative; Handicraft either
Useful or Decorative.
I must recall you for a moment to the point from which
I started in treating of the history of writing. I said
that man was the only animal that imitated in a material
external to himself; who, in other words, practised painting
and sculpture. To draw and to carve are natural to man;
speech, gesture, and music are his transient,-sculpture,
painting, and writing, his permanent means of utterance.
There is hardly any race that has not produced some rude
specimens of sculpture and painting; there are a few only
who have brought them to perfection.
Now, there is a point of view in which we may regard the
imitative art of all races, the most civilised as well as the
most barbarous-in reference, namely, to the power of cor-
rectly representing animal or vegetable forms such as exist
in nature. The perfection of such imitation depends not so
much on the manual dexterity of the artist as on his intelli-
gence in comprehending the type or essential qualities of the
form which he desires to represent. One artist may make the
figure of a man like a jointed doll, because he discerns in
human structure no more than the general fact of a head,
trunk, and limbs. Another may perceive in nature and
indicate in art some traces, however slight, of vital organi-
sation, of bones and muscles, and of their relation to each
other as pulleys and levers. A third may represent them in
their true forms in action and repose.
This is real, intellectual art, because it represents not
the forms merely, but the life which animates them. This
difference between one artist and another in the mode of
representing organic life is the most essential part of what is
called style. As the styles of individual artists differ in this
respect, so it is with the art of races.
If we compare the representation of a man in Egyptian,
Assyrian, Greek, Medieval, Chinese, Indian, and Mexican
sculpture, we shall see that the same bones and muscles, the
same organisation and general type, have been very diffe-
ON THE STUDY OF ARCHAEOLOGY.
13
rently rendered in different ages and countries; and that the
examples I have cited may be ranged in a scale from the
Greek downward to the Mexican, according to the amount of
essential truth embodied in these several representations of
nature. Here then we get a common measure or standard
of the art of all races and ages, whether it be painting or
sculpture, whatever be the material in which it is executed;
whether the work of which we have to judge be one of the
statues from the pediment of the Parthenon, or an Otaheitan
idol; a fresco of Michael Angelo, or a Dutch picture; a
painted window, or a picture on a Greek vase; a coin,
or the head of Memnon; the Bayeux tapestry, or the
cartoons at Hampton Court.
All these are works of imitative art; some more, some less
worthy of being so called.
Now, the artists who executed these works had this in
common, that they all tried to imitate nature, each according
to his powers and means, but they differed very widely in
those powers and means. Some painted, some carved; some
worked on a colossal, others on a minute scale. For the
solution of the problem they had proposed to themselves, a
very varied choice of means presented itself. Thus by the
word painting we may mean a fresco painting, or an oil
painting, or an encaustic painting, or a painted window, or a
vase picture. Sculpture may be in wood, in ivory, in
marble, in metal. Each material employed by the sculptor
or painter imposes on him certain conditions which are the
law under which he ought to work. He may either turn the
material he uses to the best account, master its difficulties,
and atone for its deficiencies, or he may in turn be mastered
by them.
The difference between artist and artist, or school and
school, in this respect, constitutes what has been justly called
specific style, as opposed to general style. The Archaeologist
must take cognisance not only of general, but of specific style.
He must compare the art of different races as much as pos-
sible in pari materia; he must ascertain as nearly as he
can the real conditions under which the artist wrought
before he can appreciate his work; he must observe how
similar necessities have in different ages suggested the trial
of similar technical means; how far the artist has succeeded
or failed in the working out these experiments.
14
ON THE STUDY OF ARCHAEOLOGY.
In this, as in every other branch of archaeological research,
he will be led to remark great original differences between
races, and certain resemblances, the result of the influence
of school upon school by tradition or imitation.
By this study of external characteristics he will obtain
the true criteria for arranging all art both chronologically
and ethnographically, and will also be able to form some
kind of scale of the relative excellence of all that he has to
classify.
Thus far his work is analogous to that of the Palæographer,
who acquaints himself with the systems of writing of all
races, traces their tradition and the changes they undergo,
and assigns them to their respective periods and countries.
But, as we have already pointed out, the Palæographer
has not only to acquaint himself with the handwriting, but to
bestow more or less of study on the words written; and in
some cases, as in the Egyptian hieroglyphics, the work of
deciphering and of interpretation compel him to be deeply
versed in history and philology.
So it is with the Archaeology of Art. We must not only
know the mere external characteristics of the style, we must
know the meaning or motive which pervades it; we must be
able to read and to interpret it.
It is only a knowledge of the meaning or motive of art
that enables us to appreciate its most essential qualities.
The highest art is thought embodied and stated to the eye;
hence it has been well defined as "mute poetry.
دو
Now, when we survey all the remains of art of which
Archaeology has cognisance, we shall perceive that it is only
a certain portion of these remains that can be said to embody
thought.
It is those works of Imitative Art which embody thought,
which have the first claim on the attention of the Archaeolo-
gist, and, above all, those which express religious ideas.
The most elevated art which the world has yet seen has
been devoted to the service of Religion. Art has stereotyped
and developed that Figurative and Symbolic language, of
which we find the partial and transient expression in the
Oral Symbolism of rituals.
When I speak of a Figurative and Symbolic language, I
include under this general term all idols and visible emblems,
all productions of the painter and sculptor, which have been
ON THE STUDY OF ARCHAEOLOGY.
15
either themselves objects of worship, or have been associated
with such objects,-have been designed to address religious
sympathies, to teach religious doctrines, or to record religious
traditions.
There is, perhaps, hardly any race, which has not at some
period of its history possessed some sort of Figurative and
Symbolic language for religious uses. The utterance of this
language is feebler, or more emphatic; its range of expres-
sion narrower, or more varied, according to the character of
the religion, and the genius of the race. Some religions are
pre-eminently sensuous, such, for instance, as the Egyptian,
the Greek, the Hindoo, in fact, all the great systems of
polytheistic worship; in other cases, the nature of the creed
warrants and requires a much narrower range of Figurative
and Symbolic language, as in the case of the ancient Persian
fire-worship, or interdicts the most essential part of it, as
the Mahommedan interdicts all representation of animal
forms.
Now, as in Philology, we lay the foundation for a general
comparison of articulate languages by the study of some one
example more perfect in structure, fuller and richer in com-
pass than the rest, such a type, for instance, as the Greek
or the Sanscrit; so, if we would acquaint ourselves with the
Figurative and Symbolic language of Art generally, we should
study it in its finest form.
When we survey the monuments of all time, we find two
perfectly developed and highly cultivated forms of utterance,
the language of Greek Art, and the language of the Art of
Medieval Christendom; in almost all other races the expres-
sion of religious ideas in art seems, in comparison, like a
rude dialect, not yet fashioned by the poet and the orator.
Of the idolatrous nations of the ancient world, the Greeks
were, as far as we know, the first to reduce the colossal
proportions of the idol, to discard monstrous combinations.
of human and animal forms, and to substitute the image of
beautiful humanity. The sculptor and the poet shaped
and moulded the mythic legends; as the Figurative lan-
guage of Art grew more perfect, as the mastery over form
enabled the artist to embody thought more poetically and elo-
quently, the ancient hieratic Symbolism became less and
less prominent.
As the Greek myth gradually absorbed into itself the
16
ON THE STUDY OF ARCHAEOLOGY.
earliest theological and philosophical speculations of the
race, blending religious tradition with the traditions of his-
tory, personified agencies with the agencies of real personages,
the record of physical phenomena with poetic allegory,—so
the Figurative Language of Art expanded to express this
complex development. Mythography, or the expression of
the Myth in Art, moved on, pari passu, with mythology, or
the expression of the Myth in Literature: as one has reacted
on the other, so is one the interpreter of the other.
It is impossible till we have studied both conjointly, to
see how completely the religion of the Greeks penetrated
into their social institutions and daily life. The Myth was
not only embodied in the sculpture of Phidias on the
Parthenon, or pourtrayed in the frescoes of Polygnotus in
the Stoa Poicile; it was repeated in a more compendious.
and abbreviated form on the fictile vase of the Athenian
household; on the coin which circulated in the market-
place; on the mirror in which the Aspasia of the day beheld
her charms. Every domestic implement was made the
vehicle of Figurative language, or fashioned into a Symbol.
Now, to us this mother tongue of Mythography, these
household words, so familiar to the Greeks, are a dead letter,
except so far as the Archaeologist can explain them by glosses
and commentaries. His task is one of interpretation-he is
the Scholiast and the Lexicographer of Art.
The method of interpretation which the classical Archae-
ologist has applied to Greek Art is well worthy the atten-
tion of those who undertake the interpretation of Christian
Medieval Art.
As the Greeks have bequeathed to us not only a Mytho-
logy, but a Mythography, so in the painting and sculpture
of medieval Christendom we find an unwritten Theology, a
popular, figurative teaching of the sublime truths of Chris-
tianity, blended with the apocryphal traditions of many
generations. The frescoes of the great Italian masters, from
Giotto to Michael Angelo, the ecclesiastical sculpture of
medieval Europe generally, are the texts in which we should
study this unwritten theology.
It is in these continuous compositions, designed by great
artists, that we can best study the Figurative and Symbolic
language of Christian Art as a scheme, and seek the key to
its interpretation. This key once obtained, we learn to read
ON THE STUDY OF ARCHAEOLOGY.
17
not the great texts merely, but the most compendious and
abbreviated Symbolism, the isolated passages and fragments
of the greater designs.
It is then that we recognise the unity of motive and senti-
ment which runs all through Medieval Art, and see how an
external unity of style is the result of a deeper spiritual
unity, as the manners of individuals spring out of their
whole character and way of life; it is then that antiquities,
which to the common observer seem of small account, become
to us full of meaning. Every object which reflects and
repeats the greater art of the period, whether it be costume,
or armour, or household furniture, is of interest to the
Archaeologist.
The cross which formed the hilt of the sword of the
warrior; the martyrology which was embroidered on the cope
of the ecclesiastic, or which inlayed the binding of his missal;
the repetition of the design of Raffaelle in the Majolica ware;
if not in themselves the finest specimens of medieval art, are
valuable as evidence of the universality of its pervading
presence, as fragments of a great whole.
In many cases the interpreter of Christian Art has an
easier task than his fellow-labourer, the interpreter of Greek
Art. Christian Iconography is at once more congenial, and
more familiar to us, than Greek Mythography. Much of
the religious feeling it embodies still exists in the hearts of
men; the works of Christian art themselves afford far
ampler illustration of their own language. The frescoes of
Cimabue and Giotto, the great poems of Fra Angelico,
Raffaelle, and Michael Angelo, have not perished like the
works of the Greek painters, or been preserved to us in
fragments, like the sculptures of the Parthenon. The
façades of the cathedrals of Europe are still rich in statuary;
the "dim religious light" still pierces through "the storied
window."
We possess not only the original designs of the great
sculptors and painters of the Middle Ages, but endless
copies and reflections from these designs in the costume,
armour, coins, seals, pottery, furniture, and other antiquities
of the contemporary period. We are not compelled to seek
for Art in what was meant as mere Handicraft, as we study
the history of Greek painting in vase-pictures; we have not
only the Art, but the Handicraft too.
18
ON THE STUDY OF ARCHAEOLOGY.
But we have not shown as much diligence in applying
Medieval Literature to the illustration of contemporary
Medieval Art as the Classical Archaeologist has shown in
comparing mythology and mythography.
Christian Iconography and Christian Symbolism must be
read, as Lord Lindsay has read them, with the illustration
of the lives of the saints, the theology and the poetry of the
Middle Ages. We must study the Pisan Campo Santo with
Dante in our hands.
In these remarks on the figurative language of Art, I have
not attempted to lay down for your guidance systems and
canons of interpretation; I have rather called your attention
to the example of classical art in which a particular method
of study has been long and successfully carried out.
Nor have I at all alluded to a most essential part of the
History of Art, the tradition of its Figurative and Symbolic
language from race to race; or shown how far the Mythography
of the Greeks was modified by, and contributed in turn to
modify, the Oriental and Egyptian Mythographies; how
Roman Pantheism gradually absorbed into itself all these
motley elements; how the earlier Christian Art, like the
architecture, law, language and literature of medieval Chris-
tendom, was full of adapted Paganism; how, not forgetting
the power of deep-rooted associations, it borrowed the symbols
of an extinct idolatry, as medieval literature borrowed the
imagery of the classical writers; how long the influence of
that symbolism and that imagery has survived, affecting, in a
peculiar manner, the view of physical nature both in art and
poetry; and how, lastly, the great features of the landscape
which ancient sculpture and poetry translated into a peculiar
figurative language, have been, so to speak, retranslated in
the painting and the poetry of an age of physical science like
our own.
It remains for me to say a few words on other branches of
Imitative Art. There is an ideal art which is not devoted to
religion, but purely secular in its subject-matter and purpose,
just as there is a secular poetry which gradually prevails over
the religious poetry of an earlier age; but the portion of this
secular ideal art of which Archaeology has to take cognisance
is comparatively small.
Again, there is Historical art, or that which represents real
events in history; and Portraiture, which, taken in its widest
ON THE STUDY OF ARCHAEOLOGY.
19
sense, includes all representation not only of human beings,
but also of visible objects in nature. Now it is hardly neces-
sary to insist on the interest either of Historical art or of
Portraiture as archaeological evidence.
Historical art can never be as trustworthy a document as
written history; its narrative power is far more limited ;-but
how much it illustrates written history, how much it supplies
where written history is wanting, or is yet undeciphered?
The bas-reliefs of Egypt and Assyria are the supplement to
the hieroglyphic, or cuneiform text; the type of the Roman
coin completes the historical record of its legend; the legend
explains the type; the combination presents to us some
passage in the public life of the emperor of the day.
Inscribed Historical art is at all times the simplest and
most popular mode of teaching history; perhaps in such a
state of society as that of Egypt or Assyria, the only mode.
Again, when Historical art is presented to us completely
detached from the written text, and where the composed
history of a period is ever so ample,-who would not use the
illustration offered by Historical art ?—who would reject such
a record as the spiral frieze on the column of Trajan, and the
bas-reliefs on the triumphal arches of the Roman empire?
Who would not think the narrative of Herodotus, vivid and
circumstantial as it is, would acquire fresh interest could
we see that picture of Darius setting out on his Scythian
expedition, which Mandrocles caused to be painted ?or the
representation of Marathon with which Micon and Panænus
adorned the Athenian Stoa Poicile ?
If Historical art contribute to the fuller illustration of com-
posed history, still more does Portraiture. If the very idea
of the great dramatis persona, who have successively appeared
on the stage of universal history, stirs our hearts within us,
who would not wish to see their bodily likeness ?—who would
not acknowledge that the statues and busts of the Cæsars
are the marginal illustration of the text of Tacitus? that the
history of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, rich as
it is in every kind of document, is incomplete without the
portraits by Vandyke and Reynolds ?—or, to pass from the
portraits of individuals to the general portraiture of society,
can we form a just idea of Greek and Roman manners with-
out the pictures on vases and the pictures of Pompeii? or of
medieval manners without the illuminations of manuscripts?
C
20
ON THE STUDY OF ARCHAEOLOGY.
Are not the Nimroud bas-reliefs all that remains to us of
the social life of the great Assyrian empire? If costume,
armour, household furniture and implements, are all part of
the history of manners, if these relics are in themselves worth
studying, so too must be those representations which teach
us how they were applied in daily life.
Having considered the monuments of Imitative, I will now
pass on to the monuments of Constructive Art, and the pro-
ducts of the useful and decorative arts generally, or of Handi-
craft, from all which may be elicited a kind of latent history,
rather implied than consciously stated, not transmitted in
writing, nor even in words.
Of all monuments of Constructive Art, the most abiding,
the most impressive and full of meaning, are the archi-
tectural. The first object of the Archaeologist, in studying a
building, should be to ascertain its date, the race by whom,
and the purpose for which it was erected. But his task
does not end with this primary classification; he ought to
indicate the value of Architecture as evidence for the Historian,
to read and interpret the indirect record it embodies.
Of many aspects in which we may regard Architecture,
these three may be especially noted. First, it is an evidence
of the constructive power of a race, of their knowledge of
mechanical science. Secondly, being an investment of capital,
it is a measure of the financial resources of a nation at a
particular period, a document for their financial history.
Thirdly, we must consider Architecture as the great law
which has in all time regulated the growth and affected the
form of painting and sculpture, till they attain to a certain
period in their development, and free themselves from its
influence. I shall say a few words on each of these three
points.
First of Architecture, as evidence of constructive power:
In all building operations more or less of the same problems
have to be solved.
The purpose of the edifice, the space allotted for the site,
the quantity and quality of the building material, and the
law of gravitation, prescribe a certain form. These are the
external necessities within which the will of the architect is
free to range. The problems he has to solve may be more
or less difficult; the purpose of the building may dictate a
more or less complicated structure; the site and building
ON THE STUDY OF ARCHAEOLOGY.
21
materials may be more or less favourable; the mechanical
knowledge required may be more or less profound; it is in
the solution of these problems that various races have shown
a greater or less degree of intellectual power; it is from the
study of the architectural problems so solved that we obtain
a common measure of the mind of races perfectly distinct
from any other standard.
In a Gothic cathedral the truths of mechanical science are
stated, not by words, but by deeds; it is knowledge, not
written, but enacted.
The pyramids and temples of Egypt, the Parthenon, the
ruins of Baalbec, the Duomo at Florence, the railway bridges
and viaducts of the nineteenth century, are all so many
chapters in the history of mechanical science, not in them-
selves treatises, but containing the materials of treatises.
So much has been recently written on this branch of archi-
tectural study, that I shall merely allude to it here, especially
in addressing an audience many of whom have the advantage
of hearing every year a lecture on structure from the his-
torian of our cathedrals, Professor Willis.
Having glanced at Architecture as part of the history of
science, let us regard it for a moment as part of the history
of finance. In all Architecture there is an outlay of the
capital of labour, and of the capital absorbed in the cost of
materials. The wealth thus permanently invested, if it be
national wealth, is seldom replaced by any direct financial
return. In the balance-sheet of nations it is more fre-
quently entered as capital sunk, than as capital profitably
invested.
When, therefore, we have made an estimate of the pro-
bable cost of an ancient edifice, grounded partly on the
evidence of the building itself, partly on our general know-
ledge of the period to which it belongs, we must next con-
sider out of what resources it was reared: did the builders
invest income or capital? in the hope of profitable return, or
from what other of the many motives which induce men to
spend money?
Here, then, we find an architectural common measure, not
only of the wealth of nations at a particular period, but also
of their taste and judgment in spending that wealth.
When we survey the architecture of all time in regard to
its motive, it presents to us under this aspect four principal
22
ON THE STUDY OF ARCHAEOLOGY.
groups. It is either Votive, Commemorative, Military, or
Commercial. By Votive, I mean all edifices dedicated to
the service of Religion; by Commemorative, such struc-
tures as the triumphal arches of Rome; all sepulchral
monuments from the Pyramids downwards; all buildings, in
a word, of which the paramount object is national or personal
record.
The term Military needs no explanation.
By Commercial, I mean much of what is commonly called
civil architecture all such works as bridges, exchanges,
aqueducts, moles, tunnels, which, however great the original
outlay, are undertaken by nations, companies, or individuals,
with the ultimate hope of a profitable return.
Now, if it be admitted that the religious sentiment,—the
historical instinct, or rather the sense of national greatness,
its source, the military spirit or necessities, the commercial
enterprise and resources of a race, severally determine the
character of its Votive, Commemorative, Military, and Com-
mercial architecture,-such monuments will give us a measure
of the relative strength and successive predominance of each
of these great motives of national action. Thus, in the
chart of universal history, we may more distinctly trace the
direction and calculate the force of some of the tides and
currents of public opinion by which society has been variously
swayed.
In Egypt, Architecture was pre-eminently Votive and
Commemorative in the temples of the Athenian Acropolis,
the Votive and the Commemorative were blended, the glory
of the individual was merged in that of the state,-the idea
of the state was inseparable from that of its religion; the
practical genius of the Romans was developed in great works
at once Military and Commercial,-roads, bridges, aqueducts,
moles, tunnels, fortifications; Votive and Military architec-
ture absorbed the surplus wealth of the Middle Ages; in our
own day, the magnificence of our Commercial architecture,
of our railway bridges and viaducts,-contrasts somewhat
strangely with the stunted and starveling Gothic of our
modern churches; but it is fair to remember that the
imperious need of an ever increasing population has trans-
ferred to charity part of the resources of architecture, and
that we must not seek for the Votive investment of the nine-
teenth century only in its Religious edifices.
ON THE STUDY OF ARCHAEOLOGY.
23
The study of the motive of architectural investment is
essential to the Archaeologist for the due comprehension of
the whole style of the Architecture; but the tracing out the
financial sources of that investment is rather the business of
the Historian. Therefore, I will but remind you here how
the centralising power of despotism reared with the slave
labour of captive nations, and the produce of the most
fertile of soils, the Votive and Commemorative architecture of
Egypt, how the victories of Marathon and Salamis gained
for Athens those island and Asiatic dependencies, whose
tribute built the Parthenon,-how Rome gave back to a
conquered world part of their plundered wealth in the aque-
ducts, bridges, harbours, and fortifications, which the Empire
constructed for the provinces,--and how, lastly, in most
parts of Medieval Christendom, as there were but three
great Landowners, so there were but three great Architects,
the Sovereign, the Churchman, and the Noble.
The third aspect in which the Archaeologist must regard
Architecture, is in its relation to Painting and Sculpture.
Every one who is the least conversant with the history of Art
knows that Architecture, Painting, and Sculpture, as they are
naturally connected, so have in all times been more or less
associated, and that the divorce by which, in modern times,
they have been parted, is as exceptional as it is to be
deplored. In a great age of art, the structure modifies and
is in turn modified by the painting and sculpture with which
it is decorated, and it is out of the antagonism of the
decorative and the structural that a harmonious whole is
produced. The great compositions of Phidias in the pedi-
ments of the Parthenon were regulated by the triangular
space they had to fill, the proportions of the whole building
itself were again adjusted to the scale of the chryselephantine
statue of Pallas Athene which it contained; for in the
Greek, and the ancient idolatries generally, the temple of
a god was considered his dwelling-place, his statue in the
interior, the symbol-and more than the symbol of his
bodily presence.
Therefore, if the Mythography was colossal, so was the
Architecture; if the genius of the religion invested the god
with a form and character not so much exceeding the
familiar proportions of humanity, the architecture was
adjusted to the same standard. This, doubtless, was one
24
ON THE STUDY OF ARCHAEOLOGY.
chief cause of the difference in scale between the Egyptian
and Greek temple.
The subject might be pursued much further. It might
be observed that in Gothic architecture, where the building
is dedicated to a Being who dwells not in temples made
with hands, and whose presence there is rather shadowed
forth by the whole character of the edifice than embodied in
the tangible form of a statue, the structural necessities are
supreme; the painting and sculpture are not, as in Greek
buildings, works of art set in an architectural frame, but
subordinate and accessory to the main design.
I have glanced for a moment at this relation between
Architecture and Imitative Art, because the principle it in-
volves is equally applicable to all cases where decoration is
added to structure.
The Archaeologist cannot fail to remark how severe, in a
true age of art, is the observance of this great Architectonic
law,-how its influence pervades all design,-how the pic-
tures on Greek vases, or the richly embossed and chased
work of the medieval goldsmiths, are all adjusted to the
form and surface allotted to them by an external necessity.
Having considered the greatest form of constructive art,
Architecture, at such length, I have hardly time to do more
than allude very briefly to the remaining material products
of man comprised under the general term,-Monumental
Evidence.
To attempt here to classify these miscellaneous antiquities
would be as difficult as the classification of the various.
objects which may form part of the great Exhibition of
1851. The task which England has undertaken for 1851 is
an Exhibition of the Industry of all nations at the present
day; the object which Archaeology would achieve if possible,
is not less than the Exhibition of the Industry of all nations
for all time.
Wherever man has left the stamp of mind on brute-
matter; whether we designate his work as structure, texture,
or mixture, mechanical or chymical; whether the result be a
house, a ship, a garment, a piece of glass, or a metallic imple-
ment, these memorials of economy and invention will always
be worthy of the attention of the Archaeologist.
Our true motto should be---
HOMO SUM, HUMANI NIHIL A ME ALIENUM PUTO.
ON THE STUDY OF ARCHAEOLOGY.
25
To collect the implements, weapons, pottery, costume, and
furniture of races is to contribute materials not only to the
history of mining, metallurgy, spinning, weaving, dyeing,
carpentry, and the like arts, which minister to civilisation,
but also to illustrate the physical history of the countries
where these arts were practised.
The history of an art involves more or less that of its raw
material; whether that material is native or imported, has
been turned to the best account, or misused and squandered,
are questions ultimately connected with the history of finance,
agriculture, and commerce, and hardly to be solved without
constant reference to the Monumental Evidence of Archaeology.
I will not detain you longer with this part of the subject; those
who wish to know why a spear-head or a stone hammer are
as interesting to an Archaeologist as fossils to the Geologist,
should visit the museum at Copenhagen, and read M. Worsaae's
little work on Scandinavian antiquities, its result;—should
learn how the Etruscan remains in the Museo Gregoriano of
the Vatican illustrate Homer,--and the remains of Pompeii in
the Museo Borbonico present to us Roman life in the Augus-
tan age.
I have endeavoured, in these remarks, to present to you
an outline, however slight, of the whole subject-matter of
Archaeology,—a sketch of its Oral, Written, and Monumental
Evidence.
In treating of these three branches, my object has not
been so much to explain how they may be severally best col-
lected, classified, and interpreted, as to show by a few
examples the historical results to which such previous labours,
duly and conscientiously carried out, will lead; the relation of
Archaeology to History, as a ministering and subsidiary study,
as the key to stores of information inaccessible or unknown
to the scholar, as an independent witness to the truth of
Printed Record.
I have said nothing of the qualifications required of the
Archaeologist, the conditions under which he works, the
instruments and appliances on which he depends. He who
would master the manifold subject-matter of Archaeology, and
appreciate its whole range and compass, must possess a mind
in which the reflective and the perceptive faculties are duly
balanced; he must combine with the aesthetic culture of the
Artist, and the trained judgment of the Historian, not a little
26
ON THE STUDY OF ARCHAEOLOGY.
of the learning of the Philologer; the plodding drudgery
which gathers together his materials, must not blunt the
critical acuteness required for their classification and inter-
pretation, nor should that habitual suspicion which must ever
attend the scrutiny and precede the warranty of archaeo-
logical evidence, give too sceptical a bias to his mind.
The Archaeologist cannot, like the Scholar, carry on his
researches in his own library, almost independent of outward
circumstances.
For his work of reference and collation he must travel,
excavate, collect, arrange, delineate, decipher, transcribe,
before he can place his whole subject before his mind.
He cannot do all this single-handed; in order to have free
scope for his operations he must perfect the machinery of
museums and societies.
A museum of antiquities is to the Archaeologist what a
botanical garden is to the Botanist; it presents his subject
compendiously, synoptically, suggestively, not in the desultory
and accidental order in which he would otherwise be brought
in contact with its details.
An Archaeological Society gives corporate strength to
efforts singly of little account; it can discover, preserve,
register, and publish on a far greater scale, and with more
system, than any individual, however zealous and energetic.
A society which would truly administer the ample province
of British Archaeology should be at once the Historian of
national art and manners, the Keeper of national record and
antiquities, the Edile of national monuments.
These are great functions. Let us try, in part at least, to
fulfil them. But let us not forget that national Archaeology,
however earnestly and successfully pursued, can only disclose
to us one stage in the whole scheme of human development
one chapter in the whole Book of human History-can
supply but a few links in that chain of continuous tradition,
which connects the civilised nineteenth century with the
races of the primeval world,-which holds together this
great brotherhood in bonds of attachment more enduring
than the ties of national consanguinity, more ennobling even
than the recollections of ancestral glory,-which, traversing
the ruins of empires, unmoved by the shock of revolutions,
spans the abyss of time, and transmits onward the message
of the Past.
CHURCH OF ST. MARY THE VIRGIN, OXFORD.

B
0.1FM T. Dell 90.
Pinnacles of the Tower: as restored by Mr. J. C. Buckler.
REMARKS ON THE CHURCH OF ST. MARY THE VIRGIN,
OXFORD.
THE few historical notices of St. Mary's Church which are
to be produced on the present occasion have no claim to the
credit of originality. They are principally derived from
sources of information which are universally accessible, and
scarcely deserve to occupy your time, except so far as they
may serve for an appropriate introduction to some observa-
tions on the fabric, for which I am indebted to the kindness
of the accomplished architect¹ now employed in effecting the
restoration of the Tower and Spire.
The original foundation of St. Mary's Church has been
referred by an ancient and certainly not incredible tradition
to the great King Alfred.
It is alleged that when, on the resuscitation of the Uni-
versity after its devastation by the Danes in the ninth
century, that prince erected Schools of Grammar, of Arts,
and of Theology within the walls of Oxford, the place of
conferring degrees, and celebrating other public acts of the
University, was transferred from its former situation, where
St. Giles's Church now stands, to the Church of St. Mary the
Virgin 2 so called, as the learned President of Trinity
College has observed, in contradistinction to the still earlier
foundation of St. Frideswide's, which in the most ancient
documents is denominated, not St. Frideswide's, but St.
Mary's "prope Tamesin."3
John Rous, or Ross, a Chantry Priest of Guy's Cliff in
the county of Warwick, who wrote about the middle of the
fifteenth century, under the name of "Johannes Rossus,'
states that, "In prima dicta Universitatis fundatione ipse
nobilis Rex Aluredus infra Urbis Oxoniæ monia Doctores
in Grammatica, Artibus et Theologia tribus locis in nomine
Sanctæ Trinitatis ex suis sumptibus instituit ;" and else-
where observes that "Ecclesia Sancti Egidii, sub nomine
cujusdam alterius sancti dedicata, erat locus creationis Gra-
1 J. C. Buckler, Esq.
2 Peshall, 55.
3 Memorials of Oxford, vol. iii,
D
28
REMARKS ON THE CHURCH OF
duatorum, sicut modo est Ecclesia Sanctæ Mariæ infra
muros."
,, 4
In like manner, also, Brian Twyne, Fellow of Corpus
Christi College, in his work published in 1608, under the
title of "Antiquitatis Academiæ Oxoniensis Apologia,"
quotes from the Chronicles of Hyde Abbey: "Quæ Univer-
sitas Oxoniæ quondam erat extra portam Borealem ejusdem
urbis, et erat principalis Ecclesia totius cleri Ecclesia Sancti
Egidii extra eandem portam modo vero est Ecclesia princi-
palis cleri Ecclesia Sanctæ Mariæ infra eandem urbem." "Sic
(he proceeds) Hydense Chronicon, quod cum Rosso tum
Burleo multo antiquius est."5 The Burlæus alluded to
being Walter Burley, a Fellow of Merton College, in 1305,
described by Twyne as "Edwardi Regis tertii præceptor
longe doctissimus," and so highly esteemed by the Parisian
schoolmen as to have been honourably designated by them
as "Doctor planus et perspicuus." 7
Whatever be the truth of the popular tradition which
ascribes the foundation of St. Mary's Church to Alfred, the
earliest authentic recognition of its existence is found in the
Domesday Survey. In that record it is stated that, "Ad
terras quas tenet Albericus Comes, pertinet una Ecclesia et
tres mansiones; harum duæ jacent ad Ecclesiam Sanctæ
Mariæ, reddentes xxviii."
Mention is frequently made of this Church in ancient
writings as belonging to the king.
In a charter of the early part of the reign of King John
an annual payment of xxxii. out of its lands was confirmed
to the Church of St. Mary, the rector thereof, and his
successors.
In an inquisition in the 13th of Edward I., the Church of
St. Mary is stated to be in the gift of the king, and of the
annual value of thirty marks.
At one time it appears to have been styled a Deanery;
John of Oxford, the well-known partisan of King Henry II. in
his contest with Becket, and subsequently Dean of Salisbury
and Bishop of Norwich, being reported to have held it under
that title. It remained in the patronage of the Crown until
King Edward II., on April 26, 1326, appropriated it to his
new College of Oriel. At that time a Vicar was appointed
4 Hist. Angl., p. 77.
5 Twyne, 122.
7 Wood, Annals, i., 213.
6 Ibid., 121.
ST. MARY THE VIRGIN, OXFORD.
29
with an annual stipend of 104 shillings, subsequently aug-
mented by Henry Burwash, or de Burghersh, Bishop of
Lincoln, to 110 shillings.8
But though the patronage of this church pertained to the
king from the earliest times of which we have any account,
the ancient tradition that it has also always been the prin-
cipal church of the university-" principalis Ecclesia totius
cleri Oxoniensis "-is supported by the authority of many
ancient records. A bond for 2007. granted by the Chan-
cellor and Masters of the University of Oxford, under their
common seal, to the Prior and Convent of St. Frideswide, as
security against the exercise of jurisdiction by the former
over the latter, bears date "at Oxford, in our House of
Congregation, on the Feast of St. James the Apostle
(25th July) in the year of our Lord one thousand two
hundred and one, the third year of King John." This docu-
ment Twyne supposes to have been given in the House of
Congregation in or by St. Mary's Church, and adds that
there are many instances of acts passed and decreed by the
Masters of the University in the same church during the
succeeding reign of Henry III.9
On the 30th December, 1274, the third year of King
Edward I., Letters Patent were granted for the appointment
of a Chaplain in the Church of St. Mary. It is there said,
"Cum igitur dilecti et fideles nostri Cancellarius et Univer-
sitas Villæ nostræ Oxonii (ubi suum posuerunt Trivium et
Quadrivium fundamenta, ubi fons scaturit Theologicæ facul-
tatis, ac ubi nude animæ filiorum hominum, venientium de
longinquis, philosophiæ vestibus induuntur) in Ecclesia Beatæ
Virginis, dicti loci, Capellaniam quandam deliberatione sancta
nuper et provida duxerint statuendam, &c." The expression
"philosophiæ vestibus induuntur," appears to allude to the
investiture of Graduates with the proper habits of their
several degrees, and confirms the statement quoted above
from John Rous, that "Ecclesia Sanctæ Mariæ infra muros
erat locus Creationis Graduatorum."
¹
The termination of the controversy which took place in
the fifth or sixth year of King Edward II. with the preaching
friars concerning theological degrees, indicates the same
conclusion. The disputations termed Vespers, and other
scholastic exercises, which the friars had claimed the privilege
8 Peshall, 56.
9 Twyne, 234, 235.
1 Rymer, ii., 43.
D 2
30
REMARKS ON THE CHURCH OF
of performing in their own houses, were then peremptorily
transferred to the Church of St. Mary as the place of per-
forming them for all academical persons. And to this it may
be added that in a composition between the Chancellor,
Proctors, and Masters of the University, and the Provost and
Fellows of Oriel College, in the year 1409, it is rehearsed
that the building called the Old Congregation House, on the
north side of the chancel, belonged to the University before.
the appropriation of the Church to Oriel College, and even
before the memory of man; "necnon per tempus et tempora
cujus contrarii memoria non existit ;" and that the Congre-
gation of Masters had been solemnly held there from all
antiquity.2
The right and interest of the University in the Church of
St. Mary has also been exhibited on several occasions when
they have taken upon themselves the charge of repairing the
fabric. The most signal example of this kind took place in
the early part of the reign of Henry VII., when, after it had
been for some time in a ruinous condition, the whole edifice,
except the tower and spire, a small portion eastward of the
tower, and some portions of the chapel to the westward of
the tower, commonly called Adam de Brome's Chapel, was
entirely rebuilt, as it now stands, by means of funds supplied
by themselves, or obtained by the assistance of their friends.³
In a MS. volume preserved in the University archives,
endorsed, "Registrum continens diversas Epistolas, &c., ab
anno Domini, 1422, ad annum 1508," upwards of fifty
letters are recorded, which were addressed to the king, and
to various prelates and other persons, whose assistance was
solicited during the prosecution of this work, from the year
1486 to the year 1490.
The series commences with the appointment of one
Stephen Browne (who, if we may judge from the compli-
ments paid him, was a person held in great esteem,) to be
the Proctor of the University, for the purpose of making
application to those who were likely to become contributors,
and of collecting their benefactions.
As this letter is not a long one, I will here introduce it as
a specimen of a correspondence which at least had the merit
of producing considerable influence upon those to whom it
was addressed; for the appeal was answered with a libe-
Ex orig. Arch. Univ.
3 Peshall, 56.
ST. MARY THE VIRGIN, OXFORD.
31
rality which provided sufficient funds for the erection of the
noble nave and aisles of the present Church, the reconstruc-
tion of the Chapel of St. Mary, commonly called Adam de
Brome's Chapel, and for repairing and altering the building
eastward of the tower, comprising the old Congregation
House and present Law School.
The nature and objects of Stephen Browne's commission
are thus expressed :
CC
4
Universis Sanctæ Matris Ecclesiæ filiis ad quos presentes
literæ pervenerint, Johannes permissione divina Lincolniensis
Episcopus, Universitatis Oxoniensis Cancellarius, cœtusque
Regentium universus in eadem, Salutem in Omnium Salva-
tore. Cum nos, Cancellarius et Regentes ante dicti in nostræ
Congregationis Domo nuperrime congregati, constructionem
Ecclesiæ Sanctæ Mariæ, ubi antiquitus [actus nostri] solennes
et jam indies per nos celebrantur, sedulo curaremus; cum
que etiam nostræ facultates ad ea perficienda opera minus
sufficerent; dilectum nobis in Christo Stephanum Browne
nostrum procuratorem constituimus per præsentes, ad interce-
dendum et interpellandum nostros benefactores, petendum et
recipiendum pro nobis et in nomine nostro quicquid nostri
benefactores ad idem opus elargiri dignabuntur. Vobis
igitur humillime supplicamus, quatenus nostræ paupertati
compatientes, ipsum ad nostrorum negotiorum declarationem
admittere, nobisque in tantis negotiis succurrere dignemini
intuitu caritatis. Dat. Oxon. in nostræ Congregationis
Domo sub sigillo nostro Communi Aº. Dni Mº. CCCC octo-
gesimo sexto, die mensis Februarii Vicesimo Sexto."
mo
The letters which follow, and with the delivery of which
it would appear that Stephen Browne was entrusted (for he
is shortly afterwards again written to, thanked for his past
services in this behalf, and requested to continue them), are
addressed to a great variety of persons: such as King
Henry VII.; John Morton, Archbishop of Canterbury; the
Bishops of Ely, Winchester, Exeter, Llandaff, Hereford,
Rochester, Norwich, and St. David's, and the Executors of
the Bishop of Coventry; the Deans of Lichfield and Here-
ford; the Archdeacons of Hereford and St. Paul's; the
Abbots of Glastonbury, Fountains, Evesham, Gloucester,
5
* John Russell, the first perpetual Chancellor of the University, was translated from
the See of Rochester in 1480, and died in 1494.
5 Lichfield and Coventry.
32
REMARKS ON THE CHURCH OF
Bury, Hayles, St. Alban's, and Tewkesbury; the Priors of
Merton and Coventry; several ecclesiastics of inferior rank
to the dignitaries here enumerated, and numerous private.
individuals of whom nothing is recorded but their names.
But the circulation of these letters probably extended far
beyond those whose names are specifically mentioned, and
much exceeded the number of the copies recorded in the
before named Register; for not only does it appear that the
same letters were sent to several persons, whose names are
set against them (such, for example, as one and the same to
the Abbots of Evesham, Gloucester, and Bury; one in like
manner to the Abbots of Hayles, St. Alban's, and Tewkes-
bury, and one to the Vicar of Ilminster, "cum duobus
aliis"); but others have no superscription, the person being
addressed as, "Honorande Rector," "Vir humanissime," or
"Dilecte Confrater;" compellations which, it may be hoped,
would suit so many persons, that the letters which bear
them, as well as some others which have no address either
within or without, may reasonably be supposed to have been
circulars, sent, according to the practice (though without the
facilities) of the present day, to all those whose connection
with the University was such as to furnish a presumption of
their interest in the promotion of the work.
Though the nature of such letters does not admit of much
variety, no two of them are precisely similar. In all, however,
stress is laid upon the ancient interest of the University in
St. Mary's Church, as the place where its public acts had
been honourably celebrated from time immemorial.
The ruinous condition of the fabric is described in many
different particulars. In one of the letters it is represented
that "the leaden plates of the roof had become so thin that
it would cost no small sum to replace them, and that if any
one could only see it, during rain, he would be quite distressed
at being utterly unable to find in it any place that would
afford him shelter."6
The king is told that "without the supplies of timber, for
which their thanks were due to him, and the assistance that
had been derived from other quarters, no place would have
long remained for the respectable celebration of any
Scholastic Acts."7
Another correspondent is told that the Church of
6 No. 333.
7 No. 352.
ST. MARY THE VIRGIN, OXFORD.
33
}
"8
St. Mary is so near destruction that "it must shortly fall to
the ground, if the hands of artisans be not employed in
counteracting the effects of its decay; "s and to another it is
described to be in such a state, "ut ruinæ potius quam
statui merito dici judicarique possit.'
> "" 1
"9
To John Alcock, Bishop of Ely, it is urged, that, “if
Scholastic Acts are for the future to be celebrated in this
church, 'non modo in aliqua ejus parte extruere, verum totam
ipsam Ecclesiam (lapideos tantummodo muros excipimus) de
novo ædificare necesse erit.' And in like manner the
Bishop of Winchester is, in the letter addressed to him,
informed, that "the church is so seriously affected by the
great age of its beams, and of all other things, which no
buildings can be firm or durable without, that it would often
be enough to frighten any who might chance to enter it
during a storm.'
2 دو
All alike complain of the deficiency of the necessary funds
for effecting the desired restoration. To the king it is
represented, “that the means of the petitioners were insuffi-
cient to meet charges of such magnitude, and that if they
were to lay out far more than they possessed on so large an
edifice, they could scarcely hope to carry even the smallest
portion of it to completion.
"3
The archbishop is informed, that "the pecuniary means
of the University were much reduced, as well from the
recent erection of the New Divinity School at a very great
expense, as from the paucity of distinguished persons who
might replenish the academical coffers on their admission to
degrees;" and it is also alleged, that "the parishioners
being 'multum tenues'-'tam exiles et jejuni, ut ab aliis
opes exigere quam ad hoc ædificium aliquas suas conferre
malint,' unless the petitioners would depart from the practice
of their predecessors, they could not for the honour and
credit of the University decline to undertake the burthen of
rebuilding the Church."+
These letters, on which I fear that I have already dwelt.
too long, are of great interest and importance, not only
because they exhibit the methods employed by our ancestors
in the fifteenth century for the purpose of raising money for
a public work of piety, but because they clearly illustrate the
S No. 351.
? No. 357.
3 No. 351.
1 No. 361.
+ No. 360.
2 No. 362.
34
REMARKS ON THE CHURCH OF
connection between the University and the Church of
St. Mary, and confirm the proofs already advanced in order
to show the great antiquity of that connection. Not only do
they recognise the church as the place where Academical
Acts were wont to be performed, but assume throughout that
such acts had been there solemnised from remote antiquity,
and that, in desiring to undertake the reconstruction of the
ruined fabric, the University were only treading in the steps
of their predecessors in all previous time.
Let it be hoped that the University may ever be animated
by the same spirit of attachment to the noble monument of
piety and zeal which their forefathers have bequeathed to
them. The scholastic acts of the University are indeed no
longer carried on within its walls; but let us trust that the
University of the nineteenth century, which the providence
of God has blessed with more ample means than were in the
possession of the University of the fifteenth century, will be
no less ready to acknowledge the obligation of bestowing as
much of them as may be required (so long, at least, as we
are permitted to enjoy the use of our own) in maintaining
the integrity, if we cannot increase the splendour, of an
edifice commended to our admiration by its rare beauty, and
to our affections by a long train of deeply interesting
associations.
Of the five chapels formerly existing in this Church,
respectively dedicated in honour of St. Mary, St. Catherine,
St. Anne, St. Thomas, and St. Nicholas, all, except the first,
which stands on the north side of the Church, and is com-
monly known by the name of Adam de Brome's Chapel,
were swept away at the rebuilding of the Church. It is,
therefore, scarcely worth while to detain you with any par-
ticular account of them, and I will proceed at once to mention
the ancient structure to the north of the present chancel,
called the Old Congregation House.
This building appears to have been consigned to the
University, though not in its present state, at a very early
period. The chirograph, or bond between the University
and the Convent of St. Frideswide, executed in 1201, is
supposed to have been dated from this place, under the
name of "Domus nostræ Congregationis," and, as has been
observed, it was claimed in 1409, as having belonged to
the University for an indefinite period before the founda-
CHURCH OF ST. MARY THE VIRGIN, OXFORD.

...
Southern side of the Old Congregation House.
CHURCH OF ST. MARY THE VIRGIN, OXFORD.

0.JEWITT, DAN SE
Arch on the East side of the Tower,
Showing the springing of the groining of the Old Congregation House, and the mass of masonry which covers
the entrance to the Staircase,
ST. MARY THE VIRGIN, OXFORD.
35
tion of Oriel College, and the appropriation of the Church to
that Society. It consists of two apartments, one above the
other, of which the lower one is divided into four bays vaulted
and groined in stone; the easternmost bay being distinguished
by a transverse rib of a similar section to that of the mullions
of the spire windows, and having an ogee-headed piscina in
the usual position, near the east end of the south wall. The
date of its erection cannot be accurately ascertained. Some
peculiarities in its construction, however, indicate a strong
probability that it was not completed upon the same plan as
that on which it was originally designed." Its architectural
features closely correspond with those of the Tower, to the
east side of which it was, as it appears, originally to have
been attached. The water-table on the east wall of the
Tower indicates the height to
which it was intended to carry
up the roof. But the roof of the
building, as it was completed, is
of considerably greater eleva-
tion than the water-tabling, and
of a different pitch. It is also
observable that there are traces
of the commencement of a
stone staircase adjoining the
north-eastern buttress of the
Tower, and apparently designed to lead to the outside of the
roof. This staircase not only was not finished, but its entrance
was walled up, and a solid piece of masonry carried up in
the angle to the level of the capital of the piers, supporting
the Tower arch. (See the
(See the accompanying illustration.)
The departure from the original plan, of which these
particulars afford a very strong presumption, may be easily

5 The following note by the able archi-
tect now engaged on the restorations, Mr.
J. C. Buckler, will serve to explain the
curious combination of the later with the
older work, as shown in the cut above :—
"I have completed the sketch I
promised to forward to you. (See wood-
cut next page.)
"It represents the dilapidated masonry
of the south-east pier of the Tower of St.
Mary's Church, and I have endeavoured
to express by a tint of lighter shading
the portion which, for the sake of the
groining, was inserted in the somewhat
A
B
Section of South-east Pier of the
Tower, showing the earlier and
later work.
older work, with which it was so cleverly
combined. You will readily observe
the havoc of columns and bases, which
was made in order to prepare the way
for the springer of the arched and vaulted
chamber.
"The hollow moulding A originally
corresponded with B, but only a portion
of it remains. The column in the angle
between A and B was removed, but, as
you will observe, the base was left, as
were also other bases, one of which formed
a sure foundation for the slender pillar of
the groining."
36
REMARKS ON THE CHURCH OF
accounted for. About the year 1320, Thomas Cobham,
Bishop of Worcester, is related by Anthony Wood to have
J.C.BUCKLER. ¿l.
'il
begun to build (or at least to
make some preparations for
building) a Library over the
old Congregation House in
the churchyard of St. Mary's.
The style of its architecture
proves that the building now
under consideration was re-
constructed from the ground
about, or not long before that
time; and the preparations
ascribed to Bishop Cobham
may well have consisted in
the adaptation of the building,
completed soon after his
death in 1327, for the recep-
tion of the "Solarium," or

Q.JEWITT. SC.
upper story, in which his
books were afterwards de-
posited, on the conclusion
of the controversy concerning
the title to this edifice be-
tween the University and
Oriel College in 1409. The
ancient entrance to the upper
story is still visible in a broad
pier on the south side. The
aperture is walled up, and by what means its elevated sill was
approached must be left to conjecture, the steps or platform
having been destroyed when the alteration which produced
the present chancel was made.
South-east Pier of the Tower, showing the
insertion of the vaulting rib into the
older work, which is here shown of a
darker colour.
The ancient approach at the western extremity is not very
easily made out; but access appears to have been gained
from the rood-loft by an ante-room, built subsequently to the
Church, within the court between the Congregation House
and chancel, with a connecting passage on the west side of
the Turret staircase, which at this position ascends from the
ground to the roof over the nave.
This building has been sometimes called the Chapel of St.
Catherine, probably from the proximity of St. Catherine's
ST. MARY THE VIRGIN, OXFORD.
37
altar, which is said by Wood to have been situated "at the
bottom of the stairs leading from St. Mary's Church up to
the said Library, and at which a priest was appointed to
celebrate in every quarter of a year three masses of the
Holy Ghost, and as many 'de Requie,' for the good estate
of all those, living or dead, who were contributors thereto." 6
But without attempting any more minute investigation of
its history, it may be enough to state, that in the composition
between the University and Oriel College above referred to,
it is described as "Domus quædam in cimiterio Ecclesiæ
Beatæ Mariæ Virginis Oxoniensis, ex parte Boreali Cancelli
situata Ecclesiæ supradictæ, Domus Congregationis Univer-
sitatis Oxoniensis vulgariter nuncupata, per quendam ab
Universitatis quondam antiquo Scolarem, licentia prima
legitima omnium quorum intersint (sic) in hac parte elimosi-
narie ædificata fuit et constructa per dictamque Universi-
tatem, Cancellarium videlicet et Scolares, antequam dicta
Ecclesia Beatæ Mariæ nobis et domui nostræ supradictæ
fuerat appropriata, unita quomodolibet vel annexa, habita,
possessa, in dispositioneque libera Universitatis ante dictæ,
ante, citra, et continue in hunc diem recognitione præsen-
tium, tam in parte inferiori quam superiori, cum omnibus
suis pertinentiis, una cum libero et perpetuo ingressu et
egressu ad easdem cum potestate etiam libera aliam sive
novam domum ibi, si voluerint et cum voluerint seu quis-
cunque alius, seu quicunque alii, Universitatis intuitu voluerit
vel voluerint, Cancellarius videlicet et Scolares antedicti
construendi, &c."7
On the conclusion of this composition, when the upper
chamber received the collections of books presented to the
University by Bishop Cobham and other benefactors, the
lower chamber was still employed as the House of Congre-
gation. About the year 1480, the books were transferred
to the new library, called after the name of its chief founder,
Humphry, Duke of Gloucester, and the upper chamber was
used by the University as another Congregation House, the
two being distinguished as the Upper and the Lower House
of Congregation. To this use both, and especially the upper
chamber, were applied, until the completion of the present
House of Convocation in the year 1640. The upper apart-
ment was, about a century afterwards, converted into a
6 Wood, iii., 913.
7 Ex orig. Arch. Univ.
38
REMARKS ON THE CHURCH OF
Lecture-room for the Vinerian Professor. The lower one
was from that time disused and neglected; and notwith-
standing its attractions as one of the most perfect and most
interesting specimens of medieval architecture in the Uni-
versity, it has long since served no more honourable purpose
than that of an engine-house, and a receptacle for lumber.
In dismissing this part of the subject it may be proper to
observe, that the members of Congregation were far too
numerous to be accommodated within the narrow limits of
this building. The ordinary meetings of Regents and non-
Regents, which we now term Convocation, were held in the
chancel of the Church; and at a Public Act, or "Generalis
Inceptio," (whence the term "commencement," employed
by the sister University,) the assembly was distributed,
according to ancient custom, over six portions of the build-
ing; the non-Regents in the chancel; the Theologists in
the Congregation House; the Decretists in St. Anne's
Chapel; the Physicians in St. Catherine's; the Jurists in
St. Thomas's; and the Proctors with the Regents in the
Chapel of St. Mary.8
The rebuilding of the Church was completed in 1492;
the chancel having been erected some years earlier by (or
at least at the cost of) Walter Lyhert, or Hart, Provost of
Oriel, and afterwards Bishop of Norwich, who died in 1472.
Of the architect of the nave and aisles I know not that
we may speak with certainty. The President of Trinity
believes that Sir Reginald Bray, who was High Steward of
the University from 1494 to 1509, was the author of this
work. It may have been so, but the only evidence advanced
for it is, that he is known to have given forty marks towards
the rebuilding of the Church, and that his arms with all his
quarterings, impaled with those of his wife, once ornamented
one of its windows. Something may also be ascribed to
the well-known reputation of Sir Reginald Bray for skill in
architecture; and whether the erection of the present Church
be rightly referred to him or not, we may at least say that
the credit of the work would detract nothing from the fame
which he has justly acquired by the splendid memorials of
his taste and skill, to be seen at Great Malvern and at
Windsor.9
But whoever the architect of the new buildings may have
8 Memorials, 3.
? Memorials, 3.

BARS
[J.C.& C.A.BUCKLER.
====
Adam de Brome's
Chapel.
Tower.
Old Congregation House.
Nave.
Chancel.
10
210
310
Jeet
Ground Plan of the Church of St. Mary the Virgin, Oxford.
Sacristy.
QJEMTT. 56.
ST. MARY THE VIRGIN, Oxford.
39
been, the Church has not come down to our times in the
state in which he left it. A few years after its completion
in 1492, it suffered severely from a storm, the effects of
which have never yet been fully repaired. All the allusions
to this event that I have been able to discover, are little
more than repetitions of a note by Leland, who in his
Itinerary remarks, that "The University Church in Oxford,
alias St. Mary's, was begun to be re-edified in the time of
Dr. Fitz James, after Byshope of London. He procuryd
much mony towards the buyldinge of it. The embatylments
of it were full of Pinnacles; but in a tempestious wethar
most part of them were thrown down in one night."
1
Leland began his Itinerary about the year 1538, and
continued it for five or six years. As he does not say
anything to indicate that the injuries which he describes.
were of recent occurrence, it may be presumed that they
had taken place some time before he noted them. In the
collections under the name of Holingshed, the last edition
of whose Chronicles, during the author's life, was published
in 1586, the same account is repeated almost word for
word, with the additional circumstance, that the occurrence
happened soon after the restoration of the edifice.
"That
of Oxford" he says, (meaning the University Church,)" also
was repared in the time of Edward the Fourth and Henry
the Seventh, when Dr. Fitzjames, a great helper in that
work, was Warden of Merton College,2 but yer long after
it was finished, one tempest in a night so defaced the same
that it left but few Pinnacles standing about the Church
and Steeple, which since that time have never been
repared."3
The time at which the reparation of these injuries was
attempted, may be fixed with greater certainty. Dr. Plot,
in his "Natural History of Oxfordshire," first published in
1677, observes that "there are many lofty spires about the
country as well as city, built all of freestone, and of exquisite
workmanship, such as those of Bampton, Witney, Burford,
Bloxham, Spilsbury, Kidlington, &c. But that which excels
all the rest is the spire of St. Mary's, in Oxford, the Uni-
versity Church, the battlements whereof were repaired, and
thus set thick with pinnacles, as it now stands, by Dr. King,
¹ Itinerary, v. viii., fo. 113 b.
2 Dr. Fitzjames was Warden of Merton from 1482 to 1507. '
3 Holingshed, cap. v., p. 149.
4.0
REMARKS ON THE CHURCH OF
then Dean of Christ Church, and Vice Chancellor of the
University, afterwards Bishop of London." 4
Dr. King was Vice-Chancellor of the University from
1607 to 1610, and the architectural style of the pinnacles
now standing on the body and chancel of the Church, as
well as of those which have been recently removed from the
base of the spire, corresponds so closely with the undoubted
work of that period, as to leave no difficulty in the way of
accepting Dr. Plot's representation.
The material employed for the construction of the pinnacles
put up in the time of Dr. King, being the perishable stone
found in the neighbourhood of Oxford, they have become
much decayed in the course of the two centuries and a half
which have elapsed since their erection. This, in addition
to many serious defects in the masonry of the upper portion
of the tower, having rendered extensive repairs absolutely
necessary, the charge of executing the required operations
has, as of old, been undertaken by the University, and it is
hoped that in a few months the whole will be completed.
The general admiration which this magnificent Church
commands, and the familiarity with its general character of
almost all whom I have the honour to address, forbid any
attempt of mine to describe them. A few remarks, how-
ever, upon its chief architectural peculiarities, which I
advance with greater confidence, because they are chiefly
due to the accurate observation and practised judgment of
the gentleman whose kind assistance I have already acknow-
ledged, will not inappropriately close this communication.
It is evident that the present Church, with its noble
4 The following extract from Hearne's
Diary is deserving of notice :-
"On Tuesday last, being the 9th of
May, St. Mary's (Oxford) weather Cock
fell down, as the great Bell was ringing
at 9 o'clock in the morning for a Congre-
gation. It had been loose for some time.
The Cock fell upon the Church, the tail
into the Churchyard. Upon this tail
was fastened a piece of Lead, on which
was this Inscription :-
THOMAS BOWMAN
THOMAS ADAMS
GEORGE WEST
CHURCH WARDENS
ELECT CHURCHIWARDEN
THIS STEEPLE WAS REPAIRED
AN. DOM. 1669
Upon the Cock was also an Inscription,
but excepting here and there a letter,
defaced, yet so as perhaps with paines
the traces might be explained.
"I am told the repairs of the steeple
cost about 53 libs.
"Between 20 and 30 years since, I
think nearer
30 years agoe, the said
Steeple was new pointed by a man who
was in many parts of England on the
same account. He at that time took down
the Weather Cock, and 'twas mended, and
afterwards he fixed it again.
"I afterwards heard, that that man was
killed from some Steeple he was pointing,
the rope breaking which drew him up in
the Basket, or frame prepared for him.
"The oldest Church Rate for St.
Marie's is of the year 1509."-Hearne's
Diary, 1734, 142, 78, 79.
ST. MARY THE VIRGIN, OXFORD.
41
dimensions and symmetrical design, owes its existence to
the necessity of rebuilding the ancient structure.
The progress of enlargement by partial re-edification may
be traced with considerable distinctness; the tower and
spire presenting architecture of more early date than is
attributable to any other portion of the edifice.
The plan of the ancient structure, which preceded the
present Church, cannot now be ascertained, but the remains
of large windows on the east and west sides of the Tower
evidently show that this conspicuous feature was originally
intended to stand clear on three out of its four sides.
On the south side of the Tower, the condition of the
buttresses proves that at a certain elevation they were
formed upon walls extending southward to a distance now
uncertain. When the old Church was pulled down to make
way for the present structure, these walls, which had belonged
to a part of the interior not admissible in the new plan, were
removed; such portions only being left as were required for
the basement of the massive buttresses which rise to the
parapet of the Tower. The steep pitch of the gabled roof
of this member is shown by the water-table descending
from its apex on the sloping sill of the belfry window on
each side to the outer face of the walls or buttresses.
The altitude and width of this building lead to the
supposition that its length was considerable; but as nothing
is known of the figure or extent of the earlier Church, it is
impossible to conjecture the manner in which this transverse
portion, in union with the Tower, was connected with it.
It is doubtful whether the original design of the Tower
included a north door. The present entrance on that side
is of very late date, and in a debased style. It is evident,
that in order to its insertion, a portion of the ancient wall
was taken out and rebuilt, and that the large window above
it was considerably reduced in height, and its design materi-
ally impaired by the operation.
The present walls of the old Congregation House, and of
the chapel westward of the Tower, both built in the reign of
Edward the Second, are of the original construction; but
the windows on their north sides were inserted when the
Church was rebuilt, and pinnacles were then added to their
buttresses, in order to harmonise their design with that of
the rest of the building.
42
REMARKS ON THE CHURCH OF
Another most remarkable alteration, for the sake of
obtaining uniformity, occurs in the old Congregation House.
That building (as we have seen) is groined in stone, with a
room of the same extent above it; thus rendering windows
in two tiers necessary. These still remain on the south
side, where they owe their preservation to the obscurity of
their situation; they are also indicated in the lower room on
the north side, but in order to destroy this character on
the exterior, windows of large dimensions, with tracery, have
been inserted, which are pierced for light in the upper room,
but blanked between the mullions in the lower part to the
exclusion of light from the apartment forming the lower
story. On the south side the windows of the lower chamber
are walled up. Those of the room above have sustained
scarcely any injury; but two of the number at the east end
were destroyed in the fifteenth century, in order to the
insertion of a bay window, which has since been rendered
useless by the erection of the present sacristy.
The gradual development of a more extended plan, com-
menced in the earliest part of the fourteenth century, is
very observable. But the intervals in carrying on the work
allowed time for various changes in the styles of the architec-
ture. Nearly two centuries elapsed from the erection of
the Tower to the rebuilding of the chancel, of which the
uncommon grandeur of proportion and studied simplicity
have procured very general admiration, and have placed the
genius which produced it in favourable comparison with that
which a few years later designed and constructed the nave
and aisles as they now stand. From east to west the low
leaden roofs are concealed by parapets. The parapet of
the chancel retains its original form; that of the clerestory
of the nave was enriched with panel work, of which some
traces are still visible, but was neither embattled nor pierced.
The buttresses are all terminated with pinnacles; not one
of which, however, is a specimen of original workmanship.
Portions of several may be distinguished, and there is no
difficulty in detecting those which were restored after the
havoc made by the storm in the end of the fifteenth, or
beginning of the sixteenth century, and others of more
modern and less laudable design.
The windows in the five bays on each side of the chancel
ascend from an elevated basement to the parapet in two
CHURCH OF ST. MARY THE VIRGIN, OXFORD.


Boss, in the Old Congregation House.
Fiscina.
021877 erik 12.

OSCHIT.
East End of the Old Congregation House.
(In this view the upper window has been opened, and the lower part of the lower window restored.)
ST. MARY THE VIRGIN, OXFORD.
43
Inter-
tiers of triple compartments, divided by a transom.
nally, the wall below the uppermost window on the north
side is recessed, and decorated with panelling which termi-
nates upon a stone bench at the height of three feet from
the present floor.
The east window is in seven compartments of one height,
above an uniform series of niches forming the reredos.
The sedilia, occupying their usual position in the south
wall, retain enough of their ancient enrichments to show
that they were of equal excellence both in design and
execution. Whether the south wall contains a piscina or an
ambry to the east of the sedilia, cannot be ascertained
without removing the modern wooden panelling by which it
is at present concealed.
On the north side, a plain chamfered doorway communi-
cates with a sacristy, which appears to have been introduced
at a comparatively late period between the chancel and the
old Congregation House. It is now disused and desecrated.5
The nave is of six bays, with aisles of equal width; a
construction which in the west front exhibits an elevation of
commanding character, and an admirable combination of
appropriate architecture. But notwithstanding the admira-
tion which has been justly bestowed upon this portion of the
fabric, it must be admitted that, when compared with the
chancel, it presents in the depression of the arches, in the
management of the tracery in the clerestory windows, and
in the treatment of some of the mouldings, some indications
of that departure from the leading principles of the earlier
styles which mark the progressive decline of medieval
architecture.
The porch which covers the principal entrance to the
south aisle, no longer presents an exterior with any claims
to admiration. It was erected in 1637, at the cost of
Dr. Morgan Owen, chaplain to Archbishop Laud. The
expense of its construction was 2007., principally employed in
producing ornaments, which do not contrast favourably with
the delicate fan groining of its roof. It cannot be positively
stated that this fan groining is of the same age as the part
of the Church to which it is attached, but there are indica-
tions of contrivance in its adaptation to the present walls of
5 It is understood to be the intention of the parishioners to repair and restore
his structure to its ancient use.
E
44
REMARKS ON ST. MARY'S CHURCH, OXFORD.
the porch, which serve to show that it was once a portion of
an earlier structure, and has been re-applied to the position
which it now occupies.

J.C.C.A.BUCKLER. deb
OJERITT. SC
Plan of the Porch, showing the adaptation of the groining.
Notwithstanding some variations in design, there does not
appear to be any great difference in point of age between
the several roofs of the various parts of the Church. Those
of the nave and chancel are constructed with arched timbers,
and that in the room over the old Congregation House has
been finished in a superior style with moulded ribs and
carved bosses.
The ancient monumental remains of interest in the chancel
are now limited to some slabs bearing inscriptions in Lom-
bardic characters, the numerous gravestones having, with
one exception, been entirely stripped of their brasses.
But in St. Mary's Chapel there is an altar tomb which will
never be passed without notice, by those who believe it to
cover the honoured remains of Adam de Brome.
OXFORD, June 18, 1850.
R. H.
The Central Committee would gratefully acknowledge the kind liberality
of the Author of the foregoing Memoir, in presenting several of the
Illustrations by which it is accompanied.

62
CLEVUM
CLEAWAN CEASTER
The
Ermin
Way
The
Fess
Way
Ouse
LITTLEBURY
ORES
Riv
+
Stoney Stratford
River
Portway
Wattle Bank
or Aves Ditch
Grimsdike
Glym Riv.
Str
Wychwood Forest
Witney
Ems Ditch
Eventode
River
Cherw
rwell
ECONESHAM
Ensham
Windrush
D
O
DEORHAM
+ Marshfield
The
B
Fosse
Way
U
CORINIVM
GIREN GEASTER
Ermin
N
Street
A ke m
α
n
I
Thames
+ Inglesham
R
Borough Walls
Avon
Wansdike
Maes knoll Camp
River
Stantonbury Camp
Wans die
AQUÆ SOLIS
BATHAN CEASTER,
Mendip Hills
Glastonbury
Parret
River
ISCHALIS
Ilchester
DURNOVARIA
Dorchester
Maiden Castle
Weymouth
The
Fosse
Way
B
Piddle River
Selwood
Bradon Fo
Weev
Icknield
Avebury
Silbury Hill
VERLUCIO
Wansdike
Alchester
Stowe
LYGEAN BURH
Lenbury
R
B
CE
ERNWOOD
ORE
АРНЫ
Chearsley
Thame
River
EGELES BURH
Aylesbury
TR
March Baldon
Sinodun Hill O
Waylands Smiths
Forge
White Horse
Uffington Castle
Sagbury
The Port Way
Icknield Way
BENSINGTON
WALLINCAFORD:
Moulsford
Grimsdike
Thames
Ickleton
Chiltern
Hills
Road
River
Liddington
OBERAN BYRIC
Barbury
Baydon Hill
Baydon
Whitten +
Ditch
Hembury
CUNETIO
Marlborough
Pewsey
Savernake
Forest
B
The Ridge Way
Purborough
Care
Grimsbury
Ingleford or
Hungerford
Inglewood SPINA
Chisborough
Walbury
Fosbury
Streatley
Grim
Grimsbury Forest Mare ridges
Newbury
E
WEALA
BRICC
Auburn
S
R
CALLEVA
Englefield
Kennet
Pamber Ferest
Theale
Grimsdike
Reading
River
ATTREBATUM
Silchester
Devils Ditch
Westbury
E
Warminster
Heytesbury
0
画
​Barrow
L
Filshead
British Villages
Knook Castle
Wiley R.
Yarnbury
Castle
Groveley Wood
Nadder
River
Cranbourne Chase
Hamilton Hill
Dike
Avon
R.
Sidbury
Beacons Hill
Amesbury Bouge
Stonehenge AMBRES BYRIC
Ditch Hampton
Grim dike
0
Scotts
Poor+
Chute Forest
G
Andover
Quarley
SORBIODUNUM
SEARO BYRIC
Britford+
Clearbury
Whichbury
VINDOCLADIA
Chlorus Camp
Downton
CERDICES FORD
Chardford
Bokerley Ditch
E.Grinstead
Sherfield
English
T
Bury Hill
Test
River
Hod Hill
Blandford
Stour
Comb Bank
Winterbourne R
Frome
River
Owre+
Dike
Bindon
Abbey
Rive
Badbury
BADDAN BYRNC
Wymburne
Mynster
Roman Rd
0 1 2 34
10
20
Avon R
Ringwood
Christchurch
39
30
Watling
Street
Loddon
don River
BEARRUCWUDU
Englemcor
-Bugshot
Heath
Blackwater
Rive
G W
Winklebury
EN
NT
WINTE
Ceasars Camp
Farnham
Wye
River
ANDRED
VENTA BELCARUM.
WINTAN CEASTER
Privet
Tachbury
AH
Netley Marsh
Itchen
River
Waltham
Chase
CLAUSENTUM
Netley Heath
dices
Cru
Hamble River
+West Meon
+ Meon Stoke
MEON WARE
*East Meon
B
Portsdown
PORTUS MAGNUS
Portchester
Stone End
Roman Rd
WIHTCARA
BURH
VECTIS
WIHT
PORTES MUTHA
Wittering
CYMENES
ORA
Stone
Street
RECNUM
CISSAN CEASTER
Standidge & Co Lutho Old Jewry
ON THE "BELGIC DITCHES," AND THE PROBABLE DATE OF
STONEHENGE.
THE lines of ancient earth-work, which in various parts of
England intersect the country, seem to admit of a division
into three classes,-British roads, Roman roads, and Boundary
lines. When tolerably well preserved, these different kinds
of earth-work may, in most cases, be distinguished from
each other without much difficulty, and the British road
appears as a ditch, with a low mound on each side of it.
the Roman road as a mound simply, and the Boundary-line
as a ditch, with a mound on one side only. As we have no
reason to believe that the Britons constructed artificial roads
before the arrival of the Romans, and as we know from
Cæsar that the country was densely peopled, we might
expect to find their lines of communication worn into hollows.
The accumulations of filth and refuse, which would neces-
sarily result from a large traffic, when thrown aside for the
greater convenience of passage, would soon form continuous.
mounds, and perhaps the more readily, inasmuch as such
mounds might, in certain localities, be usefully employed as
fences. There are many bye-ways in the west of England,
which, if turfed over, would be no unfair representatives of
the British roads that still exist upon the downs of Wiltshire,
Our ancient boundary-lines seem also to admit of a three-
fold division. There are, first, the boundary-lines, which
defined the territories of the British tribes before the Roman.
Conquest; secondly, those which were made by the Romanised
Britons; and thirdly, the march-dikes thrown up by our
ancestors, after the English colonisation of the island. The
last of these three classes has sometimes attracted the atten-
tion of the historian; but the second, though for several
reasons particularly interesting, has not, I believe, been
hitherto noticed; and, if we except the speculations of
Stukeley and Warton with respect to the "Belgic ditches,"
I am not aware that even the ancient British boundary-lines
have as yet been made the subject of critical investigation.
According to Stukeley, the Belgæ, as they gradually expelled
the British tribes, who preceded them, constructed four
E 2
46
BELGIC DITCHES,"
ON THE 66
successive lines of defence-Combe-bank, Bokerly-ditch,
the ditch immediately north of Old Sarum, and Wansditch.
Warton supposes there were no less than seven of these
ditches. He does not enumerate them, but he probably
added to Stukeley's four, the Grims-ditch south of Salis-
bury, the ditches on Gussage Cow-down, which really apper-
tained to the British post of Vindo-gladia, and the ditch
which runs over Salisbury plain to the north of Heytesbury.
Neither Warton nor Stukeley point out the districts which
they suppose to have been marked out by means of these
boundary-lines, and the proximity of the lines to each other,
is adduced as a proof of the desperate resistance which the
Belge had to surmount before they could effect their con-
quest. The resistance must have been desperate indeed,
which contested the possession of a few miles of worthless
down-land; and the love of property equally strong, which
could think such an acquisition worthy of being secured at
the expense of so much labour. There can be little doubt,
that the number of these boundary-lines has been exaggerated
not only by Warton, but even by Stukeley.
It may be asked, what right have we to assume that the
Belgæ overspread the south of Britain, in successive waves of
conquest, such as are pre-supposed in the hypothesis we are
considering? The only ground for such a hypothesis that
I am aware of, is contained in Cæsar's statement, "maritima
pars ab iis (incolitur) qui prædæ ac belli causâ ex Belgio
transierunt, qui omnes fere iis nominibus civitatum adpel-
lantur quibus orti ex civitatibus eo pervenerunt, et bello
inlato ibi remanserunt atque agros colere cœperunt."-B. G.
1. 4. It may, perhaps, be inferred from this passage, that
there was a succession of predatory inroads, some of which
were followed by Belgic settlements; and when, in the dis-
trict which we know to have been colonised by the Belgæ,
we find successive lines of boundary evidently made by a
people inhabiting the sea-board, to separate themselves from
the tribes of the interior, it may, I think, be admitted that the
1 That these ditches might occasionally
throw impediments in the way of a party
of freebooters is very possible, but that
they were military lines of defence, like
the Roman Walls in North Britain, or
the Great Wall of China, is to the last
degree improbable. Such lines of defence
would require an organised body of men
to guard them, and the maintenance of
such a force would be beyond the means
of races only imperfectly civilised. The
proper character of these ditches is clearly
that of boundary-lines.
AND THE PROBABLE DATE OF STONEHENGE.
47
hypothesis advanced by Stukeley, and accepted by Warton,
is, to say the least, not an unreasonable one.
If we attempt to trace the progress of Belgic conquest by
the light of Welsh tradition, we shall be disappointed. The
all but utter silence of the Triads, with respect to a people
who fill such a place in history, is one of the most puzzling
circumstances connected with these mysterious records. The
Triad, which mentions the three "refuge-seeking tribes," tells
us, that the first of these tribes came from Galedin, and had
lands allotted to them in the Isle of Wight. Welsh scholars
consider Galedin to mean the Netherlands; 2 and, perhaps,
we may conclude, that, according to Welsh tradition, the
Belgæ came as refugees to this country, and were first located
in the Isle of Wight-driven, it may be, from their own
country by some inundation of the sea, an accident which
appears to have been the moving cause of several of those
great migrations we read of in Roman history. It is clear
from Cæsar, that for some centuries before Christ, the Belgæ
were the most energetic and powerful--and among half-
civilised races, this means the most aggressive-of the Gaulish
tribes; and we can have little difficulty in supposing, that
the fugitive Belgæ, with the aid probably of their continental
brethren, might soon change their character of refugees into
that of assailants. Of the inlets, opposite the Isle of Wight,
by which the mainland could be assailed, Tweon-ea (now
Christchurch), at the mouth of the Stour and Avon, appears
to have been one of the most important in the earlier periods
of our history. Here, it would seem, the Belgæ landed. The
uplands in the neighbourhood are barren, but the vallies rich,
and the Belgæ, we may presume, were soon in possession of
the pastures along the Stour as far as the neighbourhood of
Blandford. This town lies in a kind of defile, over which, at
that period, the woodlands of Cranbourne Chase in all
probability extended. At this wooded gorge the Britons
seem to have held their own, and the course of Belgic con-
quest to have been diverted-in the direction afterwards
followed by the Roman road and the modern railway-into
the vallies of the Piddle and the Frome. We may now ask,
This hypothesis would receive strong
confirmation if we were justified in giving
to the Belgic settlers of the south-east of
Dorsetshire the name of Morini. But I
believe our only authority for so doing is
a dictum of "Richard of Cirencester,"
and I will not insult the reader by quoting
a patent forgery. I allude to Bertram's
clever fabrication, merely to show the
reader that I have not overlooked it.
48
ON THE BELGIC DITCHES."
whether there be any earthworks, which might serve as
boundaries to the district we have thus marked out. In the
first place, we observe between Holt-Forest and Cranbourne
Chase, the well-known earthwork, called Bokerly-ditch,
shutting in from the northward the rich valley drained by
the Wymburne-brook. From Bokerly-ditch the boundary
may have followed the outline of Cranbourne Chase, have
crossed the Stour south of Blandford, and then run to the
north-westward along Combe-bank. There was also, some
years back, "in the road from Bindon to Weymouth, a
great ditch, like Wansdike, for several miles."-Hutchin's
Dorset, i., 217. No such ditch is now visible on this line of
road, but after a long day's search, I succeeded by an acci-
dent in finding³ its mutilated remains between the Frome
and Owre-brook. The bank was to the eastward, and I have
little hesitation in regarding this dike as a portion of the
western boundary of the first Belgic conquest. What course
it took to join Combe-bank is, at present, only matter for
conjecture; but there are reasons for believing, that frag-
ments of it still exist in the neighbourhood of the Piddle.
river and its tributaries.
The second Belgic conquest may have included the downs
of Hants and South Wiltshire. The narrow valleys that
intersect the latter meet in the neighbourhood of Old Sarum
(Sorbiodunum), which must always have been, what in mili-
tary language might be termed, the key of the district. The
Hampshire downs appear to have been called by the Britons
the Gwent, or champaign. No natural frontier separates these
two tracts of down, but their northern boundary is indented,
3 The dike ran nearly parallel to, and
about one or two hundred yards west of
"the bounds" which separated Owre from
Galton. For nearly a mile it had been
fashioned into shape, and formed a clay-
fence some eight feet thick. A wide
stretch of arable land succeeded, on which
it had been levelled within the last two
Its
years by an improving landlord.
traces, however, were sufficiently obvious,
and by following them, and clambering
over some terrible fences, I again lighted
on the object of my search, and found it
running over the common for nearly a
quarter of a mile, in very fair preserva-
tion. It terminated before it again reached
cultivated land. I presume there must
formerly have been a tract of woodland
in the neighbourhood.
As these boundary-lines are often diffi-
cult to find, it may save future investi-
gators trouble, and prevent mistakes, to
learn that there are some other curious
earth-works a little to the westward, round
Woodford Castle. The agger runs from
the Frome due south for about a mile, then
turns at right angles, and after running
half-a-mile eastwards, returns to the river.
The agger was thrown outwards from the
ditch. I suppose this work to have been
the boundary of a very ancient park. A
slight fence on the top of the mound,
with the aid of the interior ditch, would
have effectually prevented the deer from
escaping. I have seen instances of similar
earth-works in Berkshire and elsewhere,
which seem to admit of the same expla-
nation.
AND THE PROBABLE DATE OF STONEHENGE.
49
as it were, by the highlands around "Scots Poor," from which
the greater part of their extent is visible. To this point the
country rises from the east and south, and also, though more
slowly, from the west. On the southern and eastern slopes
we still find large masses of woodland-Collingbourn-wood,
Dole-wood, &c.-and there can be little doubt that these
high and barren downs were once encircled with a belt of
forest. This description may serve to show the importance
of these heights as a landmark, and in some measure to
explain the fact, that at the present day three counties, and
some seven or eight parishes meet in the neighbourhood.
66
>>
4
During a fortnight of rather inclement weather, I examined
the country lying between Westbury and Ludgershall, and
succeeded in finding most of the ditches described in the
Ancient Wiltshire.' It is to be regretted, that Sir R.
C. Hoare was not more alive to the importance of distin-
guishing between the trackway and the boundary-dike. His
usual phrase "a bank and a ditch," more than once made
me waste a day in searching for what proved, on examination,
to be a mere drift-road. North of Heytesbury, however, I
found an ancient boundary-line-one clearly of British origin,
and perhaps anterior to the Roman conquest. I traced it
from the west of "Knook Castle" to within a couple of miles
of Tilshead, when it gradually died away in cultivated land.
Ancient roads occasionally entered its ditch, more particu-
larly at the salient angles, and its mound was broken and
pierced in all directions by the trackways leading to the two
British villages north of Knook Castle; but still, amid all the
changes of two thousand years, its crest was seen stretching
over the plain, and could be followed without the chance of a
mistake. The next day I found "the Tilshead ditch," within
little more than a mile from the spot where I had lost the
5
4 There are the sites of two British
villages near the boundary line; and in a
straggling portion of one of them, which
lies beyond the dike, and which, therefore,
must have been built after the boundary-
line was slighted (to use a phrase of
Cromwell's time), Sir R. C. Hoare found
a stone-celt beside a skeleton. It is not
probable that a primitive utensil like this
was used after the arrival of the Romans;
but the grave may have been there before
the village extended itself beyond the
agger.
Coins of Arcadius have been dug up
among the ruins, but, I believe, no Saxon
remains. We may conclude that the
villages were burnt by the Saxon invaders,
and never afterwards inhabited.
5 It may be worth observing that, just
at the angle where the boundary line turns
suddenly to the eastward, there lay a large
stone on the top of the agger. I had not
time to examine it minutely, nor even to
chip off a fragment to ascertain the nature
of the stone.
50
BELGIC DITCHES,"
ON THE 66
6
former one. It was a ditch with two mounds, and these
gradually became lower as I traced it to the eastward, a mile
or two beyond Tilshead. If this ditch be a continuation of
the former one, I cannot satisfactorily account for its change
of character.
I could find no remains of this Belgic boundary-if we
may venture to give it such a title-north of Beacon Hill.
Even "the unmutilated remains of a bank and a ditch," on
Wick-down, turned out to be merely a deep ditch with a low
mound on each side of it. But south of the hill, the Ames-
bury bounds presented appearances which strongly resembled
those of an ancient earth-work, and we may be allowed to
conjecture that they were once connected with the "Devils
Ditch," east of Andover, and with the boundary-line, a
fragment of which still remains to the south of Walbury.
According to these speculations, the second Belgic boundary
must have included the valleys of South Wiltshire, and then
have swept round, so as to separate the downs of Hampshire
from the woodlands which encircled Scots Poor. The hypo-
thesis does not seem an unreasonable one, and I know of no
other which can satisfactorily account either for the boundary-
line to the north of Heytesbury, or for the lines which are
found in the neighbourhood of Walbury and Andover.?
It will be seen that the writer differs from Stukeley in
considering the first and second of his ditches as forming
parts of one continuous boundary; and in denying alto-
gether to the ditch which runs immediately north of Old
Sarum, the character of a Belgic earthwork. Were this last
6 When these mounds approach the
"Long Barrow," which lies about a mile
from Tilshead, they turn at right angles,
and after having half enclosed the mound,
pursue their former course. Our best
chance of explaining anomalies like these,
would be a really critical edition of the
"Gromatici veteres."
7 It may, perhaps, be said, that the
lines near Walbury and Andover might
have been the boundaries of a Belgic
settlement, whose capital was Winchester;
and which was united to its western
neighbour before British geography was
known to the Romans. But there is
reason to believe that the State of the
Southern Belgae was not merely a poli-
tical, but an ethnographical unity. The
other Belgic districts, though politically
united, are always spoken of as peopled by
different races; but the classical writers,
8
whenever they speak of the Belgic Pro-
vince, treat it as a whole.
It may be observed, that there are
some ditches near Chisborough, which
have not been inserted in the map. There
can be little doubt that four distinct lines
of boundary passed near that fortress,
and to have noticed the remains of all these
boundaries would have answered no good
purpose, and would have made the plan
much too complicated.
8 The period at which, and the purpose
for which, this earth-work was constructed,
were sufficiently discussed at Salisbury.
Those who feel an interest in the matter
may see what are the writer's views on
this subject, by consulting the paper he
has written for the Salisbury Volume on
the "Early English Settlements in South
Britain."
I
AND THE PROBABLE DATE OF STONEHENGE.
51
ditch made by the Belgæ, we must suppose, that although
the invaders were strong enough to capture such a fortress
as Old Sarum, they were not powerful enough to possess
themselves of the valleys which it commanded-an inference
which at once shows us the falseness of the premiss that led
to it. With respect to the connection supposed to have
existed between Combe-bank and Bokerly-ditch, it may be
right to state, that I have not examined the course of
Bokerly-ditch west of the Roman Road, and only cursorily
the line of country which intervenes between the two earth-
works. Combe-bank still crosses the down, in fine preser-
vation, from the neighbourhood of Winterbourne Clenstone
to Col-wood. For some distance it forms the boundary of
this wood, and then enters it and disappears. My guide 9
professed to trace the bank to the north of Mapperton, but I
must confess that to my eyes it was invisible. Its course,
however, when I last recognised it, pointed eastward in the
direction of Badbury, which was full in sight, and about fourt
miles distant. I felt a strong conviction that the information
given to Leland (according to which it went to Lytchet
Maltravers) was erroneous. It seemed to me clearly in-
tended as a boundary to separate the Winterbourne valley
from the bleak and swelling downs to the north-eastward,
and to be as clearly connected with the great fortress, which
lifted itself aloft on the other side of the Stour directly in our
front. As Badbury commands the valley, where lay Vindo-
gladia-which existing remains, as well as the Itineraries,
point out as the capital of the district and as Bokerly-ditch
was obviously intended as the northern boundary of this
valley, it seems difficult to escape the conclusion that both
Combe-bank and Bokerly-ditch were constructed as parts of
one design, by the same people, and at the same, or nearly the
same period. That people we may conjecture to be the
Belgæ, and the period five or four, or, it may be, only three
centuries before the Christian era.
The general consent of our antiquaries has fixed upon the
Wansdike as the last of the Belgic boundaries. Were it
called the last frontier of the Belgic province-understanding
9 His testimony must not be altogether
rejected, as he has for years "cried the
Courts" at the bank, and, therefore, may
be considered as familiar with all the
circumstances connected with it. After
proclamations duly made on this ancient
earth-work, the courts are held in the
valley at an old manor house, which lies
some two miles from the bank.
52
وو
ON THE BELGIC DITCHES.'
by that phrase the district which the Roman geographers
assigned to the Belgæ proper-I should be little disposed to
quarrel with the conclusion they have come to. Nor would
I venture summarily to dismiss even the suggestion of
Stukeley, that it was Divitiacus who here fixed the limits of
the Belgic dominion, though I may smile at the etymological
trifling by which he endeavours to support his hypothesis.
This Divitiacus, Cæsar tells us, had been King of the
Suessones, and even in his time (nostrâ etiam memoriâ) the
most powerful chief in all Gaul. He tells us also that
Divitiacus had obtained a supremacy not only over a great
portion of Belgic Gaul, but also over a great part of Britain
-"qui quum magnæ partis harum regionum tum etiam Bri-
tanniæ imperium obtinuerit." By what steps he obtained
this supremacy we are not told, but we may surmise that it
was with his aid that the Belgæ pushed their conquests
into the interior of the island, and that the imperium natur-
ally followed conquests so extensive and important. The
question remains, what was the locality and the real extent
of these latter Belgic conquests. If, as is probable, the
British king who opposed Cæsar belonged to the intrusive
race, then the Belgae must have obtained possession of the
vale of Aylesbury, and the plains of Hertfordshire previous
to the year 55, B.C.; and we may infer that they acquired
these districts under the leadership of Divitiacus, for we do
not learn that Verulam had fallen into the hands of Cassive-
launus by any recent act of conquest. There still exist some
interesting lines of earthwork, which seem to have been made
with a view to separate the new conquests from the country
of the Trinobantes. They have been as yet only partially
examined, and with very little intelligence; but as they are
mixed up with another system of boundary-lines, it would
require a more lengthened notice than our present limits
will admit of to discuss this question satisfactorily.
It is possible that the same monarch who settled the
boundaries of the Catyeuchlani-I give the word as it is
usually written, without vouching for its correctness-may
also have pushed forward the Belgic frontier to the Wans-
dike. There are, however, difficulties in the way of such
a conclusion which are calculated to shake our faith in the
soundness of Stukeley's hypothesis. Every critical reader
will, I think, admit that the Roman geographers and historians
AND THE PROBABLE DATE OF STONEHENGE.
53
looked upon the Belgic province as an organic whole, which
might indeed have developed itself at successive periods, but
was not a mere aggregation of separate and independent.
parts. With respect to the states lying north of the Audred
-i. e., of the great forest which spread over the wealds of
Kent and Sussex-the case was different. The Cantii, the
Attrebates, the Catyeuchlani were probably all three Belgic
races; and indeed, as regards the Attrebates, we are able to
make this assertion positively. All three seem to have been
subject to the imperium of Cassivelaunus, but there is nothing
to lead us to the inference that the Southern Belgæ acknow-
ledged his supremacy. As so few years separated the reign
of this prince from that of Divitiacus, it is a reasonable pre-
sumption that he was, if not a descendant, at least a successor
of the Gaulish monarch, and consequently that the limits of
his dominion defined the British imperium of his great pre-
decessor. If so, the course of conquest which Divitiacus
traced out must have nearly coincided with that followed by
later invaders—by Cæsar, by Plautius, and by the Norman
William ; and consequently this celebrated Belgic chief could
not have been the conqueror who reared the Wansdike.
This magnificent earthwork reached from the woodlands
of Berkshire to the British Channel. Its remains have been
carefully surveyed by Sir R. C. Hoare. The conquests it was
intended to include, seem to have been, first, the Vale of
Pewsey; secondly, the mineral district of the Mendip Hills;
and, thirdly, the country lying between this range and the
marshes of the Parret. Ptolemy gives us Winchester, Bath,'
and Ilchester, as the three principal towns of the Belgic
province. If we run a line along the Wansdike from Berk-
shire to the Channel, then along the coast to the Parret, then
up that river eastward till we strike the southern borders of
Wiltshire, and then follow the first Belgic boundary across
Dorsetshire to the sea, we shall have defined, with tolerable
accuracy, the northern and western boundaries, which Roman
geographers assigned to the Belgæ proper.
1 Bath is just without the Belgic boun-
dary, and, therefore, could not have been
a Belgic town. Ptolemy has, in other
instances, assigned towns situated near a
frontier to the wrong people; thus he
gives London to the Cantii. There are
generally circumstances connected with
the towns thus misplaced, which help us
to explain the blunder; we have reason
to believe that London had a suburb
south of the river, even in the Roman
times; and the Belgie fortress on the
Wansdike, which lay immediately above
the hot baths, may very probably have
led the geographer into making the mis-
statement that has given rise to the
present note.
54
>>
ON THE 66
BELGIC DITCHES,
It will be seen that the Wansdike bends to the south, as if
to avoid Avebury, and approaches close to, but does not
include, Bath. It seems reasonable to infer, that when the
line of demarcation was drawn, the Dobuni insisted on the
retention of their ancient temple, and of their hot baths; and
if this inference be a just one, another and a more important
one seems naturally to follow. Assuming that the Belgæ
were thus excluded from Avebury, is it not likely that they
would provide a "locus consecratus" at some central point
within their own border-a place for their judicial assemblies,
like the Gaulish temple, "in finibus Carnutum, quæ regio
totius Galliæ media habetur?" May not Stonehenge have
been the substitute so provided?
2
There seem to be two opinions prevalent with respect to
the date of this mysterious monument. There are antiquaries
who maintain that it was built before the Christian era, at
some period of great and undefined antiquity; and others,
who would postpone its erection to a period subsequent to
the Roman occupation of the island.
The first of these opinions is generally supported on the
authority of a passage in Diodorus Siculus, which appears to
have been taken from Hecatæus of Abdera, who flourished
about three centuries before the Christian era. According
to this authority, there was among the Hyperboreans a
round temple dedicated to Apollo, and situated in an island'
"opposite Celtica." Our English antiquaries assume, that
the word Celtica, in this passage, was used with the same
meaning as by Strabo and his contemporaries, or, in other
words, that it signified Gaul, and they conclude that the
island was Britain, and the round temple Stonehenge, or
Avebury, or the Rolrich circle, according to the particular
hypothesis they are interested in supporting. Swedish anti-
quaries give to Celtica a wider meaning, and as the ancients
considered Scandinavia to be an island, they boldly claim
the round temple of the Hyperboreans as Swedish property.
Wesseling, in a sensible note, examines these different hypo-
2 Cæs. B. G. 6. Does not the name of
Curnutes mean the people of Car-nut, in
modern Welsh, Cuer nawdd, the City of
the Sanctuary? In the discourse, which the
writer delivered at Salisbury, on "the
Early English Settlements in South
Britain," one of the points he contended
for was this, that both Stonehenge and
the great monastery which was after-
wards built in its neighbourhood, were
known as the nawdd, or sanctuary, and
that it was from this Welsh word that
the Anglo-Saxons got their Nat-e, and
also the title by which they designated
Ambrosius, viz., Natan leod.
AND THE PROBABLE DATE OF STONEHENGE.
55
theses, and, for reasons which appear satisfactory, rejects
them. He is inclined to fix the round temple far more to
the eastward, than would suit the views either of our own or
of the Swedish antiquaries; and whether we agree with him
or not, the criticism which identifies Stonehenge with this
temple of the Hyperboreans, rests, I think, on grounds much
too questionable to secure the assent of any cautious inquirer.
4
The opinion which assigns to Stonehenge, and indeed to
all our Druidical structures, a date posterior to the Roman
conquest, is the one most generally entertained at the present
day. It has been elaborately maintained by Mr. J. Rickman.3
He objects to an earlier date for Avebury, because it adjoins
to a Roman road; because it resembles a Roman amphi-
theatre; because its dimensions seem to be adjusted to the
measure of a Roman mile; and lastly, because the engineer,
who made the Roman road, did not avail himself of the deep
ditch round Silbury, to lessen the steepness of the ascent;
whence we may conclude that such ditch was not in existence
when the road was made. His attempts to support the
second and third of these positions appear to the writer to
be most unsatisfactory; and with respect to the first, it
might be answered, that the Roman road from Silchester to
Bath was, in all probability, preceded by a British trackway,
and that the point where the Ickneld road crossed such
trackway, was well suited for the site of a great national
temple; while the fact that the Roman engineers did not
avail themselves of the lower level afforded them by the
ditch, might be owing to their unwillingness to wound the
national prejudices by violating unnecessarily a national
monument. Rickman maintains, that tools of mixed metal,
such as are found in the barrows of the early Britons, would
have been unequal to the "respectable workmanship," which
he observed on the tenons and mortices of the Stonehenge
3 Archæologia, Vol. 28.
4 The avenue which stretched south-east
from the main temple, was intersected by
the Roman road, and, according to Rick-
man, the distance of Silbury both from
the point of intersection and from the
centre of the Avebury circle, was a Roman
mile. I can only say, that according to my
measurement, Silbury hill is distant from
the centre of the circle more than a Roman
mile, and from the point of intersection
very considerably less. But even were
the measurement correct, how could the
symmetry of the structure be anyway
dependent on the distance of Silbury from
the point, where the road cut through the
avenue? The proper inference seems to
be, that the Romans would not allow a
great public road to be diverted out of its
course, in order to spare the mere adjuncts
of a building, whose hold upon the respect
and reverence of the people had probably
been for some time declining.
56
66
ON THE BELGIC DITCHES,"
trilithons; and that stone so hard could only have been
worked after the introduction of steel tools. As we know
that "the maritime states" produced iron in the time of
Cæsar, it is clear that any hypothesis which does not carry
back the origin of Stonehenge more than a century or two
before the Christian era, will not be affected by the difficulty
here suggested.
Mr. Herbert's theory may be considered, in one point of
view, as a modification of Rickman's. He supposes that
Stonehenge, Avebury, and our other "megalithic monuments"
were erected after the Romans had left the island; and he
has exhibited no small acuteness and learning, in support of
this startling hypothesis. According to his theory, the bards
and other favourers of the old superstition returned from
Ireland, whither they had been driven by the influence of
Roman civilisation, and of Christianity; heathenism, for a
while, regained its ascendancy, and the enthusiasm awakened
by the return to old habits and feelings, and by a sense of
recovered independence, led to the erection of these mighty
structures. Mr. Herbert skilfully avails himself of Rickman's
arguments, and presses upon us the additional one, that the
so-called Druidical temples, and other similar erections, are
only to be found in Britain, or in countries closely connected
with it, as Brittany; and therefore must have been the
results of causes operating partially, and not the general
expression the necessary outward manifestation of a
religion so widely diffused as the Druidical. Every candid
reader will admit, that there is considerable weight in the
argument last referred to. Do the following considerations
supply us with a sufficient answer to it?
We know from Cæsar, that Britain was looked upon by
the Gauls, both as the great centre of Druidism, and as the
country in which its peculiar doctrines originated; "disciplina
in Britanniâ reperta, atque inde in Galliam translata esse exis-
timatur; et nunc qui diligentius eam rem cognoscere volunt,
plerumque illo discendi causâ proficiscuntur."—B. G. 16.
We might therefore expect to find in Britain, and such
countries as were intimately connected with it, more marked
traces of the peculiar structures which characterised this
system, than are to be met with elsewhere. It seems also to
be a fact, that, with the exception of Stonehenge, to which I
shall shortly advert more particularly, all the larger Druidical
AND THE PROBABLE DATE OF STONEHENGE.
57
temples are situated in places where the blocks of stone,
commonly called Sarsen stones, abound, or, at least, are
known at one time to have abounded; and that the geological
conditions which distinguish such localities, occur more fre-
quently in England than in the interior of France. I think,
therefore, we may account for the unfrequent occurrence of
these structures in such parts of Gaul as are remote from its
western coast, without being driven to the conclusion which
Mr. Herbert would bring us to.
There is one argument against the theory, which assigns
to Stonehenge, and the other Druidical structures, a date
subsequent to the Roman occupation of the island, which the
members of an Archaeological society are peculiarly fitted to
appreciate. We all know the principles on which our
Gothic buildings" were so long constructed, sufficiently
teach us how difficult it is for an architect to compose in a
new style of architecture, and at the same time to keep his
mind unswayed by the forms to which he has been long
accustomed. Now I do not forget, that Inigo Jones started
the hypothesis, that Stonehenge was "a hypæethral temple ;"
but in his day the fundamental principles, which distinguish
the different systems of architectural construction, had been
but little studied, and the researches of modern times have
placed us on a vantage-ground that enables us to estimate at
its proper value, a theory, which, coming from a man so
eminent, might otherwise occasion us some difficulty. After
thus much of preface, I would ask the archaeological reader,
whether he thinks it comes within the limits of a reasonable
probability, that men who had, for centuries, been familiarised
with the forms of Roman architecture, could have built
Stonehenge ?
If we suppose Stonehenge to have been erected after the
Southern Belgæ had pushed their frontier to the Wansdike,
and not long before Divitiacus obtained his imperium over
the other Belgic races, every difficulty vanishes. The
manufacture of iron was probably known in Britain at that
period, though it seems to have been only lately introduced,
as Cæsar tells us, not many years afterwards, that the
metal was not abundant,5 "ejus exigua est copia;" and
5 Iron appears to have been scarce, at
least in the remoter parts of Britain, as
late as the beginning of the third century.
Herodian informs us, that the tribes who
opposed Severus decked their loins and
necks with this metal (i. e. I suppose,
made their tores of iron, and covered
their girdles with it), and esteemed it not
only as an ornament but also as a proof of
wealth.
58
وو
ON THE tr
BELGIC DITCHES,"
we are accordingly able to account for "the respectable
workmanship," which Rickman observed at Stonehenge, and
which certainly presents difficulties in the way of the
hypothesis, that assigns to Stonehenge the remote antiquity
sometimes given to it. Again, our geologists seem to be
agreed, that the huge blocks of sandstone, which form the
trilithons at Stonehenge, must have come from the neighbour-
hood of the Vale of Pewsey. Now the amount of physical
power equal to the transport of such large masses, would
exhaust the whole resources of the district; and we may
safely conclude that the builders of Stonehenge, whoever
they were, must also have been lords of the fertile vale, so
celebrated in the annals of agriculture. If the Belge were
the builders, it follows necessarily that this temple was
erected after the vale became Belgic territory, or as we may
otherwise phrase it, after the Wansdike had been raised.
That Stonehenge had some peculiar relation to the Belgic
province, may be inferred from its central position within it.
The capital towns of the Celtic races were often on the
confines of their territories; as Winchester and Ilchester,
near the borders of the Belgæ; and Silchester near those of
the Attrebates. The facilities which such positions afforded
for the defence of the frontier, may have been the reasons
why they were selected. But we may gather from the
passage already quoted, relative to the Gaulish temple, that
a central situation was thought most suitable for the "locus
consecratus," where justice was administered, and the
national assemblies held. That Stonehenge was such "locus
consecratus" is admitted by all, who regard it as a Celtic
structure; and the enormous labour which was expended
in transporting the materials to the spot, proves that the
spot on which it stands was thought peculiarly eligible. I
can point to no circumstances which could have made it so,
save those which have been suggested.
The peculiarities which distinguish the structure of Stone-
henge, seem to afford us additional arguments in support of
the conclusions we have come to. Most of our Celtic temples
are surrounded by a circular ditch. Now at Avebury, and
in other cases, the mound or agger is on the outside of the
ditch, while at Stonehenge it is within it. This new arrange-
ment seems to indicate the usages of a new people; while
the general style of the building, the more artistic plan, the
AND THE PROBABLE DATE OF STONEHENGE.
59
use of imposts, the well-executed tenons and mortices, and
the worked surfaces of the uprights, all seem to point to a
later age, and a more advanced civilisation. I think there-
fore we may fairly conclude, that Stonehenge is of later
date than Avebury and the other structures of unwrought
stone; that it could not have been built much later than the
year 100, B.C., and in all probability was not built more than
a century or two earlier. As to the antiquity of Avebury.
I dare offer no conjecture. If the reader be more venture-
some, and should fix its erection some eight or ten centuries
before our era, it would be difficult to advance any critical
reasons against his hypothesis.
F
SOME REMARKS ON THE RENT-ROLL OF HUMPHREY, DUKE
OF BUCKINGHAM.
26 & 27 HEN. VI., 1447, 1448.
READ AT THE OXFORD MEETING OF THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE, JUNE 19, 1850.
BY JAMES HEYWOOD MARKLAND, D.C.L, F.R.S., & S.A.
THE accompanying Roll, preserved amongst the Archives
at Longleat, was obligingly placed by the Marquis of Bath
in my hands for examination. It contains in fifty-six feet of
parchment the Rent Roll of Humphrey, Duke of Bucking-
ham, taken in the 26th and 27th years of the reign of
Henry VI. (1447, 1448.)
A document of this kind must necessarily be far less
interesting than a Household Book, or entries of expenses,
but as this Roll shows us the Rental of one of our most
powerful noblemen, four centuries ago, and conveys other
information, a statement of its contents, with some few
comments, may not be wholly valueless.
In the pages of English History, from the Conquest down
to the reign of Henry VIII., the House of Stafford is
conspicuous; their long unbroken descent, their splendid
alliances, and their vast possessions, naturally imparted to
them great power and influence, and placed them amongst
the very foremost of English nobles. At the Conquest they
possessed no fewer than eighty-one Lordships in Staffordshire
alone, twenty-six in Warwickshire, and twenty in Leicester-
shire. By successive alliances with the heiresses of illustrious
houses, these possessions swelled to the extent of the Rental
before us, and they were again increased one-seventh in
amount in the life-time of Henry, the second Duke.
The contemptuous reflection on Wolsey, which Shakspeare
has put into the mouth of Edward, the third Duke,-styled
by Johnson "one of the ancient unlettered martial nobility"
-may be well understood, considering how different was
the origin of these two distinguished persons:-
"A beggar's Book
Outworths a noble's blood."
RENT-ROLL OF THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
61
At the same time, to this House how closely does the
Psalmist's awful language apply!—
"Thou dost set them in slippery places; thou castest them down and destroyest
them.
Oh! how suddenly do they consume, perish, and come to a fearful end."
Psalm lxxiii. 18, 19.
>>
To the Staffords', "their birth and state" proved, as we
shall see, "shadows not substantial things"-with them
the paths of glory" literally "led to the grave." In
those days, as Southey remarks, "to die in peace at a good
old age was indeed a rare fortune for men in high station.
To fall in battle, or to receive the honours of political
martyrdom, was the fate of too many members of our chief
families. Two of this family were secretly murdered-three
forfeited their lives on the scaffold-three fell in the field,
not whilst defending their country against foreign enemies,
but in the intestine factions of York and Lancaster. In
three instances the father followed his expectant heir to the
tomb.
This melancholy catalogue may be closed by the name of
the accomplished Surrey, who, in his thirtieth year, shared
the fate of his grandfather and great grandfather, the
second and third Dukes of Buckingham, and whose untimely
end must ever be a subject of regret amidst these walls.
Had his life been spared, England might, perhaps, from his
encouragement and example, have advanced earlier to that
high rank in learning and in literature, which, through her
Universities, she still so happily maintains.
One of the fatal events, to which I have referred, Froissart
narrates in his own unrivalled manner. When Richard II.
was on his route to Scotland, an archer of Sir Richard
(Ralph ?) Stafford's, the son of Hugh, Earl of Stafford, pierced
with his arrow an esquire of Sir John Holland's, the king's
half-brother.
CC
Tidynges anone was brought to Sir Johan of Holande, that an archer
of Sir Richarde Stafforde's had slayne a squyer of his, ye man that he
loued best in all the world.- Whan Sir Johan of Holande was well
enfourmed of this aduenture, he was ryght sore displeased, & sayd, I
shall neur eate nor drinke tyll it be reuenged, than he lepte on his horse,
& toke certayne of his men with him, and departed fro his owne lodgyng,
it was as than right late, & so rode into the fieldes.- And as he and his
men rode up & downe amonge the hedges and busshes, in a straite waye
he mett at aduenture, with Sir Richarde Stafforde, & because it was night,
F 2
62
RENT-ROLL OF THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
he demanded who was there, I am quod he Richarde Stafforde; & I am
Hollande quod the other, & I seke for the; one of thy seruauntes hath
slayne my best beloued squyer; & therwith drew out his sworde, & strake
Richarde Stafforde so that he slewe him, & fell downe deed, whiche was
great pytie, so he passed forthe & knewe not well what he had done; but
he sawe well one falle to the grounde.-Sir Richarde Stafforde's men were
sore dismayed when they sawe their maister deed, than they cryed A Holande,
Holande ye haue slayne the sonne of therle of Stafforde, this will be heuy
tydynges to the father whane he knowethe therof. Some of Sir Johan
of Holande's seruauantes herde well these wordes & sayde to their Master,
Sir, ye haue slayne Sir Richarde Stafforde; well quod Sir Johan Hollande,
what than ? I had leauer have slayne him than a worse; the better haue
I revenged the dethe of my squyer. Than Sir Johan of Holande went
streyght to Saint Johan's of Beuerley & tooke the fraunchesse of the
towne, and abode there styll, for he knew well there wolde be moche ado in
the hooste for the dethe of that knight, and he wist not what the kynge
would saye or do in the matter, so to eschue all parylles, he tooke sentuary
in the towne of Saint Johan's of Beuerley.
Tidynges anon came to the erle of Stafforde, how his sonne was slayne
by yuell aduenture; thane the erle demaunded who had slayne him, &
suche as were by him, when he was slayne, sayd, Sir, the kynges brother,
Sir Johan of Holande dyd slee him; and shewed hym the cause why &
bowe it was. Ye maye well knowe that he loued entierly his sonne, & had
no mō but hym, & was a fayre yonge knyght, & a couragyeous, was
maruelously sore dyspleased, and sent incontynent for all his friends, to
haue their counsayle, how he shulde vse hymselfe, in the reuengynge of
his dethe; the moost wisest man of his counsayle sayd, Sir, to-morrowe in
the mornynge, shewe all the matter to the kyng, & desyre hym to haue
lawe and iustyce. Thus they suaged somewhat his yre, & so passed that
night; & ye nexte mornynge Richarde Stafforde was buryed in the church
of the vyllage therby, and at his buryeng were all those of his lynage, barons
knyghts and squyers that were in that armye.-And the obsequy done the
erle of Stafforde, & a threescore of his lynage mounted on their horses, &
so came to the kynge, who was well enformed of that yeull aduenture ;
& so the erle found the kynge and his vncles toguyder, and a great nombre
of knightes with them. Whan the erle came before the kyng he kneled
downe, & all wepynge sayde with a soroufull harte, Sir, ye are kyng of
Englande, & haue solemnly sworn to kepe Englāde in all ryght, and to do
justice; Sir, ye know how your brother, wout any tytell of reason, hath
slayne my sonne and ayre. Sir, I requyre you do me right & iustyce, or
ye shall haue no worse enemy than I will be, and Sir, I wyll ye know
the dethe of my sonne toucheth me so nere, that & it were nat for
brekynge of this voyage that we be in, I shulde bring the hoste into suche
trouble, that with honour it should be amended, and so couterueenged,
that it shoulde be spoken of a hūdred yeres hereafter in Englande: but as
now I wyll cease tyll this voyage into Scotlande be done, for our ennemyes
shall not reioyse of the trouble of the erle of Stafforde.-The kynge
answered, knowe for trouthe, that I shall do you justyce & reason, as far
forth as all my barones wyll iudge: I shall not fayle thereof for no brother
that I haue than they of the erle's lynage said, Sir, ye have said well,
we thank you therof. Thus the lynage of Sir Richard Stafforde was
appeased, and so helde on their journey into Scotlande, & all the iourney
els
RENT-ROLL OF THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
63
the erle of Stafforde made no semblant of the dethe of his sonne, wherein
all the barons reputed hym right sage.
The alliance between the Staffords and the blood royal of
England, which will be presently noticed, was a circumstance
on which the family placed a due value; the royal arms
formed the first quarter of their coat-armour. But this
connexion, by placing them too prominently as rivals of the
crown, led, in great measure, both the second and third
Dukes to the scaffold.
There can be little question that these noblemen aimed at
sovereign power, and Richard III. held the throne by far
too questionable a title to tolerate the existence of so for-
midable a rival as Henry, the second Duke.
Humphrey, the sixth Earl of Stafford,-whose rental is
before us-was the son of Edward, or Edmond, the fifth
Earl of Stafford, slain at Shrewsbury in 1403, by Anne,
daughter of Thomas of Woodstock, Duke of Gloucester, the
youngest son of Edward III., and who himself bore for
awhile the title of Buckingham, afterwards conferred upon
his grandson.
In these two descents we may mark how rapidly a family
may gain strength and power by its alliances. The Duke
of Gloucester married Eleanor, the eldest daughter and
co-heir of Humphrey de Bohun, Earl of Hereford, Essex,
and Northampton, constable of England. The Duke's
daughter, the before-named Lady Anne, became heiress to
her brother Humphrey, who died of the plague, childless.
She inherited also her mother's moiety of the large estates
of the Bohuns, and in her will, doubtless conscious of her
dignities, styles herself "Countess of Stafford, Buckingham,
Hereford, and Northampton, and Lady of Brecknock."
We possess but little information as to the first Duke. In
the 2nd of Henry VI. he did homage and had livery of his
lands, as also of those which had descended to him by the
death of his uncle, Hugh, Lord Bourchier, S.P. In the 9th
of Henry VI. he attended the king at Paris, where in the
following year Henry was crowned. Two years afterwards
he was appointed Captain of the Town and Marches of
Calais. In an indenture, (22nd Hen. VI.) 1443, he is
styled “the Right Mighty Prince Humphrey, Earl of Buck-
'Froissart's Chronicles, translated by Lord Berners, vol. ii. p. 24.
64
RENT-ROLL OF THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
ingham, Hereford, Stafford, Northampton, and Perch, Lord
of Brecknock and of Holderness, and Captain of the Town of
Calais." In 1444, he was created Duke of Buckingham,
and made Constable of Dover Castle.
He married the Lady Anne Neville, daughter of Ralph,
Earl of Westmoreland, by whom he had issue Humphrey,
Earl of Stafford, who was killed at St. Alban's in his father's
life-time, 1455. The Duke's second son, Lord Henry
Stafford, married Margaret Beaufort, so well known to us as
the Countess of Richmond and Derby, the mother of Henry
VII. The third, and youngest son, was John, Earl of
Wiltshire. The Duke had also two daughters; the eldest,
Anne, married Aubrey de Vere, eldest son and heir of John,
Earl of Oxford. On this occasion Bishop Kennett tells us
that the Duke received a customary aid from his feodatory
tenants: a receipt given to one of them is as follows:
"This Bille endentyd the 13 day of August (24 H. 6) bereth witnesse
that Robt. Power feodary of my Lorde the Duke of Bockyngham hath
reseyved of Edward Rede Squyere 25s. for a relif, and 5s. for a tenable
eyde to the mariage of the heldyst daughter of my seyde lord for the fourth
part of a knyght's fee in Adyngrave, in the shire of Buckingham.
13
We thus see how a marriage portion could be raised at
this period.
4
Among the Paston Letters there is one from the Duke to
the Viscount Beaumont, who is addressed as his "right
entirely beloved Brother," both these peers being Knights
of the Garter. The letter-which is said to be "perhaps the
only original Letter extant of this great Peer" is without
date, but was written probably between 1444 and 1445. It
presents a curious picture of his ways and means; for,
notwithstanding his large possessions, it relates to an un-
satisfied debt owing by him to the Viscount. He says,-
"I perceive by the tenor of your letter your good desire of a certain debt
that I owe unto you. In good faith, Brother, it is so with me at this time
that I have but easy stuff of money within me, for so much as the season
of the year is not yet grown, so that I may not please your said good
brotherhood, as God knoweth my will and intent were to do, and if I
had it."
2 Allen's History of Yorkshire, II., 392.
3 Kennett's Parochial Antiq., vol. ii.
p. 372.
4 Whose institution directs that the
knights companions should be "fellows
and brethren, united in all chances of for-
tune, copartners both in peace and war,
assistant to one another in all serious and
dangerous transactions, and through the
whole course of their lives, faithful and
friendly one towards another."
RENT-ROLL OF THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
65
He sends by his son Stafford an obligation, partly
satisfied,-
“The residue of which I pray you to receive, and that I may have an
acquittance thereof, and to give credence unto my said son in such
thing as he should say unto your good brotherhood on my behalf."5
The Duke dates his letter from the castle of Maxstoke,
situated to the east of Coleshill, in Warwickshire. It was
visited by Pennant in 1780, who speaks of the fine gateway,
and the gates, covered with plates of iron by the Duke, with
his arms impaling those of Nevil, and with the supporters,
two antelopes, derived from his mother, "the burning nave
or knot the cognizance of his own ancestors." Pennant
speaks also of a great vault ribbed with stone, of the
old chapel and kitchen, and the noble old hall, and a great
dining-room, with a most curious carved door and chimney,
as then in use. Some portions of this building, I understand,
still exist.
An ancestor of our noble president, Sir William Compton,
was the favoured grantee of this estate when forfeited in the
reign of Henry VIII.
One circumstance in the Duke's life must not be passed
over, as being characteristic of this chivalrous age, and
showing the jealousy with which honours were defended.
The nobleman, who may be regarded as the Duke's most
powerful rival, was Henry Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick,
born 1424. From his father he inherited large estates, valued
(12th Henry VI.) at 8606 marks; he was created Duke of
Warwick in the same year (1444) that Buckingham gained
that rank; and on this accession of title, while he was, in
the scale of precedence, to follow the Duke of Norfolk, he
was placed before Buckingham. This proof of royal favour
gave great umbrage to the latter (who happened to be the
Duke of Warwick's godfather), and in order to prevent con-
tention and strife the matter of precedence betwixt these
peers was thus settled by Parliament-
“That one of the said dukes shall have the pre-eminence for one whole
year, and then the other have pre-eminence for the next year, and so
alternately, as long as they shall live, and on their deaths, whichever shall
first have livery of his lands to have the perpetual precedence."
Paston Letters, by Ramsay (1840) vol. i. p. 9.
66
RENT-ROLL OF THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
Well might the Lord Mayor, in Shakspeare's Henry VI.
exclaim-
"That nobles should such Stomachs bear ! "
Whether Buckingham's feelings were soothed by this
middle course of proceeding or not may be doubted; but all
jealousy was soon set at rest. Dugdale tells us that, on the
death of Warwick, about two years after, without issue male,
Buckingham obtained a special grant giving to himself and
his heirs precedence above all dukes whatever, excepting
such as were of the blood royal. Dugdale also states that—
“In consideration of his vast expences, in attending the King in those
turbulent times, against his adversaries, then in arms, he obtained a grant
(38 Hen. VI.) of all those fines which Walter Devereux, William Hastings,
and Walter Hopton were to make to the King for their transgressions.
Here was a fresh augmentation of wealth.
''
The Duke was slain in the battle of Northampton (28th
July, 38 Hen. VI.), and was buried either there or in the
monastery of Delapré. His will is given by Dugdale and by
Nicolas. It contains some bequests for religious and
charitable uses, and one provision deserves notice. In an
age when the funeral solemnities of noblemen were performed
with extraordinary splendour, and at a lavish expense, the
Duke wisely directs, that his own should be solemnised.
without any sumptuous costs or charge.'
46
وو
The
To revert to the roll. It contains the rental of estates in
twenty-seven counties. The largest of these possessions
appears to have been the castle, manor, and dominion of
Brecknock, Huntingdon, and Talgarth, in Herefordshire, and
the Marches of Wales, yielding 11837. per annum.
estates in Holderness, producing the gross rental of 9497.,
were also of immense extent, comprising the seigniory, liberty,
and manor of Holderness, and lands or other property in
twenty-eight parishes. These the Duke inherited through
his mother.
The property in this county (Oxfordshire) was small (viz.,
377. 18s. 34d. per annum), consisting only of the manor of
Stratton Audley.
The gross rental is 6300l., a sum then of vast amount.
To show this the more accurately, I had bestowed some
labour, in order to arrive, if possible, at the sum which it
would represent in our own days. But to enter into the
Dugdale's Baronage, p. 165.
RENT-ROLL OF THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
67
details necessary, in order to lead us to a correct conclusion
as to this point, would compel me to trespass upon your time
far longer than would be acceptable.
Those who may feel interested in the subject may consult
-1. Bishop Fleetwood's Chronicon Preciosum; 2. The
History of England, by Dr. Henry; 3. The Tables, drawn
up with so much care, by Rear-Admiral Rainier, in
1833,7 and 4. Mr. Hallam's Work on the Middle Ages,
where some very judicious observations on this subject
will be found. Still our endeavours to adjust a multiplier for
expressing the real value of a sum in the days of Henry VI.
in terms of our present money, or its equivalent value, in
commanding commodities in the present day, are attended
with difficulties-1. From the difference of opinion which
prevails amongst writers on the subject; 2. From the great
variations in the price of wheat, taken as a criterion; and
3. In the shifting value of money. In order, therefore, to prove
the magnitude of the Duke of Buckingham's income, I would
endeavour to show how very much could be effected in
different ways at that period with sums of far less amount.
It may be remarked that this income exceeded that of the
powerful peer before alluded to, the Duke of Warwick, by
some hundreds per annum, and we may compare it with the
revenues of the greatest religious houses at the Dissolution.
>>
Whilst thus engaged, we must never fail to bear in mind
Johnson's judicious remark, that "custom, or the different
needs of artificial life, make that revenue little at one time
which is great at another. Men are rich and poor, not only
in proportion to what they have, but what they want."
Ascham's pension of 107., granted him by Henry VIII.,
reckoning the wants he could supply, and those from which
he was exempt, Johnson (seventy years ago) computed at
more than 1007. a year.
Although a great nobleman at this period had, as we shall
presently see, many heavy calls upon his purse, yet people
had few imaginary wants. Our habits, in this age of luxury,
when contrasted with the severe simplicity of ancient times,
must differ almost as widely, in some respects, as did those
of the inhabitants of the Friendly Islands with the English,
when the former were visited by Captain Cook.
7 Obligingly lent by the Earl of Chichester, at the instance of my friend R. W.
Blencowe, Esq.
68
RENT-ROLL OF THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
True it is, that we find, in old inventories, vast quantities
of plate the property of individuals-Sir John Fastolfe, for
instance, one of the heroes of Agincourt, possessed not less.
than 13,400 ounces of silver in flagons and other massive
articles, and the bed-rooms at Caister were furnished with
luxuries which would then, perhaps, be regarded as effemi-
nate; still, ordinarily, great simplicity prevailed. Carpets
were used only as coverings for tables and sideboards; some-
times for chairs. Hay and rushes served for floors. A few
oaken benches and tables, raised on strong tressells, and a
pair of andirons or dogs, generally formed the whole inventory
of the best furnished apartment.
In the reign of Edward I., says Mr. Hallam-
"An income of 10l. or 20l. was reckoned a competent estate for a
gentleman; at least the lord of a single manor would seldom have enjoyed
more. A knight who possessed 150l. per annum passed for extremely
rich."9
His income was comparatively free from taxation, and its
expenditure was lightened by the services of his villeins.
Sir John Fortescue speaks of 57. a year as "a fair living for
a yeoman, a class whose importance he is not at all
inclined to diminish.¹
""
Dr. Henry, eighty years ago, observed:
"It seems to be abundantly evident, that inferior clergymen, yeomen,
respectable tradesmen, and others in the middle ranks of life, could have
lived as plentifully, in the fifteenth century, on an income of 5l. a year, of
the money of that age, as those of the same rank can live on ten times
that nominal, or five times that real income, that is, on 50l. a year, at
present.
"The precious metals of gold and silver," he continues, "have indeed
greatly increased in Britain since those times; but we must not therefore
imagine, that we are so much richer than our ancestors; because as these
metals increased in quantity, they decreased in value and efficacy.
ܪܙܙ
To proceed with our illustrations. We have particulars of
the pay of Edward the Third's army in the twentieth year of
his reign. That of the Black Prince was 20s. per diem.
The sum total is 12,720., for which, says Barrington,³ an
army and fleet of 31,294 men were to be paid and subsisted
for sixteen months.
In the expedition made by John Duke of Norfolk (then
s Archaeol. vol. xxi. p. 234.
9 Hallam's Middle Ages, vol. iii. p. 451.
' Ibid.
Henry's Hist. Eng., vol. x. p. 273.
3 Observations on the Statutes, p. 267.
RENT-ROLL OF THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
69
Lord Howard) to Scotland, as Lieutenant and Captain of
Edward IV., in 1481, with 3000 landmen and mariners, for
sixteen weeks, the payment to each man by the week is
computed at xvd. for his wages, and for his vitels xiid. The
sum total in "money wages and vitels for sixteen weeks being
VM. V. li." At this time it appears that an ox could be
bought for 20s. and a load of hay for 5s. 4d.
4
In the reign of Henry VII., 120l. was held sufficient to
found a fellowship.5
66
The whole revenues of the estate given by Margaret,
Countess of Richmond, for the foundation of Saint John's
College, Cambridge, amounted to 400l. per annum only,
which was shamefully lessened by Henry VIII. On the
fabric of that house were expended 4000l. to 5000l.,
round sum in that age," as it is termed,-small as it will
strike us for collegiate buildings of great extent. At this
time 12d. per week was allowed in common to a fellow,
and 7d. to a scholar.
6
a
The largest sum ever paid in one year at the shrine of
Thomas à Beckett, by as many as 100,000 pilgrims (1420),
did not reach one-sixth part of the Duke's income, being
only 9541. 6s. 3d.
In 1482, a grocer's shop in Cheapside, then, as now, a
main artery of the Metropolis, "with a place above it,"
(perhaps a warehouse or store for goods), was let by Lord
Howard for 47. 6s. Sd. per annum. Lord Howard seems to
have taken out the rent, in whole or in part, in groceries.
7
The vast estates of the Cliffords, in the time of the first
Earl of Cumberland (temp. Henry VIII.), in the rich vales
of Yorkshire, produced only 17197. per annum.8
From marriage settlements we may also gather what
were regarded as adequate allowances for members of
illustrious families. Thomas, Duke of Norfolk, on his marriage
with the Lady Anne, the youngest daughter of Edward
IV., settled on the lady, "for sustentation and convenient
diet in meat and drink," 20s. per week. Also a sum of
51. 11s. 8d. was to be paid for the wages, diet, and
clothing of the following persons-viz., two women, a woman-
4 Howard Household Books, edited by
J. P. Collier, Esq. Preface, p. iv., and p. 9.
5 Bishop Fisher's Funeral Sermon on
the Countess of Richmond and Derby.
Preface, p. xlv.
6 Sermon ut supra, preface, p. xlv.
7 Howard Household Books, preface,
p. xxv., and p. 351.
8 Whitaker's Craven, p. 262.
70
RENT-ROLL OF THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
child, a gentleman, a yeoman and three grooms; seven horses
were to be kept at 47s. for each horse. The Queen was to
find the lady in clothes, and to allow 1207. yearly for a
certain period.⁹
The second wife of the Shepherd Lord Clifford, who was
the daughter of Sir Henry Pudsay, of Bolton, married three
times-1st, to Sir Thomas Talbot; 2ndly, Lord Clifford;
3rdly, Richard, third son of Thomas, Marquis of Dorset.
Her first jointure, with the Knight, was 10 marks; this was
very largely exceeded when she married the Baron, who
settled upon her no less than 150l. per annum.
The mother of Henry, Lord Surrey (the Lady Elizabeth
Stafford), the daughter of the last Duke of Buckingham, on
her marriage with the before-named Thomas, Duke of Nor-
folk, received from her father a fortune of 2000 marks; the
jointure settled upon her by her husband's father was
500 marks per annum.¹
To the talents of this Lady Dr. Nott pays this high tribute
of praise" She was one of the most accomplished persons of
the times; the friend of scholars, and the patron of literature.2
On the marriage of the Earl of Surrey, his father, the
Duke of Norfolk, settled upon him lands yielding 3007. per
annum. His lady, Lady Frances Vere, brought a fortune of
4000 marks, 200 to be paid on the day of marriage, and
the remainder by half-yearly payments of 100 marks. The
Duke was to be at the charge of Lord Surrey's clothes,
Lord Oxford of those for the Lady Frances.3
But we shall probably form the most accurate idea how
very much might be effected with a rental of 60007. in the
reign of Henry VI., by seeing how far any sum in round
numbers (1000l. for instance) would go in housekeeping,
both in those days and somewhat later.
Take the monastery of Glastonbury, well entitled, both
from its splendour and its possessions, to stand foremost, as
it does, in Dugdale's Monasticon. Its head had precedence
of all the abbots in England until 1154, when that distinction
was transferred to Saint Alban's. At the Dissolution, the
revenues of this monastery were estimated at 35087.; and
what was its state and condition at that period? It was not
only a religious house and an asylum for poverty, but it
9 Nott's Surrey and Wyatt, vol. i. p. vi.
1 Nott, ut supra, p. viii.
2 Nott's Surrey, Preface, p. viii.
3 Nott, ut supra, p. xxiii.
RENT-ROLL OF THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
71
presented the pleasing picture of a well-disciplined court,
where the sons of noblemen and gentlemen were educated.
Whiting, the last abbot, whose cruel treatment-his murder
we may call it was equalled only by the bloody deeds of
Judge Jefferies in the same part of England in a later age,
had himself bred up nearly 300 young men of good birth in
the short space of fifteen years, besides others of inferior
degree, who were fitted for the Universities. He sometimes
entertained 500 persons of rank at one time. On Wednesdays
and Fridays all the poor in the neighbourhood were relieved,
and when he went abroad he was attended by upwards of
100 persons. Yet this vast household, and this extensive.
hospitality, with the expenses attached to a great monastic
establishment, the due performance of Divine service, the
maintenance of buildings, and countless other outgoings, were
sustained, as we see, for about 35087. per annum.
To another monastery we will refer, as we have the
accounts before us. About 1533 the sum expended at
Whalley Abbey, in Lancashire, upon animal food alone was
1431. 18s. 2d., which multiplied by ten would be equivalent.
to 14007. of our money, and giving so many pounds of meat
to each person (when animal food formed a much larger
proportion of diet than at present) would have fed 162
persons daily at the Abbot's table.
Other large monasteries or religious houses were valued at
the Dissolution, at the following sums:-
Westminster at 39771. (Speed)-34711. (Dugdale).
Saint Alban's at 25101.
Tewkesbury at 15987.
Sion, the best endowed Nunnery in the kingdom, at 19947.*
The vast quantities of food which were furnished from the
estates of noblemen and of religious houses, would, of course,
materially reduce the cost of maintaining their immense
establishments.
Let us next take a review of the expenses of the household
of a powerful and wealthy nobleman. By the Northumber-
land Household Book, it appears that, in 1512 (65 years
after the date of this rental), 1000l. was annually assigned
for keeping the Earl's house. The number of the household
was not less than 166 persons; the weekly sum to each
Taylor's Index Monasticus, Diocese of Norwich, p. viii.
72
RENT-ROLL OF THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
person being 2s. 34d., or 6l. Os. 5 d. per annum. Bishop
Percy computes this sum (taking wheat at 5s. 8d. per
quarter in 1512, against 5s. per bushel in his own time) at
447. 17s. 6d. for each individual, which, amounting to nearly
70007. per annum, would express to us clearly the abundance
and the liberality of the general scale of the Earl's
housekeeping.
But large as were the sums actually paid at this period,
in a vast establishment, for provisions for mere eating and
drinking-they formed but one item of expenditure.
As additional outgoings we may enumerate :-
1. The wardrobe of persons of rank, including the jewel-
lery, furs, chains, velvets, cloth of gold and embroidery. So
magnificent and expensive were these, that it has been said,
many of the nobles "carried their castles, woods, and farms
on their backs."5 The velvet for a nobleman's robe in the
17 Hen. VIII. is estimated at 17. 11s. 8d. the yard, the dress
amounting to 267. 2s. 6d., nearly 2007. of our money. Black
satin at 8s. per yard.
The parson's livery at this time cost one mark-13s. 4d.
2. The wages paid and liveries furnished to a very numerous
household.
3. The armoury, horses, and harness, and the carriages
required for the removal of the contents of one castle to
another. This was a singular feature in the manners of the
times, the owners of castles removing from one to another,
furnishing each, as it was from time to time required, for
their reception.
4. The keeping in repair the castles and dwellings, and
the restoration of churches and chapels.
5. Donations in money, or in money's worth, towards the
building, rebuilding, or restoration of many of our cathedrals
and churches. These were oftentimes granted with a libe-
rality befitting the object. We must gladly advert to the
spirit the large and generous spirit of ancient days, when
fortunes were cast into the offerings to God; when one
person would accomplish what, with some splendid exceptions,
we now require a society, a town, or parish to undertake.
In the twelfth century, on the rebuilding the abbey and
church of Croyland, a knight laid one stone, and placed on
it 20%.; another knight 10 marks; his wife and sister pro-
5 Henry's Hist. Eng., vol. ii. 135.
RENT-ROLL OF THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
73
6
vided each a stone-cutter to work at their expense for two
years; a neighbouring abbot 107.; a baron, with his lady,
their eldest son and daughter, placed the four next stones,
offering on them the title-deeds of the advowsons of four
neighbouring churches. The proceedings at that festival
furnish an excellent example for us at the present day. We
may add, under this head, the tapestry and other furniture
required in a chapel, the lights, altar-cloths, richly em-
broidered copes, gifts of plate and vestments, and other
articles for the services of the church. Also the offerings
made to images, and at shrines and tombs.
6. Expenses attending the chase and out-door amuse-
ments; payments to huntsmen, falconers, and watermen.
"The mystery of woods, and the mystery of rivers," were
necessary occupations for furnishing the tables, as well as
daily sources of amusement."
7. Rewards and costly presents, including the offerings at
festivals before spoken of; the payments to silversmiths for
presents, often appear in household books as disbursements of
very large amount.
8. Payments to theatrical servants, "Associations of
Players," as they were sometimes called, kept by the aris-
tocracy, or for occasional performances.
Lastly, let us not omit private charities. From the
Howard Household Books, printed by the Roxburghe Club,
and ably edited by Mr. Payne Collier, already referred to,
extending from 1481 to 1483, we find that the private
charities of Lord Howard, the first Duke of Norfolk, and his
family, were both general and extensive. Few pages, says
Mr. Collier, occur in which alms are not recorded, apparently
as a necessary part of the household expenditure.s
In a subsequent age this good practice continued. Anne,
Countess of Pembroke, during her residence at each of her
castles, every Monday morning caused 10s. to be distributed
amongst 20 poor householders of the place, besides the daily
alms which she gave at her gates to all that came.9 A
nobleman, as in the case of Lord Howard, often expended no
trifling sums in the maintenance of youths at the Universities,
335.
6 Berington's Literary Hist. of the Middle Ages, p. 216.
7 Ellis's Specimens of the Early English Poets, vol. i.
8 Household Books, ut supra, p. xxv.
• Southey's Colloquies, ii. 137.
i. P.
74
RENT-ROLL OF THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
sometimes paying the whole sum required, sometimes allowing
the parents to pay a part of the cost of education, and con-
tributing the rest himself. We may suppose that boys of
promising abilities were selected, whose friends were little
able to make any allowance or exhibition, and we must agree
with Mr. Collier in regarding this as "most beneficial and
enlightened liberality."2
There is an indorsement on this Roll, which must not be
passed over; it is entitled annuitates, a list of payments
annually made to eighty-four persons, amounting altogether
to the sum of 585l. 9s. 1d. It commences with an allowance
of 100l. to the Duchess Anne, which, if pin money, must
have been a liberal allowance. This payment is followed by
others to ten knights, varying from 40 marks to 201. To
twenty-seven esquires, 107., 10 marks, and 57.
To Garter King at Arms, 40s.
To Buckingham the Pursuivant, 47.
To 4 females, Elisabeth Drury and 3 others, annuities of
201., 5l., and 5 marks.
To 4 trumpeters, and 15 other persons, annuities of 40s.,
5 marks, 4 marks, and 20s.
One entry may be noticed, "Thome Tyler, Tegulatori," as
a plain proof of the origin of a surname from a trade or
occupation.
Amongst the knights and esquires are members of several
distinguished families; the larger proportion of them are of
Cheshire blood, viz., Mainwaring, Warburton, Hanford,
Egerton, Devonport, Venables, Grosvenour, and Donne (Done).
This fact I have not been able to account for. The mere
possession of Macclesfield Castle could not have led to so
intimate a connexion between the Duke and the families of
that county. The net revenue received from it is exceedingly
small, only 4l. 6s.
From the border county of Staffordshire the revenue was
large, and some few names of ancient families belonging to
it are found in the list; Curzon and Basset, for example.
Many of these knights and esquires, if not all, may have
been pages or members of the Duke's household.
In the expenses of Whalley Abbey there are gifts to Lord
Stanley (67. 13s. 4d.), and also to knights, esquires, and
gentlemen. For what services, in days of tranquillity, these
2 Household Books, ut supra, p. xxvi.
RENT-ROLL OF THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
75
1
pensions to gentry could have been conferred, Whitaker
remarks, it is not easy to conceive, unless for past services,
or that they are given to them in the character of retainers,
when those services should be required in a military or civil
capacity.
Henry, Earl of Northumberland, in the reign of Henry
VII., addressed a brief notice to Sir Randall Pygot, Sir
William Stapleton, and five other knights and esquires, "to be
ready upon an ower warning." These were the Earl's feed-
men, receiving his wages. When the king made his progress
in the north, the Earl met him a little beyond Robin Hood's
Stone, with thirty-three knights of his feed-men, besides
esquires and yeomen.*
No feature is more pleasing than the practice which then
prevailed, of the English nobility and gentry placing their
children as pages in the households of distinguished indi-
viduals. In the Lives of the Lindsays, Lord Lindsay has
grouped the society at one of the Castles of his ancestors
in the fifteenth century, as consisting of the Earl and his
immediate family, guests, ladies attendant upon the wife
and daughter, pages of noble or gentle birth-these last
are described as gentleman-cadets (generally the younger
branches of the family, who were attached to its head as
servitors or feudal followers)-the Earl's own domestic
officers, being gentlemen of quality, chaplains and secretary-
chamberlain, marischall and armour-bearer.+
Ben Jonson, in his play, "The New Inn," has perhaps
given us the best idea of this judicious regulation, when
every house became an academy of honour, and tended to
supply the existing want of Eton and Westminster, then,
perhaps, almost entirely devoted to the education of
ecclesiastics:
"Call you that desperate, which, by a line
Of institution, from our ancestors,
Hath been derived down to us, and received
In a succession, for the noblest way
Of breeding up our youth, in letters, arms,
Fair mien, discourses, civil exercise,
And all the blazon of a Gentleman ?
Where can he learn to vault, to ride, to fence,
To move his body gracefuller, to speak
His language purer, or to tune his mind,
Or manners, more to the harmony of nature,
Than in these nurseries of nobility?"-BEN JONSON.
New Inn, Act i., Scene 1.
Plumpton Correspondence, p. 53.
Lives of the Lindsays, vol. i. p. 114.
G
76
RENT-ROLL OF THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
If the disguised Lord Frampul, in this comedy, gives an
accurate picture of Jonson's own days, it would seem that
this institution had greatly degenerated, "that the age of
Chivalry was gone," and that pages then occupied themselves
in low and degrading pursuits.
I pass over any detailed statements regarding other
members of this house; but we must shortly notice Henry,
the second duke, "high-reaching Buckingham," or, as
Richard is pleased to call him, "the petty rebel, dull-
brain'd Buckingham."
A dialogue between the king and this dangerous subject,
in Shakspeare's Richard III., has erroneously led to the
belief that the moiety of the estates of the Earl of Hereford,
claimed by Buckingham (who possessed the other part
as the descendant of Anne Bohun), was withheld from him.
Dugdale, on the contrary, gives us an abstract of the Bill
founded on letters patent, "1st of Richard III., for livery
of all those lands to the Duke, whereunto he pretended a
right by descent from Humphrey de Bohun, sometime Earl
of Hereford and Constable of England," together with a
schedule of the castles and manors that was affixed to it,
the annual value being 1084/. 1s. 9d.
In this bill Richard says, that "his beloved cosyn, Henry,
Duke of Buckingham, is the rightful inheritor of such inhe-
ritances as were of the same earl."
Here therefore was a clear gift; Richard (says Holinshed)
promised "golden hills and silver rivers" to Buckingham,5
and he apparently fulfilled his promise, but the duke,
perhaps, never enjoyed these estates, as his life was forfeited
in the following year.
It is to be observed that Shakespeare does not make the
duke ask for lands, but for the earldom of Hereford and the
promised "moveables."
Now what is meant by this last word may be gathered
from various authorities, especially from inventories. There
is a most comprehensive list of jewels, apparel and moveables,
late belonging to the Duke of Norfolk and his accomplished
son, given by Mr. Nott from the originals in the Land
Revenue Office, of which it is stated that the Protector
Somerset, after the death of Henry VIII., retained for himself
the lion's share. These must have been of immense value,
6
5 Lives of the Lindsays, vol. iii, 416.
Nott's Surrey, vol. i., appendix cx.
RENT-ROLL OF THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
77
and the Duke of Buckingham doubtless felt that though he
obtained honours, castles and manors, yet if the moveables of
the Earl of Hereford were kept back, he was still defrauded
of his just rights.
Sad as was his fate, we cannot lament it, as this duke was
the accomplice of some of the blackest crimes committed by
Richard III.; and though he was the chief instrument of
that monarch's ambition, yet his son himself admits, in the
language of Shakespeare, that his noble father, Henry of
Buckingham, actually "first rais'd head against usurping
Richard."
From one most serious charge I am anxious to vindicate
this nobleman, as it must be admitted to rest on very doubtful
authority. Carte tells us that the duke hoped to have been
admitted into Richard's presence at Salisbury, designing, as
his son afterwards said, to have stabbed him with a knife,
provided secretly for the purpose.7 Carte quotes Lord
Herbert as his authority. The latter refers to the articles
exhibited against the last Duke of Buckingham, grounded on
the evidence of his discarded Steward or Surveyor, Knevet.
That base dependant asserted to Wolsey that the duke would
have played the part towards Henry VIII., which his father
intended to have put in practice against Richard III. at
Salisbury. The Scene in Shakspeare's Henry VIII., (Act.
I., Scene 2) with the dignified rebuke of Queen Katherine to
Knevet, when accusing his late master, will immediately
recur to my readers.
The whole charge, therefore, appears to rest upon the tes-
timony of one who betrayed his master, and who only received
the report second hand, and Lord Herbert adds, "how far
these particulars were proved, and in what sort, my authors
deliver not."8
The reasons that prompted Duke Henry to take arms
against his former friend and ally are not clearly stated.
Richard and the Duke separated at Gloucester, More says,
"in the most loving and trusty manner," and the Duke went
to Brecknock “loaded with rich gifts and high behests." Sir
James Macintosh is mistaken in his conjecture that no share
in the spoils followed a share in the guilt; for though he
obtained not all that he required, yet riches and honours, as
7 Carte's Hist. Eng., vol ii. p. 814; vol. iii. p. 40.
$ See Buck's Rich. III.; Kennett's Hist. Eng., vol. i. p. 530.
G 2
78
RENT-ROLL OF THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
9
we have seen, were showered upon the head of Buckingham
by Richard in no sparing measure. Possibly Richard may
have waded further into blood than the Duke expected; or,
as a descendant of Edward III., Buckingham might have
wished to hurl Richard from a throne stained with the blood
of his brother's children. Friendship, if it ever existed
between these two men, was turned to hate. As regarded
Buckingham, discontent and envy ripened into conspiracy
and rebellion. More says,
"He was an high-minded
man, and could ill bear the glory of another." Shakespeare
gives him, in his last hours, an accusing conscience-
"O let me think on Hastings,"
in whose destruction he had concurred.
In
The last days of the Duke's life will remind us of the
many similar incidents which occurred to another peer of
later days-the Duke of Monmouth. Both had been dis-
tinguished by the Royal favour in a more than common.
measure. Both were weak, vain, and ambitious men.
the rebellions they raised, they were received favourably by
the people. Both assumed the title of king. Large rewards
in money were in both cases offered for their apprehension;2
but whether both were betrayed, is, as respects Monmouth, not
very clear. The same privations and necessities were expe-
rienced by both, the once powerful Buckingham being, when
captured, disguised as a countryman digging in a grove, and
the Duke of Monmouth being found concealed in furze
bushes. The Duke of Buckingham was hurried to the
scaffold without the form of trial; the Duke of Monmouth
suffered by virtue of his previous attainder, and without any
formal trial by his brother peers.
3
To carry on the parallel one step further-the two
monarchs, against whom these peers had combined, were
severally hurled from their thrones soon after their subjects
had paid the penalty of their own misdeeds.
Lord Bagot has, in the 25th Vol. of the Archæologia,
given an interesting record connected with Edward the third
and last Duke, in whom it may be remembered the post of
Lord High Constable of England, for several ages hereditary
in the family of the Bohuns, became extinct.
9 Kennett's Hist. Eng., vol. ii. p. 41.
Turner's Hist. Eng., vol. iii. p. 500.
2 £1000 for Buckingham, Carte, ii, 814.
3 Rapin, vol. iii. p. 749.
RENT-ROLL OF THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
79
The Household Book in his lordship's possession extends
over seven months of one year (27th Hen. VII.), and shows
the Duke's expenditure in London, at Thornbury, and on
journeys to and from London and Gloucestershire; every-
thing is stated with wonderful exactness as to the price of
every article of consumption for man and beast, and the
quantities of each article consumed.
In this year (1507) was celebrated the Feast of the Epiphany
at Thornbury Castle by a party of 459, of whom 134 were
gentry. The religious services of the day were rendered
more impressive by the presence of the Abbot of Kings-
wood, and the choir consisted of eighteen men and nine
boys.*
The actual amount of the income of this nobleman, Lord
Bagot informs me, he has never yet been able to discover
throughout the Stafford MSS. This valuable collection, com-
prised in 13 folio volumes, is now safely deposited amongst
his Lordship's archives. The MSS. are of various ages and
descriptions. Two cartularies contain copies of deeds,
creations of nobility, and other matters of moment.
The eldest son of this last-named Duke was Henry
Stafford, who was restored in blood, but admitted only to
the barony of Stafford in 1547. The great estates, says
Camden, writing in 1607, which the Staffords had gained
by their honourable marriages, are all fled and scattered, in
lieu whereof they enjoy a happy security.
A small provision was granted to this Baron out of these
immense estates which had been forfeited. Afterwards a
grant was made to him of Stafford Castle, but the whole
property yielded only the small yearly sum of 3177. 13s. 1d.
These were all the possessions which he and his wife had
to live upon.
He could not sing or say with the good
Countess of Pembroke, in her mis-metred lines
"From many noble Progenitors I hold
Transmitted lands, castles, and honours which they swayed of old.”
Wood speaks of him as a man of great "virtue, learning, and
piety," who, in a calm and innocent retirement, endea-
voured to avert his mind from his misfortunes by a close
application to literature, and in assisting others who were
busied in similar employments. At his suggestion, the well-
4 Archæologia, vol. xxv. p. 323.
80
RENT-ROLL OF THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
known Metrical Chronicle, "The Mirror for Magistrates,"
was undertaken, and, through his influence, it
licensed. 5
it was
Like the Shepherd Lord Clifford, he might have been the
happiest of his race, and falling upon quiet times, was
enabled, like him, to indulge the peaceful and thoughtful
disposition which his early fortunes had produced.
În 1556, Lord Stafford appears to have compiled a cata-
logue of books remaining in Stafford Castle. In ten years.
afterwards a very different list of such books as remained was
made out a touching fact, as many of them had doubtless
been parted with from necessity. Lord Bagot says, that
about this time "the great house of Stafford was fast approach-
ing its end, reduced from powerful princes to the most
distressed and needy individuals." The peer whose father, as
we have seen, had entertained four hundred and fifty-nine
persons at his board, was obliged to part even with his silver
spoons to procure actual subsistence. His grandson, Roger
Stafford, Sir Harris Nicolas observes, was actually denied the
dignity of Baron, which he claimed on the death of Henry,
the fifth Baron, a bachelor, on the ground of his poverty, and
as he had become the brother-in-law of a joiner, and the
uncle of a shoemaker, it would have been a mockery to have
encircled his brows with a coronet. Truly
"The bows of the mighty men were broken."
This nobleman, Henry, Baron Stafford, standing, as it
were, amidst the ruins which the ambition of his ancestors
had caused to be scattered around him, when "considering
the days of old, and the years that were past," might yet be
thankful that he enjoyed the "happy security" of which
Camden speaks, and that, although deprived of the vast
wealth, and of the almost unlimited power possessed by his
forefathers, his humble and peaceful lot altogether exempted
him from the fearful vicissitudes to which they had been
subjected.
Had he, indeed, repined at his fate; had he sighed for
what Johnson enumerates-
"The golden czuopy, the glittering plate,
The regal palace, the luxurious board,
The liv'ried army, and the menial lord,”
Athen. Oxon., I. 261.
RENT-ROLL OF THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
81
the same great man and real poet might, if living, have thus
addressed him, and, when we regard his circumstances and
his place of residence, not inaptly—
"Speak thou whose thoughts at humble peace repine,
Shall Wolsey's wealth, with Wolsey's end be thine?
Or liv'st thou now, with safer pride content,
The wisest justice on the banks of Trent?
For, why did Wolsey near the steeps of fate,
On weak foundations raise th' enormous weight?
Why but to sink beneath misfortune's blow,
With louder ruin to the gulphs below?"
The Vanity of Human Wishes.
It may be interesting to some readers to have a specimen of the Valor, or
Rent-Roll; the following portion of it has therefore been selected, comprising
the estates in Holderness, in the county of York, referred to at p. 66.
DOMINIUM DE HOLDERNES.
Preston, Lelley et Dyke,-Spratley,— Estanwyk,—Burton Pidse,—Skeeling,—
Bondbristwyk, Kayngham,-Outhorn,-Withornese,- Kilnese, - Esyngton,-Skeft-
ling,-Barowe,
Skipse-burgus, - Hedon, -Cleton,-
Lanuath,-Moys,-Tainstall,-Dunceley,-Helpston,-Holdernes,-Kayngham Mersk,
Skipse-maner,
-
Pauleflete,
Littel Humbr,-Brustwick,--Berneston,—¹
Somina Totalis valoris omnium dominiorum, maneriorum, terrarum et tenementorum
dictorum infra dominium predictum, sicut supra continetur, 9497. 11s. 44d. unde de -
Redd' et firm'
Exit' Husbond
Annual' Casual.'
Perquis' Cur.'
£ s. d.
548 15 11
267 6 51
86 8 5
47 0 7
Somma Total' deduction' predict ibidem hoc anno, sicut supra continetur,
1187. Os. 94d. unde de-
Redd' resolut
Relaxac 'redd' cum decas redd' et firm
Feod,' vad' et stipend ' ministrorum
Expen' senescalli cum necessariis
£
s. d.
13 10
24 16 83
9 14 6
14
3 10
7 11 1
Prepos' et
Reparacion' hoc anno
Cust' Husbond' cum stipend
Husbond,' cum emcione bladi et stauri
Famulor' ejusdem, reparacion' dom,' maner,'
Amerc,' et al' casual' posit' in respect'
Decima Herbag' solut.'
55 18 3
3 8 8
1 13 101
Et valet ultra hoc anno.-8311. 10s. 7d.-Inde Deduct' in Feod' et vad' diversor
1 I am indebted to the kindness of
Sir Charles Anderson, Bart., who, on
comparison of this list with the names of
places in Holderness, as given in Poulson's
History, remarks that the existing names
closely correspond with the above, with
some slight variations, such as Sproutley,
Elstanwick, Burstwick, &c. Moys is now
written Meaux. Barrowe may be Barrow
on Humber, in Lincolnshire. In a MS.
at Burton Constable, in the possession of
Sir Clifford Constable, Lord Paramount
of Holderness, Sir Charles finds Bond
Burstwick, Lambthorpe, Hildeston, and
Marisc, possibly identical with Lanwath,
Helpston, and Mersk, in the list above
given. Dunceley in that record may be
Nun-keeling, and Cleton may be Carleton.
82
RENT-ROLL OF THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
:
Officiar,' cum salario cappellani, et in expens' senesc,' Rec' et Aud' allocat' in
compoto Receptoris ibidem, hujus anno, ut patet ibidem, 467. 4s. 7½d.
Et valet ultra onera anual hoc anno, 7851. 7s. 11d. Inde Deduct' in annuitat'
Johannis Constable, armigeri, 107., Roberti Danby 21., et Thome Berston 10 marc.,
eisdem per dominum concess,' ut patet per comp' Receptoris predictum, 15l. 6s. 8d.
Et valet ultra hoc anno-7691. 19s. 3d. Inde Deduct' in reparacion' ibidem hoc
anno fact,' et in dicto compoto recept' allocat' (14l. 3s. 1d.) et respectuat'
(157. 16s. 8d.) cum expens' for' et necessariis (6s. 8d.) ut patet in eodem compoto.
-327. 12s. 1d.
Et valet ultra hoc anno clare-7371. 7s. 2 d. qui faciunt in marc' 1106 marc'
-6 d.
EXTRACTS FROM THE FERMOR ACCOUNTS, A.D. 1580.
BY EVELYN PHILIP HIRLEY, ESQ.
THE following extracts relate to the executorship accounts, on the death of
Thomas Fermor, of Somerton, in the county of Oxford, who died August 8,
1580. He was a younger brother of Sir John Fermor, ancestor of the
Earls of Pomfret, and progenitor of a family long seated at Somerton, and
afterwards at Tusmore, in the same county, extinct, I believe, on the death
of William Fermor, of Tusmore, in 1828.
In the "Gentleman's Magazine," 1827, (vol. xcvii., part 1, p. 113,) will
be found an account of Somerton, and of this family; and also in "Baker's
Northamptonshire," under Croughton (vol. i., page 599), is a pedigree of
the Fermors of Tusmore.
Thomas Fermor, by his will, dated June 15, 1580, appointed George
Shirley, Esq., afterwards Sir George Shirley, of Staunton Harold, Baronet,
whom he calls "his loving kinsman and friend," his principal executor ;
and among many other particular directions enjoined as follows:
I will that my executors shall, as soon as conveniently may be after
my death, provide at my charge six fair large paper books, in every of
which shall be written by Francis Capp, now my apprentice, if he be living.
and at convenient leasure, and in his absence by Richard Jackson, my
apprentice, and if they both die or be absent, by some person hired yearly
for 20s. at my charges, the true copy of this my last will and testament,
and a true and perfect rental of all my lands, tenements, and heredita-
ments, and of all my leases; and also a true and perfect inventory of all
such jewels, plate, money, bedding, napery, brass, pewter, utensils of
house, horses, beasts, sheep, and other goods, lands, cattels, whatsoever
I shall have at the time of my death, and also all my debts due to me, or
by me and in every of the said six books, my executors shall yearly cause
to be written particularly the sole contents and effect of their audit, and
that is, how much money they do receive, of whom, and for what cause,
and what they did disburse, to whom, and for what cause; of the which
six books my will is, that every of my five executors shall have one in his
own custody, and that the sixth shall remain in my house at Somerton, in
the custody of the forenamed James Smith, to the use of my heir, by the
which he knowing what I leave, and what is spent, he may call for that
remaineth.
And I will that every of my executors shall, at the end of the same
audit, set his name yearly to the foot of their account in every of the six
books, and I bequeath to every of my executors coming to the said audit,
serving and taking the same account, and setting his hand to every of the
six books, five pounds yearly, of lawful English money, over and above the
charge to be bestowed in or at the said audit, [which] with all things.
thereto incident, my will is, shall be defrayed at my only costs; and I will
that if any executor shall not come to the said audit, or do not hear or take
the account, and set his hand to every of the said six books, that then,
that year wherein he fails, he shall have just nothing."
1 He was his great nephew.
84
EXTRACTS FROM THE FERMOR ACCOUNTS.
From one of the "six large paper books," now in my possession, and
which formerly belonged to Sir George Shirley, the extracts which follow
have been made. The book commences, in conformity with the above-
recited regulations, with the will of Mr. Fermor; then follows a rental of
his estates, and then an inventory of his effects, “taken the first of Sep-
tember, 1580." The account taken at the audit at Somerton, on the 6th
of December, 1580, succeeds, which is followed by a regular annual state-
ment of accounts, until the last audit held on the 3rd of December, 1595.
The book concludes with certain copies of releases, and other deeds,
executed in 1596 and 1597, on the coming of age of Richard, son and
heir of Thomas Fermor; by which it appears that Mary, mentioned in
her father's will, was the only surviving daughter of Thomas Fermor, and
had married [in 1590] Francis Plowden, of Plowden, in the county of
Salop, Esq.
It would appear also that Richard was about five years old at his father's
death in 1580; and was until his seventeenth year brought up at home,
under a private tutor, who was paid 40s. per annum. In 1592, he was
entered of the Inner Temple, and at the same time put upon an allowance
of 801. per annum.
The annual value of the estates is estimated at 2211. 9s. 6d.
Extracts from the " accoumpts taken at the audit begone at Somerton,
in the county of Oxford, the vi day of December, in the xxiij yere of the
reigne of or Sou'eigne Lady Quene Elizabeth, by George Shirley, esquier,
Nicholas Farmor and Benett Wynchcombe, gentlemen, Wyll'm Mercer
& James Smyth, yeomen, executors of the last will and testament of
Thomas Farmor, esquyer, deceased. 1580."
Relating to the means taken to obtain the wardship of Richard Fermor,
son and heir of Thomas Fermor, Esq.
Payments:
MR. SHIRLEI'S ACCOMPTE.
It. for horsemeate when he went to deale wth the L. Compton for R. Farmor
MR. PULTON'S ACCOMPte.
It. paid to Mr. Pulton for his travell about the obtaynynge the wardshipp,
drawyng both the offyces and the rates, and sytting uppon the same
offyces .
MR. BENETT WINCHCOMBE'S ACCOMPTS.
It. geven to Sr Christopher Hattous man for wrytinge a l're to my L.
Treasurer
It. geven Mr Bradshawe, wch first moved my Lady to deale in yt
It. p'mysed Mr Medlie vli, & pd him iiili; geven to Mr Barnard, one of my L.
Secretary's iiili
It. geven to sped my Ladies chamberlain .
It. for wrytinge ii letters to my Lady Bourley
It. geven to my Lady Bourley for obtayning the wardship
iiiis viiid
yli xvis
Is
X-li
vili
iiili
xiid
celli
FUNERAL EXPENSES.
Anno 1580.
It. pd to John Warter & Francis Brampton, for 158 yards & half of blacke
cloth, for the buryall of my uncle
It. pd for a mournynge clocke for my self
lxxxxyli viiis xd
iiili
2 Ferdinando Pulton, of Borcton, in the county of Buckingham, one of the most cclc-
brated lawyers of the day.
EXTRACTS FROM THE FERMOR ACCOUNTS.
85
It. pd for ii dossen Scutchins of all sorts, xlviiis; and allowed Capp his
chargs taryeng for them, vis vid
It. to John Horskep' for rosen, wax, and spice
It. to the barber for bowelinge my m
It. to the husbandman to buy wax at Banbery
It. for veale at the funerall day
It. geven the precher
It. to Lacy for spice
It. to Pollard for making the boyes clothes, and the poore mens gownes
It. for cloth for the hearse
It. to the joyner for a monethe's work
1582.
It. geven to poore folke to praye for Mr Fermor
EXPENSES OF THE TESTATOR'S TOMB.
liiis vid
xis
ps
Xs
xixs vid
XS
iis
iiis viiid
xxiid
xis vid
iis vid
1582.
It. that he laid out for the testator's tombe
It. his man's charg's going about the same
It. to the waynman that brought the tombe
It. for the waynman's chargs & theire cattels
It to the mason for making the foundat❜on of the tombe
·
It. for the foundat'on of the tombe more then is before sett downe
1583.
•
It. for hindgs and a lock for the grate wch standeth before the tombe
It. for Gabryll Royl's 3 bord before the audytt began, for fortnyght & iij days,
& for his man's bord for iij weiks, in making the tombe
It. for Gabryll Royl's bord and his men's for iij weicks after the audytt
It. for his horse meat v wecks & 4 days
•
•
It. to Thomas Row for making the grate, and teasterne over the tombe
It. to the p'son for ii oken planks towards making of the grate befor the
tombe
•
It. to Hawis, of Goddington, for paynting the tombe
It. paid the tombe maker more then his bargaine was for making the same
xxli
iiis
iiiili
iiis viijd
viis
Jpd
xviiid
xiis vid
XVS
Ivs
TS
•
iiijs
xls
•
PAYMENTS RELATING TO THE DRESS, &C., OF THE CHILDREN.
Anno 1580.
It. a pillion, a cloth, and other furniture for my cozen Mary
Pd for xii weickes bord for Mr. Richard Farmor and his man, at viis the
weicke .
allowed to pay the scholemaster
It. for a clocke, clothe, and other apparell' and necessary things for
Mres Mary
It. a caule of bewgle for Mary Farmor, and a lyninge to yt
It. paid Mr Farmor, that he paid for makinge the children's mournyng
apparell
41
It. a yard of ffreasadowe for Mres Mary, viis vid; half yard durance, xviiid;
a bugle, call, and a lyniynge, iiiis viiid; an ell' bone lace, xviii; iiij
calles, xvid; an ell cameryck, xs; an ell holland, iiiis; half ell hol-
land, iiiis
The
3 Gabryel Royle or Royley was son of Richard
Royley, both well-known" tomb-makers” at
Burton-upon-Trent. They were the par-
ties who, about this time, also erected a
tomb for John Shirley, father of George,
still remaining in the church of Bredon-on-
the-Hill, in the county of Leicester.
neighbourhood of Burton is celebrated for
alabaster. At the end of the executorship
accounts is a copy of the indenture between
Mr. Shirley and the Royleys for the erection
of the tomb. It is worded in a very similar
manner to that for John Shirley, before
referred to, and which is printed in "Stem-
mata Shirleiana," p. 60.
T-S
•
xlviis
•
iiijli iiijs
xlviis id
•
vs viijd
ixs viiid
xxxiiiis vid
Here, however,
an effigy of a lady was to be also contracted
for. This agreement will be found appended
to these extracts from the Fermor accounts.
(See p. 185.)
4 Freasadowe, Ital. frisada, which, ac-
cording to Florio, signifies "the stuffe called
frizado," probably a finer kind of frize or
rugg-cloth. He gives also, "Frisetta, fine
frize, cotton, bayes, or penystone; also fine
frizado."—Ital. Dict., 1611. Durance was
possibly the same tissue which was termed
"cloth of lasting."
86
EXTRACTS FROM THE FERMOR ACCOUNTS.
It. an ounce of blacke silke, xxiid; to the caryer for bringing downe these
things, iid
It. for a pare of shewes for Mres Mary
Anno 1581.
It. pd for a payre of knitt hose for Mres Mary Farmor
It. pd for a payre of shuse
It. for a payre of gloves
It. for vi dozen of basket lace
It. for silk rybband
It. for pyns
It. for v yards & half of duble morkadoes for a petticot
6
It. for ij ownces & half de q' of partyrmet lace, at iis p' ownce
It. for a q' of murrey sarsnet.
It. for an ownce of statut lace
It. for eys and clasps
It. for iij pr of yelow taffita for sleives for her silke gowne
It. for mockadoe for a worke-day gowne
It. to the taylor for making ii gownes and a petticoate .
It. for vi yards of cloth for smocks
It. for an ell of holland to make sleives, gorgets, and coyfs
It. for ij cales, parcell silver, and gylt
It. for a cale and shadoe7
•
It. delyvered Mrs. Mary, when she went to my L. garrad's [Gerrards]
It. to her that loked to her when she was sicke
It. geven Doctor Smith for going to my cosine Mary
iis iiii
viid
iis
viijd
vid
XS
•
iijd
•
It. for a greine cote, a hatt, and a vellet girdell for Mr. Richard Fermor
It. to the scowlemaster for his whole yere's payns, from Christmas last till
Christmas next, for Mr. Richard Fermor
1582.
It. for the borde of Mr. Richard Fermor and James his s'vnte, for one
whole yere, at viiis the weke, viz. from Christmas last to Christmas next
It. for suger-candie to avoyde fleme, his mouthe and throte being sore
It. for a dozen of poynts for hym to playe wth
8
It. for ij litle boxes to kepe his poynts and counters in
It. for fyggs to victor wth in lent, at dyv's times [?]
It. Mr. Richard Fermor gave awaye at New-yere's tide
It. for pynnes for hym to play wth at Christmas
It. for a silke string to tie his new knife
It. for claspes for his shert-bands
It. for a penner and inckehorne
•
iid
•
ixs iid
vs iiid
Xpd
xiiiid
iid
viis viid
xiis
xiiijs
vis id
viis
xiijs
iiij
•
iiijs
iijs iiijd
S
xvis xd
•
x18
xxli xvis
ijd
iiid
iiiid
vid
•
vid
ijd
•
id
jd
vu
It. for iij elnes and a qua'r of hollande to make hym shertes, at xxid th'elne viis vd
5 "Morkadoc, mockado, a stuff made in
imitation of velvet, and sometimes called
mock velvet."Nares.
6 Lace of four kinds is here named,―bone,
partyrmet, basket, and statute lace. Randal
Holme, in the Academy of Armory, 1688,
(B. iii., c. 3,) gives many terms connected
with the fabrication of lace, and divides the
craft, seemingly, betwixt the two principal
classes of "bone lace and parchment lace-
makers." The former has been defined as
made of flaxen thread, and named from the
use of bobbins of bone in the process of
its manufacture. Parchemyne, passemyne,
or passamaine lace, a term not noticed
by Nares, has been explained as so termed
from the parchment upon which it was
worked, either as a pattern or for greater
facility in the fabrication. (Sec Miss Strick-
land's note in her Life of Queen Mary,
p. 235.) Cotgrave gives " Passament, a
lace;" and Florio (Ital. Dict., 1598,) "Pas-
samano, any kind of lace; also bordering
or garding for garments. Passamano d'accia,
statute lace, crewell lace." (See further,
Sir Fr. Madden's Privy Purse Expenses of
the Princess Mary, pp. 97, 143, 253.) In
Harl. MS., 1376, in a list of effects of Ed-
ward VI., is mentioned "passemyne lace;"
as also in Harl. MS. 1419, and in the Cus-
tom-house Rates of Mary, printed 1582.
Some confusion of terms seems to have been
made between passement and parchment.
7 Cale and shadoe, a cawl and bongrace, or
projecting hat. The former was occasionally
set with pearls or bugles. Bonne-grace,
th' uppermost flap of the down-hanging taile
of a French hood, whence belike our Boon-
grace."―Cotgrave. "Velaregli, bonegraces,
shadowes, vailes, or launes, that women use
to weare on their foreheads for the sunne."
--Florio. (See Coles, Philips, Nares, &c.)
8 Poynts and pynnes, the ancient skittles
and nine-pins.
EXTRACTS FROM THE FERMOR ACCOUNTS.
87
It. for iij yards of cotton to make hym an under petticote for winter
It. for a bowngrace for Mrs. Marie
1583.
lt. for canvas and bombast 9 for the bodyes & to ware under his cote
It. for garteryng and a stryng to his myttens.
It. for a pare of pattens
1584.
It. for a knyffe sheath wth a silke strynge
It. for a brushe to make cleane his coote
It. to James Alwood for a clock for his leuery
It. for wodden sooles for his pattents
It. for a saddle and furnyture for him
1585.
•
It. for an ell and d. of Lankishire cloth to make whit lynyngs for his apparell
It, for syrops, oyntments, and other medcionable things for him in his sickness
It. for his losse in play at Hilsden.
It. his token to a scholefelowe
·
It. his offeryng wth a poor maryed cople
It. for lethryngs & nales for his pattens
1586.
•
It. for a ell half of brod taffaty to make him a dublet and venytyons'.
It. for ij pound of bombast for ij dubletts
It. geven by him to the horskep' at Astwell?
It. for a yeard of gold lace to edg his falling bands
1587.
It. for an ell and a halfe and halfe a q'ter of popingiaye taffata to make hym
a dublett and venetians, at xiiis the ell
It. for an ell and balfe and halfe a q'ter of yellowe sarcenet to lay under the
same
It. for an ewe bowl
It. for ij paier of cut finger gloves
It. for a shooting glove
It. for fethering and bedding of vi arrowes
It. delyvered to Mr Fermo' when he went to a marriadge
It. gyven in his purse when he went to Astwell
1588.
It. for a stone bow for
my master
3
1589.
*
•
•
iis vid
viis vid
xiid
vid
viiid
iiii
iid
XIPS
iid
xixs
is
iiis xd
vid
vid
xiid
iilid
xiis
iiis
vid
ijs
xxis iid
viis viid
xiid
vid
mi
vid
S
jis vid
•
viiis
iiis viiid
iiijs viiid
Y-S
It. to the smyth of Barford for mending Mr Farmor's burding pece
1590.
It. for iij pare of shoes and a pare of pantables
It. to his scolemaster at Islyngton
It. to the barbar for trymmyng of him
It. for pampilion for the hose
5
4
It. delyvered my mr at Nocke, 6 at the wedding
9 Bombast, originally cotton, from bombax,
low Latin; or bombace, Italian; or baum-
bast, German,-all signifying cotton.-
Nares.
1 Venytyons, Venetians, a particular
fashion of hose, or breeches, originally im-
ported from Venice.-Nares.
2 Astwell, in Northamptonshire, the seat
of Mr. Shirley.
3 Stone-bow, a bow from which stones
might be shot; a cross-bow.-Nares.
Pantables, pantable, a sort of high shoe
or slipper; perhaps corrupted from pantofle.-
Nares.
5 Pampilion. Hollyband, in his "Trea-
surie of the French Tongue," 1580, renders
"habillement de bureau, a coate of chaunge-
vid
xiid
able colours for seruauntes; slight rugge or
pampilion." Pampée, according to Roquefort,
was the name of a flowered tissue (pampe,
fleuron). May not pampilion, a shaggy cloth,
be a name derivable from pannus pilosus?
6 Nocke, ¿e. Noke, in the hundred of
Ploughley, and county of Oxford. (See the
Guide to the Architectural Antiquities in the
Neighbourhood of Oxford, p. 201.) Here was
the residence of Joan Bradshaw, grandmother
of Mr. Richard Fermor, and here his sister
was married to Mr. Plowden. Joan Bradshaw
died in 1598, and was here buried. Here
also was buried Benet or Benedict Winch-
combe, in 1623, one of the executors of Mr.
Fermor.
88
EXTRACTS FROM THE FERMOR ACCOUNTS.
It. dd him more at the same time
It. delivered James Alwood, xxvii Maii, to buy his m' a Greeke grammer,
xviiid
a Sallust, a penner, a inckhorne, pap' and a satchell to carrie his books vis viiid
1591.
It. half yard of hare colored vellett, xis; 4 silver compast bottons for the
boot hose toppes, iis vid; a pare of hare coloured stockings, vis vid; a
pare of Sypres7 garters, vs xd
·
paid Mr Blunt for a yere's scolinge .
XXVs xd
vili
EXTRACTS FROM PAYMENTS RELATING TO TRAVELLING EXPENSES.
Anno 1580.
It. spent in caryeng Mr Richard Farmor
iiis vid
•
It. paid for the chargs at Oxford in fetchinge St John Fetiplace's mony,
beying vii of us
xvis viiid
It. my dyett and my man's in London, From the xxth of October untill the
xxix of November, beying 38 days
vili xiiiis
viis
It. for fyer and drinck duryng that tyme
It. for my horse meate duryng that tyme, wth shewyng and mending my
saddle
It. paid for boote hier goyng to the courte & once from London, iiiis; for
feryeng twise ov' at Fullam, wth or horses goynge to the courte, and
divers tymes to Westm', iiis vid
It. for washing my shirts durynge the tyme I laye at London
It. of chargs at London, on Wensday, at the Bell in Holborne
It. goyng to Ottlands, our supper and horse meat ther
It. or diners and suppers on Saterday, wth ii of my lord tresurer's men
It. John Birtwesell's chardgs goynge into Hatfordshire to my lord chaun-
cillor's, to have the comyssions sealed
9
EXTRACTS FROM MISCELLANEOUS EXPENSES.
Anno 1580.
It. pd to St Thomas Lucy for his legacye
It. to the coocke for his quarter's wages, and that wch was geven him.
It. paid Agnes the bruer her half yere's wags, x; and geven her in recom-
pence of her service, iiiis; allowed her for xli of hoppes, vs xd; and for
spigotts, iid
It. allowed her for her lyvery¹
It. to Thomas Roudd the miller for his half yere's wags
It. to Mathewe the shepperd for his quarter's wags
It. geven him
It. for iiii bushell of maslyn, at ii* iid
It. to the prest for his wags dew at Midsom'
It. geven a poore prest
It. to Symon that he spent in upping3 the swanes
It. for vi great pap' bookes and for bringing them downe
Anno 1581.
It. for drawing a scutching of armes
It. for a catechism and a psalter for Mr Richard Fermor
It. for the armes of my m' and old mrs, and setting upp the same
Item, pd a carier for bringing upp 100li and a capcase of writings
It. pd to my L. Treasurer for the lease of the lande
•
It. bestowed a breakfast uppon some of my lord's men.
1583.
It. to the glacyer for setting up the armes in the church
7 Sypres, cyprus, or crape garters.
8 Lord Treasurer: William Cecil, Lord
Burghley.
9 Lord Chancellor: Sir Thomas Bromley
was Lord Chancellor at this period.
1 Lyuery, livery, delivery, here in the
sense of board wages.
2 Maslyn, mastlin, or maslin, anything
iiili
viis vid
jis vid
ixs vid
Ꭶ
xis
xvis viiid
pli
XXX9
XXS
XS
vis viiid
iiis iiiid
viiis viiid
iiis iiiid
xs viii
xxviiis
d
xiis
xiis
viis vid
iii vid
cccvili xviis xd
ixs vid
iis vid
compounded of mixed materials. Here used
for mixed grain, such as rye and wheat.
Nares.
3 Upping the swans, now corruptly called
hopping, i. e. marking them. (See Trans-
actions of the Archaeological Institute at
Lincoln, p. 310.)
EXTRACTS FROM THE FERMOR ACCOUNTS.
89
It. for payling about the windowes in the church yard
viiid
It. to the cutler of Banbery for making clene the ii hand sword
iiiid
•
1585.
It. for a pynt of sallet oyle to oyle the armor
It. to the armorer for himself and his man, for wags, meat, & drincke
1595.
It. paid John Hobcroft and Rich. Adams, of Fretwell, the 7 of December,
1595, in full recompence of ther demande for a chalice and cover; the
sayd Adams d my uncle, Tho. Fermor, when the churchwardens of
Fretwell were comaunded to p'vide a communion cuppe, at wch tyme
he dd' them uppon the chalice xls, & dd' a bill of his hand for the
receyt of the same, wch as they say weyed 14 oz., valued by them at
4s 8d ev'y oz.: so paid them more then the xls they furst rec.
EXTRACTS FROM MISCELLANEOUS "RECEYTS."
Anno 1580.
•
It. receved at Som'ton at my goynge to London, wch was in my uncle's
caskett the xth of August, 1580
It. rec. of St John Fetiplace uppon an obligac'on the yth of October
It. rec. of St John Danver uppon an obligac'on the 29 October .
It. rec. of old gold, one staw ryall, a duckett, half a ducket, a crusadowe,5
half an angell, vis in silver
1587.
4
·
Receyved of Thom's Mountagne for a bloudshed 6 made by his wife on Edward
Bollis, iiis iiijd; and for a rescue by his wife made on Alexander
Hamond, vs
Id
xiis
·
xxvs iiijd
Xyli
lxxvli xiis iiiid
cccccxxxviijli
liiijs vid
viï³ iiijd
The rarity of evidences relating to monumental art and the sculptors by
whom sepulchral memorials were executed, must render the following
document, although comparatively of a late period, highly interesting to
The tomb and effigies still exist at Somerton. See
many readers.
Notices of the family memorials there, with a pedigree, and a view of the
church, Gent. Mag. vol. xcvii. pt. 1, p. 113.
See also Collins' Peerage,
ed. 1812, vol. iv. p. 200.
THIS Indenture, made ye twentyth day of September in ye three and twentith yeare of ye
Raigne of our Sou'aigne Ladye Elizabeth, by ye grace of God of England Fraunce and Ireland
Queen, Defender of ye Faithe, &c. Between George Shirley of Staunton Harrolde in ye
county of Leic' esquier, one of ye execut' of ye testament and last will of Thomas Fermor of
Sommerton in ye county of Oxen esquier deceassed, of ye one p'ty. And Richard Roiley of
Burton uppo Trente in ye county of Stafford Tumbe maker, and Gabriell Roiley of Burton
uppō Trente afforesaid Tumbe maker, sonne of ye said Richard Roiley, of ye other p❜ty.
Witnesseth, yt it is by these puts graunted covenaunted cōdiscended and agreed uppō for, by
and between, ye said p'ties for them selves, and all and singular ye heires execut' and assignes
of all, and any, of ye said pties, and of every of them, for, uppō, and cōcerninge, all and singular
ye grauntes, articles, devises, covenauntes, agreemts, matters, and thinges, herafter in these puts
mentioned or cōtained, whereon ye said Richard and Gabriell Roiley, for, and in cōsideratiō of
ye sommes of money herafter in these pñtes mentioned, Do bargaine, covenaunt, and agree, for
them, and every of them, and for th'eires execut' and administrat's, of either of them, and
every of them, to and with ye said George Shirley his execut' and assignes and every of them,
by these p'ntes, artyficially cunningly decently and substancially to devise, worke, sett up,
and p'fectly and fully finish at Somerton afforesaid in ye said county of Oxenford, before the
Feaste of Pentecoste commonly called Witsontide next ensewinge ye date herof, at or neare
ye grave of ye said Thomas Fermor there, a very faire Tumbe of very good faire well
chosen and durable Alabaster stone, containeinge in lengthe six foote and a halfe by ye standard,
and of ye breadth of fower Feete by the standard, and of ye height of five Foote by ye standard,
wth two endes and one (two erased) uttermost syde all throughe out adwrought adorned gilded
engraved portraited and sett forthe all as herafter enseweth ;-That is to saie, ye said Richard
and Gabriell Roiley their execut' assignes or some one of them, shall and will worke, make,
Star-ryal, properly spur-royal, a gold coin of the value of 15s.
5 Crusador or cruzado, a Portuguese coin of uncertain value.
Bloodshed, bloodwit, the fine imposed for shedding blood.-Cowel.
90
EXTRACTS FROM THE FERMOR ACCOUNTS.
laye, and place, artificially substantially durably and decently in or on ye uppermost p'te of ye
said Tumbe, and on ye South side of ye churche of Somerton afforesaid, a very faire decent
and well p'portioned picture or portrature of a gentleman representing ye said Thomas Fermor
wth furniture and ornamentes in armour, and about his necke a double cheyne of gold wth
creste and helmette under his head, wth sword and dagger by his side, and a lion at his fecte
and in or on the uttermoste parte of the uppermost parte of the said Tumbe a decent and p'fect
picture or portraiture of a faire gentlewoman wth a Frenchehood, edge and abilliment, wth all
other apparell furniture jewells ornamentes and thinges in all respectes usuall, decent, and
semely, for a gentlewoman. And yt they ye said Richard and Gabriell Roiley their execut'
or assignes or some one of them shall and will devise worke and sett upp artificially in or on
ye uttermost syde of ye said Tombe decent and usuall pictures of, or for, one sonne or (sic)
two daughters of ye said Thomas Fermor wth their severall names of Baptism over or under ye
said pictures, severally and orderly wth scutcheons in their handes, wherof ye said sonne to be
pictured in armour and as liveinge, and ye one of ye said daughters to be pictured in decent
order and as liveinge, and ye other daughter to be pictured as dieinge in ye cradle or swathes,
and yt they ye said Richard and Gabriell Roiley their execut' or assignes or some of them
shall devise, engrave, worke and sett up artificially durably and substantially in, on, or about
ye said Tombe fower sheildes or escutcheons, ye one thereof to conteyne and represent ye
very trewe armes of ye said Thomas Fermor onely, the second ye trew armes of ye said
Thomas Fermor wth the trewe armes of Fraunces ye firste wiffe of ye said Thomas, the third
they trewe armes of ye said Thomas and Bridget his second wife, and the fouerth ye trewe
armes of ye said Bridgette onely. And ye same to be done in such places of ye said Tumbe
as moste maie serve for ye shewe and settinge forth of ye same Tombe; and Further yt they
ye said Richard and Gabriell their execut' or assignes or some of them, shall and will as well
worke make ingrave and sett out wth good and convenable oiles golde and colours round about
ye edge and creste of ye said Tumbe wth or in one rowe of great and faire gilte engraven
letters, ye epitaph and sentence hereafter ensueing. That is to saie :-
Thomæ Fermor armigero, viro animi magnitudine contra hostes, benificentia erga doctos,
clementia et bonitate erga suos pietate erga omnes admirabili Domino huius territorii benignis-
simo et novæ scola Fundatori optimo in p'petu' sui suæq' coniugis Brigitte Feminæ letissimæ
memoriam ex testamento executores sui hoc monumentum flentes erexerunt. Obiit vero anno
domini millesimo quingentesimo octogesimo, die augusti octavo.
As also all ye and all manner of ye devisinge coloringe gildinge garnishinge workmanshippe
cariage conveyinge settinge up and full finishinge of ye said Tumbe, and all other thinges
whatsoever concerninge ye said Tumbe, shall bee all throughley at or by th'only perill paines
travell costes and charges of ye said Richard and Gabriell their execut' administrats' and
assignes in all thinges and respectes, (Savinge and excepted) That ye said George Shirley his
execut' and assignes wthin one month next after request to them or any of them to bee made
by ye said Richard and Gabriell or either of them or the executs' or assignes of either of
them shall appointe find and send to Burton afforesaid convenable and sufficient waines cartes
and cattle to drawe leade carye and bring all ye peeces and p'tes of ye said Tumbe and all
thinges therunto belongeinge and necessarie, to ye church of Sommerton afforesaid, and also to
cause ye foundacion of ye said Tumbe to be made by a masonne, at ye costes and charges of ye
said George Shirley his execut' and assignes. And the said George Shirley covenaunteth and
graunteth for him his heires executs' administrats' and assignes and every of them, to and
with ye said Richard Roiley and Gabriell Roiley and either of them, and ye executs' and
assignes of either of them, by these p'ñtes, that he ye said George his execut' or assignes, for
and in consideration of all and singuler ye former covenauntes grauntes and agreementes, by ye
said Richard and Gabriell made as afforesaid by these p'ñts, and for the said Tumbe to be well
made and fully finished accordinge to ye trewe intente of these p'nts, shall and will well and
truly paie or cause to be paid to ye said Richard and Gabriell Roiley or to one of them,
or to ye executs' or assignes of either of them, ye full somme of Forty poundes of lawefull mony
of England in manner and forme followinge. That is to saie, Five poundes wthin eight daies
next after th'ensealinge herof, other Five poundes wthin twenty daies then next after, tenne
poundes at or before ye Feast daie of ye nativity of our Lord God next cominge after ye date
herof, other x.li at or before ye Feast of Ester there next after followinge, and other x.li
bein ye rest and residue of ye said Forty poundes at such tyme and when ye said Tumbe
shalbe made and fully Finished accordinge to ye trewe entent of these p'nts. In Witnes
wherof they p'ties First above named to these Indentures Interchaungeably and ether to ether
have put their handes and seales, ye daye and yeare First above written.
Sealed and Delivered by ye wthin named Richard Roiley unto Thomas
Poole to ye use of ye wthin named George Sherley ye xxvii daye of
October in ye presence of Will'm Tortone and John Toplines and
Thomas Nodine.
ADDITIONAL PARTICULARS FOR THE BIOGRAPHY OF THREE
OXFORDSHIRE WRITERS,
GEFFREY OF MONMOUTH, WALTER MAP, ARCHDEACON OF Oxford,
AND ALEXANDER DE SWERFORD.
COMMUNICATED TO THE HISTORICAL SECTION, AT THE MEETING OF THE INSTITUTE AT OXFORD
BY SIR THOMAS PHILLIPPS, BART., F.R.S., F.S.A., &c.
MANY who, in past ages, made themselves conspicuous either
by their actions or their writings, lay under great disad-
vantage, because their deeds before the invention of printing,
were mentioned in few books, sometimes probably only in
one, and therefore the knowledge of them was liable to be
destroyed by a single accident.
Moreover, their exploits or works having been recorded
in characters which have grown obsolete with the lapse of
time, the knowledge of their reputation was confined to those
only who were capable of reading those characters.
Therefore, all the events, which can throw additional light
upon their history, should be collected together, and made
accessible to the public by printing;-it becomes even a duty
in those, who discover such facts, to make them known.
With this persuasion, the following memorials of the lives
of three celebrated writers connected with Oxfordshire,
collected from the Godstow Cartulary, are presented to the
Archaeological Institute.
""
Their names are, Geffrey Artur, generally called Geffrey
of Monmouth, author of the "Historia Britonum: Walter
Map, author of "Lampoons against the Cistercians," a new
monastic order which had sprung up a little before his time;
and Alexander de Swerford, supposed to be the author of
the work entitled "De Scaccario.
Geffrey Artur stands first in priority of time; partly
cotemporary with him lived Walter Map; and Alexander de
Swerford follows in the reign of Henry III.
We meet with the mention of Geffrey Artur in the Godstow
Cartulary, in two charters granted to that monastery by
Walter de Wallingford, Archdeacon of Oxford, from A.D. 1104
to 1151. They are given at pages 95-97.
I will make observations upon two points in Geffrey's
H
92
ADDITIONAL PARTICULARS FOR THE BIOGRAPHY OF
says
(6
History. He
Walter gave
gave him a very old" (vetus-
tissimum) book. Having, as I trust, proved that the book
was given to Geffrey before the year 1152, it is not
likely that Geffrey would have called a book written since
the Conquest by the Normans a very old book; and yet in
the latter part of the work he speaks of the entry of the
Normans into England. This can only be accounted for by
his additions to the original translation in a second edition.
It would, therefore, be very desirable to have the text of
his translation as it was before he made these interpolations.
Where Geffrey de Monmouth was born is, I believe, not
positively known. It is said at Monmouth, but I have met
with no decisive evidence of that fact. My reason for making
this query is, that a family surnamed, of Monmouth, existed
for many generations at or near Long Marston, in Glouces-
tershire, and several of this family were named Galfridus, as
appears by ancient charters. The inquiry might arise,
therefore, did this family spring from the same origin as the
celebrated historian, or may his descent be traced to the
family in question?
Mr. Wright, in the Preface to his edition of Walter Map's
poems, has industriously collected together such particulars
of the Archdeacon's history as were then known to him.
Mr. Wright observes that the greater portion of our
information relating to Walter Map, or Mapes, is contained in
the "Speculum Ecclesiæ," an inedited work of Giraldus
Cambrensis, his intimate friend, who states that Walter was
a favourite of Henry II., and was esteemed by that king for
his extensive learning and his courtly manners. He obtained
by the king's favour various ecclesiastical dignities, being
Canon of Salisbury and St. Paul's, Precentor of Lincoln,
incumbent of Westbury in Co. Gloucester; and in 1197, he
was made Archdeacon of Oxford.' He visited Rome between
1193 and 1205.
Mr. Wright doubts his having written the poem, "de
Palpone," because he does not find that Walter lived at or
near Wimborne; but it is not unlikely, for, as Wimborne was
in the Diocese of Sarum, he may have been a chaplain, or
the incumbent there, prior to his becoming a Canon of
Sarum.
1 Latin Poems attributed to Walter
Mapes; edit. Camd. Soc. 1841. Pref.
p. v. Le Neve, in his "Fasti," says, he
became Archdeacon of Oxford in 1196.
THREE OXFORDSHIRE WRITERS.
93
With regard to the origin of Walter Map, I am inclined to
believe Map is a Welsh name, and, if so, it is probable
that Walter was a Welshman. Hence may have arisen
the friendship between this triad of illustrious writers,
namely, Walter, Giraldus Cambrensis, and Geffrey of Mon-
mouth. Walter Map took the trouble to convert Giraldus's
account of Wales into a poem in that doggerel species of
Latin verse, peculiar to himself, thereby showing that he felt
a strong interest in the history of that country.
Walter Map had a nephew living between 1183 and 1197,
named Philip Map, and the name existed about 200 years
since, in the person of Leonard Mapes, whose Will, dated
1620, is in the Prerogative Office, and the name may
possibly exist still, under that mode of spelling it.
Leland, Bale, and Pits, are said to state that Walter Map
was the Archdeacon, who gave the ancient Welsh MS. of
the "Historia Britonum" to Geffrey of Monmouth. The
statement, however, that he received it from Walter, Arch-
deacon of Oxford, (cf. Pits, p. 217,) cannot relate to Walter
Map, for by the following remarks it will be shown that it
was not possible he should have been the donor.
Walter Map was made Archdeacon of Oxford in 1196 or
1197.
Geffrey says, "While I fell into a train of thought on the
History of the King of Britain, (wondering that Gildas and Bede
had said nothing of those kings which inhabited Britain before
the birth of Christ, nothing even of Arthur, nor of many
others since that time, although their actions are worthy of
eternal praise, and were traditionally handed down among
the people,) Walter, Archdeacon of Oxford, offered me a
very old book in the Welsh language, giving the history of
Britain from the time of Brutus to the reign of Cadwallader
ap Cadwallon." It would be clear from this, that the book
was not translated by Geffrey until after 1197, if, as I
said before, this Walter, Archdeacon, should be Walter Map.
Henry of Huntingdon dedicates his work to Alexander,
Bishop of Lincoln, who died, 1147. From this it is evident,
that the additional Preface to Henry of Huntingdon (which
is only found in some MSS.), where Henry speaks of Geffrey's
work, must be either an interpolation, or Henry of Huntingdon
must have lived fifty years after he had finished his own
history, if Walter Map gave the MS. This reckoning by
II 2
94
ADDITIONAL PARTICULARS FOR THE BIOGRAPHY OF
the common age of man, would produce this result, that
Henry must have finished his history between the age of
twenty and twenty-five, an age much too young to have
executed such a work.
William of Newburgh, who was born in the first year of
Stephen, A. 1135, writes against Geffrey, and says his His-
tory is a fiction altogether. William of Newburgh ends his.
History in 1197, in the same year, or the year after that, in
which Walter Map was made archdeacon. If we are to sup-
pose that William of Newburgh uttered this invective in the
year 1197, as soon as he had finished his own work, we must.
give Geffrey great credit for industry, in translating the work
so expeditiously.
In one of the charters which are now brought forward, we
find a Walter the Archdeacon called "de Godestow," but
this seems to be another Walter, Archdeacon, not mentioned
by Le Neve in his "Fasti," for he appears to have been arch-
deacon in the time of Henry II., which was not the case with
Walter Map. It would appear probable, then, that this was
Walter de Constantiis, afterwards Bishop of Lincoln. Ralph
de Monemuta and Magister Galfridus Arturus were witnesses.
to his charter.
But to one of these charters, which Geffrey Artur wit-
nessed, Robert, Bishop of Exeter, was a witness. Now the
last bishop of that name, prior to Walter Map, was Robert
Warlewast, who died 1159, before Walter de Constantiis was
made archdeacon; therefore this Walter de Constantiis could
not be Walter the Archdeacon, who gave the book to Geffrey.
We must have recourse then to a third Walter: and we
find another Walter in whom these several points unite.
This was Walter de Wallingford, who, according to Le Neve,
lived in 1151, within the episcopate of Robert Warlewast.
In these charters we find as witnesses William, Abbot of
Eynesham, who lived in 1138; Godfrey, Prior of Eynesham,
probably the same who was afterwards Abbot in the time of
Stephen; Robert, Prior of St. Frideswid, 1141; and Reginald,
Abbot of Evesham, who died 1149.
Moreover, Geffrey dedicates his work to Robert Fitz Roy,
Earl of Gloucester, who died about 1146,-another proof that
Walter Map could not be the donor of the MS.
From all these dates uniting in Walter de Wallingford, we
are compelled to come to the conclusion that the Walter
THREE OXFORDSHIRE WRITERS.
95
Archdeacon of Oxford, who gave Geffrey the celebrated Welsh
History, was not Walter Map, but Walter de Wallingford.
If the Magister Galfridus Arturus, mentioned in the
charter, was Geffrey of Monmouth, his being Magister and a
witness would show him to be at least twenty-one. In both
deeds he is coupled as a witness with Robert de Monemuta.
The last date of Walter de Wallingford which Le Neve gives
is 1151, which would make Geffrey a young man when he
translated this work, supposing him to have lived also in 1197.
We must now put the query, who was the Walter whose
malady is so feelingly deplored by Henry of Huntingdon
in his Treatise de Contemptu Mundi, and of whom he gives
this high praise-
"Waltere, quondam decus juvenum ! quondam deliciæ rerum!
This could not be Walter Map, for although this work was
written in Henry's old age, yet, as Henry must have been
born about 1090, to suppose him lamenting Walter Map,
who lived in 1205, would be absurd. I conjecture, then, that
the person in question was Walter de Wallingford.
That Henry must have been born about 1090 is proved
by his own words, in which he states that he saw Robert
Bloet, Bishop of Lincoln, when he (Henry) was a little boy, a
youth, a young man. As Robert Bloet was made bishop in
1093, and died in 1123, his episcopate would comprise those
three periods of Henry of Huntingdon's life, which he here
indicates. Having thus established the probable age of
Henry, I think it is clear, from this also, that the Walter, to
whom he alludes in this eulogy, could not be Walter Map.
The necessity, which all should feel, of correcting erroneous
impressions on points of history will, I trust, plead my excuse
for entering so much at length into this discussion.
The proofs of the above argument are the following:
CARTA DOMINI WALTERI, ARCHIDIACONI OXINFORDENSIS, FACTA CONVENTUI
DE GODESTOW, IN DEDICACIONE ECCLESIE.
GODSTOW CARTULARY, AMONGST THE RECORDS OF THE QUEEN'S
REMEMBRANCER, (Carlton Ride Office,) fol. 5.
Walterus, Oxinefordensis Archidiaconus, omnibus fidelibus Sancte
Ecclesie salutem. Notifico caritati vestre, quod concessi conventui de
2 The dedication of the church of
Godstow took place in the reign of Stephen,
in the presence of the King and Queen,
Theobald, Archbishop of Canterbury, the
Bishops of Sarum, Worcester, Exeter,
Bath, and Constance, on the Vigil of
96
ADDITIONAL PARTICULARS FOR THE BIOGRAPHY OF
Godestowe, et monialibus ibidem Deo servientibus, omnem libertatem quam
Archidiaconus concedere potest, scilicet, ut ab omni Archidiaconali exac-
cione, sive aggravacione, ut in hospiciis exigendis, aut capellanis implacitandis,
ceterisve ministris in causam ducendis, libera sit predicta Ecclesia et
prorsus quieta. Oleum quoque crisma et sanctum et infirmorum sine
exaccione habeat. Abbatissa eciam capellanos suos ponat, et habeat, ita ut
ipsa voluerit, ad sinodos sive ad capitula non eant, nec [Archidiacono nec]³
Decano aut eorumdem ministris, nisi voluntarie, respondeant. Capellani
quoque sui, si perverse egerint, convocet abbatissa ad ecclesiam `suam,
vicinos suos elegerit presbiteros, quorum judicio aut corrigat eos, aut eiciat.
Curam etiam monialium suarum, absque scitacione alicujus archidiaconi sive
decani, habeat. Hujus libertatis si quis temerario ausu violator aut destructor
extiterit, perpetui anathematis sentencie subjaceat, nisi resipuerit, et con-
dignam satisfaccionem egerit. Hujus rei existunt Testes, Rodbertus,
Exoniensis Episcopus; Ricardus, Abbas Elemosine; Reginaldus, Abbas
Eveshamie, Walterus, Abbas Egenesham. Radulphus de Monem',
Magister Gaufridus Arturus, Rodbertus, Prior Oxinefordensis, Rodbertus
capellanus, Ansket' presbiter, Willelmus Capellanus, Reginaldus filius
Comitis et filii sui, Willelmus de Keisur, Humfridus Clericus, Andreas
Clericus, Hugo de Keisur, Willelmus filius Walteri, Simon de Gerard'
Molend', Nichol' Basset, Nigell' del Broc, Radulphus de Broc, Willelmus
filius Godefridi, Willelmus Luvel.
* 5
6
CARTA WALTERI, ARCHIDIACONI OXONEFORDIE, Ibid., fol. 13.
Universis Sancte Matris Ecclesie filiis, ad quos presentes litere pervene-
rint, Walterus de Godstowe, Oxoneford' Archidiaconus, Salutem in Christo.
Notum esse volumus, nos ex officio Archidiaconatus nostri, ad presenta-
cionem et concessionem domini Regis Anglie, Henrici filii Matildis Impera-
tricis, donasse, et presenti carta mea confirmasse, sanctimonialibus de
Godestow Ecclesiam de Bloxam, cum suis pertinenciis, salvo jure Lincolni-
ensis Ecclesie et nostro. Instituimus autem prenominatas sanctimoniales
in personatum prefate ecclesie, salvo jure Rogeri de Clifforde, qui nomine
Easter, A.D. 1138. (April 2.) See the
dedication charter of Alexander, Bishop
of Lincoln, reciting the benefactions made
on that occasion, amongst which it is re-
corded-" Galterus, Archidiaconus Oxine-
fordie, dedit decimam dominii sui de
Cudeslaua."-Mon. Angl., new edit., vol.
iv., p. 362; ex Regist. in Scacc. ex parte
Remem. Reg. An English version is also
found in the English Register, among the
MSS. Rawlinson, in Bodley.
3 These words, apparently requisite to
complete the sense of this clause, had
probably been omitted by the writer of the
Cartulary. King Stephen, as appears by
his Charter in the Register in the Remem-
brancer of the Exchequer's office, gave to
the church of Godstow-"De meo proprio
dominio c. solidatas in vico qui dicitur
Waltona,' In the ancient manor of
Walton, North of Oxford, a name now
preserved in that of Walton Place, near
Worcester College, the church of St. Giles
was situated, erected by Alwin, or “El-
winus, filius Godegosii," as Rous states,
about the time of the Conquest. He
appears, however, amongst the donors in
the Dedication Charter of the church of
Godstow, in 1138, and in that of King
Richard I., he is specially named as the
Founder of St. Giles's church. This
charter of Archdeacon Walter may pro-
bably be assigned to that date, circa 1138.
Edit.
4 Robert Chichester, Bishop of Exeter,
1128 or 1138. Ob. 1150.
5 Eleemosyna, le petit Citeaux, a Cis-
tercian abbey founded in 1121, situate
between Chartres and Blois. Richard
occurs Abbot of this house in 1147, till
about 1156. Gallia Christ., tom. viii.
1397. Waverley and Tintern were offsets.
from this abbey.
6 Reginald was Abbot of Evesham ;
ob. 1149.
THREE OXFORDSHIRE WRITERS.
97
earum eandem Ecclesiam in vita sua est habiturus, pensione unius bizantii
prescriptis monialibus annuatim reddendo ad pascham. Testibus hiis,
Magistro Winemero, Johanne de Const', Magistro Radulpho de Const',
Matheo et Rogero Cappellanis, Stephano, David, clericis.
CARTA WALTERI, OXINIENSIS ARCHIDIACONI, Ibid., fol. 96.
Walterus, Oxin' Archidiaconus, omnibus sancte Ecclesie fidelibus salutem.
Notum vobis facio me dedisse in elemosinam Ecclesie Beati Johannis de
Godestowe decimam terre mee in dominio meo de Cudeslawe,' ipsamque
posuisse super altare, in dedicacione ecclesie coram Alexandro Lincolniensi
Episcopo et ceteris Episcopis qui dedicaverunt Ecclesiam. Valete.
8
ALIA CARTA WALTERI OXINFORDENSIS, Ibid.
Walterus, Oxinefordensis Archidiaconus, omnibus fidelibus sancte ecclesie
Salutem. Notum vobis facio quod rustici mei de Waltona, in dedicacione
ecclesie sancti Egidii, que est extra portam de Northe Oxineford, dederunt
decimas suas eidem ecclesie, assensu et voluntate mea, quod concedo et
volo, et ex parte Dei sic esse precipio. Teste Willelmo, Abbate de
Egnesham, Rodberto, Priore S. Frethesuide,' Godefrido, Priore de
Egnesham, Magistro Galfrido Arteour, Radulpho de Monumuta, Willelmo
Capellano, Nigello Presbitero, Jocelino Clerico, Petro del Bar, Jord'
Radulpho de Melverna, cum multis aliis. Valete.
9
2
The third author to whose history I wish to call attention
is Alexander de Swerford, Treasurer of St. Paul's, who, there
can be little doubt, was either born at Swerford, in the County
of Oxford, or was a descendant of the family who were lords
of that manor, and took their name from it.
Of this Alexander we have four charters in the Godstow
Cartulary, while he was treasurer, to which office he was ap-
pointed in 1231, and died 1246. They are the following:-
CARTA ALEXANDRI DE SWEREFORDE, FACTA JOHANNI DE WOTTONE, ET
JULIANE UXORI EJUS.
CARTUL. GODSTOW, fol. 80.
Omnibus presens scriptum visuris vel audituris Alexander de Suereford,
thesaurarius Sancti Pauli Lond' salutem in Domino. Noverit universitas
vestra me dedisse, concessisse, et hac presenti carta confirmasse Johanni
de Wottone filio et heredi Radulfi de Wottone, consanguineo meo, et
Juliane filie Willelmi de S. Audoeno uxori prefati Johannis, totam terram
7 Cutslow, about three miles north of
Oxford.
* Alexander, Archdeacon of Sarum,
nominated Bishop of Lincoln, 15th of April,
1123; Lord Chancellor, ob. 1147. The
Walter, Archdeacon of Oxford, who
granted these tithes, must therefore have
been Walter de Wallingford, Archdeacon,
1104-1151.
9 William, Abbot of Eynsham, A.D.
1138.
1 Robert de Cricklade, or Canutus, Prior
of Oxford, circa 1130, or 1141 to 1157.
Mon. Aug., new edit., vol. ii., p. 135.
* Possibly the same Godfrey, who occurs
as Abbot of Eynsham, t. Stephen. Mon.
Ang., new edit., vol. iii., p. 2.
98
ADDITIONAL PARTICULARS FOR THE BIOGRAPHY OF
meam de Kersintone, cum omnibus pertinenciis suis, quam ibidem habui et
tenui de dono et concessione predicti Radulfi ; et similiter omnes terras et
omnia tenementa que habui et tenui in eadem villa, de perquisito meo, sicut
in cartis illorum de quibus terras et tenementa illa habui, quas predictis
Johanni et Juliane liberavi, plenius continetur; habenda et tenenda eisdem
Johanni et Juliane et heredibus eorum, de me et heredibus meis sive assig-
natis quibuscumque, libere, quiete, integre et plenarie imperpetuum; reddendo
inde singulis annis michi et heredibus meis sive assignatis meis quibuscumque
apud London' in domo mea unum spervarium sorum, ad festum beati Petri
ad Vincula, pro omni servicio et exaccione, et faciendo inde servicia dominis
feodorum et tenementorum ipsorum que terre ille facere debent, et consueve-
runt, pro me et heredibus meis sive assignatis meis imperpetuum. Et ego et
heredes mei sive assignati mei warantizabimus eisdem Johanni et Juliane, et
heredibus eorum, omnes predictas terras et tenementa cum omnibus perti-
nenciis suis, per predictum servicium unius spervarii sori per annum, sicut
predictum est, contra omnes gentes imperpetuum. Et ut hec mea donacio,
concessio, hujus carte confirmacio, et warantizacio perpetue firmitatis robur
optineant, presens scriptum sigilli mei munimine duxi roborandum. Hiis
testibus, domino Willelmo de Haverhulle, canonico S. Pauli Lond',
Ricardo persona de Haneberewe,3 Johanne de Aula, Andrea Caperun,
Roberto Turnur, Willelmo filio Petri, Johanne filio Amisii de Kersintone,
Radulfo filio clerici, Hugone Brune de Haneberewe, Rogero de Haverhulle,
Petro de Haverhulle, Willelmo persona de Wickwane, Ricardo de Here-
forde, clerico, Willelmo de Alneto, Willelmo de Pres, Waltero Marescallo,
et aliis.
CARTA RICARDI LE BLUNT, ETC., Ibid.
Sciant presentes et futuri quod ego, Ricardus Blundus de Karsintone
dedi, concessi, et hac presenti carta confirmavi domino Alexandro Thesau-
rario Sancti Pauli Lond' IV. acras terre mee in Karsiuton, quarum ij. acre
jacent in insula que vocatur Sornheyte, in particulis per viij. virgas, quarum
i. virga jacet in eadem insula inter terram Willelmi Sywarde, extendens se
versus aquam de Bladene; et secunda, juxta terram Petri de Wyvelcote
extendendo se in Tamisiam; tertia virga jacet ibidem inter terram Walteri
Morel et Ricardi Hunche; et quarta virga jacet ibidem juxta terram
Johannis Chyke, junioris: quinta, juxta hidam subtus Scoteslake: et sexta
verga et septima jacent inter terram Theodulphi de Plummere et terram
Walteri Sapiere: octava, inter terram Thome filii Hawyse et terram meam.
Due autem acre jacent in campis ejusdem ville aquilonaribus, quarum
dimidia acra jacet juxta terram Simonis filii Prepositi, et abuttat super
campum qui vocatur Vithele et dimidia acra inter terram Walteri Morel et
Walteri le Sapiere, in predicto campo de Vithele; et dimidia acra jacet
in Wythibedde, inter terram ThomeCapellani et Willelmi Smewe; et
dimidia acra jacet in campo qui vocatur Harestane inter terram Walteri
Sapiere et terram Roberti Duscepere. Dedi etc. eidem Alexandro dimidiam
acram prati in eadem villa, que jacet in prato quod vocatur Barbecroft,
habend' eidem Alexandro et heredibus suis, etc.' inperpetuum.
convencione inter me et dictum Alexandrum facta, dictas quatuor acras etc.
per alias terras nostras inter Karsintone warantizabimus etc. Et pro hac
donacione etc. dedit mihi predictus Alexander xx.s. sterlingorum premani-
bus in gersumam et de xxj. s. me versus vivos fil' Sapin, Judeum Oxon',
3 Handborough, a parish in Oxfordshire.
Et ex
THREE OXFORDSHIRE WRITERS.
99
in quibus ei tenebar, die quo confecta fuit hec carta, viz. die Lune proxima
ante festum Apostolorum Petri et Pauli, anno M.CC.XLIV. planarie acquieta-
vit. Et, ut presens scriptum perpetue firmitatis robur obtineat, illud sigillo
meo roboravi. Hiis Testibus, Nicholao le Fraunceys de Somerford, Wil-
lelmo de Parys, Simone Punchard', Roberto Punchard', Simone Anglico,
Petro de Wyvelcote, Willelmo filio Petri, Ricardo de Botteley, Theodulpho
le Plummere et multis aliis.
CARTA JOHANNIS FILII RADULPIII, ETC., Ibid., fol. 80, vo.
4
Sciant presentes et futuri quod ego Johannes, filius Radulphi de Wottone,
dedi etc. Willelmo de Sancto Audoeno totam terram et tenementum que habui
de dono Alexandri de Swerford, quondam Thesaurarii Sancti Pauli London'
viz. de terris que idem Alexander habuit tam de dono dicti Radulphi,
patris mei, quam de perquisitis suis, in Karsintone, sine ullo retenemento
mihi vel heredibus meis habend,' etc. Reddendo inde annuatim capitali
domino feodi, scilicet Willelmo filio Petri de Kersintone, vj. d. et j. par
albarum cyrotecarum de precio j. ob. ad Pasca. Et Abbatisse de Godstowe
v.s. ad duos anni terminos, etc. Et heredibus dicti Alexandri de Swerford
j. spervarium sorum ad festum beati Petri ad Vincula. Et mihi et here-
dibus meis unum denarium ad Pentecost, etc. Pro hac autem donacione
etc. dedit mihi Willelmus 1. marcas. Preterea idem Willelmus et heredes
sui in tota vita mea mihi dabuntannuatim j. calciamentum de precio ij. s.
etc. Et ego, et heredes mei, etc. warrantizabimus, etc. Et ut hec mea
donacio, etc. huic presenti scripto sigillum meum apposui. Hiis Testibus
Willelmo de Parys, Radulpho Iveans, (?) Philippo Pady, Johanne de Aula
de Haneberge, Radulpho filio Clerici de Eynesham, Andrea Caperun,
Roberto le Turnour, et Willelmo le Parker de Wodestok, Nicholao le
Franceys de Somerforde, Symone Punchard', Symone Anglico, et aliis.
Sciant presentes et futuri quod Ego Willelmus de Sancto Audoeno dedi
Willelmo filio meo et heredi, et Colette uxori sue totam terram meam de
Kersintone, etc. quam ibidem habui, et tenui de dono Johannis filii
Radulphi, imperpetuum, etc. quam quidem terram dictus Johannes filius
Radulphi habuit de dono Alexandri de Swerford, quondam Thesaurarii
Sancti Pauli London' [etc., ut in ultima carta.] Pro hac autem donacione
etc. dederunt mihi Willelmus filius meus et Coletta uxor ejus xx. marcas in
gersummam, etc. Sciendum est etiam quod sic convenit inter Willelmum de
Sancto Audoeno pro filio meo Willelmo, ex una parte, et Johannam de
Merdene, pro Coletta sorore sua, ex altera, quod si dicta Coletta conceperit
de dicto Willelmo filio Willelmi sponso suo, et prolem in lucem produxerit,
ipsa proles totam predictam terram etc. possideat, in perpetuum, jure heredi-
tario. Si vero dictus Willelmus, etc. ante suscitatam prolem de dicta
Coletta uxore sua, obierit, habebit dictam terram etc. dicta Coletta ad totam
vitam suam; et si dicta Coletta ante Willelmum filium Willelmi maritum
suum, in fata sine liberis decesserit post ejus vitam predictus Johannes,
frater Colette, vel sui assignati predictam terram etc. habebunt pro x.
annis, ad denarios dicto Willelmo de Sancto Audoeno pacatos plene plene
levandos absque disturbacione dicti Willelmi vel aiicujus nomine suo; et
post x. annos completos redibit dicta terra etc. ad dictum Willelmum vel
4 A hawk of the first year, (“a soar
hawk," Cotgrave,) having its first plumage
of the light brown colour called in French,
sor" de couleur jaune, blond rous-
sâtre." See Ducange, v. Saurus.
100
BIOGRAPHY OF THREE OXFORDSHIRE WRITERS.
heredes suos etc. Si vero contingat quod ego Willelmus de Sancto Audoeno
dictis Willelmo filio meo et Colette warantizare non potero, faciam eis suf-
ficiens excambium de aliis terris meis cum manso competenti in Villa de
Haneborowe, secundum visum legalium hominum. In cujus rei testimonium,
etc. Sigillum meum apposui. Hiis Testibus, Dominis Nicholao de Henrede,
tunc Vice comite Oxon.' Bardulpho de Cestertone, militibus; Johanne de
Dunhall, Petro de Lega, Rogero de Hastall, Henrico Parker, Willelmo
filio Petri de Kersintone, persona de Drifeld.
By these charters we discover some of his kindred, and that
he had property at Carsington, in the County of Oxford. For
by them he grants to his cousin John, son and heir of Ralph
de Wotton, and to Juliana his wife, daughter of William de St.
Ouen, all his land in Carsington, which he had by the gift of
the said Ralph, and all the lands which he, (Alexander him-
self,) had purchased in Carsington; to be held by the said
John and Juliana, on the yearly payment of a sparrow-hawk,
at his, (Alexander's), house in London.
As Madox, in his "History of the Exchequer," has fully
treated of all the claims of Alexander de Swerford to the
authorship of the work de Scaccario, I will content myself with
bringing forward the facts in his life which are contained in
these charters. As these were drawn from the Cartulary of
Godstow, I cannot conclude my observations without begging
to press earnestly upon the attention of the Institute the very
great importance of printing the Cartularies of this kingdom,
a noble example being set us by Scotland, and followed by
Lancashire and France. For these documents contain innu-
merable anecdotes relative to the biography of the inha-
bitants of this country in former times, all of whom were
either our direct ancestors, or of their kindred; and I beg
leave to propose a commencement with this county, and to
suggest a subscription of a moderate sum, annually, for the
purpose of bringing out the Cartularies of Oxfordshire."
5 The valuable Cartulary, from which
the documents here given have been ex-
tracted, is preserved amongst the Records
of the Queen's Remembrancer, now in
the custody of the Master of the Rolls.
It appears to have been written about
5
1420. A note is inscribed at the com-
mencement, as follows,-" Monasterium
de Godstowe. Liberatur in Cur' Scac-
carii undecimo die Februarii, anno xxvij.
per manus Ricardi Browne, generosi, pro
commodo Regine."

Bearing of Speen WNW. 4° W
From Aldermasten
Bearing of Baughurst Barrows W12 N.
School
SILCHESTER
COMMON
From Pamber
Inn
35A
60A
38A
Scale, 80 Fret to an Inch
264
39A
C
301
D
4
B
Bearing of Fosse Cot, Egbury and Old Sarum W.SW 5° S.
Freg
3221
Rectory
Ancient
Fenchm
Mortimer
West End
Stonyhill
From Aldermaston
Gate
Pound
West
Gate
TEMPLE
B
Entrenchment
Oldhouse Lane
Ancient
Entre
PARISH OF SILCHESTER
PARISH OF PAMBER
Ancient
Lane
Bearing
of
Winchester
of
ROMAN WAY
Probable course
Three Ashes
From Basingstoke
South
or
FORUM
Silver Hill
N
Pangbourn
To Mortimer
Entrenchment
Bearring of
Uften, Tidmarsh &
Site of Villa
Onion Hole
nerent entrenchment
Amphinatra.
PLAN
of
SILCHESTER IN HAMPSHIRE,
THE
CALLEVA ATREBATUM
of the Itineraries.
Reduced from the Parish Tithe Map.
With the Vestiges of Ancient Occupation,
and the adjacent Entrenchments, carefully
indicated from actual Survey
By Henry Maclauchlan.
30 ft.
24ft
58A.
581
301
10.2446
28
AMPHITHEATRE
East
Faint traces of
ROMAN
WAY
Maner House
ChurcKA
Prepared for the Annual Meeting of the
ARCHEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE.
Held at Oxford June 18th 1850.
Scale, 12 Chains to an Inch
10
5
10
20
30
40
50
Published by the Archaeological Institute, at their Office 26, Suffolk St Pall Mall. London.
Mortimer Stratfield
Bearing of Farnham S. E.TE.
standidge & Co Tithe London
To Strathfield Save
SILCHESTER.
In the following observations concerning Silchester, des-
tined to accompany the plan of that interesting site, it is not
proposed to announce any discovery, much less to settle
disputed points regarding its ancient name and former
inhabitants; but merely to explain the sketch which has
been taken of its present state.
to
In pursuing this intention I shall proceed, in the first
place, to notice the outline of the earthworks, as it is con-
jectured they may have existed originally. I shall next
endeavour to indicate such additions as we may suppose
have been added by the Romans, or under their superin-
tendence, particularly their roads as distinguished from lines
of earthwork. And, lastly, to add some observations on
certain detached lines of intrenchment in the neighbour-
hood.
There is scarcely any Roman station, probably, in Britain
at which so many remains have been discovered, as at Sil-
chester, and yet antiquaries are not unanimous as to the
place it holds in the Itineraries, or the Saxon warrior by
whom it was destroyed.'
Nennius, who wrote about the eighth century, calls Sil-
chester, Caer Segeint; and a stone dug out of the ruins,
containing an inscription with the word Saegon on it, has
been interpreted to signify that the Segontiaci inhabited
Silchester, and that it was their chief town. This tribe is
mentioned by Cæsar as one that submitted to his arms,
and is placed by him after the Cenimagni, and before the
Ancalites.2
The great difficulty lies with the Itineraries; as to whether
"Silchester is supposed to have been
destroyed near the end of the third cen-
tury, when Asclepiodatus came over to
Britain to suppress the usurpation of
Allectus; and it is probable enough that
the town then suffered a siege, being on
or near the line of march for the oppos-
ing armies. It is also stated, on the
authority of Henry of Huntingdon, that
Caer Segon was destroyed, and that all its
inhabitants were put to the sword, about
A.D. 493, by the Saxon chief Ella, in his
march from Sussex, where he landed,
to Bath." (United Serv. Journ., p. 38.
Jan. 1836.)
2 Cæsar, De Bello Gall., v. 21.
102
SILCHESTER.
it was the Vindomis, or the Calleva Atrebatum, of Antoninus,
and Richard of Cirencester.³
4
It is now, however, generally admitted, that, according to
the explanation of Dr. Horsley, it must be considered the
Calleva Atrebatum. After an examination of the distances
between the stations, as given in the Itinerary, with the
actual distances between the stations known, he thus accounts
for the place being the residence of both the Segontiaci
and the Atrebates:-
"The Segontiaci are not mentioned at all by Ptolemy;
and possibly in his time, and also when the Itinerary was
written, might be joined to the Atrebates, and looked upon
only as a part of that people; so that what was before a city
of the Segontiaci, might then justly be termed a city of the
Atrebates.”—(Brit. Romana, page 442.)
A writer in the "United Service Journal" (Jan. 1836) ob-
serves, "The designation Atrebatum is given by Antoninus.
to Calleva, and an inscription on a stone, which was dug up at
3 Mr. Kempe says, "Nennius tells us it
was also called Murimintum; an appella-
tion which we must consider had allusion
to its wall, which, even to this day, is so
strikingly characteristic of its site. The
term Galleva, or Calleva, of the Roman
Itineraries, appears to have had the same
source, and was but a softened form of
the British Gual Vawr, or the Great Wall.”
(Appendix to Archæologia, vol. xxvii.,
page 416.) There certainly seems a pro-
bability that the city was divided originally
between two tribes, if not more.
Dr. Beeke says, "Now it is certain
that Calleva was in the direct road from
London to Bath, and consequently must
have been in or near Reading, because
the nature of the country has caused, that
the straightest is at the same time the
most convenient line between those cities,
and that line passes through Reading."
(Archæologia, vol. xv., page 186.
c
4 Sir R. C. Hoare observes,
we find
that Camden, Stukeley, and Dr. Beeke,
place Vindomis at Silchester; Horsley,
at Farnham; and Mr. Reynolds at the
Vine; whilst Dr. Stukeley places Calleva
at Farnham; Horsley at Silchester; Mr.
Reynolds at Reading; Dr. Beeke at the
same place; and Dr. Milner, the historian
of Winchester, at Wallingford. To these
I must add some other opinions, which
coincide with those of the intelligent in-
vestigator of Roman antiquities, Horsley,
and which, I think, rest upon better
grounds than those of the writers on this
disputed subject. Among the first I shall
mention the name of Mr. Lethieullier, a
gentleman of Hampshire, who collected
notes of Roman antiquities both at home
and abroad. In his MS. papers he says,
that Mr. Horsley has very judiciously
proved Silchester to be the Calleva Atre-
batum of the Itineraries. Of the same
opinion are my learned friends, the Rev.
Thomas Leman, of Bath, and the Rev.
Archdeacon Coxe, of Salisbury, from
whose joint information and notes the
improved edition of Richard of Ciren-
cester was published in the year 1809.
The recent survey of these rival stations,
and the discovery of a new station on
Finkley Farm, induce me to agree with
them in placing Calleva at Silchester."
Of this
(Anc. Wilts., vol. ii., p. 54.)
"new station on Finkley Farm," Sir
Richard observes, "the resident farmer
at Finkley showed us a tile with indented
marks on it, which we immediately pro-
claimed to be of Roman manufacture.
We picked up several fragments of pot-
tery, and observed marks of old inclosures
in the corn fields." (Anc. Wilts., vol. ii.,
p 49.) A more recent anonymous writer
observes, "the word Segontium remains to
destroy the possibility of its ever having
been the Atrebatian Calleva, if it does
not afford us any light as to Vindomis."
(Observations upon certain Roman roads
and towns in the South of Britain, A.D.
1836, p. 32.)
SILCHESTER.
103
Silchester, appears to have expressed a dedication to Hercules
of the Segontiaci; it seems, therefore, that the town was at
different times subject to those different tribes; but as the
boundaries of the Atrebates, the Segontiaci, and Bibroci, appear
to have coincided in the neighbourhood, and as the Belgæ
from Gaul subsequently gained possession of the same part
of the country, it is easy to conceive that the place may have
been considered as belonging to any, or all, of the four
people." (Page 38.)
These opinions may receive some support on examination.
of the boundary dividing the counties of Berks and Hants,
which, taken as a general line, runs from the eastward
directly towards the middle of Silchester, and continues on
the opposite side of the station in a similar direction, nearly
due east and west. The only deviation is at Silchester,
where Hampshire includes a part of the parish of Mortimer,
called Mortimer-west-end; which part was, probably, added
to the ancient manor of Silchester at an early period, though
originally belonging to the tribe that occupied the Berkshire
side of the boundary line.
The earliest map of Silchester, published by Dr. Stukeley,5
makes the form of the place quadrangular. The next was
an actual survey of the walls by Mr. Wright, the original of
which is in the King's library, in the British Museum. In
this the exterior line of defence is omitted. On this map
were drawn the principal streets, as traced by Mr. Stair
from time to time, and published, with a description, in the
Philosophical Transactions, in 1748, by Mr. Ward, Gresham
Professor.6
Although these streets are still visible, a little before
harvest, in the stunted and discoloured crops where the
streets ran, the observation that "two of the streets wider
than the others lead to the four gates of the city, one from
north to south, the other from east to west," is not correct.
For though the one from north to south runs directly from
one gate to the other, as drawn in the plan, the other does
not run directly from east to west, as is stated; and if it
did, the streets could none of them be at right angles to
each other, which in fact they are; the eastern street being
5 Itinerarium Curiosum.
6 Philosophical Transactions, No. 490.
A.D. 1748. See also a "Plan of Silchester,"
by Mr. A. J. Kempe, in the Appendix to
the 27th vol. of the Archæologia, Plate
32, p. 419.
104
SILCHESTER.
a continuation of the Roman way from the eastward, through
the eastern gate to the forum, or centre building; and the
western street running in the direction of the south-east
angle of the work, and passing on continuously by the north
end of the centre building.
It would be necessary to examine these streets year after
year, as the crops come on successively, in the way Mr. Stair
did, to be able to make out the whole of them; but they
have been sufficiently examined to show that the principal
streets were towards the true cardinal points, and conse-
quently at right angles to each other. Such as have been
observed on the ground are introduced on the map in dotted
lines.
A minute account of the wall will be found in the “ Philo-
sophical Transactions," No. 490, A.D. 1748. It appears to
have been about 13 feet high, and about 8 feet thick at the
bottom, composed of layers of flat stones about 30 inches
apart, with flints between them, set in very strong mortar.8
The circuit of the wall is about a mile and a half, and the
area inclosed is about 102 acres.
The exterior line of defence, which is at an irregular
distance, averaging 170 yards from the wall, consists of a
rampart and outside ditch, which, when complete, may have
been continuous all round, but at present there is no reason to
suppose it to have been carried round on the south-east side.9
The height of the rampart of this exterior line seems
to have been about 15 feet above the interior; the ditch
about 60 feet wide, and the bottom of it about 20 feet below
the top of the rampart. Though this exterior line conforms
to the shape of the ground in some measure, it does not
7 "The interior has long been subject
to the action of the plough; but to the
eyes of an antiquary the directions of the
ancient streets, at right angles to each
other, are yet perceptible, by a difference
in the height of the corn growing on them
when compared with its general surface."
(United Service Journal, January, 1836,
p. 38.)
The position of the bath has been fixed
on the map by the concurrent testimony
of three persons residing at Silchester,
who saw the excavation open. Though the
rector had carefully fenced in a way to
the remains, so as to protect the farmer's
crops, such was the destruction com-
mitted by persons crossing the fields in
every direction, that at the earnest re-
quest of the tenant, the proprietor desired
that the foundations should be covered in.
See the position of the bath, as laid down
in Mr. A. J. Kempe's Map. (Archæologia,
vol. xxvii., p. 419. Plate xxxii. Ap-
pendix.)
8 We could not see the part of the wall
where, it is stated, the flat courses were
sic in number; five seems the most com-
mon number of horizontal courses, making
about 13 feet.
The value of the ground, and its
southern aspect, may perhaps account for
the more complete destruction of the
outer entrenchment on the southern side.
SILCHESTER.
105
seem to have done so altogether, and, from its irregular
outline, it seems probable that it existed before the wall
was built; and, from its general conformity, that there
was a rampart where the wall now is before the latter was
built.
If we compare the whole work with some of the ancient
camps in Cornwall, which are supposed to be British, such as
Burydown, near Lanreath, and Castle-an-Dinas, near St.
Columb Major, both of circular form, we might suppose that
the original outline of Silchester was British also. This may
receive some confirmation from the three large dikes which
diverge from it.¹ One from the north gate, points towards
Pangbourne on the Thames; one from the south gate,
apparently, though not exactly, continuous with the northern
dyke, leads towards Winchester, and is called by Gough, in
his additions to Camden,2 as also by Stukeley, Longbank and
Grimesditch.3
Another, in the direction from Andover and Old Sarum,
which comes up close to the ditch of the outer rampart when
it swells out to the south-west projection, which, it should be
observed, is not opposite either of the gates in the wall, and
is therefore probably anterior to its formation, if we suppose
that at this point there was originally an entrance.* Each
of these lines of entrenchment consists of a rampart and
ditch-the ditch being on the south-east in the two southern
lines, and on the west in the northern one.
These dykes are not so straight as the lines of Roman
road, but are curved more or less in several places; this
is the more necessary to observe, because from what Gough,
1 One of these dikes as it leaves the
rampart, and the rampart itself, are
drawn in Sir R. C. Hoare's Map, in the
2nd vol. of his Ancient Wilts; but the
rampart is not continued on the eastern
side, where the traces are sufficiently
strong to introduce it; and which leads
Mr. Albert Way to suppose, that the
amphitheatre was originally within the
lines of defence. He says, "an argument
in favour of the original continuity of the
exterior line of entrenchment around the
whole of Silchester, may be gathered,
as it strikes me, from the position of the
amphitheatre, slightly beyond, or, at all
events, in a parallel line with the face of
the inner work, on the side where the
outer work is now wanting." (MS. Notes,
Nov. 1849.)
* Gough's Camden, vol. i., p. 142. (Per-
haps, from Grim, an elf, a hag, witch.
Bosworth's Dict.)
3
Farther on I crossed a great Roman
road coming from Winchester; they call
it Long bank, and Grime's dike.” (Page
169, Stukeley.)
4 The only way we can suppose this
line to have entered the gate in the wall,
either the west or south gate, would have
been by a traverse in the outer entrench-
ment, near each gate; for the rampart is
perfect and continuous where the line
approaches the outer rampart. To this
supposition the present appearance of the
ruins offers no difficulty, except that the
outer ditch could not have been filled with
water.
、
106
SILCHESTER.
دو
in his additions to Camden, says, "A military road called
Longbank and Grimesdyke, pitched with flints, runs from the
south gate of the town to the north gate of Winchester,'
it would be supposed that this bank was in some part pitched
with flints, which there is no reason to believe it ever was, as
it runs half a mile on the west of Latchmore Green, where
the pitched way has been opened, and where it may be seen
now, it is presumed, if the surface be removed. Others, fol-
lowing the above writers, have said the same thing; but, if
the matter be examined, it will most likely be found that the
Roman roads were straight, paved with flints, and bedded in
gravel.
The entrenched line, which leaves the outer rampart
between the west gate and the south gate, at the projection
before mentioned, runs about 200 yards in a southerly
direction, and then turns towards the westward, but is not
to be seen beyond the road from Silchester Common to
Latchmore Green.
5
That which leaves the south gate of the outer rampart is
scarcely to be seen in the copse for about 200 yards, but, on
emerging from it, the traces are seen in the fence which has
been formed on it, being a broad bank raised about two feet or
more, with a ditch on the south-east side; it crosses a small
rill, where it is obscure, and thence serves as a field-way as
far as the road from Silchester Common to Latchmore Green,
where a pond in the road seems to have been formed in the
ditch of the entrenchment; crossing the road, it forms the
south side of the lane, called the Old-house Road, for about
150 yards; thence, bending to the south, it is large and well
defined as it runs towards the brook, on each side of which,
for a short distance, it is not traceable, but appears again in
a broad fence as it proceeds to form the east side of the
wood, on the boundary of Silchester parish. Crossing the
parish boundary it continues straight as it enters the wood
in the parish of Pamber, and continues to form the east
boundary of the wood till we come to Frog Lane. At this
spot it makes a slight bend to the south, and may be traced,
but very obscurely, close on the west of the farm buildings,
and at about 150 yards distance disappears altogether; this
5 In the Map of Silchester, given in the
2nd vol. of "Ancient Wilts.," this turn
above-mentioned is described as a "Roman
road from Old Sarum," and a branch is
continued, which we failed to notice, as a
"Roman road from Winchester."
SILCHESTER.
107
last direction, which is south-west by west, would lead near
to the hamlet called Little London, considerably to the west
of where the supposed Roman road had been ploughed up by
a person named William Morrell, in Long Ayliffs Field.
The third entrenched line, which, as we have already
stated, points northward, cannot be seen for 330 yards after
it has left the outer entrenchment. As we enter Ford's
Copse, the traces are very evident, and continue to within a
short distance of the brook, where it is lost, but appears
again, with the ditch on the west side, (which seems to be
partly natural and partly artificial) as we ascend the hill.
In the meadow, west of the farm house, it is totally lost;
and though it is probable that it followed the course of the
road, close to the pound and the pond, the traces are scarcely
sufficient to be considered a continuation of it, though beyond
the cross road, on the west of the fence, in the same con-
tinuous right line, a bank and ditch look very like its course;
but beyond this nothing has been traced of either the rampart
or the ditch.
These three entrenched lines are very similar, but there is
no reason to suppose that they are of Roman construction ;
for they are not straight, have not been found to have
been paved, and the low ground, or ditch, is only on one
side.6
Having thus examined what there is left of the entrenched
lines, we will now proceed to examine what traces may be
discerned of the Roman ways. And, first, we may observe.
that since the neighbourhood of Silchester consists of the
rolled flints and sands of Bagshot Heath, or of the plastic
clay formation, it is not at all probable that any of the large
unrolled flints of the chalk would be found near the surface
of the ground. The only large stones found about the place
are those sandstones called grey wethers, or sarsen stones,
which Dr. Buckland supposed to be "the wreck of the harder
6 If we presume these three lines of
entrenchment, with the outer rampart
and ditch, as well as an inner rampart
and ditch on which the present wall
stands, to have existed before the Romans
visited the island, it is possible, that
finding the present north and south gate-
way in existence, they made their prin-
cipal street between them, and drew the
rest some parallel, and others at right
angles to this principal street; also, that
the street from the west gate was made
to conform with an ancient entrance, and
that they broke through the rampart to
form an entrance on the east for their own
Roman way; for had they constructed
the work anew, there was nothing in the
ground to have made them deviate from
the usual method of rectangular construc-
tion of the walls.
I
108
SILCHESTER.
portion of the sandy strata of the contiguous London and
New Forest basins.7
These stones appear to have been used pretty freely in the
formation of the wall of Silchester, together with oolitic rocks,
probably from the north-west of Oxford. As these large
flints are uncommon about the fields in the neighbourhood,
it is not to be wondered at that, when a plough comes in
contact with a bed of them, however narrow, it should be
noticed; and indeed, when there are so few building stones
in the immediate neighbourhood, it would not be remarkable
if they were sought after and dug up whenever the plough
touched on them. From examination of places near Sil-
chester where these flints have been found, which generally
are about two feet below the present surface, and further
westward on the chalk, where the line has not sunk so much,
or become covered by deposition, there is reason to think
that the line was never raised to a great height above the
surface, and that the fall was the same on each side of the
road.
The most easily recognised line of Roman way is that
known as the Devil's Causeway at Bagshot Heath; it passes
about 200 yards on the north of Finchamstead church,
crosses near Thatcher's Ford (where it is the south boundary
of an isolated part of the county of Wilts), and seems, under
the present name of Park Lane, to have originally given name
to Turgis, Saye, and Mortimer, Stratfield.
8
Having come from the eastward, with a direction due
west, where it arrives at the cross road (at the west end of
Park Lane), it makes the smallest possible bend, one scarcely
perceptible, and runs the last mile and three quarters due
west into the east gate of Silchester.
Though there can be little doubt that this is the true
Roman line, we find no ditch on either side, or any embank-
7 Trans. Geo. Soc., No. 12, p. 126.
This paper was an important step in
advance of the geological knowledge of
the day when it was written. (Read Feb. 8,
1825.)
8 The road issues from the town at
the eastern gate, where the present church
of Silchester is situated, and proceeds in
a rectilinear direction through Strathfield-
saye, along what is now called Park Lane,
which is scarcely passable in the winter
season. The line of its direction crosses
the Loddon, near the bridge, at the nor-
thern extremity of the park, and passes
through a ford near the junction of the
Blackwater and Whitewater rivers, about
two miles from the place where the united
streams fall into the Loddon; but the
traces of its course are much interrupted
by cultivation till we come to West Court
House, the seat of the Rev. H. E. St. John,
built, according to tradition, upon the road
itself, the direction of which is marked by
the avenue to the mansion." (United Ser-
vice Journal, Jan. 1836: Part 1, p. 39.)
SILCHESTER.
109
ment, nor any flints on the surface; but when we find that
this last direction of the line leads through the east gate, and
coincides, in continuation, with a street as traced within the
ancient town, we cannot refuse to admit that we are on the
line.
Beyond this, however, we may observe, that though the
course of the present road terminates 1000 yards before it
arrives at the gate, and the line of the fence forward can
scarcely be relied on, a recent breaking up of a meadow,
called Mouse-hill Meadow, which had been grass-land beyond
the memory of man, disclosed the bed of flints embedded
in gravel cemented with ferruginous clay, precisely in the
line towards the gate, about a foot or 18 inches below the
surface, and I saw them carted away as an obstruction to
cultivation. This field is the second from the gate, and the
third from the cross-road.
The next important line of Roman road from Silchester
was towards Winchester. This also is presumed to have
been straight, at least as far as Rook's Down, near Basing-
stoke, over which it appears to have gone, there being a
tradition that a part of it was formerly dug up, the present
general appearances also of the road confirming this
This road does not appear to have departed straight in
continuation from the south gate of the wall; but the north
and the south gate being truly so of each other, the street
connecting them was continued, it is presumed, in each
instance, on to the outer rampart, and the road commenced
its direction through the town from that outer gate.
Presuming this to have been the direction of the south
road, to which the present line generally conforms for a con-
siderable distance, we find it to be bearing S. W. to S. 2 S.,
and, following this course, at Latchmore Green we find that
remains have been dug up in two gardens,' and a small
meadow 2 on the west of the present road, and that other
remains have been ploughed up on Moor's Farm, in a field
called Long Ayliffs.3
On a survey of the direction and bearing of these places
pointed out, and on an examination of the flints, we find that
9"There is one of these (military ways)
yet visible, that leads towards Winchester."
(Horsley, p. 459.)
1 Statement of John and Ambrose
Ham. James Simpson, a sawyer, at Sil-
chester, ninety years of age, made a
sawpit at the back of Moor's Farm; and,
in digging down, came upon a bed of
large flints like a road. A. Ham heard his
father speak of the same flints.
2 Stated by David Norris.
3 By William Morrell, of Moor's Farmı.
I 2
:
:
110
SILCHESTER.
each place coincides with the general line and with the par-
ticular bearing, whence we conclude that such is the true
course of the road, and that it crosses Rook's Down and the
turnpike road from Basingstoke to Andover, at Worting, two
miles on the west of Basingstoke.*
The next line we shall notice is that from Old Sarum
(Sorbioduno) to Silchester.
Though the general bearing of this line (N. E. by E. 6° E.)
runs straight upon Silchester, no trace of it can be seen on
the east of Foscot, which is six miles from the place. At
this distance it is not easy to say which gate it entered at,
but the probability is that it was on the south.5 Several
places were examined where the stunted corn showed the
existence of solid materials below; but as it is common for
the gravel, of which the country is composed, to be consoli-
dated by the percolation of water through it, containing a
portion of iron and clay, there is no confidence to be placed
in these indications alone, particularly as the flints were
absent.
A line of this sort was pointed out, by the gamekeeper in
Pamber Forest,6 where, from the undisturbed state of the
surface, some indications would be expected; but, though
vestiges are near the line, they contain no flints, and there-
fore cannot be depended on: supposing them to be real
traces, the line would have run about 50 yards north of the
bridge which divides the parishes of Pamber and Tadley, on
the road from Basingstoke to Aldermaston.
Pushing on to the westward, to catch the true bearing of
the line, we came up to it at about a mile north-west of
Hannington, where an old farmer pointed it out across
several fields about this place it is clearly drawn on the
Ordnance map.
The Portway, which is the name it still
bears, passes Hannington about a mile on the north, and
crosses the field-way leading to Plantation Farm, near Wool-
CC
4 "The road from Silchester to Win-
chester falls into this (Popham Lane)
near Kempshot turnpike-gate, at an
angle of incidence of about 40°." (Anony-
mous Obs. on Rom. Roads, &c., p. 29.)
5 It is possible, as this course is not
followed in any of the lines given in the
Itineraries, that it was never completed
through the forest of Pamber; but that
the way from Foscot may have taken the
course of the upper ground as a tem-
porary junction with the Winchester and
Silchester road, somewhere about Rook's
Down, along the escarpment of the chalk.
6 A person, named Joseph Watson, took
some trouble to point out to me where he
thought the line passed; through Frame
Green Copse, and Bentley-Green Copse,
across a drain, diagonally through his
cottage meadows, under his barn, and so
continuing westward across the road, about
fifty yards north of the bridge.
SILCHESTER.
111
verton, about 240 yards north of the cross road; thence it
follows the fence nearly, which is a very thick one, for some
distance, and then falls obliquely into the valley where the
farmer still points out the mark of it in his corn at particular
seasons; but it is exceedingly obscure, except where it passes
the road and has caused a slight bend in its line; thence it
passes the cross road about 90 yards on the south of it; it
crosses the lane called Pit Lane, about 260 yards east of the
cross road above mentioned, and is fairly visible as it ascends
the hill to cross the road from Woolverton to Ewhurst.
Beyond this there is not the least vestige, in an easterly
direction, to be depended on; and even what has been de-
scribed above could not have been traced but from a projection
of the straight line. Still the slight bend in the old Reading
Road seems to mark where the ancient way passed, and the
line carried forward falls on the old cottage called Foss Cot,
which derived its name probably from being situated in the
fosse, or on the dyke of the Roman way. The farm buildings
are more recent in appearance than the cottage; hence the
name of Foscot Farm has probably been derived from the
Cot. A little on the west of these buildings, on the side
of the old road, is a farm which was once a public house,
called the “Brazen Head." As this line was straight, there
could have been no choice of ground between Old Sarum and
Silchester; but no present road descends the chalk range of
hills with less sudden declivity than this old line called the
Portway.
No attempts we made to carry the line forward to the
eastward were successful; and though there can be no doubt
that it ran a little on the south of Tadley Place, the resident
farmer has never heard of it, though he has resided there
for many years.7
The next road we can only suppose to have existed, for
there are no remains to be seen of it. As there is a west
gate, there must have been a road branching from it, and
the present county boundary between Hampshire and Berk-
shire, as a general line, seems probably to have been the course
of it towards Newbury (Spina). The general line of this
boundary runs towards a large tumulus, which, at a distance
of four miles from Silchester, forms the meeting point of the
7 Some ancient painted glass exists in one of the windows at Tadley Place, which
is not undeserving of notice.
112
SILCHESTER.
parishes of Brimpton, Wasing, Aldermaston, and Baughurst,
as we understood; Tadley, at one time, we are told, ran up
to it also; but, in some dispute with the parish of Baug-
hurst, a part of the common was lost.
Those who have examined cases where the boundary over
unenclosed commons has been disputed, will be prepared to
learn that the county line is not straight, and, though the
general line is tolerably so, there are several bends in it;
still it seems probable that this county line of boundary to
the west of Silchester was as much a line of road as the
similar line on the east.
It has been observed before, that taking the course of this
west line as compared with that on the east, by Park Lane,
it seems probable that Mortimer-west-end was once within
the boundary of Berkshire, and that it was in ancient times
taken within the Hundred of Holdshot to enlarge the manor
of Silchester.8
The present county boundary was made at the general
enclosure, and an old resident on Tadley Common, who
assisted in making the fence, contended that previously there
was no fence over the common between the counties; we
may, therefore, borrow a little from each side, and presume
that the original line, the ancient division of the tribes, ran
straight to the large tumulus on Baughurst Common, and
perhaps was the line of the Roman way as far as the tumulus,
and that thence towards Newbury (Spine) the Roman road
took another direction. Be this as it may, there is not even
a flint in the way side to lead to a supposition that the road
was ever there ¹
The last line we shall examine is that diverging from the
north gate; and if we take the line of entrenchment in
8 At a little more than a mile from the
West Gate on this line of boundary is an
ancient stone, called Nymph Stone. Some
suppose the word may have been Imp, and
thus have been placed by the Romans;
but as it forms the boundary stone of
parishes, as well as counties, at that spot,
it seems more likely to have been placed
where it is, when Mortimer West End is
presumed to have been added to Holdshot
Hundred. I think I was indebted for the
above suggestion regarding Mortimer
West End to the Rev. Mr. Coles, the rector
of Silchester, whose permission to examine
the parish map, and even to dig for re
mains within the glebe lands, I am desirous
to acknowledge, with thanks.
9 This tumulus is the most easterly of
three, near to each other, near the Lodge
Gate, at the entrance leading to Wasing.
It is surrounded by a ditch of 60 yards
in diameter; and though a great quantity
has been carried away, it still stands a
remarkable monument of former times.
These tumuli are called Baughurst bar-
rows; they are about 560 feet above the
sea level, and about 460 feet below the
chalk range.
¹ Dr. Beeke observes, "no traces remain
of any regularly drawn road from Silchester
to Newbury, wherefore I think that the
western communication with the road
from London to Bath was at Thatcham."
(Archæologia, vol. xv., p. 184.)
SILCHESTER.
113
Ford's Copse for it, leading, as it does, towards Pangbourne,
we must do so on the appearance and course of the en-
trenchment alone, and not from any other evidence of
flints or embedded gravel. It must be observed, however,
that each of these road-like entrenchments, the one pointing
towards Winchester, that towards Old Sarum, and this to-
wards Pangbourne, branch off from this place at a projection
in the exterior line of defence, and in two instances at a
Roman gateway. This does not prove them to have been
roads, but may lead to the supposition that they were co-
eval with the Roman work, if not made before it. On the
other hand, it seems unlikely that works of the kind would
have remained even so perfect as they are, during the long
period which elapsed from the building of the wall to the
destruction of the place, occupied as the place must have
been by a numerous population.
Such are the principal works connected with Silchester.
We will now, lastly, proceed to add some observations on
two other lines of entrenchment in the neighbourhood, which,
though unconnected with Silchester, or with each other, may
deserve a notice.
The first we may describe is situated on Mortimer Heath,
about a mile and a half from Silchester, in a N. by E.
direction.2
The length of the entrenchment, which consists of a
rampart, and ditch on the north side, is about 380 yards, its
west end resting on the Reading road at about 450 yards
after it leaves the Mortimer and Aldermaston road; its
course is E.N.E. On the opposite side of the road, to the
west end of this entrenchment, at a distance of about 180
yards in a west direction, and near a deep ravine which has
been artificially made into a pond, is an oval space, of about
40 by 60 yards in extent, having the appearance of, and
traditionally said to have been, a camp; but so very little
remains of either rampart or ditch, that it is difficult to
"At the distance of about a mile and
a half from Silchester, towards the north-
west, there still exists a long embankment
of earth with its ditch, which, after being
interrupted for about two miles, appears
again in a spot situated due north of the
town, near the village of Mortimer; and
in the immediate vicinity of the walls, near
the north gate, are the remains of another
embankment of the same kind, which,
according to a tradition current among
the country people, at one time entirely
surrounded the city. This last work must
have constituted an external fortification,
strengthening the place; the former is,
probably, a remnant of some entrench-
ment which had been raised for the pro-
tection of an army acting on the defensive,
and covering the town on that side."
(United Service Journal, Jan. 1836, p. 38.)
114
SILCHESTER.
say what it has been; still, when considered in connection
with the entrenchment so near it, and which seems once to
have extended towards it, we may accept the tradition as
probable.
About 500 yards on the north of this camp, on the north
side of the road from Mortimer, and close to it, are three
tumuli; the centre one is the largest, being about 40 yards
in diameter, the other two about 25 yards each.
It is impossible to speculate on the purpose of these works,
but a notice of the position of the ditch of the entrenchment
will be made hereafter.
The second entrenchment which we have to describe is
that in Aldermaston Park, about two miles N. W. by W.
of Silchester, and a mile and a half from Aldermaston; this
consists, like the former, of a rampart and deep ditch on
the north-west side, and at a short distance from the front
were once some tumuli, but they are now nearly destroyed.
This entrenchment is nearly a mile in length, running in a
N.E. by N. direction; it may have been connected with some
camp, as the Mortimer Heath one is, and something of the
sort is mentioned in "Chandler's History of Silchester,"
(page 39), but we could neither see nor hear of the re-
mains in question.3
The south end of this Aldermaston entrenchment is turned
by the ditch, as if it were never carried further; and, as this
end approaches the termination of a ravine, as well as the
north end, it is probable that it may have been cast up as a
breast-work before a defensive position; the tumuli are found
also on the ditch side, or front, in this case as well as in that
at Mortimer Heath, so that it is possible they may both
have been thrown up for the same purpose.
The great signal post of this district must always have
been Beacon Hill, about a mile from Burghclere (which
perhaps took its name from the fortified post), and about
twelve miles W. by S. 4°S. of Silchester; it is visible also from
Lowbury, near Compton, on the north, and from Egbury on
the south.
3 Dr. Beeke remarks, "There is a re-
markable fosse about a mile and a half
from Silchester, on the N. W., which
begins about a quarter of a mile to the
south of Ufton Church, and runs straight
through the whole of the parishes of Ufton,
Padworth, and Aldermaston, excepting
where interrupted in two or three places
by boggy valleys of very small extent.
The ditch is on the side of the mound
most distant from Silchester." (Archæo-
logia, vol. xv., p 185.)
SILCHESTER.
115
EGBURY CAMP (Vindomis ?)
A learned commentator on Richard of Cirencester's Itinerary,
remarks respecting the situation of Vindomis-" Of the next
station we can merely offer a conjecture. As the country
of the Atrebates and their capital Calleva, or Silchester, is by
our author described as lying near the Thames, in distinction
from that of the Segontiaci, whose capital, Vindomis, was
further distant from that river, and nearer the Kennet, one
point only appears to suit the distances, which bears the
proper relation to the neighbouring stations, and at the same
time falls at the intersection of two known Roman Roads.
This is in the neighbourhood of St. Mary Bourne, and affords
reason for considering Egbury camp, or some spot near it, as
the capital of the Segontiaci.
"24
On examination of the neighbourhood of St. Mary Bourne,
we find no remains of any buildings to lead to the supposition
that a station so remarkable as the Vindomis of the Romans
was ever placed there.
Egbury camp, or castle, is situated one mile and a half
east of St. Mary Bourne, and about the same height above
the sea as Silchester.
The castle, as the entrenchment is called, is in the form of
an irregular pentagon, and may originally have enclosed about
twelve acres; but a great part of the rampart has been de-
stroyed, and the whole of the ditch has been filled in. There
is but one entrance visible, which is on the west, though there
are slight vestiges of one on the east, with faint traces of a
road communicating with the ancient way from Newbury to
Winchester; which way seems to have touched, if not actually
entered the south-east angle of the camp, and thence have
taken a new direction towards Winchester.
The rampart is about nine feet high in one part, towards
the north-west angle, at which angle there may have been a
signal post.
Though the vestiges of the ditch are scarcely to be seen,
its depth was considerable, as the farmer adjoining found
when he dug on the east side for a pond; this excavation
failed for the purpose of containing water, the bottom being
4 See the late Mr. Leman's observa-
tions, appended to Mr. Hatcher's edition
of Richard of Cirencester, 1809, p. 156.
See also Sir R. C. Hoare's Anc. Wilts.,
vol. ii.
116
SILCHESTER.
composed of rubbish, rich manure, and broken pottery.
Scarcely any of the relics found seem to have been pre-
served; two Roman coins, apparently of Gallienus and Claudius.
Gothicus, picked up here, are now in the possession of
Mrs. Vincent at the farm-house adjoining. These, however,
are not sufficient to prove that Egbury was the Vindomis of
the Itineraries.
With respect to the distances of the camp from the Port-
way, the farmer pointed out clearly where it ran," despairing
of being ever able to reduce the stony line to the fertility of
the surrounding soil; its bearing proves the correctness.
of his observation, though the uncertainty of its appearance
has been the cause of its not being continued just here in the
Ordnance map. The distance from Silchester would agree
with the Itinerary, being nearly fifteen miles; but that
from Winchester can scarcely be reconciled with the dis-
tance of Vindomis from Venta Belgarum, being stated in the
Itinerary, both of Antoninus and Richard, to be twenty-one
miles.
If we follow the straight line in one case, it would be
but consistent to do so in another, and even with the short.
miles of D'Anville 6 we cannot make more than sixteen
miles between Winchester and St. Mary Bourne. Had
this been the Vindomis, it is presumed that some distance
from Speen (Spinis) would also have appeared in one of the
Itineraries.
The Portway is traceable from the certainty of its having
followed a straight line: it must have crossed the St. Mary
Bourne stream about 250 yards south of the church, where
there is still a ford and foot-bridge into Chorley Meadow;
this ford may possibly have been continued from the
Roman age. Proceeding to the west, its traces appear at
the south-east corner of Butt Close, and ascending that field,
in which a few of the enormous flints are still found, it is
visible as a slight ridge through Derry-down Copse, and
thence forms the ancient pathway to Flesh, or Fleych Stile,
where it becomes visible as the common road to Middlewick
Farm. About half a mile beyond the farm it descends to
lower ground, and passes the end of a deep entrenchment
5 About 770 yards S. W. of Mr. Vincent's
house.
6 Bohn's Antiq. Lib., Six Old Eng.
Chron., p. 475. "From these results
D'Anville estimates the Roman mile at 755
toises, or 1593 yards, English measure.'
་
SILCHESTER.
117
8
7
called the Devil's Ditch, or Dike. In its general bearing
this work runs south. It is not quite straight, but conforms
to the shape of the valley for some distance from the road,
about a quarter of a mile perhaps, and distinguished beyond
that by a plantation of fir trees, where it is said to form the
boundary of the parish of St. Mary Bourne. There it is well
preserved, and may be examined to advantage, particularly
at its south end, where the railway has cut through it and
exposed a section, from which it would appear that the
ditch was about eight feet below the ground, and the rampart
the same above it, with the ditch on the west. From the
railway it ascends a rising ground called Tinker's Hill, and
sweeps round the west edge of the summit in a manner to
present its ditch to the westward, thus commanding a view
of the declivity, and, at the same time, forming a defence to
the top of the hill. It does not appear to have been carried
beyond this hill, and terminates about 350 yards to the
south of the old road called the Oxen-drove. Though there
is a tradition that the entrenchment extended beyond the
Portway on the north, we could not ascertain, nor see any
proofs of the story; but about 800 yards north-west of the
point of junction we find two tumuli, on a rising ground, a
little on the west of Trendley Copse. These tumuli are
situated, it may be observed, on the ditch-side of the
entrenchment. Devil's Ditch may have been an ancient way,
or a boundary, of which the Portway may have been its
connecting way or side.
HENRY MACLAUCHLAN.
The various relics of Roman times which have been
disinterred from time to time at Silchester, are very
numerous. Gough, in his additions to Camden's Britannia
(vol. i., p. 204, edit. 1806), has enumerated many, now, it
7 It is near to this ancient dike that
Sir R. C. Hoare has placed Vindomis, on
Finkley Farm, about 600 yards on the
south of the Portway, and 200 yards to
the west of the dike.
The distance of this spot from Sil-
chester is about seventeen English miles;
and that to Winchester about thirteen, in
a straight line. (Anc. Wilts., vol. ii.,
p. 49; fol. ed.)
8 "Neither can I bring myself to agree
with Mr. Leman, in placing Vindomis
near Andover, on the way to Salisbury,
only because it lies wide of Winchester,
but because there is every reason to be-
lieve that the Port-way, or Salisbury
road, was not at that period in existence,
for the Itineraries uniformly make the
road to Salisbury pass through Win-
chester." (Anonymous Obs. Rom. Roads,
&c., p. 30.)
118
SILCHESTER.
may be feared, irrecoverably dispersed. Three inscriptions.
only appear to have been found; one given by Camden,
the sepulchral memorial of Flavia Victorina, seen by him in
Lord Burghley's garden, in London, and subsequently noticed
by Horsley as preserved at Conington. (Brit. Rom., pl. 75,
p. 332.) It does not appear to have been removed thence,
with other inscriptions, now at Trinity College, Cambridge.
The second referred to in the foregoing observations, the
dedication of a Temple, as supposed, to Hercules, was found
about 1744, and formed the subject of a memoir by Professor
Ward, in the Philosophical Transactions (vol. xliii., p. 200).
A bronze frame, in which this tablet had been affixed, was
subsequently brought to light, and both of these interesting
relics came into the possession of Dr. Mead; they afterwards
passed into the collection of Mr. Foote, Rector of Yoxal,
and thence into that of Mr. Duane. In the "Monumenta
Historica," this inscription is given (No. 121 a.), but it is
not stated where the tablet is now preserved. The third,
described by Gough (as above, p. 205,) and stated, on the
authority of Mr. Ward, to exist at Trinity College, Cambridge,
was found in 1732; it is supposed to refer either to Julia
Domna, wife of Severus, or to Julia Mammea. (See also
Archæol., vol. xxvii., pl. 32, p. 417.)
Mr. Barton, the present occupant of the site of Silchester,
and who resides at the Manor House, within the area of
the city, has, with very praiseworthy care, preserved a
considerable collection of coins and ancient relics of various
kinds, there brought to light. They were, by his kindness,
submitted to the examination of the members of the Insti-
tute, who were received by him in the most obliging manner,
on the occasion of their visit to Silchester, June 22, 1850,
during the Oxford Meeting. We have to acknowledge our
obligations to Mr. D. J. Maclauchlan for the communication
of several drawings, representing ancient objects of the
Roman period, now in Mr. Barton's possession, as also for
the enumeration of his coins, discovered at Silchester. The
list comprises Vespasian, Domitian, Nerva, Trajan, Hadrian,
Antoninus Pius, Faustina, Marcus Aurelius, Commodus,
Severus, Julia Domna, Caracalla, Valerian, Gallienus, Salonina,
Tetricus, father and son, Carausius (several, one with Rev.
ROMA AETER.), Allectus, Licinius, Valens, Constantine,
Magnentius, and Honorius, (A.D. 395-423.) A few Roman
ANTIQUITIES FOUND AT SILCHESTER.




In the possession of Mr. Barton. (Orig. size.
SILCHESTER.
119
gold coins have occurred at Silchester. An aureus of Valens
is in Mr. Barton's cabinet. One of Arcadius was found
in 1791, and is figured Gent. Mag., June,
1792, p. 529. A rare aureus of Allectus, and
one of Valentinian, have also been found.
We do not find in Mr. Barton's interest-
ing little museum any ancient relics formed
of the precious metals, such as the curious
gold ring, found in ploughing at Silchester
in 1785, bearing an antique head, inscribed
VENVS, and the words SENICIANE VIVAS
IINDE (sic) Archæol., viii., p. 449. Objects
of such intrinsic value are rare, but he is
in possession of several fibulæ, armlets, and
other ornaments of bronze of various kinds.
By Mr. D. Maclauchlan's kindness, we are
enabled to give representations of a few
of them. They comprise a bronze stylus,
and a ligula or probe, similar to that figured
in Mr. Lee's representation of Roman relics
from Caerleon, in this Journal (ante, p. 160).
Also a bronze key, adjusted so as to be
worn as a finger-ring; a variety of the
clavis Laconica. Such rings have repeatedly
been found on Roman sites. Van Rymsdyk
has given one, found at Verulam, in his
"Museum Britannicum," tab. vii.; and a
good specimen, disinterred at Chesterford
in 1847, is in the Hon. Richard Neville's
Museum at Audley End. Another may be
seen figured in the "Museum Kircherianum,"
tab. liv. The accompanying woodcuts re-
present a fibula of unusually slender fashion,
a small bell, a curious little object in the
form of an axe (securicula), possibly a child's
toy, and a singular relic, like a miniature
gridiron, with three diminutive projections,
or feet on one side; it appears to have
been adjusted to a handle, of wood possibly,

Bronze stylus and ligula.
Silchester. (Orig. size.)
or bone, but its use has not been ascertained.
All these are of bronze, and the representations are of the
same size as the originals. It may deserve notice that the
+
120
SILCHESTER.
double axe occurs amongst the various crepundia attached
to a band worn over the shoulder on a statue in the Museo
Pio Clementino, as shown by Mr. Rich in his useful "Illus-
trated Companion to the Latin Dictionary," p. 214. This
is in accordance with the observation of Plautus,-" Porro
crepundia solebant esse annuli, ensiculi, securiculæ, maniculæ,
bullæ, siculæ," &c. There are also in Mr. Barton's cabinet
miniature figures of a lion, a wolf, (?) and an eagle with
its wings displayed; the last measuring about two inches
in length. An eagle, described as of steel, was dug up at
Silchester about 1788, and exhibited to the Society of Anti-
quaries. (Archæol., ix., p. 370.) It was supposed to have
been a military ensign.
Amongst the relics of which Mr. D. Maclauchlan has
kindly communicated sketches, must also be noticed the base
of a column (diam. and height 22 in., diam. of base-mould-
ings 28 in.), a fragment of a shaft (height 45 in., diam. 14
in.), and the upper portion of a capital, with bold foliated
ornaments, but much defaced. Its greatest width, at top,
measures 3 ft. 5 in. This is probably the same fragment
"of the Corinthian order" noticed by Dr. Beeke in 1804
(Archæol., vol. xv., p. 184), and it is interesting as the
indication that some architectural monument, of no ordinary
importance, existed at Calleva.
A. W.

ROMAN ANTIQUITIES FROM THE BRUMELL COLLECTION, NOW IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM.
Silver vessel, in which the ornaments were deposited.
Diam. of orig. 43 inches. Height, 3 inches.
MATR-FA3
DVBIT-
NOTICES OF A REMARKABLE COLLECTION OF ORNAMENTS OF
THE ROMAN PERIOD, CONNECTED WITH THE WORSHIP
OF THE DEE MATRES, AND RECENTLY PURCHASED FOR
THE BRITISH MUSEUM.
THE objects to which the following observations relate
compose a small collection of antiquities discovered, about
the beginning of this century, in the county of Durham, or
in some adjoining district. The exact locality was cau-
tiously concealed, that they might not be claimed from the
discoverer by the lord of the manor, or perhaps from the
lord himself by the Lords of the Treasury, under the provi-
sions of the law of treasure trove.' They are said to have
been hawked about privately, till they were ultimately
purchased by a silversmith in Newcastle-upon-Tyne, who
unfortunately parted with some portion of them before they
were seen by Mr. Brumell, who immediately purchased all
that remained in the silversmith's possession; and archæ-
ologists are much indebted to that gentleman for keeping
them all together, and not allowing them to be separated
when ill health induced him to discontinue collecting, and to
sell, by public auction, the treasures, the collecting of which
had long afforded him the highest gratification.
The find consisted of an elegant silver vessel resembling a
saucepan, with the objects contained in it, and a small silver
dish. In the vessel were found five gold rings; one silver
ring; two gold chains, with ornaments attached to them; a
gold bracelet; a pair of large silver-gilt fibula; three silver
spoons, two oval and one circular; about 280 Roman
denarii; and two large brass coins of Antoninus Pius. On
the vessel was found a mirror, which was supposed, but
erroneously, to be the lid or cover of the pot. Of all these
objects, the saucepan, the six rings, the gold chains, the
bracelet, the pair of fibulæ, the three spoons, the mirror, and
one of the denarii, remained in the possession of Mr. Brumell,
and were, at his sale, purchased for the British Museum.
It is stated in Hodgson's Hist. of Northumberland, vol. iii., App., p. 440, that they
were found somewhere in that county, N.E. of Backworth, and brought to Newcastle
in 1811.
122 NOTICES OF A REMARKABLE COLLECTION OF ORNAMENTS,
The dish had been disposed of before Mr. Brumell saw
them.
The vessel, which resembles a modern saucepan, is of a
form by no means uncommon amongst the remains of Roman
metal antiquities. They are generally manufactured with
great neatness, and sometimes in nests, fitting accurately one
into another; their handles perforated, so that several may
be hung upon one peg, occupying only a small space in the
culinary territories, and peculiarly well adapted for a tra-
velling or camp equipage. The bottoms are very neatly
decorated with turned concentric circles, and being flat, are
well calculated for heating anything upon the fire.
The
vessel now under consideration varies in some respects from
this description. It is not so well fitted for placing upon the
fire, as the bottom is raised by a rim about half an inch high,
which might in some degree impede the effect of the fire
upon anything cooked therein, and be itself exposed to injury
by the fire. It would, however, protect the table from the
heat of any hot mess served up in the vessel, and the handle
would in some degree protect the fingers of the person
carrying it. It might have served for the purpose of pouring
out libations; but it is much deeper than the vessels for
that purpose generally seen in sculptures, nor are such
furnished with handles. Upon the whole, it may most safely
be considered as a domestic utensil used in the establishment
of the persons indicated by the inscription upon the handle.
But who these may be, to what establishment or institution
they may have been attached, or what office they may have
held, little or no information is to be derived from ancient
authors which will enable us to decide.
4
The vessel is 4 inches in diameter, and 3 inches high.
The handle is 42 inches long, broad and flat, very elegantly
decorated with flowers and foliage, whose forms confer a
variety and grace to its outline. It expands, where it
embraces the vessel, to more than one-third of its circum-
ference, and terminates on each side in the head of a longish-
beaked bird of a duck-like form. Much of the foliage is very
tastefully enriched with gold, and the letters of the inscription
-MATR. FAB. DVBIT.-consist of inlaid gold.
Of the rings contained in this vessel, the first to be noticed
is of gold, weighing 8 dwts. 19 grs. The stud is decorated
with a raised beaded border, the field within being so deeply
ROMAN ANTIQUITIES FROM THE BRUMELL COLLECTION.

MATR FAB
DVBIT
Inscribed handle of the silver vessel.
Length of orig. 43 inches.
MATR
VM.CO
AE
Gold rings.
Orig. size.
.
A



CONNECTED WITH THE WORSHIP OF THE DEE MATRES. 123
excavated as to admit the possibility of a crystal having been
inserted to cover the inscription, which reads - MATRVM
COCOAE. The letters are rudely executed, not engraved,but
stamped with small blunt chisels. Those of the last word,
or contractions of words, were originally CVCVAE; but sub-
sequently an o has been stamped upon each v, and it now
reads, as we see it, COCOAE.
The next ring, of gold, has nothing remarkable about it.
It is set with an oval stone, on which is engraved a figure
leaning upon something, but so coarsely executed that it is
impossible to say whether the figure be a Cupid, a Fortune, a
Faun, or a mere countryman. It weighs 8 dwts. 8 grs.
There are two other rings, also of gold, exactly resembling
each other in form; each set also with an engraved stone,
but so coarsely executed that the subjects cannot be ascer-
tained. One, however, may be supposed to represent two
ears of corn. The only peculiarity worthy of note is, that to
each stud is attached four round knobs, assimilating in that
respect to an object which will be noticed presently, and
probably indicating a form fashionable at the time. These
two rings weigh respectively 8 dwts. 8 grs., and 5 dwts.
31½ grs.
The next ring is of a very elegant form, being a thick wire
of gold, each end reverted, and terminating in the head of a
serpent; and between these, three studs of gold, surrounded
by smaller studs. These serpents' heads are peculiarly
formed, having in some positions the appearance of the calyx
and fruit of some plant, and for such they have actually been
mistaken. No doubt, however, can remain of their having
been intended for serpents, if they are compared with the
elegant ornament of which a representation is given, and
which formed part of an armlet. It was in the collection of
Mr. R. P. Knight, and is supposed to have been found in
England. The treatment of the serpent's head exactly
corresponds with those upon the ring, and the four gold
knobs attached to the stud exactly coincide with those
noticed upon the two rings already described. From these
coincidences it may probably be inferred that this bracelet
was contemporaneous with the several objects now under
consideration, and in some way connected with the worship
of the Deæ Matres. There are two other objects in the col-
lection of the British Museum which may also perhaps be
K
124 NOTICES OF A REMARKABLE COLLECTION OF ORNAMENTS,
connected with the same subject: these are two gold serpents,
which have formed bracelets. The heads have the same
peculiar treatment as those upon the ring. One is much
larger than the other, and was in the collection of Mr. Knight;
having, as supposed, been found with the large fragment.
The last ring found in the vessel is of silver, exactly
resembling in form the serpent-ring found with it. It has
unfortunately been broken, and one of the serpents' heads,
with some other portions, are lost. It may be observed that
all the silver objects are very much injured by time and the
nature of the soil in which they were deposited.
The next objects to be noticed are two gold chains, to each
of which is attached a wheel-shaped ornament, having behind
it a bar, terminating at each end, beyond the circumference
of the wheel, in a loop; to one of these, one end of the chain
is permanently fixed; to the other, it is fastened by a long
hook, as occasion might require. These chains are respec-
tively 2 ft. 4 inches and 2 ft. 8 inches long, and to each,
about eight inches from the wheel, is suspended a small
crescent or lunula. A chain, with a lunula attached, and
one of the wheel-like ornaments, is in the possession of Mr.
Johnes, of Dolocoutha, near Llandovery, near which place
they were found.2 The chain was probably broken by the
workmen who discovered it, and the object of the ornaments
has been mistaken; the wheel having one loop straitened
has been supposed to be a fibula; the horns of the lunula have
been more bent onwards, and converted into a loop of the
chain. A chain with a wheel ornament and attached lunula,
exactly resembling all these, is figured by Count Caylus,
Recueil d'Antiquités, Suppl. vol. vii., Pl. xciv.; in the two
following plates are chains and wheel-shaped ornaments, all
found in Switzerland, and not considered in any other light
by the Count than merely female ornaments of dress. With
these was an armlet, terminating at each end in an ornament
represented as flowers, but indisputably intended for serpents'
heads; for, when analysed, all the parts correspond with
those upon the heads of the serpents already mentioned.
A pair of silver armlets, resembling this, were found at Castle-
thorpe, in the county of Bucks, about 1830. All these are
coarsely executed, chiefly by the hammer and punch, not by
See Archaeological Journal, vol. vii. p. 173.

GOLD ORNAMENTS FROM THE BRUMELL COLLECTION, NOW IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM.

Gold necklace and armlet


ROMAN ORNAMENTS IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM.
Portion of a gold armlet
Fayne Knight's Coll. Brit. Mus.
00000
Bood
Silver-gilt fibula. From the Brumell Coll.
Orig. size.
Pendant ornaments of gold.
Orig. size.


CONNECTED WITH THE WORSHIP OF THE DEE MATRES. 125
sculpture. It is evident that the combination of the chain,
the wheel-like ornament and lunula, and perhaps the serpent,
was not confined to any locality, but in use in various places,
and therefore probably not a mere ornament, but connected
with some religious ceremony or feeling.
There is another gold chain, probably an armlet, in this
collection, about seven inches long, to which a wheel-like orna-
ment is permanently attached at both ends; there is not any
lunula attached; a hollow bead is strung upon each loop.
The two fibulæ found within the vessel are precisely similar
to each other: there is not anything in their form which,
had they been found unconnected with any other objects,
could have led even to a conjecture as to any peculiar appro-
priation of them to any person or society; as, however, these
were found mixed with objects connected with the worship
of three united divinities, or Genii, the threefold ornament at
the side may have some symbolical reference to these per-
sonages. These two objects add another, to many well-known
instances, of these large fibulæ being found in pairs.
Of the three spoons, forming part of this find, two are
precisely similar; the handle of one of them is wholly, or
partly, modern; the form is oval, and well known to archaeo-
logists; the third, having a circular bowl and straight handle,
is much more rare; all have a small groove round the inside
of the bowl, which is not usual, and the object of which is
not apparent. They are small, too small perhaps for domestic
purposes, and have generally been considered to have been
appropriated to sacred purposes, to draw out from the acerra,
or usual store vessel, such small quantity of precious ointment,
or frankincense, as might be required. (See cuts, orig. size.)
The mirror is formed of a circular plate of silver, decorated
on one side with concentric incised circles, and a leaf-like
border surrounds the edge, which, having been only soldered
on, has in a great degree been detached and lost. The
mirror was found upon the saucepan, and has been sup-
posed to be its cover. It may have been so, but it appears
to be much too large for that purpose; it has all the usual
form of Roman mirrors, and seems to have had some alloy
mixed with the silver to adapt it for taking a polish. This has
perhaps rendered it brittle, for it has been broken into several
pieces; and it has been repaired, not in a very graceful manner,
by attaching to one side of it an ill-formed piece of silver.
K 2
126 NOTICES OF A REMARKABLE COLLECTION OF ORNAMENTS,
One object only remains to be noticed, of little value in
itself, but important as fixing
the date of the objects with
which it was found; it is one
of the 280 denarii. It is of
Antoninus Pius, struck in his
second consulate, correspond-
ing to the year 139 of our
æra; and, as this was the latest
coin discovered, it may reason-
ably be concluded that these
articles were all deposited in
his reign, which terminated in
161, twenty-two years after the
date of the latest discovered
coin, or at least before the coins
of his successor could have
come into general circulation in
this country. Of the Deæ
Matres, with whose religious
rites and ceremonies these
objects appear to be connected,
nothing is to be learned from
ancient authors; it is only
from still-existing monuments,
becoming the subject of investi-
gation by archaeologists, that
any reasonable, though imper-
fect conclusions can be formed
as to the place which they held
in the mythology of our ances-
tors. These monuments are
votive offerings, or altars, and have been found chiefly in
Spain, France, Germany, and England. Where sculptured
figures accompany the inscriptions, three females are repre-
sented, and they are variously, and perhaps indifferently,
denominated as Matres, Matronæ, Junones, &c. &c. To these
titles names of places are very frequently added, it may there-
fore be concluded that these personages were the Genii, patron
saints, presiding divinities over certain localities, whether
districts, towns, or places of still smaller dimensions or
importance. They may also be considered as beneficent

CONNECTED WITH THE WORSHIP OF THE DEÆ MATRES. 127
personages, more to be approached with prayers for benefits
to be conferred, or with thanks for blessings already received,
than with addresses deprecating expected evil, or gratitude
for evils averted. They are represented holding in their
hands, or on their laps, fruit, flowers, or baskets of such
cornucopiæ and other symbols of fertility and abundance,
implying, as usual in mythological figures, the objects offered
to them in propitiation of their favours, and also those which
their votaries expected to receive by their mediation. The
attendants, who are represented occasionally upon these
monuments, are carrying some of the various objects offered
to these tutelary divinities; and these are baskets of fruit or
flowers, a bottle, evidently to contain some fluid; a pot to
contain something less fluid. Now it is well known that
flowers, fruit, milk, and honey, were the usual grateful
offerings to rural divinities, and such therefore we may sup-
pose to be indicated by the baskets, the jug, and the pot.
The three goddesses are generally represented seated upon
a long seat, clothed in ample draperies, covering the whole
person close up to the chin; and circular fibulæ appear to
have been worn in front of the neck, or upon the shoulders;
but the existing sculptures, or the drawings of them, are so
imperfectly finished, or are so decayed, that the exact forms
cannot be satisfactorily ascertained. Small chapels are
said to have been erected to their honour, or for the cele-
bration of their rites; and a small chamber re-opened at
Ellenborough, in Cumberland, in the year 1766, is supposed
to have been one of these chapels. It contained three niches,
in which the statues of these divinities were supposed to
have been placed, not upon one seat, as they appear on
sculptured monuments. The chapel was below the surface
of the ground, in some degree corresponding with the
grottos usually devoted to the service of rural divinities. (See
Archæologia, vol. ii., p. 58.) For further information respect-
ing these divinities it will be well to consult the Dissertation
of the Abbé Banin (Hist. de l'Acad. Roy. des Inscriptions,
Vol. vii., p. 34), and a paper by Mr. Roach Smith, in the
Journal of the Archaeological Association.
The inscriptions which have been mentioned upon the
objects in this collection cannot be explained with much
certainty. All the known inscriptions referring to the Dea
Matres have been upon altars or commemorative tablets, and
128
NOTICES OF A REMARKABLE COLLECTION OF ORNAMENTS,
are consequently dedicatory, affording little assistance to the
elucidation of these, which are perhaps the only ones which
have been made known as attached to objects of ornament
or utility, which may be dedicatory, or only indicating pro-
prietorship. The inscription on the handle of the vase is
MATR. FAB. DVBIT. The name of Dubitatus occurs upon two
inscriptions recorded by Gruter; it may read, therefore,
MATRIBVS FABIVS DVBITATVS, dedicated to the Deæ Matres, or
to the use of their priestesses, by Fabius Dubitatus, or perhaps
a female, Fabia Dubitata. Or it may be read, MATRIS FABIAE
DVBITATE, declaring it to be the property of Fabia Dubitata,
a priestess of the Dea Matres. It will be more conformable
to the general nature of inscriptions to read it in the dedi-
catory form, and consider it as dedicated to the service of
the divinities mentioned.
The inscription upon the ring, MATRVM. COCOAE, presents
greater difficulties; COCOAE appears as one word, there is not
any point, or mark of contraction to separate the letters into
different words, or to encourage insertion. To no person,
place, or office, do the indexes of Gruter or other authors
apply such a name, nor any one sufficiently resembling it,
to justify the conjectural emendation of a supposed error.
The only course is to supply the marks of separation or
contraction which, in ancient inscriptions, are frequently
omitted, and endeavour to discover some plausible interpre-
tation. It has been already stated that upon existing monu-
ments relating to the Dea Matres, the names of places over
which these divinities presided were frequently inserted;
and as these objects now under discussion were found in the
north of England, it is reasonable to look out for some place
in that part of the kingdom, whose name may possibly be
indicated by the letters of the inscription; Colonia Ælia
has been suggested; but besides that some of the letters
would remain unexplained, the name of Newcastle is Ponst
Ælii, not Colonia Elia. It has been conjectured that the
inscription might be read, "Matrum collegii coædituæ,"
(To the joint housekeeper of the college of the priestesses of
the Dex Matres). There are, however, strong objections to
such an interpretation; there is not any authority for such a
college, or such an office; and "co "is never the abbreviation
of collegium. The solution of the enigma must be left to
some fortunate discovery of an explanatory inscription, or
to the ingenuity of some happy Edipus. All that appears
CONNECTED WITH THE WORSHIP OF THE DEE MATRES.
129
to be satisfactorily made out is, that these objects are in
some way connected with the worship of the Deæ Matres;
and it may be reasonably concluded that the other objects
found with them were also used upon similar occasions.
It has been already stated that the divinities were ap-
proached with addresses to propitiate their influence in pro-
ducing fruitful seasons, and of such influence the moon would
be considered an appropriate symbol, as beneficial to the
increase of corn, cattle, and all things living. "Incrementis
frugum, et pecudum, omniumque animantium commoda est;
augmentis enim ejus, detrimentisque mira quadam provi-
dentiæ arte, omne quod gignitur, alitur et crescit." 3 The
prevalence of such opinions may have occasioned the intro-
duction of lunulæ into ornaments worn by votaries of the Dea
Matres.
sun.
The moon, however, according to Aristotle, is only a lesser
sun, and operates only, by a borrowed influence, in conducing
to the generation and growth of all things. It would not
be surprising to find the more potent luminary symbolised
in the objects worn by the same votaries; and therefore
those persons may be correct who have supposed the wheel-
like ornaments attached to these chains as emblems of the
If this object is more than a mere ornament, if it is a
symbol also, it may perhaps be more reasonable to suppose
that it symbolises what it more resembles-a wheel. The
moon was considered a fit emblem of the progress of pros-
perity, because she was seen gradually to increase in magni-
tude and glory. Quod illa sit mortalium corporum et
author, et conditrix; adeo ut nonnulla corpora sub luminis
ejus accessu patiantur augmenta et huic decrescenti minu-
antur." The wheel is a similar and appropriate emblem of
the rise and fall of prosperity; and though it was not so
generally figured in ancient sculptures with that view, as it is
in more modern times, yet the expression of Cicero Rota
Fortune shows that it was acknowledged as such.
66
The other object discovered, which may also have a sym-
bolical meaning, is the serpent. The Dee Matres were not
only invoked for fertile fields and fruitful seasons, but several
inscriptions prove that they were supposed to exercise a very
beneficial influence over the health of individuals; the snake,
therefore, the invariable companion of the Dea Salus, will be
3 Clemens Roman. lib. 8.
Macrob. lib. i. in Somn. Scipionis, cap. 11.
130 NOTICES OF A REMARKABLE COLLECTION OF ORNAMENTS.
very readily admitted to be an appropriate decoration for the
votaries of the Dea Matres.
The hitherto known examples of lunulæ, wheels, or suns,
and serpents, have been found under circumstances which
have not afforded any elucidation of the uses to which they
were applied, or the purposes for which they were made;
nor were any other objects found with them which might
facilitate conjecture. In this instance they have been found
with objects clearly connected with the worship of the Dea
Matres, and an endeavour is made to show that they are sym-
bols which might reasonably be supposed to appear among the
paraphernalia of the priestesses and votaries of those divi-
nities. Let it, however, be remembered that these are only
conjectures formed upon exceedingly slight grounds, and
thrown out, upon the present occasion, less with a view to
illustrate the objects of which representations are given,
than to induce Archaeologists to examine minutely and accu-
rately, and to record at the time, faithfully and in detail, all
the circumstances attending the discovery of any similar
objects at which they may happily be present; and, as far
as they have the power, to prevent the separation of any
objects, however insignificant they may appear, which have
been found together, at least till they have been thoroughly
examined by persons competent to form a sound and correct
judgment. Isolated objects are of little value; a collector
may accumulate a number of amusing and elegant specimens,
but it is only by combination, concentration, and comparison,
that an entertaining collection can be converted into an
instructive museum, and Archaeology erected into a science.
REMAINS OF A ROMAN CHARIOT OF BRONZE.



Urbanitoull
Diam. of Wheel, 2 in.
From the Originals in the Museum of Toulouse.
!
:
NOTICES OF REMAINS OF A ROMAN CHARIOT, PRESERVED IN
THE MUSEUM AT TOULOUSE.
BY THE LATE WILLIAM BROMET, M.D., F.S.A.
I Do not know that any detailed account has as yet been
published of the remains of an ancient car, stated to have
been discovered by Sir W. Lawson, in a tumulus upon his
property in Yorkshire. The restored bronze car in the
Vatican, the dissevered portions of another found by Lucien
Bonaparte, at Canino (now in possession of his widow, and
for sale), and a few fragments of one found in 1813, at
Perugia, of which some are in the museum there, and some
were in the collection of Mr. Dodwell, are the only real monu-
ments of this kind now extant (unless, indeed, there be some
fragments in the British Museum, and a wheel stated to exist
at Berlin). I have accordingly thought that a description of
two wheels, together with a pole-end, and a portion of the
rim of a bronze car, all in the condition of their discovery,
and now in the museum at Toulouse, may possibly be useful
for comparison with such remains of antique chariots as may
hereafter be brought to light.
The wheels here selected for description are not more than
22 inches in diameter; each has five spokes-now hollow-
which spring from the middle of the nave, and at right
angles with it. The nave is of the disproportionate length of
more than 14 inches, of which that half that projected to-
wards the body of the car is plain, while the other half pro-
jecting outwards is encircled with fillets, as are also the
springings of the spokes. The passage through the nave for
the axle is, at its ends, 3 inches in diameter; but it gradually
becomes wider towards its centre, so that, except at its ends.
there is a large space between the circumference of the axle
and the walls of this passage. And here I would remark that
this space, which was evidently meant for the access of air,
and thereby the prevention of such heat as a more extensive
contact and friction might have elicited, proves, perhaps, that
132
NOTICES OF THE REMAINS OF A ROMAN CHARIOT.
the car to which this wheel belonged had been made for real
use, and not (as supposed of the Vatican and Perugian cars)
for merely votive purpose.
The felloe, now hollow, is 3 inches broad. Its edge, of
1 inch in diameter, has in its centre a cleft three-quarters of
an inch wide, through which, I presume, the felloe was
filled with wood, and the cleft then closed with an iron
tyer, such tyers having been found with the Vatican car, and
in abundance, at Pompeii, although no bronze remains of cars
have been there discovered. I also presume that the hollows
of the spokes were filled with wood passed through
the said cleft; and, likewise, that the nave ends
of these wooden spokes rested on the outer walls
of the bronze nave, while their other ends were
fastened to the bronze felloe by transverse rivets,
which at the same time connected the two faces
of the felloe with each other, and as evinced by the position
of five of the ten rivet-holes remaining.
The pole-end is 16 inches long, 14 of which are hollow
for the reception of the pole of wood, while the extremity,
or point, is solid and plain.
The other portion of this Toulouse car seems to have
belonged to the hinder rim of the body, being rounded at
top, and having a deep cleft at its under side, apparently
for placing it thereon. It is 17 inches long, and terminated
with a bas-relief representing a man on horseback attacked
by a lioness. This part, being of knobbed form, was pro-
bably a handle whereby to mount into the car.
The car of the Vatican has been figured by Visconti, at
the end of the 5th folio volume of the Museo Pio Clemen-
tino; its original and restored parts are carefully distin-
guished in the explanatory text of that magnificent work.
The fragments of the Canino car have never, I believe, been
properly put together; but a restoration drawing of it was
exhibited to the Scientific Congress at Genoa, and a descrip-
tion of it published in the "Transactions" of that congress.'
The portions of the Perugian car have been described by
Vermiglioli, and after him, with comments, by Inghirami, in
the third volume of his work upon Etruscan Antiquities.
I shall not speak of the cars and their appurtenances

Edit. in quarto form.
NOTICES OF THE REMAINS OF A ROMAN CHARIOT.
133
depicted on what are called Etruscan vases, most of these
having met with a sufficiently full description; but since
such has not yet been published in regard to the cars repre-
sented on some terra-cotta bas-reliefs, in the collection of
the Chevalier Campana, at Rome, I will here transcribe a
page from my note-book respecting them.
The first that I shall notice has a body of the common
curved form, but with a railing around its front, for the
better security of the driver, who seems to be a female. The
wheels have only four spokes each, and are not higher than
a man's leg. There is no appearance of traces to the horses,
whence we may infer (provided always that these bas-reliefs
give a faithful portraiture of real objects) that each outside
horse drew only by a single trace, which passing between
him and his central companion, and thus hidden from our
view, was attached to the axle-tree; the two central horses
drawing by a yoke, as oxen do. The bitts are not in the
horses' mouths, but are placed over their noses, like the
cavessons still used in Italy, and all the reins are passed
through one ring.
The second on my list has a quadrangular body, with
straight top, and four eight-spoked wheels, and was meant
probably to represent a public conveyance, as it contains.
several persons of both sexes, apparently on a pleasure-
jaunt.
The third has also a quadrangular body, but with two
six-spoked and higher wheels, and contains a man and
woman who seem to be culprits, each being bound about the
neck and wrists with cords held by persons walking at their
sides.
The fourth has remarkably low wheels, and its combat-
ant has one foot on the ground.
The fifth has its horses restrained by both hands of the
driver, who is apparently a female, and also by one hand
of her male companion.
The sixth is a racing chariot, with wheels of eight spokes,
in the act of arriving at the metæ of a circus.
The seventh, another racing chariot, has its driver swathed
about his chest and legs with thick, wide bandages, as if for
protecting him from injury in case of being overturned.
In conclusion, I may remark that most of the racing
134 NOTICES OF THE REMAINS OF A ROMAN CHARIOT.
cars thus represented in the Campana collection are very low,
and have wheels of only four spokes, and that the horses
are all hog-maned and of slender make.
W. BROMET.
The foregoing communication was prepared for transmission to the
Institute by the late Dr. Bromet, as an evidence of his continued interest
in the proceedings of the Society, in which for some years previously he
had actively participated. It was written during his last continental tour.
not long previously to his decease; and it was included among the memoirs
brought before the Section of Early and Medieval Antiquities, at the
Oxford Meeting. Towards the close of that meeting the intelligence reached
the Institute, that the zealous researches of one of their earliest friends
and coadjutors had been brought to a close by his untimely death in a
distant country.
THE CASTLE, AND THE PROVISIONS OF OXFORD.'
WHEN the Conqueror's survey was made, it does not appear
that there existed any military building at Oxford. The
mill has continued probably on the same spot down to the
present time, from the days of Edward the Confessor; but
the castle adjoining it, is the erection of a later reign. The
town was walled round in the middle of the eleventh century,
and so were some of the houses, termed mansiones murales,
perhaps from being dwellings with the exterior protection of
an enclosure by walls. As helping to contribute by this
means to the general defence of the place, their occupiers
were exempted from the payment of geld, and of all taxes
excepting murage, or of attending the King in his expedi-
tions. In endeavouring to ascertain the exact date of the
castle, we must first of all inquire whether there is any
official record of the Crown that will throw any light as to
the precise time when it was built; and the absence of any
mention of it in Domesday, where several are enumerated,
and which would undoubtedly have named this had it been
in existence, proves that it is a building of a lower period.
The place was, however, of considerable strength and
importance, since it was here that the Conqueror directed
his first operations after he had heard of the alliance formed
betwixt the Saxons, and Malcolm, King of Scotland. The
citizens offered a vain resistance to his assaults; and the
Normans entering through a breach in the walls, avenged
themselves for the opposition they had encountered by
destroying four hundred houses, and cruelly treating the
inhabitants.
The castle must have been erected within the space
of half-a-century afterwards, since we find allusion made
to it in the Monkish Historians, who have written on
the transactions of the period. For, as the Saxon
Chronicle states,-when the Empress Matilda had divided
the allegiance of the English betwixt King Stephen and
herself, her supporters carried her to Oxford, and put her in
possession of the town. The King was then in prison; but
136 THE CASTLE, AND
THE PROVISIONS OF OXFORD.'
(
as soon as he was liberated and heard of her success, he took
his army and besieged her in the Tower, from which the
soldiers inside let her down by ropes at night, and thus she
stole away and fled on foot to Wallingford. The story of
her escape is slightly varied by William of Malmesbury, who
says that the townsmen being anxious for their own safety
when Stephen besieged them, they allowed her, with four
soldiers, to pass out through a small postern, and so reaching
Abingdon on foot, she thence proceeded on horseback to
Wallingford. This event, which happened in the year 1142,
is therefore conclusive as to the existence of a castle at
Oxford at that time. And, upon examining the earliest
architectural remains of the present fortress, there is no
reason to doubt that a considerable part is assignable to the
same time. Nor is there anything to forbid the assump-
tion, as far as its character is concerned, that the tower
now standing is the tower the Empress Matilda lodged
in during her short sojourn at Oxford. Judging too from
the general inductions which architectural observers have
laid down as a guide for determining dates, there is
enough to be seen in that part of the building, erroneously
called Maude's Chapel, to show that it belongs to the
end of the eleventh, or very beginning of the twelfth
century (between 1087 and 1135.) The mound is unques-
tionably very much earlier, and before the Saxon period, but
the remains within it belong to the time of Henry III.,
so that here may be seen what preceded the Mercians, and
the latest remains erected by the Plantagenets. The crypt,
commonly called Maude's Chapel, is a most interesting
example of early Norman work. The vaulting is bold, and
the voussoirs carefully worked with stools. The capitals of the
piers are highly curious. It was in all probability the crypt
under the Great Hall. Before, however, opening the exami-
nation of the existing buildings, it will be well to go on
gathering what few particulars we can of an authentic kind
that have been recorded on official documents.
1
The custody of the County of Oxford, and the castle, were
1 It has been asserted, on what appears
to me rather vague authority, that the
whole of this crypt has been rebuilt within
the last half century; as I must confess
I can discover nothing to favour this state-
ment, beyond the ambiguity inseparable
from every kind of hearsay testimony, I
wish to leave it an open question for
architectural observers to decide, and
say
how far existing appearances can be re-
conciled to the current tradition.
THE CASTLE, AND 'THE PROVISIONS OF OXFORD.' 137
united from the earliest notice that mentions their existence.
And hence the sheriff was the constable; and since every
outlay, either for actual buildings that were necessary, or for
the repairs of those existing, were made under precepts
issued to him from the Crown, these expenses will be found
entered on the Great Roll of his accounts, annually delivered
into the Exchequer. I have looked through these from the
thirty-first of Henry the First, to the end of the reign
of Edward the Second, but only two entries have been
discovered relating directly to the Castle of Oxford.-The
first, 33 Henry II., 1187, states a small charge of 17. Os. Sd.,
for repairing a certain house in the Castle of Oxenford, and
is, therefore, also decisive as to its erection before this year.
The two others belong to the second and third of Richard the
First. In the former years, there is a charge of sixty
shillings for covering the King's Hall; and in the ensuing
one, 8l. 5s. 1d., for general restoration.
And,
But if these records are unusually deficient during its
early state, it may be accounted for by the fact, that the
castle being recently built, it would need but trifling renova-
tion, or else no doubt the entries would have been as full as
those on the Great Roll of the Pipe concerning Dover,
Bridgenorth, and Nottingham, or those relating to the King's
houses at Clarendon, Marlborough, and Woodstock.
indeed, after the Empress Matilda had made her escape from
Oxford, and Stephen was dead, Henry the Second, upon
whom the possession of the castle devolved, preferred living
in his residence at Woodstock, where he is supposed to have
been attracted by the charms of the fair, and perhaps the
fabled, inhabitant of its sylvan bowers, and upon this place he
made a considerable outlay. Yet, like his predecessors, he
held a council at Oxford in 1177 (as Henry the First
did, in the New Hall, 1133), when his youngest son John
was created King of Ireland.
When this latter Prince ascended the throne, he ordered
the fosse surrounding the castle, and the bretasches to be
repaired (Rot. Claus. 6 John); and he held councils here
in the fifth, eighth, and fifteenth years of his reign. Con-
siderable discussion has arisen respecting the constitution of
the last two councils, but it will hardly be necessary to
pursue the inquiry as to the points in dispute, since the
difficulties respecting the one held in the eighth year of
138 THE CASTLE, AND C
THE PROVISIONS OF OXFORD.'
John's reign, relate chiefly to a nice definition of the title
Magnates, namely,-whether the word was to be understood
in an enlarged sense, as including all the tenants-in-chief
of the Crown by military service, or simply those who held
by barony. The investigation that the wording of the writ
has received, is by no means unimportant, since its true inter-
pretation determines the composition of our early constitu-
tional assemblies. And if the appellation of Magnates admits
of the extended signification it has obtained, it will show that
not only military tenants included all the tenants-in-chief
by military service, but sometimes Knights of the Shire,
and such as became Magnates by subinfeudation, or as
holding lands as escheats of the Crown. The convocation,
therefore, of these increasing numbers, would be jealously
regarded by the nobility; and on the other hand, the
nobility themselves were now growing so formidable and
hostile to John, that it became his policy to introduce
into the Council men, who, in addition to their own natural
popularity, would be able to neutralise the power of his
opponents.
The council held in the fifteenth of John's reign, was called
together under more distinctly recognised qualifications, as
the four knights for the counties were then for the first time
expressly nominated to attend. The affairs of the nation
had now taken a serious aspect, for this was the last council
the King held before the Barons wrested from him at
Runnymede the Great Charter of Rights upon which modern
liberties are founded. There does not appear, indeed, any
precedent for this innovation, but it is nevertheless un-
doubtedly clear, that the counties now possessed, whether in
themselves, or by the writs of the sheriff, we know not, the
first opportunity of returning freeholders to represent them in
Parliament. And we may from hence perceive how gradual
was the introduction of changes in the mode of representa-
tion; no alteration being planned with the particular object
of enlarging or amending it, but every improvement taking
its origin spontaneously, and flowing out of the current of
circumstances.
John visited Oxford in nine different years of his reign,
and passed here forty-five days of his life after he became
king; which for so restless and wandering a monarch, was a
considerable length of time, and shows that he must have
THE CASTLE, AND THE PROVISIONS OF OXFORD.' 139
been well satisfied with the accommodations his castle at
Oxford afforded.
If the official documents have hitherto contained but
meagre notices respecting one of the objects of enquiry,
when we enter on the reign of Henry III. there is no
longer cause to regret the absence of information. For we
have now an increased class of records to refer to, and the
Close Rolls and the Liberate Rolls, but more especially the
latter, supply most interesting and curious particulars about
the royal buildings in England, the expense of their erection
and reparation, the names of the different engineers who
planned them, and of the artists who decorated their
interiors. The Close Rolls, down to the tenth of Henry
III., have been printed; the Liberate, or Payment Rolls,
are reserved to moulder away without the security of a
transcript being made for the instruction of those who may
succeed us, and who may too late discover in a few scattered
extracts the importance of historical matter, which the
present generation of inquirers look at with a degree of
apathy difficult to understand. There are three valuable
rolls of this description (2, 3, 5) belonging to the reign of
King John, and forty-five to that of Henry III. During
the reign of the three Edwards they are still more
complete.
The Liberate Rolls of Henry III. commence in the tenth
year of his reign, and, wanting three (15, 16, and 47), run
on in generally indifferent condition to the close. During
this space of forty-four years, there are entries under
twenty-three relating to the Castle. Some of them, it is
true, merely state the order for repairs; but others are
curious for the insight they throw upon the domestic arrange-
ments, and the sort of social state that was observed within
its precincts. It may hereafter be thought desirable to print
these extracts entire, together with a list of the constables,
from the Originalia and Patent Rolls, but our present con-
venience will be most favoured by bringing forward only
those matters which present the most attractive features for
observation.
It may be safely inferred, that besides the present keep,
singular from its rude construction, and the unusual amount
to which it batters, there was observable in the early arrange-
ments various other buildings, such as the garrison chapel,
L
140 THE CASTLE, AND 6
THE PROVISIONS OF OXFORD.'
the chaplain's house, the hall, the kitchen, the pantry,
scullery, larder, the chambers of the King and Queen, and
his private chapel, all of which were enclosed by the girdle
of a lofty exterior wall; and without attempting to indicate
the exact extent, for this is only what the careful observation
of dwellers on the spot can fix by means of tracing the
foundations, or by local knowledge, it is natural to suppose
that works were continually needed to sustain these various
buildings in proper repair. Such general expense of main-
tenance it will be advisable to pass over, as perplexing by
its minuteness, and therefore the attention shall be confined
to such entries as appear more deserving of notice.
We will commence with the chapel; it is now difficult.
to ascertain its site, but we gather from the Liberate Roll
(11, Hen. III.) that the interior had open fittings, as the
sheriff was ordered to have four forms (quatuor formas)
made for it; that the chancel was plastered (28, Hen. III.),
and that late in that king's reign (53, Hen. III.), there
was erected near the gate, out of the old timber of
the old kitchen, a good and proper chamber for the
use of the royal chaplains and clerks. Their remunera-
tion was small, if it consisted of nothing more than a
money payment, as the king's chaplain seldom took more
than fifty shillings a year. Besides this, Queen Alienora had
her private oratory, which was decorated with paintings
before the High Altar (30, Hen. III.). There was a store-
room made (11, Hen. III.) in the pantry of the king's hall,
to keep the bread in for the royal table, and the hall, like
the chapel, was plastered (28, Hen. III.). The windows of
the Great Hall did not usually open. Those in the noble
refectory of Battle Abbey had the upper part glazed, and
the lower provided with a small shutter to let in air. But
in 1244 (28, Hen. III.) a new window was inserted
north and south of the hall at Oxford to admit of this con-
venience. In the same year a handsome porch was built
before the door of the hall, on the south side; and subse-
quently (30, Hen. III.), an oriel beyond it. Its windows were
altered and repaired two or three times during this reign.
It was also furnished with light internally by two iron
candelabra (34, Hen. III.), and most likely possessed a
chair of state, similar ot the carved one ordered by the
King himself for his castle at Northampton. The kitchen
THE CASTLE, AND C
THE PROVISIONS OF OXFORD.' 141
underwent frequent reparation, till at last a new one
was built for the king's family in a vacant area betwixt
the old one and the larder (30, Hen. III.). And besides
the store-room and pantry before mentioned, there was a
salting-house, a scullery, and a meal-house; a brew-house,
stables, wardrobes; and chambers for the King and Queen,
private chambers, the chamber of Prince Edward, and the
outer chamber of the servants. In short, we gather from
these twenty-three Liberate Rolls bearing entries on the
subject, that the Castle of Oxford contained every con-
venience befitting the royal inmates.²
The Close Roll of the fifth of Edward II., mentions
an allowance to Richard Damory, Warden of Oxford Castle,
of the wages of six men-at-arms and twelve footmen,
retained in the castle for its safe custody and also thirty
quarters of corn, sixty quarters of malt, four tons of wine,
ten quarters of salt, ten carcases of beef, forty hogs, and five
hundred dried fish to be provided for the castle. The Fine
Roll of the same year confirms the annual allowance to the
said warden of 100 shillings out of the issues of his bailiwick,
to be expended yearly in repairs.
The Patent Rolls of the fifth of Edward the Third contain
a petition from the Chancellor of the University, stating,
that they, by charters of the King's progenitors (which
would be those granted, 15, Hen. III.), had the power, if a
layman committed any great damage on a clerk, or a clerk
on a layman, or a clerk on a clerk, of sending the malefactor
to the castle, but that the sheriffs of the county and wardens.
of the castle had frequently refused to receive them. The
King therefore commands the present and future sheriffs and
wardens to receive the malefactors whom the Chancellor
may send to be incarcerated in the castle, and to keep
them safely till the Chancellor demand them. But a multi-
tude of scholars or laymen shall not be admitted into the
castle to visit the malefactors.
During the absence of the Court, it was left in the custody
of the sheriff, who superintended all the necessary works,
2 These extracts were made before the
appearance of Mr. Hudson Turner's valu-
able contribution from the same records,
to the "History of Domestic Architec-
ture," in which he has given numerous
interesting details regarding Oxford.
I
have, however, preferred leaving this
paragraph in its original form, as the
reader who desires to see these facts in a
more extended shape, will naturally place
himself under the guidance of that sound
and accomplished historian.
L 2
142
THE CASTLE, AND THE PROVISIONS OF OXFORD.'
and so slightly were parts of it built, that there are precepts
almost annually recurring which show that repairs were
essential very soon after the buildings themselves were first
raised. This slight and defective mode of construction was
not, however, peculiar to Oxford, but must be rather
regarded as a characteristic of the military buildings of the
period; all of them exhibit sufficient evidence of the negli-
gent way in which castles were built. And if the proof
were not too frequently before the eyes, a glance over some
of the Rotulets of the Great Roll of the Pipe would confirm
the assertion, since it tells us that even the Castle of Oxford,
which was commenced in 1166 (12, Hen. II.), and finished
in 1173, substantial and perfect as it now looks, wanted
reparation within the first fifteen years. Yet, notwithstanding
the decay to which the sheriff's attention had been directed,
when an inquisition was taken (51, Hen. III.), it was sworn
before a jury, that during the whole of the thirty-seven
previous years, the whole fortress had been gradually
getting more dilapidated; the gaol had fallen down, as well
as the brewhouse, and all the rest of the buildings threatened
ruin. The three bridges, which had been repaired little
more than twenty years before, had deteriorated under every
successive sheriff; and, in short, everything excepting the
great tower and the enceinte, needed such renovation as
could not be done under a cost of sixty pounds.
It will not be altogether irrelevant to show how some of
the Liberate Rolls serve to illustrate the state of the arts in
England during this reign, more especially as the extracts
will be confined to the royal residence at Woodstock. The
taste for painting was at this time fully recognised, and there
are numerous entries showing how freely the regal palaces
were adorned by the artistic talent of the time.
The great chamber of Henry III. at Woodstock was
adorned with pictures, and there was a representation of the
cross, and of the Blessed Mary and St. John, in the great
chapel. Over this were painted two angels like cherubim
and seraphim. These could only have been executed in body
colour, as there is an order to paint them again within seven-
teen years. There were also two pictures representing two
bishops, and another of the Blessed Mary, in the chapel of St.
Edward. Besides these tabulæ, we have an account of a design
in stained glass for the new chapel, exhibiting the Blessed Mary;
THE CASTLE, AND THE PROVISIONS OF OXFORD.'
143
and some heavenly person was depicted on the window of
the sacrarium. The old chapel showed the history of the
woman taken in adultery, our Lord writing on the ground,
the conversion of St. Paul, and the history of the Evangelists.
We also find an order for representing a Majestas, or Maestà,
of the enthroned Saviour, or Virgin Mary, of the four Evan-
gelists, and St. Edmund and St. Edward, which were to be
painted in good colours. Those who have examined the
truly beautiful execution and purity of design exhibited in
the early specimens of art in the Chapter House of West-
minster, will readily form an idea of the merits of the paintings
at Woodstock.
A council was held at Woodstock for the general dispatch
of business in 1235 (19, Hen. III), and in 1247 (31, Hen. III.)
the terms of a convention were arranged there betwixt the
King, and Owen and Llewellyn, Princes of Wales, a question
of considerable moment, because Henry was at that time
endeavouring to annex the Principality to England.
There was also transacted at Oxford, during the long
reign of Henry III., several matters of the greatest interest,
for, independently of the councils held here in the sixth
(1221, a Curia), thirteenth (1228, a Curia), when the
kitchen of the castle was ordered to be repaired against the
King's visit at Christmas (Rot. Lib., 13, Hen. III.), seventeenth
(1223), twenty-second (1238), thirty-first (1247), thirty-
eighth (1254), forty-second (1258), and forty-eighth (1264),
years of his reign, the barons who met here in the forty-
second year, exacted those celebrated Provisions which,
although impaired by arbitrary dictation to the King when
he was incapable of vindicating the royal prerogative, were
nevertheless the universal cause of extending the privileges.
of the community; and, notwithstanding a spirit of faction
clouded the purity of their motives and rendered their
patriotism doubtful, yet it must be confessed on all sides
that their exertions greatly advanced the cause of national
liberty.
The overbearing conduct of Henry, his necessities, and his
tyranny, had rendered him so extremely unpopular, that the
discontented barons, yielding readily to the instigation of
Simon de Montfort, assembled and demanded a redress of
their grievances. Some of their wishes were sufficiently
reasonable; for instance, their desire to have a confirmation
144
THE CASTLE, AND THE PROVISIONS OF OXFORD.'
of the Great Charter of his father, and fixed periods during
the year for the meeting of Parliament; but when the Council
of Twenty-four sought to reform abuses, they usurped an
unconstitutional power over the whole kingdom, not unlike
that exercised by the thirty tyrants at the close of the
Peloponnesian war, and as long as the Provisions remained
in force, the kingdom was kept in a state of disquietude and
confusion.
This is the first time the term Parliament occurs in
any
official document, and, in allusion to the strong measures
introduced by the barons, it was subsequently called the
Mad Parliament.
Very little need be said about the Parliament held at
Oxford in the forty-eighth of Henry III. The custom of
assembling knights from every county had been previously
adopted, but at this meeting, instead of being nominated, as
formerly, by the King or the sheriff, they were summoned to
be chosen by the assent of the county, thus originating the
modern practice. In the interval between the two Parlia-
ments, the King of France had been called in to mediate
betwixt Henry and the Barons, but his award was indig-
nantly rejected, the nobles declaring that the Provisions of
the former convention were grounded on the Great Charter,
and they resolutely determined to maintain them to the end
of their lives, as equally conducive to the good of the King
and the nation at large. Very soon after this memorable.
declaration, a contest ensued, fatal, in its immediate conse-
quences, to the King's personal authority, by his defeat and
capture at Lewes. He was still further humiliated by the
treaty called the Mise of Lewes, and by the use made of its
conditions. So that the royal prerogative was almost.
suspended, in the exercise of its proper functions, till after
the Battle of Evesham. The prejudice of the age attributed
his disasters to an ambiguous act of devotion he showed
towards the relics of St. Frideswide, which, for five centuries,
it had been forbidden for any monarch to approach; but
although he was not stricken with mortal blindness, like the
Mercian Prince Algar, when he pursued the Saint into
Oxford, there were many persons found who considered his
misfortunes to have been sent as an act of Divine retribution
for his indiscreet intrusion upon the sacred shrine. Yet in
the dispassionate view we are now capable of taking of these
THE CASTLE, AND THE PROVISIONS OF OXFORD.'
145
transactions, in spite of the innovations, the rude overthrow
of power, and its abuse, together with the bad faith of the
King in subsequently resisting the Provisions he had accepted,
the spirit of the articles themselves led the actors generally
to take a wise and temperate estimate of the conduct of the
two contending parties. The leading actors at this remark-
able crisis were unconsciously preparing the way for popular
representation, and for a full adoption of those principles
which, in the next reign, modelled the frame of a British
House of Commons. The King was, for the remainder of
his life, obliged to use his undeserved success with a higher
respect for the rights of his subjects, whilst a salutary dread
affected thinking minds that the establishment of an aristo-
cratical legislature was but a change of servitude, as fatal to
the true interests of the people as were the exactions and
oppression of the Crown.
It is extremely difficult to pourtray these memorable events
in a clear, and yet succinct manner.
The whole of the con-
stitutional questions of this long reign are perplexing in
themselves, and our difficulties are increased by the want of
official documents, so that we are often obliged to depend upon
the doubtful testimony of a monkish historian. In a short
sketch like the present, it would be impossible to unravel
their obscurity. Those who are desirous of tracing the rise
and progress of these various changes must enter upon a
field of investigation, which would be too wide for one who
now merely professes to indicate slightly the points best
worth consideration.
I have already quoted from original documents with a
tedious diffuseness, because they not only serve to cast some
fresh light on the internal arrangements and decorations of
the palaces of the Plantagenets, but also because they relate
to buildings wherein these important questions concerning
the expanding liberties of the English nation, were either
checked in their growth, or fostered by the wisdom of the
Crown. It is impossible we should ever look coldly upon
scenes hallowed by so many striking incidents.
solemnly remind us of the struggles or perilous achievements
of our forefathers, of their deeds of valour, their patriotism,
or their devotion; and they should serve to increase in the
affections an admiration for their generous and lofty prin-
ciples, mixed, though they may be, with much that is
They
146 THE CASTLE, AND THE PROVISIONS OF OXFORD.'
incompatible with modern notions of political justice or even
humanity. We may knit together the noblest impulses of
the past, with the refinement of the present age, and thus
embody the fleeting shadows of antiquity with vitality and
existence. Nor are they to be envied who would suffer such
associations to remain inactive in the heart, who would
teach us to deny the natural instinct of political sympathy,
and by bidding us consign to oblivion the serious grandeur
of historic recollections, efface all those marks of our
progress which have been sheltered under the hallowed
wings of time.
CHARLES HENRY HARTSHORNE.
THE LINES FORMED ROUND OXFORD, WITH NOTICES OF
THE PART TAKEN BY THE UNIVERSITY IN BEHALF OF
THE ROYALIST CAUSE, BETWEEN 1642 AND 1646.
THAT Oxford was encircled with a continuous and regular
fortification, systematically disposed, appears to be un-
doubted; some slight traces are still remaining where they
originally existed. The authority of Anthony à Wood is of
itself sufficient to justify the assertion, and an old map of
Oxford still remains, where "old fortifications" are delineated
in many points, on the circuit of the place.
The exact nature of these fortifications it is difficult at
once to state; the sketch which accompanies this notice is
copied (nominally) from Anthony à Wood, but yet Wood's
own words would appear to disprove the truth of this deli-
neation, while the interpolations in the Latin translation of
the "Historia et Antiquitates Universitatis Oxoniensis"
(where the original plate exists), puzzle the inquirer as to
the facts therein related, whether as regards the engineer of
the lines, or the entire authenticity of the plan that is given.
As, however, the English edition of "The History and
Antiquities of the University of Oxford," by Anthony à
Wood, published in 1796, by John Gutch, of Corpus Christi
College, Oxford, appears to be that best worthy of belief,
being printed from Wood's original manuscript, it will be
better, probably, to extract (for want of more detailed infor-
mation, which I had hoped to obtain at Queen's College)
what is said in Wood's Annals, of the making of the lines.
round Oxford, and the siege of that place, and then to state
what there may appear against such statement, and the
reasons why, in spite of such objections, credit has not been
refused to the Latin translation, although Gutch's edition of
Wood has been preferred.
A letter was written by Charles I., at York, dated 7th
July, 1642, directed to Dr. Prideaux, Bishop of Worcester,
then Vice-Chancellor of the University, which was read in
Convocation on Monday, July 11th, 1642. The tenor of
which was, that Dr. Chaworth was authorised to receive and
give receipts for money which the University might send;
148
THE LINES FORMED ROUND OXFORD
to this application the Convocation assented, and agreed
that whatever money the University was possessed of,
whether in Saville's Mathematician's chest, Bodley's, or in
the University chest, should be sent to the King. On this a
large sum was given, for-" after the Convocation was
ended, the keepers of the University chest took thence 8607.
and delivered it into the hands of the said Dr. Chaworth,
who gave them an acquittance for the receipt of it." That
this was the case is evident by an order from the Parlia-
ment, dated 12th July, 1642, stating that-"Whereas the
Lords and Commons in Parliament are informed, that
attempts had been made to stop the collection of money to
be raised by the Parliament for defence of the kingdome,
and that the authorities (enumerating them) had endea-
voured against law to take away the plate and treasure of
the Colleges and University, and to send the same to York,
for maintaining wars against the Parliament and the whole
kingdome, they therefore declare the said colleges not bound
by the Act of Convocation, forbid the giving of the treasure,
and promise to bear them harmless."
Upon this the King wrote more than one letter, the first
dated from the court at Beverley, 18th July (afterwards pub-
lished to Convocation), wherein he presents his thanks,
through Dr. Prideaux, to the University, for the testimony
of their hearts towards him, and promises them protection.
This appears to be the first occasion on which the Uni-
versity had to declare so very decidedly between the Par-
liament and Charles; but on the 9th of August, the procla-
mation for the suppression of the rebellion came out, and
immediately after the University began to put themselves
in a posture of defence, and the "privileged mens' arms
were called before Dr. Pinke, Deputy-Vice Chancellor, to be
viewed, when not only privileged men of the University and
their servants, but also many scholars appeared, bringing
with them the furniture of every college that had arms.'
دو
They were divided then into four squadrons; two were
musketeers, the third pikes, and the fourth halbards, and
they were drilled.
"While these things were going on, the highway at the
hither end of East bridge, just at the corner of the chaplain's
quadrangle of Magdalen College, was blocked up with long
timber logs, to keep out horsemen. A timber gate also was
IN BEHALF OF THE ROYALIST CAUSE.
149
set up at the end of the logs next towards the college, for
common passage of carts and horses to bring provisions to
the city, which gate was commonly kept shut at nights and
chained up.
There were three or four cart-loads of stones
also carried up to Magdalen College tower, to fling down
upon the enemy at their entrance. Two posts were set up
at South-gate, for a chain to run through them to block up
that way against horsemen ; and a crooked trench, in form
of a bow, made across the highway at the end of St. John's
College Walks, next the New Park, to hinder the entrance
of any forces that should come that way; at which place, as
also at East Bridge, was a very strict centinell kept every
night."
Wood then goes on to describe the raising of bodies of
troops, and their drilling within the University, and ends by
saying, that," August 29th, the court of guard was kept,
and the watch solemnly appointed and kept that night by
the scholars and certain troopers.'
وو
This is the first mention of the University, as connected
with the actual defence of the place, and from this time for
three or four years during the rebellion, they appear to have
lost sight of their natural position as members of a scholastic
community, and to have given themselves up to the defence.
of the place, and their ingenuity seems to have been some-
what primitive, since there is a notice that on "Sept. 2,
barbed arrows were provided for one hundred scholars, to
shoot against such soldiers that should come against them."
Nor was this the only instance in which archery, so long
laid aside, was once more proposed to be introduced; for a
plan was devised of raising a regiment of bowmen, as
appears from the following letter to the University from
King Charles the First:
66
"CHARLES R.
Whereas
Trustie and wellbeloved, wee greet you well.
John Knightly, Esq. and Colonell, hath undertaken a very
commendable and acceptable service for us, namely the
raysing of a Regiment of twelve hundred Bowmen volun-
teers to be levied and furnished with suitable armes, for the
furthering wheareof hee hath besought us to recommend his
said undertaking to you; to the end that you may permit
him to raise the said Regiment out of this our Universitie
150
THE LINES FORMED ROUND OXFORD
and the priviledged men theareof, whoe will voluntarilie list
themselves for this service, and that you would consider of
a waye for the maintaining at youre common charge of soe
many of the sayd bowmen and officers as shall bee levyed
out of our sayd Universitie and priviledged men.
This un-
dertaking and proposition is represented to us as that which
may bee of very greate use and availe to us in the expedi-
tion wee shall make against the Rebells; wee have, theare-
fore, given Commission to the sayd John Knightly to
proceed in the levying of the said Regiment, and the same
to command as Colonell. And wee heereby recommend him
and the premises to your consideration and furtherance;
and soe wee bid you farewell.
"Given at our Court at Oxford, the first daye of Octob.
1643."
On Sept. 9th, the University were informed that the fair
pretences of the citizens of joining with the University and
king's troops in the defence of the city, were good for nothing,
that their minds were altered, that they had been commu-
nicating with the Parliament, and that it was reported that
the Parliament had a purpose to send forces immediately
against the king's troopers and the University for receiving
them; in consequence of which information the troops
marched to join the King on Sept. 10th, accompanied by a
number of scholars as volunteers.
On the 12th, a considerable body of the Parliament
troopers marched in, and were billeted in the place.
Sept. 14th, Lord Say, who had been appointed Lord-
Lieutenant of Oxfordshire by the Parliament's authority,
entered Oxford, and lodged at the Star Inn. He imme-
diately gave orders that the works and trenches which the
scholars had made across the highways about the city should
be demolished.
It was now discussed between Lord Say and the chief
officers of the forces in Oxford, whether, in consequence of
the nature of the place, the strength of the situation, the
plenty of the country, the nearness of London, and the dis-
affection of the University to the Parliament cause, it were
not probable that the king, who was coming to Shrewsbury
(in the direction of Oxford), might not probably make this
a principal quarter for his forces, and fortify the city. It
was suggested that it should be fortified and garrisoned on
IN BEHALF OF THE ROYALIST CAUSE.
151
behalf of the Parliament, and the governorship given to one
Bulstrode Whitelocke, an Oxford man and officer of the Par-
liament, to which it is said the city willingly agreed. Lord
Say, however, decided that it would not be advisable,
imagining that Oxford would not be a place that Charles
would settle in.
Lord Say, however, called the heads of houses together;
told them they had forfeited their privileges by taking up
arms against the Parliament, and threatened to leave a gar-
rison to overawe them.
The parliamentary troops, however, having quitted Oxford
before the battle of Edgehill (23rd Oct.), the University,
too, having been disarmed, the citizens began to fortify their
city, setting up posts and chains at every gate and postern,
to the end, as it was reported, to keep out Prince Rupert and
the king's forces. Wood says,
Wood says, "Whether this (meaning the
intention of the city) be true, I know not." If it were so,
they were shortly frightened into inconsistency, for on Oct.
29th, the King, with his army of footmen, came from Edge-
hill to Oxford, with Prince Rupert and his brother, Prince
Maurice, Prince Charles, and James Duke of York. They
came in their full march into the city, with above sixty or
seventy colours borne before them which they had taken at
Edgehill from the Parliamentary forces, when the mayor and
citizens presented themselves to his Majesty at Pennyless-
bench, and gave him a considerable sum of money. Nov.
2nd., the troops marched to Abingdon; Nov. 3rd., the
King, the prince and duke, with a troop of dragoons, went
towards Reading, leaving behind Earls Bristol and Dorset,
with Lords Andover and Digby, and an escort, who disarmed
the city, and commenced providing arms, raising troops, and
fortifying the place—particulars, unfortunately, are not given
further than that on Nov. 30th, Charles having returned
from Reading, a new gate of timber was set on the east
bridge, and a bulwark raised between it and the corner of
the Physic-Garden wall, which being soon finished, there
were planted thereon two pieces of ordnance to secure the
entrance that way. A trench, also, at that time, was making
near to that of the scholars by the wall of St. John's
College walks, for the defence of the University and city.
Dec. 5th, the University bellman went about the city warn-
ing people to dig at the works through the New Park; and
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THE LINES FORMED ROUND OXFORD
according to that order the colleges sent men who worked
for several days. The citizens, also, were warned to work
at the bulwarks on the north side of St. Giles's Church, and
the country by St. John's College walks, and the next day
the King rode to see the said fortifications, when he found
but twelve persons working on the city's behalf, whereas
there should have been 122, of which neglect his Majesty
took notice, and told them of it in the field.
I find no further notice of fortifications, or, indeed, of any
systematic defence of the place, until April 19th, 1643, when
a proclamation was issued for the collecting of arms and
material of war, swords, corslets, head-pieces, &c., to the end
that the University and city might be better defended on
the King's going to Reading with his army, which he sud-
denly intended to do. The works and fortifications, also, did
now go on apace, and those in St. Clement's parish, on the
east side of Oxford, were about this time begun; these, with
other fortifications about the city, were mostly contrived by
one Richard Rallingson, Bachelor of Arts of Queen's Col-
lege, who also had drawn a mathematical scheme or plot
of the garrison. His endeavours in this nature gave so great
satisfaction to the King, that he forthwith sent letters on his
behalf to the University to confer the degree of Master of
Arts upon him, which letter being read in Convocation, Oct.
17th, he was then admitted Master of Arts. The words
"letters on his behalf," are here significant, as it shows that
it was simply a request from the King to the University of
Oxford, which does not receive royal mandates as the Uni-
versity of Cambridge does.
On June 5th, the Vice-Chancellor was desired by the King
to call the heads of houses together, and with their help
severally, to take notice in writing of all scholars and others,
lodging and residing in the colleges and halls, between six-
teen and sixty years of age, to the end that they be required
to work one day in the week, or for every default to pay
12d. a-day. The whole also were to be enrolled for the
defence of the place.
The works went on through June, half the colleges and
halls working Monday, and half on Tuesday, from six to
eleven in the morning, and from one to six at night; and
every person to bring his tools with him. The fortifications
that they were to work at were drawn through that part of
IN BEHALF OF THE ROYALIST CAUSE.
153
Christ Church Mead, that is next to Grand Pont Street.
Whether or not the sketch given of the lines round Oxford
is a tracing plan of an original object not carried out, or an
accurate drawing of lines that were made (which I believe
to have been the case), cannot now be positively ascertained.
It seems certain that, if it were the original intention, it was
not immediately and fully acted on, but that the lines were
of gradual growth, modified and improved from time to time,
as would appear from a notice, that in September and
October thoughts were entertained of new fortifying the
city (the works that were made not giving satisfaction); an
attempt was made to raise new sums of money for the
purpose, which was, with some delay and difficulty, done;
and, in May, 1644, the scholars were newly arranged in
battalions with the city levies, under the Earl of Dover. On
the 14th May, "the regiment of scholars and strangers, newly
listed and raised, mustered in Magdalen College Grove, to the
number of 630, or thereabouts, giving very great content-
ment to the spectators, in seeing so many young men so
docile;" and they, from day to day, manoeuvred before the
King in Christ Church Mead, and on Bullingdon Green. And
now in May, 1644, their prowess was tried for the first time.
On the 29th, being the Eve of the Ascension, the Earl of
Essex and Sir W. Waller, coming with their forces from
Abingdon, over Sandford Ferry, and so through Cowley, and
over Bullingdon Green (that they might go towards Islip),
faced the city for several hours, whilst their carriages (ordnance)
slipped away behind them. Wood says it gave some terror to
Oxford, and therefore two prayers, by his Majesty's appoint-
ment, were made and published, one for the safety of his
Majesty's person, the other for the preservation of the
University and city, to be used in all churches and chapels
in them. In the afternoon of the same day, the scholars
and citizens made a head, and marched out of the works at
St. Clement's, to see what they could do against the enemy's
scouts that rode up and down. At length, meeting together,
there was a skirmish between them, and two or three on each
side slain or wounded; some of the Parliamentaries came in
parties towards the works; but "whilst they were in that
bravado, a shot was made by Sir John Haydon, from one of
the great ordnance standing on the said bulwarks, which fell
so happly amongst them (though at a great distance), that it
154
THE LINES FORMED ROUND OXFORD
killed a trooper and hurt a horse, and put them into such a
fright that they ran all presently towards their body, in great
confusion and amazement."
In the year 1645, Sir Thomas Fairfax sat down before
Oxford, for fifteen days, commencing May 22nd, and ending
June 5th; he made his appearance first by some scattered
horse near Cowley, May 19th, from thence they, with their
horse and foot, passed over Bullingdon Green to Marston,
showing themselves on Headington Hill.
May 22nd, he sat down before Oxford, and then began the
siege, making a breastwork on the east side of Cherwell
River, and a bridge over that part of the said river near
Marston.
May 23rd, Godstow House was fired by the owner, David
Walter, Esq., lest the enemy should make it a place of
defence.
May 26th, Sir Thomas Fairfax put over four foot regi-
ments and thirteen carriages, at the new bridge over the
Cherwell River; he having his head quarters at Marston,
Oliver Cromwell at Wytham, and Major Browne at
Wolvercote.
May 27th, two regiments (the white and red), with two
pieces of ordnance, marched over Isis at Godstow Bridge, and
so by Botley to South Hinxsey; which party were continually
playing on that in Sir Oliver Smyth's house (held by him of
University college), standing without the south port, and
continually guarded and relieved with soldiers out of Oxford
garrison; but for the most part repelled with the loss of men
and members. All this while the Governor of Oxford, Colonel
W. Legge, seeing the Parliamenteers quiet besiegers, and
that they fought only with their perspective glasses, was
resolved to quicken them, and therefore, June 2nd, about one
o'clock in the morning, he went himself, with nearly 1000 horse
and foot, towards Headington Hill, where the Parliamenteers
kept a strong guard, as well of horse as foot. While the
Governor advanced up the hill, the Parliamenteers vapoured
and cried aloud, that "the Cavaliers did only flourish, and
durst not come up to them," wherefore, fearing lest their
stay would not be long there, he sent Colonel David Walter,
Sir Thomas Gardiner, and Captain Grace, with parties of
horse, to fetch a compass by St. Bartholomew's Hospital, and
to leave the end of Cheyney Lane, next to Shotover, on the
IN BEHALF OF THE ROYALIST CAUSE.
155
left hand and, at a certain sign given, they were to set on
them on their rear, when the Governor and his men were
ready to do so on the fore part.
The sign being given, they fell on them so vigorously, that
of 137 musketeers, which was the Parliamentarian number,
but one escaped. The horse also shamefully ran away, and
left their foot to have been cut to pieces, had not the
Governor ordered to give quarter.
They had for some hours before most insufferably railed
against the King and Queen's majesty, which much incensed
the Oxford horse. Of these Parliamenteers fifty-two were
killed (whereof seven were horsemen), with their captain,
one Gibbons, and their lieutenant, a preaching silk-weaver.
With these prisoners were taken thirty or forty cows, which
the Parliamenteers the same evening stole back again through
the negligence of the guard; but whilst they were in action,
the garrison of Woodstock (which was for the King), came
forth to visit them, took twelve prisoners, and killed a
lieutenant-colonel of horse.
This sortie is the only thing worthy of note, connected
with this attack on the city of Oxford. On the 6th of June,
Fairfax endeavoured to storm Boarstall House, near Brill, but
was courageously repelled by Sir W. Campion, the Governor,
and the defendants of the place.
In July 1645, the fatal field of Naseby was fought in
Leicestershire, where, after the King's defeat, almost all the
cities, castles, towns, and forts that belonged to him, and
stood out in his defence, were soon surrendered to the
Parliament.
In the meantime, however, seeing that another and a
stricter siege would follow, his Majesty issued proclamations
for the collecting of provisions, which was done, and in the
May following (1646), Fairfax, resolving to besiege it again,
came out of the west of England, and on the 1st of May
appeared before the city, where was Prince Rupert, Prince
Maurice, and a great part of the nobility and gentry of
England, the King having gone away in disguise about four
days previously.
Charles had now in Oxford about 5000 regular troops,
besides the regiments raised in the University and city,
thirty-eight pieces of ordnance, whereof twenty-six were of
brass, seventy barrels of powder in his magazine, and two
M
156
THE LINES FORMED ROUND OXFORD
mills at Oseney, which brought in a daily supply of powder.
The place was provisioned for six months, and although there
is no doubt but that he must ultimately have surrendered,
still a very good stand might have been made, and he might
have obtained better terms for himself than were ultimately
given.
However, on the 1st of May, Fairfax rendezvous'd between
Abingdon and Garsington, and had his head-quarters
that night at the latter place.
May 2nd. There was a general rendezvous of the army,
horse and foot, on Bullingdon Green, and thence the forces
were distributed to several quarters, viz., at Headington,
Marston, and the towns thereabouts.
May 3rd. The general, with the officers of the army, took
a survey of Oxford by perspectives (telescopes), and found
the place to have received many alterations and additions of
great advantage since last being there before it; and it was
made incomparably more strong than ever, it being the
King's head-quarters and garrison, and his chief place of
residence and retreat. The situation, in reference to the
ground it stood on, rendered it very apt for defence, being
placed between the River Isis on the west, and the Cherwell
on the east, both meeting on the south side; which rivers,
especially the first, spreading themselves into several branches,
which run through, and under some parts of the city, were
so ordered, by locks and sluices placed upon them, that the
city could be surrounded with waters (except the north parts)
when the defendants pleased, and thereby make the place
absolutely inapproachable. As for the said north, part of it
was indifferently high in relation to the other ground, having
so many strong bulwarks so regularly flanking one another
thereon, that nothing could be more exactly done. Round
about the line it was strongly pallisadoed, and without that
again were digged several pits in the ground, that a single
footman could not, without difficulty, approach the brink of
the trench. Within the city was 5000 good foot, most of
them of the king's old infantry, which had served him
from the beginning of the wars, and they were well stored
with a plentiful magazine of victuals, ammunition, and pro-
visions for war. In a word, whatever art or industry
could do to make a place impregnable, was very liberally
bestowed here.
IN BEHALF OF THE ROYALIST CAUSE.
157
All this strength being apprehended and considered by Sir
Thomas Fairfax, he concluded that this was no place to be
taken at a running pull, but likely rather to prove a business
of time, hazard, and industry.
Whereupon, at a council of war at Headington, it was
resolved to fix their quarters. Their first to be upon.
Headington Hill, where was ordered to be made a very strong
and great work, or intrenchment of capacity to receive and
lodge 3000 men; also that a bridge should be laid over the
River Cherwell, close by Marston; that another quarter
should be established between Cherwell and Isis, that is, on
the north side of the city, wherein it was intended that most
of the foot should be lodged, that being all the ground they
had to make an approach near the walls. These matters
being resolved, were quickly despatched, even to admiration,
and a line also began to be drawn from the great fort at
Headington Hill straight to St. Bartholomew's common road,
and from thence to Campus-pits, or thereabouts, all within
cannon-shot which being done, and the four quarters settled,
and the small garrisons about Oxford blocked up, viz., Boar-
stall House, Wallingford Castle, Farringdon, and Radcote,
Sir Thomas Fairfax sent a summons to Sir Thomas Glenham,
Governor of Oxford, requiring the surrender of that garrison.
In reply, Sir Thomas Glenham asked for safe conduct for
two officers, who met Fairfax, and requested to be allowed to
go to the King, saying, that on his signification of his pleasure
they would return a positive answer to the general imme-
diately. Fairfax strove to dissuade them, saying that they
might not get such good terms at a later period; but as
the Princes, Rupert and Maurice, besides the Duke of York,
were there, they delayed an answer till they could hear from
the king.
Whereupon," as Wood says, "that what time
would be lost in that way might be saved in the other, all
things went on for the siege, the dispatch of the prince
was hastened, and order was given for drawing up the
batteries."
May 12th. Prince Rupert, and with him about 100 horse,
went forth on the north side of Oxford towards Colonel
Thomas Rainsborough's soldiers, to take the air only, as it
was then said, being without boots. Towards them a party
of the enemy marched up, and gave fire. In which skirmish,
Prince Rupert had a shot in the right shoulder, but it pierced
N 2
158
THE LINES FORMED ROUND OXFORD.
no bone; whereupon they retreated to Oxford, where all sorts
of people were very much concerned; that and the two
following days were spent in consulting and advising.
On Thursday, May 14th, the governor, by direction of the
lords, and others of his Majesty's privy council, in Oxford,
sent a letter to Fairfax to make known his desire to treat
by commissioners, which was accepted, and a council of
war being called, it was concluded that Mr. Unton Croke's
house, at Marston, should be the place, and on Monday
following, the treaty to begin; but, on the 16th, there was
doubt among the lords, as to making such treaty without
the assent of the King. On the 17th, a treaty was accepted
on both sides, which Fairfax sent to the Parliament, that
they might consider the terms demanded by the garrison.
And Fairfax having waited for an intimation of their satis-
faction, they afterwards returned them to him, telling him to
do as he should think fit.
The general (Fairfax) sent fresh terms to the garrison on
May 30th, whereupon, at the desire of the Oxonians, the
treaty was renewed again, they being willing to treat upon
the general's propositions, " submitting themselves to the fate
of the kingdom, rather than in any way distrusting their
own strength, or the garrison's tenableness."
A few days before the treaty ended, when the Oxonians
perceived it was likely to succeed, they played their cannon
day and night into the enemy's leaguers and quarters, dis-
charging sometimes near 200 shot in a day (at random as it
was conceived), rather to spend their powder than to do any
execution; however, they showed good skill in that they
levelled their pieces so as they shot into the leaguer on
Headington Hill, and there killed Lieutenant-Colonel Cots-
worth, and likewise into the leaguer on Colonel Rains-
borough's side, where they killed a sutler, and others in
their tents. The enemy's cannon, in recompense, played
fiercely upon the defendants, and much annoyed them in
their works, houses, and cottages, till at last, a cessation of
great shot was agreed to on both sides.
On Saturday, May 20th, the treaty for the surrender of
Oxford was finished, and concluded upon twenty-six articles;
and on the 24th of June, the city was surrendered to the
Parliamenteers. The Royalists marched out through a guard
of the enemy, extending from St. Clement's to Shotover Hill,
IN BEHALF OF THE ROYALIST CAUSE.
159
Prince
armed, with colours flying, and drums beating.
Rupert and Prince Maurice had left, with the people of
quality, on the Monday and Tuesday.
It gave great discontent to the soldiers that the place
should have been given up, and it seems extraordinary, and
only to be explained as a consequence of the uncertain
character of Charles, that having squandered the whole
resources of the University and city for three years to fortify
the place so completely, having lost almost everything else,
having no one on whom he could depend, as he could on the
tried loyalty of the University, he should have left the place
to its fate; or (if that were not thought best) without, at
least, insisting that all that had been done should not be
utter waste of time and money, as it proved in the end.
This was the more annoying to the troops, as there was
every chance of their holding so strong a place for some
time; and shortly after the place was surrendered, the
weather seems to have become unfavourable, the meadows
were flooded, and Fairfax's communication was cut off
between Headington and the north side; he must, therefore,
have given up one or other of his positions, probably the one
on Headington, from whence he could annoy the town greatly,
though he would hardly have assaulted the town by Magdalene
bridge; he could only then have approached on the north
side, between St. Giles' and Holywell churches, and the
defence might have been confined to that side.
That Oxford should have been given up, instead of standing
a siege, is now a matter for happy reflection, considering the
state into which the University had fallen during the previous
three years. It was exhausted in its finances, and Dr. Fell
says, "Wee now perceive what a miserable condition wee
are like to be in concerning our rents; our tenants from all
parts take strange advantages, and, complying with country
committees (some of them being in eadem nari), seek to
undoe the Universitie utterlie. Wee have not in public or
private wherewithal to supply our necessary burdens." And
Wood adds," It was deprived of its number of sons, having
few in respect of former times. Lectures and exercises for
the most part ceased, the schools being employed as granaries
for the garrison. Those few also that were remaining were,
for the most part, especially such that were young, much
debauched, and become idle by their keeping company with
160
THE LINES FORMED ROUND OXFORD
rude soldiers. Most of their precious time was lost by being
upon the guard night after night, and by doing those duties
that appertained to them as bearers of arms, and so, conse-
quently, had opportunities as lay soldiers had, of gaming,
drinking, swearing, &c., as notoriously appeared to the visitors
that were sent by Parliament to reform the University. The
truth is (I blame not all) that they were so guilty of these
vices, that those that were looked upon as good witts and of
great parts, on their first coming, were by strange inventions.
(not now to be named), to entice them to drinking and to
be drunk, totally lost and rendered useless. I have had the
opportunity (I cannot say happiness) to peruse several songs,
ballads, and such like frivolous stuff, that were made by some
of the more ingenious sort of them, while they kept guard at
the Holly Bush and Angel, near Rewley, in the west suburbs;
which even, though their humour and chiefest of their actions
are in them described, yet I shall pass them by as very
unworthy to be here, or in any part, mentioned.
"The colleges were much out of repair by the negligence
of soldiers, courtiers, and others that lay in them, a few
chambers that were the meanest (in some colleges none at
all) being reserved for scholars' use. Their treasures and
plate were all gone, the books of some libraries embezzled.
and the number of scholars few and mostly indigent. The
halls (wherein as in some colleges beer was sold by the penny
in the butteries) were very ruinous, occasioned through the
same ways as the colleges were, and so they remained except
Magdalen Hall and New Inn Hall (which were upon the
surrender replenished with the Presbyterian faction) for
several years after. Further, also, having few or none in
them, except their respective principals and families, the
chambers in them were, to prevent ruin and injuries of
weather, rented out to laiks. In a word there was scarce
the face of an University left, all things being out of order
and disturbed."
Such is the account that Anthony à Wood gives of the
making of the lines round Oxford, and of the siege; it now
becomes necessary to say something of the sketch of the forti-
fications and its probable authenticity.
In Skelton's "Oxonia Antiqua," a plate is given of the
lines, this is called a "fac simile from Anthony à Wood;" in
the edition of Anthony à Wood, as published by Gutch, it is
IN BEHALF OF THE ROYALIST CAUSE.
161
not to be found, nor could I discover any such sketch amongst
the manuscripts, in the Bodleian Library.

Plan of the Lines around Oxford-Reduced from the plate in the Historia Univ. Oxon.
In looking at the above plan, there would appear to have
been an entire enceinte of bastions (bulwarks) and curtains
on a small scale, such as are given by engineers prior to
Count Pagan's time, with distances, from 100 to 120 toises
to be defended by harquebuses or muskets. Beyond this
again there appears in the sketch, an entire envelope, some-
thing like that in later days suggested by Montalembert, and
a second ditch. As early as Blondel's time counter-guards
over the bulwarks had been suggested, and he himself
proposed making such works continuous round the whole
enceinte. Whether such works were anywhere actually con-
structed I cannot find. Now Wood only mentions one line
(of bulwarks and curtains), and then one ditch, palisades, &c.
He gave the name of Rallingson, of Queen's college, as the
engineer who constructed them; and in Queen's College
Library I hoped to find some original papers of Rallingson's
connected with the siege, but I was disappointed. I found
there, however a French manuscript, dated 1631, given to
the Earl of March, by P. Jourdain, arithmetician, at Saumur,
which contains the different systems of fortification then.
known in France, the Low Countries, Spain, and Italy. It
is entitled, "Extraites des œuvres de St. Gerard de Bas le
162
THE LINES ROUND OXFORD
Duc, Samuel Marollois de Praissac, et autres." From this
very manuscript Rallingson may have traced his plan, as he
has apparently followed the lines suggested by the Dutch
system of Marolois. At Queen's College I examined the
Latin translation of Wood's " Antiquitates Universitatis," in
which I found the plan of the lines as shown by the accom-
panying woodcut. Mr. Skelton has copied them accurately,
but has not made a fac simile; his plate being in a quarto
volume, and the original in a folio, the plan being folded in
the middle, and therefore the size of two folio pages. Finding
the plan there and not in Gutch's Wood, or the manuscript,
I looked for explanation, and found that the Latin translation
differed considerably from the original English text of Wood;
in fact, after the notice of Rallingson's plan for fortifying the
place, there follows, in the Latin,-"Hic de primis loquor
munimentis, ea quæ postea extruebantur Bechmannum archi-
tectum habuere," without giving any clue as to who Bechman
was. Remarking, however, Wood's own notice, that, after
Fairfax's first attempt in 1645, Charles was not satisfied with
the works, and after a time fresh ones were taken in hand, I
think it very probable that a new suggestion was made by
some one else, Bechman most likely, and that the envelope
was actually executed, and not, as I originally supposed, that
the plan might have been laid down by Rallingson, but that
want of means and zeal prevented its being carried out.
am the more inclined to this opinion, as in comparing the
passage in the Latin edition with Gutch's Wood, where the
nature of the works is described, I find that the Latin trans-
lation varies from the English, and that, after the words,
"from the North, &c." the Latin text is as follows: --
I
Ab aquilone autem (ubi scilicet intumescit terra vel stagnantia recipit
flumina), propugnacula comparabant frequentia tantà in sui invicem defensi-
onum arte constructa, ut validiora vix alibi in Angliâ compereris; in quibus
perinde ac interjecti muri Lorica secundum extremos munitionum limites
duplici vallo insultus hostiles arcebantur; extremum vero fossæ labrumi,
præterquam quod palis firmatum erat, invium reddebatur, accedentibus
porro qui sparsim effodiebantur scrobiculis innumeris, adeo ut vix singuli
pedites, absque summo discrimine, ad valli marginem appropinquarunt.
Ut autem ista melius intelligantur munimentorum icnographiam apponendum
duximus."
The word rallum evidently here signifies a ditch or trench,
because the foot soldiers are said not to be able to approach
IN BEHALF OF THE ROYALIST CAUSE.
163
ad valli marginem," and therefore the words " duplici vallo,"
or double ditch, imply to my mind that the work was two-
fold, enceinte and envelope; moreover, the introduction of the
plate in 1674, shows that it was intended to represent the
fortifications that were really made, not merely such as were
suggested. The difference between the Latin translation and
Wood's own manuscript, appears to have arisen from the
following cause: the Latin translation is not from Wood's
own pen, it was made by one Richard Peers, a student of
Christ Church, who offended Anthony à Wood by permitting
Dr. Fell to insert passages not in the original; but where
one can detect no motive for alteration, save a regard for the
preservation of facts, I am ready to receive and acknowledge
him as worthy of credit, and believe the works at Oxford to
have been such as are represented in the plan which he has
given,—such as never before or since were constructed in
England, or, as far as I am aware, in any other country.
GIBBS RIGAUD,
Capt. 60th Regt. Royal Rifles.
ON THE LATE, OR DEBASED, GOTHIC BUILDINGS OF OXFORD.
FROM THE REIGN OF ELIZABETH TO THE END OF THE
SEVENTEENTH CENTURY.
READ AT THE MEETING OF THE ARCHEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE AT OXFORD, JUNE, 1850.
GOTHIC Architecture seems to have attained its ultimate per-
fection in the fourteenth century, at which period everything
belonging to it was conceived and executed in a free and
bold spirit, all the forms were graceful and natural, and all
the details of foliage and other sculptures were copied from
living types, with a skill and truth of drawing which has
never been surpassed. Conventional forms were in a great
measure abandoned, and it seems to have been rightly and
truly considered that the fittest monuments for the House of
God were faithful copies of His works, and so long as this
principle continued to be acted on, so long did Gothic Archi-
tecture remain pure. But in the succeeding century, under
the later Henries and Edwards, a gradual decline took place,
everything was moulded to suit a preconceived idea, the
foliage lost its freshness, and was moulded into something of
a rectangular form, the arches were depressed, the windows
lowered, the flowing curves of the tracery converted into
straight lines, panelling profusely used, and the square form
everywhere introduced; until at length the prevalence
of the horizontal line led easily and naturally to the
renaissance of the classic styles, though in an impure and
much degraded form. The mixture of the two styles first
appears in the time of Henry VII., a period in which, (though
remarkable for the beauty and delicacy of its details) the
grand conceptions of form and proportion of the previous
century seem to have been lost. Heaviness or clumsiness
of form, combined with exquisite beauty of detail, are the
characteristics of this era.
In the time of Henry VIII. the details also became de-
based, and there was a greater mixture of Italian work, but
still the Gothic ideas predominated, and there are some good
DEBASED GOTHIC BUILDINGS OF OXFORD.
165
examples of this date remaining, of which the Hall of Christ,
Church may be adduced as a proof.
In the reign of Elizabeth the mixture of the two styles
was more complete, and though the details were frequently
incongruous, there resulted from the union a style which
when applied to domestic buildings was highly picturesque,
and occasionally produced great richness of effect.¹
In the succeeding period the decline still continued, feature
after feature was lost, until at length all was swallowed up
by its rival. That feature, however, which was always the
most important and most characteristic of Gothic Archi-
tecture, and on which at all periods the distinctions of the
styles chiefly depended, namely, the window, was the last to
depart, for when every other trace of the style was lost, we
find the windows still retaining either their Gothic form or
their Gothic tracery, and thus evincing the lingering love
which was still felt for the ancient forms.
During all this period of decline however, frequent at-
tempts were made to stay its progress, and in no place more
successfully than in Oxford, as the number of buildings of
this period will testify. To point out the peculiarities, and
to give the most remarkable points of the history of these
buildings will be the subject of the present paper, the his-
torical facts of which are taken chiefly from Dr. Ingram's
Memorials of Oxford, and from Anthony à Wood.
The first building of this period which claims attention is
the Bodleian Library, and in order to understand the his-
tory of this it will be necessary to go a little further back.
It seems that various donations of books had been made by
different individuals in the 13th and 14th centuries, but that
no proper depository had been provided for them, and that
they remained either locked up in chests or chained to desks
in the Old Congregation-house, and in the various chapels of
St. Mary's Church, until a room or "solar" having been
built for them by Bishop Cobham in 1320, over the Old
Congregation-house, they were, after various disputes, removed
there in 1409. It seems too that the University had at this
time fallen into great irregularity, and suffered great in-
A curious example of Elizabethan
work occurs at Sunningwell Church within
a few miles of Oxford, where there is a
singular polygonal porch at the west end,
being a mixture of Ionic columns and
Gothic windows. There is also some good
woodwork of the same period. The church
was chiefly rebuilt by Bishop Jewel.
166
ON THE LATE, OR DEBASED,
convenience from the want of public authorised schools; the
various professors using for that purpose apartments in pri-
vate houses in various parts of the city. This led to the
erection of a building for that purpose in 1439, and about
the same time the University resolved to erect a separate
School for Divinity, on a large scale in a central situation
near the other schools. Liberal contributions having been
made by various persons, and especially by Humphrey, Duke
of Gloucester, son of Henry IV., they were enabled about
the year 1480, not only to complete the Divinity School as
it now stands, but to build the room over it for a library, and
from the circumstance of the Duke being the principal donor
both in his life-time and at his death, and of his bequeathing
a number of valuable manuscripts, he is styled the founder,
and the Library was called by his name. Into this library
the books from St. Mary's were removed. 2
The Divinity School yet remains in much the same state
as when built, except that a doorway was made by Sir
Christopher Wren, under one of the windows of the north
side for the convenience of processions to the Theatre, and
that at the east end the door-way has been altered externally.
On examination it will be found that the outer mouldings
have been cut down even with the wall, and from the marks
on the wall it seems probable that there was a groined porch
projecting in this direction, and that this was removed to
make way for the covered walk, or Proscholium, when the
Bodleian Library was built.
After the Reformation the schools appear for some years
to have been almost deserted and in ruins, until, in the reign
of Elizabeth, in the year 1597, Sir Thomas Bodley, a gentle-
man of a Devonshire family, who had been educated in the
University, (and who had afterwards travelled through most
parts of Europe, and been employed by Queen Elizabeth in
many important matters,) resolved, as he tells us himself, to
"set up his staff at the Library door at Oxford," and restore
the place to the use of students. He commenced the same
year the Restoration of Duke Humphrey's Library, which he
repaired and refitted, and to which he added a new roof;
and afterwards, in 1610, commenced building the Library
The workmen employed were the
same as were employed at Eton and
Windsor under the direction of William
of Waynfleet, and were called away from
here under a royal mandate, but were
restored again in consequence of a peti-
tion from the University.
EXAMPLES OF LATE GOTHIC BUILDINGS IN OXFORD.

:
i
Entrance to the Library and Picture Gallery.
(Showing the junction of Bodley's work with that of the Schools.)
East Window.
BODLEIAN LIBRARY.

-
EXAMPLES OF LATE GOTHIC BUILDINGS IN OXFORD.


Bosses.

Impost.
DETAILS OF THE PROSCHOLIUM OF THE DIVINITY SCHOOL.
GOTHIC BUILDINGS OF OXFORD.
167
3
which now bears his name, but which he did not live to see
finished. This new building he placed at the east end of,
and transversely to, the Divinity School, the north-east and
south-east buttresses being built into the new wall, and
leaving in front of the east door the Proscholium or covered
walk already mentioned, popularly known as the "Pig
Market." Of this Wood says, "In which Ambulachrum do
stand such that are candidates for, or sue after, their graces
to the Regents sitting in the Congregation House adjoining."
The reason of this being, that any requisite questions might
be put to them previous to granting the degrees, a practice
which was discontinued when the system of public exam-
inations was introduced. It was necessary, therefore, in
making the new building, to retain this space, and the
present groined room was formed accordingly. It is lighted
by a window at each end, one of which is not nor has ever
been intended to be glazed. It has a vaulted ceiling, with
bosses at the intersections, the alternate ones being shields
with the arms of the founder. Some of the bosses are of
good design and execution, but others are of late character.
The general effect is good, but the details, particularly the
mouldings, are of very debased character.
4
5
The buttresses of the Divinity School are panelled the
greater part of their height, and one of these, as has been
mentioned before, is built in, and forms part of Bodley's
new wall, so that the panelling is visible on both sides, but
on the east end it is carried forward on the face of the wall,
as far as the point from which the porch seems to have
projected; and it is tolerably evident, from the remains of the
shafts which have been cut away, and from other marks on
the wall, that this porch must have been groined. It seems
3 The architect employed was Thomas
Holt of York, who was likewise employed
over several of the other buildings in
Oxford at the same period. He died in
1624, and was buried in Holywell Church-
yard. The builders were first, J. Acroid,
who died in 1613, and afterwards J.
Bentley, who built likewise the new build-
ings of Merton, and M. Bentley, who
died in 1618.
4 From this arose the popular but
erroneous belief that the candidates were
compelled to walk an hour in the Pig-
market in order to allow the tradesmen
to whom they were indebted to recognise.
them and obtain payment of their debts,
it being a rule that no candidate against
whom an action for debt is pending in the
University court, can receive a degree.
But though the belief was not correct, it
was until a comparatively recent period
the custom for tradesmen to attend at
those times for the purpose mentioned.
5 Quarterly, 1 and 4, Argent five mart-
lets saltier-wise sable; on a chief azure,
three ducal coronets, Or; a crescent for
difference. Bodley. 2 and 3, Argent, two
bars wavy, between three billets sable.
Hore.
163
ON THE LATE, OR DEBASED,
6
to have been the wish of Bodley to have his new building to
agree in character with the old, and he therefore had the
whole of his building panelled in the same manner as the
Divinity School. This forms the west side of the School's
Quadrangle, and is different in character from the rest of
the buildings. The width of the quadrangle of the schools.
is greater than the length of the front of the Bodleian, and
therefore a few feet had to be added at each end of Bodley's
work. This may be seen inside these staircases, particularly
between the entrances to the Bodleian and the Picture
Gallery, where the old work is panelled, and has a corbel
table the same as the rest of the front, but the new work is
plain. The upper story of this building joins Duke
Humphrey's Library, and is lighted by a large window at
each end, and another opposite the old library. This window
is a curious combination of mullions, transoms, and tracery of
different forms. The rest of the windows are small.
Sir Thomas Bodley, shortly before his death, had conceived
and matured the plan of a new building for the Public
Schools of the University, and everything was settled for
carrying the plan into execution, but he did not live to see it
commenced. He died at his house in London in 1613, and
was brought to Oxford, and buried in Merton College Chapel
on the 29th of March in that year, and the day after the
funeral the first stone of the new Schools was laid, the
building of which occupied the next six years.
This building, which, with the Bodleian Library for its
west side, forms a complete quadrangle, is plain, poor, and
heavy in its general appearance, and little skill has been
displayed in giving either variety of outline or of light and
shade. This plainness is still further increased by the
removal of the transoms with which the windows were
originally furnished, and which are still retained in those in
the tower. The Gateway Tower on the east side, which afforded
an opportunity for this, is not distinguished by any projection
from the flat wall, but merely rises above the parapet on the
same plane. The oriel, too, over the doorway, which might
have given effect, is tame and poor. The whole mass is
square, without buttresses or any other projection to relieve.
6 The two staircases were added after-
wards, but were panelled to match the
est of the work. On the north end this
panelling seems to have been subsequently
cut away, so that nothing but the small
arches remain attached to the under side
of the strings. In Williams's Oxonia
Depicta it is shown completely panelled.
•
EXAMPLES OF LATE GOTHIC BUILDINGS IN OXFORD.

Croiuiug.

DOM MINA
AVS ĮTIO
ALIN MEA
Central Biss.
GATEWAY OF THE SCHOOLS.
GOTHIC BUILDINGS OF OXFORD.
169
it. In the inner front of the Tower, however, more pains
have been taken; the five stories into which it is divided are
each ornamented with columns of one of the five classic orders,
the plinths, friezes, and the shafts for a third of their length
being covered with the peculiar Arabesque of the period, inter-
mixed with the national emblems, &c. In the fourth story
is a figure of James I., and the whole is surmounted with a
parapet of open scroll-work enclosing the royal arms. These
figures were originally gilt. Taken altogether this composi-
tion is a favourable specimen of the style of that time, though
it does not harmonise with the Gothic turret and pinnacle.
which rise above it. The archway is groined, and is a
curious example, the bosses being all more or less of Eliza-
bethan design. The wooden door is panelled, the panels
being filled with the arms of the various colleges as late as
Wadham, that being then newly erected."
An addition was made at the west end of the Divinity
School, 1634 to 1640, the lower part of which is the Convo-
cation House, and the upper part an addition to the library
for containing the books of the learned Selden, and is called
by his name.
The next building in order of time is Wadham College,
7 Anthony à Wood's description of this
gateway is so good in its way, and harmo-
nises so completely with his subject, that
it is here given complete.
"But between the geometry and meta-
physic, and astronomy and logic schools,
is the chief entrance from Cat Street into
this new fabric; having over it an emi-
nent and stately tower, wherein are con-
tained, beside the vault or entrance, four
rooms; the first is the mathematical
library for the use of the Savilian pro-
fessors; the second is part of the gallery;
the third, the muniments and registers of
the university; and the fourth, which is
the uppermost, doth serve for astronomy
On the outside of the said tower,
next to the area, or quadrangle, is beheld
the rise of five stories of pillars (equal to
every story of the tower), viz., of Thuscan,
Doric, Ionic, Corinthian, and Composite
work. Between the upper story of pillars
saving one is the effigies of King James
I. cut very curiously in stone, sitting on a
throne, and giving with his right hand a
book to the picture or emblem of Fame,
with this inscription on the cover :
uses.
"HEC HABEO QUE SCRIPSI.
"With his left hand he reacheth out
another book to our mother, the Univer-
sity of Oxford, represented in effigie,
kneeling to the King, with this inscription
on the cover also:
(C HEC HABEO QUE DEDI.
"On the verge of the canopy over the
throne, and the King's head, which is also
most admirably cut in stone, is his motto,
"BEATI PACIFICI.
"Over that also are emblems of Justice,
Peace and Plenty, and underneath all,
this inscription in golden letters:
"REGNANTE D. JACOBO REGUM DOCTISSIMO
MUNIFICENTISSIMO, OPTIMO, ILE MUSIS
EXTRUCTE MOLES, CONGESTA BIBLIOTHECA,
ET QUÆCUNQUE ADHUC DEERANT AD SPLENDOREM
ACADEMLE FELICITER TENTATA,
COEPTA ABSOLUTA. SOLI DEO GLORIA.
"All which Pictures and Emblems
were at first with great cost and splendour
double gilt; but when K. James came from
Woodstock to see this quadrangular pile,
commanded them (being so glorious and
splendid that none, especially when the
sun shines, could behold them) to be
whited over, and adorned with ordinary
colours, which hath since so continued."
Vol. iii. p. 793.
170
ON THE LATE, OR DEBASED,
which was commenced in 1610, and completed in 1613, the
year in which the Schools were commenced. It was founded
by Sir Nicholas and Dame Dorothy Wadham, (whose effigies
appear over the doorway of the hall,) but was not commenced
till after the death of Sir Nicholas in 1609. The building
was commenced in 1610, and the whole of the quadrangle,
the hall and chapel, were completed in 1613.
The general character of the buildings of the quadrangle
is the same as that of the Schools, having a tower, gateway,
and oriel window in the same situation, but the hall and
ante-chapel are of somewhat different character, having
debased tracery in the windows formed of scroll-work, and
of which the large window of the hall is a very curious
example. But the most singular part is the chapel, which is
totally different in style from the rest of the buildings; the
windows have good perpendicular tracery and mouldings,
though of rather late character, and there is little to dis-
tinguish it from a pure perpendicular building except the
upper mouldings of the buttresses. In the east window,
however, there is a singularity in the subordination of the
tracery which would not have occurred in the best period of
perpendicular. The two mullions of the centre light are
carried through the head and on each side in the sub-arches.
The other two mullions are not carried through, but another
rises from the second and fourth lights, cutting through
the sub-arches, and by this means the primary tracery, not
being equally distributed over the space, produces an awkward
effect, though the window has evidently, but not skilfully,
been copied from those of New College. The side windows
are of three lights with transoms, and are good in all their
details; and there are in the interior two lofty arches, which
divide the ante-chapel from the transept, and which are of
the same character, and are also an imitation of those in New
College. The rest of the ante-chapel corresponds with the hall,
so that it produces one uniform front towards the quadrangle.
The character of this part is totally different to that of the
chapel; and the contrast of the two (shown in the woodcut),
is very striking. The tracery of the one is good perpendi-
cular, but that of the other is of a kind unknown to Gothic.
It is composed of scroll-work in elliptic forms, and with a
kind of flat bosses at the intersections. The mouldings, too,
are totally different, one not differing much from the usual
EXAMPLES OF LATE GOTHIC BUILDINGS IN OXFORD.

:
Arches of the Aute.Chapel.
WADHAM COLLEGE.
EXAMPLES OF LATE GOTHIC BUILDINGS IN OXFORD.

Windows of the Chapel and Ante-Chapel.
WADHAM COLLEGE.
GOTHIC BUILDINGS OF OXFORD.
171
section of a Perpendicular window, and the other nondescript,
as will be seen from the sections.


Section of Window.
Chapel, Wadham College.
Section of Window.
Ante-Chapel, Wadham College.
These striking differences have naturally induced a belief
that the chapel was either a prior erection, or that the old
materials of the Augustine convent, on the site of which the
college was built, had been used up again; but by the investi-
gations of the Rev. J. Griffith, whose valuable paper on the
subject gives the accounts referred to, it is clearly shown
that the building of the two parts was carried on simul-
taneously. The foundress seems to have had a proper idea
that a building used for Divine service should have a different
character from those which were intended for domestic uses,
and therefore, as the regular masons at that period could not
have been much used to church work, and as it is shown by
the accounts that the masons employed were brought to
Oxford from a distance, it seems probable that she brought,
from her own county of Somerset, workmen who had been
8
8 In these accounts, (for an oppor-
tunity of examining which I am indebted
to the Rev. J. Griffith, the Sub-Warden),
the masons who worked the stone for
building are called Free masons, or Free-
stone Masons (which is probably the true
meaning of the term), while the rest are
merely called "labourers." The cost of
each window, with the name of the work-
man, is put down separately, the price of
a chapel window being 67. while those of
the hall, were 31. 18s. each. It is curious,
too, to find that the three statues over the
entrance to the hall and chapel were cut
by one of the free masons (William
Blackshaw) employed on the other parts
of the building. For each statue he was
paid the sum of 31.
The following prices and terms also
appear, and are curious and interesting.
Lodgement, 4d. per foot.
Window table, 4d. per foot.
Grass table, 4d. per foot.
Window lights, 3s. 4d. each.
Pillar stone, at 16d. per foot.
Cornish, 2d. per foot.
Gorgel table
Gargill
Gurgul
Gurgoll
at 47. per foot.
Tun stone, or tun stuff) stones for
Tounel stones, or tunnel chimney
stones
shafts, &c.
X
172
ON THE LATE, OR DEBASED,
used to this kind of work. The churches of Somersetshire
are mostly of rich and late Perpendicular character, and it is
probable that the style might continue later there than in
other places. It would, therefore, be a curious subject to
inquire if any churches were built so late as that on which
these masons might have been employed. The Hall of
Wadham has an open timber roof, which is curious, as
showing how, while the Gothic form was retained, the details
were altered to suit the taste of the times. The large window
is a remarkable example of Jacobean tracery. The entrance.
under the principal gateway is groined, with fan vaulting,
having in the centre the arms of the founder and foundress
impaled.
The buildings of this period in Oxford are very nume-
rous; indeed there are few colleges which have not some
additions of this time; but it will not be necessary to do
much more than enumerate the most favourable examples,
with their dates.
The inner quadrangle of Merton College is stated to have
been built by J. Bentley, one of the builders of the Schools,
and the gateway into the gardens is an evident imitation of
that of the Schools. It has four of the orders, and the
spaces between are filled with Gothic panelling, but the effect
is poor and flat. The external front of this part, which faces
Merton, is, however, a very good composition, and embowered
as it is with trees, has quite the character of one of the fine
old mansions of the Elizabethan or Jacobean period.
The Hall of Trinity College, built in 1618 to 1620, has
good Perpendicular windows.
Jesus College Chapel, built in 1621, and the east window
of the chapel, which was added in 1636, are much better
than might have been expected at the period, but there is no
subordination of tracery, which all springs from the same
fillet.
The Chapel of Exeter College, built in 1624, is a better
specimen than the last. The tracery of the windows seems
to have been copied from New College, and the subordination
is preserved. The door, however, is completely of Jacobean
character.
The second quadrangle of St. John's, which was built by
Archbishop Laud between 1631 and 1636, is remarkable,
and different from anything else in Oxford. It is by Inigo
EXAMPLES OF LATE GOTHIC BUILDINGS IN OXFORD

East Window.
JESUS COLLEGE.
1
I
EXAMPLES OF LATE GOTHIC BUILDINGS IN OXFORD.

Entrance to the Chapel.
EXETER COLLEGE.
EXAMPLES OF LATE GOTHIC BUILDINGS IN OXFORD.

East Window.

Side Window.
D JEWITT, SAAN TE
ST. MARY HALL.
:
!
GOTHIC BUILDINGS OF OXFORD.
173
Jones, and the effect of the garden front is highly picturesque,
and the combination of the Gothic forms with Elizabethan
details skilfully managed. This mixture of styles, though it
will not bear examination in detail, produces in the mass an
effect highly pleasing; and harmonising so well as it does
with the foliage by which it is surrounded, it seems well
suited for the purpose for which it is here employed. The
quadrangle is on two sides supported on Doric columns and
arches, the spandrels of which are filled with heads, and with
emblems of the sciences and of the moral virtues.
The Hall and Chapel of St. Mary Hall were built between
the years 1632 and 1644. The arrangement is curious and
unusual, the hall occupying the lower story, and the chapel
the upper. The windows of the hall are squareheaded, but
those of the chapel on the north and south sides are round-
headed, with intersecting tracery. The filling up of the
heads of the lights is singular. The tracery, which assumes.
something of a Flamboyant form, springs from the chamfer
in the manner of a cusp, and its fillets do not touch in the
middle. The east window is pointed, and of five lights, with
a mixture of intersecting and Perpendicular tracery, the
whole exhibiting a good example of that commingling of
preceding styles which is so frequently found in late Gothic
structures.
The Chapel of Lincoln College was built in 1631, and is
one of the best examples of the period, the subordination of
the tracery is preserved, and the mouldings are good, except
one peculiarity, which seems to belong to this period, as it is
found likewise at Oriel and other
places. This is, the fillet is left
broad, and is grooved down the
centre with a rather deep channel.
This has the effect of dividing the
fillet into two lines, and produces a
clumsy appearance.
Oriel College was built about
1620, but the Hall and Chapel were
begun in 1637, and finished in 1642.
The character of the building is
poor and clumsy. The tracery is
of very late character, and it has

a
Section of Window.
Lincoln College Chapel.
a. Grooved Fillet.
the grooved fillet above-mentioned. The entrance to the
N 2
174
ON THE LATE, OR DEBASED,
chapel is under a bay-window, which has an open parapet
of scroll-work.
The windows of the Hall and Chapel of University College,
which were built about 1640, are much like those of Oriel.
The east window of the chapel is particularly bad. Both
colleges are built with fractable gablets.
In the Chapel of Brazenose College, which was built
between 1656 and 1666, all traces of Gothic, except the
windows and roof, seem to have vanished. The exterior is
Corinthian, with pointed windows inserted between the
pilasters. The tracery is of rather early form, and the whole
is a very incongruous mixture. In the east and west windows
even the tracery is altered, and the oval form introduced, so
that this may be taken as one of the last and most curious
examples of the decline of Gothic before its extinction. The
roof of the chapel, which is a kind of hammer beam with fan
vaulting above, was brought from the chapel of St. Mary's
College, which formerly stood in the Corn Market, and which
was founded by Henry VI. in 1435. This kind of vaulting
seems to have retained its hold longer than any other
feature of the Gothic styles, unless it be the windows. It is
extensively used in Oxford under gateways and other small
spaces, as at Wadham, University, St. John's, &c., but the
finest specimen of it is the beautiful staircase to the Hall of
Christ Church; and it is remarkable to find that it was
erected so late as 1640; but it is stated by Peshall to have
been built by Dean Fell, "by the help of Smith, an
artificer of London." Who Smith of London may have been,
or whether he executed any other works beside this, does
not seem to have been ascertained; but certainly this work
alone, executed at a time when Gothic architecture every-
where else was sunk in utter debasement, ought to rescue
his name from oblivion. Its chief fault is a want of boldness
in the ribs, but this flatness was a fault of the time, which
he did not overcome.
It has been generally considered that the whole of the
work outside of the Hall was of this date, but it will be
evident on examination that the two open doorways opposite
the Hall-door, as well as the arches and doorways under the
landing, are of Wolsey's time; all the details and the bold-
ness of the work show them to belong to his building. The
parts, therefore, which Smith executed were the central
GOTHIC BUILDINGS OF OXFORD.
175
pillar, and the vaulting which it supports, the steps, and
parapets. This part, it seems, was left unfinished by
Wolsey. The steps were not completed, and it was not
roofed. It is, therefore, possible, as this design harmonises
so well with the rest of the building, that the original
drawings might have been preserved, and the present stair-
case built from them; but whoever was the designer, it
stands as one of the most beautiful things in Oxford, and one
which no visitor should omit seeing.
It
The buildings hitherto described or mentioned are all in
Oxford, but there is another in its immediate neighbourhood
which is worth notice; this is Water Eaton, a house which
appears to have been built in the beginning of James I.'s
reign, and to have been the residence of Lord Lovelace.
is now a farm-house, but remains in a perfect and almost
unaltered state. The house has transomed windows and a
projecting porch, ornamented with pillars and pilasters. It
has a large court-yard, with a detached building for offices
on each side of the gateway in front. On the north side of
the court-yard is the chapel, having a yard on the south
side. It is this building which is remarkable, as it remains
almost in the same state as when built, the screen, pulpit,
and open seats being the same as when first put in, and the
building, though late, has scarcely any mixture of the later
style.
The plan consists of a nave and chancel, divided by a
chancel arch and screen, and having diagonal buttresses at
all the angles. There are no windows on the north side, but
on the south the nave has two, and the chancel one, and
there are an east and west window, and a door on the south
side. The doorway is pointed under a square label. The
arches of the windows are much depressed, but slightly
pointed; the lights are foliated and carried up to the head
without tracery. The east window has five lights, and the
others three lights each. The mouldings are of late character,
but not debased. The bell-cot and cross are modern.
interior is very plain; the chancel arch is semicircular, with-
out mouldings, but has a screen closed with doors; this is in
the taste of the times, and is formed of semicircular arches,
supported by small pillars, the whole carved with Elizabethan
ornaments. The pulpit is a good specimen of this same
style. The standards of the open seats arc, as is usual at
The
176
ON THE LATE, OR DEBASED,
this period, rude, clumsy, and massive, the poppies being in
imitation of the more ancient fleur-de-lis. The roof is a
Roof of Chapel, Water Eaton.
copy of an early form,
and consists of prin-
cipals, collar and
curved braces, very
plain and simple, but
producing a good
effect.
This building is in-
teresting from show-
ing that here, as
at Wadham College
before mentioned,
though the house was
built in the revived
manner, it was still
thought necessary to

keep the chapel in the old style, that being considered
even then as exclusively ecclesiastical.
In the foregoing remarks, though very imperfectly exe-
cuted, it has been intended to show by the buildings of
Oxford, not only the gradual decline of Gothic architecture,
but also the attempts, more or less successful, which were
made from time to time to stay its progress. It was, how-
ever, for a time doomed to perish, and no efforts could save
it. In the buildings of the period following that which
has here been spoken of, it is either wholly laid aside, or the
only remains of it are to be found in the accidental inser-
tion, as it were, of a traceried window or a pointed door, as
if to show that some faint recollections of the once-honoured
forms still lingered in the minds of the architects, and caused
them involuntarily to record their respect for it.
It would be an interesting investigation to trace the
gradual awakening of the style from the deep slumber into
which it had fallen, and to trace its gradual unfolding, step
by step, until we have at length a more glorious rénaissance
of the Gothic styles than we ever had of the Classic, and in
this history no mean place would be assigned to the
Architectural Society of Oxford.
O. JEWITT.
GOTHIC BUILDINGS OF OXFORD.
177
The following list will form an useful appendix to the
foregoing:
LATE GOTHIC BUILDINGS IN OXFORD, FROM THE REIGN OF ELIZABETH
TO THE END OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY.
ELIZ.
1571.
1596.
1597.
The old buildings of Jesus College commenced.
Library, St. John's College built.
Sir Thomas Bodley commenced the repairs of Duke
Humphrey's Library, and added the new roof.
1600. Front of St. Alban Hall built.
1602.
JAS. I. 1610.
1610.
Nov. 8. Duke Humphrey's Library publicly re-opened after
the repairs.
July 16. First stone of the Bodleian Library and Pro-
scholium laid.
Great or main quadrangle of Merton built.
1610. July 31. First stone of Wadham College laid.
1612. West side of the lesser quadrangle of Lincoln College built.
1613. March 30. First stone of the Schools laid.
1613. April 20. Wadham College opened.
1617. Hall of Jesus College built.
1620. Hall of Trinity College finished.
1621. May 28. Chapel of Jesus College consecrated.
1624. Chapel of Exeter College built.
Cu. I.
1626.
1628.
1630.
1631.
Library of Jesus College built.
Front of the house in St. Aldates, known as Bishop
King's House," built.
Staircase of Christ Church Hall built.
July 26. First stone of the Garden front and lesser qua-
drangle of St. John's College laid.
1631. Sept. 15. Chapel of Lincoln College consecrated.
1634. West side of University College built.
1635. West side of St. Edmund Hall built.
1635. June 19.
June 19. Front of University College commenced.
1637. Oriel College quadrangle and hall built.
1639. Chapel of University commenced; finished in 1665.
1639-40. St. Mary Hall Chapel and Hall built.
1640. Hall of University College commenced. Finished in 1657.
1642. June or July. Oriel College Chapel consecrated.
1656. June 26. Chapel of Brazenose College, first stone laid
finished in 1666.
1663. Library of Brazenose College opened.
1665. March 30. Chapel of University College consecrated.
1666. Nov. 17. Chapel of Brazenose College consecrated.
1669. Library of University College opened.
;
1
ON THE DESCENT OF THE EARLDOM OF OXFORD.
READ IN THE HISTORICAL SECTION AT OXFORD, JUNE 21, 1850.
THE Earldom of Oxford is remarkable, beyond other English
Earldoms, for the length of time that it continued in one
family. For a period of more than five centuries and a half it
was held, in male succession, by twenty Earls of the illustrious
race of Vere. It presents, in this respect, a direct contrast
to the Earldoms of Lincoln and Salisbury, whose history I
have endeavoured to elucidate at previous meetings of the
Institute, which were repeatedly subject to the inheritance
of females; and, as my aim in these papers is rather to illus-
trate the nature and descent of the ancient dignity of an Earl
in England, than to enter into the wide field of biography,
(which, in this case, would occupy a large volume,) I have
comparatively little to say upon the present subject. I shall,
however, be able to remove the obscurity which Sir William
Dugdale left resting on the origin of this Earldom; and I
have also to point out that the right of inheritance to the
dignity was limited to heirs male, and consequently altered
from its original character, by the special provision of an
Act of Parliament, which passed for its restoration after
attainder, in the reign of Richard II.
There was no Earl of Oxford until the reign of King Henry
the Second. The circumstance of a person styled Earl
Aubrey-Albericus comes, occurring in Domesday Book,
combining with the fact that the first two Earls of Oxford
bore the same name, and also their forefathers for two
preceding generations, has suggested the supposition of an
earlier origin of this dignity; but the distinction between
the comes Albericus of Domesday and Albericus de Ver is
clearly marked in this respect the former had forfeited his
lands before the period of the survey, they were then in the
King's hands, and they never belonged in after times to the
Earls of Oxford; but those manors which belonged, at the
survey, to Albericus de Ver, descended in due succession to
the Earls his posterity. The family of the comes Albericus
of the Conqueror's days has not been discovered but there
can be no doubt that he was really the Earl of Northum-
THE DESCENT OF THE EARLDOM OF OXFORD.
179
berland of whom it is related, by Simeon of Durham, that he
received that honour after the slaughter of bishop Walcher,
which occurred in 1080; but, having little success in the
difficulties which beset his position, he deserted his charge,
and went home to his own country—that is, to Normandy;
after which the Conqueror appointed Robert de Mowbray in
his room.¹
2
Albericus de Vere, the first of his name in England, came also
from Normandy. He held in chief, at the Domesday survey,
lands in the counties of Middlesex, Cambridge, Huntingdon,
Essex, and Suffolk. Among these was Kensington in the
first mentioned county, in after ages the residence of our
kings, the church of which he gave to the abbey of Abingdon,
whence arose the name of St. Mary Abbat's, still attached to
the church of Kensington. He also had Colne in Essex,
since called Earl's Colne, where the Earls were customarily
buried in a priory of their own foundation; and Hedingham,
in the same county, where they erected their magnificent
Norman castle.
The second Aubrey de Vere, son of the former, made an
illustrious alliance by marrying Adeliza, daughter of Gilbert
de Clare, earl of Hertford; and, in the year 1106, king
Henry the First made him his chamberlain in the room of
Robert Malet, lord of Eye in Suffolk, then recently slain in
rebellion.3
It was Aubrey de Vere, the third after the Conquest of
England, who became the first Earl of Oxford. But his
elevation to the dignity of a comte was originally the result
of his marriage, and this is one of the circumstances that
have confused the old accounts of this Earldom; for Dugdale
erroneously attributed that marriage to his grandfather,
1 This important contribution to the
right understanding of the Domesday
Survey, was first pointed out by Mr. Baker,
in the "History of Northamptonshire,"
vol. i. p. 561. The Domesday student
will do well to note it in his copy of the
Introduction by Sir Henry Ellis, who
was not aware of it. Mr. Baker further
remarks that Sir William Dugdale (Baron-
age, i. 188) was incorrect in his suppo-
sition that this Earl Alberic was
Englishman, having misunderstood the
entry under Wiltshire which led to that
conclusion; and that the historian of
Leicestershire has adopted the same
an
erroneous interpretation of the statements
of the survey,-the fact being that the
tenure of the Earl was then spoken of in
the past tense, because his lands were
actually forfeited. In his "History of
Warwickshire," Dugdale has uniformly
misrepresented this Earl as progenitor of
the Earls of Oxford.
2 Simeon Dunelm. edit. Twysden, col.
205.
3 Robert Malet was slain at the battle
of Tenerchebrai, fighting on the side of
Duke Robert Courtehose, against his
father King Henry, on the 27th Sept.
1106.
180
THE DESCENT OF THE EARLDOM OF OXFORD.
the Domesday Aubrey. We owe
We owe to that accomplished
genealogist, our late valuable and much lamented member,
Mr. Stapleton, the information which has set us right upon
this point; and which he made known in his memoir on the
Barony of William of Arques, in the county of Kent, which
was read at our first Archæological meeting at Canterbury,
and afterwards printed in the Archæologia of the Society of
Antiquaries.5
William of Arques, the Domesday lord of Folkstone, left
two daughters his coheiresses, of whom Emma the younger
was married, first to Nigel de Monville, and secondly to
Manasses comte of Guisnes in Flanders. By the latter
alone she had issue, and that an only daughter named Rosa,
otherwise Sibilla, who, having been married to Henry castellan
of Bourbourg, died in her father's lifetime, leaving again
a single female heiress, named Beatrice. It was this Beatrice
who was destined to convey the dignity of a comte to the
man who might win her in marriage. Her grandmother,
Emma, was still living, and it was by her advice, being an
English woman, that a husband was selected in the English
court for the future comtesse of Guisnes. The nobleman of
her choice was Aubrey de Vere, son of Aubrey the king's
chamberlain.6
The marriage of Beatrice is said to have been hastened
because she was in precarious health, and lest, in case of her
death without issue, the comté of Guisnes should revert to
the next heir, by name Arnold de Gand. The comte
Manasses died in the year 1137; whereupon Henry de
Bourbourg, the father of the young heiress, dispatched a
message to his son-in-law, Aubrey de Vere, requiring
him to come immediately to take possession of the
county of Guisnes, and obtain investiture from
from his
4 Probably Ver in the Bessin, not Vire,
of which Hugh Earl of Chester was
castellan in the reign of William the Con-
queror. See Stapleton's Rolls of the
Norman Exchequer, vol. i. pp. lxxx., cliii.,
vol. ii. p. clvii.
5 Vol. xxxi. pp. 216-257.
6 Leland has a fabulous pedigree: "Ex
libello genealogia Comitum Oxoniensium,"
tracing the Veres in a male line of Erles
of Genney, alias Gisney, from Milo Duke
of Angiers, living in the year 800. This
is founded, of course, on the connection
with the Comte of Guisnes, which is
related in the text. After a string of
princely alliances, it terminates with a
fictitious marriage between Albery de Ver
Erle of Genney, who came over at the
Conquest, and Beatrice a sister of the
Conqueror. It is to be regretted that
Arthur Collins, in his "Historical Collec-
tions on the noble families of Cavendish,
Holles, Vere, Harley, and Ogle," fol. 1752,
has given some credence to this forgery.
The memoirs of the house of Vere in that
work occupy pp. 214-243.
THE DESCENT OF THE EARLDOM OF OXFORD.
181
suzerain the earl of Flanders. Aubrey, though then, it is
said, honourably engaged in the service of King Stephen,
forthwith obeyed the summons, and from that time became
entitled to the style of comte.
However, it is further related, by the same chronicler,7
that he preferred a residence at the English court to the
requisite superintendence of his matrimonial domains. His
wife was in too delicate a state of health to enjoy his society;
and in consequence, though continually sent for by his father-
in-law, he obstinately prolonged his absence, until the
patience of his barons was fairly exhausted. The result was
one of those petty intestine wars which were then so frequent;
and it was carried on for some time in the unhappy comté of
Guisnes with various success. On one side were ranged the
comte's bailiff, Arnold of Hammes, and the father of the
comtesse, Henry castellan of Bourbourg. Arnold de Gand,
the pretender to the comté, headed the insurgent party, and
one of his chief supporters was Baldwin lord of Ardres.
This Baldwin, being severely wounded, sought comfort in his
sickness in the counsels of the abbot of la Chapelle Thierry,
and, at his instigation, he withdrew from the cause of Arnold
de Gand. In brief, it was concluded that Baldwin of Ardres
would make a better sovereign for the men of Guisnes than
either Arnold or the Englishman whom they never saw.
Aubrey de Vere, on his part, seems to have been readily
persuaded to relinquish so troublesome and unpromising an
alliance. He assented to a divorce. The wishes of Baldwin
of Ardres were accomplished; he was married to the
comtesse Beatrice; but she survived for only a few days,
and finally Arnold de Gand succeeded to the comté in
peace.
These events took place about the year 1144. It was
consequently for about seven years that Aubrey de Vere
was comte of Guisnes. There are several English charters
extant in which he uses the title of comte; and one to the
monastery of Hatfield, in Essex, is particularly remarkable,
as proving that he did so whilst his father was living.
He styles himself therein Albericus comes, filius Alberici de
Ver, and his father is the first of the witnesses. His father,
the king's chamberlain, was slain in London, during a riot of
the citizens, on the 15th of May, 1140.
7 Lambert d'Ardres.
8
8 Morant's Essex, ii. 506.
182
THE DESCENT OF THE EARLDOM OF OXFORD.
Such were the circumstances under which the dignity of
comte first accrued to Aubrey de Vere. His apparent apathy
in relinquishing it is explained by what was going on at the
time in his own country. He had become one of the most.
active partisans of the empress Matilda in her claim to the
English crown and had received from her the promise of
an English earldom. By a charter made after Milo of
Gloucester had been created earl of Hereford at Oxford on
the 25th July, 1141, and before the siege of Winchester in
the following month, and which, from its being dated at
Oxford, (though without date of the year) was probably
contemporaneous with the former event, Matilda granted to
him all the land of William de Abrincis, together with all the
inheritance he claimed on the part of his wife, as the heiress
of William of Arques; also the town and castle of Colchester,
so soon as it should be in her power to deliver it and
further, the reversion of the Earldom of Cambridgeshire and
the third penny thereof, as an Earl ought to have, provided
the king of Scots had it not; but, in that case, the said
Aubrey was to have the choice of four earldoms, namely,
Oxfordshire, Berkshire, Wiltshire, and Dorsetshire, according
to the decision of her brother the earl of Gloucester, earl
Geoffrey (the earl of Essex), and earl Gilbert (the earl of
Pembroke).
The political influence of earl Aubrey is further shown by
the fact, that at the same time the empress gave baronies to
his brothers Geoffrey and Robert, and promised the chan-
cellorship of England to his brother William de Vere.
King Henry the Second, when he came to the throne in
the year 1155, though he preferred Becket for chancellor,
fulfilled the agreement made for an earldom with Aubrey de
Vere. The earldom given him was that of Oxford, of
which he was confirmed Earl by a grant of the third penny
of the pleas of the county."
9 The charter of the creation was trans-
cribed by Selden, from the original which
he had seen among the evidences of the
Earls of Oxford, as follows
H. Rex Angliæ et Dux Normanniæ et
Aquitania et Comes Andagaviæ, archi-
episcopis, episcopis, abbatibus, comitibus,
baronibus, justiciariis, vicecomitibus,
ministris, et omnibus fidelibus suis totius
Franciæ et Angliæ salutem. Sciatis me
dedisse et concessisse Comiti Alberico in
feodo et hereditate tertium denarium de
placitis comitatus Oxenfordscyre UT SIT
INDE COMES. Quare volo et firmiter præ-
cipio quod ipse et heredes sui habeant
inde comitatum suum ita libere et quiete
et honorifice sicut aliquis Comitum Angliæ
liberius et quietius et honorificentius habet.
Testibus T. cancellario, Hugone comite de
Norff', Rogero comite de Clare, comite
Patricio, Ricardo filio Gisleberti, Henrico
de Essex constabulario, Richardo de
THE DESCENT OF THE EARLDOM OF OXFORD.
183
It is remarkable, however, that the Earls of Oxford never
possessed lands in Oxfordshire. Essex was always their
principal county; and Aubrey, the second Earl, was sheriff
of the counties of Essex and Hertford from the tenth to the
fifteenth years of king John.
The first earl of Oxford enjoyed his dignity for a period
of nearly forty years. He died in 1194, and was followed
in succession by his two sons, Aubrey and Robert, the former
of whom gave king John, in his sixth year, a fine of two
hundred marks to be confirmed in this earldom, and in the
receipt of the third penny.¹ After these brothers, six more
generations carry us down to Robert, the ninth earl and
fourth of his name, who is celebrated in history for the
extraordinary honours which were lavished upon him by
king Richard the Second.
Having been left an orphan at an early age, his wardship
was given, by king Edward III., to his son-in-law Ingelram
de Courcy, earl of Bedford; and, according to the ordinary
practice in such cases, that nobleman destined the young
earl's marriage as a provision for the establishment of his
own daughter, Philippa de Courcy. Having thus become
the husband of king Richard's cousin-german, the earl of
Oxford was placed in a position of family relationship towards
his sovereign, which, added to his own rank and a parity of
years, might at first appear to justify a familiarity which
was gradually carried beyond all the bounds of propriety and
decency. On the 1st Dec., 1385, to distinguish his favourite
beyond all his peers, Richard introduced into this country
the hitherto unknown title of Marquess, advancing the earl
of Oxford to the dignity of Marquess of Dublin, with no less
an appanage than the whole territory and lordship of Ireland.²
About the same time he was elected into the order of the
Garter. But these favours still fell short of his fond master's
estimate of his deserts. The patent of the Marquisate was
therefore recalled, and, on the 13th October following, the
lordship of Ireland was erected into a Dukedom, and, with
the adjacent islands and all other dependencies, transferred
Humet constabulario, Richardo de Lucy,
Waltero filio Roberti, M. Biscet dapifero,
Warino filio Geraldi camerario, Richardo
de Canvilla, Willielmo de Lanvall, Ham-
mone Peccato, apud Dour' in transitu
Regis. Selden's " Titles of Honour."
1 Rot. Pip. Essex.
2 Pat. 9 Ric. II. p. 2, m. 18.; Rot. Parl.
iii. 209.
184
THE DESCENT OF THE EARLDOM OF OXFORD.
4
3
a
to Robert de Vere upon his liege homage only. To do him
further honour, permission was granted to him to bear as his
arms, so long as he should live and hold the said lordship,
these arms, viz.-Azure, three golden crowns within
bordure, which he was authorised to bear, quartering the
arms of Vere, in all shields, banners, penons, coats of arms,
and all other his equipments which were capable of being
adorned with cognizances of arms, wherever he chose to
display them, either in actions of war or elsewhere. But,
after this extravagant exaltation, the favourite's career was
brief. He was attainted by parliament in the year 1388;
and, whilst in exile at Louvaine, was killed by a wild boar
when hunting, on the 22nd November, 1392. He died
without issue.5
His uncle Aubrey de Vere was his heir; and in the
parliament held at Winchester, in January following, he was,
for the good service done to the king and his father, restored
to the estates of his family, and to the dignity of Earl of
Oxford, with remainder to his heirs male for ever." Where-
upon the said earl did his homage to the king, and then
was put and sat with his peers in parliament, " right humbly
thanking our lord the king for his good and gracious lord-
ship." This act of parliament, and its limitation of the
dignity to heirs male, became the authority upon which the
succession of the Earldom was decided in the reign of Charles
the First. This earl, however, was not restored to the
office of Lord Great Chamberlain, which the earls of Oxford
3 Cart. 10 Ric. II. p. 1. m. 2.
4 Patent. 9 Ric. II. pars 1. m. 1. (MS.
Cotton, Julius C. vII. f. 237 b.) From the
terms of this patent it would seem that
these were then regarded as the Arms of
Ireland. It may be that they were
intended to be so constituted by this
royal charter, and that they originated as
follows: The king had himself assumed
the arms of King Edward the Confessor,
and impaled them with those of France
and England; and he had granted to
some of his peers of the blood royal the
same, with differences; for instance, his
nephew, Thomas Holand Duke of Surrey,
bore them with a bordure argent. In like
manner he appears to have assigned to his
favourite Vere the arms usually attributed
to Saint Edmund the King (and which,
like those of the Confessor, were usually
carried in the royal host), viz., Azure,
three crowns or, differenced by a bordure
argent.
See an essay on the Ancient
Arms of Ireland, in the Gentleman's
Magazine for 1845, vol. xxiii. p. 603.
The coat of the three crowns occurs
on an encaustic paving tile, found in
Essex, which is engraved in the Gentle-
man's Magazine for October, 1818,
305. It exhibits three crowns, two and
p.
one, quartered with the usual coat of Vere.
5 See a memoir of this royal favourite in
Beltz's Memorials of the Garter, p. 299.
"nostre dit sieur le Roi .... de
6
sa grace especiale restitut, done, et grante
par assente du Parlement, al dit sieur
Aubrey, le noun, title, estat et honour du
COUNT D'OXENFORD, a avoir les ditz noun,
title, estat et honour a dit sieur Aubrey,
et sesheirs madles a toutz jours, et luy fist
Count d'Oxenford en plein parlement."
Rot. Parl. iii. 303.
THE DESCENT OF THE EARLDOM OF OXFORD.
185
had hitherto enjoyed from the reign of Henry the First.
It was granted to the king's half-brother, John Holand,
earl of Huntingdon, (afterwards duke of Exeter,) and it
did not return to the Veres until the accession of Henry the
Seventh.
On the history of the succeeding earls I shall only add
some few remarks. John the twelfth earl was attainted
and beheaded in 1461, suffering from his loyalty to his
sovereign of the Lancastrian line.
His son John was restored to the dignity in 1464; but
was himself attainted in 1474, in consequence of the active
part he had taken on the Lancastrian side, during the
temporary restoration of Henry the Sixth in 1470; having
at that period distinguished himself as the last supporter of
the cause of the Red Rose, which he maintained in the castle
of St. Michael's Mount, in Cornwall, for many months after
the rest of the kingdom had submitted to Edward IV. He
was subsequently imprisoned in the castle of Hammes, in
Picardy, where he remained for twelve years. At length,
hearing of the preparations making by Henry earl of
Richmond, to assert his claim to the throne, he won over
the governor of Hammes, sir James Blount, and sir John
Fortescue the warden of Calais, and, with them, joined the
earl at Montarges in Britany. Having thus been mainly
instrumental in bringing Henry to the throne, he was
immediately restored to the Earldom of Oxford, and also
to the office of Lord Great Chamberlain, which he enjoyed
until his death in 1513.
On the decease of Henry the eighteenth earl, without
issue, in 1625, the Great Chamberlainship descended to heirs
female. The succession to the Earldom itself was also
disputed. The heir male, Robert de Vere, descended from
the fifteenth earl, made claim not only to the earldom, but
also to the baronies of Bolebec, Sanford, and Badlesmere,7
and to the office of Lord Great Chamberlain whilst Robert
lord Willoughby de Eresby also put in a counter-claim to
7 Bolebec had accrued from the marriage
of Isabel de Bolebec to Robert the third
Earl; Sanford from that of Alice de
Sanford to Robert the fifth Earl; and
Badlesmere from that of Maud de Badles-
mere to John the seventh Earl. Sanford,
however, has not been admitted by
Dugdale or Nicolas as a barony of the
realm the family held their estates, not
per baroniam, but by sergeanty of the
queen's bedchamber, which is remarkable,
considering the earl of Oxford was the
king's hereditary great chamberlain. See
Banks' Stemmata Anglicana, 1825, 4to.,
P. 245.
186
THE DESCENT OF THE EARLDOM OF OXFORD.
8
the whole, as the son and heir of Mary daughter and sole
heir of John the sixteenth earl. The house of peers decided
that the dignity of Earl of Oxford was clearly to be
adjudged to Robert de Vere; as for the baronies of
Bulbeck, Sanford, and Badlesmere, descending to heirs
female, they stated them to be in the king's disposal, by
reason that John the fourteenth earl had left three sisters
his heirs, and the honour could not be divided; but as to
the office of Lord Great Chamberlain, it was referred to the
judges then attending the parliament, to consider thereof, and
make report upon these two points: 1. whether that Robert
earl of Oxford, who made the entail thereof temp. Rich. II.
upon his heirs male, was at that time seised of it or not;
2. admitting that he was, whether such an office might be
conveyed by limiting of uses. Upon which reference, there
being only five judges then attending in parliament (the rest
being in their circuits), three of them, justices Doddridge
and Yelverton and baron Trevor, declared their opinions
for the heir general; but the other two, the lord chief
justice Crewe and sir
Crewe and sir John Walter, lord chief baron,
declared for the heir male. Though their legal advisers
were thus nearly balanced, the peers were guided in their
vote by the majority; whereupon Robert lord Willoughby
was admitted in the house on the 13th of April, 1626,
bearing his staff as Lord Great Chamberlain, and took his
place above all the barons, according to the statute of
precedency passed by act of parliament in the 31st
Hen. VIII.
The next day Robert de Vere received his writ of
summons as Earl of Oxford, and coming to parliament
the day following, he had his place next to the earl of
Arundel⁹.
The Lord Willoughby was in the same year created an
earl, by the title of Earl of Lindsey, in the county of Lincoln.
He is famous in the history of the civil war, and was slain at
Edge Hill in 1642. In his family the office of Lord Great
Chamberlain descended through seven generations to Robert
the seventh Earl of Lindsey and fourth Duke of Ancaster;
8 The Earl of Oxford's case, and that
of the Lord Willoughbie, and a third by
which the Countess of Derby claimed the
office of Lord Great Chamberlain, are
printed by Collins, in his "Historical
Collections," &c., pp. 269–275.
9 Journals of Parliament.
THE DESCENT OF THE EARLDOM OF OXFORD.
187
on whose death in 1779 it again fell in abeyance between
co-heirs. These were his sisters, Lady Priscilla wife of Sir
Peter Burrell, and Lady Georgiana, afterwards wife of the
first Marquess Cholmondeley. Their children, the present
Lord Willoughby de Eresby and the present Marquess Chol-
mondeley, are now jointly Lord Great Chamberlain of
England, and an arrangement has been made that either
family shall exercise the office alternately, in successive
reigns.
According to the original practice with respect to earldoms
to England, the heir general would certainly have been
entitled to this ancient earldom; but the act of parliament
of the 16th Rich. II., by which the dignity was revived
after attainder, had, as we have seen, limited its inheritance
to the heirs male; and, although the lord Willoughby
appears to have relied upon the uncertainty that might
arise from subsequent acts of parliament, by which the rebel
earls of Oxford had been successively either attainted or
restored in blood, and particularly upon an award relative to
the family estates, confirmed by parliament in the 23rd Hen.
VIII.; still it appeared that the act of the 16th Rich. II. had
not been affected by any of them.
Robert the nineteenth earl of Oxford died in 1632, and
there was only one more earl after him but this earl, the
last of his illustrious race, enjoyed the dignity for no less
than seventy years. The old name of Aubrey was revived
in his person.
He flourished, or rather faded, in the
effeminate age of Charles II., and to which his manners
were unfortunately conformed. On his death in the
year 1702 the male line of Veres became extinct; and it
is a remarkable circumstance that the heiress of this ancient
race was married to the first of an entirely new one. The
heiress of Vere was united to one of the natural sons
of king Charles the Second, who was created Duke of St.
Alban's.
There had been a junior branch elevated to the peerage
in the preceding century, in the person of the gallant sir
Horatio Vere, brother to John the sixteenth earl.
He was
created Baron Vere of Tilbury in 1625, and died without
issue in 1635.
After the extinction of the male line, lord Vere Beauclerk,
grandson by his mother of the last earl, was in 1750 created
188
THE DESCENT OF THE EARLDOM OF OXFORD.
Lord Vere of Hanworth. His son succeeded as the fifth
duke of St. Alban's in 1787, and this barony still accom-
panies the dukedom.
The title of Earl of Oxford was conferred by Queen Anne
in the year 1711 on her prime minister, the lord treasurer
sir Robert Harley; he was slightly connected with the
Veres, from his grandmother Brilliana, daughter of Edward
lord viscount Conway, having been the sister of Mary wife
of Horatio lord Vere of Tilbury. To the title of Oxford
was added the equally proud name of Mortimer; and it has
been said that this addition was made because rumours were
current that some junior branches of the Veres were still
existing, and might possibly still assert their claim to the
ancient earldom. This, however, has never happened.
Alfred, the present and sixth Earl of Oxford and Mortimer,
succeeded to the peerage in 1848, and is now the last male
survivor of his family.
Five of the Veres earls of Oxford were knights of the
Garter, namely, Robert the ninth earl and duke of Ireland,
Richard the eleventh earl, John the thirteenth earl, John
the fifteenth earl, and Aubrey the twentieth and last earl.
Sir Harris Nicolas, in his Synopsis of the Peerage, inserted
a correction to his original statement, to the effect that the
duke of Ireland was not a knight of the Garter; but the
late Mr. Beltz, Lancaster Herald, ascertained the fact of
his election, and has inserted a biography of him in his
excellent work, "Memorials of the Garter," which comprises
biographical notices of the knights during the reigns of the
first two sovereigns of the order.
Mr. Doubleday has furnished me with impressions of seals
of seven of the earls of Oxford; viz., Aubrey the first earl,
Hugh the fourth, Robert the fifth, Robert the sixth, John
the seventh (privy seal), Aubrey the tenth (privy seal), and
John the thirteenth¹. They do not differ in character from
the seals of their contemporaries; and the only two which
require any explanation are the first and the last.
The most remarkable feature in the first is that the earl
does not display on his shield the arms of Vere. His shield
has a central boss, and a circumambient line which a herald
1 Five of these are engraved in the
accompanying plates. The two others
are neither perfect nor at all remark-
able.

MI
OXONIQ:
SIGHLY
BARTI:D:vaar:@o
VITING DEL ET S
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Seal of Robert de Vere, Earl of Oxford.

UTTINC
Albericus de Vere, first Earl of Oxford, A.D. 1155.
XOWIE:✩
LENS
SIGILL·KVGONI

UTTING.S
WOD:YDA:57:S&
Hugo de Vere, fourth Earl, 1221–1263.

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XX
1000
ODDO
Privy Seal of John de Vere, seventh Earl, A.D. 1331-1360.

moto
MDJ: 1) MIQ
RB UTTING
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Wh
51
DEL ET S
John de Vere, thirteenth Earl, A.D. 1417-1461.
THE DESCENT OF THE EARLDOM OF OXFORD.
189
might blazon as a bordure or an orle.
But in fact this seal
is anterior to the assumption of coat-armour.
In the seal of Earl Hugh, in the reign of Henry the Third,
the arms of Vere, quarterly, and a mullet in the first quarter,
appear both on the earl's shield and on the housings of his
horse.
The seal of John the thirteenth earl is a splendid speci-
men of the seals of Henry the Seventh's time. The shield
bears the arms of Howard quartered with Vere, his mother
having been the heiress of sir John Howard, the elder half-
brother of the sir Robert Howard who married the heiress
of Mowbray, and was progenitor of the dukes of Norfolk.
His supporters are antelopes, and the crest a boar. This
animal was from the earliest period of heraldry one of the
cognizances of the family. The seal of Baldwin de Vere,
son of Robert the crusader (presently mentioned), has a
boar's head for its device. The boar alluded through the
Latin verres to the surname of Vere. The French chro-
niclers whose narrations have been quoted in the earlier
part of this memoir, proceeded from Verres to Aper, and
Aubrey de Vere is disguised in the history of Lambert of
Ardres under the designation of Albertus Aper. Weever in
his Funcrall Monuments has preserved the following in-
scription which was placed upon the tomb of the first earl
in Earl's Colne priory:
"Hic jacet Albericus de Vere, filius Alberici de Vere,
Comes de Guisney et primus Comes Oxonie, Magnus Came-
rarius Anglie; qui, propter summam audaciam et effrænatam
pravitatem, Grymme Aubrey vocabatur. Obiit 26° die
Decembris, Anno Xp'i 1194, Ricardi I. sexto.
وو
And Leland thus varies the same story: "This Albrey,
for the greatness of his stature, and sterne looke, was named
Albry the Grymme."
This name of "Grymme Aubrey," as Mr. Stapleton has
remarked, is simply a translation back into English of the
Albericus Aper of the French historians-aper being viewed
as synonymous with asper. So readily was a romantic and
credulous age misled by the enigmas of its immediate
predecessors.
I will now close this paper with a brief allusion to the
family of Vere of Drayton in Northamptonshire, whose coat-
2 Itinerary, vol. vi. p. 38.
0 2
190
THE DESCENT OF THE EARLDOM OF OXFORD.
armour is especially interesting. This early off-set of the
house was descended from Robert de Vere, who was present
when the second William Longespée was slain at the battle
of Mansoura, in the Holy Land, in the year 12503; and
his cross-legged effigy is still existing in the church of
Sudborough in Northamptonshire. Robert de Vere assumed
for his coat-armour the simple red cross on a silver shield,
the same which became the national ensign under the
designation of the Cross of Saint George: and this coat of
the crusaders was borne by his descendants for many
generations, as may be seen in their history, which is
detailed in the magnificent work of Henry, Earl of Peter-
borough, which goes by the name of Halstead's Genealogies,
folio, 1685.
3 See my "Memoir on the Earldom of
Salisbury," in the Salisbury volume of the
Institute, and the "History of Lacock
Abbey," in which I had the pleasure to
assist the late amiable poet, the Rev.
William Lisle Bowles, then Rector of
Bremhill, and afterwards Canon of Salis-
bury.
ON THE PAINTED GLASS IN NEW COLLEGE CHAPEL AND
HALL, OXFORD.
IT has often been to me a matter of surprise that there
should still be wanting, not only a detailed account, but even
an accurate catalogue, of the numerous and interesting
specimens of ancient painted glass existing in the public and
collegiate buildings of Oxford, considering the number of
persons addicted to Archaeological pursuits who enjoy in an
Oxford residence, and leisure time, peculiar facilities for such
an undertaking.
The present paper hardly pretends to supply the latter
desideratum, even in respect of the single example which
forms its subject. I have had neither time nor opportunity to
test the accuracy of my researches as rigidly as I could have
wished; nor have I sought for any other documentary
evidence than what has already appeared in print: there-
fore, what I have written must be regarded as a contribution
only towards a more full and perfect description of the
painted glass in New College Chapel and Hall. The labour
expended upon it will, I dare say, be appreciated by those
who have actually prosecuted similar inquiries.
It will render the following remarks on the glass in New
College Chapel more intelligible if I state, at the outset, that
this building consists of an Antechapel, or Transept, and of a
Choir, or Inner Chapel, at right angles to it. That the Ante-
chapel is furnished with a central West window, having four-
teen lower lights-the widest in the chapel-arranged in two
tiers, and a head of tracery, to which no further allusion need
be made two smaller West windows, one on either side the
last, each having eight lower lights arranged in two tiers, and
eighteen tracery lights, six only of which are capable of
containing figures; two windows on the North, and one on
the South side, precisely similar to the last in size and
arrangement; and two East windows, facing the smaller
West windows, having twelve lower lights apiece-the
narrowest in the chapel-and fourteen tracery lights, ten
only of which are capable of containing figures; and that
the Choir is furnished with five South, and five North
windows, of the same dimensions and arrangement as the
smaller West windows of the Antechapel.
192
THE PAINTED GLASS IN
I have been thus minute in noticing the relative widths of
the lower lights of these windows, because the soundness of
the conclusions at which I have arrived respecting the original
arrangement of the glass in the chapel, in great measure
depends on the fact of the lights of the two East windows
being the narrowest, though of equal length with the others.
The remains of the oldest or original glazing are dispersed
throughout all these windows, with the exception of the
central West window; and from such an examination of
them as time and circumstances have permitted, it appears
to me that, when in a perfect state, the lower lights of the
northernmost of the West windows, and of the two North
windows of the Antechapel, contained representations of the
Patriarchs and other worthies of the Old Testament-a
single figure under a canopy occupying each light. That
in like manner the lower lights of the two East windows of
the Antechapel contained representations of the twelve
Apostles, and of our Lord's Crucifixion, four times repeated.
That similar representations of Old and New Testament and
Church saints and worthies occupied the lower lights of the
South and smaller West windows of the Antechapel, and
most probably the lower lights of all the Choir windows; and
that the various orders of angels' were represented in the
principal tracery lights of the Antechapel and Choir windows,
besides the Coronation of the Virgin, and Wykeham's
Adoration of Christ, which are to be seen in the tracery of
the East windows of the Antechapel. I have no other clue
to the subjects formerly represented in the central West
window than what is derivable from the fragments
removed from this window to make way for Sir Joshua
Reynolds's design, and which are still, I believe, preserved in
boxes at Winchester College. From the names which I
found on searching these fragments during the Institute's
visit to Winchester, in 1845, I conclude that single canopied
figures of Church saints occupied the lower lights of this
window; but I should state that I also met with part of a
small mitre, apparently belonging to the subject of Becket's
Martyrdom, which, however, judging from the small size of
the mitre, might have been inserted in the tracery lights of
this window.2
One complete set of angels is engraved
in "The Calendar of the Anglican Church
illustrated," Parker, Oxford, p. 116.
2 The glass in Winchester College
chapel unfortunately throws no light on
the subject. That chapel has no west
NEW COLLEGE CHAPEL AND HALL, OXFORD.
193
I am sensible that the opinion I have formed respecting
the original arrangement of the glass rests partly on
hypothesis, partly on evidence, in no case conclusive, and
in many cases weak and uncertain. With this apology I
must leave the matter in the reader's hands, and hope that
he will be amused with the description I shall give of the
glass, however much he may otherwise differ from my views.
It will be convenient to commence with an examination of
the glass in the Northernmost of the West windows of the
Antechapel, in which window, as it would seem, the series of
subjects originally began; and, in order to compensate as
much as possible for the want of illustrative aid, I give the
accompanying diagram of this window, in which the lower
lights are distinguished by numbers, and the principal tracery
lights by letters. I shall employ the same diagram in
explanation of all the other windows, except the central West
and the two East windows of the Antechapel.
THE NORTHERNMOST WEST WINDOW OF THE ANTECHAPEL.
Each of the eight lower lights of this window is occupied,
as already mentioned, with a canopy containing a single

1
C D
1.O
AB
3
EA
5
7
E F
00
figure; and I will state, since an attention to such minutia.
will tend materially to facilitate our investigation of the other
windows, that each of the canopies in Nos. 1 and 3 has a flat
hood, its spire background coloured blue, and the tapestry
window. Its side windows are fitted with
canopied figures of saints and angels; and
its east window with a design composed
of the following subjects: The Stem of
Jesse, the Crucifixion, and the Last Judg-
When represented by itself, the
ment.
Last Judgment is, I believe, most com-
monly assigned to a west window, but
when associated with the Crucifixion, it is
very frequently met with in an east window.
The Crucifixion is usually represented in
an east window.
194
THE PAINTED GLASS IN
back of its niche, which extends upwards to the groining of
the niche, red; and that the canopies in Nos. 2 and 4 have
projecting hoods, red spire grounds, and blue tapestries.
Whilst in the lower tier of lights, Nos. 5 and 7 have
projecting hoods, blue spire grounds, and red tapestries; and
Nos. 6 and 8, flat hoods, red spire grounds, and blue
tapestries. By which means, as will be perceived, a perfect
alternation of form and colour is maintained throughout the
canopies. All the canopies have projecting pedestals; but
those only of the lower tier of lights are crossed by the
founder's legend, "Orate pro Willelmo de Wykeham episcopo
Wynton fundatore istius collegii," which is written upon a
continuous scroll, divided only by the mullions of the window.
Light No. 1. Jonas p'pheta is written across the pedestal
of the canopy.
The figure, which, like the other Old
Testament worthies, has no nimbus, holds a scroll inscribed,
Hebreus ego su' & dominu' d'm celi ego timeo.-(See Jonah
i. 9.) The tapestry is powdered with letters 1, crowned.3
No. 2. Joel p'pheta is written on the pedestal of the
canopy. The scroll held by the figure is inscribed, In valle
josaphath iudicavit o'es ge'tes. (See Joel iii. 12, of which
this seems a paraphrase.) The tapestry is powdered with
letters, crowned.
No. 3. Amos [p'ph]eta¹ is written on the pedestal. The
scroll is inscribed, qui [cd] ificat in celu' assenc'one' sua'.-
(See Amos ix. 6.) The tapestry is powdered with letters
crowned.
No. 4. Micheas p'pheta is written on the pedestal. The
scroll is inscribed, De [Si] on exhibit [egredietur lux & v]erbm'
de vert.-(See Micah iv. 2.) The tapestry is powdered with
letters M, crowned.
No. 5. Ada' pm' pa [ter] is written on the pedestal. The
figure holds a spade, and looks sorrowful. The tapestry is
powdered with letters A, crowned. Part of the founder's
legend is written across the pedestal of this and the next three
canopies.
No. 6. Eva m'r oửu viveciu' is written on the pedestal.
3 The crowned letters bring to mind Chau-
cer's prologue to the Canterbury Tales :-
"Of smale corall aboute hire arm she bare
A pair of bedes gauded all with grene,
And thereon heng a broche of gold ful
shene,
On whiche was first yritten a crouned A,
And after, Amor vincit omnia."
4 The missing parts of the inscriptions,
when this is practicable, are supplied
within brackets.
NEW COLLEGE CHAPEL AND HALL, OXFORD.
195
The figure holds a distaff. The tapestry is powdered with
letters E, crowned.
No. 7. Seth filius Ade', is written on the pedestal. The
figure holds a book. The tapestry is powdered with letters
S, crowned.
No. 8. Enoch tra'slat' is written on the pedestal. The
figure holds a small scroll, incribed, ivit cu' deo. The tapestry
is powdered with letters E crowned.
The tracery lights of this window A to F inclusive are
each filled with a canopy under which stands an angel.
Troni is written upon a small scroll at the foot of each
canopy in the lights A and B. The angels throughout these
tracery lights are alike in design. The canopies have
alternately blue spire grounds, and red tapestries, or vice
versa. The smaller tracery lights are filled with ornaments,
such as leaves, monsters, &c., painted upon white and yellow
stained glass.
FIRST NORTH WINDOW OF THE ANTECHAPEL FROM THE WEST.
Light No. 1. Osee p'pheta, is written on the pedestal.
the figure holds a scroll inscribed, O mors ero [mo]rs
tua morsus tuus ero inferne. (See Hosea xiii. 14.) The
tapestry is powdered with letters H, crowned. From which
I infer either that the tapestry does not belong to this
figure, or that in the course of repairs wrong letters have
been inserted. However it may have been a mere caprice to
aspirate the name.
No. 2. Abacuch p'pheta, is written on the pedestal. The
scroll is inscribed D'ne audivi [auditi]o'e tua' & timui. (See
Habakkuk iii. 2.) The tapestry is powdered with letters A,
crowned.
No. 3. Ysaias p'pheta is written on the pedestal. The
scroll is inscribed, ecce virgo concipiet & pariet filium. (See
Isaiah vii. 14.) The tapestry is powdered with letters
Y, crowned.
No. 4. [B]aruc p'pheta, is written on the pedestal. The
scroll is inscribed, Post hec in tri's visus est & cu' hom'
co'v'satus est. (See Baruch iii. 37.) The tapestry is, however,
powdered with letters M, crowned. Most of the remarks
made on No. 1 equally apply here.
No. 5. Mathusale fili's Enoch, is written on the pedestal.
The figure holds a small scroll, which appears to be inscribed
196
THE PAINTED GLASS IN
with the following words, Legem n mor'. The tapestry is
powdered with letters M, crowned. The following portion
of the founder's legend is written across the pedestal.-Orate
p Willm'o.
:
i
q
No. 6. Noe : archa': fabia is written on the pedestal.
The figure holds an oar. The tapestry is powdered with
letters N, crowned. The portion of the founder's legend
that crosses the pedestal is, de W
No. 7. Abraha' p'riarcha, is written on the pedestal. The
tapestry is powdered with letters A, crowned. The portion
of the founder's legend which crosses the pedestal is.... ton
fu'dator'.
No. 8. Isaac patriarcha, is written on the pedestal. The
tapestry is powdered with letters I, crowned. The portion
of the founder's legend attached to this pedestal is istius ·
Each of the tracery lights A to F inclusive is filled with
a canopy, under which is a military figure, winged as an
angel, clad in a basinet and camail, jupon, broad sword-
belt, petticoat of mail below the jupon, and plate or cuir-
bouilli arm and leg armour. The figure holds a spear, to
which a pennon charged with a plain cross is attached.
Prin ci pa tus is written on a small scroll at the foot
of each canopy in the lights A and B.
The smaller tracery
lights are filled with ornaments as in the last window.
:
SECOND NORTH WINDOW OF THE ANTECHAPEL FROM THE WEST.
No. 1. Light. Sophonias p'pha, is written on the pedestal
of the canopy. The scroll held by the figure is inscribed,
Hec est civitas gl'riosa quia dicit ego sum. (See Zephaniah ii.15.)
The tapestry is powdered with letters S, crowned.
No. 2. Daniel p'pheta, is written on the pedestal. The
figure points downwards with its right hand, as if in allusion
to the den of lions. On the scroll is written, Post ebdomadas
septuagenta (sic) duas occit. (See Daniel ix. 26.) The tapestry
is powdered with letters D, crowned.
No. 3. Jeremias p'pha, is written on the pedestal. The
scroll is inscribed Patre' vocabis me dicit d'ns (see Jeremiah
iii. 19). The tapestry is powdered with letters I crowned.
Across the pedestal is written the following portion of the
founder's legend, orate p-
Which is either an insertion,
or else shows that this figure was taken from some other
window having prophets in its lower tier of lights.
NEW COLLEGE CHAPEL AND HALL, OXFORD.
197
No. 4. Abdias p'pha, is written on the pedestal. The
scroll is inscribed, et rectum erit d'nm d'ni amen. The tapestry
is powdered with letters A crowned.
No. 5. Jacobus p'ar
is written on the pedestal. The
tapestry is powdered with letters I, crowned. The following
portion of the founder's legend is written across the pedestal
orate p Willmo.
No. 6. Judas ma
pedestal.
(Machabeus?) is written on the
The figure has a coronet and sceptre. The
tapestry is powdered with letters 1, crowned. The following
portion of the founder's legend is written across the pedestal,
de Wykeh'm ep'o.
No. 7. Moyses dux P'li dei, is written on the pedestal.
The figure holds in his left hand a green diptych, inscribed
with Lombardic capitals. The tapestry is powdered with
letters M, crowned. The pedestal is crossed with the following
portion of the founder's legend, Wynton fu'dator.
No. 8. Aaro' is written on the pedestal. The lower part
of the tapestry is powdered with letters A, crowned, and the
following portion of the founder's legend crosses the pedestal,
istius collegii; but the feet only of the figure belong to the
high priest. The rest belongs to a prophet, part of another
window, who appears to be Nahum, from the corresponding
part of the tapestry being powdered with letters N, crowned,
and from the following inscription on the scroll held by the
figure: ecce sup' montes ewa'geliz'atis ann'catis. (See
Nahum i. 15.)
Each of the tracery lights A to F inclusive is filled with
a canopy, under which is a winged figure habited in the
civil dress of a king, i. e. crowned, holding a sword and
sceptre, and clad in a tunic with short skirts, a furred tippet,
hose, and shoes. Dna: cio: nes is written on a small
scroll at the foot of each canopy in the lights A and B.
The smaller tracery lights are filled with ornaments as in
former windows.
THE TWO EAST WINDOWS OF THE ANTECHAPEL.
The arrangement of the subjects of these windows in their
original order, is a somewhat troublesome task, requiring a
close attention to detail, and continual references to indi-
vidual lights. It will be convenient to distinguish the
198
THE PAINTED GLASS IN
windows by calling one the Northern-East window, and
the other the Southern-East window; and, with a view


AB
CD EF
G HIK
1
Q
LM
NOP Q
RSTU
3
4
5
6
13
14
15
16
17
18
7 8
9
10
11
12
19
20
21
22
23
12243
NORTHERN-EAST WINDOW.
SOUTHERN-EAST WINDOW.
to render the following investigation more intelligible, I
subjoin diagrams of both windows, in which the lower lights
are numbered, and the principal tracery lights lettered in a
consecutive series, commencing in the Northern-East window.
No. 1 light. The glass in this light consists of portions.
of several designs. The upper part of the light is occupied
with the head of a canopy, the spire background of which
is red. From its fitting the light, and there being only
three others like it in the building, I conclude that it belongs
to one of the canopies containing a crucifix hereafter men-
tioned. Below is part of another canopy cut to fit the light,
under which is placed the upper part of a female figure on a
red tapestry background, powdered with letters c, crowned.
This figure does not belong to either window.
Below it is the central part of another figure, on a blue
tapestry background, powdered with letters E, crowned:
which likewise does not belong to either window. The
remainder of the light is filled with the lower part of
a canopy, which, as I shall have occasion to refer to it
again, I shall describe minutely. The pedestal of this
canopy differs in design from that of any of the canopies
in either window, except the three which I shall presently
mention. In particular it is much more lofty, is hollow, and
within it is the sitting figure of an aged man, supported on
the top of a tall slender pedestal or shaft.
or shaft. A scroll
A scroll passes
through the pedestal of the canopy, a little below the figure
just mentioned, and at the same height from the sill of the
NEW COLLEGE CHAPEL AND HALL, OXFORD.
199
light, as that at which the pedestals of the canopies in Nos.
4, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, and 24, hereafter described, are
crossed by the founder's legend. The portion of the scroll
in the present case is inscribed, episc
The lower
part of the canopy niche remains; on its floor are three
steps coloured green, surmounted by what is evidently the
shaft of a cross, coloured purple: on each side of which
is a small portion of a white cloud; the rest of the subject
is wanting. The inside of the niche has a blue tapestry
ground, powdered with little yellow saltiers, or letters, X.
No. 2. In the head of this light, and exactly fitting it, is
the head of a canopy on a blue spire ground, exactly like
that first mentioned in No. 1. The rest of the glass, consist-
ing of part of a canopy which has been cut to fit the light,
half a female figure on a blue tapestry ground powdered
with letters C, crowned, part of the hood of a canopy, and
part of the base of another, inscribed Mari Salome,
does not belong to either window.
No. 3. In the head of the light, and exactly fitting it, is the
head of a canopy on a red spire ground exactly like that first
mentioned in No. 1. Below is part of a canopy which has
been cut to fit the light. Under it is the upper half of a
female figure (which does not appear to belong to the
canopy), on a blue tapestry ground, powdered with letters E,
crowned. Below are fragments of canopy-work made into
a sort of pattern; and the residue of the light is occupied
with the pedestal, and part of the niche of a canopy, which
clearly was originally of the same design as that described
in No. 1. The only difference is, that here the steps of the
cross are coloured purple, the shafts green, and the tapestry
ground red. The scroll running through the pedestal is
made up of fragments of other scrolls.
No. 4. The whole of this light is occupied with a repre-
sentation of a figure and canopy. The canopy, across whose
pedestal is written the following portion of the founder's
legend, Istius collegii, is, in other respects, exactly like that
in No. 19 light. The figure is a duplicate of that in No. 24
light. Any further description of either is, therefore, post-
poned for the present.
No. 5. In the head of the light, and exactly fitting it, is
the head of a canopy on a blue spire ground exactly like
that first mentioned in No. 1. Below is part of a canopy
200
THE PAINTED GLASS IN
cut to fit the light, and the upper half of a female figure
holding a palm branch, on a red tapestry ground, powdered
with letters M, crowned. A piece of yellow glass has been
accidentally inserted in the nimbus of this figure, in such a
manner as, at first sight, to impart to it a cruciferous
appearance. The figure does not belong to either window.
The remainder of the light is filled with a pedestal and part
of a niche of a canopy, precisely similar to that described
in No. 1. The steps of the cross are here green, the shaft
is purple, the tapestry red, and on the scroll running through
the pedestal is written, Wynton.
No. 6. In the upper part of the light is the top of a
canopy, of the same design as that in No. 4 light, having a
red spire ground. Below is part of the hood of a canopy,
cut to fit the light, under which are fragments of a male saint
(which do not belong to either window), on a blue tapestry
ground, powdered with letters B, crowned. The remainder
of the light is filled with the pedestal and part of the niche
of a canopy similar to that described in No. 1.
The steps
of the cross are green, the shaft is pink, the clouds, as in all
the other examples, are white; and seven of the toes of the
Saviour are still attached to the shaft, leaving the nature
of the design no longer in doubt. The tapestry ground
of the niche is blue, powdered with yellow letters, x; and
the scroll which passes through the pedestal is inscribed,
fundatore.
No. 7. This is a figure and canopy light. The canopy
hood is supported by a semicircular niche arch; its spire
background is blue, and the niche tapestry is red. Precisely
similar canopies are inserted in Nos. 9 and 11, and in Nos.
13, 15, and 17 also. The pedestal is inscribed Sc's Petru'.
The figure, which exhibits the tonsure, carries a book in one
hand and keys in the other; it is clad in blue and white
robes, the white being powdered with letters P, crowned,
drawn in outline, and stained yellow.
No. 8. This is also a figure and canopy light. The canopy
hood is double-headed; its spire ground is coloured pink or
warm purple, and the niche tapestry is blue, powdered with
small yellow stars or suns rayonnés. Precisely similar
canopies are inserted in Nos. 10, 12, 14, 16, and 18.
The pedestal is inscribed Sc's Andrea'. The figure carries
a small saltier.
NEW COLLEGE CHAPEL AND HALL, OXFORD.
201
No. 9. The pedestal is inscribed Se's Jacob'. The figure
holds a pilgrim's staff.
No. 10. The pedestal is inscribed Sc's Johan]'es. The
figure carries a cup, from which a dragon issues, and is
clad in red and white robes, the white being powdered with
small dragons issuing from cups, drawn in outline, and stained
yellow.
No. 11 is inscribed Sc's Thoma'. The figure holds a spear
in the left hand; the forefinger of the right is uplifted,
a movement which, coupled with the general attitude of the
figure, seems to allude to the means whereby the Saint's
incredulity was overcome.
No. 12 is inscribed Sc's Jacob'. The figure, which carries
a scymetar, is clad in red and white garments, the white
being powdered with small monsters, drawn in outline and
stained yellow.
No. 13 is inscribed Sc's Philippu.
No. 14 is inscribed Sc's Bartole'm. The figure carries a
knife.
The figure bears an axe.
The figure carries a club.
No. 15 is inscribed Sc's Mathe'.
No. 16 is inscribed Sc's Simon.
No. 17 is inscribed Sc's Mathia'.
No. 18 is inscribed Se's Judas.
No. 19. The canopy in this light differs in design from any
of those already described. Though its hood is as long as those
in No. 7 and the following lights. The pedestal is crossed
with the founder's legend, at the same level as the pedestal
in No. 1, &c. The spire background is red, and the tapestry
blue. The figure under the canopy is, from the sorrowful
expression of the countenance, evidently a representation of
the Mater Dolorosa: the left hand is pressed against the
head; in the other is a book. The figure looks towards its
left. There is no other inscription except the following
portion of the founder's legend, Orate p Willo, which, as
before mentioned, crosses the pedestal of the canopy.
No. 20. The canopy is of the same design as the last, but
its spire background is coloured blue, and its tapestry is red,
powdered with letters M, crowned. The figure is evidently
a representation of the Mater Dolorosa. The hands are
clasped together; the figure looks to its left. The pedestal
is crossed with the following portion of the founder's legend:
Fundatore.
202
THE PAINTED GLASS IN
No. 21. The canopy is of the same design as No. 19,
and has a red spire ground. The tapestry is blue, but is
powdered with yellow crosses. The figure, which looks to
its right, is evidently a representation of St. John the
Evangelist. The right hand is pressed against the head,
but the countenance is not particularly sorrowful. The
pedestal is crossed with the following portion of the founder's
legend: Episcopo.
No. 22. The canopy is of the same design as No. 19.
The spire background is blue, and the tapestry is red,
powdered with letters M, crowned. The figure is an exact
duplicate of that in No. 20. The portion of the founder's
legend is, Wynton.
No. 23. The canopy is of the same design as the last,
but the spire ground is red, and the tapestry blue, powdered
with yellow crosses. The figure is a perfect duplicate of
that in No. 21. The portion of the founder's legend is,
de Wykeham.
No. 24. The canopy is of the same design as No. 19, but
the spire ground is blue, and the tapestry is red, powdered
with letters 1, crowned. The figure, which, as before
mentioned, is an exact duplicate of that in No. 4, is evidently
a representation of St. John the Evangelist. The counte-
nance is sorrowful; the right hand is pressed against the
head, in the other is a book. The pedestal is crossed with
the following portion of the founder's legend: istius collegii.
TRACERY LIGHTS.
A is occupied with the representation, under a small
canopy, of a Bishop on his knees, in apparent adoration of
the figure in B, which, though mutilated, may be easily
recognised as that of our Saviour, seated, and exhibiting the
wound in his side to the kneeling Bishop, which, I appre-
hend, personifies William of Wykeham. This figure is
likewise under a canopy. An angel under a canopy is
inserted in each of the lights C to K inclusive. The smaller
tracery lights are filled with monsters or other ornaments.
The Coronation of the Virgin is represented in L and M,
but the subjects have been transposed, the figure of Christ
now occupying L, and that of the Virgin M. Each figure is
under a canopy. An angel, in female attire, under a canopy,
NEW COLLEGE CHAPEL AND HALL, OXFORD.
203
occupies each of the lights N to V, inclusive. The smaller
tracery lights are filled with monsters or other ornaments.
Having described the subjects in these windows, I proceed
in the next place to state my reasons for supposing that they
were originally arranged as I have mentioned.
One remarkable feature is, that the pedestal of no canopy
in the lights Nos. 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, and
18, is crossed by any continuous scroll, and that the pedestals
of the canopies in Nos. 1, 3, 4, 5, 6, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, and
24 are so crossed; the scroll being as before mentioned,
inscribed with the Founder's Legend. This circumstance,
when considered with reference to the design and arrange-
ment of the glass in the other windows of the building-the
contents of one of the West and of the two North windows
of the Antechapel have already been described-raises a
strong inference that the glass in the first-mentioned series
of lights originally occupied an upper tier of lights, and that
the glass in the series of lights secondly mentioned originally
occupied a lower tier of lights. That such lights are the
lights of these two windows is evident from the fact of their
being the narrowest lights in the building, and that the
glass exactly fits them.
Let us, then, re-arrange the glass upon this supposition, and
put in No. 1 light what is now in No. 7 light; in No. 2 what is
now in No. 8; in No. 3 what is now in No. 9; in No. 4 what
is now in No. 10; in No. 5 what is now in No. 11; in No. 6
what is now in No. 12; leaving the glass in Nos. 13, 14, 15,
16, 17, and 18 as it now is, and we shall find the Apostles
arranged in a not uncommon order,5 and a perfect alternation
preserved in the forms of the canopies, and in the colouring
of the designs, throughout the upper tier of lights. Let us
now put in No. 7 light the glass which is in No. 20 light;
in No. 8 the remains of the canopy work first mentioned
in No. 1, and the portion of the crucifix in No. 1; in
No. 9 what is now in No. 4; in No. 11 the remains of the
canopy-work first mentioned in No. 2, and the portion
of the crucifix in No. 5; in No. 12 what is now in No. 23;
in No. 20 the remains of the canopy-work first mentioned
in No. 5, and the portion of the crucifix in No. 3; and
5 It is possible that Nos. 15 and 17 are
transposed. If St. Mathias were to take
the place of St. Matthew, which there is
nothing in the order of the canopy design
or colouring to prevent, the apostles would
be arranged as at Fairford Church, Glouces-
tershire, with the single exception that
there St. Matthew precedes St. Jude.
P
204
THE PAINTED GLASS IN
in No. 23 the remains of the canopy-work first mentioned
in No. 3, and the portion of the crucifix in No. 6;
leaving No. 10 blank, and the glass in Nos. 19, 21, 22,
and 24 as it now is; and we shall find, supposing the missing
subject of No. 10 light to have been a duplicate of that in
No. 19,6 and that the remains of the canopy-work, first
mentioned in No. 6, belonged to it; that not only will a
perfect alternation in the forms of the canopies and the
colouring of the subjects be preserved throughout the East
windows, in the one, whether regarded in a horizontal or
in a perpendicular direction ; in the other, when regarded
in a horizontal direction-and it is obvious that a double
alternation might, by a different arrangement, be produced in
this as well as in the former window-but that the attitudes of
the figures will correspond with the arrangement of the
subjects. Thus, the Virgin and St. John, if placed according
to the new arrangement in the lights Nos. 7 and 9, would
be turned towards the Crucifix in No. 8; the Virgin in
No. 10 light (which I have supplied by copying the figure
in No. 19), and the St. John put in No. 12 light, would be
turned towards the Crucifix in No. 11 light; and the
Virgins in Nos. 19 and 22, and the St. Johns in Nos. 21
and 24, would be turned, respectively, towards the Crucifixes
in Nos. 20 and 23 lights.
It is true that the portions of the founder's legend,
attached to the glass now in Nos. 1, 4, 5, 20, and 23 lights,
will not make sense under the new arrangement of the
subjects, but this circumstance is entitled to no weight. The
6 It is by no means an uncommon oc-
currence to find in ancient glass, the same
figures repeated in different, or even the
same windows of the same building. I
know of an instance as early as the latter
part of the twelfth century.
7 This alternation of design and colour is
observable in many early Perpendicular
windows. The following diagram may serve
to explain my meaning. Let the letters
arranged in a square, represent
AC four figures and canopies and let
BD canopies A and B each have a
red spire-ground, and blue niche
tapestry; and canopies C and D each have
a blue spire-ground, and red niche ta-
pestry. It will follow that the masses of
colour, when regarded horizontally, will
alternate thus the red spire-ground of
A with the blue spire-ground of C; the
And
blue tapestry of A with the red tapestry of
C; the red spire-ground of B with the
blue spire-ground of D; the blue tapestry
of B with the red tapestry of D.
when regarded vertically, the masses of
colour will alternate thus :-the red spire-
ground of A with the blue tapestry of A,
this again with the red spire-ground of B,
and this again with the blue tapestry of
B. And so, the blue spire-ground of C
with the red tapestry of C, this with the
blue spire-ground of D, and this with the
red tapestry of D. Of course, if the
canopies A and D are of one design, and
B and C of another, their different pat-
terns will likewise alternate. To put pre-
cisely the same case as that in the text
the canopies must be supposed to be of
four different patterns.
NEW COLLEGE CHAPEL AND HALL, OXFORD.
205
inscriptions on the pedestals of Nos. 1 and 5 have evidently
been made up of fragments; and there is no reason why we
should not suppose that those on the pedestals of Nos. 4,
20, and 23 have not likewise been supplied in the course of
repairs. For it is impossible by any arrangement of the
subjects to bring the word written on the pedestal of No. 20
into its proper place in the legend, or to arrange matters so as
to make both parts of the legend attached to the pedestals
of Nos. 4 and 23 fall into the inscription; one part or the
other must be rejected as an insertion. On the other hand,
the parts of the legend attached to the pedestals now in the
lights Nos. 6, 19, 21, 22, and 24 will be found to read
correctly on the suggested re-arrangement of the subjects.
The pedestal in No. 3 light is, as before mentioned, at present
without any legend at all.
It is unnecessary to speculate on the reasons which may
have led to the fourfold repetition of the Crucifixion in the
lower part of these windows; but lest this repetition should
appear unfavourable to the view I take of the original
arrangement of the glass, I will add that no subject is more
commonly represented in a window above an altar than the
Crucifixion, and that it is by no means improbable that four
altars, two under each window, were placed against the east
wall of the Transept, or Antechapel, although no trace of
them may now exist.
SOUTH WINDOW OF THE ANTECHAPEL.
This is a figure and canopy window, like the windows on
the north side.
No. 1 light. Sc's..
is written across the pedestal
of the canopy. The figure is that of a Bishop. The tapestry
of the niche is powdered with the letters P, crowned.
No. 2. Sc's Pelagius is written across the pedestal of the
canopy. The figure is that of a Pope, having a tiara
encircled with only one coronet.
The niche tapestry is
powdered with letters p, crowned.
No. 3. Se's Alphegus is written across the pedestal. The
figure is that of an Archbishop. The niche tapestry is
powdered with letters A, crowned.
No. 4. Se's Gemreta is written across the pedestal. The
figure is that of a Bishop. The niche tapestry is powdered
with letters G, crowned.
P 2
206
THE PAINTED GLASS IN
No. 5. Sc's Athanasius is written on the pedestal, with is
crossed by the following portion of the founder's legend
Orate p Willo. The figure is that of a Bishop. The niche
tapestry is powdered with letters A, crowned.
No. 6. Se's [Barn]ard' is written on the pedestal, which is
crossed by the following portion of the founder's legend:-
Wynton fu'd[atore]. The figure is habited as a monk, in a
russet dress. The niche tapestry is powdered with letters B,
crowned.
No. 7. Sc's appears on the pedestal, which is crossed
by the following part of the founder's legend :- Wynton
fu'dator. The figure is that of a Bishop. The niche tapestry
is powdered with letters H, crowned.
No. 8. Sc's Anselmus is written on the pedestal, which is
crossed by the following part of the founder's legend:
Wykeham, turned the wrong side upwards. The figure is
that of an aged man, wearing a green cap, gloves, an alb,
and a russet mantle over it. The niche tapestry is powdered
with letters S and letters A, crowned.
The tracery lights of this window, A to F inclusive, are
each filled with a canopy, under which stands an angel.
Cherubim is written upon a small scroll at the foot of each
canopy in the lights A and B. The smaller tracery lights
are filled with foliage and monsters.
SOUTHERNMOST WEST WINDOW OF THE ANTECHAPEL.
This is likewise a figure and canopy window.
No. 1 light. On the pedestal is written Maria Egipc'aca.
The figure is that of a female. The niche tapestry is
powdered with letters M, crowned.
No. 2. Sc'a Martha is written on the pedestal. The figure
is that of a female. The niche tapestry is powdered with
letters M, crowned.
No. 3. This light is a good deal mutilated. The pedestal
is inscribed Maria Jacobi, and the lower part of the niche
tapestry is powdered with letters M, crowned. But the
figure itself is that of a prophet, holding a scroll like the
figures in the north windows, inscribed visitabo oves meas &
liberabo ea[s].-(See Ezekiel xxxiv. 12.) The remainder of
the niche tapestry is powdered with letters E, crowned.
No. 4. This light is also much mutilated. The upper part
NEW COLLEGE CHAPEL AND HALL, OXFORD.
207
of the figure is that of a Queen, and the niche tapestry is
powdered with letters W, crowned. The lower part of the
figure belongs to a different subject. The pedestal is
inscribed Sc's Cuthbert', and is crossed by the following part
of the founder's legend :--Orate p Willmo; from which I
conclude that this part of the design belonged originally to
a lower tier light of some window.
No. 5. Sc's is written on the pedestal. The figure
is that of a Bishop. The niche tapestry is powdered with
letters B, crowned. A portion of the founder's legend, now
missing, crossed the pedestal.
No. 6. Se's Bri …….. is written on the pedestal. The
figure is, however, that of a female. The niche tapestry is
powdered with letters C, and letters B, crowned. A portion
of the founder's legend, now missing, crossed the pedestal.
No. 7. The figure is that of a female. The niche tapestry
is powdered with letters E, crowned. A portion of the
founder's legend, now missing, crossed the pedestal.
No. 8. The figure is that of a Queen. The niche tapestry
is powdered with letters E, crowned. A portion of the
founder's legend, now missing, crossed the pedestal.
The tracery lights of this window, A to F inclusive, are
each filled with a canopy, under which stands an angel.
Seraphim is written upon a small scroll at the foot of each
canopy in the lights A and B. The smaller tracery lights
are filled with foliage, and monsters, as in the other windows.
The present seems the most convenient place for offering
a few remarks on the date, style, and general effect of the
oldest or original glazing of the Chapel.
In the absence of any direct information, we can arrive
only at an approximation to the date of this glass. That it
was erected in Wykeham's lifetime may be inferred, if not
even from the style of the legend which runs across the
windows, and contains the expression "Orate pro Willelmo
de Wykeham," at least from the fact of New College having
been the first of Wykeham's three great works, and the
silence of his will respecting its fabric; a will which, as is
well known, contains minute directions for the glazing of a
part of Winchester Cathedral. Indeed, the somewhat earlier
character of the glass as compared with the windows of
Winchester College Chapel, which have been copied faithfully,
as it would seem, from the original glazing of that edifice,
208
THE PAINTED GLASS IN
would justify the supposition that it was erected before the
commencement of Winchester College, in 1387. On the
whole, I think we shall not be far wrong in concluding that
the windows of New College were glazed between the
founding of the establishment, in 1379, and its being taken
possession of by the first warden, and fellows, in 1386, at
which time, we have reason to believe, that the Chapel and
Hall were completed; and if so, that the windows were
glazed, for it is true, as a general rule, that in medieval times
the glaziers commenced operations as soon as any part of a
building was ready to receive the glass.
The glass, though Perpendicular in its general character,
and therefore to be regarded as one of the earliest, if not the
earliest, exponent of that style, displays, as might be
expected, many Decorated features, as in the design of some
of the canopies, especially as exemplified in the square tower
over the niche arch, from which the spire of the canopy
rises; and even in the pedestals used in the lower tier of
lights, which, with the small rayonnated sun on each side,
bear considerable resemblance to the pedestals of the early
Decorated canopies in the Lady Chapel windows of Wells
Cathedral in the coloured moulding sometimes occurring
under the battlements of the tower-in the coloured windows
of the spire-in the pot-metal yellow finials occasionally
employed-in the shape of the crockets-in the use of flesh-
coloured glass to represent the nude parts of several of the
principal figures-in the white hair and beards, leaded into
pink faces, &c. Yet these, and many other Decorated
features, which a practised eye will not fail to detect, are, as
it were, merged in the general character of the later style,
which displays itself in the broad colouring of the windows,
in the general flatness of the composition, which, by the
way, is more remarkable in the North, South, and West
windows of the Antechapel than in the East windows, where
the canopy spires are cut out and surrounded with colour
more completely-a circumstance which once induced me to
think that these canopies were of earlier date than the rest-in
the preponderance of white and yellow stained glass over the
pot-metal colours; and, though in a less prominent degree, in
the attitudes and draperies of most of the figures, particularly
those in the North, South, and West windows-in the
drawing, especially of the heads-in the thinness of the
NEW COLLEGE CHAPEL AND HALL, OXFORD.
209
black outlines-in the general softness and delicacy of the
execution, &c. Smear shading is occasionally used in the
canopy-work, but the shadows are generally executed, if I
mistake not, in "Smear shading stippled," an invention of
the early part of the 14th century, and which differs
from "Stipple shading" (the mode commonly adopted in the
15th century) in this, that the lights are left clear in the
first instance, instead of being picked out of a stippled ground
of Enamel Brown, spread uniformly over the glass. The
granulation and depth of the shading are perhaps best shown.
in the white robe of Eve, in the northernmost West window;
but, even in this instance, the shadow is not very coarsely
stippled, nor can it be called deep even in its deepest part.
There is no instance, in any of the windows, of the practice,
adopted with such effect in later times, of making the
accidental varieties of depth common in a sheet of coloured
glass correspond in position with the lights and shades of the
picture; and, though many parts of the composition are
strongly contrasted in colour to others, yet this is not
sufficient to supply the want of deeper shadows and more
decided outlines, and secure the distinctness of the design, or
save the painting from the imputation of being little else than
a congeries of flat spots of white and coloured glass.
When, in addition to this defect, the imperfection of the
figure drawings and want of proper perspective in the
canopies are brought to mind, we are tempted to inquire
what is it that renders these windows so beautiful, so
infinitely more agreeable than those of modern times. It
cannot be their discoloration, for modern windows that have
been as much discoloured fail to please. The secret lies
8 Should it be objected that most of
these figures possess a certain degree of
sublimity, I would respectfully warn my
readers of the danger there is of engender-
ing a false taste by recurring to such
models for sublimity. Nothing is more
true than that from the sublime to the
ridiculous there is but a step. What can
be more absurd, for instance, than the
mode of representing the Passage of the
Red Sea by a capering figure betwixt two
cauliflowers; or the Plagues of Egypt by so
many carcases, frogs and fish, &c., sprawl-
ing in a plate-as in the late M. Gérente's
window at Ely; or the Raising of Lazarus,
by a mummy jumping up like Jack-in-the-
Box; or Sampson slaying the Lion, by a
clown who, with much grimace and
affected violence, caresses the royal beast;
as in his brother's windows at Christ-
Church, Oxford, and the late Exhibition ;
or, I may add, than the cat's-eyed saints
of Messrs. Pugin and Hardman? Enthu-
siastic amateurs should recollect that they
tolerate such things at the risk of being
laughed at by the very persons they em-
ploy. Work of this description is even
now nick-named, in derision, bogie-work
by the glaziers' men. If sublimity is
aimed at, we may be sure it will not be
reached simply by rectifying the more
palpable anatomical faults of the medieval
artists.
210
THE PAINTED GLASS IN
in the fine tone and harmony of their colouring: and,
perhaps, I may venture to add in its perfect keeping with
the architectural character of the building. There is not
a harsh or discordant hue anywhere. The whole colouring
is equally quiet and subdued, and is in entire agreement
with the silvery grey of the white glass. It is without
doubt to the excellent tone of the latter material that this
satisfactory result is owing. For this same white glass,
which has no modern representative, forms the base of all the
coloured glasses, and consequently imparts to them its own
hue; of the actual depth and greenness of which we are not.
aware so long as the white is intermixed with cool blues, reds,
9 As I still meet with occasional asser-
tions to the contrary, I think it is as well
to repeat what I have constantly stated,
that modern glass differs from old both
in tone, colour, and texture, and this more
widely in proportion to the difference of
date; the nearest resemblance, though by
no means an exact one, being between
modern glass and that of the sixteenth
century, and the greatest difference being
between it and the glass of the twelfth,
thirteenth, and fourteenth centuries;
and further, that the attempts hitherto
made to disguise this difference have com-
pletely failed. I am able to make this.
assertion more positively, since it is borne
out by certain chemical experiments which
I have caused to be instituted during the
last two years, the result of which I hope,
ere long, to make known through the
medium of this Journal. I, of course,
should not be expected to notice any
opinion of the writers in the Ecclesiologist
on a subject of this kind, nor should I
now allude to them, if it were not to guard
those who may be as inexperienced, or as
careless observers as themselves, from the
danger of being misled by the misrepre-
sentation of a matter of fact which occurs
in the following passage.-"Mr. Winston
reminds us that no cleaning is able to de-
prive ancient glass, of a certain date, of its
tone, richness, and general appearance.'
This we entirely deny. The east window
of Bristol, which is of middle-pointed date,
has been lately cleaned, and it is neither
better nor worse than Messrs. Wailes, or
O'Connor, or Willement would produce.
Rich is just what it is not," &c. &c. It
unfortunately happens that about two-
thirds of the Bristol window consists of
modern glass. But the appeal to it is not
useless, as it serves to show that an ability
to distinguish modern from ancient glass is
not a necessary qualification for an adept
6
9
in the mysteries of ecclesiology. Of the
various expedients resorted to for imitating
the effect of the ancient material, Messrs.
Powells', and Messrs. Hartleys' processes
for roughening the surfaces of the glass,
are the most successful, though but expe-
dients after all. "Antiquating the glass,"
i. e., dulling it with enamel colour in imita-
tion of dirt and the rust of age, is com-
monly resorted to as a means of destroy-
ing the perfect pellucidness of the modern
material: a quality resulting from refine-
ments in the manufacture. Instead, how-
ever, of making the glass look thick and
rich like the old, it only makes it dull and
heavy in effect: nor does it materially
improve its tone of colour. Of three
imitations of ancient glass in the late
Exhibition, which I particularly examined,
one by M. Lusson, which had been the
most antiquated, was the least watery in
effect. The second, by M. Gérente, which
also had been antiquated, though in a less
degree, was, in proportion, more flimsy.
The last, by Messrs. Pugin and Hardman,
which had not leen antiquated at all, was
the most flimsy and watery. But they
were all inferior to ancient glass in rich-
ness, depth, and, particularly, in tone of
colour: as was indeed easily shown by
holding clear pieces of ancient glass beside
them. M. Lusson's, on the whole, was
decidedly the best imitation, but this was
not owing to the greater antiquating of the
glass. I am surprised that the eyes of the
public are not yet open to the absurdity of
literally copying designs of an early period.
in a material so different from that in
which such designs were originally worked,
and with reference to which we may sup-
pose they were made. We might as well
expect a literal copy, in wood, of a stone
spire, or of a wooden spire in stone, to
produce a satisfactory effect.
NEW COLLEGE CHAPEL AND HALL, OXFORD.
211
purples, and apparently though not really faded greens, as
in the Antechapel windows; but which surprises us when
fully brought out by contrast with a warmer scale of colouring,
as will hereafter be shown to be done in some of the
south windows of the nave. Without expecting a ready
acquiescence in the opinion hazarded, that a part of the
pleasure excited by the colouring of these windows arises
from a perception of its harmony with the architectural
character of the building; I cannot but think that the idea
is less fanciful than may at first appear. There is a
gloominess in the style of Gothic ecclesiastical architecture
which is very much opposed, not indeed to rich,but to warm
and gay colouring. And though this gloominess in the
present instance is, to a certain extent, disguised by the
elegance of the modern fittings, and the warmth of the yellow
wash with which the walls of the Antechapel and Choir
are covered, it still exists, and grows upon the eye in
proportion as the building is contemplated: and the more
fully the gloominess of the architecture is perceived, the less
striking does the cold colouring of the Antechapel windows
appear, until at last it seems more appropriate to the place
than the warmer and gayer colouring of the windows of
the Choir.
I now proceed to give a short account of the glass in
the Choir windows, beginning with the first window from
the East, on the south side.
The tradition is, that all the glass in the south windows
is Flemish, and the work of Ruben's scholars.¹ But this
does not appear to be altogether correct. A great many
of the figures in the lower lights are, it is true, the work
of foreign artists, and, in the absence of any certain
information, I am inclined to think of the Flemish school, in
the latter part of the sixteenth or early part of the seven-
teenth century. But the whole of the canopy-work, which
is evidently copied from glass of similar design to that in
the Antechapel is, except those portions of it that actually
are of Wykeham's time, of comparatively a recent date; at
which period the rest of the large figures appear to have
1 Gutch, in a note to Wood's History
of the Colleges and Halls of Oxford, p. 199,
says the windows on the south side of the
chapel were originally Flemish, done, as
is reported, from designs given by some
scholars of Rubens, and were purchased
by the society, of Wm. Price, who repaired
them in 1740.
212
THE PAINTED GLASS IN
been painted, some of the old ones supplied with heads,
and almost the whole of the old glass, not only the Flemish,
but the remains of the original glazing in the tracery lights
as well as in the lower lights, retouched. Coupling these
facts with the inscription at the bottom of the last window
from the East, which records the fact that W. Price repaired
these windows in 1740, I can come to no other conclusion
than that the greater part of the glazing is the work of
Price, who adapted the Flemish figures to the lights.
THE FIRST SOUTH WINDOW FROM THE EAST.
All the figures in the lower lights of this window appear
to have been painted by Price. Some represent Bishops,
Archbishops, and a Pope, but no names are given. Some
are canonised saints. Five of the crozier heads, and a
great part of the canopy hoods,² are of the same date as
the ancient glass in the Antechapel. The glass of which
these remains are composed, which in the Antechapel
would seem to be white, here appears to be a positive light
green, from contrast with the warm colours that surround
it, and particularly from its being opposed to the warm
grey or light sky-blue used as a spire back to the canopies.
The founder's legend, in modern glass, is carried along the
bottom of this, as well as of the other south windows.
The execution of the painting is very heavy. There are
scarcely any clear lights. The shadows are not stippled,
3
In re-
2 It is not easy to conceive what motive
could have induced Price to work up any
part of the ancient materials.
shading the old canopy hoods, so as to
make them harmonise with the powerfully-
shaded figures beneath, he has however
shown himself a better artist than the
majority of the modern imitators of an-
cient glass, who seldom scruple to clap a
deeply shaded figure below, it cannot be
said beneath, a canopy as flat in effect as
the material on which it is painted actually
is. This defect might be observed in
many of the specimens in the late Exhi
bition. It seems to result from a habit
of copying the figures from ancient
MSS., and the canopies from ancient
painted glass. For if both were alike
copied from old windows, our imitators
could hardly fail to observe that the
medieval artists, as in the windows of the
Antechapel, were wont to make both.
figures and canopies equally, or almost
equally, flat. After all, the fault rests
with the amateurs, without whose coun-
tenance such extravagancies could not be
committed.
3 It is difficult, no doubt, to prescribe
the extent to which, in painting glass, the
material may be obscured, or the high
lights subdued with enamel colour, with-
out violating the fundamental conditions
of this branch of art: and I would recom-
mend any one, who really feels an interest
in the subject, to suspend his judgment
until he has had an opportunity of actually
examining and comparing a variety of
painted windows. Without, however, at-
tempting to lay down any rule, I think I
may venture to say, that if a picture in
painted glass appears to be, on the whole,
as brilliant and transparent as an equal
extent of plain glazing of the same date as
itself, we may be sure that the obscuration
•
NEW COLLEGE CHAPEL AND HALL, OXFORD.
213
but hatched as in an oil painting, and besides being always
muddy are frequently too deep. The shade of the interior
of the canopy niche is absolutely black. The colouring is
in general, raw. The blue is of an unpleasant purple hue,
but the ruby, as is not uncommonly the case in Price's works,
is as scarlet as that of the fifteenth century, but of a rawer
tone through being made on a purer white base. Enamel
blue is employed in some of the draperies and smaller
ornaments; and a red enamel, like china red, for the flesh
colour; but in general pot-metal colours are used. It is
to this circumstance principally, that the superior effect of
the south as compared with the north windows of the nave
is owing.
The tracery lights are of the same design as those of
the Antechapel windows. A figure and canopy occupies
each from A to F inclusive, and various ornaments the
smaller lights. The figures are of Price's time, but parts
of the original glazing occur in the canopies, and in the
smaller lights. The word cherubyn, at the bottom of the
canopies A and B, is in each instance on an ancient piece
of glass.
THE SECOND SOUTH WINDOW FROM THE EAST.
I am inclined to think that all the figures in the lower
lights of this window, and certainly that all their heads, are
Price's. A Bishop and a Cardinal are represented, as well as
ordinary saints, but no names are given. Three of the
crozier heads, and large portions of the canopy work are of
of the material has not been carried too
far; and if, in addition, when considered
with reference to its design, it betrays no
incompleteness of effect, we may be satis-
fied that the obscuration of the material
has been carried quite far enough, a
standard which by no means excludes all
but picture-glass paintings executed in an
absolutely flat manner; since it is com-
pletely attained by any good specimen of
the period between 1530 and 1540, though
adequately representing canopy-work, or
even the interior of a building, as by the
flattest Gothic picture: whilst many a
modern glass painting, of the flattest
possible design, such as an ornamental
pattern, will be found to fall below it.
It equally condemns, on the one hand, the
opinion of most modern artists, that a
glass painting ought to be a dull trans-
parency; as exemplified, for instance, in
the windows of St. Germain l'Auxerrois,
Paris; and, as may be recollected, in the
majority of the works sent to the late
Exhibition; on the other hand, the abortive
attempts of modern imitators of old glass,
to represent canopy-hoods, and other pro-
jecting work, landscapes, &c., without the
aid of shadows, linear or aërial perspective,
as shown, on the whole perhaps most con-
sistently, in the glass paintings of Messrs.
Pugin and Hardman; leaving, as a matter
entirely irrespective of the question at
issue, the choice whether of a flat, but
artistic, or more rotund manner of repre-
sentation, to be determined by the good
taste of the artist and the nature of the
subject.
214
THE PAINTED GLASS IN
Wykeham's time. The glass of which they are composed,
as in the former window, looks perfectly green. The tracery
lights are of the same general design as the last. A good
deal of the canopy-work, &c., and the whole of one or two
of the figures, which are simply angels, are original, as is
the word Dnaco'es which is written under each of the canopies
A and B. The old blue tapestry ground is retained in one
of the lights. This appears quite cold and greenish in hue,
on comparison with the glass in the lower lights.
THE THIRD SOUTH WINDOW FROM THE EAST.
Price seems to have painted the figures in the upper
tier of lower lights, at all events, if not some of those in
the lower tier. He has retouched them all. Amongst
them are represented Bishops, Patriarchs, and three female
figures. One of the crozier heads is of Wykeham's time,
and there are some original pieces in the canopy hoods.
All the angels in the tracery lights are Price's work. There
are fragments of the original glazing in the canopies, and
in the smaller lights, and the original inscription Seraphyn
remains in the lights A and B. The figures are those of
angels.
THE FOURTH SOUTH WINDOW FROM THE EAST.
The figures represented in the lower lights are a Pope, an
Archbishop, St. John the Evangelist, another male saint,
St. Catherine, and three female saints. The heads of three
of the male figures are by Price, and St. Catherine's head is
a copy of the head in light No. 5 of the next window; but,
with these exceptions, the figures appear to be of Flemish
workmanship.
Parts of the angels in the tracery lights are original, but
have been retouched. The original inscription, Troni,
appears in the lights A and B. Some of the blue niche
tapestry is old, and appears very cold in comparison with
the modern blue. The smaller tracery lights are original.
THE FIFTH SOUTH WINDOW FROM THE EAST.
Amongst the figures represented in the lower lights are a
Pope, two Kings, a Bishop and three female saints, one of
NEW COLLEGE CHAPEL AND HALL, Oxford.
215
which holds a cross, another a sword. These appear to be
Flemish, and are more artistical than Price's. The male
heads are entirely free from that vulgar air which is so
lamentable in his work; they are also less wrinkled, and
more fleshy. The female heads are delicate and pleasing,
but, like the male heads, have too much an air of prettiness
to suit the character of a monumental work. In point of
execution, the work resembles Price's about the same.
proportion of enamel colouring is used, and the same mode
of shading is adopted; but the shadows are more delicate
than his, and the colouring of the draperies is better in tone.
At the bottom of the light No. 8 is the inscription before
referred to W. Price has fenestras reparavit, Ao. Dni. 1740.
:
Most of the figures in the tracery lights (simple angels)
are original, but have been retouched. The greater part of
the canopy-work is also original; and the original inscrip-
tion, Principat', remains at the bottom of the lights A and B.
The North windows will not require a detailed notice of
any but the tracery lights, in which alone any part of the
original glazing is preserved. It appears, from an inscrip-
tion in the first window from the east, that the glass in the
lower lights was painted by W. Peckitt, in 1765; and
certainly one cannot but perceive how much the art of glass-
painting had deteriorated since the days of Price. The
general design is the same as that of the south windows.
A figure under a canopy occupies each light; but the figures
are poorly drawn, and the canopies are weakly designed,
except the bases of those in the lower tier of lights, which,
with the founder's legend that crosses them, are copied from
the old ones in the Antechapel. Their enamel blue spire
ground produces a flimsy effect, and the colouring of the
windows generally is inferior to that of the south windows.
Some pot-metal, and much enamel coloured glass, is used in
the draperies; as well as stained red, and some bad, heavy-
tinted, streaky ruby, much resembling the ruby used by
Peckitt in the east window of Lincoln Cathedral, which was
painted by him in 1762. The shading is muddy, there are
4 The following account of these win-
dows is given by Gutch, in a note to
Wood, p. 199. "The windows on the
north side, done by Mr. Peckitt, of York,
in 1765 and 1774. The three nearest the
screen contain in the lower range the
chief persons recorded in the Old Testa-
ment, from Adam to Moses. In the upper,
twelve of the prophets. Mr. Rebecca
gave the designs for these. In the two
other windows, are our Saviour, the
Virgin Mary, and the Twelve Apostles."
216
THE PAINTED GLASS IN
no clear lights, and the deep shadows are quite black. Our
Saviour, the Virgin Mary, the Twelve Apostles, St. Paul, and
St. Barnabas are represented in the two first windows from
the east; and a series of prophets, patriarchs, and worthies,
ending with Adam and Eve, in the other windows. Under
the figure of the Virgin, in the second window from the
east, is the following coat :-Argent, on a chevron, sable, three
quatrefoils, or; and on a scroll beneath is written, Johannes
Eyre, Arm., Hujus Hosp. Soc.
TRACERY LIGHTS.-FIRST NORTH WINDOW FROM THE EAST.
The glass in these lights is original. A female figure
holding a lamp, under a canopy, occupies each of the lights
A to F, inclusive. Vir gines is written across the base of
each of the canopies A and B. In the smaller tracery lights
are monsters, or foliaged ornaments, as in the Antechapel
windows.
SECOND NORTH WINDOW FROM THE EAST.
The glazing in the tracery lights of this window is also
original. An angel under a canopy fills each of the lights.
A to F, inclusive. At the foot of A and B respectively
is written, Angeli. The smaller lights are ornamented in
the same way as those of the last window.
THIRD NORTH WINDOW FROM THE EAST.
The glazing of the tracery lights of this window is likewise
original. An angel under a canopy is represented in each
of the lights A to F, inclusive; and at the foot of A and B
respectively is written, Archangeli. The smaller tracery
lights are ornamented as before.
FOURTH NORTH WINDOW FROM THE EAST.
The glazing of the tracery lights of this window is also
original. An angel completely armed in plate, or cuir bouilli,
but bare-headed, holding a battle-axe in his left hand, and
a spear, with a square pennon bearing a plain cross, in
his right, under a canopy, is represented in the lights A to F,
inclusive. The following is written, one half in light A,
NEW COLLEGE CHAPEL AND HALL, OXFORD.
217
the other half in light B: Vir tutes. By some mistake
the halves have been transposed in the window.
FIFTH NORTH WINDOW FROM THE EAST.
The glass in the tracery lights of this window is also
original. In each of the lights A to F inclusive, is a canopy,
under which is an angel with legs and arms entirely enclosed
in plate, or cuir bouilli; wearing a jupon and sword-belt,
a tippet of ermine round his neck, and a sort of fur cap on
his head. He holds a long baton in his left hand. In some
of the examples the baton has a short spike at the top,
like that usually represented at the butt end of a staff. Ất
the bottom of lights A and B respectively is written Potestates.
6
In noticing the great west window of the Antechapel, it is
not my intention to enlarge on its defects. These have
been pithily summed up by a distinguished artist, to whom
I refer the reader. I fully admit their existence, and regard
this work as a great misapplication of art. Its most unfor-
tunate effect has been to produce an unfounded prejudice
against the application of art to glass painting, and occasion
a revulsion of feeling among amateurs. Every one has
felt the justice of Horace Walpole's sneer at the washy
virtues of Sir Joshua: but, it cannot be denied, on the
opposite side, that the tendency of the present age to
dispense with all artistic qualities in the pursuit of windows
which shall display an abundance of strong and gaudy
colouring, is an error leading to still more pernicious
consequences. It is true that certain writers who follow
the popular delusion, occasionally, and to save appearances,
talk about the necessity for a display of art in painted
windows, but on examining the examples they indicate as
7
5 Gutch, in a note to Wood, p. 199,
states that "for this work, which was
begun about the year 1777, finished car-
toons were furnished by Sir Joshua
Reynolds, and then were copied by Mr.
Jervais." I recollect seeing Sir Joshua's
original sketch some years ago at the
British Institution. It was richly coloured.
The subject consists of the Adoration of
the Shepherds, in the lights of the upper
tier; with a single figure occupying each
light of the lower tier, except the centre
one, which contains a group representing
Charity. A little green pot-metal glass is
used in this group. The rest of the
painting is executed with enamel colours
and stains. Some of the lower figures
have a pearly effect; but they are not
sufficiently separated from the ground
of the window, either by colour or by
shadow.
6 In the Winchester Volume of the
Proceedings of the Archaeological Insti-
tute," William of Wykeham," p. 30.
7 See, amongst others, the "Ecclesi-
ologist," and "Morning Chronicle," passim.
218
THE PAINTED GLASS IN
models, we perceive that a display of very low art indeed is
sufficient to satisfy their demands. Leaving then these
blind guides, let us recollect that though our climate and
habits may forbid the employment of fresco painting to any
great extent, yet that there exists in our windows as favourable
a field for artistic development, though subject to different
conditions, as in an equal breadth of wall. That ancient
windows, except in the case of mere restorations, are worthy
of being copied only so far as regards the composition and
colour of their material. And that so long as we are content
to see produced, year after year, windows immeasurably
inferior in all respects to the works of foreign artists, works
by the way far from being perfect models themselves, as
for instance the window lately erected at Brussels Cathedral,
by Capronnier; those at Cologne, or Munich; or the specimens.
sent to the late Exhibition, by Capronnier, Bertini, and
others; so long may we expect in vain any improvement in
the art to take place.
8
The painted glass in the Hall windows, of which there are
three on the south, and four on the north side, the hall
running in the same line as the chapel,-consists of coats
of arms exclusively. The following shields are of the same
date as the original glazing in the chapel.
In the third window from the east on the north side,
Argent, between two chevrons sable, three roses or.-William
of Wykeham. The shield is of the transitional character
which prevailed on the confines of the Perpendicular
style. The diaper closely resembles some ornament of
similar date in the first window from the east, of the north
8 It is unfortunate that the opportunity
so fairly offered of leading the public taste
in a right direction by the award of the
Fine Arts (No. XXX.) Jury, on the
painted-glass in the late Exhibition, has
been so completely thrown away. The
worthlessness of the award must be evi-
dent to any one who really examined the
specimens. It is, however, not singular
that the work of Capronnier did not
only receive no prize, but was not even
considered worthy of mention, by judges
who discovered so much merit in the
works exhibited by Gerénte, Pugin and
Hardman, Howe, Wailes, and O'Connor.
M. Bontemps, in his " Examen historique
et critique des verres, vitraux, cristaux,
composant la Classe xxiv., de l'Exposition
universelle de 1851," (Weale), very natu-
rally expresses himself at a loss to discover
on what principle the prizes were adjusted.
[See p. 41, note; see also p. 52, note.]
Most of my readers are aware that M.
Bontemps has had great experience in
painted glass during upwards of thirty
years, and that he was elected an assessor
of the jury XXIV. The section B of
the above-mentioned pamphlet contains
very just, though perhaps occasionally
too good-natured criticisms on the glass
paintings that were exhibited.
NEW COLLEGE CHAPEL AND HALL, OXFORD.
219
chancel aisle; St. Thomas's Church, Salisbury. Each of
the roses (which is turned the wrong side outwards) has a
yellow centre, formed by grinding away the coloured surface
of the ruby, here thin and smooth, and staining the white
glass yellow. This is the earliest instance that I have yet
met with of the practice.
Azure, a sword and key saltierwise, argent; in chief, a
mitre of the second. The ancient arms of the See of
Winchester. See the seal of William of Wainflete, engraved
in his Life by Chandler. The same bearing occurs in one of
the windows of the choir clerestory of Winchester Cathedral.
This building is dedicated to St. Peter and St. Paul, from
whose emblems the coat is principally composed.
In the second window from the east, on the north side-
Argent, a cross gules. St. George.
Quarterly, 1st and 4th. Azure, semé de lis, or.
2nd and 3rd. Gules, three lions passant guardant in pale, or.
King Richard the Second.
In the first window from the east, on the south side-
Gules, three crowns in pale, or. This coat has been assigned
to several imaginary personages, as for instance, the King of
Crekeland. The panel surrounding the shield is coeval with it.
It is not improbable that the other shields were originally
surrounded with similar panels, and that these were inserted
in lights having ornamental borders, and a ground of orna-
mental quarries. The ruby of the field is thin and smooth
on the sheet, as indeed is all that in the Antechapel windows.
The border of the panel is shaded with smear shading,
stippled.
The remaining coats are of the time of Henry VIII. Some
are fine examples of the period.
In the first window from the east, on the south side-
Argent, on a chevron gules, between three pellets, a cock of the
first. Over a fillet, vert, a chief of the first, charged with a
double rose of the second, between two leopards' faces, azure.
The shield, which is within a wreath, is surmounted by a
mitre. John Longland, Bishop of Lincoln from 1520 to 1547.
In the second window from the east, on the south side-
Party per fess or, and gules; a demi rose and de misun conjoined,
counterchanged of the field. Issuant from the demi rose, is the
neck of a double-headed eagle sable, and from each side of the
rose issues an eagle's wing displayed, of the last. The shield
Q
220 THE PAINTED GLASS IN NEW COLLEGE CHAPEL.
is within a wreath much mutilated. It was originally
surmounted by a Cardinal's hat, of which only the strings
remain. Wood declares that these arms were given by the
Emperor Maximilian, to William Knight, a Fellow of the
College; Gutch adds, by letters patent, dated 20th July,
1514; and that he was made Bishop of Bath and Wells in
1541. It is difficult to reconcile the existence of the
Cardinal's hat with this statement, except on the supposition
that it formed part of the original grant of arms.
Quarterly, 1st. Argent, a pelican in a nest feeding her
young ones, vert.
2nd and 3rd. Argent, a lion rampant, vert.
4th. Argent, an eagle displayed, vert. Robert Sherburne,
Bishop of Chichester from 1508 to 1536. The first quarter
of the arms is much mutilated.
In the third window from the east, on the south side-
The arms of Edward Prince of Wales (afterwards King
Edward the Sixth), within a wreath, and surmounted by a
coronet. The second and third quarters are lost.
Azure, on a cross, or, between four griffins' heads erased,
argent, a rose gules. The shield is within a garter, and is
surmounted by a mitre. Stephen Gardiner, Bishop of
Winchester from 1531 to 1550, and from 1553 to 1555.
In the fourth window from the east, on the north side-
Azure, an episcopal staff, or, surmounted by a pall argent,
charged with four crosses paté fitché, sable: impaling Gules, a
fess, or; in chief, a goat's head argent ; in base, three escallops
of the last. William Warham, Archbishop of Canterbury
from 1504 to 1532. The arms are within a wreath, and
surmounted by a mitre.
The arms of King Henry the Eighth, supported by a red
dragon and white greyhound.
The complicated charges and high finish of these coats, as
well as the delicate texture of their material, contrast strongly
with the more simple and more boldly executed shields of
the time of Wykeham.
Other arms, mentioned by Wood in his "History of the
Colleges and Halls of Oxford," have disappeared.
E. WINSTON.
SEPULCHRAL MONUMENTS IN OXFORD CATHEDRAL.
A VERY brief notice of the ancient Sepulchral Monuments
in the Cathedral of Oxford is given by Mr. Britton in his
History of that structure; and, in the account of it in "The
Memorials of Oxford," this deficiency is unfortunately not
supplied. The older writers on the Cathedral, Anthony
Wood, Browne Willis, and Gutch, have preserved the inscrip-
tions extant in their times, and some heraldic notices; but
their attempts to describe the monuments are meagre and
unsatisfactory, and these sepulchral memorials have never
yet, I believe, been treated of in detail, with that particularity
which they deserve.
The sculptured monuments, though few in number, are of
a class which we might reasonably expect to find preserved
in an old Conventual Church. Many sepulchral slabs which
formerly covered the pavement of the choir were removed
and despoiled of their brasses, in the early part of the
seventeenth century, in the year 1630, when the old stalls
were taken down, and the present substituted in their stead.
But the removal and destruction, partial or entire, of memo-
rials of the dead was a practice, however much to be
regretted, neither confined to this Cathedral, nor to any one
particular era, for we shall find that an ancient church
is hardly ever taken down for the purpose of reconstruction,
but fragments of Sepulchral Memorials, some of a very early
period, are discovered worked up in the walls, whilst various
palimpsest brasses will prove the want of reverential feeling,
sometimes even anciently displayed, towards memorials of
that description.
The ancient sculptured monuments in the Cathedral, and
to a brief description of which I shall chiefly confine myself,
are three in number, and are those of a Prior of St. Frideswide,
of apparently the early part of the reign of Edward the
Third; of the Lady Montacute, a monument of the latter
part of the reign of Edward the Third; and of a Knight of
the reign of Henry the Fourth. These are disposed or placed
under the arches which divide the north chapel from the
north aisle of the choir. Of the Watch Chamber, misnamed
Q 2
222 SEPULCHRAL MONUMENTS IN OXFORD CATHEDRAL.
the Shrine of St. Frideswide, it does not fall within my
province to treat. I shall have to offer, however, a few
remarks on the slab with the matrices for two incised brass
figures, of which it has been despoiled.
The monument of the Prior, the most ancient now existing
in the Cathedral, consists of a plain high tomb with a recum-
bent effigy, surmounted by a canopy. The latter is a rich
specimen of architectural design in the fourteenth century;
the sides, the north and south, present a front of three
pointed arches cinquefoiled within, the heads springing from
clustered shafts, the caps of which are sculptured with vine-
leaves and surmounted by three crocketted pediments with
intervening and flanking pinnacles, which latter form the
finish to small lozenge-shaped or angular-faced buttresses,
which are carried from the base of the tomb upwards.
The hollow mouldings of the arches and pediments are
enriched with the ball-flower disposed at intervals. At each
angle of the canopy, but placed diagonally, is a small niche
for a statuette, but the sculptured figures are much muti-
lated. The internal vaulting of the Canopy is in three bays
octopartite, the cells being divided by small moulded ribs,
with sculptured bosses in the centre of each bay.
On a slab, with chamfered edges, on the tomb lies the
effigy, with a canopy ogee-arched on the top and sides;
these arches are foliated within and crocketted externally.
The head of the effigy, which is bare and tonsured with
flowing locks by the sides of the face, reposes on a double
cushion, the uppermost lozenge-shaped, the lowermost square.
The Prior is represented vested with the Amice about his
neck with the apparel; in the Alb, the apparels of which
appear at the skirt in front and round the close-fitting sleeves
at the wrists; with the Stole and Dalmatic, or Tunic, which,
it is somewhat difficult to say; these two latter are not
sculptured but merely painted on the effigy, and are only
apparent on a careful examination; over these is worn the
Chesible. This vestment is very rich, and ornamented with
orfreys round the borders, over the shoulders, and straight
down in front. Hanging down from the left arm is the
Maniple; the Boots are pointed at the toes, and the feet rest
against a lion. There is no indication of the pastoral staff;
the hands are joined on the breast. This effigy has been
assigned both to Guymond, the first prior, who died in 1149,
SEPULCHRAL MONUMENTS IN OXFORD CATHEDRAL.
223
It is very
and to Philip, the third prior, who died in 1190.
clear, however, that it is a sculpture of the fourteenth century,
and it is executed with considerable breadth and freedom.
The face also is close shaven; had it been an effigy of the
twelfth century, we should have had both the moustache and
beard. This effigy has been elaborately painted, and is
worthy of minute examination.¹
The next monument to be noticed is that of Elizabeth, Lady
Montacute, the daughter of Peter Montfort, and wife of
William, Lord Montacute, by whom she had four sons and
six daughters. She died in 1353. Her monument consists
of a high tomb, the sides of which are divided into three
panelled compartments; the middlemost containing three
panels, the others two panels each. These panels are arched-
headed and cinque-foiled, and five of them on each side
contain small statuettes, eighteen inches high, representing
the children of the deceased. At the head and foot of the
tomb are quatrefoiled compartments, that at the head con-
taining, within the sides of the quatrefoil, the evangelistic
symbols of St. Matthew and St. John, with a bas relief
between them of the Blessed Virgin bearing in her arms the
Divine Infant, and that at the foot containing, within the
sides of the quatrefoil, the evangelistic symbols of St. Mark
and St. Luke, with a female figure in relief between them,
clad in a gown and mantle, and with long flowing hair. The
sides of this tomb have been covered with polychrome. The
slab which covers this tomb is eight feet eight inches long
and three feet six inches wide. On this is placed a smaller
slab, six feet six inches long and one foot ten inches wide, on
which is the recumbent effigy of Lady Montacute.
The head of the effigy reposes on a double cushion, and is
supported on each side by a small figure of an angel in an
alb; these albs are loose and not girded round the waist.
The heads of these figures are defaced, and they are other-
wise much mutilated. She is represented with her neck
bare, her hair disposed and confined on each side the face
within a jewelled caul of network; over the forehead is
worn a veil, and over this is a rich cap or plaited head-dress
with nebulé folds, with a tippet attached to it and falling
down behind. Her body-dress consists of a robe or sleeveless
1 A representation of this tomb is given in Gough's Sep. Mon. vol. i. pl. xii., and in
Storer's Cathedrals, vol. iii.
4
224 SEPULCHRAL MONUMENTS IN OXFORD CATHEDRAL.
gown, fastened in front downwards to below the waist by
a row of ornamented buttons. The full skirts of the gown
are tastefully disposed, but not so much so as we sometimes.
find on effigies of the fourteenth century. The gown is of a
red colour, flowered with yellow and green, and at each side
of the waist is an opening, within which is disclosed the
inner vest, of which the close-fitting sleeves of the arms,
extending to the wrists, form part; this is painted of a
different colour and in a different pattern to the gown. This
was probably the corset worn beneath the open super-tunic.
The gown is flounced at the skirts by a broad white border,
and round the side-openings, and along the border of the top
of the gown, is a rich border of leaves. The hands, which
are bare, are joined on the breast in a devotional attitude.
Over the gown or super-tunic is worn the mantle, fastened
together in front of the breast by a large and rich lozenge-
shaped morse, raised in high relief. This mantle falls down
on each side of the body in graceful folds, but the arrange-
ment of the drapery is differently disposed on one side to the
other. The mantle, of a buff colour, is covered all over with
rondeaux or roundels connected together by small bands,
whilst in the intermediate spaces are fleur de lis all these
are of raised work and deserve minute examination. They
are apparently not executed by means of the chisel, but
formed in some hard paste or composition, laid upon the
sculptured stone and impressed with a stamp. The feet
of the effigy appear from beneath the skirts of the gown
in black shoes and rest against a dog. This effigy has been
sculptured and painted with great care.
The statuettes on each side of the tomb are most inter-
esting, from the varieties of coeval costume they tend to
illustrate. The first and easternmost of these, on the north
side of the tomb, is the most puzzling and difficult of all to
describe, as regards the costume, and the more so from the
mutilated state in which it now appears. It is that of a
male, who is habited in a red cloak, the borders of which are
jagged. This is buttoned in front to the waist by lozenge-
shaped morses and may have been the garment called the
Courtepye, and discloses a short white tunic or vest, plaited
in vertical folds, with a bawdrick round the body at the hips.
This figure, as regards descriptive costume, is perhaps the
most speculative of all. Next to this is the effigy in relief
SEPULCHRAL MONUMENTS IN OXFORD CATHEDRAL.
225
of an abbess, in a long loose white gown or robe, a black
mantle over, connected in front of the breast by a chain,
with a tippet of the same colour. The head has been
destroyed, but remains of the plaited wimple which covered
the neck in front are visible, as also of the white veil on each
shoulder. The pastoral staff appears on the left side, but
the crook is gone. Next to this is the effigy of another, in
most respects the same as the last, but with this exception,
that the left sleeve of the gown, which is large and wide, is
seen, as well as the close sleeve of the inner robe. Two of
the daughters of the Lady Montacute were in succession
abbesses of Barking, in Essex, and are here thus represented.
Sculptured effigies of abbesses, especially of this period, are
rare, and I know but of one recumbent sepulchral effigy of
this class, existing in Polesworth Church, Warwickshire.
This is a fact which renders these the more interesting.
The next figure is that of a female, in a green, high-bodied
gown or robe, with small pocket-holes in front and sleeves
reaching only to the elbows. The fifth figure is also that of
a female, in a white robe or gown, with close sleeves, close
fitting to the waist, where it is belted round by a narrow
girdle, and thence falls in loose folds to the feet over this is
a black mantle. There are also indications of a plaited
wimple about the neck, but the head of this, as of the other
effigies, has been destroyed.
On the south side the easternmost figure, of which the
mere torso remains, is that of a male in a doublet, jagged at
the skirts and buttoned down in front, from the neck to the
skirts, with close sleeves buttoned from the elbows to the
wrists,-manicae botonate, with a bawdrick round the hips,
and buckled on the right side. From the bawdrick on the
left side the gipciere is suspended. This much mutilated
effigy presents a good specimen of the early doublet. Next to
it is the figure of a male, in a long red coat or gown, the toga
talaris, with a cloak over, buttoned in front downwards from
the neck as far as the third button, from whence it is open
to the skirts. This dress, in the phrase of the fourteenth
century, would be described as "cota et cloca." In the right
hand is held a purse.
Next to this is the figure of a Bishop, intended possibly to
represent Simon, Bishop of Ely, A.D. 1337-1344, one of the
sons of Lady Montacute. He appears in his episcopal vest-
226
SEPULCHRAL MONUMENTS IN OXFORD CATHEDRAL.
ments, a white Alb, with the apparel in front of the skirt, a
black Dalmatic fringed and open at the sides, and a chocolate
coloured Chesible, with orfreys round the border and disposed
in front pallwise. The parures or apparels of the Amice give
it a stiff and collar-like appearance. The head of this effigy
has been destroyed and the outline of the mitre is only
visible. The pastoral staff has been destroyed, with the
exception of the pointed ferule with which it was shod. It
was, however, held by the left hand. The Maniple is sus-
pended from the left arm, but no traces of the Stole are
visible. In more than one instance we may notice on epis-
copal effigies the absence of either the tunic or dalmatic, and
sometimes of the stole.
The fourth figure on this side of the tomb is that of a lady
in a gown or robe buttoned down in front from the breast to
the waist, and with sleeves reaching only to the elbows, from
whence depend long white liripipes or false hanging sleeves;
small pocket-holes are visible in front. From beneath this
gown or super-tunic, for it would have been anciently described
as "supertunica," the loose skirts of the under robe, of which
also the close-fitting sleeves are visible, appear. Behind this
figure are the remains of a mantle.
The fifth and last figure is also that of a female, in a gown or
super-tunic, close fitting and buttoned in front to the waist.
From the diversity of costume of one and the same period,
which they present, these figures are most interesting, and
are deserving of far more attention than I have been able to
devote to them.2
The next monument in point of chronological order is a
high tomb, the south side of which is divided in five com-
partments by quatrefoiled circles, each enclosing a shield.
A similarly-designed compartment may be seen at the head.
The north side and foot of this monument are not exposed.
On this tomb is the recumbent effigy of a knight, in body
armour of the period of Henry IV., but presenting no very
peculiar points of interest. On the head is a conical basinet,
attached by a lace down the sides of the face to a camail or
tippet of mail, which covers the head and shoulders, epau-
2 Coloured representations of this effigy,
and its highly curious details, as also of
the smaller figures above described, are
given by Mr. Hollis, in his " Monumental
Effigies of Great Britain," a sequel to
Stothard's valuable series, which unfortu-
nately has never been brought to comple-
tion.
SEPULCHRAL MONUMENTS IN OXFORD CATHEDRAL.
227
lières, rere and vambraces, and coudes incase the shoulders,
arms, and elbows, and on the hands are gauntlets of plate.
The body-armour is covered with an emblazoned jupon, with
an ornamental border of leaves, and round this, about the
hips, is a rich horizontally disposed bawdrick. Beneath the
jupon, which is charged with the bearing-three garbs Or,—
is seen the skirt or apron of mail. The thighs, knees, legs,
and feet are encased in and protected by cuisses, genouillères,
jambs, and sollerets, the latter composed of moveable lamina
or plates, and rounded at the toes. The feet of this effigy
rest against a collared dog, and the head reposes on a
tilting helm, surmounted by a bull's head as a crest. This
effigy has been ascribed to a judge who lived in the middle
of the thirteenth century, Henry de Bath, who lived in the
time of Henry III., and whose name occurs as late as 1260.
It is, however, two centuries later in date, or nearly so, and
does not present any feature in costume resembling that of
a judge. From the armorial bearings on the side of the
tomb, I think the person of whom this monument is a
memorial might, with some research, be ascertained. On
the scutcheon at the head of the tomb are these arms,-a
fess between three garbs, impaling a chevron between three
greyhounds.
Such are the principal monuments in Oxford Cathedral.
Another high tomb, under the largest window in the north
transept, of the reign of Henry the Sixth or Seventh, has
shields charged with an inkhorn and penner, as if indicative
of a notary. This memorial has been attributed by Browne
Willis to James Souch, or Zouch, who died A.D. 1503. He
directed, by his will, dated Oct. 16, 1503, and preserved in
the Prerogative Office, London, that he should be interred
under this window in the north transept, and a tomb to be
erected for him in the midst of the same window. He also
bequeathed 307. to the convent for vaulting that part of the
church, in consideration of his being there buried. The
brass effigy and inscription have been torn away from his
tomb.3
Whether the slab with matrices of two brasses, of a male
and female, under the watch-chamber, misnamed the Shrine
of St. Frideswide, is a memorial of the same or of an earlier
period than that structure, may be a point open to discussion.
3 The inscription is given by Browne Willis, Survey of Oxford Cathedral, p. 458.
228
SEPULCHRAL MONUMENTS IN OXFORD CATHEDRAL.
We have not the minutiae of costume to inform us, and
merely the outline of the figure. That of the lady indicates
the mitred head-dress, a fashion of the middle of the fifteenth
century. The outline of the other is indicative of no parti-
cular period.
There are some brasses in the Cathedral, but these, with
one exception, I do not now propose to notice, as they are
not remarkable. The brass I shall mention is now concealed
from view; it is that of an ecclesiastic, James Coorthopp,
Canon of Christ Church and Dean of Peterborough. He
died in 1551. He is represented as habited in the tunica
talaris or cassock, over which is worn the surplice with
sleeves; and over this, covering the breast and shoulders
and hanging down on each side with two pendent bands
in front, is the almucium, aumasse or amess, the furred
tippet and hood. This is edged with "cattes tailes," to use
an old phrase of the sixteenth century.*
Of a monument in the south aisle of the choir, commemo-
rating Robert Kyng, first Bishop of this See, who died 1557,
little need be said. It is a recessed, canopied tomb, covered
with shallow panel-work in minute divisions, but without any
sculptured or incised effigy, and it is amongst the last works.
of the medieval school of monumental architecture, at this
period in its decline.
MATTHEW HOLBECHE BLOXHAM.
See Gough's Sep. Mon., vol. i. p. 45, pl. xiv.
ON THE ARCHITECTURE OF THE ABBEY CHURCH OF
DORCHESTER.¹
NEXT to the monuments of ancient art which our University
itself contains, and second to none even of them, if we except
the Cathedral and perhaps Merton Chapel, we may fairly
rank, among the architectural remains coming within the
scope of the present meeting, the Abbey Church of Dorchester.
Its great size, its historical associations, its treasures of detail,
conspicuous equally for rarity and beauty, form a combination
of attractions surpassed by few existing buildings. And
though to grace of outline and justness of proportion it can
lay no claim whatever, yet this very deficiency forms a new
ground of interest. What is lacking in beauty is made up
in singularity, its ground-plan and general character being
nearly unique among churches of the like extent and
ecclesiastical dignity. Had I addressed you on this subject
a year ago I should probably have said altogether unique,
instead of nearly; but the investigations which during that
period it has been my good fortune to make among the little
known and greatly undervalued architectural remains of
South Wales, have revealed to me more examples bearing a
1 The first and third sections of the fol-
lowing paper, or at least the greater part
of them, were read at a meeting of the
Architectural Section of the Institute
at Oxford. The substance of the second
was delivered as an extemporary lecture
at Dorchester, to a large body of mem-
bers of the Institute. The two other
sections are printed nearly as they were
read; some parts of the second I have
recast, to enable me to introduce several
suggestions of importance made by Sir
Charles Anderson, the Rev. J. L. Petit,
the Rev. W. B. Jones, Mr. J. H. Parker,
and others. Wherever it was possible, I
have formally mentioned my obligations to
those gentlemen; but, in many cases,
their remarks were so mingled up with
my own observations of which they were
modifications, or with further inferences of
my own to which they led, that it would be
almost impossible to disentangle the com-
ponent parts of the theories in which they
resulted. I have also especially to thank Mr.
Parker for communicating some observa-
tions subsequently made by Professor Willis.
Anything proceeding from such an autho-
rity is so valuable that I trust the Professor
will excuse my having thus availed myself
of them without formal permission. I was
also extremely pleased to find that while
the Professor's inquiries explained several
points of difficulty, and threw doubt on a
few minor portions of my view, they com-
pletely coincided with my theory of the
history of the building, in all its essential
features.
I am extremely pleased to find that the
money now in the hands of the Treasurer
of the Architectural Society, owing to a
collection made on the spot, and to other
sources, is sufficient to extend some
measure of repair to the north aisle ; at
all events, to put some of the beautiful
windows into a state of safety.
230
ON THE ARCHITECTURE OF
greater or less analogy to the subject of our inquiry than
all my previous inquiries in other parts of England.
It is to these peculiarities to which I would now more
especially draw the attention of the Institute. Dorchester
Church was a few years back made the subject of an elegant
volume published by the Architectural Society of this
University. In that work two branches of the subject have
been completely exhausted; every document and historical
reference bearing upon the vicissitudes of the city and abbey
has been carefully brought together; and the architectural
details of the building have been described and engraved
with the greatest minuteness, and, in almost every case, with
the greatest accuracy. What is left for me on the present
occasion is happily just what is most agreeable to my own
taste, a general survey of the church regarded as a whole,
and of its several parts as specimens of successive styles of
architecture; to which I may add an attempt to trace out
the successive steps by which the building assumed its
present form, from its foundation in the twelfth century to
the great work of restoration commenced in the nineteenth.
The history of Dorchester, its extensive Roman antiquities,
its important place in the early ecclesiastical history of
England, form no part of my present subject. Obscure as
the place may now seem, there was a time when it was the
seat of one of our greatest bishoprics, the fellow of Canterbury
and York and Winchester. But those times had passed
away before the present fabric, or even the foundation to
which it belonged, had any existence. The present church
can hardly be considered as in any sense the representative
of that ancient Cathedral which was the mother church of a
diocese extending, it is said, for a brief space over the whole
of Mercia and Wessex. No portion of the present building
is older than the translation of the see to Lincoln in the
time of Lanfranc, or even than the re-establishment of the
church in 1140 by Alexander, Bishop of Lincoln, as a
Monastery of Black Canons.
§ 1.-General Characteristics of the Building.
The most striking point about the church is that, not-
withstanding its great size, and ecclesiastical rank,
Ground Plan. it has in no respect the architectural character of a
Outline and
DORCHESTER ABBEY CHURCH, OXFORDSHIRE.

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C
Norman Work.
First Decorated.
Second do.
Third do.
Perpendicular,
h.
and later
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Ground Pian.
THE ABBEY CHURCH OF DORCHESTER.
231
minster. In what that character consists, it is hard to say,
but very easy to feel; 2 but it is clear that it is not
possessed by Dorchester Abbey, while it is possessed in its
fulness by many churches of the same, or even a much
smaller size. We have the phenomenon of a church which,
by its dimensions, might rank with Romsey and Bath,
which not only is not cruciform, but which has no clerestory
in any part of its length of above two hundred feet.
From this it is clear that it does not so much as
resemble a parish church even of the second order, much
less such vast piles as Boston and St. Michael's, Coventry,
which exhibit the parochial type on what I cannot but
consider as an exaggerated scale. Dorchester is, in fact, a
church of the very rudest and meanest order, as far as
outline and ground-plan are concerned, developed to abbatial
magnitude, and adorned with all the magnificence that
architecture can lavish upon individual features. A nave
with a single south aisle, a choir with an aisle on each side,
a projecting presbytery, and a low and massive western
tower, constitute the whole building. The length is unbroken
by tower or transept; within, triforium, clerestory, and vault,
are unknown. That such a pile is beautiful, few will argue;
but it is strange, and awful, and solemn in the highest
degree; and the inquirer might go far enough before he
finds anything to surpass the consummate beauty of the
choir arcades, or which, for singularity at least, if not for
elegance, can be compared with the vast and wonderful east
window which now again terminates the whole vista in
renovated grandeur.
I remarked above that, though England has hardly any
building which can be compared with this abbey, several
examples, more or less analogous, may be found in Wales.
There are not wanting points of resemblance between it and
Llandaff Cathedral, as I have drawn out at some length in
the remarks I have lately put forth on that church. And I
have there remarked that where a church was, like Dorchester,
at once parochial and conventual, it was not uncommon for
the parochial element to prevail, and to give most of its
character to the whole building.3 This is not uncommon in
England, and still more frequent in Wales. Since I wrote
See the Builder for 1852, p. 4, 117.
3 Architecture of Llandaff Cathedral, p. 9.
232
ON THE ARCHITECTURE OF
that account, I have seen a Welsh church which illustrates
those remarks more fully than any with which I was
then acquainted, and which affords a closer parallel to
Dorchester than any other building that I have ever seen or
heard of.
This is the Priory church of Monkton, in the suburbs of
Pembroke, which really, in point of general effect, may be
considered as Dorchester adapted to the ruder architecture
of the district. The village churches of South Pembrokeshire
are highly interesting; though of the rudest character, they
are always pleasing, often from their varied and picturesque
outlines, always from their strange and slender towers, half
fortresses, half campaniles. Within they are indeed possessed
of the finish which is ordinarily denied to English village
churches; they are very generally vaulted with stone, but
the vaulting is of such a character as only to produce.
fresh rudeness, giving the interior in many cases the
appearance of a cavern rather than a church. Aisles are
rare, and when they occur, the arcades are commonly of the
roughest kind. In Monkton Church we have this type,
adapted, one would have thought, only to the smallest and
meanest chapels, developed to conventual proportions. If
Dorchester, instead of the complicated ranges of arcades and
clerestory usual in churches of its size, has merely aisles with
distinct roofs, Monkton goes yet further; it is without aisles
at all, a mere nave and choir, with, as is not unusual in the
district, a single transept. I did not measure the building,
but to judge from the eye, it must be full a hundred and fifty
feet long, Dorchester measuring about two hundred. A long
dreary nave, as rough as those of the rudest village churches,
with hardly a single window in its north side, remains as the
parish church; beyond this is a choir, now roofless, and
deprived of all its ornamental work; this must have been,
when perfect, a fine specimen of Decorated architecture, but it
is still only a parochial chancel on a large scale. The outline
is more varied than that of Dorchester, as the tower, one of
the ordinary Pembrokeshire type, is placed, as is not
uncommon, at one side, in this case the south, being matched
on the north by the transept now destroyed. A large ruined
chapel stands close to the choir on the north side, looking
from the south-east like an aisle to it, but having in reality
distinct walls, and no direct communication with it, much
THE ABBEY CHURCH OF DORCHESTER.
233
like the Lady Chapel at Ely, or the present chapter-house
of St. David's.4
This church is, on the whole, the nearest parallel I know
to Dorchester; and, allowing for the difference between
Oxfordshire and Pembrokeshire, it may be thought a very
exact one. Both were at once conventual and parochial-
that the choir of Dorchester has not shared the fate of that
of Monkton, or a worse, is due to an individual benefactor
of the sixteenth century-in both the parochial element has
swallowed up the conventual. The latter character is shown
only in increased general size, and in the especially large
proportions of the choir; in both it is merely the rudest type
of village church which has swelled to this gigantic scale;
so far from acquiring the character of a minster, it does
not even approach to that of a large parish church.
That this fact diminishes from the positive beauty of these
individual buildings requires no proof. Yet in the case of
Dorchester the fact is far from being one to be regretted.
If it were merely that the failure of these attempts to
construct a large church on the plan of a small one, teaches
us more forcibly than anything else the totally distinct
character of the two types, the gain would be no slight one
either for the theory or the practice of ecclesiastical archi-
tecture. But besides this, and besides the interest and
pleasure called out by what is strange and unique, as well
as by what is more strictly beautiful, the effect of this
peculiar character of Dorchester Church on its individual
portions is well worthy of our attention. We shall find that
the very arrangements which detract from the beauty and
just proportions of the whole greatly conduce to the striking
appearance, sometimes even to the actual beauty, of indi-
vidual parts.
I will proceed to mention two or three
illustrations of this, reserving the strongest case for the last.
For instance, the south view of the church is exceedingly
imposing; the long extent of wall, broken only
South View, by the buttresses, and by the large and lofty
windows, forms, meagre as is the tracery of the latter,
one of the most striking ranges in existence. An extreme
preponderance of any dimension, especially of length, is
From remains of arches and vaults
against the north wall of the choir to the
west of this chapel, it appears that con-
ventual buildings were attached to the
church at this point.
234
ON THE ARCHITECTURE OF
always effective, even when not actually commendable.
This is here gained by throwing the aisle of the nave
and that of the choir into one unbroken range. The
effect is better from their being thus unbroken; mark the
commencement of the choir by any difference of height
or breadth, and the charm would be lost; the ideas of vast-
ness and unity presented by the present arrangement would
be shattered, and the mere disproportionate excess of length
would stand out in its natural deformity. The break
produced by the interposition of a transept promotes the
effect of unity, that effected by difference of size does quite
the contrary. But besides the unbroken length, the unbroken
height is to be taken into account. The absence of a
clerestory, while it detracts nothing from the real grandeur
of the effect of length, does in a manner correct the dispro-
portion. I need not go about to show how the whole
appearance would be marred if the height of the wall were
divided between an aisle and clerestory, and cut up into two
ranges of little windows. In such a case the excess of length
which now disarms criticism by its bold and striking effect,
would amount to a simple deformity. The present arrange-
ment then secures this effect in its fulness; it also produces
a magnificent range of windows and buttresses, which, under
any other circumstances, could only have occurred in a church
of much greater positive size.
East End.
The east end again, whether strictly beautiful or not,
is striking and majestic in the highest degree.
Now this also could hardly have assumed its
peculiar character consistently with any other general
arrangement of the church. For instance, if the choir
had been vaulted, this superb window could never have
possessed its present proportions, and any change in its
proportions would at once destroy its whole character.
The main idea of the east end, within and without, is
clearly that it should be one mass of tracery, divided by the
central buttress, which may very probably answer a construc-
tive purpose, and which most certainly serves to enhance the
effect of vastness. In no way could this be effected except
by the forms of arch and gable employed; with no other
could so great an extent of wall have been occupied by the
window. This hardly need to be shown at greater length.
Now if the choir were vaulted, the window would lose about
THE ABBEY CHURCH OF DORCHESTER.
235
a third of its height; its proportions would thus be rendered
intolerable, the width becoming excessive; the present
arrangement would have to be deserted. Externally also
the window would no longer be the whole that it now is; if
the roof were high, there would be a gable window, turning
it into a composition in stages, and destroying the whole
unity of effect; if it were low, besides the general loss in
appearance, a spandril would remain a great deal too large
for the animating idea of the design.
Again, the large projecting bay forming the presbytery,
with the great windows on each side, is in itself
Presbytery. a striking object, and greatly helps to set off
the east window. Were it not thus recessed from the
choir, but placed level with the eastern responds, half its
grandeur would be gone. On the other hand it is no
less clear that a very much deeper recess would tend
to spoil the effect equally the other way. Now a little
consideration will show that no other arrangement could
so well have admitted of a recess of this particular size.
If the choir had been designed on the usual plan with
a clerestory, and such a recess been introduced, this bay
must have had on each side either a blank space or a small
window beneath the clerestory range, the bad effect of which
may be estimated from the similarly recessed eastern bay in
the Cathedral; or, if large windows like the present had
been introduced, the change of design in a single bay, not
forming a distinct addition, like a Lady Chapel, would have
been far from pleasing. But with the present quasi-parochial
arrangement, the recessed bay is introduced without any
difficulty, and indeed actually improves the outline. It
gives, as I have just said, great additional internal majesty,
and externally I think it is clear that the peculiar character
of the east window would not have been so well carried
out, had the addition of aisles made it merely a part of a
front.
In like manner, the peculiar arrangement of the south choir
South Aiste of aisle, another of the striking characteristics of
Choir. the church, would have been altogether inadmissible
in a building of the ordinary type. This portion of the fabric
is even now extremely effective, though it has lost very much,
both within and without, by its high gable having been
destroyed, and its contemplated vaulting never having been
R
236
ON THE ARCHITECTURE OF
completed. This choir aisle is fully as large in every dimension
as the choir alone, without the later addition of the presbytery;
in breadth I think it exceeds it. It forms in fact a sort of
second church of itself, and can in nowise be regarded as an
ordinary aisle, a mere accessory and subordinate to the choir.
Now whether this be or be not either justness of architectural
proportion or propriety of ecclesiastical arrangement, it is
beyond all question a source of extraordinary effect. The
appearance of spaciousness produced is wonderful. But it
is clear that such a structure as this could not have been
introduced into an ordinary Cathedral or Conventual Church,
without interfering in an unpleasant manner with its unity of
design; once granting the peculiar arrangement of Dorchester
Church, this was by far the most majestic form that it could
have received. The absence of a clerestory involves a distinct
roof to the aisle; how necessary this is may be shown by
looking at the north aisle of this very choir, where the low
wall and steep lean-to roof are only adapted to an edifice
furnished with a clerestory. As the south aisle is rather the
later of the two, the architect may reasonably be supposed to
have taken warning by this failure. He built then his aisle
with a distinct gable; but, once give an aisle a distinct gable,
and its character is altogether changed; it is no longer the
mere adjunct, dependent upon the larger building to which
it is attached, and as it were crouching under its shadow it
at once assumes a character of independence, and must be
treated accordingly. The builder at once grasped this idea ;
he gave his aisle the full dimensions of the choir, and we see
what a majestic structure is the result.
And we may remark the pains taken to prevent the east
ends of the presbytery and the aisle from presenting a double
of each other. I am not here speaking with perfect historical
exactness, as the present east end of the presbytery is later
than that of the aisle; consequently whatever commendation
is due on this score belongs to the architect of the former.
There is a certain analogy between the two, so strong, that the
earlier probably suggested the later; still there is a remark-
able diversity, amounting even to contrast. In both there is
an attempt to occupy the whole space, but in quite different
ways; in the one it is by actually filling it up with an expanse
of tracery; in the other by scattering distinct windows over
its surface. In both we find the central buttress; but, while
THE ABBEY CHURCH OF DORCHESTER.
237
in the presbytery it divides a single vast window, in the aisle
it is placed between two of smaller size.
5
This arrangement is in fact only the greatest development
of one by no means unusual in the smaller churches of the
neighbourhood, during both the Early English and Decorated
styles. A west front is often found consisting of a buttress
running up between two small windows, either single lancets
as at Ellesfield, or small two-light windows as at Wilcot and
Clifton Hampden. The form is adapted only to a front.
without a tower, the buttress naturally running up to support
a bell-cot. That at Wood-Eaton has suffered much by the
subsequent addition of a tower. A similar front occurs at
Wantage, but it is less pleasing, being carried out, without
modification, on a scale much larger than that for which it is
adapted. Besides that the buttress prevents the presence of a
doorway, which the west front of a large cruciform church
clearly demands, the windows, running up into the gable,
just as in the smaller examples, leave an unpleasant space
unoccupied below.6
In an
The Wantage example failed from the architect not
modifying the form to the requirements of its position. The
designer of that at Dorchester succeeded by adapting the
idea suggested by the village west fronts to the necessities
of much larger dimensions, and an eastern position.
east end his buttress was not required to support a bell-cot;
to carry it up far into the gable without such a purpose
would have been both useless, and, as that at Wantage
proves, æsthetically unpleasing. Several small east ends.
occur, though I am not aware of any in the neighbourhood
of Oxford, in which an arrangement is followed similar to
the Oxfordshire west ends, except that the central buttress
is finished much lower down, and a quatrefoil or similar
figure pierced in the gable. In the east end at Dorchester,
from its greater size, something of this kind is still more
imperatively demanded. The width required much larger
windows, and larger windows could not possibly run into
the gable; they must, together with the central buttress,
7
5 See the author's History of Architec-
ture, p. 358. This localism has been judi-
ciously followed in the new chapel of
Cuddesden Palace. Local peculiarities are
too commonly neglected by modern archi-
tects.
6 For the first suggestion of the analogy
between Dorchester and Wantage I have
to thank the late President of Trinity.
7 See the author's Essay on Window
Tracery, p. 6.
R 2
238
ON THE ARCHITECTURE OF
terminate at a point not higher than the level of the side
walls. It follows then that some third figure must occupy
the gable, just as in the smaller examples just mentioned.
Unfortunately the gable has been destroyed, so that we
cannot recover the exact nature of the original arrangement.
But certainly that best adapted to the position would be a
single window, rather smaller than those below, and forming
a triangle with those below. The front would thus exhibit,
in a later style, and on a larger scale, the same principle as
the west end of Llanbadarn-fawr in Cardiganshire, or the east
end of Barming in Kent. That such was the original compo-
sition, I will not positively affirm; I only say that it would
be much the most appropriate one, and that I cannot think
that the small square-headed openings on each side, at all
prove that it was not really that employed.
Now within it is clear that such a composition would not
have the same good effect as without; a gable window is
something essentially external, in no wise calculated to form
any part of an inside view; if it were merely because, in a
building of this size, it proclaims itself as being over a
vaulted or other ceiling. Hence, instead of the high-pitched
open roof, rendered necessary in the choir by the nature of
its east window, the aisle must be vaulted, so as to exclude
the gable composition. But it would be hard to find any of
the ordinary forms of vaulting which would appropriately
cover so wide a space with two windows at the end. Some-
thing would have been wanting in the head, which the
external arrangements could not have permitted; and it
may be doubted whether, with any sort of roof, the two
windows, side by side, with no such provision as the buttress
provides without, could ever have been an agreeable arrange-
ment.8 This difficulty was avoided by using a single bay of
sexpartite vaulting-sexpartite at least as far as the east
wall is concerned-over the eastern bay; by this means
flatness is avoided, and no space left unoccupied, each window
fits into its own cell, and the vaulting-shaft runs up between
them within, just as the buttress does without. The arrange-
ment is the same which is adopted, and apparently for the
same reason, over the eastern bay of the choir of St. Cross.
We can there judge of its actual effect, and, though decidedly
open to the objection that it is a sort of mimicry of an
8 See the next note.
THE ABBEY CHURCH OF DORCHESTER.
239
apsidal termination, yet it is clearly the best design that
could have been adopted under the circumstances; the best
internal finish for a front divided into two vertical compart-
ments. At Dorchester, however, as I said before, the vault-
ing unluckily has never been completed, so that we have
nothing beyond the arches traced out for it. Its general
effect one can of course pretty well appreciate, but one would
wish to know how one point would have been managed.
The vaulting system extends only over the two eastern
bays, there being no traces of it whatever in the western
part of the aisle. It is difficult to understand how the
vaulted and vaultless divisions can have been harmonised
together, as there is no trace of any arch between them.
It follows of course that a void space must have been left
above the vaulting at its west end, which must have been
unpleasing, whatever means might have been taken to fill it
up. There is a somewhat similar one in Ely Cathedral,
where it is filled up with tracery; and, though of much
smaller extent than this at Dorchester would have been, the
effect is by no means satisfactory.
In all these cases the peculiar character of the building has
Arcades of allowed, and sometimes even required, the introduc-
Choir. tion of individual features of unique character and
extreme splendour, for which no place could have been found
in a church designed upon either of the ordinary types. We
have finally to observe the most remarkable instance of all,
in which, what in a general criticism of the building we
must consider a defect, proves the means of introducing a
feature which, in its own class, is very nearly unrivalled.
The extreme splendour of the arches on each side of the
9 I have left the above passage as it was
written originally, as it expresses the
view which I think would, at first sight,
occur to any one, and the criticism it con-
tains appears to be, in its main features, a
just one. I must, however, state a sug-
gestion made to me by Sir Charles An-
derson, which, I am now convinced, con-
tains the true solution of the whole matter.
He remarked that the appearance of the
springing of the transverse arch from the
first pillar across the aisle (marked a in
the ground-plan) is such that it could
hardly have been that of one spanning the
whole aisle. He conceives then that the
system of vaulting included two pillars (at
hb) so that it would consist of four bays
of quadripartite vaulting, the eastern pair
being much the narrower. Each of the
altars, which doubtless occupied the east
end, would thus have stood under its own
distinct vault; and at the west end would
have been a complete couplet of arches,
such as forms the entrance into several
Lady Chapels, so that the difficulty of con-
necting the two forms of roof would not
occur. But as the vaulting was clearly
never added, it is very possible that these
pillars were not really erected; or, if they
were, it is probable that they would be re-
moved as incumbrances, whenever the
intention of vaulting was finally surren-
dered. An examination of the foundations
might probably settle the question.
240
ON THE ARCHITECTURE OF
choir must strike every one who contemplates them even in
an engraving, much more in all the majesty of their actual
presence. Their beauty is not at all derived from mere
ornament, for, though all their detail is well and elaborately
wrought, and the section of the arch-mouldings is very
complicated, yet there is no great amount of actual enrich-
ment even here, and the pillars, where we should certainly
have looked for floriated capitals, are without that most
effective of enrichments. Their real merit consists in their
perfect proportion, the exquisitely balanced relation between
the arch and its pier, and the beautiful form of the former.
Now we may at once see that these arches could have
stood nowhere but where they do, in a church of large size,
but without a clerestory. From a common village church of
course their size would exclude them; in most churches
with the same height in the wall as Dorchester, we find a
clerestory, which would at once cut down the dimensions of
the arches. Nor can we conceive arches of exactly this
proportion carrying a clerestory in a church of greater
height. They would never do, like some other forms, such
as the tall Perpendicular pillar with its lower and narrower
arch, to carry a low clerestory. The span and shape of the
arch alone might not be amiss in such grand compositions
as the presbyteries of Lincoln and Ely; but in this case
the superincumbent mass would require a far more massive
pier, and so completely destroy their effect. In fact
no other arrangement could have admitted this arcade; no
other arcade would have suited so well with the arrangement
employed. They are, on the whole, considered simply as
arcades, the finest I know, and their beauty is wholly the
result of that capital error in the general design, the
omission of the clerestory. Arches of not dissimilar propor-
tion are found, from the very same reason, in the choir of
Stafford Church, which has the advantage over Dorchester of
a much longer vista. Though no more suited to bear a
clerestory than these at Dorchester, they had been compelled
to groan under one of the poorest character, which our own
times have seen happily removed.
THE ABBEY CHURCH OF DORCHESTER.
241
§ 2.—Architectural History.
Having thus contemplated the effects produced on the
several parts of the building by the peculiarities of its
general arrangement, we will now proceed to the second part
of our subject, the history of the fabric. And I imagine
that in so doing we shall easily find the key to those pecu-
liarities. Dorchester, like Llandaff, is an instance of a church
growing up from small dimensions to a considerable size,
without any thorough reconstruction either of the whole or
of any essential portion. And it is to this circumstance
that each owes its peculiar character. But, with this striking
analogy in their general history, in its minuter circumstances
we shall find but little resemblance, except the accidental
circumstance that in both the whole extent of the Decorated
period was a season of extraordinary activity, while there is
very little work of a later date. At Llandaff also the
changes which the fabric has undergone are of the most
complicated and perplexing character; while the history of
Dorchester, since the time when we can first call it complete,
is comparatively simple; additions have been numerous, but,
for the most part, they are merely additions, with no recon-
structions or insertions of any importance. Also at Dor-
chester there has been comparatively little extension in the
way of length, while Llandaff has received the addition of
that stately Early English nave, built almost entirely to the
west of the original Norman church, on which it grounds its
best pretension to an architectural rank equal to its ecclesi-
astical.
We have then the explanation; no one would sit down
and design such a church as either Llandaff or Dorchester is
at present.
An original architect would probably have
preferred to produce something of the comparatively humble
scale of Llanbadarn or Leonard Stanley. But in both cases
successive benefactors, finding an originally small fabric, and,
adding to it each after his own taste, with but little reference
to other portions, have gradually produced what we now see;
only at Llandaff the addition of the nave gave an oppor-
tunity of constructing one important part of the church on
the full cathedral type, which at Dorchester never occurred.
242
ON THE ARCHITECTURE OF
No part of Dorchester church is older than its refoun-
dation as a monastic establishment by Bishop
Romanesque Alexander in 1140. No trace remains of the
The
Church: original cathedral, or of the buildings commenced
by Remigius before the removal of the see to Lincoln. Indeed
I greatly doubt the existence, in the present church, of
any work of so early a date as Alexander himself. The
most distinctive features of the earliest work now remaining,
Mr. Addington truly says, cannot be earlier than about 1180.
Probably till then the Saxon cathedral remained in use
as the Abbey Church. This will appear from several con-
siderations. Remigius is said to have begun to build; but
whatever he built, which, after all, need not have been a
new cathedral, he left unfinished. The old cathedral, or
part of it, would doubtless stand till the new one had
advanced some way towards perfection. Now, between
Remigius and Alexander, we might fancy the Saxon
cathedral pulled down, but we can hardly fancy another
church built. From Alexander we should naturally have looked
for a new church; but he does not appear to have built one ;
at least the oldest work in the present is forty years after his
foundation, and one can hardly imagine a church of his
erection being swept away so very soon. Unless then the
monks of Dorchester went on for forty years without any
church at all, we must suppose that the Saxon cathedral
survived the loss of its rank about a hundred years, and was
immediately succeeded by a Transitional Norman building
not earlier than 1180.
To ascertain the exact nature and extent of this, the first
building with which our architectural history is concerned,
is the question of most difficulty which we shall meet with
in the course of our inquiries; and even here, it is tolerably
plain sailing through a good half of its dimensions. The
nave was clearly co-extensive with the present one, but the
extent of the chancel is less certain.
The portion which fixes the date of the original church is the
chancel-arch of Transitional date; its band being continued
as a string both to the east and west, shows the whole to
be of one piece. The north wall of the nave remains
untouched, except by the insertion of windows and a door-
way. The two large Decorated windows are quite near the
east end, and, while the cloister remained against this side
THE ABBEY CHURCH OF DORCHESTER.
243
of the nave, must, from their height in the wall, have had
very much the appearance of a clerestory. But by far the
greater part of the wall is left blank; possibly in the
original nave there were no windows at all on the north side.¹
If there were any, they must, from the level of the string,
have been placed quite as high in the wall as the present
ones, and from the same cause, namely the position of the
cloister, just as at Leonard Stanley. On the south side the
string is continued a little way, but is cut through by the
arches into the subsequent south aisle. The Norman nave
then was without aisles, and exactly corresponded with the
present one.
Choir.
Going east of the chancel arch, we find the Norman
Extent of the walls of the nave continued for a little way on
each side, and marked by the same string. A rude
arch on each side has been cut through the wall, but evidently,
as Mr. Addington says, at quite a late period. There was
originally a solid wall on each side up to the point where the
Decorated arches of the choir now commenced.2 The south
wall was an external one, and the external plinth may still be
seen in the south aisle. But to the north there was a building
attached which had a west door opening to the cloister,
which still remains. At present this is part of the north
choir aisle; but we must remember that, when originally
built, there was a solid wall between it and the choir, so that,
whatever it was, it was not in strictness an aisle. This
part of the church has been much tampered with by the
insertion of a late and ugly window, and the addition
of an awkward buttress (at c), apparently when the cloisters
were destroyed. Probably some considerable portion of the
conventual buildings abutted upon the church at this point.
Thus much is the whole extent of the undoubtedly Transi-
tional work, contemporaneous with the chancel arch. The
extent and finish of the choir is not clear from our evidence.
Did it actually terminate at this point, possibly with the
addition of an apse? or was it continued to a considerable
distance eastwards? Mr. Addington has marked out as the
eastern boundary of the Norman choir a point (d) to which
we shall have again to refer; but we shall soon see that if
1 At Monkton there is only one window in
the north side of the nave, in the position
occupied at Dorchester by the Decorated
insertions. Did they supplant a similar one?
2 This wall is expressed in the plan by
dotted lines.
244
ON THE ARCHITECTURE OF
it extended thus far, it must have extended very much
further. The Norman choir either stopped where the Norman
strings terminate at e or else reached as far as the present
east ends of the choir aisles. The most probable view is
that a small choir such as suggested above was originally
designed, but that, during the progress of erection, the
design was altered, and the choir carried out on a much
grander scale, with such little advance of style as the length
of time required for carrying out so great a design almost
necessarily involved.
I ground this belief on two facts, each of which appear to
me to prove one half of it. That such an extended choir
was carried out at a period not very distant from that of
the erection of the nave is shown by the certain traces of
it which still remain. But that such a choir was an after-
thought, not a part of the original design, is, perhaps, not
absolutely proved, but at least rendered extremely probable,
by circumstances tending to show that the point (e) where the
Norman string terminates, is no arbitrary break, but marks
some constructive division of the church.
First, it will be observed that at this point an entire
change takes place in the external wall on the north side.
It is not continued of the same width, but the eastern
portion is very much thicker, the excess being external. An
arch also, having, as Mr. Addington observes, “much of Early
English character," is here thrown across the aisle (at ƒ),
dividing the original Norman building attached to the choir
from the aisle added to the east of it. Again, the course
followed by the Decorated architect when the splendid
arches of the choir were added, might possibly tend to
show that the Norman wall did not continue any further
than it does at present. For in that case one does not see
why he should not have cut a fourth arch through the part
where the round arch has since been cut, rather than leave
a blank wall to the great disfigurement of his choir. For
though the arch across the north aisle would 3 have prevented
a perfectly continuous arcade, yet the difficulty might have
been obviated by the employment of a more massive pier
3 This arch, as we shall presently see,
is contemporary with the north arcade, at
all events part of the same design, though
perhaps actually erected carlier. But if it
was thought that the difference in the wall
at this point required to be cloked by an
arch, it would, even if absolutely contem-
porary, have had just the same effect on
the design of the arcade as if it had been
found previously existing.
THE ABBEY CHURCH OF DORCHESTER.
245
one for instance formed of two responds-at this particular
point, as is often done in similar cases.
Norman Pilaster, N.E. Angle of
Original Choir.
It is therefore most probable that the choir was originally
designed to terminate-allowing, perhaps, as was before said,
for an apse at this point. But the
extent of the actual choir, which,
on this ground, I consider to be an
afterthought, is quite certain. There
can be no doubt, though the fact is
one which, as far as I am aware, has
hitherto been unnoticed, that the
choir was extended as far as the pre-
sent termination of the choir aisles
at some time during the transition
from the Norman to the Early
English style. It will be remem-
bered that the north choir aisle is
transitional from Early English to
Decorated, certainly not later than
the time of Edward I. Now looking
attentively at the east end of this
aisle, we shall find that it is built up against a flat pilaster
buttress (a a), which has clearly formed
part of an east end of the choir. A
portion of the pilaster may also be dis-
cerned inside, where it has been cut away.
In the corresponding position on the
south side a similar buttress may be
traced, though less distinctly; its set-off
may be seen, and also the way in which
the masonry of the aisle has been
worked into its original quoin.
Just
above the buttress may be clearly traced
part of a clustered angle-shaft and the
string below, the projection of the latter
making its angular position distinctly
visible.* Besides this, in taking down
the masonry which formerly blocked the
circle in the head of the east window,
there was found a stone with tooth-moulding on it, which


For a more complete explanation of
these appearances-I believe the first
actual observation of them on both sides I
Remains of Norman Turret,
S.E. Angle of Original Choir.
may fairly claim to myself-I have to
thank my friend Mr. Jones.
246
ON THE ARCHITECTURE OF
apparently formed part of a jamb. We may therefore con-
clude that at one time the choir terminated at this point
with an Early English front, flanked by pilasters, that to the
south (as being on the show side) carried up into an
ornamental turret, and that some of its windows or arcades
were enriched with tooth-moulding; and that this front
existed before the present north aisle was added.
In the external wall of the north aisle there is also a
considerable extent of masonry, which seems to belong to
a period intermediate between the original Norman erection.
and the early Decorated work of the greater portion of that
O.JEWITT,
Junction of Norman and Decorated Work.
North Aisle of Choir.
aisle this includes the wes-
tern bay of the aisle, reckoning
from the transverse arch at f.
A little westward of its door-
way is a most conspicuous
break in the wall, with a
change of string (at d); some-
what clumsily effected, as they
are not on the same level.
Internally also we can dis-
tinctly observe the seam, and
trace the original wall in its
basement, the thickness having
been, as Mr. Addington re-
marks, diminished during the
Decorated reconstruction. That
is, this part of the wall was
rebuilt from the string, while
to the east of this point it is
an original Decorated erection.

From this we may infer that
the choir, whose east end we
have just discovered, had, or
was designed to have, a north aisle; but as it is clear from
the remains of the east end that it could not have extended
so far eastward as the ends of the present aisles, we may
most probably conclude that it reached as far as the point
where the masonry breaks in the north wall, and no
further. If we suppose an arch, or two small arches,
dividing the choir and its north aisle, where the western-
most of the three Decorated arches now stands, while the
THE ABBEY CHURCH OF DORCHESTER.
247
eastern part of the choir had merely an external wall,
one can understand better why the Decorated architect
should bring this whole space within the scope of his new
arrangement, and leave the Norman wall to the west untouched,
than why he should cut through the Norman wall up to a
certain point and there leave off. The irregularity of the
arches would be a greater eyesore than the mere blank wall
beyond the whole range. Again, as he reconstructed the
whole north aisle from the Early English transverse arch
at f, this involved a change in the choir from that point
eastward; while to make any alterations to the west of it
might have been very desirable in itself, but had no
connexion with the particular design which occupied the
mind of the brotherhood or their architect at that particular
moment.
The second idea of the church then included a choir with
its new portion commencing from what we may imagine to
have been designed as the chord of the original apse, with a
north aisle extending along about half its length. Whether
it had any south aisle or not we have no certain means of
judging. But though we may fairly consider this as, in idea at
least, a second form of the church, it seems on the whole most
probable that it never actually existed distinct from the first.
We must remember how very late is the character of the
Norman work, fast verging upon Early English; while
the scanty remains of the choir, in their pilaster buttresses
and angle-shafts, are hardly more advanced in character.
No great extent of time could have elapsed between the two.
We may then on the whole most probably conclude that
though this extended choir was the second in idea, it was
the first in existence after the days of Alexander; most
likely, as was above suggested, the short Norman choir was
never finished, but the design was changed in its progress,
and continued on a more extended form, in a slightly
advanced style.
Decorated
Additions:
The third period embraces the Decorated changes,
which have had so permanent an effect upon the
appearance of the building, introducing all its
most rare and beautiful features, and bringing it in its
most essential portions to its condition immediately to
those days of destruction whose works we are now endea-
vouring to undo. In this, as I have before remarked, it
248
ON THE ARCHITECTURE OF
resembles Llandaff, as also in the circumstance that the
Decorated alterations were not effected all at once; in each
three distinct stages may be traced but there is this im-
portant difference, that at Llandaff all the work of this
age was executed from one general design, with merely
the changes of detail consequent upon the gradual manner
in which it was carried out, whereas at Dorchester there is
no such general design; there is certainly a clear attempt
to bring each of the two later portions into harmony with
that which immediately preceded it; but the differences
between them are not merely in detail; each retains a
remarkable independence, and, as it were, isolation from
the rest.
Aisle ;
The first portion of the Decorated work includes the
North Choir greater part of the north aisle (all, in fact, except
the portion of earlier masonry in its western
bay), together with the three grand arches on the north
side of the choir. The style here is rather to be con-
sidered as Transitional, than as fully developed Decorated;
the windows indeed contain complete Geometrical tracery,
and, except in the eastern one, not of the very earliest
kind; but much of the detail is hardly removed from
Early English; the shafts against the wall have square
plinths; the tooth-moulding occurs in their capitals and
in those of some of the jamb-shafts of the windows ;
the east window, the diagonal buttress at the north-east
angle, and the transverse arch already mentioned, might
all, taken by themselves, pass for Early English. Yet there
is no occasion to suppose them to be parts of any other
design; they were probably merely the first instalments of
a design which took a considerable time to accomplish, and
of which the great arcade and the tracery of the windows
are the latest. In other respects too, the details of this
whole aisle are well worthy of attention, both from their
singularity and beauty. For instance, there is an early
instance of a doorway with a square-headed label; 5 the
same also presenting a singular and extremely unpleasant
example of the discontinuous impost. This is the strongest
case of a tendency towards that disagreeable form which is
continually recurring throughout the church at most of the
5 One still earlier, and with a still more
complete anticipation of Perpendicular, is
found among the conventual buildings of
Gloucester Cathedral,
THE ABBEY CHURCH OF DORCHESTER.
249
6
periods of its architecture. The tracery of the windows on
the north side is also a valuable study, two of them presenting
singularities in the way of filling up the circle in the head.
The aisle seems never to have been designed for vaulting;
its steep lean-to roof has been already commented on.
There are shafts, already mentioned, against the north wall,
but far too low to be connected with any vault or other roof;
they were doubtless designed for pillar brackets.
West Front of
Besides this north aisle of the choir, there is reason to be-
lieve that a south aisle to the nave was commenced
South Aisle; at this time, though only commenced.
The pre-
sent south aisle is indeed, in its most important features, both
within and without, of a later date, and we shall presently
have to consider it at length. But it contains one very impor-
tant portion which can hardly fail to belong to this first stage
of the Decorated enlargement. Its west end, though now
wretchedly defaced and mutilated, must have originally been
not the least attractive portion of the church, and, from its
peculiar arrangements, it derived unusual importance. It
was in fact the west front of the church, as some of the con-
6 It will be remembered that this door-
way is placed immediately east of the seam
in the wall and change of string at d. The
Decorated string here has a curious ap-
pearance at the point where it terminates,
or rather commences, as if it had been in-
tended to continue it along some building
at right angles to the wall of the church.
There is, however, this difficulty, that no
important part of the conventual buildings
could possibly have joined the church at
this point, as they would have interfered
with the window to the west, and would also
most probably have left some trace of
their presence.
On the other hand, one
cannot imagine why a mere breast-wall,
which is all that seems capable of having
existed, or being designed here, should
have been so elaborately treated, or so
studiously identified with the church, as
by this continuation of the string.
From
It has indeed been suggested to me, and
that on the very highest authority, that
there was, or was to be, a porch over this
doorway, and I therefore infer, that this
string would have been continued along
the inner face of the western wall. From
this opinion I must beg leave to dissent.
A porch in such a position, though, I be-
lieve, not unique-I do not distinctly
remember whether that at Wimborne
Minster is original or otherwise is
certainly extremely unusual; and this
particular doorway, from its whole cha-
racter, and its intimate connexion with the
strings, windows, &c., seems peculiarly ill-
suited to such a finish. A porch of any
sort could hardly fail to have cut through
the window above, whose cill comes down
immediately upon the head of the door-
way. Again, if the string were turned to
be carried along its western wall, a similar
treatment would doubtless have been ap-
plied to its eastern also; and there is no
break or other noticeable appearance in the
string to the east of the doorway. It seems to
me perfectly clear that no porch was ever
actually erected, and I cannot bring myself
to believe that any was ever contemplated;
at all events, not when the aisle was built,
an opinion which would seem involved in
any argument built upon the appearance of
the string.
It is to be noticed that on either side of
the window over this doorway is a vertical
string, projecting from the wall like a
label, running up a considerable portion of
the height of the jamb. It is not quite
clear whether they were continued to
join the label of the window if so, the
effect must have been very bad. These
strings, which are not easily understood on
any view, but which form an additional
argument against the porch theory, are not
correctly given-a rare instance of inac-
curacy—in Mr. Addington's engraving.
250
ON THE ARCHITECTURE OF
ventual buildings must have come close up against the tower.
It has a west door, and over that a large window which is now
completely built up, so that it can only be seen from within.
At the angle is a very fine buttress, almost amounting to a
turret, with niches, high pediments, pinnacles, etc. Now, it
so happens, as Mr. Addington has observed, that the details
both of this buttress and of the west window are altogether
dissimilar to anything in the rest of the aisle, and appear at
least as early as the south choir aisle, to which they present.
a much greater resemblance. Indeed he might have safely
gone still further, and pronounced them to be contemporary
with the north choir aisle.7 The whole detail of the buttress
and window, especially the square plinths to its internal
jamb-shafts, might be safely called Early English. Probably
a south aisle was commenced, but was carried no further
than the west wall; this part remaining unfinished, while
the greater works were being effected in the choir. We shall
only observe in this place that this front received some
alterations, to be hereafter described, during the later
Decorated changes.
The second portion of Decorated work includes the great
South Choir south choir aisle, with the southern arcade.
This
Aisle ; must have followed upon the completion of the other
with very little intermission. The style is somewhat more ad-
vanced, and is now confirmed Decorated, but it still retains
quite the character of Early Gothic, in its marked distinctness
of parts, the bold shafts, deep mouldings, bands, &c. The
arcades on each side the choir are identical in general effect, the
architect of the south aisle having evidently intended to bring
his work, in this respect, into the most perfect harmony with
that of his predecessor; but on a more minute examination,
differences of detail may be discovered, some of which have
been pointed out by Mr. Addington. The section of the piers
is not identical, and the bases are very different; the later
ones having more numerous mouldings, as well as much bolder
and more projecting plinths, all of which also are octagonal,
while on the north side that of every alternate member is
round. Those on the north side, however, are not identical
among themselves.
The two eastern windows of this aisle belong to the same
They resemble it more nearly in
general character; yet the string on the
buttress is one used in the south choir
aisle, but not occurring in the north.
THE ABBEY CHURCH OF DORCHESTER.
251
general type as those on the north side, but they have
peculiarities of their own rendering them well worthy of
examination. The occurrence of a spherical triangle as the
centre-piece of a subarcuated window is by no means usual,
and it is accompanied by that strange, though much less
uncommon, form which I have elsewhere,8 for want of a better
name, denominated spiked foliation. Those on the south
side have Intersecting tracery, to which the round foils of the
piercings in the head give somewhat of the character of Arch
and Foil.9
I have already commented on the most remarkable
features of this aisle, considered as a part of the general
composition and arrangement of the church. Its extent
westward is clearly marked, as its west wall still remains
perfect; for when the south aisle of the nave, in its present
form, was added to the west of it, the two were not, as usual,
connected by an arch, but they were separated by a blank
wall, the only approach from one to another being by a small
doorway. This strange proceeding was probably occasioned
by a ritual consideration; the very elevated altar-platform
just west of this wall might not have been so well introduced,
had the two aisles been architecturally continuous; but a
greater æsthetical blunder can hardly be conceived, than this
complete blocking off of one portion of the building from
another.
The church then, as standing for a while complete at this
point, consisted of a nave without aisles, a choir with an aisle
on each side, that to the south of almost unparalleled dimen-
sions. We must remember that the choir at this time did
not project eastward beyond the aisles, so that the termina-
tion of the choir and the two aisles were embraced in one
continuous eastern front. In this extensive range were
comprised three somewhat heterogeneous elements; the two
large gabled extremities of the choir and its south aisle, of
much the same height and breadth-though with the advan-
tage in the latter respect somewhat on the side of the aisle
-the one with its Decorated windows, the other, we may
conceive, with a composition of lancets; and finally the small
lean-to of the north aisle. Now this last must have looked
like a mere insignificant excrescence, and must have given
the whole an unpleasing effect of irregularity. And indeed
8 Essay on Tracery, p. 79.
? Ibid, 55; 46, note o.
n
252
ON THE ARCHITECTURE OF
the other two grand compositions must have lost much from
their position; they were both intended to stand out inde-
pendently as the terminations of distinct buildings, not to
form mere component parts of a single extended front.
Again, the great size and grandeur now assumed by the
choir and its accessories must have tended to throw the nave
into complete insignificance. We may also doubt whether
the south choir aisle, standing distinct with a soaring high
roof, could have been at all a satisfactory object. A similar
arrangement on quite a small scale is pleasing and effective,
as improving the picturesque outline; but on the vast scale
on which it was here presented, it could only have caused
the exaggeration of a smaller type to have been even more
strongly felt than at present.
These two deficiencies then probably caused the additions
which constitute the third period of Decorated work; having
suggested the prolongation of the choir to its present extent,
and rendered still more imperative the addition commenced
some time before of an aisle to the south of the nave. I
place these together, as they cannot be very far removed
from each other in point of date, and are so manifestly
remedies for the faults of the structure as completed by the
preceding additions. But there is no particular resemblance
in the work of the two, or any reason to believe that they
formed in any sense parts of the same design. Most probably
one was the work of the convent, the other of the parish;
and in this we may perhaps find a key to the strange
obstruction between the nave aisle and choir aisle. Forming,
as they apparently did, altogether distinct chapels, one
belonging to the conventual, the other to the parochial
establishment, their independence and isolation may be a
little better understood.
A south aisle then was now added to the nave. The con-
South Aisle trast between its internal and external arrange-
of Nave; ments is very striking. I have just remarked its
extreme isolation within from the choir aisle to the east of it.
Outside, on the other hand, the two form one continuous range.
The seam, indeed, where the masonry of the two dates is
united, is perceptible enough, and a more minute examination
will show that the details of the two portions are by no means
identical. They are, however, so well harmonised together,
that the first impression of every visitor would be that they
THE ABBEY CHURCH OF DORCHESTER.
253
formed parts of one uniform design. In comparing, however,
a bay of the choir aisle and one of the nave aisle, we shall
find that though the proportion and general effect is
unaltered, a considerable change of style had taken place in
the interval between their erection. The sharp pedimental
head of the buttress has been exchanged for a very long
set-off, and indeed the whole air of the buttresses, when
minutely examined, is very different. The size of the
windows and the lines of their tracery remain as nearly the
same as possible, but in the foliations we may remark the
minute, yet not unimportant difference already alluded to.
The mouldings too, are totally different; the deeply moulded
architrave rising with a discontinuous impost from the
chamfered jamb is exchanged for a form of later and more
meagre character, that variety of the ogee which Mr. Paley
calls the wave-moulding; one, I may remark, almost mono-
tonously prevalent in the Decorated work in St. David's
Cathedral. Similarly, within, the bold distinct jamb-shaft of
the choir aisle has given way to a mere slender bowtell with
a capital. In like manner the three arches which divide this
aisle from the nave, though evidently adaptations to those in
the choir, are of a later and inferior character. They would
by themselves be called extremely fine arches, but compared
with the others, they are far less pleasing both in proportion
and detail. The pier is too slender, of quite another section,
and with a rather awkward base; the arch mouldings, too,
are not nearly so rich, and exhibit an approach to the
Perpendicular cavetto. Other differences will be found
externally in the section of the strings, in the labels of the
windows being terminated with heads, while in the choir aisle
they are continued as a string, and in the presence of a
distinct basement-moulding.
The south wall of this aisle, and the arcade within, present
no difficulty, and require little comment.
The latter was
cut through the Norman wall, which remains to the east and
west of it. But the junction of the work of this period with
the earlier portions to the east and west presents some
remarkable features. At the east end we have the blank
wall already spoken of, which is clearly part of the work of
the choir aisle, as is proved by the string of the latter being
continued along its eastern wall. In this wall we have a
window and a doorway, usually considered to have been the
s 2
254
ON THE ARCHITECTURE OF
original west window and doorway of the choir aisle before
the addition of that to the nave. The window is, on any
showing, a difficulty. It is now, as will be remembered,
blocked; on the eastern side it leaves no trace, but it has a
western face of the most remarkable meagreness, quite
unlike anything else in the church, and such as one can
hardly conceive to have been the original condition of the
principal window of a building so highly finished as is this
aisle. Moreover, this rude opening, ill proportioned, without
moulding, without splay, looks at least as much like an
internal as an external face. Yet, as the wall belongs to
the eastern and not to the western chapel, the internal face
of a strictly external window it can never have been. It
might possibly have been designed as a window between
the two chapels, left incomplete, or subsequently blocked.
Fenestriform perforations of solid walls between the different
parts of a church, though rare, are not unknown. A very
graceful example occurs in the chancel of Rushden church,
Northamptonshire.'
With regard to the doorway, I for a long time supposed,
in common with Mr. Addington, and, I believe, with the
generally received opinion on the subject, that it was an
original external doorway to the eastern chapel, previous to
the addition of the western. But repeated examinations have
convinced me that it was cut through the wall after the
addition of the latter. In character it agrees much more
closely with the later work to the west than with the earlier
work to the east. Its label is of a late section, which does
not occur in the eastern chapel, but forms the external string
of the western. In its jambs too we find the same wave-
moulding, employed in the windows of the latter, but
unknown in the older work. Again its position, thrust into
a corner, is not what we would expect for an external door-
way, which would, moreover, have been for some while a
principal entrance into the church, and, as far as effect is
concerned, the substitute for a western portal. How different
its treatment would have been in such a case, we may judge
from the prominent position and ornamental character of
that in the existing west front of the aisle. It is clearly
thrust into its place to make room for the great altar platform
(at q), and is a mere passage from one chapel into the other.
1 Engraved in the Northamptonshire Churches.
THE ABBEY CHURCH OF DORCHESTER.
255
In like manner, in St. David's Cathedral, the approach from
the nave aisles into the transepts is not, as usual, by open
arches, but by doorways exactly analogous to this, and
similarly having their external face to the west, as indeed is
but natural.
The external juncture of the two chapels also presents
some apparent difficulties. I have already alluded to the
perceptible break in the masonry between them (at h). The
appearance presented at first sight is that of an eastern
buttress to the western chapel with the wall of the eastern
chapel built up against it. But besides that this is rendered
impossible by the relative dates of the two chapels, otherwise
distinctly proved, the piecing in the upper part of the wall
is such as to show that it can hardly be a real buttress so
treated. In part of the seam, however, we may most
certainly discern a quoin to the west with rubble built up
against it to the east. This would, at first sight, seem to
show that this wall is older than the south aisle of the choir.
Yet in another part of the same seam the respective positions
of the rubble and ashlar are reversed; which brings the
evidence back to where it before stood. The key to these
perplexing appearances has been supplied by Professor
Willis. The traces are traces of a buttress, not however of an
eastern buttress of the western chapel, but of another of the
pedimented buttresses of the eastern one, destroyed at the
time of the western addition. A little consideration will
readily show that its removal, and the consequent patching,
might easily account for all the appearances already
recounted.
At the west end also, some alterations were made in the
front previously erected. I am indebted to the same high
authority quoted in the last paragraph for the fact that the
small buttresses were now added to the turret in a different
stone. Perhaps also the small pinnacles were added or
tampered with. A western doorway was inserted, exactly
similar to that in the south wall. The external string over
this is of the later form, the same as that employed on the
south wall, while the original one, similar to that of the
south choir aisle, is preserved on the turret.2
The juncture of these strings is effected
far more artificially than the similar
change in the north choir aisle ; at both
points of contact they are worked in the
same stone. It has been ingeniously re-
marked by Mr. Jones, that the later string,
which contains a cavetto, might have been
hollowed out of the elder one.
256
ON THE ARCHITECTURE OF
Presbytery.
The last instalment of the Decorated enlargement consisted
of that eastern addition to the choir, which constitutes
the presbytery of the church, and forms one of its
most magnificent portions. I have already commented on
the æsthetical grounds, both of internal and external effect, to
which this great change was probably due. No such extension
of the church in this direction could have been contemplated
during the earlier Decorated changes, as a piscina of that
date (i) marks the original site of the high altar just against
the old east wall. A presbytery perhaps existed screened off
within the choir, as appears from marks against the base of
the first pillar. A screen in a similar position still remains in
St. David's Cathedral.
There is probably no existing building which shows a
greater number of singularities crowded together in a small
compass than this eastern bay. The large windows by which
it is lighted are all of a very singular character; each has
its own peculiarities, but two remarkable characteristics
extend through all three one is a tendency to carry the
tracery through the whole window, instead of confining it as
usual to the head; the other to mix up with the actual
tracery sculptured figures and other details which cannot be
considered as forming any real part of its design. Neither
of these tendencies is unparalleled elsewhere, but I am not
aware of any other development of them nearly so extensive.
3
With regard to the tendency to extend the tracery lower
in the window than usual, I need only remind you that,
whenever the window-arch is of the simple-pointed form, the
tracery should spring from a point level with the impost of
the arch. Windows with square and other flat heads form
a legitimate class of exceptions, but with the usual form any
difference sufficient to catch the eye always produces
awkwardness. As an instance, I may refer to the elaborate
window in the small chapel attached to the south transept.
of Oxford Cathedral. This is a sort of half-measure, and is
consequently unsuccessful; at Dorchester the same notion
is more fully carried out with much better effect. For here
each side of the east window is one expanse of tracery; the
design for the head indeed commences at the usual point,
but below that the mullions are crossed by two ranges of
3 For examples of the latter, I may men-
tion the cast windows of Barnack Church
and Merton Chapel.-Essay on Tracery,
PP. 46, 47.
THE ABBEY CHURCH OF DORCHESTER.
257
Reticulated figures, forming a magnificent species of transom.
Within there is much rich sculpture, pinnacles, &c., not
forming part of the design of the tracery.
In the Jesse window on the north side, the two tendencies
run so much into one another that it is hard to distinguish
them. The actual tracery is of a form common enough, an
intersection incomplete at the top; but besides the images
with which the mullions and jambs are loaded, the branches
thrown off between the mullions must be considered as
something intermediate between real tracery and mere
extraneous sculpture. The window is rich, and, from its
unique character, extremely valuable; still there is some-
thing of a confusion of ideas about it, which prevents its
being altogether pleasing. Seen from without, it is still less
so; here the display of sculpture being not seen, the branches
assume the character of mere tracery-bars, and, as such,
are very unsatisfactory.
The south window is remarkable as being an early instance
of Perpendicular tracery, for such, though there is no reason
to consider it as of later date than the rest, it decidedly is
in its main lines. The fondness for sculptured ornament
comes out here nearly as conspicuously as in the other two,
and the other tendency alluded to is at work also, though
less busily. The tracery is of the Alternate kind, the
basement-lights being of equal width with those beneath
them. It may be considered to spring from the transom, as
the mullions of the range above it are not a continuation.
of those below, but spring from the apices of the lights below,
just like the basement lights. Consequently, while the lower
part has four lights of the ordinary arrangements, the upper
has three whole lights and half a light, so to speak, on each
side.
The late form of the tracery in this window is an exception
to the general character of this portion of the church. In
its other details it more frequently reproduces forms carlier
than from its date we should have expected. Thus the cast
window has distinct and banded jamb-shafts, very different
from the mere bowtells in the south aisle of the nave, and
its tracery, as well as that of the north window, is as much
Geometrical as Flowing. Externally, too, in one of the
buttresses we have that most singular phenomenon, a niche
of the fourteenth century adorned with the chevron of the
258
ON THE ARCHITECTURE OF
twelfth. There can be no doubt whatever as to this being
a mere individual freak; but it shows the independent and
eclectic animus of the architect.4
Another singularity is to be found in the four little
windows at the back of the superb sedilia and piscina.
These form externally a sort of rough arcade; within, their
form is a Flowing modification of the spherical triangle. It
is well worthy of notice that the glass which they now
contain--old glass of the twelfth century-has only been in
them about twenty years, though it is so well adapted
to its position that Mr. Addington seems to have supposed
the peculiar form of the openings to have been specially
accommodated to its reception.
It is to be noticed that these sedilia, though part of the same
work as the rest of the presbytery, must have been an
afterthought, inserted after the window was finished," as they
cut through the string beneath it. Also this string is
prolonged quite to the east end, so that the jamb-shafts
of the east window can never have been added.6 The
capitals and bands stand ready for them; probably distinct
Purbeck shafts-a late instance again-were contemplated,
but never added.
I have now gone through the history of the whole build-
ing, except the timber porch on the south side,
Porch. and the western tower. The former, as a mere
Perpendicular addition, the only one in the church, sufficiently
tells its own story: so that I need only call attention to it
as a good specimen of its own date and material; and
remark that, as in several other instances, as the school-house
at Higham Ferrers, its original low roof has been raised in
plaster.
The tower appears to be chiefly a reconstruction of the
seventeenth century, but portions both of Norman
to have been preserved or
Tower.
and Decorated work seem
4 Professor Willis thinks that this is a
case of old materials being worked up again.
Still, as they are worked up in a position,
and probably for a use, quite different
from their original one, such a freak of
preservation has no essential difference
from a freak of imitation.
5 I have to thank Mr. Jewitt for a sug-
gestion, that they may have been removed
from some other position. It is not, how-
ever, easy to see what, in this case, could
have been their original position. I might
mention that the sedilia now occupying
an anomalous position in the north aisle
of Dursley Church, Gloucestershire, have
also apparently been moved.
6 Professor Willis doubts this, remark-
ing a break in the string a little to
the east, and considering that the castern
stone has been thrust out of its proper
place.
THE ABBEY CHURCH OF DORCHESTER.
259
worked up again.
There is some extent of the former at
the S. E. angle, against which the west front of the aisle
is built up. The round-headed windows may possibly be
the original ones built up again, but they cannot be in
their original position, as the break in the masonry is
visible enough. The octagonal turrets of alternate flint
and stone-work are, if I mistake not, a localism, not indeed
of the country about Oxford, but of a district more to
the south; at least they occur again at Reading and Wal-
lingford. Their effect would be good, except that they
stop in a most awkward manner just below the battlement.
The belfry windows are hideous, and the tower, on a near
inspection, is altogether poor and clumsy; yet it is not
without effect in a distant view; its low and massive pro-
portions are by no means out of character with the general
appearance of the church, and I am sure it would be very
ill exchanged for a loftier and more elaborate specimen.
It has always struck me as having somehow or other a
very monastic air; from many points of view any one would
suppose it to be central.
§ 3. Decay and Restoration of the Church.
I will conclude my subject by a brief account of the
disfigurements which the church has undergone in later
times, and of the efforts recently made to restore it to its
original beauty.
The church of Dorchester, as I before stated, was all
along parochial as well as monastic, the nave belonging to
the parish, the choir and its appurtenances to the abbey.
This was also the case at Tewkesbury; in both cases doubtless
the parochial portion alone would have been left standing,
just as was the case some years later with the collegiate
church at Fotheringhay, had not private munificence rescued
the conventual portion from destruction. The choir, &c.,
of Dorchester Church was purchased for 1407., by Richard
Beauforest, of Dorchester, Gentleman, (a relation most probably
of Abbot Richard Beauforest, who put stalls in the choir,
where his brass remains) and by him bequeathed to the
parish by his will, dated 1554, with the curious proviso
"that the said parishioners shall not alter or alienate the
said church, implements, or any part or parcel thereof without
260
ON THE ARCHITECTURE OF
the consent of my heirs and executors." I must leave to
lawyers to decide the possibility of a future alienation of
the choir of Dorchester Abbey; as to the prohibition of
any alteration, I am afraid I shall soon have to show you
that here at least the wills of founders have not been too
superstitiously observed.
The condition of Dorchester Church is, even now, very
deplorable, and it was still more so when the attention of
the Oxford Architectural Society was first directed to it in
1844. It had shared the fate of almost every parochialised
abbey church; its size at once exceeding the means of a
poor agricultural parish to maintain, and being also much
larger than was actually necessary for church accommodation,
the result has been twofold. The whole building fell into
a general state of decay, and the necessity, real or supposed,
of blocking off only a part of so extensive a building for
purposes of divine service, has led to those strange internal
divisions and partitions, which at a first visit altogether baffle
the inquirer in his endeavours to make out the original
arrangements, singular enough, as we have seen, in themselves.
The part of the church now in use consists of the choir
and aisles, and a small part of the nave, completely blocked
off to the west and south from the remainder. And within
the choir itself, its two eastern bays are again screened off
to form a secondary chancel. The effect of these cross-
purposes, till one gets thoroughly familiar with the building,
is extremely puzzling.
But besides all this, some extreme cases of barbarism had
taken place at Dorchester. These chiefly concerned the
roofs. In the south aisle of the nave a most unaccountable
freak had been practised; the single high-pitched roof had
been in 1633 exchanged for one with a double ridge, which,
while singularly ugly, is, I should imagine, weaker than the
usual form; it could not have been any saving in actual
quantity of materials, though it may possibly have allowed
the old ones to be more extensively employed in the recon-
struction. This seems also to have been the cause of the
blocking of the west window. The original gable, which
must have existed between the nave and choir aisles, was also
lowered, as may be clearly seen inside. Then, throughout
the choir and its south aisle, and through nearly the whole
extent of the nave, the roofs had been completely lowered,
THE ABBEY CHURCH OF DORCHESTER.
261
leaving only a small piece at the west end of the nave, which
still remains, and has a very odd effect. The two eastern
gables had been destroyed with the roofs; this, in the south
aisle, had involved the destruction of nearly everything above
the contemplated vaulting; while in the choir the loss was
still more serious, the upper part of the great east window
being completely destroyed. These were the chief portions
which called for repair, besides numerous smaller mutilations
in every part of the building.
In the autumn of 1844 an estimate was first made of the
cost of the several portions requiring restoration, and in the
spring of 1845 the energies of the Society began to be
practically directed to its accomplishment. Some delays
were met with on account of the extraordinary circumstances
of the parish. The church was formerly a peculiar and
impropriation in private hands, but the tithes had been sold
and dispersed among a great number of individuals, so that
there was no one responsible Lay Rector, and in any case,
considering the curious tenure by which the choir is held, it
might be very doubtful on whom the repairs would legally
fall. Besides this, the parish was then a sort of ecclesiastical
oasis, it had no Ordinary whatever; since the sale of the
property the impropriation had been divided, but the juris-
diction had completely vanished; no Official of the Peculiar
had been appointed for years, so that it was very doubtful
whether there were any legal churchwardens. In these
circumstances, it was by no means clear to whom to apply
for the necessary permission to commence the work. How-
ever, the Perpetual Curate and the acting Churchwardens
entered zealously into the scheme; and the gentleman who
was supposed, if any one, to be chargeable to the repairs of
the chancel, gave every facility in his power, which, in one
not a member of the Church of England, deserves to be
recorded to his great honour. Consequently no practical
difficulty was found. A subscription was accordingly opened,
collections were made in the parish of an amount most
creditable to one so poor, and immediately after the long
vacation, the most necessary portion of the work, the repair
of the sedilia and piscina and south window of the presbytery,
was commenced. These were completed in March, 1846.
The principle pursued throughout has been strictly con-
servative, a diligent repair of what remained, and careful
262
ON THE ARCHITECTURE OF
adaptation of what was necessarily new. In this first portion of
the restoration, the only absolutely new work required were
four finials and four small statues, to have entirely omitted.
which would have left the sedilia very imperfect.
This much being effected, the efforts of the Society were
directed to the restoration of the remainder of the presbytery.
This, as involving a new roof, and the completion of the
mutilated east window, was a very serious undertaking.
Little doubt could be entertained but that the design for the
east window originally made, and of which an engraving is
given in Mr. Addington's work, contained a centre-piece far
too elaborate for the remarkably bold work of the tracery
below. A question had also been raised by a writer in the
Ecclesiologist, whether the centre-piece had ever been filled
with tracery at all. The Society then called in Mr. Harrison
as architect, who, when in Oxford, had been one of its most
active members; he at once discovered fragments showing
that the circle had contained tracery, and indeed enough to
ascertain its general character, and some even of its actual
lines. But a fresh difficulty was presented by the extreme
liberality of Mr. Harrison, who, while willing to give the work
all the benefit of his skill, positively refused to act in any but
a gratuitous capacity. As the Society could not possibly
accept of his services on those terms, this most important
portion of the restoration was finally placed in the hands of
Mr. Butterfield. The design which was the result of his
investigations, was not quite identical with Mr. Harrison's,
though both preserved the same appropriate character of
great width and boldness in the piercings. In one respect
Mr. Butterfield's completion of the window appears to me
open to very great doubt and criticism; he has made the
circle not complete, but flowing into the lines of the arch.
I do not remember that the remaining fragments gave any
grounds for supposing that so unusual and unpleasing an
arrangement, one in this window peculiarly inappropriate,
formed part of the original design. I strongly opposed this
freak-for it is nothing more at the time; but I believe I
may truly say that it is the only part of our restoration liable
to any serious objection.
While these negotiations were pending, the restoration of
a smaller portion was actually effected. This was the Jesse
window, which was a mere case of repair, involving no
THE ABBEY CHURCH OF DORCHESTER.
263
original work. Indeed two places where the design was
irrecoverably lost, and no more could be done than guess
at the subjects, have been left in their mutilated state. These
appear to have represented the Blessed Virgin and the
Crucifixion; but as there was some difficulty in obtaining
an appropriate design, they have, I believe, without any
formal intention, been left in their former state to this day.
Perhaps it may be thought that, as their destruction was
clearly the result of a formal purpose, and not of mere decay
or negligence, it forms a portion of the history of the fabric,
and, as such, ought not to be repaired.
7
The east window was commenced about May 1846, the
stone and timber work was completed by June, 1847, and
the glazing of the window, and the necessary fittings of
the presbytery were accomplished during the course of the
same year. The work of restoration, like the original work
of erection, has been very slowly carried on, chiefly owing
to the very small amount of funds at our disposal; for as
subscriptions continued to drop in, though slowly, it was
thought better, on many grounds, to keep something going
on, than to stop and recommence. But I am sorry to say
that for more than two years nothing has been done at
all; the small amount raised has been quite exhausted by
the restoration of the sedilia and windows, and the erection
of the portion of roof rendered necessary by the opening
the head of the east window. About twenty feet of the
eastern part has been raised to its original pitch, and this,
on account of the great size of the timbers required, has
been the most costly portion of the undertaking. Yet the
roof is a very simple one, a mere pointed cradle-roof, and,
from want of funds, we were most reluctantly compelled to
have it plastered between the rafters, and to employ slates-
Stonesfield slates however-instead of lead as the external
covering. This roof, however, plain as it is, is one capable
of admitting any amount of future enrichment in the way of
panelling.
I shall not be surprised if I am asked why, while we were
able to accomplish only such a small part of the necessary
repairs of the building, a large sum was spent on the luxury
of modern stained glass for the head of the east window.
I believe I may safely say that no part of the general
7 From June, 1850.
264
ON THE ARCHITECTURE OF
restoration fund would ever have been devoted to such an
Vσтероv протероv kind of proceeding. The little we had at our
disposal was all expended on substantial restoration. But as
this glass was an individual gift, we could not too narrowly
investigate whether the discretion of the donors had been
equal to their liberality.
Five years ago I certainly expected more to have been
done for Dorchester church than has been done up to this
time. The exertions made on the spot are beyond all praise;
but the interest taken in the subject by the University and
county at large has been far less than might have been
reasonably looked for, when we consider the architectural
splendour of the building, its historical associations, its
peculiarly unfortunate and helpless state at the present day.
Yet we have done something; it is not a small matter to
have restored that wonderful and unique east window to its
original proportions, a change the extent of which can only
be appreciated by those who have seen it in its former state
of mutilation. And I think we may fairly say that what we
have done we have done well; the execution everywhere
reflects the greatest credit on the several contractors, and
shows that in mere workmanship at least we are in nowise
behind our ancestors. Still it would have been more grati-
fying could I have concluded the architectural history of
Dorchester otherwise than by stating that the work of repair
has as yet been extended hardly more than twenty feet from
the east wall, and that the north aisle of the choir still
remains in a state which I believe is positively dangerous.
EDWARD A. FREEMAN.
INTERIOR DIMENSIONS.
ft. in.
Length of Choir and Presbytery
Breadth
Length of Nave
ft. in.
100 0
23
5
87 3
North Aisle of Choir.
Length
83 4
Width at East end
12
1
Width at West end
10 5
South Aisle of Choir.
Length
82 0
Width at East end
27 8
Width at West end
25 5
South Aisle of Nare.
Length
81 2
Width
24 10
Tower (square inside)
21 10
Total Length
209 1
THE ABBEY CHURCH OF DORCHESTER.
265
P.S. I have great pleasure in adding to my account of
Dorchester the following letter from Mr. Jewitt. The theory
it contains had not occurred or been mentioned to me when
I last visited Dorchester; but, speaking from memory, I
should say that, while Mr. Jewitt's view of the use of the
eastern portion of the aisle and of the chamber which must
have existed over it, is extremely probable, I do not think
it proves that this chapel ever existed in a complete state
before the aisle was added. The east end is certainly of
earlier character than the rest, but this is just the same
phenomenon which we have seen in the north aisle, and
does not seem to me to prove more than that it was actually
built first, not that it formed part of quite another design.
Such an addition to the choir as Mr. Jewitt imagines, would
surely be very anomalous.
"DEAR SIR,
"HEADINGTON, Oxford,
March 31, 1852.
My idea of the south aisle of Dorchester Church is, that the
eastern portion, as far as where the vaulting shafts extend internally, is of
an earlier date than the rest of the choir aisle, and of the same date as the
south-west angle of the nave aisle, both being but little later than the
north aisle. I write only from memory, but will, as briefly as possible,
give you my reasons for thinking so.
"The windows at the east end of this aisle have Geometrical tracery
(though of rather later character than that of the north aisle windows),
while those on the south side have Intersecting tracery. The angle stair-
turret with its internal doorway, and the piscina, are of the same date, as
are also the vaulting shafts, and the wall as far as the first buttress shown
on the plan. This will be further proved by observing the different
thickness of the wall in this part, and that this difference is exactly
co-extensive with the remains of groining in the interior. There is
likewise on this part a buttress which, though it ranges in its upper part
exactly with the rest, does not, like the rest, reach the ground, and
consequently does not appear in the plan.
All these reasons induce me to think that this portion of the present
aisle was either built, or intended to be built, as a chapel; that it had its
east end terminating in a gable, as the two square-headed windows above
the others clearly point out; that the chapel itself was groined; and that
the staircase led to an upper room which was appropriated to the officiating
priest, and which the two square windows above-mentioned were intended
to light. This was a not unusual arrangement, and the situation of the
doorway between the altar and the piscina, seems to favour the idea of this
being the use of the room.
I imagine that this design was afterwards abandoned or altered, and
the chapel thrown into part of a new aisle, and in order to give an
uniformity to it, the turret buttresses were copied, and one of the new
266
THE ABBEY CHURCH OF DORCHESTER.
windows (which have Intersecting tracery) inserted in the chapel, where
probably a Geometrical window had formerly existed.
"The beautiful buttress at the S. W. angle of the nave aisle, seems to
have been begun at the same time as the chapel, though the nave aisle
was not built until after the choir aisle was completed.
"I have written the above hasty remarks at your request, but merely
intend them as suggestions for consideration.
your
"E. A. FREEMAN, ESQ."
I remain, Sir, yours sincerely,
"O. JEWITT.
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