B 442701

ARTES
1837
SCIENTIA
LIBRARY
VERITAS
OF THE
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
EPLURIBUS UNUM:
TUBBOR
'SI
| QUAERIS PENINSULAM AMOE NAM
CIRCUMSPICE
1
1.
*
IF
725
.4435
PELOPONNESIACA.
LONDON:
GILBERT AND RIVINGTON, PRINTERS,
ST. JOHN'S SQUARE.
PELOPONNESIACA:
A
SUPPLEMENT
ΤΟ
TRAVELS IN THE MORÉA.
BY
WILLIAM MARTIN LEAKE, F.R.S.
=
HONORARY MEMBER OF THE ROYAL ACADEMY OF SCIENCES AT BERLIN,

CORRESPONDENT OF THE ROYAL INSTITUTE AT PARIS.
LONDON:
SOLD
MAR 2 1915
LIBRARY O. W. U
J. RODWELL, NEW BOND STREET.
1846.
PREFA C E.
THE following pages contain a series of questions
of ancient history and geography, supplemental to
"Travels in the Moréa," which have arisen since the
publication of that work, chiefly in consequence of
the increased facilities given to the examination
of the Peloponnesus by its liberation from the
Turkish yoke.
The opportunity afforded by that event was
eagerly embraced by the French Government,-
under all its forms a liberal promoter of the advance-
ment of science. In the year 1829, a numerous and
select Commission of Geography, Natural History,
and Archæology, was sent to the Peloponnesus, and
there employed during two years, under the dangers
and difficulties of an ungenial climate, and a country
275462
vi
PREFACE.
desolated by the effects of one of the most cruel
wars recorded in history. The most important
result of these labours has been a map, on a scale of
the two hundred thousandth part of a degree of
latitude, or twenty-one English inches and three-
fifths. That which accompanies the present volume
has been reduced from the French map on a scale
of something more than a third, but not without
some variations, a few of which will find their justifi-
cation in the occasional strictures on the French
map', made by M. Bory de St. Vincent, Colonel
d'Etat Major, and Head of the Commission of
Physical Sciences, but who was not engaged, either
on the triangulization or the topography of the
pour
¹ Particularly in the Section des Sciences Physiques, i. p. 244,
and ii. p. 52. In the former place occurs the following remark:
"Nous devons faire au lecteur l'aveu que cette partie du pays et
notre route depuis Sidheró-kastro jusqu'à Pávlitza est totalement
défigurée dans la feuille 3 de la Planche III. Il faut mieux
se reconnaître dans notre relation avoir recours à la carte de
Gell, dont nous nous faisons un devoir de proclamer la supériorité
pour l'itinéraire que nous suivons."-The map to which M. Bory
alludes was constructed, the positions fixed, and the names
inserted by me. All the topographical details were the work of
Sir William Gell.
PREFACE.
vii
survey. Another deviation from the French autho-
rities will be found in the modern names, the
orthography of which has been made conformable to
the rules followed in my other works relating to
Greece, as explained in the Preface to "Travels in
the Moréa: "—to these rules, notwithstanding the
preference given to a different method by some of
the most learned travellers in Greece, I continue
to adhere, because, to those unacquainted with a
living language, that mode of writing its names is
the most useful, which informs the ear as well as the
eye. There seems no reason why in this respect the
modern Greek should be treated differently from
the Turkish, Arabic, or Persian; as in all these
languages, whenever ambiguity is apprehended, or
greater etymological accuracy required, it is easy
to add the name in its proper characters.
The position of some of the ancient names in the
map, which accompanies these pages, forms a third
kind of deviation from the authority of the great
French work; my conclusions on the ancient posi-
tions differing occasionally from those of the French
geographers, as well as from those of some recent
German writers, and not unfrequently from my
viii
PREFACE.
former self. For this change of opinion, no apology
is necessary, geography being made up of approxi-
mations, although it is by no means the only science
in which error or uncertainty leads to certainty and
truth.
The proper mode of representing Hellenic names
by the English alphabet is a larger question, and
affects modern works of every class relating to Greek
literature. Presuming that, as our letters are Latin,
the ancient Roman method is the best, and that
exceptions from that rule should be for the pur-
pose alone of indicating more correctly the ortho-
graphy of the Greek word, I have not deviated on
the present occasion from that principle, as exempli-
fied on former occasions, unless when the Latin
termination of a name, differing from the Greek in
its gender, the Roman form has been preferred to
the Latinized Greek, as more euphonious. Thus
mountains, which in Greek are generally neuter,
and in Latin masculine, afford a choice between
the terminations um and us, the latter of which is
more agreeable to the ear. The most eminent of
the living historians of Greece remarks, in support
of his method of rendering Greek names into Eng-
PREFACE.
ix
lish, that "he should not fear much severity of cen-
sure, if those only should condemn him, who have
tried the experiment themselves." In fact, it is
impossible in any manner to avoid inconsistencies.
without falling into a pedantic rejection of forms
sanctioned by long usage, and introducing others,
which no effort is likely to render familiar in our
language.
PAGE
CONTENTS.
SUPPLEMENT TO TRAVELS IN THE MOREA,
VOL. I.
1
Brazen tablet of Olympia.
4 Olympia.
108 River Anigrus.
109 1. Temple of Neptune Samius. 2. River Acidon.
110 1. Height of Mantineia. 2. Temple of Minerva Alea at Tegea.
111
Gates of Mantineia.
112 Upper or Tegeatic Alpheius.
115 Bridges of Laconia.
118 The Greek arch.
127
Entasis.
129
Mistrá.
135
Moréa in the thirteenth century.
157 Romaic language in the thirteenth century.
160 Therapne, Amyclæ, Bryseæ, Alesiæ, Messapeæ, Pharis. Rivers
Tiasa, Phellia.
166 Heilota, Periceci, Spartans,
168 1. Roman milestone in Helos. 2. Hyperteleatum.
169 Asopus. Cyparissia.
170 Egia, Croceæ.
171
Kakavulía.
xii
CONTENTS.
PAGE
172
1. Teuthrone.
2. Las, Hypsi, rivers Smenus and Scyras, Dictyn-
næum, fountain Cnaco.
174 Pyrrhichus.
175 Hippola, Cape Matapán, Psamathus, Port Achilleius.
178 Etylus, Thalama, Pephnus, the Lesser Pamisus.
180
181
1. Gerenia, Alagonia. 2. River Pamisus.
Limnæ.
190 Pylus of Messenia, island Sphacteria.
194
1. The three Pyli. 2. Sela.
195 Asine, Colonis, Coryntheium, Corone.
197 Bridge of Mavrozúmeno, near Messene.
SUPPLEMENT TO TRAVELS IN THE MOREA,
VOL. II.
198 Was Epaminondas, the oikɩorns of Megalopolis ?
200
1. Ancient fortress at Londári. 2. Methydrium.
203 Heights of Peloponnesian mountains.
204
O'siva, or I'sova.
205 1. Heræa of Arcadia. 2. Thelpusa.
206
207
1. Zerethra of Lusi. 2. Sources of the Erymanthian Aroanius.
1. Examples of Greek masonry of a mixture of stone and brick.
2. River Peirus.
208 At what time was Olenus abandoned by its inhabitants?
209 River Larissus.
Glaréntza, Khlemútzi, Chelonatas.
210
213
1. River Jardanus.
217
Macistus.
218
2. Pheia.
1. Harpinna. 2. Rasa.
219 Pylus of Eleia, Marganeæ, Amphidolia, Acroreia, Opus, Thalamæ.
220 Sandaméri, river of Scollis.
221 Paus, Scotane, forest Soron.
222 River Arsen, Tropea.
224
1. Heights of the Erymanthian summits.
2. River Aroanius of the Cleitoria.
225 Lycuria.
226 1. Tzernotá. 2. River Tragus. Rheunus. Nasi.
227 Leucasium, Mesoboa, Oryx, Halus, Thaliades. Temple of Ceres
Eleusinia in the Thelpusca.
CONTENTS.
xiii
PAGE
229
231
1. Elymia. 2. Road from Mantineia to Methydrium. Mount
Ostracine.
Road from Heran to Megalopolis. Buphagium, Melanea,
Maratha.
233 Road from Megalopolis to Messene.
Cromi, Ægys.
River Carnion, Gatheæ,
235 Road from Megalopolis to Carnasium. River Mallus, Phædria,
Carnasium.
236 Road from Megalopolis to Sparta. River Theius, Phalæsiæ,
Belemina.
238 Road from Megalopolis to Methydrium. River Helisson, Anemosa,
Tricoloni, Zatia, Hypsus, Thyræum, Paroria, Phalanthus,
Curriculum Atalantes.
241
244
247
Road from Megalopolis to Manalus. Temple of Ceres in Helos.
River Elaphus, Paliscius, Perætheæ, Dipæa, Lycoa, Sumatia,
the Triodi, Manalus.
Road from Megalopolis to Phigaleia. Despœna, Lycosura, Mount
Lycaus. Hippodrome and stadium. Temples of Pan and
Apollo Parrhasius. River Plataniston.
Road from Megalopolis to Pallantium and Tegea. Ladoccia,
Hæmoniæ, Aphrodisium, Athenæum, Asea, Oresthasium, fortress
Athenæum.
248 Mallea, Leuctrum.
249 Zerethra of the Mantinico-Tegeatic plain.
251 Pyramidal sepulchre westward of Argos.
252 1. Rocks Pallantides in Mount Creium.
2. Nauplia was named 'Avánλov by the Byzantine Greeks.
3. Παλαμήδιον was probably an ancient name.
254 Sculpture over the gate of Mycena not formed of green basalt,
but of limestone.
255
Ancient treasuries at Mycena. The greatest properly called
the Treasury of Atreus.
258 Heræum of the Argeia. Rivers Eleutherium and Asterion. The
hills Eubœa, Acraa. The region Prosymna.
265 The ancient theatre at Argos.
266
268
1. Aqueduct of Argos. 2. Rivers Inachus, Charadrus. Enoe.
1. Lyrceia. 2. Mideia, Prosymna, Phyllus.
xiv
CONTENTS.
PAGE
270 1. Mount Arachnæum, anciently called Sapyselaton, qu. Hyo-
278
279
selaton ?
2. Was the extant temple in Ægina a temple of Minerva, or that
of Jupiter Panhellenius ? Ea, the ancient capital of Ægina.
Temples of Damia and Auxesia, of Aphæa, and of Hebe. Altar
of Jupiter.
Methana.
1. Molycium. 2. The Argolic Acte. Hermione. Road thither
from Træezen. Eilei. Temple of Ceres Thermasia. The Pro-
montories Scyllæum and Bucephala. Islands near the latter.
Promontories Colyergia, Buporthmus. Islands Hydrea, Tri-
crana, Aperopia. Mountains Pron, Coccygium. Halice,
Mases, Struthus, Didymi, Asine, Eire. Islands Pityussa,
Irine, Ephyre.
294 Thyrea (at Luku), Astrum, Anthene.
296 River of Luku.
297
Hellenic sites on the road from Thyrea to Lerna. Hermæ of
the triple boundary between St. Peter's and Arákhova.
298 Tyrus, Zarax, Cyphanta.
302 River Tanus.
304 On the Tzakonic dialect.
339
341
1. Réonda. 2. Boundaries of Cynuria, Eva, river Charadrus.
1. Road from Brasea to Sparta.
2. Road from Thyrea to Sparta.
Forest of Mount Parnon.
Carya, Sellasia, Pyrrhi Castra.
Mounts Barbosthenes, Thornax. Rivers Enus, Gorgylus.
Battle of Sellasia.
350 Carystus, Pentelophi, Onogli, Stathmi, Enus, Denthiades. Temple
of Jupiter Pythaëus on Mount Thornar. Poliasium.
SUPPLEMENT TO TRAVELS IN THE MOREA,
VOL. III.
354 Ancient treasury near Vafió. River Takhúrti.
356 The Homeric cities of Laconia.
Taletum and Evoras.
361 North-eastern Laconia.
Polichna.
Messe (at Mistrá). Mountains
Eleusinium, Derrhium, Harpleia.
Geronthræ, Marius, Glympia, Selinus,
CONTENTS.
XV
PAGE
366 Tripolitis of Laconia. Carystus, Belemina, Pellana. 2. River
Carnion.
367 Inert Plain. Roads Prinus, Climax.
377
Grove of Ceres on Mount
Alesius. Melangeia, Nestane, Field of Mæra, Fountain
Arne. Road Xenis. Monuments of the Peliades and Phozi.
Monument and pass of Areïthous. Retired vale of the Manti-
nice mentioned by Xenophon.
The Mantinic Coma. Mæra, Elymia.
380 River Ophis.
381 Ptolis or old Mantineia.
383
1. Katavóthra near Kakúri.
2. Rivers and katavóthra near Skotiní.
3. Fountain, river, and lake of Stymphalus.
Zerethra and lake of Pheneus.
384
387
1. Arcadian zerethra.
389
Inundations of the Pheneatice.
2. Fountain on Mount Khelmós.
3. Bura, Ceryneia. Cavern of Hercules Buraicus.
Effects of the rivers on the maritime country of Achaia.
390 Pellene, Mysæum, Cyrus.
391
River Langeia, now Longo.
392 Height of the Acro-Corinthus.
393 1. Amphitheatre of Corinth. 2. Temple of Apollo at Corinth.
Hellenic walls across the Isthmus. Posidonium. Theatre, and
395
stadium.
397 Crommyon, Sidus.
398 1. Solygeia, Rheitus.
2. Temple of Juno Acræa, Peiræum, Enoe.
400 Teneatic gate of Acro-Corinthus, temple of Lucina.
Tenea.
401 Buphia or Phobia, Tricarana, Thyamia.
402 Titane.
403 River of Pellene. Olurus, Donusa, Aristonauta. River Sys or
Sythas.
405 Mount Chelydorea. Phelloe and its river.
406
1. River Erasinus in the Buraice.
2. Fortress of Minerva.
408 Rhypes.
Port Erineus.
SUPPLEMENT
ΤΟ
VOL. i. p. 8.
THE brazen tablet here alluded to was brought from
Olympia by Sir William Gell, and is now in the
Payne Knight Collection in the British Museum.
It is 7 inches in length and 4 inches in breadth,
and terminates at the upper angles in two rings,
showing that it was suspended on a wall, probably
that of the temple of Jupiter. The following is its
text in common Hellenic capitals :-
AFPATPATΟΙΡΓΑΛΕΙΟΙΣ: ΚΑΙΤΟΙΣΕ*
FACΙΟΙΣ: ΣΥΝΜΑΧΙΑΚΑ ΕΚΑΤΟΝFETEA:
ΑΡΧΟΙΔΕΚΑΤΟΙ:ΑΙΔΕΤΙΔΕΟΙ: ΑΙTEFΕΠΟΣΑΙΤΕΡ
ΑΡΓΟΝ: ΣΥΝΕΑΝΚΑΛΑΛΟΙΣ:ΤΑΤΑΛΚΑΙΠΑ
ΡΠΟΛΕΜΟ: ΑΙΔΕΜΑΣΥΝΕΑΝ: ΤΑΛΑΝΤΟΝΚ
ΑΡΓΥΡΟ: ΑΠΟΤΙΝΟΙΑΝ:ΤΟΙΔΙΟΛΥΜΠΙΟΙ:ΤΟΙΚΑ
ΔΑΛΕΜΕΝΟΙ: ΛΑΤΡΕΙΟΜΕΝΟΝ:ΑΙΔΕΤΙΡΤΑΓ
ΡΑΦΕΑ: TAΙΚΑΔΕΛΕΟΙTO: AITEFEΤΑΣΑΙΤΕΤ
ΕΛΕΣΤΑ: ΑΙΤΕΔΑΜΟΣ: ΕΝΤΕΠΙΑΡΟΙΚΕΝΕΧ
ΟΙΤΟ ΤΟΙΝΤΑΥΤΕΓΡΑΜΕΝΟΙ
Б
2
OLYMPIA.
And the following are the versions in Æolic, Hel-
lenic, and Latin, by Professor Boeckh (C. I. G., No.
11), whose ingenious dissertation on the inscription
leaves little doubt of the correctness of these con-
clusions '.
K
εα
K
Τ
Α Γράτα τοῖς Γαλείοις καὶ τοῖς ΗρFaoίοις. συνμαχία
κ᾿ ἔα ἔκατον Ρέτεα· ἄρχοι δέ κα τοΐ· αἱ δέ τι δέοι, αἴτε
Ρέπος αἴτε Γάργον, συνέαν κ᾿ ἀλλήλοις τά τ᾽ ἂλλ καὶ
παρ' πολέμω· αἱ δὲ μὲ συνέαν, τάλαντον κ᾿ ἀργύρω ἀπο-
τίνοιαν τῷ Δὶ Ολυνπίῳ τῷ καδαλημένῳ λατρευόμενον. αἱ
δέ τις τὰ γράφεα ταὶ καδαλέοιτο, αἴτε Εέτας αἴτε τελέστα
αἴτε δαμός ἐντ', ἐπιάρῳ κ᾿ ἐνέχοιτο τῷ ἐνταῦτ᾽ ἐγραμμένῳ.
ει
εν
او
αν
ει
αν
Ἡ ῥήτρα τοῖς Ἠλείοις καὶ τοῖς Ἡραιεῦσι. συμμαχία ἂν
εἴη ἑκατὸν ἔτη· ἄρχοι δ᾽ ἂν τόδε· εἰ δέ τι δέοι, εἴτε ἔπος
εἴτε ἔργον, συνεῖεν ἂν ἀλλήλοις, τά τε ἄλλα καὶ περὶ
πολέμου· εἰ δὲ μὴ συνεῖεν, τάλαντον ἂν ἀργυρίου ἀπο-
τίνοιεν τῷ Διὶ Ὀλυμπίῳ τῷ καταδηλουμένῳ λατρευόμενον.
εἰ δέ τις τὰ γράμματα τάδε καταδηλοῖτο, εἴτε ἔτης εἴτε
τελεστής εἴτε δῆμός ἐστι, τῷ ἐφιέρῳ ἂν ἐνέχοιτο τῷ ἐν-
ταῦθα γεγραμμένῳ.
α
αν
Pactum Eleis et Heræensibus. Societas sit centum
annos: eam autem incipiat hic ipse: si quid vero
opus sit vel dicto vel facto, conjuncti sint inter se et
cætera et de bello: sin non conjuncti sint, talentum
argenti pendant Jovi Olympio violato donandum.
At siquis litteras hasce lædat, sive civis socialis sive
magistratus sive pagus est, multâ sacrâ tenetor hic
scriptâ.
1
¹ This I feel bound to confess, although at variance with some
of my former remarks, in Travels in the Morea, vol. i. p. 8,
note a.
OLYMPIA.
3
There is one doubtful letter only in the tablet,
the last of the first line, which is so much corroded,
that it is difficult to say whether it was V or A :
whether the word to which it belonged was EuƑasiois
or EpƑuoiois; whether the place intended was Herxa
or Eva (possibly Evæa), an Arcadian city mentioned
by Stephanus. In favour of Heræa, the importance
of that city and its proximity to the Eleian frontier
nearest to Olympia are strong arguments. The dif-
ference, undoubtedly, is very great between the Hel-
lenic ΗΕΡΑΙΕΙΣ ΟΙ ΗΕΡΑΕΙΣ (both which Stephanus
has given as the gentiles of Heræa) and the Eleian
EPFAOIOI. Boeckh thus explains it:-ut 'Hoasis,
ita et 'Hpatio commode dicebantur, pro quo Æolicum
est Ηραοῖοι ut ἐποίγω, μάγοιρος, ὄνοιρος (Gregor.
p. 605). Accedit spiritus mutatio et digamma: HoFa-
oło. Nothing can be alleged against this conver-
sion, because the Olympian tablet is the only ex-
ample occurring of the Eleian dialect, which, accord-
ing to Strabo, was the same as the Arcadian. But
it is liable to the observation, that EYFAOIOI
might be formed from EYAEIZ in exactly the same
manner; and that on the coins of Heræa, the legend
of which is A43, in characters precisely resembling
those of the tablet, except in their direction from
right to left, no digamma occurs between the 4 and
the A.
In regard to the stops in this inscription, the same
remark may be made as on those in many other
documents of very ancient date, namely, that we
find them sometimes separating single words, some-
times clauses, and sometimes as breaking a clause
abruptly, as in the instance of TON AÐENEBEN
B 2
4
OLYMPIA.
ABAON : EMI on a Panathenaic vase.
It seems
difficult to explain these irregularities but by the
unskilfulness of the engraver, of which an example
of another kind occurs in the second line, where
instead of the final Σ of the first word and the stop
which followed, he had engraved Of a third time,
which two letters are distinctly seen under the Σ:
and the penultimate letter of the eighth line was a T,
afterwards changed into an E.
In like manner, on a small votive helmet in my
possession (see Tr. in Morea, i. p. 47), it is clear that
the artist by mistake began to engrave the letters
from left to right, and then changing his intention,
wrote in the opposite direction, so that we may
trace the two first letters repeated at the end of the
inscription, where the two last have been engraved
over them.
VOL. i. p. 34.
Olympia, or the temple and sacred grove of
Jupiter Olympius, was a dependency of Pisa, on the
outskirts of that city. Pisa flourished only in the
early ages of Grecian history. It was the principal
city of this part of Greece, when Pelops, migrating
hither from Asia, caused his name in process of time
to be attached to the entire peninsula; and it was
among the cities which led the way in planting
colonies in Italy, where its name is still that of an
Etrurian city. Even the decline of the Pelopon-
nesian Pisa belongs to a time anterior to the found-
ation of Rome. On the return of the Heracleidæ
OLYMPIA.
5
into Peloponnesus, Oxylus brought a new colony
from Ætolia into the city of Elis, and thereby
increased its strength so much that the Eleians
wrested the management of the Olympic Fes-
tival from the Pisatæ, in whose hands it had been
from its first establishment; and retained this
privilege with little interruption until the 30th
Olympiad. At that time the Pisata had in some
degree recovered their power; and during the en-
suing century, under their kings Pantaleon and his
son Damophon, they presided at the Olympic Games,
or at least participated in the direction of them¹.
At length the Lacedæmonians, having conquered
Messenia, turned their arms against the Pisate who
had assisted their late enemies, and formed with
Elis an alliance which was cemented by the inten-
tion of sharing between them the maritime country
which had belonged to the Pisatæ and their allies.
Two unsuccessful wars, in the 48th and 52nd
Olympiads, brought ruin upon Pisa, Scillus, Macis-
tus, and Dyspontium, and annexed all Triphylia to
Elis, as Messenia had already been annexed to
Laconia. In the 104th Olympiad the Arcadians
endeavoured to make use of the name of the Pisatæ
in celebrating the Games, but Pisa did not then
exist as a city; for when in the 95th Olympiad
(B. C. 400) the Lacedæmonians under Agis had in-
vaded the Eleia and occupied Olympia, they declined
taking away the charge of the exhibitions from the
Strabo, p. 354 seq.; Ephor. ap. Strab. p. 358; J. African.
ap. Euseb. Ol. 30; Clinton, Fasti Hellen. iii. p. 192; Pausanias,
El. post. 22, 2, who asserts that the 8th and 34th were the only
Olympiads managed by the Pisatæ.
6
OLYMPIA.
Eleians, because the Pisata were "mere peasants
unfit for such a trust '.
دو [
Such being the antiquity of the ruin of Pisa, we
are not surprised to find that it no longer existed in
the time of Strabo, or that Pausanias found the site
converted into a vineyard, or that we should now be
unable to find any remains of it, to assist the evi-
dence of history in determining its site. But al-
though little may have remained of it even in the
time of Herodotus and Pindar, they were perfectly
acquainted with its situation. Pindar continually
identifies it with Olympia; and the historian is not
less clear on this question, when in an accurate
computation of distance he refers to Pisa and
Olympia as the same point. As Pausanias shows
in his description of the road from the mouth of the
Erymanthus towards Olympia that the latter was to
the westward of Pisa, the only situation in which we
can place it, consistently with the preceding testi-
mony of Herodotus and Pindar, is on the western
side of the rivulet of Miráka, where it unites with
the Alpheius, the acropolis having probably occupied
that separate height in advance of the range of
Cronius which closes the vale of Olympia to the
east, and on the northern side of which is the pass
1 Τοῦ μέντοι προεστάναι τοῦ Διὸς τοῦ Ὀλυμπίου ἱεροῦ, καίπερ
οὐκ ἀρχαίου Ἠλείοις ὄντος, οὐκ ἀπήλασαν αὐτοὺς, νομίζοντες τοὺς
ἀντιποιουμένους χωρίτας εἶναι καὶ οὐχ ἱκανοὺς προεστάναι.
Xenoph. Hellen. 3, 2, § 22.
2 He says (2, 7) that there were 1485 stades by the road from
the altar of the Twelve Gods at Athens to Pisa and the temple of
Jupiter Olympius (ἔς τε Πίσαν καὶ ἐπὶ τὸν νηὸν τοῦ Διὸς τοῦ
Ολυμπίου).
OLYMPIA.
7
leading from that vale to Miráka, as well as east-
ward along the right bank of the Alpheius.
Olympia, like some other hiera in Greece at which
athletic contests were celebrated, consisted chiefly of
a sacred inclosure containing several temples, and
other buildings which appertained to the sacred
offices or to the performance of the periodical ex-
hibitions. We may readily believe also, that after
the ruin and abandonment of Pisa, many private
habitations arose round the sacred inclosure. Ves-
tiges of this town are to be seen near the left bank
of the Cladeus on either side of the site of the
sacred grove, which, from the most ancient times
of its existence, had borne the name of Altis'.
Although trees were not essential to a sacred grove',
the beauty of the buildings of Olympia was much
enhanced by this finest of embellishments, to the
growth of which the soil and position of Olympia is
highly favourable. In the time of Strabo there was
a wood of wild olives around the Stadium, and we
learn from Pausanias that there was a grove of
planes in the middle of the sacred inclosure ".
5
At present the vale of Olympia in the part ad-
jacent to the hills is level, and carpeted with a fine
turf supplying winter pasture to sheep. Near the
Alpheius the land, annually fertilized by the in-
او
1 Ἡ Αλτις was the local or Peloponnesian Æolic form of τὸ
ἄλσος.—Τὸ δὲ ἄλσος τὸ ἱερὸν τοῦ Διὸς παραποιήσαντες τὸ ὄνομα,
Αλτιν ἐκ παλαιοῦ καλοῦσι. Pausan. El. pr. 10, 1.
3
91
2 Αλση τὰ ἱερὰ πάντα κἂν ψιλά.
Πίσας εὔδενδρον ἐπ' ᾿Αλφεῷ ἄλσος.
Strabo, p. 353.
5 Pausan. El. pr. 27, 7. (11.)
Strabo, p. 412.
Pindar, Οl. 8, 12.
8
OLYMPIA.
undations of winter, affords a good soil for the
growth of maize or other productions sown in the
spring. The Cladeus, which bounds the site of
Olympia on the west, has its origin at Lala in Mount
Pholoë, from whence it turns west and then south,
arriving at Olympia through a narrow valley, which,
at the foot of Mount Cronius, is blended with that
of Olympia. The Alpheius pursues its winding
course in a westerly direction for two miles beyond
the junction of the Cladeus, and at the end of that
distance, being met by heights on its left bank, turns
suddenly to the north. Immediately below Olympia
the ridges, which are a continuation of Cronius,
interrupted only by the vale of the Cladeus, leave
a valley between them and the Alpheius, which in
some places is wider than that of Olympia, rather
more uneven, and more overgrown with shrubs.
The heights also resemble those which rise from the
site of Olympia, and are in like manner enlivened
with the pine, ilex, and other evergreens, among
which I failed to observe the wild olive.
The Alpheius in winter is full, rapid, and turbid;
in summer scanty, and divided into several torrents
flowing between islands or sand-banks over a wide
gravelly bed. Opposite to Olympia, on the southern
side of the river, rises a range of heights, higher than
the Cronian ridge, in some parts separated from the
river by a narrow level, in others falling to the
river's bank. Among these hills is observed a bare
summit, terminating towards Olympia in a lofty pre-
cipitous ridge, distant about half a mile from the
river. This is the ancient Typæus, which was held
out as an object of terror to prevent women from
}
OLYMPIA.
9
frequenting the exhibitions of Olympia, or even
from crossing the river on forbidden days, there
having been a law, which however was never ex-
ecuted, condemning women who had so transgressed
to be thrown over the precipice. Pausanias describes
Typæus as having been near the road from Scillus to
Olympia, not far from the ford of the Alpheius'.
With the exception of this summit the mountains
to the left of the river are clothed and diversified
like those on the opposite side, and complete the
sylvan beauties of the vale of Olympia. Above
them, in the direction of s.s.E., and distant five geo-
graphical miles in a direct line, the peaked summit
of Smerna forms a conspicuous object from Olympia,
and was the site perhaps of the ancient Æpy.
In one of the valleys, opposite to Olympia, stood
Scillus, the residence of Xenophon. There are no
remains existing to identify the place, but the position
can scarcely be questioned, as twenty stades (24 miles)
is stated by Xenophon himself to be the distance
from Scillus to the Altis, and there is but one river
in this vicinity that can answer to his Sellenus or
Selinus², as abounding in fish and shell-fish (ix0vec
1 Κατὰ δὲ τὴν ἐς Ὀλυμπίαν ὁδὸν πρὶν ἢ διαβῆναι τὸν ᾿Αλφειόν,
ἐστὶν ὄρος ἐκ Σκιλλοῦντος ἐρχομένῳ πέτραις ὑψηλαῖς ἀπότομον
ὀνομάζεται δὲ Τυπαῖον τὸ ὄρος. Pausan. El. pr. 6, 5. (7.)
Εκ
2 Selinus was the name of a river which flowed by the temple
of Diana at Ephesus. As Xenophon employed a part of his share
of prize-money, acquired in the Asiatic expedition of the Ten
Thousand, in the erection of a temple of Diana at Scillus in
humble imitation of the great Ephesian edifice, it is not unlikely
that the name attached to the river of Scillus dates only from that
time. Xenophon endowed his temple with a tenth of the annual
produce of the estate at Scillus, which the Lacedæmonians had
10
OLYMPIA.
Kai kóуxai), namely, that of which the mouth is
opposite to the extremity of the western prolonga-
tion of the vale of Olympia. This stream collects.
the waters from the surrounding ridges, and has its
origin in the mountain of Smerna, whereas all the
other affluents of the Alpheius on the bank opposite
to Olympia originate in the nearest heights.
Olympia was visited by Dr. Chandler in the year
1766, by Fauvel and the late Mr. John Hawkins of
Bignor between forty and fifty years ago, by myself
in 1805, by Gell and Dodwell in the following year,
by Mr. Cockerell in the year 1811. All these per-
sons observed remains of the temple of Jupiter, and
recognised them as such', judging from the agree-
ment between the apparent magnitude of the found-
ations and the dimensions of the temple given by
Pausanias, as well as from the proportions of some
fragments of the peristyle. Wilkins, in his 'An-
tiquities of Magna Græcia,' employs the measure-
bestowed upon him. By means of this tenth, the repairs, the
service, and the festivals of the goddess were provided for; and
the last of these offices was assisted by the produce of the chace
on Mount Pholoë or in the Scilluntia, where Xenophon, his sons,
and other citizens of Scillus, hunted the wild boar, the deer, and
the roe.
When Pausanias visited Scillus, between five and
six centuries afterwards, the temple of Diana still remained,
and a monument of Xenophon bearing his statue in Pentelic
marble.
1
Pouqueville supposed the ruins to be those of the Heræum;
but he adds, that on Fauvel's plan of Olympia, with which he
had been furnished by Fauvel himself, they were marked as
those of Jupiter. Chandler does not expressly state his opinion
on the question; but as he describes the ruins as those of a very
large temple of the Doric order, he could scarcely have thought
otherwise.
OLYMPIA.
11
ments of Gell to prove the temple to have been
a hexastyle, and otherwise in agreement with the
description which Pausanias has left us of the temple
of Jupiter'.
6
It is difficult, therefore, to understand how the
authors of the Expédition Scientifique de la
Morée,' came to the conclusion that nothing more
had been ascertained at the time of their visit to
Olympia in 1829 or 1830, than "the existence of
a temple in this place 2;" or how they could assert
in their work, which was published in the course of
1831 and the following seven years, that all beyond
that fact was mere conjecture until the time of their
excavation. Dodwell, in his Travels,' published in
1819, had described fragments of columns and of
a pavement of black marble, which he found among
the ruins, and which he thought quite sufficient to
identify the temple; and in 1830 my Travels in
the Morea' were published, in which are the fol-
lowing remarks :-
C
"About 200 yards southward of the tumulus, I
arrived at the foundations of a temple, which has
been excavated by the Agas of Lalla for the sake of
the materials, almost all of which have been carried
away to Lalla or Miráka. The foundation-stones
are large quadrangular masses of a friable limestone
composed of an aggregate of shells: it is the same
kind of rock of which all the neighbouring moun-
tains are formed, the Expoç Tрoç of Pausanias.
The blocks are put together in the best Greek style.
Among these foundations are some pieces of
Antiq. of Magna Græcia, p. 172.
1
2
Exp. Scient. i. p. 61.
12
OLYMPIA.
fluted Doric columns of white marble, and a single
fragment of a Doric shaft of poros, of such an enor-
mous size as to leave little doubt that these poor
remains are those of the celebrated temple of
Jupiter. The only measurable dimension of the great
column is the chord of the fluting, which exceeds
a foot, and, according to the usual number of flutings
in the Doric order, would require a shaft of at least
seven feet in diameter. It may be inferred from
this fact, that the temple was a hexastyle; for
Pausanias informs us that it was 95 Greek feet
broad, and 230 long, or very nearly of the same size
as the Parthenon; whereas had it been an octostyle
with such columns, its length and breadth must
have been much greater. The same inference may
be drawn from the temple having been 68 feet high,
or 8 feet higher than the Parthenon; for the
columns, being larger, would, with the usual Doric
proportions, be higher also than those of the Par-
thenon.-(Note.) Mr. Cockerell has since discovered
sufficient traces of the peristyle, cella, and opistho-
domus to enable him to prove, not only that the
temple was a hexastyle, but that it faced the east,
and that the length, breadth, and height mentioned
by Pausanias are nearly correct. The length and
breadth are, indeed, rather less than Pausanias has
given; but this may be accounted for by the suppo-
sition that Pausanias took his measurement not on
the upper stylobate but on an exterior foundation."
The truth of these remarks was amply confirmed
by the excavations made by the French commission
in 1829 or 1830. They cleared a great part of the
stylobate, obtained an exact measurement of it, dis-
OLYMPIA.
13
covered the lowest portions of thirteen columns in
their places, and would probably have found more if
they had completed their excavation: they brought
to light, also, some remains of the metopes of the
pronaus and posticum, and had the satisfaction of
observing that they are in exact conformity with the
description of Pausanias.
The Altis was surrounded, in part at least, by
a wall, but it was probably a mere peribolus, and
offered little or no means of military defence. When
the Arcadians occupied Olympia, a little before the
celebration of the 104th Olympiad, they found
themselves under the necessity of fortifying Mount
Cronius, or at least of surrounding the sanctuary on
the summit of that hill with a palisade, and after-
wards of adding further to its defences.
Again, the wall of the Altis offered no impedi-
ment to the advance of the Eleians when they inter-
rupted the celebration of the Games of the same
Olympiad; nor exempted the Arcadians, on that
occasion, from the necessity of fortifying their po-
sition in the Altis when the enemy had retired'.
1
Xenoph. Hellen. 7, 4, § 14. 28. 32. Diodorus therefore
(15, 77,) is inaccurate in describing Cronium as a fortress, and in
classing it as such with Coryphasium, Cyparissia, and Marganeæ,
all which he says were taken by the Arcadians on the prior of
the two occasions above-mentioned. He seems also to have
mistaken Pylus of Coryphasium for Pylus of Eleia, which,
according to Xenophon, was the only place taken by the Arca-
dians besides Marganeæ. Xenophon, in relating the first occu-
pation of Mount Cronius, says, περioтavρwoανтES TÒV (TÒ?)
Κρόνειον ἐνταῦθα ἐφρούρουν καὶ ἐκράτουν τοῦ Ὀλυμπιακοῦ ὄρους.
These words have induced some geographers to look for a Mount
Olympius distinct from Cronius, and one of them (Mannert) has
14
OLYMPIA.
Accordingly, no remains of the sacred inclosure are
now to be observed; though possibly its foundations.
may hereafter be found beneath the present surface.
The situation, however, of the wall of the Altis on
the northern and eastern sides may be deduced from
the narrative of Pausanias with a great approach to
certainty; and equally so its three principal en-
trances, namely, 1. that called the Pompic, Hoμtikỳ
soodos; 2. that which was near the Gymnasium and
the Prytaneium; 3. that which formed the entrance
of the Stadium, and which was probably the end of
the Pompic Way through the Altis.
The description of Olympia by Pausanias occupies
five-sixths of his two books entitled 'The Prior and
Posterior Eliacs,' and one-sixth of his whole work.
As at the other places in Greece which were most
fruitful in the objects of his inquiries, it is from his
incidental remarks on the relative situations of the
monuments, that we chiefly derive an elucidation of
the topography of Olympia. His description might
perhaps be divided into,-1. the Buildings; 2. the
Altars; 3. the Statues of Jupiter; 4. the Statues of
Athleta; 5. the Stadium and Hippodrome. But
although this arrangement would in some degree
accord with the order of his narrative, it would leave
many exceptions to that order while it would con-
tribute little to the principal object of these remarks,
even placed it to the left of the Alpheius (see Boblaye, Re-
cherches Géographiques sur les Ruines de la Morée, p. 128);
but there can be little doubt that the Olympian hill alluded to by
Xenophon was Cronius itself. Possibly by Kpórator is to be
understood, not the λópos but the iɛpòr on the summit, and that
To not rov was the word employed by Xenophon.
OLYMPIA.
15
that of sifting and comparing the dispersed topo-
graphical evidences. I shall first, therefore, extract
the description which Pausanias has given of the
several buildings, with such notice of their relative
situations as he has afforded, and then endeavour to
elicit, in following the order of his narrative, such
other topographical information as the remaining
parts of his description of the monuments of Olympia
may afford.
I. The Buildings of Olympia.
I. The Olympieium, Olympium, or temple of
Jupiter Olympius. This temple was built from the
spoils of Pisa and the other cities taken by the Eleians
in the war against Elis, conducted by Pyrrhus,
king of Pisa, in the 52nd Olympiad (B. c. 572). The
architect was Libon of Elis¹. It was not until
more than a century after its construction that the
Aëti of the temple were decorated with the statues
which remained in them during six centuries, and
we know not how much longer; for these statues,
as well as the statue of Jupiter in the cella, were
works of Pæonius, Alcamenes, and Phidias, artists
who flourished not until the middle of the fifth cen-
tury B.C. At one time the temple contained great
riches in gold, silver, and precious dedications 2; but
¹ Pausan. El. pr. 10, 2. El. post. 22, 2. (4.)
او
2 Δείκνυνται δὲ καὶ γραφαὶ πολλαί τε καὶ θαυμασταὶ περὶ τὸ
iɛpòv, Ektívov (Pantani sc.) pya. Strabo, p. 354. No paintings
are mentioned by Pausanias, except those on the throne. The
others were probably tabular and not mural, and may have been
carried away by Romans after the time of Strabo.
16
OLYMPIA.
when Pausanias saw it there seems to have been
nothing of much value, besides the great work of
Phidias, which still remained intact, unless some of
the solid gold which formed a part of the statue had
been removed without injuring its outward appear-
ance, which seems not unlikely.
The Olympium was a peripteral Doric building,
formed of the native limestone, which is still called
poros, and to which, in all the more finished parts of
the temple, a surface of stucco had been given. The
temple had six fluted columns of 7ft. 4in. in dia-
meter in the fronts, and thirteen on the sides. Its
length was 230 Greek feet, the breadth 95, the
height to the summit of the pediment 68. The
roof was covered with slabs of Pentelic marble in
the form of tiles. At each end of the pediment
stood a gilded vase, and on the apex a gilded statue
of Victory, below which there was a golden shield
inscribed with an epigram showing that it had
been dedicated by the Lacedæmonians for their
victory over the Athenians and their allies at
Tanagra', B. c. 457. As a hexastyle, the Olympium
resembled the temple of Theseus; but in its magni-
tude and general dimensions, in its cella and interior
columns, in its chryselephantine statue of the deity,
and in the sculptures of its aëti, it resembled the
Parthenon. It differed from the Theseium, inasmuch
as there were no iconically sculptured metopes on
any part of the exterior order, and inasmuch as the
interior frieze of the pronaus and posticum consisted
not of a single tablet of figures in relief, which the
¹ Pausan. El. pr. 10, 2. (4.)
OLYMPIA.
17
smaller dimensions of the Theseium admitted, but
was divided by triglyphs into metopes, which repre-
sented twelve of the actions of Hercules.
In the eastern pediment there was a central
image of Jupiter, having on his right Enomaus,
on his left Pelops, prepared to contend in the race
of the quadriga; the other figures on either side con-
sisted of their wives, charioteers, chariots, horses, and
grooms; in the two angles were the rivers, Cladeus
to the right of the God, Alpheius to his left.
Except in its central figure, there seems to have
been a general resemblance between this composi-
tion and that in the western front of the Parthenon.
In the western aëtus at Olympia was represented
the contest of the Centaurs and Lapitha. Peirithous
occupied the centre; on one side was Eurytion
who had carried off the wife of Peirithous, and
Cæneus his defender. Theseus was attacking a
Centaur with a hatchet 2; and two other centaurs
were bearing off a young woman and a boy. Alca-
menes, the artist, had chosen this subject, because,
according to Homer, Peirithous was the son of
Jupiter, and Theseus was the descendant of Pelops
in the fourth generation.
1
On the metopes over the door at the eastern end³,
Hercules was represented, 1. contending with the
Erymanthian boar; 2. with Diomedes, king of Thrace;
3. with Geryon, king of Erytheia; 4. relieving Atlas of
his burden; 5. cleansing the land of Elis. Over the
door of the Opisthodomus he was, 1. carrying off the
Amazonian shield; 2. subduing the doe of Ceryneia;
1
3
4
йρяакç, Рausan. El. pr. 10, 2 (8).
ὑπὲρ τοῦ ναοῦ τῶν θυρῶν, (9.)
2 πελέκει.
4
· ὑπὲρ τοῦ ὀπισθοδόμου τῶν θυρῶν.
C
18
OLYMPIA.
3. the bull of Cnossus; 4. destroying the Stymphalian
birds with arrows; 5. contending with the hydra of
Lerne; and 6. with the lion of the Argeia. As
Pausanias has specified the subjects of no more than
five of the metopes of the eastern end of the cella,
and has described the whole as representing the
greater part of the labours of Hercules', there is
reason to believe that the sixth metope of the
eastern front related to some action which was not
among his twelve labours commonly so called 2.
It seems evident from the words of Pausanias,
that the cella of the temple of Jupiter, like that of
the Parthenon, consisted of two chambers, of which
the eastern contained the statue, and the western was
called the Opisthodomus; that the door of the latter
was in its western side; and that Pausanias con-
sidered the posticum or vestibule, supported by two
columns, which was before the door of this chamber,
a part of the Opisthodomus; for the twelve metopes,
1
τὰ πολλὰ τῶν ἔργων.
2 The excavations made by the French Commission of Archi-
tecture have led to the discovery of remains of seven of the
twelve metopes. Of these, three were found at the eastern, and
four at the western end of the temple, and in both instances they
represented the labours which Pausanias has assigned respectively
to the pronaus and opisthodomus; thus confirming, had any con-
firmation been necessary, the eastern facing of the temple.
Among the fragments of the metopes of the pronaus, was one
which represented Minerva seated on a rock, and presenting
a branch (probably of olive, as an olive-leaf of gilded copper
was found near it) to some figure which has been lost. M. Raoul-
Rochette has suggested with great probability that this sixth
metope, not described by Pausanias, represented Hercules re-
ceiving from Minerva the olive-branch destined to be the
callistephanus.
OLYMPIA.
19
as already hinted, were not immediately over the
door of the cella, but over the entrances into the
pronaus and posticum.
In its interior construction the temple resembled
the Parthenon: it resembled also the larger hexa-
style temple at Pæstum, and, according to Vitruvius,
hypæethral temples in general. The approach to the
statue was between a double row of columns; upon
these stood an upper colonnade of smaller dimen-
sions, which supported the roof'. The statue of Ju-
piter was made of ivory and gold, and was crowned
with olive. He held a Victory of ivory and gold
in the right hand, and in the left a sceptre
studded with metallic ornaments, and surmounted
by an eagle. The Victory held a brow-band, and
had a wreath on the head. The drapery and san-
3
TO
1 Ἑστήκασι δὲ καὶ ἐντὸς τοῦ ναοῦ κίονες· καὶ στοαί τε ἔνδον
ὑπερῷοι, καὶ πρόοδος δι' αὐτῶν ἐπὶ τὸ ἄγαλμά ἐστι· πεποίηται δὲ καὶ
ἄνοδος ἐπὶ τὸν ὄροφον σκολιά. Pausan. El. pr. 10, 3 (10). The
translation of Amasæus, which has been followed in its sense by
other editors and translators, is as follows:-Erectæ sunt in templi
parte interiori columnæ, quæ sublimes à terrâ sustinent porticus
per quas ad Jovis signum aditus patet. But this could not have
been the meaning of Pausanias. The statue reached from the
floor nearly to the roof, and the upper portico could only have
led to the upper part of the back of the statue. The πρόοδος
(póoodos? Bekker), or approach to the statue, was evidently
below, between the great columns. Had Pausanias intended the
upper portico, he would have employed the words du v or dià
τούτων, not δι' αὐτῶν. The άvodos okoλià, or winding-stairs,
which ascended to the roof, probably communicated midway by
a door with the upper portico, and, if we may judge from other
examples, was on one side of the front door of the cella.
2
ταινίαν, El. pr. 11, 1.
The form of this bandeau of Victory
is known exactly from coins and vases. It had two long ribbons
suspended from it.
3 στέφανον.
c 2
20
OLYMPIA.
dals of Jupiter were of gold, and the former was
adorned with figures and flowers. The throne was
made of ivory and gold, and was resplendent with
gold and precious stones, and with paintings and
sculptures: four Victories, in the attitude of dancers,
were attached to the four legs of the throne, and
at the foot of each leg were two other Victories'.
On each of the anterior legs was a boy carried away
by a Theban Sphinx, and above the Sphinges were
the children of Niobe slain by the arrows of Apollo
and Diana. Four transverse pieces united the four
legs on that which fronted the entrance of the
temple were seven figures; an eighth had disap-
peared. They represented agonistic combats, such
as occurred in ancient times 2. On the other cross-
pieces were twenty-nine figures, representing Her-
cules and his companions, among whom was The-
Between the
seus, fighting against the Amazons.
legs of the throne were four columns, which, as
well as the legs, supported the throne. The lower
basis of the throne was enclosed on all sides, so
that there was no access to the space below the
throne, as there was at Amycle. The wall of the
basis fronting the entrance of the temple was painted
blue. On the three other walls were figures painted
by Panænus, nephew of Phidias. The subjects were,
-Hercules about to relieve Atlas from his burden
of the Heavens and Earth; Theseus and Peirithous;
1
Νῖκαι μὲν δὴ τέσσαρες, χορευουσῶν παρεχόμεναι σχῆμα, κατὰ
ἕκαστον τοῦ θρόνου τὸν πόδα· δύο δέ εἰσιν ἄλλαι πρὸς ἑκάστου πέζῃ
Todos. Pausan. El. pr. 11, 2. On this disputed passage, see
Quatremère, Le Jupiter Olympien, p. 285.
2 αγωνισμάτων ἀρχαίων μιμήματα, (3.)
OLYMPIA.
21
Hellas and Salamis, the latter bearing in her hand the
ornament of a ship's head (acrostolium); Hercules
and the Nemean lion; the attempt of Ajax on Cas-
sandra; Hippodameia, daughter of Enomaus, and
her mother; Hercules about to deliver Prometheus
from his chains, after having slain the eagle; the dying
Penthesileia supported by Achilles; two Hesperides
bearing apples. On the upper part of the throne,
above the head of the statue, were three Graces and
three Hours, daughters of Jupiter. On the θράνιον,
or stool under the feet of the god, were golden
lions, and the battle of Theseus with the Amazons.
The pedestal upon which stood the statue and
throne (and which was between them and the lower
basis) was adorned with the following representations
in gold', the Sun in his car,-Jupiter, Juno, and
Charis,-Mercury followed by Vesta,-Love receiv-
ing Venus as she emerges from the sea, and Pei-
tho crowning her,-Apollo and Diana, Minerva and
Hercules; and at the extremity of the pedestal,
Amphitrite and Neptune,-and the Moon, riding on
a horse. A covered brazen vase on the pavement.
marked the spot where the lightning fell, sent by
Jupiter in approbation of the work of Phidias.
The pavement before the statue was of black mar-
ble, surmounted with a border of Parian marble
for the purpose of confining the oil which was
poured within it, and which served to protect the
ivory of the statue from the effects of the damp air
of the Altis. At Athens, the Parthenon being in
1
3
2
Xovoã roiýμara, Pausan. El. pr. 11, 3 (8).
2 υδρία καὶ ἐπίθημα, 4 (9).
3 κρηπίς, 5 (10).
22
OLYMPIA.
a lofty and dry situation, water was similarly em-
ployed to prevent the ivory of the statue of Minerva
from receiving injury. At Epidaurus, the statue
and throne of Esculapius were said to have been
placed upon a well. The woollen curtain¹ before the
statue of Jupiter, adorned with Assyrian embroidery,
was not drawn up to the roof, like that of the
Ephesian Diana, but was let down to the pavement
by relaxing the cordage.
In the pronaus of the temple were the throne of
Arimnus, a king of the Tyrrhenians, the first among
barbarians who sent an offering to Olympian Jove,
in entering the pronaus, to the right were
brazen horses, below the natural size, dedicated by
Cynisca, daughter of Archidamus, king of Sparta,
and a brazen tripod on which the crowns of Olympic
victors were placed, before the table in the temple
of Juno was made for this purpose 2. Among the
statues of Roman emperors in the Olympium, were
those of Hadrian in Parian marble, erected by the
Achaian cities,-of Trajan, dedicated by all the
Greeks,—and that of Augustus, made of amber found
Here also
among the sands of the river Eridanus.
was a statue of Nicomedes, king of Bithynia, the
first of that name, and which, like that of Augustus,
was inclosed in a circular construction 3. In the
temple were three garlands (of gold?), made in
imitation of the wild olive, and a fourth in imitation
of oak, the gifts of Nero. Here were likewise twenty-
1
3
¹ паρаπéтаσμа, Pausan. El. pr. 12, 2 (4).
2 El. pr. 12, 3 (5); 20, 1.
κατασκευάσμασι τοῖς περιφερέσιν ἐγκείμεναι, El. pr. 12,
5 (7).
OLYMPIA.
23
five brazen bucklers, borne by those who ran in the
armed foot-race; and several pillars, among which
was one bearing the contract of alliance' for one
hundred years between the Athenians, Argives, and
Mantinenses 2. The temple contained also altars
of Vesta, Jupiter, and some others.
II. The Heræum, or temple of Juno. This tem-
ple, like that of Jupiter, was a peripteral of the
Doric order. In the time of Pausanias one of the
columns of the opisthodomus was of wood, having
probably been so formed as a memorial of the
wooden construction of the original temple, which,
according to the information received by Pausanias
from the Eleians, was built about eight years after
the accession of Oxylus to the throne of Elis, con-
sequently in the eleventh century B.C. Of the tem-
ple extant in the time of Pausanias neither the age
nor the architect were known; nor are we certain of
its dimensions, for the length attributed to it by
Pausanias, 63 feet, is too small for any peripteral
building, and would require a cella too confined
1
2
ovμμaxía, Pausan. El. pr. 12, 7 (8).
Of this treaty, which was made in the year B. c. 420,
Thucydides (5, 47) has given the words. By one of the articles,
it was to be engraved on a brazen pillar at Olympia. In the
British Museum, a brazen plate, found at Olympia, bears a
similar treaty of alliance for one hundred years (συγμαχία ἑκατὸν
érɛa), but of much earlier date, between the people of Elis and
Heræa. Holes at the two upper angles for receiving pegs, show
that it had been suspended, probably in the temple of Jupiter.
3
Ἐργασία μὲν δή ἐστι τοῦ ναοῦ Δώριος" κίονες δὲ περὶ πάντα
ἑστήκασιν αὐτόν. ἐν δὲ τῷ ὀπισθοδόμῳ δρύος ὁ ἕτερος τῶν κιόνων
ἐστί. μῆκος δέ εἰσι τοῦ ναοῦ πόδες τρεῖς καὶ ἑξήκοντα, οὐκ ἀποδεῖ.
El. pr. 16, 1.
24
OLYMPIA.
for the numerous statues and other objects which it
contained. Perhaps, by some error in the text of
Pausanias, 63 feet has been given as the length
instead of the breadth; or possibly Pausanias may
have written τρεῖς καὶ ἑξήκοντα καὶ ἑκατὸν, and the
two last words may have been lost; errors of omis-
sion being common in the often corrupt text of
Pausanias. Either of these suppositions would pro-
duce a temple larger than the Theseium in the pro-
portion of three to two, and about equal in size to
the temple of Nemea.
1
The Heræum of Olympia contained a seated
statue of the goddess, beside which Jupiter was
standing, bearded and covered with a helmet '.
These were of a simple style of sculpture 2. Then
were seen the Horæ seated on chairs, by Smilis
or Smilus of Ægina, and a standing figure of their
mother Themis, by Dorycleidas. Also the five
Hesperides, by Theocles, which had been removed
hither from one of the treasuries at the foot of
Mount Cronius. Dorycleidas and Theocles were
Lacedæmonians, and disciples of Diponus and
Scyllis. A Minerva, armed with helmet, spear,
and shield, was said to have been the work of
Medon, brother of Dorycleidas. Here also were
Ceres and Proserpine opposite to each other, seated;
Apollo and Diana in a similar position, standing ;
Latona, Fortune, Bacchus, and Victory with wings.
The makers of these works were unknown; but
they appeared to Pausanias to have been very an-
1
kurŋy, Pausan. El. pr. 17, 1.
3 καθημένας ἐπὶ θρόνων.
2 ἔργα ἁπλᾶ.
See below, p. 41.
5 κράνος.
OLYMPIA.
25
cient. They were all made of ivory and gold. It is
remarkable that Pausanias found in the Heræum of
Olympia a greater number of ancient chryselephan-
tine statues than in all the rest of Greece; and that
the latest of them in date were of the sixth cen-
tury B. C.
But this latter circumstance is no longer
surprising when we consider that the toreutic branch
of art was developed before the plastic; that
statues in ivory, ebony, and certain kinds of wood
immediately succeeded rude stones as images of the
deities; and that the great discovery in plastic by
the Samians, Theodorus and Rhocus, namely, that
of casting brazen statues from a model and mould in
clay, did not occur earlier than the eighth century B.C.
Smilis or Smilus of Ægina, who made the Horæ in
the Heræum, was supposed to be a contemporary of
Theodorus and Rhocus 2; and the Juno and Jupiter,
described by Pausanias as pya årλa, were probably
still more ancient. These, we may presume, were
the original idols of the temple, and coeval with it;
the others were subsequent dedications; and some
of them perhaps had stood in the old temple of
Jupiter, and had been removed from thence when
the new temple was commenced. This is rendered
more probable by the circumstance that, besides the
chryselephantine statues above-mentioned, there
were two others of the same materials, made by
Leochares; one represented Eurydice, daughter (or
›
φαίνεται δὲ εἶναί μοι καὶ ταῦτα ἐς τὰ μάλιστα ἀρχαῖα, Pausan.
El. pr. 17, 1 (3).
2 Plin. 35, 13 (19). An earlier Smilis of Ægina was a con-
temporary of Dædalus, and wrought only in wood. Pausan.
Achaic. 4, 4. Sillig, Catal. Artif. p. 421, 439.
26
OLYMPIA.
wife) of Philip, son of Amyntas; the other, Olym-
pias. These statues had been removed into the
Heræum from the Philippeium '.
There were also in the Heræum, a Mercury in
marble bearing an infant Bacchus, the work of
Praxiteles,-a Venus in bronze by Cleon of Sicyon,
-and a naked child of gilded ivory sitting before
her, the work of Boëthus of Carthage. Two other
remarkable monuments in the Heræum were,
1. the rрámεlα, or four-legged table, on which were
placed the garlands prepared for the victors in the
Olympic contests, formerly placed on a tripod in the
temple of Jupiter 2; 2. the chest of Cypselus. The
table was the work of Colotes, who was said to have
assisted Phidias in making the Olympian Jupiter ³,
and, like that work, it was of ivory and gold. Tables
for depositing offerings were common in the temples
both of Greece and Egypt, and τράπεζαι στεφανηφόροι
are represented on numerous coins commemorative
of agonistic contests. Pausanias, in noticing the
several works in relief which adorned the four sides
3
1 Παιδίον ἐπίχρυσον κάθηται γυμνὸν πρὸ τῆς ᾿Αφροδίτης"
Βοηθὸς δὲ ἐτόρευσεν αὐτὸ Καρχηδόνιος" μετεκομίσθη δὲ αὐτόσε
καὶ ἐκ τοῦ καλουμένου Φιλιππείου, χρυσοῦ καὶ ταῦτα καὶ ἐλέφαντος,
Ευρυδίκη τε ἡ Φιλίππου (καὶ Ὀλυμπίας). El. pr. 17, 1 (4). The
two last words are supplied from the end of ch. 20, where the
chryselephantine statues of the Philippeium are described, Keivraι
δὲ αὐτόθι Φίλιππός τε καὶ ᾿Αλέξανδρος, σὺν δὲ αὐτοῖς ᾿Αμύντας
ὁ Φιλίππου πατήρ· ἔργα δ᾽ ἔστι καὶ ταῦτα Λεωχάρους, ἐλέφαντος
καὶ χρυσοῦ, καθὰ καὶ τῆς Ὀλυμπιάδος καὶ Εὐρυδίκης εἰσὶν εἰκόνες.
2 El. pr. 20, 1. See above, p. 22.
3 See also Pliny, H. N. 35, 8 (34).
* One of them is represented in relief on a marble Opóvos at
Athens. Engraved in Stuart's Athens, iii. p. 19.
OLYMPIA.
27
>
of a broad rim or face immediately below the tabu-
lar part of the trapeza, describes the second face as
OTIOεv, whence we may infer that the first pre-
sented itself to the spectator in advancing towards
the statue of the goddess. On this front rim were
represented Juno, Jupiter, the Mother of the Gods,
Mercury, Apollo, and Diana; on the second, at
the back of the table, the Olympic Games were
described. Probably this was a representation, by
separate groups, of the several kinds of contest, in
the manner often seen on vases and rilievi. On one
of the other sides of the table were Esculapius,
Hygieia, Mars, and beside him combatants; on the
fourth side were Pluto, Bacchus, Proserpine, and two
Nymphs, one bearing a globe, and the other the key
of the infernal regions. In the Heræum were also
deposited a small couch, formed chiefly of ivory,
and said to have been a plaything of Hippodameia;
and the quoit of Iphitus, on which was written in
a circular form the suspension of arms proclaimed by
the Eleians at the time of the Olympic contest.
6
4
5
2. The chest of Cypselus was made of the wood
Kédρos, and was covered with figures' in relief,
some of which were of gold, others of ivory, and
others of the same material as the chest. The sub-
jects of these representations were explained by
· ἡ διάθεσις τοῦ ἀγῶνος, Pausan. El. pr. 20, 1 (2).
2 기
​"Αρης καὶ ἀγὼν παρ' αὐτὸν, (3.)
3
4
δίσκος.
6
κλίνη μέγεθος οὐ μεγάλη, 1.
5
Probably the larger kind of Juniper, which is still called
λάρναξ οι κυψέλη, El. pr. 17, 2 (5).
Κέδρος.
7
ζώδια.
28
OLYMPIA.
inscriptions. The chest had been dedicated by some
of the Kutelida or family of Cypselus, (by himself,
according to Dion Chrysostom ',) and was said to
have been the identical piece of furniture in which
Cypselus, when an infant, had been concealed by
his mother, to save his life from the cruel inten-
tions of the Bacchiadæ. The description of this
chest by Pausanias has exercised the talents of
some eminent archæologists, particularly M. Quatre-
mère de Quincy, who has illustrated that description
by conjectural drawings. I shall confine myself,
therefore, to a mere enumeration of the subjects
represented on the chest; a statement not without
some use, as it is by collecting and comparing such
descriptions with the paintings or sculptures extant
on works of ancient art, that the best means of
explaining these monuments are obtained. Pausanias
describes five sides of the chest. If we suppose him,
therefore, to have commenced with one of the
longer sides, the fifth or uppermost side could have
been no other than the lid; which, as he does not
describe the form of it, would seem to have been
flat, or slightly raised. He begins from the bottom";
whence it would seem that there was more than
one line of figures in the height of the box.
Quatremère supposes three lines. On the first side, as
4
M.
described by Pausanias, were, 1. Enomaus pursuing
Pelops and Hippodameia; both parties were in
See below, p. 35, n. 2.
2 See Herodot. 5, 92. Pausan. El. pr. 17, 2 (5).
3 Le Jupiter Olympien, p. 124.
4
5
ἡ ἀνωτάτω χώρα, El. pr. 19, 2 (7).
ἀρχαμένῳ δὲ ἀνασκοπεῖσθαι κάτωθεν, El. pr. 17, 4 (6).
OLYMPIA.
29
bige, and the horses of Pelops were winged. 2. The
house of Amphiaraus: an old woman bore the young
Amphilochus in her arms; the young Alemæon was
naked; Eriphyle, having her daughters Eurydice
and Demonassa beside her, held a necklace'. Baton,
the charioteer of Amphiaraus, held the reins of his
horses in one hand, and his lance 2 in the other;
Amphiaraus had one foot in the car, and threatened
with his drawn sword his wife Eriphyle. 3. The
funereal games of Pelias: Hercules was seated on
a chair; around him were spectators, and behind
him a woman playing on Phrygian flutes. The
Argonautæ Pisus, Asterion, Pollux, Admetus, and
Euphemus were contending in the race of the two-
horsed chariot'; Euphemus was victor. Admetus and
Mopsus were contending in boxing; in the midst
was a flute-player. Jason and Peleus were wrestling.
Eurybotas was throwing the quoit". Melanion,
Neotheus, Phalareus, Argeius, and Iphiclus were
contending in the foot-race; Acastus was presenting
the crown to Iphiclus the victor. The daughters of
Pelias were present, of whom the only one named
was Alcestis. Tripods appeared as prizes. Iolaus, the
companion of Hercules, had gained the prize in the
race of the quadriga 6. 4. Hercules discharging
arrows at the water-serpent of the river Amymone
in the presence of Minerva. 5. Phineus, king of
Thrace, (afflicted with blindness,) and the sons of
Boreas driving away the Harpies who tormented him.
Pausanias then describes that shorter side of the
1 όρμον, (7.)
1
συνωρίδι.
2
λόγχην, (8.)
5 δίσκων, (10.)
3 θρόνῳ, (9.)
6
• ἵππων ἅρματι, (11.)
30
OLYMPIA.
3
chest which was adjacent on the left to the long
side already described by him. The subjects were:
1. Night, bearing Sleep and Death as two sleeping
children with deformed feet'; Sleep was painted
white, and Death black. 2. Justice, as a beautiful
woman, was striking with a rod 2, and seizing by the
throat, Injustice under the figure of a woman of
disagreeable aspect. 3. Two women were pounding
in a mortar; there was no inscription annexed to
them, but they were supposed to represent magicians.
4. Marpessa following Idas from the temple of Apollo.
5. Alcmena receiving a cup and a necklace¹ from
Jupiter in the form of Amphitryon. 6. Menelaus,
after the capture of Troy, pursuing Helene, sword in
hand, as if to kill her. 7. The marriage of Jason and
Medeia: Medeia was seated, Jason standing on her
right, Venus on her left. 8. Apollo singing, accom-
panied by the Muses. 9. Atlas bearing the globe on
his shoulders, and holding the apples of the Hesperides
in his hand; Hercules advancing against him, sword
in hand, to obtain the apples. 10. Mars in armour,
termed Enyalius in the inscription, leading away
Venus. 11. Peleus leading away Thetis, from
whose hand issued a serpent against Peleus. 12. The
winged sisters of Medusa pursuing Perseus, having
also wings. The third side of the chest, or second
long side, représented two bands of warriors, some
in bigæ, but the greater part on foot, who, on the
point of engaging, recognise each other as friends.
Opinions differed as to the subject. Pausanias sup-
posed it to be the reconciliation of Melas of Gonussa,
διεστραμμένους τοὺς πόδας, Pausan. El. pr. 18, 1.
1
2
ράβδω, (2.)
3
κύλικα, (3.)
4 όρμον.
OLYMPIA.
31
2
ancestor of Cypselus, with Aletes king of Corinth.
On the fourth side of the chest, or to the left of the
preceding side', was, 1. Boreas with serpents' tails
instead of legs carrying away Oreithyia. 2. Hercules
contending with Geryones, who was represented
with a triple body. 3. Theseus holding a lyre, and
Ariadne a crown. 4. Achilles and Memnon fighting,
Thetis and Aurora, their mothers, standing beside
them. 5. Melanion and Atalanta having a fawn
beside her. 6. The contest of Ajax and Hector,
between whom was seen Discord in the form of
a woman of horrid appearance. 7. Helene between
the Dioscuri, one of whom was beardless; the
captive Æthra in a black dress at the feet of
Helene ³. 8. Iphidamas prostrate and defended
by Coon against Agamemnon, the device of whose
shield was Terror with the head of a lion.
9. Mercury conducting the Three Goddesses (Juno,
Minerva, and Venus) to Alexandrus, son of Priam,
for his judgment. 10. Diana winged, leading a
panther in her right hand, and a lion in her
left. 11. Ajax dragging away Cassandra from the
altar of Minerva. 12. Eteocles advancing against
Polynices, who was represented kneeling on one
knee behind him was Fate in the form of a
woman with the teeth and claws of a wild beast.
13. Bacchus, bearded, clothed in a long garment,
reclining on a couch, and holding a golden cup in
1
4
5
ἐξ ἀριστερᾶς περιϊόντι, El. pr. 19, 1.
2 "Ερις, (2.)
³ Helene, according to Dion Chrysostom, was trampling on
the head of #thra, ἐπιβεβηκυῖα τῇ κεφαλῇ τῆς Αἴθρας. Orat. xi.
p. 163.
4 Φόβος, (4.)
5
* Κῆρ, (6.)
- 6
χιτῶνα ποδήρη.
32
OLYMPIA.
3
his hand, in the midst of vines and trees of apple'
and pomegranate. The fifth or upper side of the
chest was not inscribed, but represented, 1. A man
and woman, in a cavern, reclining on a bed, and
intended, in the opinion of Pausanias, for Ulysses
and Circe, because before the cavern there were
four women employed, as Homer has described ³.
2. Vulcan presenting the arms of Achilles to Thetis,
attended by the Nereids, standing in cars drawn by four
horses with golden wings. An attendant of Vulcan
bore his tongs, and on one side stood the centaur
Chiron, represented with the fore-feet of a man and
the hind-feet of a horse. 3. In a car drawn by mules
were two virgins, one veiled, the other holding the
reins, supposed to be intended for Nausicaa, daughter
of Alcinous, with an attendant, on their way to the
place of washing 5. 4. Hercules discharging arrows
at Centaurs, some of which were lying dead.
Some of the inscriptions which explained the
figures on the chest of Cypselus, and gave the
names of the persons represented, were written in
direct lines; others were in bustrophedon; and
others in a writing of which the involutions made
them difficult to be understood 6. It is curious to
remark how exactly the figures and explanatory
names, as described by Pausanias, agree with some
of those on Greek vases still existing, some of
the most ancient of which are probably as old as
600 B. C.; and hence the importance of this
1 μηλέαι.
3 K. 348.
5 ἐπὶ τοὺς πλυνούς.
2 ροιαί.
Tuрáyрar, Pausan. El. pr. 19, 2 (9).
6 ἑλιγμούς συμβαλέσθαι χαλεπούς, 17, 3 (6).
OLYMPIA.
33
2
description of the chest to the archæologist. As to
the date of the chest, Pausanias states that it
had belonged to an ancestor' of Cypselus; and he
supposes that some of the explanatory verses in
bustrophedon, which he has preserved, were com-
posed by the poet Eumelus, one of the Bacchiadæ,
who flourished about 750 B.C., or a century before
the reign of Cypselus, and of whose works some of
the subjects or titles are known to us ². It is clear,
however, that this opinion of Pausanias was nothing
more than an inference from the age and country of
Eumelus; for there is nothing in the verses them-
selves that can have identified the authorship.
Instead of having been prior to Cypselus, the chest
was more probably made expressly for a memorial
and votive-offering by Cypselus himself or his son
Periander, who reigned at Corinth from 625 to
585 B. C., during which years the laws of Solon
were engraved in bustrophedon on the coves of the
Prytaneium at Athens.
1
πрóуоvos, Pausan. El. pr. 18, 2 (7).
* Clinton, Fast. Hellen. iii. p. 161. 364. 397.
3 Topography of Athens, 2nd edit. p. 127, note 6. The
original direction of Greek writing from right to left, which
never varied in its derivative the Etruscan, was continued also
in Greece in monostich inscriptions, or those of a single line, as
late or later than 600 B. c. ; the modes called korneòr (columnar)
and πλvoŋdòv (plinth-shaped), which were used in the same ages
when better adapted to the form or dimensions of the monument
upon which the inscription was to be engraved, were no more
than modifications of the monostich method of inscribing. Some
very ancient examples of the voŋdòv are still extant, (see Tr.
in N. Greece, iv. Inscr. 166. Trans. of the Royal Society of
Literature, ii. p. 383,) and columnar inscriptions of various ages
are not uncommon. When, in the progress of literature and
civilization, inscriptions were lengthened, and men began to
D
34
OLYMPIA.
M. Quatremère and M. Heyne, in support of
their opinion that the chest is to be considered as
engrave them σroxηdòv, that is, in more than one line, expe-
rience may have taught that it was more easy in writing on brass
or stone to continue the word, or portion of the word, which
followed the termination of the first line, in the reverse direction
of that line, than to separate the same word or portion of the
word from its antecedent by the length of a whole line; and
hence the Bovor popηèòv, or mode which resembles ploughing.
On the contrary, in writing on skins, or bark, or papyrus, it
may have been found more convenient to write all the lines in
the same direction, which direction, in regard to Greek characters,
is from left to right, just as the opposite direction is the best
adapted to the Arabic character. It is probable, that the practice
of writing from left to right became general in the course of the
sixth century B. C.; though no very precise date can be assigned,
because in that early age scarcely any Greek customs were uni-
form in every part of Greece, and because some ancient forms
in writing were occasionally adhered to when generally obsolete.
Thus the Eleian tablet consists of ten lines in prose, written from
left to right: a pedestal lately discovered at Corcyra has four
hexameter verses in a single line from right to left on the
brazen hare of Priene are four lines from right to left: the
Sigeian pillar has two inscriptions, each of eleven lines, in
bustrophedon, commencing from the left. And yet probably
all these documents are not very distant from one another in
date; or somewhere about 600 B. c. At Athens we know that
bustrophedon was employed in the public records as late as
600 B. c., though it is not unlikely that it had fallen into disuse
for ordinary purposes before that time; in the same manner as
the four Ionic letters were in common use at Athens before they
were introduced into public documents, engraved on marble or
bronze. It may not be irrelevant here to remark, that we find
three kinds of bustrophedon in extant monuments: 1. That in
which the lines were reversed in position as well as in the
direction of the letters, and, if written on paper, would require the
paper to be turned round. These inscriptions were probably on
horizontal surfaces, and were intended to be read as the reader
moved round the monument. They are among the most ancient
OLYMPIA.
35
a work of the time of the Bacchiadæ, allege the
absence among its sculptures of all subjects relating
to Cypselus or the Cypselidæ. But it was much
more conformable to the ancestral pride of the
Greeks, in decorating dedications to the gods, to
select as the subjects of ornamental sculptures or
paintings such as recorded the connexion of the
dedicators with the heroes of antiquity, rather than
the actions of the reigning monarch or his family. The
figures on the chest of Cypselus may all be referred
to the descent of Cypselus from Cæneus, king of the
Lapithæ, who was a companion of Hercules, and
whose son accompanied Jason to Colchis; or to the
subsequent descent of Cypselus from Melas, son of
Antassus, contemporary of Aletes, the first king of
Corinth, and one of the Heracleida; or to his con-
nexion with the Bacchiadæ by his mother Labda '.
The allusions to the Trojan war were common sub-
jects in all similar representations.
We learn from Dion Chrysostom that the chest of
Cypselus stood in the opisthodomus of the Heræum2;
inscriptions in existence. Some examples of them may be seen
in the Trans. of the R. Soc. of Literature, I., New Series, p. 305,
and in Boeckh, C. Inscr. Gr., Nos. 20, 21, 23. 2. Bustrophedon
beginning from the right; these we may suppose to be more
ancient than, 3. Bustrophedon beginning from the left; which
was probably the latest method before the practice of writing
from the left became general. The later laws, in the Prytaneium
of Athens, were distinguished as the laws beginning from the
left (¿k Twv εvwróμwv ȧpxóμɛvoi vóμoι, Harpocrat. et Phot. Lex.
in ὁ κάτωθεν νόμος). It was probably in the reign of Pisistratus
that this method expelled the bustrophedon for ever.
'Herodot. 5, 92. Pausanias, Corinth. 4, 4; El. pr. 18, 2 (7).
2 εἶπον
. . . . ὡς αὐτὸς ἑωρακὼς εἴην ἐν Ὀλυμπίᾳ ἐν τῷ
ὀπισθοδόμῳ τοῦ νεὼ τῆς Ἥρας ὑπόμνημα τῆς ἁρπαγῆς ἐκείνης
•
D 2
36
OLYMPIA.
whence we may infer that the cella of the Heræum
consisted of two apartments; for it is not credible
that such a monument of antiquity as the chest
should have stood in the posticum, which was
exposed on one side to the open air, and as we
learn from Pausanias, as well in describing the
wooden column of the opisthodomus of the Heræum,
as the metopes representing the labours of Hercules
in the Olympium, was considered to be a part of the
opisthodomus.
III. The great altar of Jupiter which stood be-
tween the Pelopium and the temple of Juno, at
about equal distances from them'. It had two
platforms: the lower, called the prothysis, was a
square of 32 feet 3 inches, having an ascent to it on
every side by steps of stone: the upper altar was a
square of eight feet, and had steps to it, which,
as well as all the upper structure, were made of the
cinders of the thighs of the victims sacrificed on this
and other altars. The animals were slaughtered on
the prothysis, and the thighs were burnt above. The
total height of the altar was 22 feet; on comparing
which with the other proportions, it would seem
that there were about eighteen steps to the pro-
thysis, and three from thence to the upper altar;
and that the whole structure covered a square of
70 or 80 feet2.
(Helenes et Athræ, sc.) ἐν τῇ ξυλίνῃ κιβωτῷ ἀνατιθείσῃ ὑπὸ
Kupéλov. Dion Chryst. Orat. xi. p. 163.
1 Ἔστι δὲ ὁ τοῦ Διὸς τοῦ Ὀλυμπίου βωμὸς ἶσον μὲν μάλιστα
τοῦ Πελοπίου τε καὶ τοῦ ἱεροῦ τῆς Ἥρας ἀπέχων, προκείμενος μέντοι
καὶ πρὸ ἀμφοτέρων. Pausan. El. pr. 13, 5 (8).
2
Τοῦ βωμοῦ δὲ τοῦ ἐν Ὀλυμπίᾳ κρηπῖδος μὲν τῆς πρώτης, προ-
OLYMPIA.
37
IV. The Metroum, or temple of the Mother of
the Gods. This was a large Doric building ', but it
contained no image of the deity from whom its
name was derived; nor any thing but some upright
statues of Roman emperors.
V. The temple of Lucina Olympia' contained an
T
θύσεως καλουμένης, πόδες πέντε καὶ εἴκοσι καὶ ἑκατόν ἐστι περίοδος
τοῦ δὲ ἐπὶ τῇ προθύσει περίμετρος ἑκάστου (qu. σκευαστοῦ ?) πόδες δύο
καὶ τριάκοντα· τὸ δὲ ὕψος τοῦ βωμοῦ τὸ σύμπαν ἐς δύο καὶ εἴκοσιν
ἀνήκει πόδας αὐτὰ μὲν δὴ τὰ ἱερεῖα ἐν μέρει τῷ κάτω, τῇ προ-
θύσει, καθέστηκεν αὐτοῖς θύειν· τοὺς μηροὺς δὲ ἀναφέροντες ἐς τοῦ
βωμοῦ τὸ ὑψηλότατον καθαγίζουσιν ἐνταῦθα· ἀναβαθμοὶ δὲ ἐς μὲν
τὴν πρόθυσιν ἄγουσιν ἐξ ἑκατέρας τῆς πλευρᾶς, λίθου πεποιημένοι
τὸ δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς προθύσεως ἐς τὸ ἄνω τοῦ βωμοῦ τέφρας παρέχεται
ἀναβαθμούς. Pausan. El. pr. 13, 5 (9). Pausanias has not stated
whether the altar was round or square : the words περίοδος, περί-
μετρος would suit either form ; but ἐξ ἑκατέρας τῆς πλευρᾶς can
scarcely be applicable to any other than a quadrangular construc-
tion. Nor does he mention the number of steps from the base to
the prothysis, or those from the prothysis to the upper platform;
but the latter could hardly have exceeded three in number, so
as to leave (allowing a foot for the breadth, and half a foot for
the height of each step,) a breadth to the upper platform and
prothysis sufficient for their purposes: there would then remain
40 steps for the ascent from the base to the prothysis, and the
base would have been a square of 72 feet.
The great altar at Syracuse, though quadrangular, was not a
square, as appears by the recent discoveries of the Palermitan
Commission of Architecture. It was a very disproportioned
oblong; the length being 640 feet, and the breadth no more than
60.
Diodorus describes it as a stade in length: ὁ πλησίον τοῦ
θεάτρου βωμὸς τὸ μὲν μῆκος ὢν σταδίου, τὸ δ᾽ ὕψος καὶ πλάτος
ἔχων τούτῳ κατὰ λόγον. Diodor. 16, 83.
The apparent excess
of the modern measurement may be accounted for by the materials
having given way on all sides.
1 ναὸν μεγέθει μέγαν καὶ ἐργασία Δώριον, Pausan. El. pr. 20,
Ειλείθυια Ολυμπία, El. post. 20, 2.
5 (9).
38
OLYMPIA.
altar of that deity, and an inner apartment into
which a priestess alone could enter, for the purpose
of sacrificing to Sosipolis, a local dæmon', who had
a chapel² also at Elis, near the temple of Fortune.
The situation of the temple of Lucina appears to
have been on the neck of Mount Cronius.
VI. The temple of Venus Urania, in ruins
in the time of Pausanias, was near that of Lu-
cina.
VII. The Prytaneium stood near that entrance of
the Altis not far from which, on the outside, was the
Gymnasium. It contained a Sanctuary of Vesta",
in advancing towards which, from the entrance of
the Prytaneium there was an altar of Pan, to the
right. Opposite to the sanctuary of Vesta there
was another apartment, called the 'Eoriarópiov, be-
cause here' the Olympian victors were feasted.
6
VIII. The Bouλεurηptov or council-house. This
seems to have been situated between the Prytaneium
and the great Temple &
8
IX. The Theecoleon; a building appertaining to
the office of the Oenkóλot or superintendents of the
sacrifices, each of whom was in office for one
month".
X. The Proëdria 10: its uses are not stated by
Pausanias, nor can the situation either of this
1
· Ηλείοις ἐπιχώριος δαίμων.
oikŋµa ov µéya, Pausan. El. post. 25, 4.
᾿Αφροδίτης Θυρανίας, El. post. 20, 3 (6).
ἀπαντικού, El. pr. 15, 8 (12).
3
4
El. pr. 15, 5 (8).
6
8
0
El. pr. 15, 4 (8).
5
Compare El. pr. 23, 1, and 24, 1.
οἴκημα τῆς Ἑστίας.
7 ἐν τούτῳ τῷ οἰκήματι.
10 El. pr. 15, 3 (4).
OLYMPIA.
39
building or of the Theecoleon be distinctly under-
stood from his description of Olympia.
XI. The Philippeium, built by Philip, son of
Amyntas, after his victory at Charoneia, was to the
left, in proceeding from the entrance of the Altis to
the Prytaneium'. It was of brick, of a circular form,
and surrounded by columns; on the summit a brazen
poppy held together the rafters of the roof?. This
building was dedicated by Philip after the battle of
Charoneia, and contained five chryselephantine
statues of the royal family of Macedonia by Leo-
chares.
XII. The Treasuries. These resembled buildings
of the same denomination at Delphi, and, like them,
had been built for the most part by distant cities of
Italy or Asia, as receptacles for their dedications.
Two of the treasuries had been totally, and others
partially, despoiled of their contents; and others
instead of the original dedications contained statues
of Roman emperors. The treasuries were situated to
the north of the Heræum on the foot of Mount
Cronius, on a raised platform made of the stone poros³.
They were ten in number, and had been erected by
the cities Sicyon, Carthage, Byzantium, Epidamnus,
Sybaris, Cyrene, Selinus, Metapontium, Megara, Gela.
In the Sicyonian treasury Pausanias saw two brazen
beds, one of Doric, the other of Ionic workman-
1
2
,
Pausan. El. pr. 17, 1 (4); 20, 5 (10).
ἐπὶ κορυφῇ δέ ἐστι μήκων χαλκή σύνδεσμος τοῖς δοκοῖς.
3 Ἔστι δὲ λίθου πωρίνου κρηπὶς ἐν τῇ ῎Αλτει πρὸς ἀρκτὸν τοῦ
Ηραίου, κατὰ νώτου δὲ αὐτῆς παρήκει τὸ Κρόνιον· ἐπὶ ταύτης τῆς
κρηπῖδός εἰσιν οἱ θησαυροί· καθὰ δὴ καὶ ἐν Δελφοῖς ῾Ελλήνων τινὲς
ἐποιήσαντο τῷ ᾿Απόλλωνι θησαυρούς. El. post. 19, 1.
4 θαλάμους, (2.)
40
OLYMPIA.
ship. On the smaller an inscription testified that it
weighed 50 talents and had been dedicated by the
Sicyonii and their tyrant Myron, who was victor in
the chariot-race in the 33rd Olympiad (B. c. 648).
In this treasury were also three quoits', and some
armour, consisting of a brazen shield painted on the
concave side, a helmet 2, and greaves". An inscrip-
tion on the shield in letters almost destroyed by
time showed that these arms were offerings of the
Myonenses of Locris. Here also were the sword of
Pelops with a golden handle, a cornucopia, the
offering of Miltiades, king of the Thracian Cherso-
nesus, for the capture of the fortress Aratus, and a
statue of Apollo in box-wood, with a gilded head,
dedicated by the Epizephyrian Locri, and made by
Patrocles of Crotona.-Next to the treasury of
Sicyon was that of Carthage, of which the con-
structors were Pothæus, Antiphilus, and Megacles.
The dedications in it were a colossal statue of
Jupiter', and three breast-plates of linen, all pre-
sented by Gelon and the Syracusans for a victory
over the Carthaginians by land and sea (B. C. 480).—
The third treasury was that of the Byzantii, and
the fourth that of the Epidamnii, constructed by
Pyrrhus and his sons Lacrates and Hermon. It
contained Atlas supporting the globe, and Hercules
in the garden of the Hesperides, made of cedar by
1
dioko, Pausan. El. post. 19, 3 (4).
2 κράνος.
4
λαβή, (6.)
3
κνημίδες.
5
* 'Αμαλθείας κέρας.
6
7
ὁ ἄγαλμα πύξινον ᾿Απόλλωνος ἐπιχρύσου τὴν κεφαλήν.
· Ζεὺς μεγέθει μέγας, 4 (7).
8 θώρακες λινοῖ.
ο πόλον, 5 (8).
OLYMPIA.
41
3
Hegylus and his son Theocles', as attested by an
inscription on the globe. The figures of the Hes-
perides had been removed from this treasury to the
temple of Juno'.-Next to the treasury of the Byzan-
tii was that of the Sybaritæ ³, and near it that of the
Cyrenæi of Libya; the latter containing statues of
Roman emperors *.-Then occurred the treasury of
the Selinuntii, in which stood a statue of Bacchus,
having the face, the feet, and the hands, of ivory; and
near this treasury was that of the Metapontini, in
which there was a statue of Endymion, every part of
which was made of ivory except the garment ³.—In
the treasury of the Megarenses were small figures
of cedar studded with gold', dedicated by that
people, and made by Dontas of Sparta, a disciple
of Dipœnus and Scyllis, and more ancient than the
treasury itself, which, according to an inscription
upon a shield on the summit of the pediment",
6
In this interpretation I have followed the emendation of
Boeckh adopted by Bekker: αὐτὸν ὁμοῦ instead of Αυτονόμου.
2 See above, p. 24. For the reading which gives the third
treasury to the Byzantii, see Bekker's edition of Pausanias, p. 393,
and that of Siebelis, III. adnotationes, p. 72. But the text at
the commencement of § 5 (8) of El. post. 19, is still defective :
there may be a doubt whether the Atlas &c. were in the treasury
of Epidamnus or of Byzantium: the other treasury, it appears,
was empty in the time of Pausanias, like that of Sybaris.
3 El. post. 19, 6 (9).
5 8 (11).
47 (10).
"Of Metapontium," says Pausanias, "there
remained only in my time the theatre and the walls.
On
the site of Metapontium there still exist ruins of the colonnade
of a large temple, but neither theatre nor walls.
6 οἱ Μεγαρεῖς πρὸς τῇ ᾿Αττικῇ, 9 (12).
7
* κέδρου ζώδια χρυσῷ διηνθισμένα.
8
ὑπὲρ τοῦ ἀετοῦ, (13.)
42
OLYMPIA.
was erected from the spoils of the Corinthians in
Phorbas, one of the Athenian
The figures of cedar above
the archonship of
archons for life.
mentioned represented the combat of Hercules and
Achelous, in the presence of Jupiter and Dejaneira,
and of Minerva as the friend' of Hercules: but the
latter statue had been removed into the Heræum,
where it stood near the Hesperides. In the pedi-
ment was represented the Gigantomachia. The
mention thus made of a pediment gives some idea
of the appearance and mode of construction of these
treasuries, as well as of the similar buildings at
Delphi.-On the tenth treasury, which was very
near the Stadium, an inscription declared that it
was dedicated, together with its contents, by the
people of Gela in Sicily, but it no longer contained
any statue.
XIII. The Pelopium. This was an inclosure,
containing trees and statues, having an opening to
the west. It stood to the right of the entrance
into the temple of Jupiter, to the north of that
building, and at such a distance from it that there
were statues and other dedications in the interval,
and it was of such a length that it extended from
the middle of the temple to the opisthodomus. It
was equal probably to a square of about 100 feet³.
1
2
¹ovμμaxos, Pausan. El. post. 19, 9 (12).
πρὸς αὐτῷ μέν ἐστιν ἤδη τῷ σταδίῳ, 10 (15).
3 Ἔστι δὲ ἐντὸς τῆς ᾿Αλτεως καὶ Πελόπιον ποτὲ τετιμημένον
τέμενος· ἡρώων δὲ τῶν Ὀλυμπίᾳ τοσοῦτον προτετιμημένος ἐστὶν ὁ
Πέλοψ ὑπὸ Ἠλείων, ὅσον Ζεὺς θεῶν τῶν ἄλλων. ἔστιν οὖν τοῦ
ναοῦ τοῦ Διὸς κατὰ δεξιὰν τῆς ἐσόδου πρὸς ἄνεμον βορέαν τὸ Πελό-
πιον, ἀφεστηκὸς μὲν τοῦ ναοῦ τοσοῦτον, ὡς μεταξὺ καὶ ἀνδριάντας
καὶ ἀναθήματα ἄλλα ἀνακεῖσθαι· παρήκει δὲ ὡς ἐπὶ τὸν ὀπισθόδομον
P
OLYMPIA.
43
XIV. The Hippodamium, named from Hippo-
dameia (wife of Pelops), whose bones were by order
of an oracle brought hither from Mideia of Argolis,
was a τέμενος or sacred inclosure, equal in dimen-
sions to a square of 100 feet, and surrounded with
a low wall or balustrade¹. Here women once a year
performed ceremonies in honour of Hippodameia.
It was within the inclosure of the Altis near the
Pompic way.
XV. The Poecile Stoa, or painted portico, was so
named from the pictures, no longer existing in the
time of Pausanias, with which it had been painted.
It was called the portico of the Echo', because the
voice of a man calling aloud was repeated from it
seven times and more.
All these were within the Altis. Near the walls
on the outside were: XVI. The Studio of Phidias 3.
which contained an altar of all the Gods, and was
not far from the Pompic entrance into the Altis.
XVII. The Leonidæum, so called as having been
built by Leonidas a native; it separated the Pompic
way from a narrow street, called the ayva, Atticè
στενωπός 4. The Leonidæum served, in the time
>/
ἀπὸ μέσου μάλιστα ἀρξάμενον τοῦ ναοῦ, καὶ λίθων τε θριγκῷ περι-
έχεται καὶ δένδρα ἐντὸς πεφυκότα καὶ ἀνδριάντες εἰσὶν ἀνακείμενοι
ἔσοδος δὲ ἐς αὐτὸ πρὸς δυσμῶν ἐστιν ἡλίου. Pausan. El. pr. 13, 1.
1 ὅσον πλέθρου χωρίον, περιεχόμενον θριγκῷ, El. post. 20, 4.
Ἠχους στοὰ, Εl. pr. 21, 7 (17).
2
3
ἐργαστήριον Φειδίου, El. pr. 15, 1.
* Οπίσω δὲ ἀναστρέψαντι (ab officina Phidiæ αὐθις ἐς τὴν
Αλτιν, ἐστὶν ἀπαντικρὺ τοῦ Λεωνιδαίου, τὸ δὲ ἐκτὸς μὲν τοῦ περι
βόλου τοῦ ἱεροῦ τὸ Λεωνίδαιον· τῶν δὲ ἐσόδων πεποίηται τῶν
ἐς τὴν ῎Αλτιν κατὰ τὴν πομπικὴν, ἣ μόνη τοῖς πομπεύουσίν ἐστιν
ὁδός· τοῦτο δὲ ἀνδρὸς μὲν τῶν ἐπιχωρίων ἐστὶν ἀνάθημα Λεω
44
OLYMPIA.
of Pausanias, to lodge the Roman magistrates ¹.
XVIII. The Gymnasium: in this building, which
was near the northern entrance into the Altis 2.
there were, between its eastern stoa and the ex-
ternal wall, chambers for the athletæ, opening to
the west³. In the hypethrum was a basement of
marble, upon which stood originally a trophy, in
memory of a victory gained by the Eleians over the
Arcadians. The Gymnasium served as a place of
νίδου.
διέστηκε δὲ ἀγυιὰν ἀπὸ τῆς ἐσόδου τῆς πομπικῆς.
Pausan. El. pr. 15, 1. 2.
It is evident that Λεωνιδαίου cannot be the true reading; and
as the only building near the Pompic entrance, besides the
Leonidæum, was the Studio of Phidias, ἐργαστηρίου is the only
substitute that can easily be suggested. The exact situation,
however, of the Leonidæum with regard to the other places
mentioned will still be obscure ; but it would be less so, if ἐκτὸς
in the preceding passage were altered to ἐντός. The next para-
graph, ἔστι δὲ ἐν τῇ "Αλτει τοῦ Λεωνιδαίου περᾷν μέλλοντι ἐς
ἀριστερὰν Αφροδίτης βωμὸς, καὶ Ὡρῶν μετ᾿ αὐτόν· κατὰ δὲ
ὀπισθόδομον μάλιστα ἐστιν ἐν δεξιᾷ πεφυκὼς κότινος· καλεῖται
δὲ ἐλαία καλλιτέφανος, seems to favour the supposition that
the Leonidæum was within the inclosure of the Altis; and
equally so the subsequent paragraph: ἔστι δέ τοι ἐντὸς τῆς
Αλτεως μὲν ᾿Αρτέμιδος ᾿Αγοραίας βωμός, ἐν δεξιᾷ δὲ τοῦ
Λεωνιδαίου.
1 Ῥωμαίων οἱ τὴν Ἑλλάδα ἐπιτροπεύοντες.
2 El. pr. 15, 5 (8).
3 . . . . ἐν τῷ γυμνασίῳ τῷ ἐν Ὀλυμπίᾳ· πεντάθλοις μὲν
καθεστήκασιν ἐν αὐτῷ καὶ δρομεῦσιν αἱ μελέται κρηπὶς δ' ἐν τῷ
υπαίθρῳ λίθου πεποίηται τὸ δὲ ἐξ ἀρχῆς καὶ τρόπαιον κατὰ
᾿Αρκάδων ἐπὶ τῇ κρηπῖδι εἱστήκει. καὶ ἄλλος δέ ἐστιν ἐλάσσων
περίβολος ἐν ἀριστερᾷ τῆς ἐσόδου τῆς ἐς τὸ γυμνάσιον· καὶ αἱ
παλαῖστραι τοῖς ἀθληταῖς εἰσιν ἐνταῦθα. τῆς στοᾶς δὲ τῆς πρὸς
ἀνίσχοντα ἥλιον τοῦ γυμνασίου προσεχεῖς τῷ τοίχῳ τῶν ἀθλητῶν
εἰσιν αἱ οἰκήσεις, ἐπί τε ἄνεμον τετράμμενον Λίβα καὶ ἡλίου
δυσμάς. El. post. 21, 2.
OLYMPIA,
45
exercise for the pentathli and foot-runners. Other
athletæ were exercised in XIX. The Palæstra,
which was smaller than the Gymnasium, and stood
near it, to the left of its entrance.
XX. The temple of Ceres Chamyne: this building
was situated on one of the extremities of the arti-
ficial side of the Hippodrome. It had contained
statues of Ceres and Proserpine, but these had been
removed, and, in place of them, two others had been
erected by Herodes the Athenian'.
Having thus extracted from Pausanias all that
regards the construction, contents, and situation of
the several edifices of Olympia, with the exception
of the Stadium and Hippodrome, a portion of the
Hierum which it will be more convenient to con-
sider separately, I shall now follow the order ob-
served by him in his enumeration of the altars,
statues of Jupiter, and statues of the athleta.
Altars.
After having described the temple of Jupiter, the
Pelopium, and the great altar of Jupiter, Pausanias
says, "Let us now make mention of all the other
altars in Olympia 2." He particularly remarks, that
he does not follow the order of locality in this enu-
1 τὸ δὲ ἕτερον τοῦ Ἱπποδρόμου μέρος οὐ χῶμα γῆς ἐστιν, ὄρος
δὲ οὐχ ὑψηλόν· ἐπὶ τῷ πέρατι τοῦ ὄρους ἱερὸν πεποίηται Δήμητρι
ἐπίκλησιν Χαμύνη. Εl. post. 21, 1. — ἀγάλματα δὲ ἀντὶ τῶν
ἀρχαίων Κόρην καὶ Δήμητρα λίθου τοῦ Πεντέλησιν ᾿Αθηναῖος
ἀνέθηκεν Ἡρώδης. 2.
2
φέρε δὴ [ἐποιησάμεθα γὰρ τοῦ βωμοῦ τοῦ μεγίστου μνήμην]
ἐπέλθωμεν καὶ τὰ ἐς ἅπαντας ἐν Ὀλυμπίᾳ τοὺς βωμούς. El. pr.
14, 5 (3).
46
OLYMPIA.
meration, but that in which the Eleians sacrificed'.
The first sacrifices were made in the temple of
Jupiter, at the altars of Vesta, Jupiter Olympius,
and four others 2, one of which was the altar of
Minerva Ergane, at which the Phædruntæ, or de-
scendants of Phidias, who had care of the great
statue, sacrificed before they cleaned it. On the
outside of the temple was another altar of Minerva,
a pyramidal altar of Diana, an altar common to
Diana and Alpheius; not far from it another altar
of Alpheius, and an altar of Vulcan, or of Jupiter
Areius, as it was called by some of the Eleians.
Then occurred altars of Hercules Parastates, and of
his brothers, Epimedes, Idas or Acesidas, Pæonæus,
and Iasius. Near the ruins of the house of no-
maus were altars of Jupiter Hercæus erected by
Enomaus, and of Jupiter Ceraunius in memory of
the house of Enomaus having been struck by light-
ning. Of the great altar of Jupiter Olympius (which
1 τῇ τάξει, καθ' ἥντινα Ἠλεῖοι θύειν νομίζουσιν ἐπὶ τῶν βωμῶν.
2 The passage of Pausanias relating to these altars within the
temple is so corrupt, that it remains uncertain to what deities the
altars were erected. But the words τρίτα δὲ ἐπὶ ἑνὸς βωμοῦ
lead to the belief, that among them were one or more of the six
double altars (dídvµoi ßwµoì), or altars to two deities, founded by
Hercules, which are enumerated by Herodorus (ap. Sch. Pindar.
Ol. 5, 10). These were,-the altars of Jupiter and Neptune, of
Juno and Minerva, of Mercury and Apollo, of the Graces and
But
Bacchus, of Diana and Alpheius, of Cronus and Rhea.
four of these double altars were not in the temple, as we learn
from Pausanias; namely, the first (El. pr. 24, 1); the third
(El. pr. 14, 6 (8)); the fourth (El. pr. 14, 8 (10)); and the
fifth (El. pr. 14, 5 (6)). Those of Juno and Minerva, and of
Cronus and Rhea, may have been within the temple.
OLYMPIA.
47
3
2
occurred next) Pausanias observes that he had already
spoken'. Very near it was an altar of the Un-
known Gods; beyond it an altar common to Jupiter
Catharsius and Victory; and then altars of Jupiter
Chthonius, of All the Gods, of Juno Olympia, made
of ashes and erected by Clymenus; an altar common
to Apollo, inventor of the cithara, and to Mercury,
inventor of the lyre; altars of Concord', of Minerva,
and of the Mother of the Gods. Very near the
entrance of the stadium were two altars; one of
Mercury Enagonius, the other of Opportunity 5.
Near the treasury of the Sicyonii was an altar of
Hercules. At the Sanctuary of the Earth was an
altar of Tellus made of ashes $. Here in ancient
times there was said to have been an Oracle, and
upon the place called Stomium there was an altar
of Themis; that of Jupiter Catæbates (the conductor
downwards) was surrounded with a rail ¹º.
"Be it
remembered," repeats Pausanias, "that in the enu-
meration of these altars, the order of sacrifice, and not
that of locality, has been observed "." Nevertheless,
1
9
11
¹ Pausan. El. pr. 14, 5 (8). See above, p. 36.
2
πρὸς αὐτῷ, 6 (8).
4 Ομονοίας.
10
3
8 μετὰ τοῦτον.
5
* Καιρού, 7 (9).
8
τέφρας.
• Ἐπὶ δὲ τῷ Γαΐῳ καλουμένῳ, 8 (10).
6
7 Γῆς.
A hollow in the earth, from which the Oracle was supposed
to proceed. Thus the cavity of the Oracle at Delphi, which was
surmounted by a tripod, was named τὸ Στομίον :—ὑπερκεῖσθαι δὲ
тоυ σтоµíον тρíñoda vynλóv. (Strabo, p. 419.) The altar of
Jupiter Catæbates had obviously a reference to the Stomium.
10 φράγμα.
11
μεμνήσθω δέ τις οὐ κατὰ στίχον τῆς ἱδρύσεως ἀριθμουμένους
τοὺς βωμοὺς, τῇ δὲ τάξει τῶν Ἠλείων ἐς τὰς θυσίας.
48
OLYMPIA.
it would be difficult to believe, the altars having
been so numerous, that there was not, in many
places, an agreement between the order of locality
and the priority of sacrifice; sufficient, at least, to
afford in some cases a presumption as to the rela-
tive situation of some of the objects mentioned
by Pausanias in his description of the altars of
Olympia.
Near the sacred inclosure of Pelops' was an
altar common to Bacchus and the Graces, and be-
tween it and the Pelopium an altar of the Muses,
and then one of the Nymphs.
2
Pausanias then proceeds to notice the ergasterium
of Phidias and the Leonidæum, and adds, that on
entering the Altis from the Leonidæum there were,
within the Altis, to the left, altars of Venus and of
the Hore; and towards the right, near the opis-
thodomus of the temple of Jupiter, a wild-olive tree,
called Callistephanus, because from its branches
were formed the garlands with which the conquerors
in the Olympic contests were crowned; near it was
an altar of the nymphs Callistephanæ. Within the
Altis, to the right in proceeding from the Leoni-
dæum, were an altar of Diana Agoræa and another
of Despœna. Beyond this was the altar of Jupiter
Agoræus, and in front of the building called the
Proëdria³ that of Apollo Pythius; then an altar of
Bacchus, which was not ancient and was raised by
private individuals *. On going towards the Hippa-
4
1 πρὸς τῷ τεμένει τοῦ Πέλοπος.
3
2 ἐφεξῆς τούτων.
πρὸ τῆς καλουμένης Προεδρίας, Pausan. El. pr. 15, 3 (4).
ἰδιωτῶν.
OLYMPIA.
49
phesis, or starting-place of the horses', was the altar
of (Jupiter) Mœragetes, and near it an oblong altar
of the Fates 2, an altar of Hermes, and two altars of
Jupiter the Supreme. In the Hippaphesis, towards
the middle, were altars of Neptune Hippius and
Juno Hippia; and near the column, an altar of the
Dioscuri. In the entrance leading to the embolus
was an altar of Mars Hippius on one side, and of
Minerva Hippia on the other. In the entrance of
the embolus were altars of Good-Fortune, of Pan,
and of Venus; and in the further part of the em-
bolus an altar of the nymphs surnamed Acmenæ.
Proceeding from the stoa, which was called Agnap-
tus, from the name of the architect who built it,
there was on the right an altar of Diana.
4
5
Returning into the Altis by the Pompic way,
there were behind the Heræum altars of the river
Cladeus, of Diana, of Apollo, of Diana Coccoca, and
of Apollo Thermius. In front of the Theecoleon
was a small building, at the angle of which stood
an altar of Pan.
Pausanias then describes the Prytaneium and its
contents; and, after noticing the altar of Vesta,
adds, that on all these altars the Eleians sacri-
1
2
ἐπὶ τὴν ἄφεσιν τῶν ἵππων, Pausan. El. pr. 15, 4 (5).
Μοιρῶν βωμός ἐστιν ἐπιμήκης. It seems to have resembled
in form the great altar of Syracuse.
3
πρὸς τῷ κίονι, (6.).
$
ἐνδοτάτῳ τοῦ ἐμβόλου.
5 dia τñs Пoμπikйs. (7.) From another passage (El. post. 20,
τῆς Πομπικῆς.
4 (7) it appears that Пoμm σodos was applied not only to the
entrance at the Leonidæum, but to the whole road of the pro-
cession from thence through the Altis to the Stadium; but the
ordinary appellative was probably ἡ Πομπική.
G
οἴκημα, (8.)
7 El. pr. 15, 5 (8).
· ἐπὶ πάντων τῶν κατειλεγμένων βωμῶν, 6 (10).
E
50
OLYMPIA.
ficed once a month in the ancient manner, burning
incense, and placing cakes on the altar, covered with
branches of olive and vine. The ministers who had
charge of the sacrifice were the Theecolus, who was
changed every month, the prophets', the libationers²,
the interpreter 3, the flute-player, and the wood-
man 5. Libations were offered in the Prytaneium
to Juno Ammonia and to Parammon (Mercury); for
the Eleians from very ancient times had consulted
the Oracle of Ammon in Libya, and had dedicated
altars there, on which their questions and the oracles
were inscribed, as well as the names of the Eleians
The
who had been employed on the occasion.
Eleians poured libations also in the Prytaneium
to the heroes and heroines of Eleia and Ætolia.
Hymns were sung here in the Doric dialect, but
the author of them was unknown.
The chapters of the Prior Eliacs, from 16 to 20,
§ 2 (5), inclusive, describe the temple of Juno and
$2
its contents. Pausanias then abruptly notices the
wooden column called that of Enomaus, which
stood between the great altar and the temple of
Jupiter. It was said by the Eleians to have be-
longed to the house of Enomaus, and to have
been the only part of the house which escaped
when it was burnt by lightning. The wooden
column was protected by a roof supported by four
columns, and was kept together by bands'.
an epigram on a brazen tablet before the column
In
2 σπενδοφόροι.
1 μάντεις.
3 ἐξηγητής.
5 ξυλεύς.
4 αυλητής.
ἣν καλοῦσι Οινομάου κίονα, Pausan. El. pr. 20, 3 (6).
6
7
1 ὑπὸ δεσμών.
OLYMPIA.
51
it was described as having stood "near Jupiter','
showing that it was at no great distance from the
temple of Jupiter.
Pausanias then notices the Metroum 2, which, he
remarks, was within the Altis as well as the Philip-
peium, of which the situation near the Prytaneium
has already been mentioned. He then proceeds
to describe the several statues of Jupiter in the
Altis; these form the subject of chapters 21, 22,
23, 24 of the Prior Eliacs. Although some abrupt
transitions occur in this part of his narrative, we can
hardly suppose that he has not in general followed
an order of locality, as there was no such reason as
occurred in regard to the altars, for disturbing any
part of that order. In following the way which led
from the Metroum to the Stadium, there was seen
on the left a basement of stone built on the foot of
the mountain ³; upon this basement stood statues of
Jupiter, raised from the produce of fines levied upon
athlete who had violated the regulations of the
games. By the natives these statues were called
the Zanes. The six which first occurred were pro-
duced from a fine levied in the 98th Olympiad on
Eupolus of Thessaly and his three antagonists in
boxing, whom he had bribed: two of these statues
were by Cleon of Sicyon, and on four of them were
elegiac inscriptions alluding to the cause of their
erection. Next occurred six other Jupiters, pro-
duced from a fine levied in the 112th Olympiad on
the Athenians for the misconduct of Callippus of
3
2 Pausan. El. pr. 20, 5 (9).
πρὸς αὐτῷ τῷ ὄρει κρηπὶς καὶ ἀναβασμοὶ δι' αὐτῆς. El. pr.
1
παρὰ Κρονίδην.
3
21, 2.
E 2
52
OLYMPIA.
1
Athens, in bribing his antagonists in the pentathlum.
All these were inscribed with verses not better ¹
than those on the preceding six statues. Next
occurred two statues of Jupiter, the produce of
a fine upon some wrestlers whose names had
escaped the memory of the Eleian interpreters",
though it appeared from the inscriptions, that the
statues had been erected at the expense of the Rhodii.
Another similar fine was levied upon Apollonius of
Alexandria, surnamed Rhantis, who, in the 218th
Olympiad having arrived too late, was excluded
from the concurrence, and in a rage struck the suc-
cessful athlete in the presence of the Hellanodicæ,
and when he was already crowned with olive. In
the time of Pausanias, in the 226th Olympiad, from
a fine levied on two Egyptian athletæ in the contest.
of boxing, one of whom had been bribed by the
other, a statue of Jupiter was erected on each side
of the entrance into the Stadium. Connecting the
latter remark of Pausanias with that at the outset
of his description of the Zanes, which places those
monuments on a platform to the left in proceeding
to the Stadium from the Metroum, there remains
no doubt as to the relative situations of the Metroum,
Zanes, and Stadium. Two other statues of Jupiter
were placed, one in the Gymnasium, the other before
the Stoa Pocile, the produce of fines levied on Da-
monicus, an Eleian who had bribed the antagonist
(in wrestling) of his son Polyctor, and on Sosandrus
of Smyrna, father of the young man who had
received the bribe ".
•
1 οὐδέν τι δεξιώτερα ἐς ποίησιν,
2 ἐξηγητάς, 4 (8).
3 5 (14).
Pausan. El. pr. 21, 3 (6).
+6 (15).
7 (16).
OLYMPIA.
53
3
These were the statues of Jupiter erected from
the produce of fines. The following had been dedi-
cated by states and individuals': At an altar
within the Altis, near the entrance of the Stadium,
which was not employed by the Eleians for sacrifices,
but at which the trumpeters and heralds contended
in their art, there stood a brazen statue of Jupiter, on
a pedestal of the same material, six cubits in height,
and having a thunderbolt in each hand; it had been
dedicated by the people of Cynætha; here also was a
Jupiter in early youth, with a collar on his neck,
the offering of Cleolas of Phlius. Near the building
named Hippodamium, a semi-circular basement sup-
ported statues of six Greeks about to engage with
as many Trojans, and in the midst of them were
Thetis and Aurora, imploring Jupiter to favour their
sons, Achilles and Memnon, who were opposed to
each other. This great work was by Lycius, son of
Myron, and was dedicated by the Apolloniatæ from
the tenths of the spoils of the Abantes and Thro-
nium 4. In proceeding thence a little, occurred a
Jupiter facing towards the rising sun, the work of
Aristonous of Ægina, and an offering of the people
of Metapontium. There was also a dedication of
the Phliasii, consisting of statues of Jupiter, of
Asopus, and of the five daughters of Asopus, and
a Jupiter, presented by some men of Leontium,
seven cubits in height. Passing onwards there
was, near the entrance of the Council-house, a
Jupiter without any inscription; and in turning
1
δημοσίᾳ τε καὶ ὑπὸ ἀνδρῶν ἀνατεθέντα
ἰδιωτῶν, Pausan. El.
pr. 22, 1.
2
παῖς ἔτι.
2 (3).
5
$ 4 (5).
3 όρμον.
• 5 (7).
54
OLYMPIA.
1
again towards the north stood a Jupiter facing
towards the rising sun: it was the work of Anax-
agoras of Ægina, had been dedicated by the Greeks
who fought at Platæa, and bore the names of their
several cities on the base ¹. Before it was a pillar
of brass, on which was engraved the thirty years'
suspension of arms between the Lacedæmonians and
Athenians (B. C. 445). Near the car of Cleosthenes 3
was a Jupiter, offered by the Megarenses, and made
Near
by Thylacus and Onæthus and their sons.
the car and statue of Gelo was a very ancient
Jupiter bearing a sceptre, an offering of the Hyblæi,
and near it a brazen pedestal supporting a Jupiter
18 feet high, dedicated by the Cleitorii, and made
by the brothers Ariston and Telestas of Sparta 7.
Near the altar common to Jupiter Lecetas and
Neptune Lecetas, was a Jupiter on a pedestal of
brass, the work of Musus, and dedicated by the
people of Corinth 8.
5
In proceeding from the Council-house to the
great temple, there was a statue of Jupiter on the
left, crowned with flowers, and having a thunderbolt
in the right hand; the work of Ascarus of Thebes,
Near it was
and an offering of the Thessalians.
another Jupiter, dedicated by the people of Psophis.
To the right of the great temple was a Jupiter
(facing) towards the east, 12 feet in height, and said
to have been an offering of the Lacedæmonians
¹ Pausan. El. pr. 23, 1. 2 (3).
3 V. El. post. 10, 2 (6).
s V. El. post. 9, 2 (4),
7 6 (7).
2 3 (4).
♦ El. pr. 23, 4 (5).
• El. pr. 23, 5 (6).
El. pr. 24, 1.
OLYMPIA.
55
Mummius pre-
during the second Messenian war.
sented, from the spoils of Achaia, the brazen Jupiter
which stood to the left of the offering of the Lace-
dæmonians near the first column of the temple on
that side. But the greatest of the brazen statues of
Jupiter was dedicated by the Eleians for their vic-
tory over the Arcadians; it was 27 feet in height.
Near the Pelopium a low column supported a small
statue of Jupiter extending the left hand. Opposite
to this, among other monuments in a line', were
statues of Jupiter and Ganymedes, made by Aristo-
cles, son of Clecetas, and dedicated by Gnothis of
Thessaly; then a Jupiter without a beard, one of
the offerings of Smicythus2; then another beardless
Jupiter, presented by the Elaite of the Asiatic
Æolis; then a Jupiter with Pelops on one side and
Alpheius on the other, presented by the people of
the peninsular quarter of Cnidus; and a Jupiter
dedicated by the Ephesii of the quarter of Coressus ³.
Near the wall of the Altis stood a Jupiter facing
towards the west and not inscribed, but supposed to
have been a part of the produce of the Achæan
spoils acquired by Mummius. But of all the statues
of Jupiter, that in the Council-house, surnamed
Horcius, having a thunderbolt in each hand, was the
most terrible to unjust men. Before it the oaths
were taken by the athletæ, and by their fathers,
brothers, and masters 5, as well as by the judges of
5
4
ἄλλα ἀναθήματα ἐπὶ στοίχου, El. pr. 24, 1 (5).
2 V. El. pr. 26, 3, & seq.
3 El. pr. 24, 1 (8).
γυμνασταῖς, 2 (9).
4 πρὸς τῷ τείχει.
3
36
OLYMPIA.
the boys and young horses'. At the feet of this
statue was an elegy inscribed on a brazen tablet,
intended to terrify those who took the oaths. The
statue near the great temple, dedicated by the
Roman colony of Corinth, was not of Jupiter, but
of Alexander, son of Philip, in the character of
Jupiter 2.
4
Pausanias next proceeds to enumerate the dedica-
tions which were not representations of Jupiter ".
First, he describes some statues of children, with
those of a master of a chorus and of a flute-player ˚,
which were placed by the Messenii, in memory of
a chorus of thirty-five children and their two leaders,
who were lost in crossing the strait between Messene
and Rhegium, to attend a festival at Rhegium.
These figures were works of Callon of Elis, and an
elegiac inscription on the monument was composed
by Hippias, surnamed ó σopóg. On the wall of the
Altis were children of brass by Calamis, extending
their hands as if invoking the gods; these were
dedicated by the people of Acragas from the spoils
of Motye, a city inhabited by Phoenicians and
Libyans. On the same wall were two naked statues
of Hercules, one representing him as very young,
the other' as killing the lion of Nemea with
arrows; the latter was the work of Nicodamus of
Mænalus, and had been presented by Hippotion
*
6
1 ὅσοι τοὺς παῖδας ἢ τῶν ἵππων τῶν ἀγωνιζομένων τοὺς πώλους
Kpivovσ, Pausan. El. pr. 24, 2 (10).
8
² 24, 3 (25, 1).
· διδάσκαλον χορού. (4.)
* ἐπὶ τοῦ τείχους, 2 (5).
· οὐ μίμησις Διὸς, El. pr. 25, 1.
5 αυλητήν.
* τὸν μὲν παῖδα ἡλικίαν, τὸν δέ ? 4 (7).
OLYMPIA.
57
2
of Taras; the former, dedicated by Anaxippus of
Mende, had been brought by the Eleians from
the extremity of the sacred way which leads from
Elis to Olympia'. Near the great temple stood
statues of the warriors who drew lots to determine
which of them should fight with Hector. Eight
armed Grecian chieftains were represented stand-
ing before Nestor, who on a separate pedestal was
putting their symbols into his helmet. A ninth
figure, that of Ulysses, had been conveyed to Rome
by Nero.
On that of Agamemnon alone was the
name, written from right to left. A cock on the
shield of Idomeneus showed that he was descended
from the Sun by Pasiphaë, and an inscription in two
verses on the same shield, that the statues were
the works of Onatas; another distich on the basis ³
declared them to have been dedicated by the
Achæans. Near them was a Hercules fighting with
an Amazon on horseback, the work of Aristocles
of Cydonia, and presented by Evagoras of Zancle,
before that city had assumed the name of Messana*
(B. C. 494). There was also a brazen Hercules, son
of Amphitryon, ten cubits high, armed with club
and bow, on a pedestal of brass; a work of Onatas,
and a dedication of the Thasii5. A statue of Vic-
tory, on a column, made by Pæonius of Mende, was
presented by the Messenii of Naupactus, from the
spoils of war. The following were the dedications
1
3
πρὸ τούτου ἔκειτο ἐπὶ τῆς ὁδοῦ τῷ πέρατι, ἢ ἄγει μὲν ἐξ Ηλιδος
ἐς Ολυμπίαν, καλεῖται δὲ ἱερά. Pausan. El. pr. 25, 4 (7).
dè
2 τὸν ἑκάστου κλῆρον, 5 (8).
6 (11).
57 (12).
3 ἐπὶ τῷ βάθρῳ (10).
• El. pr. 26, 1.
58
OLYMPIA.
4
of Smicythus, son of Chorus'. To the right of
the brazen doors, at the entrance of the temple of
Jupiter 2, were Amphitrite, Neptune, and Vesta, by
Glaucus of Argos. To the left of the same temple
were Proserpina, Venus, Ganymedes, Diana, Escu-
lapius, Hygieia, Homer, and Hesiod³. Not far from
the Pelopium were the beardless Jupiter, already
mentioned ¹, also Bacchus, Orpheus, and Agon, holding
åλτñρeç, or semicircular weights, in his hands, such
as are used by those who contend in leaping. All
these were works of Dionysius of Argos. Other
dedications of Smicythus had been carried away by
Nero. Near those made by Glaucus (i. e. on the
right of the entrance into the temple of Jupiter)
was a Minerva, with ægis and helmet, by Nicoda-
mus of Mænalus, presented by the Eleians; and
near it a Victory, without wings, by Calamis, an
offering of the Mantinenses 6. Near the smaller
offerings of Smicythus, made by Dionysius, (i. e.
towards the Pelopium,) were the exploits of Her-
cules against the Nemean lion, the Lernæan hydra,
the dog of Hades, and the Erymanthian boar, dedi-
cated by the people of Heracleia from the spoils
of the Maryandini'. Over-against these statues
1
8
¹ Smicythus, according to Herodotus (7, 170), Pausanias, and
the inscriptions on some of the monuments at Olympia, had
been a slave, and treasurer of Anaxilas of Rhegium; after the
tyrant's death, he retired to Tegea, and on the recovery of his
son from sickness made these votive offerings.
2 V. Pausan. El. pr. 10, 3 (10).
s El. pr. 26, 2.
5 El. pr. 26, 3.
7 6 (7).
4 See above, p. 55.
6 5 (6).
8
* ἀντικρὺ, El. pr. 27, 1.
OLYMPIA.
59
stood in order', turned towards the south, and very near
the Pelopium, some dedications; among which were
those of Phormis of Mænalus, who distinguished
himself in war, and became wealthy in the service
of Gelon, son of Deinomenes, and his brother Hieron,
namely, two horses, each having a charioteer 2
beside it; one of these two pairs of figures was by
Dionysius of Argos, the other by Simon of Egina;
there were also three pairs of statues, representing
Phormis fighting with an opponent; which had been
presented by Lycortas of Syracuse. Here likewise
was a Mercury, clothed with a helmet, chlamys, and
shirt, and having a ram under his arm, dedicated
by the Pheneatæ, and the joint work of Onatas and
Calliteles. Next occurred a Mercury, bearing a
caduceus, by Callon of Elis, dedicated by Glaucias
of Rhegium; then two brazen oxen, by Philesius
of Eretria, one presented by the Corcyræi, the other
by the Eretrienses". Under the plane-trees, which
were near the middle of the Altis, was a brazen
trophy erected by the Eleians, for their victory in
the Altis over the Lacedæmonians (B. c. 364), made
by Dedalus of Sicyon. Near the statue of Anau-
chidas', there was a statue having weights in the
hands, like a pentathlus, which had been dedicated
by the people of Mende after having taken Sipte.
This closes the Prior Eliacs, or fifth book of Pau-
sanias. Of the Posterior Eliacs, the first eighteen
Éπì σTоixov, Pausan. El. pr. 27, 1.
3
4 (7).
5 6 (9).
+ 5 (8).
6
2 ηνίοχος, (2.)
7 (11). V. El. post. 2, 4 (8).
El. pr. 27, 8 (12).
7 V. El. post. 14, 5 (11). 16, 1.
60
OLYMPIA.
chapters describe statues of victorious athlete and
horses, together with those of some other individuals
to whom statues had been here erected. The author
omits to notice the monuments of those athletæ who
owed their honours to chance more than to their own
merits, while he names some to whom no monument
had been erected. It is evident, from his frequent
reference to the inscriptions on the monuments, and
sometimes by the citations of the epigrams them-
selves, that in every part of his description of
Olympia, Pausanias derived his information chiefly
from this source. To the right of the temple of
Juno stood statues of Symmachus of Elis, of Neo-
laidas of Pheneus, and of Archidamus of Elis, all
made by Alypus of Sicyon, a disciple of Naucydes
of Argos; also that of Cleogenes of Elis, and near
it those of three other Eleians, Deinolochus, Pyr-
rhus, and Troilus; the first was made by Cleon of
Sicyon, that of Pyrrhus was a work of Lysippus.
Near the Troilus, on a basis of stone, stood the
car of Cynisca', with her statue and that of her
charioteer, works of Apelles. And near this monu-
ment were statues of the horses of two men, who
had gained the prize at Olympia, namely, Anaxan-
drus, represented as praying to the god, and Poly-
cles, surnamed Polychalcus, who was holding in
his right hand a brow-band of victory2, with two
boys beside him, one of whom held a hoop, while
1
¹ Cynisca was daughter of Archidamus, king of Sparta, and
was the first woman who trained horses for the Olympic contest
(Lacon. 8, 1). Her pwov was in the Platanistus at Sparta
(Lacon. 15, 1).
2 Tǹy Taιvíav. Pausan. El. post. 1, 2 (7).
3
τροχόν.
OLYMPIA.
61
2
the other demanded the tænia. Next occurred
statues of Xenarges of Stratus in Acarnania, by
Lysippus, and of the Lacedæmonians, Xenarges,
Lycinus, Arcesilaus, and Lichas, son of Arcesilaus,
who had been whipped by the Hellanodicæ for
having tied a tænia on the head of his victorious
charioteer'. There were two statues of Arcesilaus,
by Myron of Athens. Near the Lichas stood Thra-
sybulus, a prophet of Elis, examining the entrails of a
dog, while a lizard was creeping up his right shoulder;
Timosthenes of Elis, and Antipatrus of Miletus, the
latter by Polycleitus, the former by Eutychides of
Sicyon, who had made a highly venerated statue of
Fortune for the Syrians of the Orontes, and who
was a pupil of Lysippus. Near the Timosthenes
were figures of Timon, and of his young son
Esypus, seated on a horse, works of Dædalus of
Sicyon. The statue of a nameless athlete of Samus
was dedicated by Mecon his instructor³. Here also
was the statue of Damiscus of Messene, an Olympic
victor at twelve years of age. Very near the Da-
miscus was a nameless statue, inscribed as a dedi-
cation of Ptolemy son of Lagus, a Macedonian (the
king of Egypt). The statue of Chæreas of Sicyon
was the work of Asterion. Next stood those of
Sophius, a boy of Messene, and of Stomius of Elis,
who, besides three agonistic victories, had been a
successful commander of Eleian cavalry 5. Then
were Labax of Lepreum, and Aristodemus of Elis,
the latter made by Aristodemus, a disciple of
3
¹ El. post. 2, 1 (2).
παιδοτρίβης, 4 (9).
El. post. 3, 1 (2).
2 γαλεώτης, 2 (4).
4 5 (10).
62
OLYMPIA.
Dædalus of Sicyon. The statue of Hippos of Elis
was made by Damocritus of Sicyon'. Before that
of Cratinus of Egeira stood the statue of his
instructor, made by Cantharus of Sicyon. The
statue of Eupolemus of Elis was made by Dædalus
of Sicyon2. That of Ebotas of Paleia, afterwards
called Dyme, had been erected by the Achæans,
74 Olympiads after his victory, by command of the
Oracle of Delphi. The statue of Antiochus of Le-
preum was the work of Nicodamus, and near it
stood that of Hysmon of Elis, which had weights in
the hands, of ancient form³, and was the work of
Cleon. Next to the Hysmon was Nicostratus of
Heræa in Arcadia, made by Pantias; then Dicon
of Caulonia, who gained fifteen victories at the four
great Grecian contests, and erected as many statues
at Olympia. Near the Dicon5 was Xenophon of
Ægium by Olympus, and Pyrilampes of Ephesus, by
Pyrilampes of Messene under Ithome. The statue
of Lysander, son of Aristocritus of Sparta, was
dedicated by the Samii, and inscribed by them with
a distich in honour of his virtues 6. Next to the
Lysander was Athenæus of Ephesus, then Sostratus
of Sicyon, surnamed Acrochersites, because he
gained his victories in the pancratium by squeezing
his adversaries' hands. Then occurred the statue
of Leontiscus of Messene in Sicily, who pursued a
similar method in wrestling; it was the work of
Pythagoras of Rhegium. A nameless statue repre-
1
Pausan. El. post. 3, 2 (5).
3 ἁλτῆρας ἀρχαίους, 4 (10)
5 ἐπὶ τῷ Δίκωνι, (13.)
7 El. post. 4, 1.
2 3, 3 (7).
4
• 5 (12).
6 6 (14).
8
2 (3).
OLYMPIA.
63
senting a boy, having his head bound with the
Taivía, or band of victory, was the work of Phidias.
The statue of Satyrus, one of the Iamidæ of Elis,
was made by Silanion; that of Amyntas of Ephe-
sus, by Polycles of Athens¹; that of Chilon of
Patræ, who after numerous agonistic victories fell
in battle either at Charoneia or Lamia, by Lysip-
pus. Next to the Chilon was a statue of Molpion,
who had been crowned by the Eleians, and that of
Aristotle of Stageira, erected by a disciple, or by
some military man, Aristotle having enjoyed great
favour with Alexander and Antipater. Next
occurred Sodamas of Assus in the Troast, Archi-
damus, son of Agesilaus king of Sparta, erected by
the Lacedæmonians, and Evanthes of Cyzicus; near
which was Lampus of Philippi, a trainer of horses ³,
accompanied by a chariot in which stood a young
woman. The statue of Cyniscus of Mantineia was
the work of Polycleitus; that of Ergoteles was
inscribed as that of a Himeræan, though in reality
Ergoteles was of Gnossus, from whence he had fled
to Himera". On a lofty pedestal stood the statue
of Polydamas of Scotussa, the largest and strongest
man since the heroic times; and some of whose
feats of strength were described in sculpture on the
pedestal, and others in the inscription. Near this
monument were the statues of Protolaus of Manti-
1
3
¹ Pausan. El. post. 4, 3 (5).
2 4 (6).
5
5 (8). This and the Lysander were among the statues not of
athletæ.
4
+ (9).
6
ὁ παῖς παρθένος.
5 ἀνὴρ ἱπποτρόφος, 6 (10).
7 7 (11).
El. post. 5, 1—4 (1—9).
64
OLYMPIA.
neia by Pythagoras of Rhegium,-of Narycidas of
Phigaleia, by Daedalus of Sicyon ',-of Callias of
Athens, by Micon the Athenian painter,-and of
Androsthenes of Mænalus, by Nicodamus of Mæ-
nalus. Next occurred Eucles of Rhodes, by Nau-
cydes; and Agenor of Thebes, by Polycleitus of
Argos, a pupil of Naucydes, and not the same Poly-
cleitus who made the Juno (of the Argive Heræum²):
also Damoxenidas of Mænalus by Nicodamus of the
same city. Here stood also the statues of Lastra-
tidas of Elis³, of Euthymus of the Italian Locris,
by Pythagoras of Rhegium, of Pytharchus of Man-
tineia, and of Charmides of Elis. Then occurred
the statue of Diagoras of Rhodes, by Callicles of
Megara, and those of his three sons and two grand-
sons, all of whom had been victorious at Olympia 5.
In like manner Alcænetus of Lepreum, and his two
sons Hellanicus and Theantus, had statues at Olym-
pia, and near them were those of Lycinus of Elis,
and of Gnathon of Dipæa, the latter made by Cal-
licles of Megara. That of Dromeus of Stymphe-
lus, who had gained twelve victories in running,
was by Pythagoras, and that of Pythocles of Elis
by Polycleitus 6. The next statues mentioned by
Pausanias are those of Socrates of Pellene, of Amer-
tus of Elis, of Evanoridas of Elis, of Damarchus
of Parrhasia, and of Eubotas of Cyrene. That of
Amertus was made by Phradmon of Argos'. The
statue of Timanthus of Cleona was by Myron of
1 Pausan. El. post. 6, 1.
3 El. post. 6, 1 (3).
• El. post. 7, 1 (2).
7 El. post. 8, 1. 2.
1
2 V. Corinth, 17, 4 (5).
2 (7).
6
F3 (10).
OLYMPIA.
65
Athens, that of Baucis of Trozen by Naucydes. Be-
yond the Baucis occurred statues of Euthymenes of
Mænalus by Alypus, of Philippus of Pellene by
Myron, of Critodamus of Cleitor by Cleon, of Pro-
machus of Pellene', and near the last that of Tima-
sitheus of Delphi, by Ageladas of Argos'. The
statue of Theognetus of Ægina, bearing a cone of
the cultivated pine in his hand, was the work of
Ptolichus of the same island: a nameless statue was
that of one who had gained the horse-race called
Calpe³, which did not entitle him to be registered
among the Olympic victors. Near it stood Xenocles
of Mænalus by Polycleitus, then Alcetus of Cleitor
by Cleon, Aristeus of Argos and his father Cheimon,
the former a work of Pantias of Chius, the latter by
Naucydes, who made another statue of Cheimon,
which was conveyed from Argos to Rome, and in
the time of Pausanias stood there in the temple of
Peace. The statue of Philys of Elis was made by
Cratinus of Sparta. The car of Gelon of Gela was
the work of Glaucias of Ægina, near it was the
statue of Philon of Corcyra by the same artist, and
that of Agametor of Mantineia 6. Beyond these
stood Glaucus of Carystus, said to have been a
descendant of Glaucus of Anthedon, who was wor-
shipped as a marine deity'; the statue was by Glau-
1
¹ Pausan. El. post. 8, 3 (5). Concerning Promachus, see
Achaic. 27, 2 (5).
El. post. 8, 4 (6).
2
* In the Calpe, the rider throwing himself off from a mare
towards the latter end of the course, finished it on foot, leading
the mare; the Apene was a car drawn by two mules.
contests lasted only from the 70th to the 84th Olympiad. El. pr.
9, 2.
2 (5).
6
3 (9).
* El. post. 9, 1 (4).
7 V. Bœot. 22, 6 (7).
F
These
66
OLYMPIA.
cias of Ægina, and represented Glaucus as exercising
his arms'. The statues of Damaretus of Heræa, and
his son Theopompus, were works of Eutelidas and
Chrysothemis of Argos. That of Theopompus, son
of the aforesaid Theopompus, was by an unknown
artist. Damaretus was represented in armour ².
2
Here were statues also of Iccus of Tarentum, and
of Pantarces of Elis, the beloved of Phidias; next to
which were the statue, car, four horses and charioteer
of Cleosthenes of Epidamnus, the work of Ageladas.
Cleosthenes was the first who raised his statue at
Olympia for a victory in the Hippodrome; for there
is no statue in the car of Evagoras of Laconia. That
of Cleosthenes stood behind the statue of Jupiter,
which had been dedicated by the Greeks after
the battle of Platæa 3. The statue of Lycinus of
Heræa was the work of Cleon, that of Epicradius
of Mantineia was by Ptolichus of Egina, and that
The
of Agiadas of Elis by Serambus of Ægina.
name of the artist who made the statue of Tellon of
Thasus was not known'. Next to these were the kings
Philip son of Amyntas, his son Alexander, Seleucus
and Antigonus; all except Antigonus on horseback" :
and near them Theagenes, who had gained in the
course of his life 1400 crowns, who received divine
honours in his native city Thasus, and to whom
statues had been raised in many places. His statue
1
σκιαμαχοῦντος δὲ ὁ ἀνδριὰς παρέχεται σχῆμα, Pausan. Εl.
dè ¿
post. 10, 1 (3).
2
2 (4). As having contended in the onλírov dpópos. In later
times the oraciocpópos was not armed.
3 See above, p. 54.
* El. post. 10, 2 (9).
5 El. post. 11, 1.
OLYMPIA.
67
at Olympia was by Glaucias of Ægina'. Near it was
a group, consisting of a brazen car, on either side of
which was a running horse, with a boy on its
back. These were memorials of the Olympic vic-
tories of Hieron, son of Deinomenes, tyrant of
Syracuse, dedicated by Deinomenes, son of Hieron;
the car was made by Onatas, the horses and young
men by Calamis 2. Here also was a statue of
Hieron, son of Hierocles, who obtained the supreme
power at Syracuse after the death of Agathocles;
and another statue of the same king on horseback,
both dedicated by his sons, and made by Micon of
Syracuse. Next to these were statues of Areus,
son of Acrotatus, king of Sparta, dedicated by the
Eleians; of Aratus, son of Clinias (of Sicyon), by the
Corinthians; another of Areus on horseback; that
of Timon of Elis, mounted on a brazen car; those
of Callon, by Daippus, and of Hippomachus, both
young men of Elis,-the car of Theochrestus of
Cyrene, the statue of Agesarchus of Tritæa, by the
sons of Polycles, and that of Astylus of Crotona,
by Pythagoras. A column erected by the Lacedæ-
monians recorded the (ancient) victories of Chionis,
and a statue standing by it, made by Myron,
was said to be that of Chionis 5. Not far from
the column of Chionis was the statue of Duris of
Pausan. El. post. 11, 3 (9).
2 El. post. 12, 1.
3 (9).
3 2 (4).
5
El. post. 13, 1 (2). Pausanias here names Hermogenes of
Xanthus, Polites of Ceramus in Caria Tracheia, and Leonidas of
Rhodes, as having distinguished themselves by their victories not
less than Chionis, but without any mention of their statues.
F 2
68
OLYMPIA.
Samus, the work of Hippias'. Near the statue of the
Tyrant 2 (Hieron), stood those of Diallus of Smyrna,
of Thersilochus of Corcyra, and of Aristion of Epidau-
rus, the two latter by Polycleitus. That of Bycelus
of Sicyon was made by Canachus of the same city;
and that of Mnaseas of Cyrene, by Pythagoras of
Rhegium. An Argive artist, not named, had made
that of Agemachus of Cyzicus.
Here was the statue of Aura, the mare of Phei-
dolas of Corinth, which, after her rider had fallen to
the ground, completed the course and stopped before
the Hellanodicæ, as if conscious she had gained the
victory. A pillar, bearing upon it a horse in relief,
was in commemoration of a victory gained by the
two sons of Pheidolas. Here also were statues
of Agathinus and Telemachus of Elis; of these the
former had been dedicated by the Pellenenses of
Achaia, that of Aristophon by the Athenians; and
near the last stood that of Pherias of Egina. Near the
statue of Hyllus of Rhodes was a small brazen horse,
dedicated by Crocon of Eretria in honour of his vic-
tory in the chariot-race; and the statue of Telestas of
Messene, a work of Silanion 5. That of (the cele-
brated) Milon of Crotona was by Dameas of the
same city. Near the statue of Pyrrhus, son of
1
2
¹ Pausan. El. post. 13, 3 (5). παρὰ τὸν τύραννον, 4 (6).
Pausanias here notices the numerous victories of Tisandrus
of Naxus in Sicily; and adds, "Of Naxus, not even the ruins
remain; and if its name be now known, it is chiefly owing to
Tisandrus." 1600 years have elapsed since the time of Pausanias,
and coins of Naxus 600 or 700 years older are still extant, of
the greatest beauty and in perfect preservation.
4 6 (11).
6
2 (5).
5 El. post. 14, 1 (4).
OLYMPIA.
69
acides king of Thesprotis, which was erected by
Thrasybulus of Elis, stood a pillar on which was
represented in relief, on a small scale, a man play-
ing on (two) flutes, in memory of Pythocritus of
Sicyon', who played on the flute during the pen-
tathlum on six consecutive Olympiads. The statue
of Cylon, who delivered the Eleians from the
tyranny of Aristotimus, was erected by the Ætolians.
Those of the Messenians, Gorgus and Damaretus,
were made, the former by Theron, a Boeotian, the
latter by Silanion of Athens. Here were also
statues of Anauchidas son of Philys of Elis, and
of Anochus of Taras, the latter by Ageladas of
Argos. A boy seated on a horse, with a (young)
man standing beside him, recorded the victory of
Xenombrotus of Cos in the horse-race, and that of
Xenodicus among the youthful pugilists; the former
statue was the work of Philotimus of Ægina, the
latter of Panthias.
Two statues of Pythes of Abdera, works of Ly-
sippus, had been dedicated by some military men
as memorials of his talents as a commander. Here
were likewise statues of Meneptolemus of Apollonia
on the Ionian Gulf, and of Philon of Corcyra, of
Procles of Andrus, and of Hieronymus of the same
island, who overcame in the pentathlum Tisamenes,
the prophet of the Greeks at the battle of Platæa.
The Procles was made by Somis, the Hieronymus
by Stomius. Here also were two statues of Es-
chines of Elis, for two victories in the pentathlum²,
1
· ἀνὴρ μικρὸς αὐλοὺς ἔχων ἐστὶν ἐκτετυπωμένος ἐπὶ στήλης,
Pausan. El. post. 14, 4 (9).
25 (13).
70
OLYMPIA.
and statues of Archippus of Mitylene, of Zenon of
Lepreum by Pyrilampes of Messene, of Cleinomachus
of Elis', and of Pantarces of the same city, who
had two statues raised to him, one for his victory
in the horse-race, the other for having negotiated a
peace between the Achæans and Eleians. Here like-
wise were statues of Olidas of Elis, erected by the
Etolians, of Charinus of Elis, of Ageles of Chius,
made by Theomnestus of Sardeis, of Cleitomachus
of Thebes, dedicated by his father Hermocrates, of
Epitherses of Erythræ in Ionia, erected by the
Erythræi, and two statues of Hieron (son of Hiero-
cles) dedicated by the people of Syracuse, with a
third by the sons of Hieron: also the statue of
Timoptolis of Elis, which had been presented by the
Palenses of Cephallenia, that of Archidamus, son
of Agesilaus; and that of a man without a name,
represented in the character of a hunter. Those of
Demetrius, and his son Antigonus, were dedications
of the Byzantii. Eutelidas, who had gained the
prize in the pentathlum, the only time that boys had
been allowed to contend for it, had an archaic statue
on which the inscription was nearly obliterated.
Then occurred, a second time, Areus the Spartan
king, and Gorgus of Elis'. The statue of a man
with children beside him was said to have been that
of Ptolemy son of Lagus: near it were two statues
of Caprus of Elis. Here also were statues of Anau-
3
ๆ
¹ Pausan. El. post. 15, 1.
15, 2.
5 θηρεύοντας, 4 (7).
El. post. 15, 5 (9).
2 κέλητι, (2.)
4
3 (7).
6
See above, p. 67.
8 6(10).
OLYMPIA.
71.
1
chidas and Pherenicus of Elis; of Pleistanus, son
of Eurydamus, who commanded the Etolians against
the Gauls, of Antigonus, father of Demetrius, and
of Seleucus. The two latter were dedicated by
Tydeus of Elis; the Pleistanus by the people of
Thespiæ 2. Not far from a statue of Timon of Elis,
who, besides his agonistic victories, had fought with
the Etolians against the Thessalians, and had
commanded the Ætolian garrison of Naupactus,
stood the figures of Hellas and Elis, the former
crowning Antigonus, tutor of Philip son of Deme-
trius, with one hand, and Philip himself with the
other; the latter crowning in the same manner
Demetrius, who made war with Seleucus, and with
Ptolemy son of Lagus. Here were statues of
Aristides and of Menalces of Elis, of Philonides
3
of Chersonesus in Crete, who was
4
runner to
Alexander son of Philip: then those of Brimias
of Elis, of Leonidas of the island Naxus, erected
by the Psophidii, of the Eleians Nicandrus and
Asamon, the former by Daippus, the latter by
Pyrilampes of Evalcis of Elis, and of Seleadas
a Lacedæmonian5; near which last was a pillar
supporting a small car and a statue of Calliteles,
dedicated by his son Polypeithes. Between the sta-
tues of Lampus and Aristarchus of Elis was that of
Lysippus of Elis, made by Andreas of Argos. Dei-
nosthenes of Lacedæmon had placed on one side of
4
6
¹ Mentioned before, see p. 69.
2 Pausan. El. post. 16, 1 (2).
ἡμεροδρόμος.
(7).
3 3 (4).
5
El. post. 16, 5 (6).
72
OLYMPIA.
his statue a column, between which and another
column at Sparta there was a distance of 660 stades.
Here were statues of the Eleians Theodorus, Nelai-
das, and Pyttalus, the last by Sthenis of Olynthus.
Then occurred an equestrian figure of Ptolemæus,
and near it statues of Pæanius and Clearetus of Elis,
and the car of Glaucon, an Athenian'.
2 "
"Such," adds Pausanias, "were the things most
worthy of notice which presented themselves to him
who proceeded in the direction before mentioned by
me 2
But in proceeding to the right of the way
leading from the Leonidæum to the great altar, the
following were the most remarkable monuments
which occurred:-namely, statues of Democrates
of Tenedus, and of Crianius of Elis, the former by
Dionysicles of Miletus, the latter by Lysis a Mace-
donian. Those of Herodotus of Clazomenæ and of
Hegepolis of Cos were erected by their native cities *;
that of Ptolemy, grandson of Lagus, by Aristolaus
of Lacedæmon. Here likewise were those of Butas
of Miletus, of Callicrates of Magnesia on the
Lethæus, made by Lysippus; of Alexibius of Heraa
in Arcadia, by Acestor; of Emaution by an Arcadian
artist not named; of Hermesianax of Colophon,
¹ Pausan. El. post. 16, 7 (9).
2
4
ἀξιολογώτατα ἀνδρὶ ποιουμένῳ τὴν ἔφοδον ἐν τῇ ῎Αλτει κατὰ
τà hµïv eionµéra, El. post. 17, 1. Refer to El. pr. 15, 3.
3 εἰ δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ Λεωνιδαίου πρὸς τὸν βωμὸν τὸν μέγαν ἀφι
κέσθαι τῇ δεξιᾷ θελησείας, τοσάδε ἐστί σοι τῶν ἀνηκόντων ἐς
μrhunv. El. post. 17, 1.
+ (3).
El. post. 17, 2 (4).
5 A small branch of the Mæander.
OLYMPIA,
73
Here
erected by the Colophonii; of Eicasius of Colophon,
son of the daughter of Hermesianax; of two young
Eleians, Chorilus and Theotimus, the works respec-
tively of Sthenis of Olynthus and of Datondas of
Sicyon'. Then occurred the statues of two men of
Elis, Archidamus and Eperastus2; and among some
dedications, not worthy of being specified, were the
statues of Alexinicus of Elis, by Cantharus of Si-
cyon, and that of Gorgias of Leontium (the cele-
brated orator) which had been dedicated by Eu-
molpus, who was descended from his sister ³.
was the car of Cratisthenes of Cyrene, containing
statues of Cratisthenes and of Victory, the works
of Pythagoras, and the statue of Anaximenes, who
wrote on the antiquities of Greece and on the actions
of Philip son of Amyntas, and of Alexander son of
Philip: this statue had been dedicated by the people
of Lampsacus, whose city he had saved from the
wrath of Alexander ". Here also was the statue of
Sotades of Crete. The statue of Praxidamas of
Ægina made of the cypress, and that of Rhexibius
of Opus made of the fig-tree, were near the column
of Enomaus. These athlete were the first who
erected statues at Olympia, the former in the 59th
Olympiad, the latter in the 61st º.
5
6
Pausanias then proceeds to describe the Treasuries.
They stood northward of the Heræum; and the last
described by him, that of the Geloi, was close to the
Pausan. El. post. 17, 3 (5).
1
3 5 (9).
5 2.
2 4 (6).
4 El. post. 18, 1.
4 (7).
74
OLYMPIA.
Stadium'. He then says, that upon the summit of
Mount Cronius, which rose immediately above the
platform of the Treasuries, the Basila sacrificed
at the vernal equinox³. At its extremity towards
the north, between the mountain and the Trea-
suries, was the temple of Lucina Olympia, con-
taining the Sanctuary of Sosipolis, who, in the form
of a serpent, was said to have assisted the Eleians
in their battle with the Arcadians in the Altis.
The tomb of the Arcadians who lost their lives on
this occasion was on the height which occurs to the
westward after having traversed the Cladeus. Near
the temple of Lucina were the ruins of the temple
of Venus Urania, containing some altars on which
sacrifices were made. Pausanias next describes the
Hippodamium, which, he says, was near the Pompic
oodos, and then immediately remarks, that at the
extremity of the Zanes or statues which had been
dedicated from fines levied upon athletæ, was the
1
πρὸς αὐτῷ μέν ἐστιν ἤδη τῷ σταδίῳ. Pausan. El. post. 19,
10 (15).
Τὸ δὲ ὄρος τὸ Κρόνιον κατὰ τὰ ἤδη λελεγμένα μοι παρὰ τὴν
κρηπῖδα καὶ τοὺς ἐπ᾿ αὐτῇ παρήκει θησαυρούς. Εl. post. 20, 1.
See p. 39.
3 To Cronus. The connexion of this worship with Etolia,
from whence Elis was colonized, and from whence also came
Oxylus, the reviver of the Olympic contest, is shown by Strabo,
pp. 468, 472.
4 ἐν δὲ τοῖς πέρασι τοῦ Κρονίου κατὰ τὸ πρὸς τὴν ἄρκτον ἐστὶν ἐν
μέσῳ τῶν θησαυρῶν καὶ τοῦ ὄρους ἱερὸν Εἰληθυίας. El. post.
20, 2.
5
τοῖς δὲ τῶν ᾿Αρκάδων ἀποθανοῦσιν ἐν τῇ μάχῃ ἐστὶ τὸ μνῆμα
ἐπὶ τοῦ λόφου διαβάντων τὸν Κλάδεον ὡς ἐπὶ ἡλίου δυσμάς.
3 (6).
OLYMPIA.
75
entrance into the Stadium called the Secret; through
which the Hellanodicæ, who regulated the contests,
and the Agonistæ entered '.
The Stadium was a mound of earth, in which there
was a seat for the Hellanodicæ, and over-against it an
altar of white marble, on which sat the priestess of
Ceres Chamyne to behold the games 2. At the extre-
mity of the Stadium, from which those who contended
in the races of the Stadium began their course, was
¹ Pausan. El. post. 20, 4 (7). There were ten Hellanodicæ,
which number had not varied since the 108th Olympiad, B. C.
348. El. pr. 9, 5 (6).
2 Τὸ μὲν δὴ στάδιον γῆς χῶμά ἐστι, πεποίηται δ' ἐν αὐτῷ καθέδρα
τοῖς τιθεῖσι τὸν ἀγῶνα. Ἔστι δὲ ἀπαντικρὺ τῶν ῾Ελλανοδικῶν
βωμὸς λίθου λευκοῦ· ἐπὶ τούτου καθεζομένη τοῦ βωμοῦ θεᾶται
γυνὴ τὰ Ὀλύμπια, ἱέρεια Δήμητρος Χαμύνης. El. post. 20, 5. 6
(8. 9).
66
This description of the Stadium, as a mound of earth," on
which there was a seat of the presiding magistrates, might natu-
rally lead to the belief that there were no other seats, and that
spectators witnessed the performances of the Stadium from the
naked declivities. But such a conclusion would be erroneous.
Pausanias describes the Stadium of the Hierum of Epidaurus in
the same words, with the addition, that such in general was the
formation of Greek stadia, στάδιον, οἷα Ἕλλησι τὰ πολλὰ,
yñs xŵμa, Corinth. 27, 6 (5). In almost all the Greek stadia
which still remain in any moderate degree of preservation,
remains of seats of stone or marble are to be found. At the
Hierum of Epidaurus, in particular, there are very considerable
remains of such seats. Pausanias, therefore, intended no more
than that stadia were generally formed by means of an artificial
accumulation of earth. The Stadium of Thebes, he says, re-
sembled those of Epidaurus and Olympia in being a heap of
earth, στάδιον κατὰ ταῦτα τῷ τε ἐν Ὀλυμπίᾳ καὶ τῷ Ἐπιδαυρίων
yйs xwμa. Bœot. 23, 1.
3
ᾗ τοῖς σταδιοδρόμοις ἄφεσις πεποίηται. Pausan. El. post. 20,
6 (9).
76
OLYMPIA.
a monument called by the Eleians the tomb of En-
dymion. In proceeding towards the Hippodrome
from that part of the Stadium where was the seat of
the Hellanodicæ, occurred the Hippaphesis, or start-
ing-place of the horses, the constructors of which were
the artists Clecetas and Aristides. It resembled in
form the prow of a ship; the embolus or beak being
turned towards the running-place. Its widest part
was adjacent to the stoa of Agnaptus. At the end
of the embolus was a hollow pillar surmounted by
a brazen dolphin. Each side of the Hippaphesis
was more than 400 feet in length, and consisted of
apartments which were assigned by lot to those
who brought horses to the Olympic contest. Before
the chariots, as well as before the single race-horses,
a cord was extended, serving as a barrier. An altar
of crude brick whitened was erected at every Olym-
piad about the middle of the prow, on which there was
a brazen eagle extending its wings to the utmost.
The superintendent of the race moved this figure
by means of machinery within the altar, and caused
the eagle to rise so as to be seen by all those
who attended the games; the dolphin at the same
time fell to the ground 2.
The first barriers on
1
1 Παρέχεται μὲν οὖν σχῆμα ἡ ἄφεσις κατά πρώραν νεώς, τέ-
τραπται δὲ αὐτῆς τὸ ἔμβολον ἐς τὸν δρόμον. καθότι δὲ τῇ ᾿Αγνάπτου
στόᾳ προσεχής ἐστιν ἡ πρώρα, κατὰ τοῦτο εὐρεῖα γίνεται. δελφὶς δὲ
ἐπὶ κανόνος κατὰ ἄκρον μάλιστα τὸ ἔμβολον πεποίηται χαλκοῦς.
ἑκατέρα μὲν δὴ πλευρὰ τῆς ἀφέσεως πλέον ἢ τετρακοσίους πόδας
παρέχεται τοῦ μήκους, ᾠκοδόμηται δὲ ἐν αὐταῖς οἰκήματα. Pausan.
El. post. 20, 7 (10).
2 πρὸ δὲ τῶν ἁρμάτων ἢ καὶ ἵππων τῶν κελήτων, διήκει πρὸ
αὐτῶν καλώδιον ἀντὶ ὕσπληγγος. βωμὸς δὲ ὠμῆς πλίνθου, τὰ ἐκτὸς
κεκονιαμένος, ἐπὶ ἑκάστης Ολυμπιάδος ποιεῖται κατὰ τὴν πρώραν
OLYMPIA.
77
each side, near the portico of Agnaptus, were then
removed; the horses, which stood behind them,
moved forward until they arrived in a line with
those to which the second rank had been allotted;
the second barriers were then withdrawn, and in the
same manner the others, until all (the horses) were
in line at the embolus. Thenceforward all depended
on the skill of the charioteers and the swiftness
of the horses'. One side of the Hippodrome was
longer than the other, and was formed by a mound
of earth. Near the passage through this embank-
ment was the Taraxippus 2; which resembled a cir-
cular altar, and was named from the fact that the
horses were seized with terror in passing it, so that
chariots were often broken and charioteers were
wounded. On one of the terminal pillars stood
a brazen statue of Hippodameia about to bind the
tænia on Pelops after his victory. The other side.
of the Hippodrome was not a factitious mound, but
3
μάλιστα που μέσην· ἀετὸς δὲ ἐπὶ τῷ βωμῷ χαλκοῦς κεῖται, τὰ
πτερὰ ἐπὶ μήκιστον ἐκτείνων, ἀνακινεῖ μὲν δὴ τὸ ἐν τῷ βωμῷ
μηχάνημα ὁ τεταγμένος ἐπὶ τῷ δρόμῳ· ἀνακινηθέντος δὲ, ὁ μὲν ἐς
τὸ ἄνω πεποίηται πηδῶν ὁ ἀετὸς, ὡς τοῖς ἤκουσιν ἐπὶ τὴν θέαν
γενέσθαι σύνοπτος· ὁ δελφὶς δὲ ἐς ἔδαφος πίπτει. Pausan. El. post.
20, 7 (11).
0
1 διὰ πάντων τε κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν λόγον συμβαίνει τῶν ἵππων
ἐστ᾽ ἂν ἐξισωθῶσιν ἀλλήλοις κατὰ τῆς πρώρας τὸ ἔμβολον τὸ δὲ
ἀπὸ τούτου δὲ ἤδη καθέστηκεν ἐπίδειξις ἐπιστήμης τε ηνιόχων καὶ
ἵππων ὠκύτητος. (18.)
2
· Παρεχομένου δὲ τοῦ Ἱπποδρόμου παρήκουσαν ἐς πλέον τὴν
ἑτέραν τῶν πλευρῶν, ἔστιν ἐπὶ τῆς μείζονος πλευρᾶς, οὔσης χώ-
ματος, κατὰ τὴν διέξοδον τὴν διὰ τοῦ χώματος, τὸ τῶν ἵππων δεῖμα
ὁ Ταράξιππος. 8 (15).
3 ἐπὶ δὲ νύσσης μιᾶς, 10 (19).
78
OLYMPIA.
a natural hill of no great elevation. On its extre-
mity stood the temple of Ceres Chamyne'.
Pausanias then describes the Gymnasium and the
Palæstra, and remarks, that after crossing the Cladeus
occurred the Tomb of Enomaus, a heap of earth
built round with stone, and that beyond it were
ruins of buildings which were said to have been the
stables of the horses of Enomaus 2.
In endeavouring to adjust the relative situations
of the several places, buildings, or other monuments
of Olympia by means of the description of Pausanias,
we have but one given point, the Temple of Jupiter.
All the rest is to be deduced from that description
applied to the existing site of Olympia, of which
also there may be said to be no more than one cer-
tain feature; for, although the identity of the rivers
Alpheius and Cladeus cannot be questioned, their
present course near Olympia may be very different
from that which they followed during the ages when
Olympia flourished. The most important question
is the position of the Stadium, which was separated
from the Hippodrome by the Stoa of Agnaptus and
the Hippaphesis 3. The Stadium and Hippodrome
having together constituted the place of exhibition
of all the Olympic contests, there can be little doubt
that they formed a continued area from the circular
1 τὸ δὲ ἕτερον τοῦ Ἱπποδρόμου μέρος οὐ χῶμα γῆς ἐστιν, ὄρος δὲ
οὐχ ὑψηλόν· ἐπὶ τῷ πέρατι τοῦ ὄρους ἱερὸν πεποίηται Δήμητρι
2 3.
¿πíkλŋoiv Xaµúvn. Pausan. El. post. 21, 1.
Π
3 Διαβάντων δὲ τὸν Κλάδεον τάφος τε Οινομάου γῆς χῶμα
περιῳκοδομημένον λίθοις ἐστὶ, καὶ ὑπὲρ τοῦ μνήματος ἐρείπια
οικοδομημάτων ἔνθα τῷ Οἰνομάῳ τοὺς ἵππους αὐλίζεσθαι λέγουσιν.
21, 3.
"
OLYMPIA.
79
end of the Stadium to the further extremity of the
Hippodrome; which could only have been effected
by placing the Stadium, the Hippaphesis, and the
Hippodrome on one and the same axis. Supposing,
for reasons which will be given hereafter, that the
Hippodrome was about two stades or 1200 feet in
length, this distance added to 400 for the Hippa-
phesis, about 150 for the Stoa of Agnaptus, and 640 for
the Stadium including the semi-diameter of the level
part of its circular end, will give a total distance of
near 2400 feet from the cavea of the Stadium to the
further end of the Hippodrome. Now the whole
extent of ground from the heights on the north-
eastern side of Mount Cronius to the bank of the
Alpheius could not have been much greater than
this distance. From this cause alone, therefore, we
are obliged to place the Stadium on the eastern side
of the Altis; for to the west, although with the aid
of the Cladean vale, space would not be wanting,
the course and direction of the river Cladeus and
the position of the temple of Jupiter forbid the sup-
position that the Stadium and its appendages could
have been on that side of the Altis. Strabo, more-
over, describes the Stadium as situated in a wood of
wild olives in front of the temple of Jupiter', which
as usual faced the east, as indeed Pausanias has
proved by remarking that the Pelopium was to the
north of the temple of Jupiter, and to the right in
entering the temple 2.
1 πρόκειται δ' ἄλσος ἀγριελαίων ἐν ᾧ τὸ στάδιον. Strabo, p.
353.
2 See above, p. 42.
80
OLYMPIA.
Considering the necessity of placing the Stadium,
Hippaphesis, and Hippodrome on the same axis,
as the only hypothesis consistent with the general
description of Pausanias, and considering at the
same time the want of space in the vale of Olympia
for these constructions in any situation except on
the eastern side of Mount Cronius, there scarcely
remains a doubt that the semi-circular extremity
of the Stadium abutted upon the heights to
the north-east of the summit of Mount Cronius.
There were two entrances into the Stadium, the
pompic and the secret. The latter was near the
extremity of the platform which supported the
Zanes or statues of Jupiter raised from fines, which
platform was on the foot of Mount Cronius to the
left in proceeding to the Stadium from the Metroum,
a large temple in the midst of the Altis'.
secret entrance, therefore, was near the south-eastern
foot of that hill, and near the rectilinear end of the
Stadium; and as the seats of the Hellanodicæ were
unquestionably near the entrance which was reserved
1
The
Ἰόντι γὰρ ἐπὶ τὸ Στάδιον τὴν ὁδὸν τὴν ἀπὸ τοῦ Μητρῴου, ἔστιν
ἐν ἀριστερᾷ κατὰ τὸ πέρας τοῦ ὄρους τοῦ Κρονίου, λίθου τε πρὸς
αὐτῷ τῷ ὄρει κρηπὶς καὶ ἀναβαθμοὶ δι' αὐτῆς· πρὸς δὲ τῇ κρηπῖδι
ἀγάλματα Διὸς ἀνάκειται χαλκᾶ· ταύτα ἐποιήθη μὲν ἀπὸ χρημά
των ἐπιβληθείσης ἀθληταῖς ζημίας υβρίσασιν ἐς τὸν ἀγῶνα
καλοῦνται δὲ ὑπὸ τῶν ἐπιχωρίων Ζάνες.
δύο τέχνης τῆς ἐφ' ἡμῶν ἀγάλματα.
ἔστι δὲ καὶ ἄλλα
τὸ μὲν ἐν ἀριστερᾷ
τῆς ἐς τὸ στάδιον ἐσόδου, τὸ δὲ ἕτερον αὐτῶν ἕστηκεν ἐν δεξιᾷ.
Pausan. El. pr. 21, 2. 6 (15).
Ἔστι δὲ ἐπὶ τῷ πέρατι τῶν ἀγαλμάτων, ἃ ἀπὸ ζημίας ἐποιήσαντο
ἀθλητῶν, ἐπὶ τούτῳ τῷ πέρατί ἐστιν, ἣν κρυπτὴν ὀνομάζουσιν
ἔσοδον· διὰ δὲ αὐτῆς τούς τε Ελλανοδίκας ἐσιέναι ἐς τὸ στάδιον
καὶ τοὺς ἀγωνιστάς. El. post. 20, 5 (8).
OLYMPIA.
81
for their use and that of the Agonista, it is equally
evident that these seats were not far from the recti-
linear end of the Stadium. Two observations of
Pausanias support this conclusion, and confirm the
whole arrangement which is delineated in the plan :
one is, that the Hippaphesis, which led into the
Hippodrome, was adjacent to that part of the Sta-
dium where the Hellanodicæ sat; the other, that
the seats of the Hellanodice were at the extremity
of the Stadium opposed to that at which the foot-
race commenced, the length of that race being that
of the Stadium itself, or 600 Greek feet. The
Hellanodice were so placed probably because the
situation was the best for observing all that passed in
the Hippaphesis as well as in the Stadium, at the same
time that it was near the end of the course of the
single foot-race, the most important of all the con-
tests; the apɛoic, or place of departure of the foot-racer,
having been at the opposite or circular end of the
Stadium, where stood the tomb of Endymion.
From the preceding considerations it will follow
that the rectilinear end of the Stadium projected
into the plain a little beyond the south-eastern ex-
tremity of Mount Cronius. Now, as this point was
almost exactly opposite to the Pompic entrance in
the western wall of the Altis, which was not far from
the opisthodomus of the temple of Jupiter, we have
every reason to believe that the Pompic Way, enter-
ing in the middle of the western wall of the Altis,
passed near the temple of Jupiter and through the
middle of the Altis into the area, which was in front
of the rectilinear extremity of the Stadium. That
the public entrances into Stadia were usually at that
G
82
OLYMPIA.
end, might be presumed from the formation and
intention of these constructions, and is sufficiently
confirmed by the mode in which we find them
turned with regard to the agora and chief buildings
in Greek cities in general; of which the Stadia of
Athens and Sicyon may be mentioned as furnishing
examples.
If the eastern and western entrances of the Altis
were situated as I have just stated, the third en-
trance of the Altis described by Pausanias must have
been either on the northern or the southern side.
But on the latter flowed the Alpheius, and allowed
no direct access in that direction, unless by a bridge,
of the existence of which we find no intimation; or
by fording the river, which, although it may gene-
rally have been an easy operation at the season of the
year in which the Olympic Games were celebrated,
would have been always inconvenient for ceremonies
and processions'. The third entrance, therefore,
was doubtless on the north, where issued the Sacred
Way to Elis, having a branch which led to Letrini
and the adjoining sea-coast. This route, and that
which leads up the valley of the Alpheius from the
westward, are in fact the two natural approaches to
the site of Olympia from every quarter but the east;
and we may reasonably presume that these natural
approaches have, in all ages, caused the artificial
routes to follow the same direction, and that the
¹ After heavy rains the Alpheius is not easily forded; and
becomes so swollen and impetuous, that there were probably not
many bridges over it in ancient times. At present there is but
one, namely, at Kary'tena, where the steep banks have particu-
larly favoured the work.
OLYMPIA.
83
points where the two existing paths cross the sup-
posed line of the walls of the Altis, on the northern
and western sides, nearly represent the two entrances
in question.
The western entrance having been not far from
the opisthodomus of the temple of Jupiter, it is pro-
bable that the western wall was not far from the
Cladeus, that its direction was nearly parallel to the
course of that river, and that the northern wall
crossed the entrance of the vale of the Cladeus.
Whether this wall was continued over Mount Cro-
nius, or what portion of that mountain may have
been included within it, we have no means of
judging.
On the outside of the western or Pompic entrance
of the Altis were the studio of Phidias, and, still
nearer to the entrance, or perhaps within it, the
Leonidæum. Very near the northern entrance, on
the outside, was the Gymnasium, and within the
entrance, the Prytaneium'. The situation of the
Metroum is not very exactly designated by Pau-
sanias; but it appears to have been near the Philip-
peium, and to the left of the road into the Altis,
which entered near the Prytaneium. That it was
near the southern foot of Mount Cronius is evident
from the fact that in proceeding from the Metroum
to the entrance of the Stadium, the foot of the
1
· Τὸ Πρυτανεῖον δὲ Ἠλείοις ἐστὶ μὲν τῆς ῎Αλτεως ἐντὸς, πεποί-
ηται δὲ παρὰ τὴν ἔξοδον ἤ ἐστι τοῦ γυμνασίου πέραν. Pausan. El.
pr. 15, 5 (8).
Ἔστι δὲ ἐντὸς τῆς ᾿Αλτεως τὸ Μητρῶον, καὶ οἴκημα περιφερὲς
ὀνομαζόμενον Φιλιππεῖον .
τοῦτο τὸ οἴκημά ἐστι μὲν κατὰ
τὴν ἔξοδον τὴν κατὰ τὸ Πρυτανεῖον ἐν ἀριστερᾷ. 20, 5 (9).
G 2
84.
OLYMPIA.
mountain was near that route on the left'. We
have seen that the Pelopium was a square inclosure,
one side of which ranged with the western front of
the temple of Jupiter, and that it stood to the north
of that temple at such a distance that there was
space for some of those dedications, principally sta-
tues, which abounded in every part of the Altis 2.
It further appears, on considering the situation of
the Pompic entrance, and the direction of the Pom-
pic Way, that this road must have passed through
the interval between the temple of Jupiter and the
Pelopium. The distance between them, therefore,
we may conjecture to have been not less than the
breadth of the temple itself.
4
π
The Great Altar of Jupiter is described by Pausa-
nias as equidistant from the Pelopium and from the
temple of Juno, and as being in front of them both.
But the Pelopium fronted the west, or at least was
entered on the western side *. On the other hand,
we can scarcely doubt, from numerous examples, that
such a temple as the Heræum faced eastward, and
consequently that its axis was nearly parallel to that
of the temple of Jupiter. If, therefore, by pò േо-
ảµpo-
Tέρw we were to understand that the great altar
stood in face of the proper front or entrance of both
these buildings, that is to say, the eastern end of
the Heræum and the western end of the Pelopium,
-it would be necessary to place the Heræum very
near the bank of the Cladeus. But this is very un-
likely, indeed scarcely possible, if the wall of the
2 See above, p. 42.
3
¹ See p. 80, note 1.
προκείμενος πρὸ ἀμφοτέρων, Pausan. El. pr. 13, 5 (8).
4 ἔσοδος δὲ ἐς αὐτὸ πρὸς δυσμῶν ἐστιν ἡλίου. 18, 1.
OLYMPIA.
85
Altis was not far from the opisthodomus of Jupiter.
It is probable, therefore, that the altar was opposite
to and nearly equidistant from the back-fronts of the
Pelopium and Heræum; and that the Heræum stood
to the north-eastward of the temple of Jupiter in
the direction of the Pompic entrance of the Stadium,
not far from which in fact the Heræum appears to
have been, as Pausanias after noticing the altars of
the Hippaphesis, the Stoa of Agnaptus, and an altar
in his way from thence to the Pompic entrance of
the Stadium, reenters the Altis through that en-
trance, and immediately describes two altars behind
the Heræum '.
The Treasuries, like the Zanes, stood on a plat-
form at the foot of Mount Cronius, and near the
Stadium. As the Zanes occupied the southern foot
of the mountain, the Treasuries must have been on
its eastern side; and they were probably near the cir-
cular end of the Stadium; for Pausanias describes the
temples of Lucina and Venus as situated between
the Treasuries and Mount Cronius, by which latter
he meant, doubtless, the Sanctuary of Saturn on the
summit of the mountain: he states also that those
temples were on the extremity of the mountain, to the
northward 2. The temples, therefore, stood probably
}
ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς στοᾶς, ἣν οἱ Ἠλεῖοι καλοῦσιν ᾿Αγνάπτου, τὸν ἀρ-
χιτέκτονα ἐπονομάζοντες τῷ οἰκοδομήματι, ἀπὸ ταύτης ἐπανιόντι
ἐστὶν ἐν δεξιᾷ βωμὸς 'Αρτέμιδος. Ἐσελθόντων δὲ αὖθις διὰ τῆς
πομπικῆς ἐς τὴν ῎Αλτιν εἶσιν ὄπισθεν τοῦ Ηραίου, Κλαδέου τε
ποταμοῦ καὶ ᾿Αρτέμιδος βωμοί. Pausan. El. pr. 15, 4 (6). It
would seem from these words that Pausanias did not consider
the Stadium and Hippodrome as parts of the Altis.
2 Τὸ δὲ ὄρος τὸ Κρόνιον, κατὰ τὰ ἤδη λελεγμένα μοι, παρὰ τὴν
86
OLYMPIA.
on the neck which unites Mount Cronius with the
heights that rise above the northern end of the Sta-
dium, and the Treasuries still further to the north-
ward of the summit. It will be seen on the Plan of
Olympia, that the Treasuries so situated were exactly,
as Pausanias says, to the north of the Heræum; the
Zanes, indeed, stood nearly in a line between the
two; but the Heræum, as having been the principal
sacred building in the eastern part of the Altis, may
have been preferred by him as a point for the pur-
pose of indicating the situation of the Treasuries.
On this supposition as to the site of the Treasuries,
it will be a matter of indifference whether we read
κατὰ νώτου, Οι κατὰ νότου, οι κατὰ νότον in the text of
Pausanias', the mountain having been adjacent to
the Treasuries, and to the south of them.
The
The topographical extracts from Pausanias give an
approximation to the sites of some other remarkable
or dedications in the Altis.
monuments
Callistephanus, or wild-olive tree, which furnished
the garlands of the Olympionicæ, stood before the
back-front or opisthodomus of Jupiter2. The column
κρηπῖδα καὶ τοὺς ἐπ' αὐτῇ παρήκει θησαυρούς.
. ἐν δὲ τοῖς
πέρασι τοῦ Κρονίου κατὰ τὸ πρὸς τὴν ἄρτον ἐστὶν ἐν μέσῳ τῶν
θησαυρῶν καὶ τοῦ ὄρους ἱερὸν Εἰληθυίας.
•
πλησίον δὲ τῆς
Pausan.
Εἰληθυίας ἐρείπια 'Αφροδίτης Ουρανίας ἱεροῦ λείπεται.
El. post. 20, 1-3 (1-6).
· Έστι δὲ λίθου πωρίνου κρηπὶς ἐν τῇ Αλτει πρὸς ἄρκτον τοῦ
Ἡραίου· κατὰ νώτου (or νότου or νότον) δὲ αὐτῆς παρήκει τὸ
Κρόνιον. El. post. 19, 1.
2 Ἔστι δὲ ἐν τῇ ᾿Αλτει τοῦ Λεωνιδαίου περᾷν μέλλοντι ἐς ἀρισ-
τερὰν ᾿Αφροδίτης βωμὸς καὶ Ὡρῶν μετ᾿ αὐτόν· κατὰ δὲ τὸν ὀπισθό-
δομον μάλιστά ἐστιν ἐν δεξιᾷ πεφυκὼς κότινος καλεῖται δὲ ἐλαία
OLYMPIA.
87
of Enomaus was between the great altar and the
eastern front of the Temple of Jupiter', and the
Proëdria apparently at no great distance from the
temple of Jupiter to the east; for Pausanias intro-
duces the mention of it in describing the altars
which occurred in proceeding to the right from the
Leonidæum, beyond the Callistephanus in the direc-
tion of the Hippaphesis 2.
Of the Theecoleon, Pausanias states only that it
was within the Altis, and that there was another
building near it; but as he notices these, in his
enumeration of altars, between some altars behind
the Heræum and an altar before the Prytaneium,
there remains a probability that these buildings were
not far from the Prytaneium in the direction of the
Heræum.
*
The inclosure called the Hippodamium is de-
scribed by Pausanias as situated near the Pompic
road through the Altis ; and as its mention occurs
immediately before his description of the Secret
Entrance of the Stadium, which was adjacent to
the eastern extremity of the Zanes, the Hippo-
damium would seem to have stood not far from the
Zanes, between the Secret and the Public Entrance
of the Stadium.
Xenophon alludes to a Theatre at Olympia, but
καλλιστέφανος, καὶ τοῖς νικῶσι τὰ Ὀλύμπια καθέστηκεν ἀπ' αὐτῆς
δίδοσθαι τοὺς στεφάνους. Pausan. El. pr. 15, 3.
Hy
ν δὲ Οινομάου κίονα οἱ Ἠλεῖοι καλοῦσιν, ἔστι μὲν πρὸς τὸ
ἱερὸν τοῦ Διὸς ἰόντι ἀπὸ τοῦ μεγάλου βωμού. Εl. pr. 20, 3 (6).
2 El. pr. 15, 3 (4).
3 4 (8).
4 Εστι δὲ ἐντὸς τῆς ᾿Αλτεως κατὰ τὴν πομπικὴν ἔσοδον Ιππο-
dáμor kaλovµɛvov. El. post. 20, 4 (7).
88
OLYMPIA.
Pausanias says not a word of any such construction;
a discrepancy the more remarkable when we consider
the great care which Pausanias bestowed on the ex-
amination and description of this place; and on the
other hand, that Xenophon resided more than
twenty years within three miles of Olympia', and
that there certainly existed a theatre at Delphi, at
the Isthmus, and at other sites of great agonistic
games. A Theatre must have been useful on
various occasions, arising from the assembling of a
great number of persons from all parts of Greece, as
well as for music (as contrasted to gymnastic) contests,
and in the ceremonies which preceded the contests or
followed the victories 2. It is not likely that Oɛáτpov
has erroneously found admission into the text of
Xenophon instead of oradiov, because the Stadium is
mentioned on other occasions by the same writer as
having been the chief place of the Olympic contests".
The positive testimony, therefore, of Xenophon may
be admitted in proof of the existence of a theatre at
the time of which he treats; and we may infer
perhaps from the silence of Pausanias, whose visit to
Olympia occurred no less than five centuries later,
1
Xenophon received his estate at Scillus from the Lacedæ-
monians in the year 392 B. C., being then about fifty-two years of
age, and was deprived of it by the Eleians soon after the battle of
Leuctra, B. c. 371. He then retired to Corinth, where he proba-
bly resided during the remainder of his life, although he had been
recalled from exile by the Athenians before the battle of Mantineia
(B. C. 362), in which his son Gryllus was slain.
2 It would seem from Lucian (Herodot. 1.) that the Opistho-
domus of the Temple of Jupiter was the place where authors
recited their works.
³ Hellen. 1, 2, § 1; 4, 1, § 19.
OLYMPIA.
89
that music contests having ceased long before his
time, the theatre had fallen to ruin, and that its
materials may even have been applied to other pur-
poses. Its situation, probably, was in that hollow
which is observable in the western side of Mount
Cronius; for the Prytaneium, which was near the
adjacent entrance of the Altis, contained the Sanc-
tuary of Vesta, and the Sanctuary of Vesta, accord-
ing to Xenophon, was adjacent to the theatre'.
The situation of the Buleuterium or Council-house,
and of the Stoa Poecile, may also receive some light
from the same passage in Xenophon. It occurs in
his narrative of the battle in the Altis between the
Eleians and Arcadians, which interrupted the cele-
bration of the 104th Olympiad (B. c. 364), and pre-
sented to the spectators who had assembled to wit-
ness the ordinary gymnastic exhibitions, a contest of
a still more interesting kind. The Arcadians were
superintending the games in conjunction with the
Pisatæ, when the Eleians, having marched from Elis,
made their appearance beyond the Cladaus at the
moment when, the races of the Pentathlum and
Hippodrome having been concluded, the wrestlers
were contending, not in the usual place, the Sta-
dium, but between it and the Great Altar, protected
by the Arcadians, who, aided by 2000 Argive in-
fantry and 400 Athenian cavalry, were drawn up
along the left bank of the Cladaus ³.
2
¹ See p. 90, n. 1.
Xenoph. Hellen. 7, 4, § 28 seq. Diodor. 15, 78.
3 τὴν μὲν ἱπποδρομίαν ἤδη ἐπεποιήκεσαν καὶ τὰ δρομικὰ τοῦ
πεντάθλου οἱ δ' εἰς πάλην ἀφικόμενοι, οὐκέτι ἐν τῷ δρόμῳ ἀλλὰ
oi d' eis
μεταξὺ τοῦ δρόμου καὶ τοῦ βωμοῦ ἐπάλαιον, οἱ γὰρ Ἠλεῖοι παρῆσαν
90
OLYMPIA.
The Eleians, after sacrificing, attacked their oppo-
nents and caused them to retreat into the space
between the Council-house, the Temple of Vesta,
and the adjoining Theatre; and, still pressing upon
them, drove them at length as far as the Great
Altar. But here the Eleians were assailed at once
with missiles from the porticoes and the Council-
house and the great temple; and having lost, among
others, Stratolas, commander of the three hundred,
they retired to their camp'. These circumstances
seem to place the Buleuterium near the Prytaneium
on that side of it which was towards the Temple of
Jupiter and the Stoæ, one of which was probably
the Pocile, otherwise called the Stoa of the
Echo 2.
The Stoa of Agnaptus was adjacent to the widest
part of the Hippaphesis, or that opposed to the
Embolus, which was the immediate entrance into
the Hippodrome. The Stoa of Agnaptus occupied,
therefore, the space, or a part of the space, between
the rectilinear end of the Stadium and the Hippa-
ἤδη σὺν τοῖς ὅπλοις εἰς τὸ τέμενος· οἱ δὲ "Αρκάδες ποῤῥωτέρω μὲν
οὐκ ἀπήντησαν, ἐπὶ δὲ τοῦ Κλαδάου ποταμοῦ παρετάξαντο, ὃς παρὰ
τὴν ῎Αλτιν καταῤῥέων εἰς τὸν ᾿Αλφειὸν ἐμβάλλει. Xen. Hell. 7,
4, § 29.
1 Ἐπεὶ μέντοι κατεδίωξαν εἰς τὸ μεταξὺ τοῦ βουλευτηρίου καὶ τοῦ
τῆς Ἑστίας ἱεροῦ καὶ τοῦ πρὸς ταῦτα προσήκοντος θεάτρου, ἐμάχοντο
μὲν οὐδὲν ἧττον καὶ ἐώθουν πρὸς τὸν βωμόν· ἀπὸ μέντοι τῶν στοῶν
τε καὶ τοῦ βουλευτηρίου καὶ τοῦ μεγάλου ναοῦ βαλλόμενοι, καὶ ἐν
τῷ ἰσοπέδῳ μαχόμενοι, ἀποθνήσκουσιν ἄλλοι τε τῶν Ἠλείων καὶ
αὐτὸς ὁ τῶν τριακοσίων ἄρχων Στρατόλας· τούτων δὲ πραχθέντων
ἀπεχώρησαν εἰς τὸ αὐτῶν στρατόπεδον. § 31.
2 Pausan. El. pr. 21, 7 (17). See p. 43.
3 See above, p. 76.
OLYMPIA.
91
phesis, having probably been intended to afford
a refuge from the rain and sun to those who were
in the Stadium or in the open part of the Hippa-
phesis; for we know from some existing examples,
especially that of the Stadium of Messene, that
stadia were sometimes, if not generally, furnished
with porticoes, in the same manner as theatres were
in general. There may be some question whether
there was a continuous Stoa across the rectilinear
end of the Stadium, or whether a vacancy was
left in the middle, so as to furnish an unity of level
area and an uninterrupted view from the northern
end of the Stadium to the southern end of the
Hippodrome. The latter is the more likely conjecture
of the two, and possibly the Stoa of Agnaptus was
confined to the eastern side, the corresponding space
on the west, in which was the Pompic entrance
into the Stadium from the Altis, having perhaps
been adorned with a colonnade, and constructed, as
usual among the Greeks, with a view to decoration
as well as utility, in such a manner as to have
formed a symmetrical counterpart to the Stoa of
Agnaptus on the eastern side. Such a similarity in
the two sides is the more probable, as an entrance
in the eastern side, corresponding to the Pompic
entrance from the Altis, seems to have been re-
quired for the convenience of persons entering the
Stadium and Hippaphesis from the east.
An argu-
ment in favour of the supposition that the Stoa of
Agnaptus was confined to the eastern side, is, that
Pausanias notices an altar on the left hand between
the Stoa of Agnaptus and the Pompic entrance into
92
OLYMPIA.
the Stadium, which seems to imply that there was
an interval between them.
The Hippaphesis consisted of an
alрov or open
space', having a row of oiknμara or closed apartments
(in Latin carceres) on either side of it; in these
stood the contending horses and chariots previously
to the contest. The sides of the Hippaphesis con-
verging towards the opening through which the
competitors entered the Hippodrome, the whole
construction was likened to the prow of a ship,
whence the opening was called the embolus or beak.
The oiknμara were necessary receptacles for the cha-
riots and horses of the competitors, serving to sepa-
rate them, until the moment, when the signal having
been given by the rising of the eagle, and the falling
of the dolphin, the carceres were opened, the horses
or cars were in an instant ranged behind the several
barriers, these with equal rapidity were successively
withdrawn: and the victory belonged to him who
was the first to complete the circuit or the repeated
circuits of the Hippodrome, after having rounded the
terminal pillars as closely as possible without touching
them. In effecting this, in avoiding collision with
his competitors, or in oversetting them with as little
injury as possible to his own chariot, the skill of the
charioteer chiefly consisted.
1 Ἐν δὲ τῶν ἵππων τῇ ἀφέσει, ἐν μὲν τῷ ὑπαίθρῳ τῆς ἀφέσεως
κατὰ μέσον που μάλιστα, Ποσειδῶνος Ἱππίου καὶ Ἥρας εἰσὶν Ιππίας
βωμοί· πρὸς δὲ τῷ κίονι, Διοσκούρων. Pausan. El. pr. 15, 4 (5).
The column here incidentally mentioned, was probably the
karov or hollow column upon which there was a dolphin, and
which stood in the Embolus. See above, p. 76.
* See p. 76. In the races of the Roman Circus there were no
OLYMPIA.
93
As the chariot-race of Olympia was the relict of
an ancient custom connected with the obsolete prac-
tice of employing chariots in war, we may derive,
perhaps, from Homer's description of the races at
Troy, the most correct idea of the mode of making
the circuit of the hippodrome. The advice of
barriers between the carceres and the course. No allusion is
made to them by the many Latin authors who mention the
carceres;
(Nonne vides subito patefactus tempore puncto
Carceribus non posse tamen prorumpere equorum
Vim cupidam tam de subito quàm mens avet ipsa.
Lucret. de R. Nat. 2, 263.
Horat. Serm. 1, 1. 114.
Ut cum carceribus missos rapit ungula currus,
Instat equis auriga.
V. et Virgil, Georg. 1. ad fin. 3, 104. Æn. 5, 145; Ovid.
Trist. 5, 12, 26; Cicer. Brut. sive de Clar. Orat. 47; Varro
de Ling. Latin. 4.) and Pausanias sufficiently shows, that
there was a difference between the Olympian and Roman
methods by the words, καλώδιον ἀντὶ ὕσπληγγος (see p. 76,
n. 2), the űσ¬\ŋy appearing, from Dionysius of Halicarnassus,
to have been an instrument, by means of which, in the
Roman circus, all the carceres were opened simultaneously
(διὰ μιᾶς ύσπληγγος πάσας ἀνοιγομένας, Dionys. 3, 68). The
ruins of the Circus of Romulus, son of Maxentius, at Rome,
show the manner in which the Carceres were built, for the pur-
pose of placing them all at an equal distance from the entrance
of the course.
Carceres.
Judges.
CIRCUS O
CIRCUS OF ROMULUS.

Meta.
Spina.
Meta.
OC
00
The disregard to symmetry here shown in the construction of the
carceres is again observable in that of the Spina, which, instead of
94
OLYMPIA.
Nestor to his son Antilochus proves that the great
object was to round the terminus as nearly as pos-
sible without touching it, thereby obliging the rival
chariot either to make a larger circuit, or to follow
in the same line; Nestor, by desiring his son to
keep at the same time to the left of his competitors,
shows that the direction taken on starting was to
the right; and this was the direction followed in the
Roman Circus.
The Curriculum, or course of the Hippodrome,
was four stades in circuit', and we may infer from
being parallel to the sides of the Circus, is so inclined as to give
a greater width to the entrance, than to the exit of the course.
Of the mode in which the corresponding part of the Olympian
Hippodrome was constructed, Pausanias has not left us any inti-
mation; nor with respect to the position of the judges at Olym-
pia, though there can scarcely be a doubt that they were placed
as in the Circus, opposite to the termination of the course.
"
¹ This fact appears from Pausanias, El. post. 16, 3 (4), where he
informs us that among the statues of Olympic victors in the Altis
was that of Aristeides of Elis, who had gained the prize for
running the single stade in armour at Olympia, and for running
the diaulus or double stade at Delphi: an epigram on his statue
recorded also that he had gained the boys' prize at Nemea for
running the horse-course, a distance of two diauli or double
stades: Αριστείδῃ δὲ Ἠλείῳ γενέσθαι μὲν ὅπλου νίκην ἐν Ὀλυμ-
πίᾳ, γενέσθαι δὲ καὶ διαύλου Πυθοῖ τὸ ἐπίγραμμα τὸ ἐπ' αὐτῷ
δηλοῖ, Νεμείων τε ἐν παισὶν ἐπὶ τῷ Ἱππίῳ. Δρόμου δέ εἰσι τοῦ
ἱππίου μῆκος μὲν δίαυλοι δύο. Mr. Mure, in his interesting.
Journal of a Tour in Greece, (ii. p. 327.) applies the word
μйкоç in this passage, not to the circuit or length of course,
but to the length of the construction or inclosure or area of
the race-course, in which case the curriculum itself would have
been a distance of nine or ten stades. But it seems quite
sufficient to the glory of Aristeides that he had surpassed his
competitors in a race quadruple in distance to that of the men
who gained the highest prize in the Stadium. In another
OLYMPIA.
95
Pausanias that its area was oblong, or similar in
form to that of the Stadium, deprived of its theatre-
shaped end; though, probably, it was not so narrow
in proportion to its length as the corresponding part of
the Stadium. Its oblong figure may be deduced from
T
α
not to the curri-
passage of Pausanias, cited by Barthélemy, (Voyage du Jeune
Anacharsis, c. 38.) for the purpose of proving that the Hippo-
drome of Olympia was two stades in length, the Greek traveller
states that such was the length of a hippodrome which Trajan
built, together with an amphitheatre at Rome (0éarpov péya
κυκλοτερές πανταχόθεν καὶ οἰκοδόμημα ἐς ἵππων δρόμους, προῆκον
kaì έs dúo oradíwv μñкoç. El. pr. 12, 4 (6). Here it is obvious
καὶ ἐς δύο σταδίων μῆκος.
that unos refers to the construction, and
´culum or circuit; and in like manner we shall find, that if we
make the curriculum at Olympia four stades, the length of the
area will be about two. It is true we learn from two gram-
marians that the Athenians had a race-course of eight stades in
the plain of Athens, (Ἐν Ἐχελιδῶν· τόπος ᾿Αθήνησιν σταδίων
ỏкtù év ýš iππodpoµiai. Etym. M. in v. See also Hesychius in
ἵππειος δρόμος, and Ἐν Ἐχελιδῶν, but this is no proof as to the
ordinary distance performed in the horse or chariot races of the
Greeks. It shows only that the Athenians had a race-course
which gave them the means of running the ordinary distance as an
ἄκαμπτος δρόμος, or of performing in one circuit the distance
which in other hippodromes required the double circuit; for we
know that although the usual distance run was two diauli or four
stades, it was often multiplied (Pindar, Ol. 3, 59; Ol. 6, 124).
According to Suidas (in Δόλιχος) the δόλιχος δρόμος was twenty-
four stades, or three times the circuit of the Attic, and six
times that of the Olympic course. From the ordinary length of
the horse-course was derived the word Hippicum, as synonymous
with four stades (τὸ δὲ ἱππικόν διάστημα τεσσάρων ἦν σταδίων,
Plutarch, Solon, 23). It was a law of Solon that no person
should make use of a well from which his dwelling was more
distant than a hippicum. This could have been no other than a
direct distance. Upon the whole, therefore, it is clear that Pau-
sanias by δρόμου τοῦ ἱππίου μῆκος meant the length of the circuit
of the Hippodrome at Olympia, and not the length of the area.
96
OLYMPIA.
the description which Pausanias gives of its λεvρai
or sides, and of the position of the altar of Taraxip-
pus, which was situated near a diétodos, or opening
leading out of the Hippodrome through its longer
side; this difference of length in the two sides being
explained by his remark, that the longer was an
artificial mound of earth, and the shorter a natural
height'. Whence it is evident that the two AεUρai
intended by him were the two opposite sides parallel
to the axis of the Hippodrome; and that the side
on which the Embolus opened into the Hippodrome,
as well as the opposite extremity, near which was
one or more of the vuorat or terminal pillars, was
shorter than the artificial side, so that the inclosed
space, supposing a prolongation of the natural height
to the same length as the artificial height, would
have been an oblong square.
The altar called Taraxippus, or the terrifier of
horses, a name which was supposed by Pausanias to
be an έikλŋoiç or epithet of Neptune Hippius, stood
near an opening in the longer or artificial side of
the Hippodrome. At the Isthmus, as well as at
Nemea, there was a similar δεῖμα τῶν ἵππων: at the
former it was an altar of Glaucus son of Sisyphus;
at Nemea a red stone answered the same purpose 2.
The intention, perhaps, of these impediments was to
increase the difficulty of those who contended for
the prize, by requiring the greatest docility as well
as swiftness in their horses, and consequently a
more perfect training. The sound of trumpets was
¹ See above, p. 78, n. 1.
2 At Delphi the horses were said to be frightened without any
apparent cause. Pausan. Phocic. 37,
4.
OLYMPIA.
97
another accompaniment of the race calculated to
terrify the horses '. Pausanias states that the Ne-
mean obstacle was at the bending of the course",
which leads one to believe that the Taraxippus of
Olympia, as well as the dodoc or passage through
the embankment, was situated towards the further
or southern extremity of the Hippodrome.
The inequality of the two λupai or parallel long
sides of the Hippodrome may, perhaps, be thus
explained: no inclosure having been necessary, the
heights on either side of the course served prin-
cipally the purpose of providing a convenient place
for the spectators to view the races, such as was
afforded by Stadia, although they were not, like
stadia, furnished with seats of stone. If then
there was sufficient space for this purpose without
prolonging both sides to the extremity, there was
no motive for doing so but that of symmetry, which
it appears was not regarded. Some accommodation
was necessary for viewing the part of the course
most distant from the Embolus, because here the
charioteers performed the most difficult part of
their art in driving round the terminal pillar
or pillars; here likewise occurred the obstacle
which terrified the horses. On one of the two
sides, therefore, it was necessary to prolong the
lateral height, and this prolongation was made pro-
bably on the same side on which stood the Tarax-
ippus, as a nearer view of the effect of that ob-
ject upon the horses would thus be afforded.
The short side of the Hippodrome, opposite to
2
¹ Pausan. El. post. 13, 5 (9).
3 ὑπὲρ τῶν ἵππων τὴν καμπὴν, 20, 9 (19).
H
98
OLYMPIA.
the Embolus, required no construction for the pur-
poses of the races; but it was defended perhaps by
masonry on the margin of the river from the effects
of inundations, which disturbing power supplies an-
other argument in favour of the supposition that the
longer λupà or side of the Hippodrome was the
eastern, because on that side it was most necessary
to guard against the effect of currents and inun-
dations.
In any endeavour which may hereafter be made,
by excavating on the site of Olympia, to discover
remains of its buildings, or of the other works of
ancient art which the Altis contained, it will be
necessary to advert to the changeable nature of the
ground, peculiarly exposed as it is to inundation
and the alluvion of a river remarkable for its occa-
sional impetuosity. Nearly in front or to the east
of the temple of Jupiter, at the distance of about
130 yards, are the ruins of an ancient building,
formed of bricks and mortar, and consisting of
arches and chambers, one of which was octagonal.
These remains are embedded on one side in an
earthy cliff, which they now seem to support'.
Upon further examination, we trace this cliff or bank
through the whole extent of the Olympian valley
from where the Alpheius approaches nearest to the
temple of Jupiter, as far eastward as the hill which
I have supposed to have been the site of Pisa. It is
thus one of the most remarkable features in the
Several other remains of brick buildings are found on either
side of the site of the Altis, both to the north and south. One
of these has been shown by the French Commission to be the
remains of a church.
OLYMPIA.
99
topography of Olympia. This bank, at the ruin
above mentioned, is about twenty-five feet high, and
perpendicular; in other places it varies both in height
and abruptness, but scarcely anywhere is higher
than at that ruin. It thus separates an upper level
of the Olympian valley, on which stood the temple
of Jupiter, and probably all the other public build-
ings, from a lower, adjacent to the river, where
formerly was the Hippodrome. It seems evidently
to have been at one time the bank of the Alpheius
itself, which river, like all rapid streams in alluvial
valleys, is continually changing its course, and at one
period had advanced northward as far as this bank,
from which it again retired, and has thus left in pro-
cess of time an intermediate plain of a lower level
between itself and the remains of the Altis. The ruin
of brick to the south-east of the temple of Jupiter
marks the extent at that point of the river's en-
croachments, which further to the westward appear
to have approached still nearer to the temple.
There is every reason to believe, therefore, that in
the course of the last fifteen centuries all the south-
eastern extremity of the Altis has been destroyed by
the river, and consequently that all the remains of
buildings and monuments in that part of the Sacred
Grove have been buried beneath the new alluvial
plain, or carried into the river. That the latter
has really happened is proved by the helmets and
other ancient monuments of brass, which have been
found in the bed of the Alpheius', and on some
¹ Fauvel saw broken sarcophagi on the point of falling into
the river, and possessed a helmet of bronze which had been
found there.Stanhope's Olympia, p. 14.
won
H 2
100
OLYMPIA.
of which are inscriptions, showing that they were
dedications in the Altis'.
To the same active agent of destruction we may
attribute perhaps the disappearance of the artificial
embankment of the Hippodrome, and even of the
natural height which formed the shorter side. Plu-
vial action has produced another change in the sur-
face of the Olympian valley. While the currents
of inundations from the river have often suddenly
removed soil from one place to deposit it in another,
thereby effecting a continual change in the plain, as
well as in the course of the river itself, the waters of
the Cladeus and of the Cronian ridges have been
slowly but constantly raising all that part of the
upper level which has remained unmoved by the
river; as becomes instantly manifest on viewing the
foundations of the temple of Jupiter, the pave-
ment of which is now some feet below the natural
surface. This elevation of the upper level we may
presume to have been in progress from the earliest
time. During the ten centuries which had elapsed
between the first Olympiad and the visit of Pausa-
nias to Olympia, it appears from his narrative to
have produced a visible effect. He tells us, that
being present at an excavation of the ground very
near the column of Enomaus, where a Roman
senator was about to erect a brazen statue of him-
self, in memory of a victory which he had gained
in the games, he saw fragments of armour, bridles,
¹ For example, the three following in the British Museum :—
1. The Eleian Tablet. 2. The Helmet dedicated to Jupiter, by
Hieron, son of Deinomenes of Syracuse. 3. Another Helmet
inscribed to Jupiter.
4
OLYMPIA.
101
1
and bits extracted from the ground by the la-
bourers.
The elevation of soil around the temple of Jupiter
has probably caused the Cladeus in the lower part
of its course to take a more westerly line than it did
in ancient time. Its tendency to this direction was
very apparent in the year 1813, at which time it
turned at a right angle to the west, a little above its
junction with the Alpheius, and formed a large
peninsula ². Sixteen years afterwards, when the
French Commission of Architecture surveyed the
site of Olympia, the peninsula had vanished, the
Cladeus joined the Alpheius by a much more direct
course, and the next reach of the latter river in
ascending to the eastward had advanced northward
into the middle of the lower level 3.
2
To the disturbance of the upper level, and the
changes in its surface caused by pluvial action, and
by the deposits from Mount Cronius and the ad-
jacent ridges, we may attribute, perhaps, the dis-
appearance of the Stadium, its ancient area having
been so much elevated, and its xua yns or artificial
mounds so much altered, as to render the heights
now occupying its site no longer to be recognized
with certainty as having ever belonged to a stadium :
1 ὅπλων καὶ χαλινῶν καὶ ψαλίων θραύσματα, Pausan. El. pr.
20, 4 (8).
2
"In the year 1813, Messrs. Spencer Stanhope and Allason
surveyed the site of Olympia; and the result of their observa-
tions was published by Mr. Stanhope in his Olympia,' folio,
London, 1824.
• These changes have been shown on the Plan of Olympia,
which accompanies this volume.
102
OLYMPIA.
and thus while there is good reason to believe that
the surface of the soil where the area of the Sta-
dium formerly existed is now higher, and that the
site of the Hippodrome is now lower, than those
situations were in ancient times, there is nothing to
prevent us from believing, that during the ages when
the Altis, and every thing belonging to it, was an
object of unremitting attention, and when walls and
embankments preserved all the land between Mount
Cronius and the Alpheius from the effects of tor-
rents and inundations, the plain may have extended
at the same elevation, from Mount Cronius to the
Alpheius, and that the interior platform of the Sta-
dium, Hippaphesis, and Hippodrome may have been
all upon an uniform level.
From the description of Olympia by Pausanias
we obtain a certainty that in the latter part of the
second century of the Christian æra, there still
remained at that place, notwithstanding the spoli-
ations of Nero and some other emperors, all the
principal buildings with their external decorations,
as well as a large portion of the dedications within
them; and that besides these the Sacred Grove still
contained more than three hundred figures made
by the greatest masters of the best ages of Grecian
art. Those of minor value, which Pausanias has
not particularized, were still more numerous, if we
may accept the testimony of Pliny', who says there
¹ In M. Scauri ædilitate tria millia signorum in scenâ tantum
fuere temporario theatro. Mummius devictâ Achaiâ replevit
urbem
Multa et Luculli invexere. Rhodi etiamnum tria
millia signorum esse Mucianus ter consul prodidit, nec pauciora.
OLYMPIA.
103
were not less than 3000 statues at Olympia, since
it is scarcely credible that during the century
which had elapsed between the times of Pliny and
Pausanias, the less valuable should have been carried
away, when the more celebrated remained ¹.
Although Pausanias does not always connect the
word χαλκός or brazen with the ἄγαλμα or εἰκὼν
described by him, that epithet may always be under-
stood, unless when he expressly states that the statue
is of marble or some other material; for there can
be little or no doubt that in all such works brass
was the substance most commonly employed by
the great artists of Greece at the time when the
greater part of the works at Olympia, described by
Pausanias, were made. The same observation will
apply to Greek cities in general, whether in Greece
proper, or in Asia, or in Sicily, or in Italy, inclu-
ding Tyrrhenia 2. When it is considered that of
Athenis, Olympiæ, Delphis superesse creduntur.—Plin. H. N.
34, 7 (17).
¹ Some suspicion, however, may attach to the number stated
by Pliny, which is obviously a vague computation. He assigns
the same number of statues to Athens; but in that city, besides
the public buildings, every house of the better sort contained
statues, and had one or more before the door: at Athens, there-
fore, such a large number is not incredible; but it seems difficult
to believe that they could have amounted to so many at Olympia,
notwithstanding its having contained, in the time of Pliny, the
accumulation of 210 Olympiads.
2 The Tyrrhenians or Etruscans were in old times noted for
their works in brass; their statues in the time of Pliny were
widely dispersed in the Roman world: Signa Tuscanica per terras
dispersa, quæ in Etruria factitata non est dubium.-H. N. 34,
7 (6).
104
OLYMPIA.
the immense number of brazen statues, which
had accumulated in all these countries in the
course of ages, none have been discovered, except
such as had been buried by convulsions of nature,
or some other cause of sudden ruin, or such as had
been hidden, to protect them from plunder, we may
safely ascribe the destruction of the larger brass
statues (the smaller more easily escaped) to some
common cause operating in every part of the Roman
empire. And this cause could have been no other
than the ignorance and insecurity which accom-
panied the decline of the Roman empire, the gra-
dual extinction of Paganism, and with it the cessa-
tion of all respect for such productions of art, either
as sacred or beautiful; soon followed by Christian
persecution, the authors of which were not dis-
pleased to find the objects of their hostility possessing
a considerable metallic value. When such a feeling
became general, and when Christianity became the
religion of government, a few years may have suf
ficed to convert all the best monuments of an art
which had required ages to be brought to perfection,
and which we have hitherto tried in vain to imitate,
into objects of common utility; and we may still,
perhaps, have the materials of some of those works
in the form of the hideous coinage of Constantine
and his successors.
al-
It cannot be supposed that ultimately the brazen
statues of Olympia escaped the fate common to
such images throughout the Roman world ;
though the Sacred Grove had remained uninjured
during the times when a Verres could clear a city
OLYMPIA.
105
of all its statues in one day', although it had suf-
fered little from the momentary violation by a Nero
or Caligula of the general security which had dated
from the establishment of the empire, and although we
may readily believe that some respect was shown to
the monuments of this place as long as the Olympian
Tavýуvρis or quadrennial meeting lasted, which did
not cease until the reign of Theodosius 2. But soon
afterwards, the monuments of Olympia in general,
both in brass and marble, could hardly have escaped
the common destruction. Some of them, however,
may
have been thrown down and involved in the ruins
of buildings, and may have escaped notice, protected
by the depopulation of Peloponnesus, and the secluded
position of Olympia, until the peculiar liability of this
place to natural changes may have caused some of the
remaining works of sculpture to be buried under the
surface of the soil; and these may still remain, toge-
ther with many monuments valuable to archæology, of
which the Sacred Grove had been a place of deposit.
1 Cicero in Verr, act. 2. 1. 1. c. 20.
2 The Emperor Julian and the Sophist Themistius have
been cited to prove that the Jupiter of Phidias at Olym-
pia, as well as his Minerva at Athens, were still in their places
in the reign of Julian, or about A. D. 360. But if the Jupiter
or the Minerva had been still in existence when Julian resided
in Greece, he would hardly have failed to leave some clearer
testimony of the fact than such ambiguous allusions as occur in the
second Oration of the Emperor (p. 54. Lipsiæ, 1696) and in his
eighth Epistle (p. 377 A.), and which are equally applicable to
their former existence. As to Themistius, (Orat. 25. p. 310 a.
Paris, 1684. Orat. 27. p. 337 в. Epist. 1052. p. 497.) although
he assumes the existence of the two statues, his declamations
differ too little from mere scholastic exercises, to be admitted
as a proof of the fact.
106
OLYMPIA.
The total disappearance of such large and solid build-
ings as those of Olympia, is chiefly to be attributed
here, as on other ancient sites, to their value as mate-
rials for modern constructions. Their removal to the
mouth of the Alpheius, or to the shore of the Letrinæa,
was unfortunately not difficult; so that a portion of
them may have been employed in buildings in various
parts of the coasts of Greece. But the people of the
modern villages of the Eleia, and of the towns of Pyrgo
and Lala, were those probably who chiefly worked
this choice mine of building materials; and which was
the more valuable, as quarries of stone are more rare
in the Eleia than in other parts of Greece. At Lala,
in particular, where, during the last century, a colony
of Mahometan Albanians, secure in the strength of
their arms and position, had created a town of some
magnitude, there was a long-continued demand of
materials for the palaces of four opulent chieftains;
and this cause had so entirely destroyed all the
remains of Olympia, that when I was there in 1805,
one of the agás of Lala had been lately engaged in
excavating the site of the temple of Jupiter for
the purpose of carrying away its foundations; the
building itself, with the exception of a few frag-
ments, having been entirely removed'.
1 When Chandler visited Olympia in 1766, a small portion of
the Olympium was still standing. "There remained," he says,
"the walls of the cell of a very large temple, standing many feet
high and well built, the stones all injured and manifesting the
labour of persons who had endeavoured, by boring, to get at the
metal with which they were cemented. From a massive capital
remaining, it was collected that the edifice had been of the Doric
order." Chandler's Travels in Greece, c. 76.
OLYMPIA.
107
We may confidently expect that excavations will
be undertaken by the Greeks, whenever they shall
be sufficiently recovered from the deplorable state of
poverty in which they were left at the end of their
struggle to throw off the Turkish yoke; for, even in
the time of their greatest political depression, they
proved themselves promoters of education, desirous
of obtaining a knowledge of the works of their
accomplished ancestors, and ambitious of rendering
that knowledge conducive to their own restoration
to the civilized world. Nor have the hopes conceived
of them in a servile condition been disappointed by
their liberation. At Athens, the excavation of the
Acropolis, and the discovery therein of some of the
monuments described by Pausanias, the exhumation
and re-construction of the temple of Victory, the
clearing of the Propylæa, the Collections deposited
in the Parthenon and Theseium, the publication of
a great number of Inscriptions newly-discovered,
have shown what may be accomplished by the most
limited means, when a national feeling is carried
into effect by individual intelligence and activity,
although meeting with very little encouragement
from the constituted authorities. It is no more
than an act of justice to compare these unas-
sisted exertions of the Greeks in archæology with
those of a Government which has never been de-
ficient in power or pecuniary resources, which has
been in undisturbed possession for centuries of
a country second only to Greece as the ancient
abode of art and literature; who are masters of
the sites of Syracuse, Taras, Metapontum, Selinus,
and Agrigentum, but, above all, of Pompeii and
108
RIVER ANIGRUS.
Herculaneum, which having been preserved by
a convulsion of nature in the exact state in which
they existed in the reign of Titus, gave hopes that
the losses sustained by literature from the influence
of northern barbarians, or from the ferocious Arabs
at Alexandria, might yet in great measure be re-
paired. But no such hopes have been realized.
The excavations at Pompeii, though continually
rewarded by interesting discoveries, have proceeded
at the most tardy pace, while the excavators of
Herculaneum, instead of being encouraged by the
discovery of near seventeen hundred ancient volumes,
have from that time suspended their labours en-
tirely. At the end of ninety years, the public is not
yet fully informed of the contents of such of those
ancient books as have been found legible; nor is it
certain that there are not, among those still unex-
amined, some that might make amends for the dis-
appointment which the specimens already published
have undeniably occasioned.
VOL. i. p. 54.
In 1835 General Gordon visited the caverns here
mentioned and the place where the river Anigrus
joins the lake of Khaiáffa: the river had an offen-
sive smell; and in one of the caverns he found
water distilling from the rock, and bringing with it
a pure yellow sulphur. The natives have an idea
that their monóxyla, the only boats in use on the
lake, would be drawn down under the rocks by a
current, if they were to approach the caverns.
PYLUS TRIPHYLIACUS-RIVER ACIDON. 109
VOL. i. p. 60.
In the following words of Strabo (p. 344), Mera§Ù
δὲ τοῦ Λεπρέου καὶ τοῦ ᾿Ανίγρου τὸ ἱερὸν τοῦ Σαμίου
Ποσειδῶνός ἐστιν, ἑκατὸν σταδίους ἑκατέρου διέχον, if we
were to substitute ᾿Αλφειού for 'Ανιγρου the distances
would be correct, and there would be no necessity
for supposing another temple of Neptune Samius
near the site of Pylus Triphyliacus; for, although
temples of Neptune on the promontories were
frequent in this district', it is not likely that more
than one was distinguished by the epithet Samius.
The village Tjorbadjí, on the western extremity of
Mount Minthe, at the fork of two branches of the
river of Ai Sídhero, seems to agree in every respect
with Strabo's description of Pylus Triphyliacus.
VOL. i. p. 68.
In consequence of the imperfection of the text of
Strabo, no very confident opinion can be entertained
as to the ancient names of the rivers of Triphylia.
As the text now stands, he seems in one place to
favour the identity of the Acidon with the Acydas
of Pausanias, which was a branch of the Anigrus,
and consequently flowed into the marsh of Khaiáffa;
in another, he appears to identify the Acidon with
1
Μεστὴ δ᾽ ἐστὶν ἡ γῆ πᾶσα Αρτεμισίων τε καὶ ᾿Αφροδισίων καὶ
Νυμφαίων ἐν ἄλσεσιν ἀνθέων ὡς τὸ πολὺ διὰ τὴν εὐϋδρίαν συχνά
δὲ καὶ Ερμεῖα ἐν ταῖς ὁδοῖς, Ποσείδια δ' ἐπὶ ταῖς ἀκταῖς. Strabo,
p. 343.
110
MANTINEIA-TEGEA.
the river of Strovítzi. If we adopt the former
opinion, the probability will follow that the river of
St. Isidore was not the Amathus, but the Acidon.
As some change may always be presumed to have
taken place in the course of sixteen or eighteen
centuries at the mouth of rivers on alluvial shores,
the river of St. Isidore may, in the time of Strabo
and Pausanias, have joined the Anigrus in the marsh
of Khaiáffa, instead of flowing, as it now does, sepa-
rately into the sea.
VOL. i. p. 85.
Mantineia is 630 metres or 2067 feet above the
level of the sea, according to the barometrical
measurements of the French Commission of Geo-
graphy.
VOL. i. p. 94.
"The second temple of Minerva Alea at Tegea
having been burnt in the last year of the 96th
Olympiad, B. c. 392 (lege 395), the Tegeatæ em-
ployed Scopas of Parus to build a third."
This remark was an interpretation of the follow-
ing passage in Pausanias ', Τεγεάταις δὲ ᾿Αθηνᾶς τῆς
᾿Αλέας τὸ ἱερὸν τὸ ἀρχαῖον ἐποίησεν ᾿Αλεός· χρόνῳ δὲ
ὕστερον κατεσκευάσαντο οἱ Τεγεᾶται τῇ Θεῷ ναὸν μεγὰν
καὶ θέας ἄξιον· ἐκεῖνο (al. ἐκεῖνον μὲν δὴ πυρ ἠφά-
1 Arcad. 45, 3 (4).
TEGEA-MANTINEIA.
111
νισεν, ἐπινεμηθὲν ἐξαίφνης, Διοφάντου παρ' Αθηναίοις
ἄρχοντος, ὑστέρῳ δὲ ἔτει τῆς ἕκτης καὶ ἐννενηκοστῆς
Ολυμπιάδος, ἣν Εὐπόλεμος Ἠλεῖος ἐνίκα στάδιον. Ὁ
δὲ ναὸς ὁ ἐφ' ἡμῶν πολὺ δή τι τῶν ναῶν, ὅσοι τοῖς Πελο-
ποννησίοις εἰσὶν, ἐς κατασκευὴν προέχει τὴν ἄλλην καὶ ἐς
μέγεθος.
Ο
Ο ó
There. may be some doubt, however, whether
there were three successive temples: if there were
no more than two, the building consumed by fire
was the ancient temple built by Aleus: if there
were three, it was the large temple which replaced
the structure of Aleus. In support of the latter
supposition, there is great appearance of an intended
distinction between ὁ δὲ ναὸς ὁ ἐφ' ἡμῶν, &c., and the
ναὸς μέγας καὶ θέας ἄξιος which succeeded the ἱερὸν
ἀρχαῖον. But in that case Pausanias would have
employed τοῦτον and not ἐκεῖνον in referring to the
temple which was burnt; at the same time that
ἐκεῖνο (supposing that to be the true reading) is pre-
cisely the word required, if the temple burnt was
the ἀρχαῖον ἱερόν. The date of the burning of the
temple agrees perfectly with the time in which
Scopas began to flourish; but the archonship of
Diophantus occurred in the second not the last year
of the 96th Olympiad, and hence it has been sup-
posed that ὑστέρῳ is an error for δευτέρῳ.
VOL. i. p. 104.
It is here stated that Mantineia had ten gates.
I have seen a plan of the ruins, taken on the spot,
in which there are no more than nine. This dis-
112
RIVER ALPHEIUS.
crepancy is accounted for by the ruined state of one
part of the inclosure, which leaves a doubt whether
there was originally a gate in this part or not. If
the number of gates was nine, we may suppose the
gates of Methydrium and Helisson to have been one
and the same; and the road to Helisson to have
branched to the left from that to Methydrium. The
remaining eight gates would then have led,-1. to
Mænalus; 2. to Pallantium; 3. to Tegea; 4. to
Hysiæ; 5. to Argos, by Prinus; 6. to Argos, by
Climax, with a branch to Orneæ and Phlius; 7. to
Orchomenus; 8. to Nasi and Cleitor. The numerous
roads branching from Mantineia seem to be alluded
to in the Delphic oracle directing the bones of Arcas
to be removed from Mænalus to Mantineia, which
is described as
ἄστυ ἐραννὸν
¹.
Où kai
Οὗ τρίοδος καὶ τετράοδος καὶ πεντεκέλυθος 1.
VOL. i. p. 121.
The Saranda-potamó is here described as dis-
appearing under the rocks to the right of the road,
about five miles to the south of Tegea. Gell has
a similar observation in his 'Itinerary of the Morea,'
(p. 230,) where he describes the same road in the
opposite direction. He says, that at one hour
nineteen minutes to the northward of the Krya
Vrysi, and thirty minutes from the débouché into the
plain of Tegea, "the glen contracts, and the river
(Saránda) sinks into the ground. The mountains
Ap. Pausan. Arcad. 9, 2 (4).
1
RIVER ALPHEIUS.
113
become lower, and the road is in the bed of a tor-
rent, a pass between rocks." It is certain, however,
that the Saránda, or at least its main body, is not
lost at that place, but issues from the end of its
rocky glen into the plain of Tegea, and, turning to
the right, is joined by the Gareates, or river of
Dhulianá, beyond which junction the united stream
winds in an easterly direction through the plain of
Corythus, and enters a katavóthra at the foot of
Mount Parthenius near Persová. Probably, there-
fore, the sinking of this river into the earth, seen by
Gell, and heard of by myself, is nothing more than
a subterraneous course of the river in its own bed,
-an occurrence not uncommon where streams flow
rapidly in narrow rocky ravines.
There can be no doubt that the Saránda is the
Alpheius of Pausanias. There is no other river in
this part of the road from Tegea to Sparta. The
reputed fountain-head of the Alpheius accords per-
fectly with the source at Krya Vrysi, and the Sym-
bola is recognized at the junction of a stream which
is formed of several small mountain-torrents a little
below Krya Vrysi; while the latter spot, as well in
its distance from Tegea as in its position at the
ascent of the heights, which on the other side fall to
Laconia, is perfectly suited to the situation of Phylace,
the frontier demus of the Tegeatæ on this side, and
indicating by its name a fortress for the protection
of the pass. We may further remark, that the river
of Vúrvura, which joins the waters of Krya Vrysi at
the Symbola, was well adapted to be the boundary-
line of two states lying north and south of each
other, its course being nearly from east to west.
I
114
RIVER ALPHEIUS.
But if the accuracy of Pausanias is thus far justified
by a view of the places, a great difficulty occurs on
following the Saránda into the plain of Tegea.
Pausanias states that the Alpheius descends into the
earth in the Tegeatic plain, and re-appears in that of
Asea, where, after joining the Eurotas, it descends
a second time into the earth: the Saránda may
indeed be said to descend into the earth in the
Tegeatic plain, inasmuch as the Corythenses were
a demus of Tegea; the plain, therefore, through
which it flows to the katavóthra of Persová, may
be considered as a branch of the Tegeatic; but
its easterly course through that plain clearly in-
dicates a subsequent subterraneous course to the
eastward, or in a direction exactly opposed to the
Aseatis. There seems but one mode of solving
this difficulty, namely, by supposing that anciently
the Saránda or Alpheius, on entering the Tegeatic
plain, instead of joining the Gareates in a north-
easterly direction, flowed to the marsh of Taki in
a north-westerly. In a plain exposed to inundations,
and by nature furnished only with drainage through
the mountains; where accumulation of soil by allu-
vion would often change the course of waters;
where artificial means for the same end, such as
canals and embankments, must often have been
employed; and where, as we learn from history',
streams were, from various motives, often diverted
from one district to another, such a conjecture as to
the ancient course of the Saránda is any thing but
improbable. And two remarks may be made in
1
Thucyd. 5, 65. Xenoph. Hell. 5, 2, § 4.
BRIDGES OF LACONIA.
115
favour of it. One is, that the ravine of the Saránda
for the last two or three miles has a north-westerly
direction in approaching the Tegeatic plain: the
other is, that the magnitude of the katavóthra of
Taki is disproportioned to the diminutive streams
which now flow into it, and seems adapted to
a larger river. The motive for diverting the Alpheius
into the Gareates may be found in the effect such
a diversion would have in diminishing the marshy
land in the Manthuric and Asean plains, although
increasing it in the Corythic. Possibly the Corythic
zerethra were more capable of carrying off a stream
of water than the Manthuric. Their emissary at
least could injure no one; if, as there is good reason
for believing, that emissary is at Anávolo, the an-
cient Deine, where a large body of fresh water rises
in the sea, a quarter of a mile from the shore, and
two or three miles to the northward of Astró on
the Argolic coast.
VOL. i. p. 157.
The ancient bridge at Sparta over the Trypiótiko,
which river I suppose to have been the ancient Cna-
cion (Kvakiwv)', has not been noticed by the French
Commission. Possibly it no longer exists, having
been destroyed perhaps for the sake of its materials,
¹ Tr. in Morea, i. p. 181.
Tzetzes on the words of Lycophron (v. 550), Kŋkɛίov пópos,
supposes the Cnacion to have been the same river afterwards
called Enus; but if Aristotle was right in describing Babyca
as a bridge over the Eurotas, the supposition of Tzetzes
cannot be correct, as no part of Sparta could have been included
between the bridge of the Eurotas and the river Enus, now the
I 2
116
BRIDGES OF LACONIA.
together with the remains of an ancient causeway
which I observed at either end of it; for, constructed
as it was in the most simple and massive manner of
the ancients, consisting only of a few blocks of stone
of the same length as the breadth of the bridge, and
forming a Roman arch of small elevation', it could
hardly have yielded to decay in so short an interval,
after having resisted the effects of at least eighteen
centuries.
There are some remains also of an arched bridge
over the Eurotas, nearly opposite to the centre of
Sparta. It seems to be nearly, if not exactly
in the situation of the bridge over the Eurotas
mentioned by Xenophon"; but the arch alone and
the facing of the walls having been of large stones,
and the remainder of small and rude materials, the
whole work has greatly the appearance of having
been a work of the Roman empire; which is the
more likely, as the neighbouring ruins of a small
circular amphitheatre, and the great number of
inscriptions, found on the site of Sparta, of the 1st
and 2nd centuries of the Christian era, indicate
that the city was at that time in a flourishing state,
although its authority was then confined to a portion
of the interior of Laconia. The same consideration
renders it doubtful whether the bridge near Xeró-
Kelefína, which is distant more than a mile to the north of
Sparta.
1 Gell observed it and has thus described it: "South of the
city of Sparta is a bridge of one arch, of large uncemented blocks,
over the Tiasus (7. Cnacion), a river coming from a place called
Trupia." Itin. of the Morea, p. 222.
2 Xenoph. Hellen. 6, 5, § 27.
BRIDGES OF LACONIA.
117
kambo, towards the southern extremity of the
Spartan plain, be not of Roman times, the masonry
of the walls being, indeed, of the polygonal species,
but not of a very massy kind.
Bridge near Xerókambo, from Mure's Journal of a Tour in
Greece, ii. p. 248.

On the whole, therefore, these three Laconian
bridges will not assist much in determining the
question as to the time at which the Greeks began
to employ the arch, as those who adhere to the
opinion, that the concentric arch was not known to
the Greeks before the time of Alexander the Great,
will consider all these bridges as posterior to that
time. And in favour of that opinion, the admission
may be made, that in those numerous ruins of for-
tresses or small fortified towns, both in Greece and
Italy, in which Pelasgic masonry is commonly found,
and which had ceased to flourish before the time
of Alexander, the arch was generally constructed
not by means of the mutual support of segments of
wedges having edges shaped to
a common centre, but by the
shaping of courses of masonry to
a curve: thus,
1

118
THE GREEK ARCH.
Or when a larger opening
was required, in this man-
ner. So that it would
not be too strong an as-
sumption, at least for the

sake of obtaining a convenient distinction, to give the
name of Greek arch to the arch thus constructed,
and to consider the arch formed on the concentric
principle as the Roman arch.
The only example of a Greek arch of which
there is any approach to certainty as to the date,
is that of the bridge of Mavrozúmeno over the
Balyra, near the ruins of Messene. Enough of this
arch remains to show that it was constructed by
a shaping of horizontal courses to a curved form, as
in the preceding figures, though the upper part is
not sufficiently preserved to show in which of those
two manners it was completed. The masonry of
this structure resembles that of the walls of Mes-
sene; and its situation at the distance of three
miles from the principal gate of that city, at a junc-
tion of two rivers, where also was a bifurcation of
one of the principal roads from the city, shows that
it was an appendage of Messene, and probably co-
eval with its walls, or built about thirty years before
the reign of Alexander. But this is a solitary ex-
ample of any thing like an approximation to a date
sufficiently accurate to assist an enquiry which has
assumed a chronological form. It is therefore from a
more extensive view and more general considerations,
that any conclusion on this question is to be drawn.
There is ample evidence that the Etruscans, and
THE GREEK ARCH.
119
their pupils the Romans, employed the arch long
before the age of Alexander.
If therefore the Greeks were at that time igno-
rant of the arch, we are to suppose that about
the middle of the fourth century before the
Christian era, an increased communication with
Italy caused its introduction into Greece. But,
that communication had been incessant from the
time of the eighth century B. C., when colonies were
settled on the shores of southern and middle Italy
as well as in Etruria; and it had existed still more
anciently, when the Pelasgi introduced letters into
Italy, and all those arts and customs the similarity
of which in Etruria, Greece, and Italy are un-
questionable evidences of a common origin; and
which origin letters alone sufficiently prove to have
been oriental with respect to Italy. It could not,
therefore, have been from want of communication
with Italy, that the Greeks were ignorant of the
arch. But in truth it seems impossible for any
people, however uninstructed, to make much pro-
gress in architecture, employing stone for their
materials, without a knowledge of the arch, which
originated in the observation that two stones might
be made to lean against each other so as to admit
of a passage between them and to bear a weight
above them. The entrance of the Great Pyramid at
Ghizeh is thus covered; and in Greece a similar
construction in remains of an age not much less
remote than that of the pyramids is still to be seen
at Tiryns and at Delus. The addition of an inter-
mediate or key-stone formed the arch. The same
principle might be applied to the lintel of a door, as
120
THE GREEK ARCH.
occurs at Methana :
when greater height
was desirable, a curve
would be resorted to.
Of such arches formed
of three stones, and
more or less rudely
formed, examples oc-

cur in some of the Pelasgic fortresses of Greece, as
well as in those of perfectly similar construction
which are to be seen in great numbers in middle
Italy. And all these primitive varieties are found
in the Round Towers of Ireland, or in the very
ancient churches attached to them ¹.
Acarnania is the part of Greece in which arches are
now most frequently to be seen. In some instances
they are formed of courses hollowed into the form of
an arch; in others, of stones having oblique edges,
yet not meeting in a common centre. The annexed
figures represent various doorways, found in ruins of
Acarnanian cities.


'See the engravings in Mr. Petrie's recent work on the Round
Towers of Ireland. Trans. of the R. Irish Academy, vol. xx.
THE GREEK ARCH.
121


www
ти
At Enia, or the city of the Eniada, which, like
all the second-rate cities of Greece, flourished chiefly
before the time of Alexander the Great, and where
the masonry of the ancient walls is, for the most part,
of the Pelasgic or polygonal kind, there occurs a
very regular arch of five, and another of nine wedge-
shaped stones, united on the principle of the Roman
arch. Even in these arches, however, the stones
are not of equal size, nor do their edges converge
very exactly to a centre.

122
THE GREEK ARCH.

9
5
10 ƒ 6
The latter arch was part of one of the principal gates of
the city, leading at a very small distance to the shore
of the great lake or marsh anciently named Melite,
which served as a seaport to the Eniade by means
of a river which drained the lake into the sea, and
was navigable almost up to the walls. This arch has
a span of 10 feet, and was pierced obliquely through
a wall 10 feet in thickness. It led probably through
a vestibule serving for a guard-house to another
arched door in the exterior face of the walls, which
is no longer in existence; the whole thus resembling,
except in the obliquity of the passage, the arched
gateway at Volterra in Tyrrhenia'. It seems evi-
dent from these various examples, that the Greek
¹ See Micali, Monumenti Inediti, plates 7, 8. At the gate of
Megalopolis at Messene, the intermediate space was a circular
court 62 feet in diameter. Tr. in Morea, i. p. 372.
THE GREEK ARCH.
123
architects were not unacquainted with the Roman
arch, although they did not always employ it; but
diversified their modes of covering doorways accord-
ing to circumstances, such as the required height
and width of the passage, or the nature of the
materials.
The strong confederacy of the Tyrrhenian or
Etruscan cities and their well-ordered governments
had, in very remote times, conducted that people
to a greater degree of opulence and civilization
than any others in Italy had then attained. After
expelling the Pelasgi they had continued to culti-
vate the arts and mythology derived from that
people, and had applied the Pelasgic or Greek
alphabet to their own language, which was totally
different from the Greek. These sciences, with
the retention of some national customs and reli-
gious doctrines, naturally led to a school of art,-
which, although resembling that of Greece in almost
all its features, may still be distinguished from it,
unless in some Etruscan productions of art, which
may have been executed after the arrival of the
Greek colonies which settled in Etruria and the
more southern parts of Italy, in the eighth century
before the Christian era; and which caused the
Greek language to become that of learning and
civilization in all the maritime as well as in some of
the interior parts of Italy, until the application of
the Greek alphabet to the Latin, the cultivation
of the latter language, and the extension of Roman
power, combined to substitute Latin for Greek.
In Italy there are undoubtedly now to be found
a greater number of Roman arches, which may
124
THE GREEK ARCH.
safely be attributed to an age prior to that of
Alexander, than in Greece. Those of the gates of
Volaterra, Perusia, and Ferentinum may particularly
be mentioned; and those of the bridges of Vulci,
Cora, and Terracina; but whether this circumstance
is to be attributed to the accidental preservation of
a greater number of the larger gates and bridges
than has happened in Greece, or to the superiority
in opulence of the Etrurian cities over those of
Greece in the first two or three centuries of Rome,
when Etruria chiefly flourished, there would be
some difficulty in forming an opinion. It is obvious
that the arch would be more accurately constructed
as wider openings in walls became necessary, or
as wider rivers were to be bridged.
In Greece Proper, the stone was in general admi-
rably adapted to architraves; and hence probably it
happens, that it is much more common in the ruins
of Greece to meet with gateways surmounted with
lintels than with arches: the gate of Megalopolis at
Messene had a lintel 18 feet in length, which still
remains. The Etruscans and Romans, on the other
hand, may not have possessed quarries equally capa-
ble of furnishing beams of so great a length, and
they may thus have been compelled to a more
frequent employment of the arch, as well as to that
more correct construction of it which a greater
number of smaller wedges would render necessary.
From the few remaining arches of Greece, which are
held together upon the so-called principle of the
arch, it would seem that the solidity of the con-
struction and the strength of the materials rendered
it a matter of indifference with the architect whether
THE GREEK ARCH.
125
the junctures of the stones were exactly shaped
to a centre or not.
contrary, we find a
At Volterra in Etruria, on the
very ancient gateway which,
although less than 13 feet in width, is covered
with an arch of 19 segments of wedges, all equal,
and shaped correctly to a common centre.
At the time when the Greeks employed polygonal
masonry, their arch seems to have borne the same
relation to that masonry, which the correctly con-
centric arch bears to the masonry of equal courses.
In such solid masonry the arch was very seldom
required; but to deny to the Greek architects of
those times a knowledge of the arch, because it is
seldom found in that kind of masonry, would be
almost equivalent to the assertion, that they knew
not how to construct a wall of parallel courses, be-
cause they more commonly fitted irregular masses
to one another. At the same time, it may not be
inconsistent to admit, that in the most flourishing
ages of Etruria, the arch may have been more
frequently used, and more correctly constructed,
than it was at that time in Greece; although
even on this question, or indeed in deducing any
general comparative conclusion on Greek and Etru-
rian architecture, there can be no absolute certainty,
on account of the want of a sufficient variety of
architectural examples, either in Etruria, or in Hellas
itself, or in the Greek cities of Asia. It may not
be unworthy of remark, however, with a view to
this question, that in Asiatic Greece, where arts and
letters made an earlier progress than on the western
shores of the Ægæan sea, the arch of concentric
wedges is found in the ruins of the Doric city of
126
THE GREEK ARCH.
Cnidus in Caria, in a wall which is probably more
ancient than the age of Alexander.
Some recent discoveries at Athens serve to show
that we ought to be cautious in questioning the
knowledge of the Greeks in any branch of the fine
arts, but especially in architecture. Those dis-
coveries prove, indeed, that we are still far from
being acquainted with the principles upon which
they proceeded in arriving at their admirable re-
sults. I have adverted to these discoveries in the
"Topography of Athens' (2nd edit. p. 573). On
the present occasion it will be sufficient to observe
that there was scarcely a right line in the Parthenon;
that while the platform of the columns was convex,
or depressed at the four angles, the columns them-
selves, which taper in a curved line from the base to
the capital, were inclined inwards towards the centre
of the building; the effect of which has been, that
the modern Athenians, in endeavouring to replace
some of the subverted columns, have found that not
one of the component cylinders would fit any but its
original place in the particular column of which it
had formed a part. There is reason to believe, from a
passage in one of the Verrine orations of Cicero, that
this inclination of the peristyle from the perpendicu-
lar was common in the temples of Rome as well as
of Greece. Verres had fixed upon an orphan son of
P. Junius as a fit subject of extortion, because the
young man, in succeeding to his father's property,
had incurred the liability of keeping the temple of
Castor at Rome in repair. Verres accordingly, in
his capacity of prætor, visited that temple, in hopes
of finding it in want of some repairs, for which he
ENTASIS.
127
66
intended to exact large sums from Junius. But he
found the temple so entirely in order, that he was at
a loss how to proceed in his design, when one of his
"dogs," as he was accustomed to call his followers,
suggested to him that he might order Junius to
make the columns perpendicular. "Tu Verres,"
said the dog, "hic quod moliare nihil habes, nisi
forte vis ad perpendiculum columnas exigere. Homo
omnium rerum imperitus quærit, quid sit ad per-
pendiculum. Dicunt ei fere nullam esse columnam
quæ ad perpendiculum esse possit. Nam mehercule,
inquit, sic agamus, columnæ ad perpendiculum ex-
igantur." The operation was performed accordingly
by some very simple mechanical process, and with
scarcely any new materials. Nevertheless, the con-
tractor of the work having been named by Verres
himself, six times the requisite expense was extorted
from Junius, by which he was totally ruined'.
And yet it would seem that neither the inclination
of columns, nor their entasis or curved diminution,
were known to Vitruvius. By him entasis is de-
scribed as the swelling which is made in the middle
of a column: "adjectio quæ adjicitur in mediis colum-
nis." In another place he says, "acuminis proprium
est providere ad naturam loci aut usum aut speciem
(i. e. visum), detractionibus vel adjectionibus tem-
peraturas efficere, uti cum de symmetriâ sit detrac-
tum aut dejectum aliquid, id videatur recte esse
formatum, in aspectuque nihil desideretur." In like
manner Heliodorus (or Damianus), of Larissa, ob-
serves that in scene-painting a column will appear
1 Cicer. in Verr. Act. 2. 1. 1. c. 50 seq.
128
ENTASIS.
narrow in the middle unless it be enlarged in the
representation'. The entasis of Vitruvius, therefore,
was very different from that of the Greeks, in which
the diminution, although in a curve line, is con-
stant from the base to the capital. At the same
time there is a great probability that among the
Greeks the entasis of columns, as well as the other
deviations from right lines, which are instanced in
the Parthenon, and will probably be found in other
Greek temples when sufficiently examined, were, as
Vitruvius states with reference to the "adjectio in
mediis columnis," compensations for certain optical
deceptions; though it is also not unlikely that the
inward inclination of the columns of the peristyle of
the Parthenon may have been partly intended to
give greater resistance to the outward pressure of
the roof, and an increased stability to the entire
edifice, in a country liable to earthquakes, the effects
of which the Parthenon, when destroyed by gun-
powder, had thus resisted during 2124 years.
But if entasis as defined by Vitruvius is inappli-
cable to Greek columns, another precept of his,
founded upon the same principle of providing for
the deceptions of vision, is in a remarkable degree
confirmed and exemplified by existing remains of
Greek architecture. The angular columns of peri-
styles in all the Greek temples which have been
measured with sufficient correctness are found to
be, as he directs, larger than the others; and in
some the excess is very nearly in the proportion
which he mentions, namely, a fiftieth: "Angulares
¹ Vitruv. 3, 3; 6, 2. edit. Schneider, ii. p. 198, 427.
CHURCHES OF SPARTA.
129
4 9
1
5 3
columnæ crassiores faciendæ sunt ex suo diametro
quinquagesimâ parte, quod eæ ab aëre circumcidun-
tur et graciliores esse videntur aspicientibus. Ergo
quod oculos fallit, ratiocinatione est exæquandum '."
In the temple of Segesta, the angular columns are
6 feet 8.4 inches in diameter; the others are 6. 6·9;
the excess therefore is rd. In the great temple of
Pæstum the angular columns are 7. 0.03; the others,
6. 10.35, difference th. In the Theseium and Par-
thenon the excess was greater; in the former a
thirty-sixth, in the latter a forty-third. Other ex-
amples occur in the work of Vitruvius, which prove
that in some instances he had accurately derived his
information from the great Greek authorities whose
names he has preserved. The examples, however,
are not less numerous of his disagreement with the
extant monuments of Greek architecture; a circum-
stance which, combined with the style of some parts
of his work more resembling the Latin of the age of
Diocletian than of Augustus, leads strongly to the
suspicion that we possess no more than parts of the
original work of Vitruvius, blended with productions
of a later age.
VOL. i. p. 187.
It is here stated, that "the absence of any re-
mains of churches at Sparta, and the antiquity of
1
It is said to be an acknowledged fact among builders, that if
a long line, seen against the sky, such as the roof of a barn, be
not made to rise in the middle, it will appear hollow.
K
130
MISTRA.
some of those at Mistrá, prove that the episcopal see
was at a very early period of Christianity established
at the latter place."
Mr. Mure (ii. p. 336, note) denies "the absence
of churches at Sparta" from his own observation,
and he is confirmed by the Expédition Scientifique
de la Morée, ii. p. 64, where six ruined churches are
noticed as existing on the site of Sparta, and are
laid down in the accompanying plans. Indeed, one
church may be found on my own plan of Sparta.
The remark above-cited, therefore, is not correct,
but it ought not to be separated from the argument,
of which it forms a part; namely, that the episcopal
see of Lacedæmon was at an early time transferred
to Mistrá
When Sparta was abandoned as the chief town of
Laconia, the people dwelling in detached villages.
on its site, and the inhabitants of the fortress or
walled town which lingered for some centuries on
its heights with a diminishing population, would
naturally, as Christianity prevailed, convert some of
the Pagan buildings into churches. Accordingly,
all the churches appear to have been of this kind,
unless it be one or two of the smallest and most
modern, which have been built for the use of the
villages now standing on the site of Sparta.
The exact time of the removal of the episcopal
The first notice
see cannot easily be ascertained.
which occurs of the bishopric of Lacedæmonia is
in the reign of Leo the philosopher, at the end of
the ninth century, at which time the Sclavonic in-
vasions of the Moréa had ceased, and that people
were either
either blended with the Greeks or
were
MISTRA.
131
settled in peaceable, or at least self-governing com-
munities in various parts of the peninsula. But they
were much less powerful and numerous here than in
the north of Greece, where, in the ninth century,
Lychnidus or Achris became the residence of a
Bulgarian monarch, and the see of a Greek arch-
bishop. The fact of the bishopric of Sparta having
at that early time assumed the name of the pro-
vince, instead of Lacedæmon or Sparta, affords
a suspicion that even then the see had been re-
moved from the ancient city to Mistrá.
An inscription in hexameter verses, upon a foun-
tain at Mistrá, copied by M. Trezel, to which M.
Lebas, in his remarks upon it, attributes a date
of the ninth century, would lend some support to
this opinion if that date were certain 2. But the
first letter belonging to the date is obliterated, and
we are left in uncertainty whether the year of
the world was intended or that of the Christian
era, whether 6300 of the world or 1300 of the
Christian era was the century in which the foun-
tain was erected. The former mode of reckoning
time was that usually employed by the Greeks;
indeed, so much so, that in almost every other part
of the empire of Constantinople, it would have been
safe, on a lapidary monument of the time of that
empire, to restore the first letter with the sign in-
dicating 6000. But there is a difference in this
respect in the Moréa, where Frank customs were
already common in the 13th century. M. Lebas,
1
τῆς Λακεδαιμονίας.
2
Expédition Scientifique de la Morée, ii. p. 79,
K 2
132
MISTRA.
in objecting to so late a date as the 14th century for
this inscription, says, "Comment supposer que la
langue poétique eût aussi peu souffert, quand nous
voyons par la Chronique de Morée (written in the
14th century) combien la langue vulgaire elle-même
avait été altérée ¹?" But men have never been
entirely wanting in Greece with sufficient learning
and ability to write Hellenic verses; in proof of
which may be adduced the iambics of the church of
St. Luke of Stiris2, and those of the church of St.
Demetrius at Salonika³, to which many short effu-
sions of the same kind might be added. Krevatás,
the name of the constructor of the fountain, is that
of a family of Mistrá, either still existing or very
recently extinct. It is much more likely that the
name should be traceable to the 14th than to the
9th century.
One of the most remarkable features of Mistrá is
the deserted and ruined quarter a little below the
castle on the north-eastern side, which I have de-
scribed in Travels in the Morea, i. p. 130. It is
distinguished by the name of Kastro, the two other
divisions of Mistrá being known by the names of
Misokhóri and Katokhóri. M. Bory de St. Vin-
cent regards Kastro as the Myzithrá of Ville-
hardouin; but the handsome church which, although
situated a little lower on the hill, certainly be-
This is a great mistake on the part of M. Lebas, as will be
seen hereafter; but he shares it with M. Buchon, the editor of
the Chronicle. See Notice sur la Chronique Anonyme de Morée,
P. iv.
2 Chandler, Inscr. Ant. p. 38.
3 Leake's Tr. in N. Greece, iii. p. 242.
MISTRA.
133
longed, as he remarks, to Kastro, serves to disprove
that opinion; for this church is Greek, as evidently
appears from its construction and the Greek paint-
ings still visible on its walls. It formed part of
a monastery, which, although it was abandoned when
I visited Mistrá, was well known to the metropolitan
bishop and other Greeks to have been dedicated to
the Virgin or Panaghía, with the epithet of ʼn Xpvσo-
παντάνησα. Had the French princes constructed
a church when in possession of Mistrá, it would pro-
bably have been of Gothic architecture, like those
which they built at Karítena and on the left bank
of the Alpheius, opposite to the mouth of the
Erymanthus. Among the ruins of Kastro, I re-
marked also those of a large building, which was
believed by the Greeks of Mistrá, and probably with
reason, to have been the palace of the Greek despot,
who reigned in this part of the Moréa from the
middle of the 13th to the middle of the 15th
century.
Zosimus, in relating the capture of Sparta by
Alaric in the year 396, says, that it was then neither
defended by men nor walls, having been reduced to
this wretched condition by the avarice and oppression
of those who had governed it under the Romans 2.
In the sixth century Justinian found all the cities of
1
¹ See Tr. in Morea, ii. p. 87.
2 καὶ αὕτη δὲ ἡ Σπάρτη συναπήγετο τῇ κοινῇ τῆς Ἑλλάδος
ἁλώσει, μήτε ὅπλοις ἔτι μήτε ἀνδράσι μαχίμοις τετειχισμένη δια
τὴν τῶν Ῥωμαίων πλεονεξίαν, ἀλλ᾽ ἄρχουσιν ἐκδεδομένη προδόταις
καὶ τῇ τῶν κρατούντων ἡδονῇ προθύμως υπηρετουμένοις εἰς ἅπαντα
τὰ πρὸς κοινὸν ὄλεθρον φέροντα. Zosim. 5, 6.
134
MISTRA.
Peloponnesus unprotected, and the only fortifications
which he raised were at Corinth and the Isthmus.
After the Gothic invasion circumstances were not
likely to have given the Spartans the means of im-
proving the defences of their town; the consequence
of which, in a naturally weak and exposed position,
would be the rapid withdrawing of its population
into more secure places. Nevertheless, we learn
to a certainty from the Chronique de Morée,'
that when the Franks of the principality of Achaia
reduced this part of the Moréa in the thirteenth
century, they found a fortress at Sparta, remains
of which are still to be seen on the heights
around the theatre. But it appears to have been
in bad condition, as well as weak in position;
for William de Villehardouin, when he had taken
Monemvasía, immediately looked out for a strong
place on which to build a fortress, and selected
the hill of Mistrá', which he continued to occupy
until the year 1262, when it was ceded to the
emperor Michael Palæologus, as part of the ransom
of William, who, in the year 1259, had been de-
feated and made prisoner by the Greeks in Ma-
cedonia. Sparta, always called Aakedayovia in the
Chronique de Morée,' remained in possession of the
6
1
Καὶ ὅσαν ἐγύρισε καλὰ τὰ μέρη ἐκεῖνα ὅλα
Εὗρε βουνὶν παράξενον, ἀπόκομμα εἰς ὄρος,
Ανωθεν Λακεδαιμονιᾶς κανένα μίλλι πλέον·
Ἐκεῖ τὸν ἄρεσε πολλὰ νὰ πήσῃ δυναμάριν
Ωρισεν, ἄνω εἰς τὸ βουνὶν ἔκτισαν ἕνα κάστρον,
Καὶ Μιζιθρᾶ τ᾽ ὠνόμασε καὶ οὕτως καὶ τὸ λέγουν.
Chronique de Morée, page 73.
MOREA IN THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY.
135
Franks during the greater part of the 13th century,
but they never regained Mistrá. The words of the
anonymous poet, taken literally, tend to the per-
suasion that Mistrá, or Mizithrá, was not an in-
habited place when William built his castle; but
this is very unlikely, and indeed is contradicted by
Dorotheos, Bishop of Monemvasía, whose Chronicle,
first published in 1684, contains a short account of
the same events which form the subject of the poem.
Dorotheos says expressly, that William named his
castle Mizithrá, because the place was so called'.
He describes it, more correctly than the poet, as
two miles distant from the site of Sparta, which, in
his time, was deserted 2. M. Zinkeisen, author of a
history of Greece, has endeavoured to prove that
Mizithrá is a Sclavonic name; but even, in that case,
it is probably nothing more than a Sclavonic form
given to a name already existing, which name I still
believe to have been Messe, or at least a Greek cor-
ruption of that word ³.
The "Chronicle of the Moréa" is an anonymous
poem, consisting of upwards of 8000 lines of
Romaic-Greek in the ordinary accentual verse of
fifteen syllables. Its existence in MS. in the Royal
1
διότι ὁ τόπος ἐκεῖνος ἔτζη ἐλέγετο Μιζηθρᾶς. Doroth. ap.
Buchon. Notice, p. xxx.
2 σήμερον εἶναι ἔρημος.
Tr. in Morea, iii. p. 5, note 6.
* The ToλITIKOì orixo, so called as having been invented at
Constantinople. Whether there was any other Greek metre
on the accentual principle in the middle ages is uncertain: no
specimen has reached us. Nor is it certain at what time the
versus politici first came into use. In the twelfth century they
136
MOREA IN THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY.
Library of Paris has been known for more than 150
years by means of the Glossarium Mediæ et Infimæ
Græcitatis of Ducange, many of whose words were
derived solely from this work, and who has frequently
cited entire passages from it. Ducange was desirous
of editing it, but died soon after the publication of
his Glossary. Boivin, the editor of Nicephorus
Gregoras, announced a similar intention, which was
frustrated by the same cause; and it was not until
the year 1840 that the literary world was indebted
to Mr. J. A. C. Buchon for the entire text of the
Chronicle, accompanied by a French translation and
notes. The title of this specimen of Greek poetry
of the 14th century is Χρονικὰ τῶν ἐν Ῥωμανίᾳ καὶ
μάλιστα ἐν τῷ Μορέα πολεμῶν τῶν Φράγκων. It is
દ
او
had become so popular, that Constantine Manasses wrote in this
measure his Σύνοψις Χρονική, and John Tzetzes his Chiliads,
both composed in Hellenic; though the latter shows that he
yielded unwillingly to the vulgar taste, by his complaint in
iambics at the commencement of his book, entitled "Aλøɑ
Τζετζικῶν πονημάτων. It is remarkable that this measure,
although seldom, if ever, found in the poetry of other modern
European nations, was common in the earliest English poetry,
and has continued to be a favourite with us in compositions of
particular kinds. The only difference is, that instead of fifteen
syllables with an accent on the penultimate syllable, the English
measure is of fourteen, with an accent on the last syllable.
Rhyme, which is found in the earliest specimens of English
verse, appears to have been adopted by the Greeks in a later
age from the Italians, as it is not found before the time when
the Venetians in Crete, the Genoese at Constantinople and else-
where, and other Italians in several parts of the islands and
continent of Greece, had introduced many of their customs,
and when the greater part of the Romaic poetry consisted of
translations or imitations of Italian romances.
}
MOREA IN THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY.
137
divided into two books, very unequal in length, the
second containing nearly six times as many verses
as the first, which is no more than a brief record of
the crusades, from the pilgrimage to Jerusalem of
Peter the hermit, to the alliance of Michael Palæo-
logus with the Genoese against the French and
Venetians, and the retreat of Baldwin II. from Con-
stantinople in 1261. The second book, entitled
Χρονικὰ τῆς Μωρέας, relates the transactions of the
French in the Moréa during the greater part of the
13th century.
With a view to illustrate the geo-
graphy of the Moréa in that age, I shall briefly state
the events related by the poet.
On the 1st of May, 1205, William de Champlitte
landed at Akhaï'a, a village on the site of the an-
cient Olenus, about fifteen miles distant from Patra.
Having entered the town of Patra without difficulty,
its citadel surrendered to him. From thence the
French marched to Andravídha, then the chief town
of the Eleia; Ghastúni, which was afterwards named
from some chieftain of the name of Gaston, not then
existing, unless perhaps as a small village under
some other denomination. From Andravídha they
proceeded to occupy Vostítza, and, accompanied by
their ships, advanced from thence to Corinth, where
they were joined by Boniface, king of Thessalonica, and
Geoffroy de Villehardouin, nephew of the historian.
Lower Corinth was fortified, but yielded after a short
resistance. Not so the Acrocorinthus, held by Leon
Sguros, who, as soon as the French had quitted
Corinth for Argos, descended by night and re-
captured the town of Corinth. The French, who
had penetrated into the town of Argos, immediately
138
MOREA IN THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY.
returned to Corinth, and Boniface retraced his steps
to Saloníka, but Geoffroy remained with Champlitte,
and became his maréchal ¹. Despairing of any
further progress in the conquest of the Moréa in
that quarter, the French returned to Andravídha,
and were more successful in a southerly direction.
They met with little resistance at Pondikókastro ;
and although they failed for the present at Ark-
adkía, easily reduced Mothóni, Koróni, and Kalamáta.
Not far from the latter town, at the vineyards of
Kónduro, near Kapsíkia, they, with 700 men, attacked
4000 Greeks, who had assembled from Nikli, Veli-
gósti, and Sparta, and from the mountainous region
of Melingús and Lakkus², which lies between those
places and Kalamáta. The Franks gained a com-
plete victory; and taking advantage of it, attacked
and reduced Arkadhía. William de Champlitte
now returned to France, having succeeded, on the
death of his elder brother, to the county of Cham-
1 πρωτοστράτωρ.
2 ὁ ζυγὸς τοῦ Μελιγγοῦ was at that time the name of Mount
Taygetus, as appears still more clearly from the Chronicle of
Bishop Dorotheos. The Sclavonians seem to have had settle-
ments on the eastern side of the mountain, as Mistrá commanded
the pass which led immediately to their possessions in Melingús.
All the southern part of the Suyos, quite to Cape Matapán,
was inhabited by the Maniátes, whose language and names of
places show that they are aboriginal Greeks with little mix-
ture. The Aάkko (ditches) were probably some of the deep
ravines of the same mountainous region; for this word seems to
have had no reference to Laconia, which name, throughout this
poem, is preserved in its corrupted form of Tzakonía, and is
applied specifically to the eastern portion of Laconia, where the
name still remains, though confined to the north-eastern ex-
tremity, where alone the Tzakonic dialect is now spoken.
MOREA IN THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY.
139
3
1
4
pagne.
Before his departure he appointed Geoffroy
to be his bailli and liege', preserving to himself
the sovereignty, but allowing Geoffroy to keep it if
he should not send a successor within a year and
a day. He appointed also a commission of ten, of
which Geoffroy was the head, to divide their con-
quest into fiefs ³, to be awarded to the several chief-
tains, and he bestowed upon Geoffroy in perpetuity
Kalamáta, Arkadhía, and their dependencies. The
other lordships were Patra, Vostítza, Kalávryta,
Khalandrítza, A'khova, Karítena, Veligósti, Nikli,
Gheráki, Grítzena, and Passavá. The bishops were
of Patræ, of O'lena (residing at Andravídha), of
Mothóni, Koróni, Veligósti, Amycle, and Lacedæ-
monia. The three principal lordships were A'khova,
Karítena, and Patra: these had more than twenty
fiefs each the others had from four to twelve. The
military orders of the Hospital and Temple, as well
as the Teutonic order, had each four fiefs, and each
of the bishops as many, except the Bishop of Patræ,
who, as a Metropolitan, had eight. The Assisæ
of the kingdom of Jerusalem were adopted as
the code of laws. The Chronicle has described the
wise and prudent measures of Geoffroy, and his
conciliatory conduct towards the natives during the
year which succeeded the departure of William de
Champlitte, who, not until eight months after his
return to Champagne, nominated his cousin Robert
to the sovereignty of the Moréa. The journey of
the latter was so much delayed by the snow of the
λίζιος.
1 μπάϊλος.
3 Written φέη, φίε, φέα, φύα.
* δίδω σε νὰ ἔχῃς γονικόν σου, p. 46.
và cu, p.
2
140 MOREA IN THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY.
Alps, and by impediments purposely thrown in his
way at Venice and Corfú at the instance of Geoffroy,
that, although he left Champagne in November, he
did not arrive at Glaréntza on the coast of Elis
until within a few days of the term beyond which
Geoffroy was not to be removed from the so-
vereignty. On hearing of Robert's approach, Geoffroy
retired from Andravídha to Vlisíri, near the mouth
of the Alpheius, and before Robert could reach that
place, had removed to Kalamáta; and thus Robert
was obliged to follow Geoffroy to Veligósti, to Nikli,
and finally to Sparta, a distance of 250 miles, re-
tarded at each place by a pretended difficulty in
finding horses for him.
At Sparta at length Geoffroy received Robert
when the term had expired; and here, supported by
the interest which a year's able government had cre-
ated in his favour, he found little difficulty in obliging
the Champlitte to give up his claims and return to
Champagne. Geoffroy was succeeded about the year
1221 by his son Geoffroy II., who confirmed his autho-
rity by a manœuvre not less daring and successful than
that of his father. The niece of Robert de Courtenay,
emperor of Constantinople, having anchored with
two imperial galleys at Pondidókastro, not far from
Andravídha, on her way to Spain as the affianced
bride of the king of Arragon, Geoffroy arrested the
galleys, employed the bishop of O'lena to persuade
her to accept Geoffroy for a husband instead of the
distant and unknown Spaniard; and then prevailed
upon the emperor to pardon him, by engaging to be-
come, like the Lord of Athens, the emperor's liege,
and liable, as such, to afford him assistance in war.
MOREA IN THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY.
141
An amicable meeting of the two parties took place
at Lárissa, at which the emperor gave Geoffroy the
Cyclades as a nuptial present, acknowledged him
a prince2, and conferred upon him the rank of Great
Domestic of Romania, with the right of coining
money ³.
3
One of the first measures of Geoffroy on returning
to the Moréa, was to build a fortress at Khlemútzi,
a position which defended Glaréntza, the chief har-
bour of the Franks, and that by which they main-
tained their communication with the Adriatic and
Western Europe. Khlemútzi served also as a cita-
del to Andravídha, the ordinary residence of the
princes of Achaia, where they built a Latin church,
and where they were buried.
Nothing further is recorded of Geoffroy II., who
died without an heir
an heir about 1245, leaving the
sovereignty to his brother William, who reigned
about thirty-three years. In the beginning he was
fortunate, having wrested from the Greeks the for-
tresses of Corinth, Argos, Anápli, and Monemvasía,-
partly by the assistance of the Venetian navy, for
which service they received the fortresses of Mothóni
and Koróni; those of Argos and Anapli, William
gave to the Megas Kyrios of Athens. He subdued
also the Sclavonians of Skurta (near Karítena) and
διὰ δωρεὰν καὶ προῖκα
Ὅλην τὴν Δωδεκάνησον, p. 63.
πρίγκιπας. He was before no more than αὐθέντης, seigneur.
3 τὸ χαραγειὸν τῶν τουρνεσιῶν μετὰ τῶν δηναρίων.
tournois, and deniers. Page 64.
4
Livres
According to Bishop Dorotheos, the Venetians obtained
Anápli by the marriage of a Venetian with the French heiress in
possession of it.
142
MOREA IN THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY.
those of Melingús (near Mistrá), as well as the people
of Mani. To maintain his conquests in Laconia he
erected fortresses at Mistrá, Leftro, and Mani or
Maíni'. But he remained not long in repose. The
lords built fortresses, resisted his authority, and
made war upon one another; and William himself
quarrelled with the lord of Athens, Guy de la
Roche, who was assisted on this occasion by the
lord of Karítena, nearly allied to both parties.
In this contest William was victorious in a battle
on Mount Kary'dhi (a name still existing) in the
Megaris, pursued the enemy to Thebes, and finally
obliged the Athenian prince to do homage to him
in the Moréa, in virtue of the supremacy which
had been conferred upon William de Champlitte
by the Marquis of Montferrat, King of Thessa-
lonica. But these dissensions among the Franks
were advantageous only to their enemies, the
Greeks, and in 1259, William had the further im-
prudence to unite with Michael Kutrúlis, Despot
of the West, in his invasion of Thessaly and Mace-
donia, governed by his brother, Theodore Ducas,
who was supported by the emperor'. On the eve
¹ MM. Bory de St. Vincent, Boblaye, and Buchon differ in
their opinions as to the situation of this place; but the following
lines of the Chronicle leave little doubt that it was the castle
called Maíni, which still exists in ruins at Porto Kaio, adjacent
to the Tænarian peninsula :
2
Ἐπέρασε τὸν Πασαβᾶν, ἐδιέβη εἰς τὴν Μάνην
Ἐκεῖ ηὗρε σπήλαιον φοβερὸν εἰς ἀκροτῆρ᾽ ἀπάνω
Διοῦ τὸν ἄρεσε πολλὰ, ἔπηκεν ἕνα κάστρον,
Καὶ Μάνη τὸν ὠνόμασε καὶ οὕτως τὸ λέγουν πάλιν.
Page 73.
According to the three first
Acropolit. Chron. Compend. 81. Pachymer. 1, 30. Niceph.
Gregor. 3, 5, § 1.
Phranza 1, 4.
MOREA IN THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY, 143
By
of the battle of Pelagonia, William was deserted by
Nicephorus, and in consequence was defeated, made
prisoner, and conducted to Constantinople, from
whence he was not released until he had ceded to
the Greek emperor the fortresses of Monemvasía,
Mistrá, and Maíni; and these the Franks never
recovered, the Greeks having retained them until
the Turkish conquest, two centuries later.
means of these places the Greeks held the south-
eastern coast of the Moréa and the greater part of
Laconia, from whence they observed and often made
war upon the French princes, though with little
success. Two of these military occurrences may
particularly be mentioned, as serving to fix the
positions of some of the principal places mentioned
in the Chronicle, the names of which are now obso-
lete. The first took place not long after the return
of Prince William to the Moréa in 1263, when the
emperor, having been informed that the prince was
already taking measures to regain the places of
which the Greeks had been put in possession, sent
a reinforcement to the Moréa under his brother,
Constantine Palæologus, the Great Domestic. Con-
stantine, marching from Mistrá towards Andra-
vídha, arrived the first day at Veligósti; on the
second, at Lidhoréa, which name is still preserved
in a district to the right of the Alpheius, near its
junction with the Ladon. From thence they fol-
lowed the Alpheius to I'sova, or O'siva, the appointed
of these historians, Mainfroy, king of Sicily, furnished a large
body of cavalry on this occasion; but the Chronicle is silent as
to these Italian auxiliaries.
144
MOREA IN THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY.
place of meeting of a body of Turkish auxiliaries.
The Greeks burnt the monastery of I'sova, and then
proceeded to Prinítza, where they encamped in a
great plain.
William happened at this moment to be at
Corinth, whither he had gone to obtain succour
from Athens, and had left in charge of his do-
minions John of Catavá, who, on hearing of the
approach of Constantine, marched (it is not stated
from whence) to Kréstena. This name still subsists
as that of a village two or three miles from
the left bank of the Alpheius opposite to Olympia.
As soon as Catavá had knowledge of the arrival of
the Greeks at Prinítza, he marched by night along
the Alpheius, through a narrow pass called the
Agrídhi of Kunupítza, and early in the morning
attacked and defeated the Greeks, who fled into the
woods of the neighbouring mountains, while Con-
stantine sought his personal safety in a retreat
through by-ways to Mistrá.
In the ensuing spring the Greeks were still more
unfortunate, Constantine having been made pri-
soner by the Franks, assisted by a body of Turks,
on Mount Makryplághi, after which the French
plundered all Laconia as far as Elos and Vátika; but
they were obliged to return hastily, after providing
for the safety of Sparta, on hearing of a revolt of the
Skortini, who had blockaded Aráklovo and Karítena.
It appears in general, that in consequence of the
possession of Mistrá and Monemvasia by the Greeks,
the utmost that William could effect against them
was, (having fortified Nikli,) to maintain a body of
his forces on the frontier of Laconia, at Arákhova,
MOREA IN THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY.
145
a large village still existing in a lofty situation on
the confines of the Tegeatis and Laconice, from
whence he could make incursions into Laconia.
The Chronicle relates some of the principal circum-
stances which attended the death of Mainfroy and
the acquisition of the kingdom of Sicily by Charles
of Anjou, as introductory to an account of the
alliance between William and Charles by the mar-
riage of Philip', a younger son of the latter, with
Isabella, the daughter of William. After
After this
marriage, which took place at Naples in 1269, in
the presence of Charles and William, the latter re-
turned to the Moréa, followed by 500 men, whom
Charles sent to his assistance on hearing of the arri-
val at Monemvasia of some Greek reinforcements.
From Glaréntza the united forces of William and
Charles moved to I'sova, to Karítena, and to Nikli,
from whence they made an incursion into Tzakonía,
and plundered it during five days, the Greeks re-
tiring into the mountains and fortresses. William
then left a strong garrison in Nikli, and returned
with his Neapolitan confederates to Andravídha,
where he was soon called upon by his new liege
lord, the King of Sicily, to afford him assistance
against Conradin and the Guebilines. To some
military advice of William, the Chronicle attri-
butes the victory gained by Charles at Scurzola ³,
which was followed by the death of Conradin ;
and adds, that in gratitude for this benefit, the
¹ Erroneously named Louis in the Chronicle.
2
Κηπιλίνοι. Γιπελήνοι.
3
3 In the Chronicle this battle is erroneously said to have been
fought at Benevento (Πονιβάτ).
L
146 MOREA IN THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY.
king despatched, unasked, and at his own expense,
another body of auxiliaries to the Moréa, William
having been obliged again to return thither hastily
in consequence of an attack from the Greeks, who
took advantage of his absence, although in violation
of a truce for a year, which had been agreed upon
before William's departure for Naples. On this
occasion William was still less fortunate than on the
last; a dysentery', which, according to the poet,
was caused by the cold waters of Arákhova, de-
stroyed a great number; and among them their
best captain, Geoffroy, lord of Karítena. In the
same year, 1277, or the following, William de
Villehardouin himself died, as well as his son-
in-law Philip, by which Charles II. of Naples, the
elder brother of the latter, became sovereign of
the principality of Achaia, which was governed
for many years by a bailli or deputy 2.
deputy, for the greater part of the time, was
Nicolas de Saint Omer, who had married William's
widow. In 1292, Florent de Hainault, having
married Isabella, daughter of William, and widow
of Philip of Anjou, was appointed Prince of Achaia
by the King of Sicily. He assisted Nicephorus
Ducas, despot of the West, with a mercenary force
of 500 men, against the Greek emperor, and, landing
in Epirus, marched with the despot and Richard,
Count of Kefalonía, to Arta and Ioannina, which latter
city they relieved from the blockade of the Greeks,
who retreated precipitately, and before they could
receive advice of the arrival of a Genoese squadron
at Prévyza, which had been sent to their aid.
1 κοιλιακόν.
2 μπάϊλος.
This
MOREA IN THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY. 147
Here ends the Chronicle of the princes of Achaia.
The remaining pages are devoted to an episode,
which serves, and was intended probably by the
author, to intimate to the reader his place of resi-
dence, and the time at which his work was con-
cluded. Geoffroy de Brienne, who was cousin of the
deceased lord of Karítena, and claimed to be his heir,
having met with no encouragement from the French
chieftains, obtained possession, by a stratagem, of
the castle of Aráklovo, and offered it for sale to the
Greeks, who were advancing to take possession of
it; when Nicolas de Saint Omer, then bailli, appre-
hensive of the effects which would follow the loss of
such an important position, entered into terms with
Geoffroy, and agreed to give him a fief, on the con-
dition of his restoring the castle. Geoffroy acquired
another fief by marriage, and his heiress married
D'Aunoy, lord (αὐθέντης) of Arkadhia, whose grand-
son, Erard, was recently dead when the poet wrote¹.
As Geoffroy came into the Moréa about the year
1 Ο θεὸς τοὺς ἔδωκε παιδὶν καὶ ἦτον δὲ κορίτζι,
Ἑλένην τὴν ὠνόμασαν καὶ ὕστερον ὑπανδρεύθη
Μὲ τὸν Μισέρ Βιλάον ντὲ ᾿Ανοὲ *, αὐθέντην τῆς ᾿Αρκαδίας.
Καὶ ἐκεῖνοι πάλιν ἔπηκαν υἱὸν καὶ θυγατέρα,
Αράρδος † ήκουεν ὁ υἱὸς, ᾿Ανέζα – ἡ θυγατέρα,
Τὴν ὁποιὰν τὴν εὐλογήθηκε δι' ὁμάζιον γυναῖκα
Ο Μισέρ Στένης τὸ ὄνομα, ὁ Μαῦρος τὸ ἐπίκλην §.
Καὶ ἐκεῖνοι πάλιν ἔπηκαν υἱοὺς καὶ θυγατέραις
᾿Απὸ ὅλους εἷς ἀπέμεινε, τὸ ἦτον κληρονόμος,
Αράρδον τὸν ὠνόμαζαν, αὐθέντην Αρκαδίας.
Ἐπλούτηναν τὰ ὀρφανά, ἐχάρησαν αἱ χῆρες,
Οἱ πένητες καὶ οἱ πτωχοὶ πολὺ λογάριν ἐπῆκαν
* Messire Vilain d'Aunoy.
+ Erard.
§ Messire Stenis Mavros, a Greek name.
+ Agnes.
L 2
148 MOREA IN THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY.
1285, and the reigning lord of Arkadhía, recently
deceased, was of the third generation from Geof-
froy, the poem could not have been concluded
before the year 1350 or 1360.
The Chronicle of the Moréa resembles other
similar productions of the lower Greeks in the
tameness and vulgarity of its language, in its
prolixity, its tedious details, mixed with long
speeches, intended as an imitation of the Homeric
style, and its total want of all poetic merit or
character. But it retains considerable interest as
a historical document, and as presenting a correct
sketch of the lives and alliances of some of the most
successful adventurers of the crusades, of the moral
and political usages of feudal times, and of military
customs before the invention of gunpowder. It may
be read, therefore, with some advantage by those
not conversant with the Romaic Greek in the trans-
lation of M. Buchon, who has illustrated the work
most fully with notes and illustrations from French
and Italian authorities relating to the same events.
There are indeed several passages where I cannot
exactly agree with the editor in his interpretation
of the poet; and by his own admission he has found
much difficulty in explaining the geography of the
narrative. For the purpose of supplying this indis-
pensable aid to the historical document, I shall offer
Εἰς τὸν καιρὸν ὁποῦ λαλῶ, τοῦ αὐθέντου ᾿Αρκαδίας.
Ὅλοι τὸν ἐμνημονεύετε, καλὸς αὐθέντης ἦτον. Ad fin.
M. Buchon has translated these lines so as to make it appear
that there was no more than one Erard. But this is corrected
in his Genealogical Table III., where two are duly named; the
uncle, son of Helene; and the nephew, son of Mavros and Agnes.
MOREA IN THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY.
149
a few remarks on the situation of the principal
places, of which the names are now obsolete. These
are not numerous, as the greater part of the towns
and fortresses of the Morea are still named pre-
cisely as in the 13th century.
The towns giving names to Frank lordships, which
are now either obscure places, or no longer exist,
are A'khova, Khalatrítza, Gheráki, Passavá, Veli-
gósti, Nikli, and Grítzena.
The situation of A'khova is proved by the name
Akhovés, still attached to a district adjacent to
the ancient Thelpusa; the ruined medieval castle
named Galatá is probably the fortress of the lords
of A'khova.
Khalatrítza, now called Khalandrítza', is still
a considerable village on the heights which rise from
the right bank of the Peirus, ten or twelve miles
above the mouth of that river. The castle of the
lords of Khalandrítza is probably that which occupies
the summit of a strong height two miles to the
north of Khalandrítza, and is now called Sainó-
kastro.
The ruined castle of the lords of Gheráki, founded
on the walls of the ancient Geronthræ, is still to
be seen in a conspicuous situation on the heights
which rise from the left bank of the Eurotas to the
southward of the Spartan plain. Gheráki is said in
the poem to have been in Tzakonía: in fact it is
situated not very far to the southward of the country
where the Tzakonic dialect of modern Greek is still
1
Χαλαντρίζα.
150
MOREA IN THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY.
spoken.
Tzakonía, however, seems to have had a
more comprehensive meaning in the 13th century,
and to have been synonymous with the ancient
Laconia.
The name Passavá exists only as attached to a
river and plain in Kato-Mani; but ruined walls of
the castle of the lords of Passavá are found, as at
Gheráki, intermixed with remains of the works of
the ancient city which occupied the same position.
This city was Las, a name connected with the
earliest traditions of Laconia.
The names Veligósti, Nikli, and Grítzena are now
obsolete.
Veligósti is described as having been situated on
a height of small elevation' beyond Mount Khelmós,
at one day's march from Sparta on the way to
Karítena, and about midway between Sparta and
Herca. This places Veligósti very near Londári.
As we find Londári mentioned among the leading
towns or fortresses in the 15th century, it rose
perhaps to importance on the decline of Veligósti;
for as there is no mention of Londári in the former
age, so there is none of Veligósti in the latter.
A medieval castle, of which there are some remains
mixed with Hellenic masonry, on the summit of
Mount Khelmós, may have secured the communi-
cation between Veligósti and Sparta through this
pass, which anciently was commanded by Belemina.
Nikli stood, like Veligósti, at the entrance of
some passes leading into Laconia, and which are
1
χαμοβοῦνιν.
MOREA IN THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY. 151
described by the Chronicle as consisting of narrow
valleys, where an opponent would have great ad-
vantages, and cavalry would be of little service!
This description applies so exactly to the passes
between Tegea and Sparta, that we can hardly hesi-
tate in placing Nikli at or near the former place;
and the more confidently, as we learn, in the same
page of the Chronicle, that Nikli defended one of
the approaches to Argos from Sparta, which no situ-
ation could have effected in any plain to the north-
ward of Laconia, except that of Tegea. Nor could
Nikli have been in the plain of Stenyclerus, or upper
Messenian plain, because when the Franks defeated
the Greeks a second time in the year 1263, and
made Constantine Palæologus and his principal
officers prisoners on Mount Makryplághi, the Greeks
had advanced to that mountain from Veligósti and
the Franks from Arkadhía. Nikli, therefore, would,
on that supposition, have been exactly in the route
of the Franks; and some mention of it could
scarcely have been avoided. In the Chronicle,
moreover, the plain of Stenyclerus is clearly described
as that of a place named Kalámi.
Nikli, situated on the site of Tegea, commanded
the approach to Sparta, the key of Laconia, from
1
τὸ διάστημα τὸ ἔνει ἀπαὶ τὸ Νίκλι
Εως τὴν Λακεδαιμονιάν, ἔνει δασώδης τόπος
Βουνιὰ καὶ στενολάγγαδα, ὁποῦ βολὴ δεξιώτων
Νὰ στέκουν νὰ δοξεύουσιν ἡμᾶς καὶ τὰ ἀλογάμας,
Καὶ ἡμεῖς νὰ μὴ δυνάμεθα νὰ βλάψομεν εἰς αὐτούς.
Page 156.
152
MOREA IN THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY.
the great eastern Arcadian plain, as Veligósti com-
manded it from the western; and this situation il-
lustrates the military policy of Prince William in
placing his advanced camp at Arákhova, near the
sources of the streams flowing southward to the
Eurotas and northward to the Alpheius; as from
thence he could maintain a communication with
Sparta, then in his hands, and could occasionally
overrun all Tzakonia and the Lacedæmonian plain
up to the walls of Mistrá and Monemvasía.
As Nikli existed before the French conquest of
the Moréa, it is not improbable that the old church
on the site of Tegea, called Paleó-Episkopí, and
which appears to be much more ancient than the
13th century, was once the principal church of
Nikli, though I cannot find either Tegea or Nikli
noticed as a bishopric in any ecclesiastical authority.
Possibly the Bishop of Argos had an episcopal
church at Nikli. It has been supposed that Nikli
was the same place as the present Moxλn or Paleo-
Mókhli, near Akhladhó-Kampo (Hysia); but Nikli
was in a plain, whereas Mokhlí stands on a pre-
cipitous height closely environed by mountains. It
is well known, moreover, that Mokhlí is a colony of
Amycle in Lacedæmonia, driven from thence pro-
bably by the Sclavonians, and that the bishop who
takes his title from Amycle resided at Mokhlí until
that place was deserted, when he went to Tripolitzá,
where he was living at the time of my first visit to
the Moréa.
Both the anonymous Chronicle and the Byzan-
tine history confirm, by their silence, another tra-
MOREA IN THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY. 153
dition of the Tripolitziotes which I have mentioned',
namely, that Tripolitzá was not built until Mokhlí
declined, and that it was formed and named from
the union of Mokhlí, Tegea, and Mantineia.
The situation of Grítzena is the most difficult to
be determined, as the name occurs only as that of
one of the lordships; nor is there any incidental re-
mark in the poem which throws any light on its
position, except that it was in Lakos, written σrovs
Aάккove by Bishop Dorotheos; but as Lakos is
Λάκκους
coupled with the mountain of Melingú (Taygetus),
and was one of the places between Sparta and Kala-
máta, it would seem at least that Grítzena was on
the southern side of Mount Taygetus, in a situation
intermediate between Kalamáta and Leftro, where
William built a castle 2. It is highly probable, how-
ever, that after the cession of Mistrá and Maï'ni to
the Greeks, no part of Laconia was occupied by the
Franks, except Sparta. Pachymer indeed expressly
mentions Ieráki (Gheráki) as having been given
up together with Monemvasía, Maï'ni, Myzithrá,
Anápli, and Argos.
³
One of the most important positions in the in-
terior of the Moréa was Aráklovo. It was a small
castle on a precipitous hill in the narrowest part of
the pass of Skorta ; and before the castle of Karí-
tena had been built by Hugues de Brières, it was the
key of the communication between the upper and
lower valley of the Alpheius, as well as a sort of cita-
'Tr. in Morea, ii.
p. 336.
"Chronique de Morée, p. 74.
3
τῶν Σκορτῶν ὁ δρόγγος.
154
MOREA IN THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY.
del to the mountainous country on either side called
Skorta, which was generally independent of the
ruling powers of the Moréa, or in a state of insur-
rection against them. There are two remains of
medieval castles, nearly opposite to each other, in
the middle of those passes of the Alpheius; one
standing on the foundations of the ancient Theisoa
of Cynuraa, the other on those of Maratha. The
former situation, as the more important in every
respect, and as well defending the left or weaker
side of the Alpheius, is more probably the Aráklovo
of the Chronicle. This name is Sclavonic, which
accords with the poem, inasmuch as the latter points
chiefly to Skorta and Melingús as the abodes of the
Moreite Sclavonians.
Below the passes of Skorta, and about midway
between them and Andravídha, was I'sova or O´siva.
Here stood a celebrated monastery, which was burnt
by the Greeks when they marched along the Alpheius
towards Andravídha in 1262. The situation of
I'sova, as deducible from the Moreite poem, accords
perfectly with that of the Gothic ruin, called Paláti,
which is situated not far from the left bank of the
Alpheius, and nearly opposite to the mouth of the
Erymanthus. The Madonna of I'sova was believed
by the Franks to have assisted them in gaining the
battle of Pirnítza, which accounts for the existence
of a Gothic church in that place, supposing it to
be I'sova. Possibly this may have been one of
the fiefs given to the military orders; for its de-
struction by the Greeks shows that it was a Latin
1
¹ See Tr. in Moréa, ii. p. 87.
MOREA IN THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY.
155
establishment before that battle. Or the church
perhaps was built by William de Villehardouin
after his victory at Pirnítza, in gratitude to the
Madonna. I'sova was separated by a pass called the
Agridhi of Kunupítza, from the plain of Pirnítza.
It was probably where the valley of the Alpheius
narrows in the way from Strefi to Pyrgo, which
town stands perhaps on the site of Pirnítza; for its
name is well known to be very recent, and to be
derived from the Pyrgo or tower of a Turkish bey',
which stood in a subordinate village of the district
of Ghastúni.
Vlisíri 2 was a town not far from Pyrgo, near the
mouth of the Alpheius.
If the anonymous Chronicle possesses value as
preserving from oblivion some information on the
history and geography of the Moréa in the 13th
century, it is not less interesting as a specimen of
the Greek language and poetry of those times. On
this subject the translator of the Chronicle observes:
-"Notre chroniqueur défigure cette belle langue
beaucoup plus que n'avait fait aucun autre écrivain
avant lui. Le Grec est sous sa plume un patois
mêlé de Grec et de Français, n'ayant ni la mélodie
de l'un, ni l'aisance de l'autre. Les cinquante-six
ans, pendant lesquels les Francs avaient possédé
1
See Tr. in Morea, i. p. 45.
The Pyrgo, from whence Prince William in 1259 crossed the
Gulf of Epakto, in his way to Arta, was not, as the editor of the
Anonymous Chronicle supposes (p. 85) in the Eleia, but on the
northern shore of the Moréa, probably at the harbour now called
Psathó-Pyrgo.
2 Βλισῆρι.
156
MOREA IN THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY.
l'empire de Byzance, avaient suffi pour défigurer la
langue des vaincus, et cette corruption avait dû être
plus grande encore dans le Peloponnèse conquis
et gouverné en détail par des chevaliers Français,
qui avaient morcelé ses vieilles républiques en
autant de seigneuries, et y avaient introduit leur
langue."
Undoubtedly many French terms occur in the
Moreite poem, rendered necessary, as in the Hel-
lenic of Roman times, by the new titles, offices,
laws, and customs introduced by the conquerors;
but instead of being written in a dialect which arose
out of the brief residence of the Franks at Constan-
tinople and in the Moréa, the language of the
Moreite poem presents no essential variation from
the Romaic of the 12th century; nor does it differ
in any particular of importance from the Romaic of
modern times. We find in all of them the same
modes of corruption from the ancient Hellenic, the
same substitution of prepositions for the inflexions
of nouns, the same use of auxiliary verbs for the
tenses of verbs, the same manner of employing arti-
cles and pronouns, a syntax of the same kind, and
the same accentual metre, in which the ancient
laws of quantity were totally forgotten. The short
extracts given in the preceding pages, compared
with productions of earlier or later date, will con-
vince every person conversant with Romaic of an
entire similitude in every essential characteristic.
The Moreite poem was composed in the same
century, in which Dante and Petrarca led the way
in that course of improvement which speedily raised
Italy to the highest rank in literature, while that
ROMAIC OF THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY.
157
of Greece declined, or remained stationary, for four
centuries, in consequence of the degraded condition
of the people. Nevertheless, in the manner in
which the two languages differ from the ancient
type, in the accentual metre of their versification,
in the time of their formation, in the causes and
effects of their divergence from the ancient tongues,
there is the strongest resemblance.
But although the Romaic Greek may not have
undergone greater change than the Italian in the
course of 500 years, it has varied a little from
century to century like all languages; and the
Moreite poem, as being the only published example
of an intermediate time between the earliest and
the latest specimens of vulgar poetry, is valuable,
as affording the means of comparison. The follow-
ing are some of the instances in which there are
vestiges of Hellenic, not to be found in later pro-
ductions:-
τὸ, τὸν, τὰ, resembling the Doric τὸς, τὸν, τὰ, is
used in the place of the Hellenic ô, ôv, à, but óñoũ
also occurs in the sense of who or which, as in the
hodiernal dialect; rò is found also in the sense of
ὅτι, that. ὅταν, when. οὐκ, οὐδὲν, not: the modern
form dev is not used. àrai, vai, a poetical Hellenic
form of ἀπὸ ὑπό. ἔνι, οι ἔνει, is, are. va εvn, to be:
this is corrupted in the more modern dialect into
εἶναι, which is used for all the inflexions of εἶμαι,
I am.
tò ideïv, tò åkvúsav, the seeing, the hearing.
woÓTE, until when. is ov, until that. Tv, with the
meaning of ἐπειδὴ, the ἐπαν of Homer. διοῦ, whence,
because. ἐνομου, τόμου (ἐν τῷ ὁμοῦ) together. Some
of the tenses of wow, or corrupted forms of them,
158 ROMAIC OF THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY.
và
constitute the ordinary varieties of the verb to make,
which in the hodiernal language are expressed by
means of κάμνω, οι πράσσω, ex. gr. ποίησον, make
(imperative), oinos, he made. ποιήσω, οι πήσω,
I shall make. νὰ πήσῃ, to make. καὶ πῆσε ὡς κελεύεις,
and do as you will, ἔπηκα, οι ἐπῆκα, I made. ἔπη-
καν, οι ἐπῆκαν, οι ἐπήκανε, they made. σεβαίνω,
θυγάρτη, by metathesis, for ἐσβαίνω, θυγάτηρ.
TεTápi, handkerchief, or the fold of a robe. Snusyép-
δημεγέρ-
της, δημεγερσία, rebel, rebellion. Suvaµápi, fortress.
διχόνισα, I passed two years. ἐπίκλη (ἐπίκλησιν) sur-
name.
ava-
πιτάκι (ἐπιταγὴ) message, order. στρέμμα, e-
treat. φιορκία (έπιορκία) perjury.
M. Buchon adduces, as a proof of the Frank cor-
ruptions of the language of this poem, the use of
Kai in the sense of the Italian che; but though he
says it is found passim, he refers only to the follow-
ing line:-
Ως ἤξευρεν, ἐγνώρισε, καὶ ἦταν ἡ ἀληθεία.
When he knew that it was true.
This use of kai, however, is idiomatic in Romaic,
and resembles some of its modes of employment in
Hellenic.
There are many words of Hellenic origin in the
Chronicle, slightly differing in form from those at
present employed; and there are some which I
can neither trace to Hellenic, nor find in the
ordinary dialect of the present day, though it is
possible they may have a local existence in some
parts of Greece. Such is Spóyyos, which seems to
be the Peloponnesian form of λóyyos, a wood, or
wilderness, or mountainous pass. The names of all
ROMAIC OF THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY. 159
the principal places in the Greek empire which
occur in the poem are written as at present, as well
as those of foreign countries and people, ex. gr.
Φράντζα, Βενετία, Πουλία, Προβέντζα, Εγγλετέρα,
Εγγλέσοι, Τοσκάνοι, Λουμβάρδοι, Τουδέσκοι, ᾿Αλαμά
νοι, Φραντζέζοι, Βουλγάροι, Γενοβέζοι.
Many words which the editor derives from the
French, and adduces as proofs of the effects of the
French conquest of the Moréa upon the language
of that country, were not derived from the French,
but were taken at an earlier time from the low
Latin or Italian. Such as kaẞalλápns, horseman ;
καπιτάνιος, Οι καπετάνος, captain ; ὀμάτζιο, homage ;
πασσάτζιο, passage ; ρεεστίζω, to invest; ροβελεύω,
to rebel; Tévra, tent.
κα
M. Buchon attributes to the poem a date be-
tween 1324 and 1328. But fifty years later seems
more probable; for if Erard, the last lord of Arkad-
hía, was great-grandson of Geoffroy de Brienne, who
was not married until about 1285, it is evident that
sufficient time had not elapsed in 1324 for a prince
of the third generation to have governed Arkadhía
for several years.
Another indication of time is
given in the following lines, where the poet, after
relating the defeat of Walter de Brienne by the
Great Company of Catalans, in 1312, and his death,
adds that the Company was still in possession of
the Mega Kyráto or Duchy of Athens, when the
poet was writing.
Ἐπῆραν καὶ τὸν τόποντου τὸ μέγαλο Κυράτον
Καὶ ἔνει αὐθένται σήμερον ἐκείνη ἡ συντροφία. Page 169.
As the Catalans were not entirely deprived of their
160
THERAPNE.
possessions at Athens and Neopatra until their
defeat by Nerio Acciajuoli in 1394, the preceding
words of the Romaic poet are not adverse to a date
for the poem of about 1380.
M. Buchon justly infers, from the poet's in-
clination in favour of the Franks, and his severe
reflections on the Greek character, that he was in
part, at least, of the race of the conquerors. The
French were probably never very numerous in the
Moréa, and the old families at length failed, as
appears by a Greek (Stenis Mavros) having married
the daughter and heiress of D'Aunoy, lord of Arkad-
hía. The poet was possibly of this mixed race.
VoL. i. p. 187.
Therapne, Amyclæ, Bryseæ, Alesiæ, Messapeæ,
Pharis, rivers Tiasa, Phellia'.
¹ For the better understanding of these remarks and of some
others on the topography of the great Lacedæmonian valley,
The
a map of it has been subjoined on an enlarged scale.
following is the passage of Pausanias which this map serves to
illustrate :
Θεράπνης δὲ οὐ πόῤῥω Φοιβαῖον καλούμενόν ἐστιν, ἐν δὲ αὐτῷ
Διοσκούρων ναός· καὶ οἱ ἔφηβοι τῷ Ενυαλίῳ θύουσιν ἐνταῦθα.
τούτου δὲ οὐ πολὺ Ποσειδῶνος ἀφέστηκεν ἱερὸν ἐπίκλησιν Γαικού-
χου, καὶ ἀπ' αὐτοῦ προελθόντι ὡς ἐπὶ τὸ Ταΰγετον, ὀνομάζουσιν
Αλεσίας χωρίον.
καί σφισι Λακεδαίμονος τοῦ Ταϋγέτης
ἐνταῦθά ἐστιν ἡρῶον. Διαβᾶσι δὲ αὐτόθεν ποταμὸν Φελλίαν παρὰ
Αμύκλας, ἰοῦσιν εὐθεῖαν ὡς ἐπὶ θάλασσαν Φᾶρις πόλις ἐν τῇ
Λακωνικῇ ποτὲ ᾠκεῖτο, ἀποτραπομένῳ δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς Φελλίας ἐς
δεξιὰν ἡ πρὸς τὸ ὄρος τὸ Ταΰγετόν ἐστιν ὁδός. "Εστι δὲ ἐν τῷ
•
THERAPNE.
161
The difficulty as to Therapne has already been
stated', as well as the conclusion, that Therapne can
only be placed, consistently with ancient evidence,
at the southern extremity of the pass of Menelaium,
where that mountain falls steeply to the left bank
of the Eurotas, opposite to its junction with the
Trypiótiko, or river of Magúla, the ancient Cnacion2.
Immediately opposite to Therapne, and separated
only from it by the river, was the Phoebæum. The
steepness of Mount Menelaium explains the vinεdov
Oεpárvas dos of Pindar, and leads to the belief
that Therapne extended from the bank of the
river to the summit of that mountain. Thus also
we perceive the propriety of the description by
Herodotus of the position of the temple of Helene
at Therapne³. From the Scholiast of Pindar,
compared with Pausanias, we may infer that the
Phœbæum was sometimes considered a part of
Therapne, although separated from it by the river;
for the former describes the temple of the Dioscuri
•
πεδίῳ Διὸς Μεσσαπέως τέμενος.
Ἐντεῦθέν ἐστιν ἀπιοῦσιν
ἐκ τοῦ Ταϋγέτου χωρίον, ἔνθα πόλις ποτὲ ᾀκεῖτο Βρυσεαὶ, καὶ
Διονύσου ναὸς ἐνταῦθα ἔτι λείπεται καὶ ἄγαλμα ἐν ὑπαίθρῳ τὸ
δὲ ἐν τῷ ναῷ μόναις γυναιξὶν ἔστιν ὁρᾶν. γυναῖκες γὰρ δὴ μόναι
καὶ τὰ ἐς τὰς θυσίας δρῶσιν ἐν ἀποῤῥήτῳ. ῎Ακρα δὲ τοῦ Ταϋγέτου
Ταλετόν ὑπὲρ Βρυσεῶν ἀνέχει.
Pausan. Lacon. 20, 3,-5.
(2—4.)
¹ Tr. in Morea, i. p. 181.
2 On this identification, see Tr. in Morea, i. p. 180. Anciently,
perhaps, the Cnacion joined the Eurotas by a more direct course
than it now does. The change would be the natural effect of an
elevation of surface in the marshy level of the Platanistus.
3
ἐς τὸ τῆς Ἑλένης ἱερόν· τὸ δ' ἔστι ἐν τῇ Θεράπνῃ καλευμένῃ
ὕπερθε τοῦ Φοιβηΐου ἱροῦ. Herodot. 6, 61.
M
162
AMYCLE.
as in Therapne'; the latter, as having been in the
Phœbæum.
Amycle I still place at Aghía Kyriakí, although
Sklavokhóri is generally supposed to be its site, and
is so marked in the map of the French Geographical
Commission. But there is every probability that
Sklavokhóri is a name and place
and place not more
ancient than the 14th century. From the metrical
Chronicle of the Moréa we learn, that in the
12th and 13th centuries some half-independent
Sclavonians occupied the ridges of Taygetus be-
hind Mistrá, and were still in that state when
Mistrá fell into the hands of the Greeks in the
year 1262, and became for two centuries the capital
of the Laconian despotate. In the course of those
years it is probable that the Greeks obliged the
Sclavonians to exchange their mountain villages,
where they were naturally disposed to be unruly,
1 Καὶ παρ' Ευρώτα πέλας
Ιφικλέος μὲν παῖς ὁμόδαμος ἐὼν
Σπαρτῶν γένει
Τυνδαρίδας δ' ἐν ᾿Αχαιοῖς ὑ
ψίπεδον Θεράπνας οἰκέων ἕδος.
Pindar. Isthm. 1, 42.
ἱστέον, ὅτι τῆς Λακωνικῆς ἐν Θεράπναις τὸ ἱερόν ἐστι τῶν Διο-
okoúpwr. Schol. in l. cit.
The son of Iphicles was Iolaus. The Σπαρτών γένος, or race
of Thebans, suggests a more probable origin of the name Sparta,
than that of Sparta having been a daughter of Lacedæmon,
which Pausanias gives, in conformity with the predilection for
heroic personifications, which was common in his time. In fact,
Sparta could hardly have existed before the return of the Hera-
cleidæ, the city of Amycle having been so near its site, and
still nearer the εуπʊруоs Oερáπn, as it is termed by Alcman.
(Frag. 1. Ed. Welcker.)
AMYCLE-BRYSEÆ.
163
for a settlement in the plain of Sparta. The proofs
which Sklavokhóri retains of having once been a
place of greater importance than it is at present,
and its name, surrounded on all sides by names not
of Sclavonic but of Greek or Turkish derivation,
furnish strong reasons for believing that the origin
of Sklavokhóri has been such as I have stated.
Sklavokhóri appears to be situated between the
sites of Amycle and Brysea, and to have attracted
to it fragments of the ancient buildings of both
those cities. Thus the inscription containing the
letters AMYKA which I observed at Sklavokhóri
may have been brought from the site of Amycle;
while there seems strong reason for believing that
the marble from Sklavokhóri, which was presented
by the Earl of Aberdeen to the British Museum,
came from Brysea: it bears the names of two
priestesses, and represents various articles of female
apparel; and at Bryseæ, as we learn from Pau-
sanias, there was a temple of Bacchus, into which
women alone were admitted, and in which they
performed secret rites. Near Sinán-bey, a village
between Sklavokhóri and the Taygetan cliffs, where
I found another marble which is now in the British
Museum, a copious source of water issuing from
the foot of the cliffs at a small church containing
ancient fragments, appears to mark the exact site of
Brysee this and other fountains in the vicinity
may have given origin to the name; and Pausanias
shows that Bryseæ stood near these cliffs, by his
remark that the ordinary exit from the mountain
Travels in the Morea, Inscr. No. 13.
M 2
164
ALESIÆ RIVER TIASA.
was at Bryseæ. The town extended perhaps
southward as far as an opening in the cliffs, through
which a road leads from Sklavokhóri to Sokhá, and
through which issues the Takhúrti, or river of Sokhá,
which joins the Eurotas a little north of Vafió. On
one side of the gorge stands a tower upon a perpen-
dicular rock. This opening I take to be the place
of exit of which Pausanias speaks.
It may be thought perhaps that Brysee, thus
placed, is too far removed from the highest summit
of Taygetus, anciently called Taletum and now St.
Elias, to justify the description of Taletum as situ-
ated above Bryseæ; but as Bryseæ would still be
the nearest town to that summit, and as it stood
immediately at the foot of the cliffs, there seems
nothing unsuitable in the words Ταλετὸν ὑπὲρ Βρυσεῶν
ávéɣu, when applied to the supposed site of Bryseæ'.
Bryseæ having been near the place of entrance
into the mountain, and Alesiæ in the way from the
temple of Neptune Gæaüchus to Mount Taygetus, it
will follow that Alesiæ was nearly in a line between
the southern extremity of Sparta and the site of
Bryseæ, for the Temple of Neptune stood near the
Phœbæum, which was near the Platanistus of
Sparta, on the bank of the Eurotas opposite to
Therapne. Alesiæ appears to have been situated
between the rivers Tiasa and Phellia, Pausanias
having noticed only the crossing of the latter after
1
Anavry'ti, a modern village in the middle region of Taygetus
immediately above Bryseæ, may have derived its ancient name
from its position above Bryseæ; or merely as situated at the
source of a river.
PHARIS-MESSAPEÆ.
165
departing from Alesiæ to the southward.
1
The
Tiasa I have given reasons for identifying, not with
the Trypiótiko as marked in the map of the French
Commission, but with the Pandeléimona, or river
formed of the streams of Mistrá and Paróri. The
Trypiótiko flowed through a part of the site of
Sparta, while the Pandeleímona accords with the
mention of the Tiasa by Pausanias, in being the
principal stream on the road from Sparta to Amyclæ,
whether the latter be placed at Aghía Kyriakí or
at Sklavokhóri. Placing Alesiæ, therefore, at some
point between the rivers of Mistrá and Anavry'ti,
we trace the road of Pausanias from Sparta to the
southern part of the plain, crossing the latter river
near Aghía Kyriakí, which thus accords with Amy-
cla, and beyond it separating into two branches, one
of which led to Brysea, the other to Pharis. This
latter place I still consider to have been situated at
Vafió², where the ancient treasury seems perfectly
to accord with the fact of Pharis having been one of
the old Achæan cities before the Doric conquest;
Vafió, moreover, lying exactly in the road from
Amycle to the sea, alluded to by Pausanias, of
which road beyond Vafió there are several portions
still in existence, excavated in the rock, and fur-
rowed with the marks of wheels.
The French Commission discovered the remains
of a temple near a source of water a little north-
ward of the village of Katzarú. This temple, lying
exactly in a line between the site of Bryse and
the point in the course of the river Phellia which
Travels in the Morea, i. p. 181.
2 Ibid. iii. p. 4.
166
HEILOTES.
•
would be intersected by the road from Sparta to
Pharis, accords with the temple of Jupiter Messa-
peus, described by Pausanias as having been situ-
ated on the road to Bryseæ, which, beyond the
crossing of the Phellia, branched from the road lead-
ing from Sparta to Pharis. This temple, therefore,
may be considered as confirming my supposition as
to the site of Bryseæ, and, by implication, as to that
of Amycle also. It appears from Theopompus (cited
by Stephanus), that there was a town or village at
the temple of Jupiter, called Messapeæ '.
VOL. i. p. 199.
There can be little question that the word Helote,
or Heilote (we), meant captive, and was derived
from ἕλω, εἷλον, like δμῶς from δαμάω 2. And this
agrees with the testimony of Ephorus, according
to whom the term was applied by the Heracleidæ
to the conquered inhabitants of the country around
Sparta before the occurrence of the insurrection
of Helos, which arose from the violation by Agis,
son of Eurysthenes, of an engagement made by
the Dorians, that the conquered people should
enjoy the same laws and privileges as the Spar-
1 Μεσσαπέαι χωρίον Λακωνικόν· τὸ ἐθνικὸν Μεσσαπιεύς. οὔπω
γὰρ ὁ Ζεὺς ἐκεῖ τιμᾶται. Θεόπομπος πεντηκοστῷ ἑβδόμῳ. Steph.
in v.
2 V. Müller's History of the Doric Race, 3, 3, § 1. Lennep.
Etymol. p. 257.
PERICECI.
167
tans themselves. After the subjugation of the
insurgents, all the Heilotes became slaves of the
Spartans, serving them in their houses as well as in
war, and cultivating their lands, liable to the pay-
ment of a fixed rent in kind. The Tepioukot, who
περίοικοι,
formed the remainder of the Laconian population,
were subject to tribute and taxation, received go-
vernors from Sparta, and were obliged to aid the
Spartans in war without any voice in their coun-
cils, or in the civil government of the country:
but they were in great measure their own masters;
⚫were secure in the enjoyment of their property,
both landed and personal; had the almost exclusive
exercise of commerce and the arts; and were ex-
empt from those numerous miseries of the Spartan
discipline, which made Xenophon say, that he won-
dered not that many men preferred death to such
a life.
And such continued, with little variation,
to be the relative condition of the Heilotes, Perioci,
and Spartans until the Roman conquest, when the
Perioci were relieved from the Spartan yoke. The
names of the districts which were united to form
the self-governing community of the Eleutherola-
cones, sufficiently show that the lands of the Spar-
tans, cultivated by the Heilotes, were chiefly in the
interior plains, and that the Periceci principally
occupied the maritime districts which surround
them.
It was undoubtedly to the natural strength of
these districts, and not to the good-will of the
Spartans, that the Perioci, who consisted in great
part of the descendants of the Achaians who had
not migrated at the time of the Heracleid conquest,
168
HYPERTELEATUM.
were indebted for the superiority of their condition
above that of the Heilotes. The former seem to
have been nearly in the same state as the Maniátes
and many other Greek mountaineers were, and some
of them still are, under the Turkish government;
the latter appear to have equally resembled the
Greeks, who labour on the Turkish farms in the
plains of Turkey, and who are bound to account to
their masters for one half of the produce of the soil,
as Tyrtæus says of the Messenians of his time:
Ὥσπερ ὄνοι μεγάλαις χθεσι τειρόμενοι,
Δεσποσύνοισι φέροντες ἀναγκαίης ὑπὸ λυγρῆς
Ἥμισυ πᾶν ὅσσον καρπὸν ἄρουρα φέρει.
Tyrtæi Fragm. ap. Pausan. Messen. 14, 3 (5)'.
VOL. i. p. 199.
The inscribed column near Priníko was probably
a milestone on the Roman road from Sparta to
Asopus, which is marked in the Peutinger Table.
66
VOL. i. P. 227.
"Hyperteleatum, a place in the Asopian district
sacred to Esculapius.'
""
The French surveyors discovered this site on the
shore opposite to the southern extremity of Cape
Xylí, below the village of Demónia. The position
accords correctly with the distance of Hyperteleatum
¹ V. et Ælian. V. H. 6, 1.
ASOPUS.
169
from Asopus as given by Pausanias. They found
some remains of the inclosure of a temple on a rock
artificially cut, with many tombs excavated in the
rock, and towards Demónia, a fine source of water.
VOL. i. p. 228.
The ruins at Bozá are probably those of the
Christian Asopus, the existence of which in the
seventh century is shown by Hierocles, who writes
the name ΑΣΩΠΟΛΙΣ, an error perhaps for ᾿Ασωπός
πόλις. Of the origin of the name Asopus, or at
what time it displaced that of Cyparissia, we have
no intimation; possibly it was introduced by some
new colony, when Cyparissia, which had occupied
the peninsula of Kavo Xylí, and had been inha-
bited by some of the non-migrating Achæans of
Laconia, had been reduced to a state of desolation.
In the time of Pausanias, the ancient name was
preserved in that of a temple of Minerva Cypa-
rissia in the Acropolis of Asopus.
This Acropolis
could have been no other than the summit of Kavo
Xylí, which was the Acropolis also of Cyparissia, as
appears by some ruins having been called, in the
time of Pausanias, those of the city of the Achæi
Paracyparissii'.
καὶ 'Αθηνᾶς ἱερόν ἐστι ἐν τῇ ἀκροπόλει (Asopi sc.) Κυπαρισ
σίας ἐπίκλησιν, τῆς δὲ ἀκροπόλεως πρὸς τοῖς ποσὶ πόλεως ἐρείπια
καλουμένης 'Αχαιῶν τῶν Παρακυπαρισσίων, Pausan. Lacon,
22, 7 (9).
170
ÆGIE-CROCEÆ.
VOL. i. p. 248.
Ægææ or Ægiæ, the Augeia of Homer, is placed
on the French map at Limni, so called from an exten-
sive marsh in the valley of the eastern branch of the
river of Passavá: this marsh appears to answer to
the Lake of Neptune mentioned by Pausanias. The
distance of Limni from the remains of Gythium is
nearly that which he gives between Egia and
Gythium, namely, thirty stades; and the situation
agrees, inasmuch as it lies to the right of the
direction from Croce to Gythium', the former
being placed at or near Levétzova.
VOL. i.
p. 249.
The French Commission discovered ancient quar-
ries of green porphyry two miles to the south-
eastward of Levétzova, and the vestiges of a temple
nearer to that village. As Levétzova is exactly in
the way from Sparta to Gythium, it is probably the
site of Croceæ, and the temple may have been that
of Jupiter Croceatas, mentioned by Pausanias.
the geologists of the French Commission are right
in their decision that green porphyry was the mar-
ble celebrated among the Romans by the name of
If
1 Ἐπὶ θάλασσαν δὲ ἐς Γύθιον καταβαίνοντί ἐστι Λακεδαιμονίοις
ἡ κώμη καλουμένη Κροκέαι.
μετὰ δὲ Κροκέας ἀποτραπείς
ἐς δεξιὰν ἀπὸ τῆς ἐς Γύθιον εὐθείας ἐπὶ πόλισμα ἥξεις Αἰγίας.
Pausan. Lacon. 21, 4, 5.
:
KAKAVULIA.
171
2
Laconian', there can be little doubt that the quar-
ries of Levétzova are those alluded to by Strabo
though the ridges of Levétzova can hardly be con-
sidered a part of Taygetus, and doubtless had some
other name. The vagueness, however, so common
in Strabo, may be sufficient to account for this
inaccuracy. It is less easy to reconcile with a
quarry of green porphyry the description which
Pausanias gives of the pebbles at Croceæ, which (he
says) were difficult to work, but when wrought
formed beautiful decorations for temples, baths, and
fountains. Perhaps both kinds of stone were found
at Croceæ; and between the time of Strabo and
that of Pausanias, the demand for the Croceate
porphyry may have given way to other fashions, or
may have been supplied from other quarries; and
the pebbles alone may have been in request.
VOL. i. p. 260.
In the French map we find the name Kakovúni
given to the southern part of the ridge of Mani.
This is erroneous. Kakavulía, or Kakovulía, an
1
¹ Description de la Morée. Géognosie, ii. 2, p. 120.
2 Εἰσὶ δὲ λατομίαι λίθου πολυτελοῦς, τοῦ μὲν Ταιναρίου ἐν
Ταινάρῳ παλαιαί· νεωστὶ δὲ καὶ ἐν τῷ Ταϋγέτῳ μέταλλον ἀνέωξάν
τινες ευμέγεθες, χορηγὸν ἔχοντες τὴν τῶν Ῥωμαίων πολυτέλειαν.
Strabo, p. 367.
3
Κροκέαι· ἧς ἡ λιθοτομία, μία μὲν πέτρα συνεχὴς οὐ διήκουσα,
λίθοι δὲ ὀρύσσονται σχῆμα τοῖς ποταμίοις ἐοικότες, ἄλλως μὲν
δυσεργεῖς, ἢν δὲ ἐπεργασθῶσιν, ἐπικοσμήσαιεν ἂν καὶ θεῶν ἱερὰ,
κολυμβήθραις δὲ καὶ ὕδασι συντελοῦσι μάλιστα ἐς κάλλος. Lacon.
21, 4.
172
TEUTHRONE.
ancient word, and here meaning the land of evil
counsel, is the true name. But even this name is
applied by the other Maniátes as a term of reproach,
and, as we may easily imagine, is not acknowledged
by the inhabitants.
VOL. i. p. 272.
The remains of Teuthrone are described by
M. Boblaye' as follows: "En descendant de Káva-
los au port de Kotrones (or Kótorna) nous trouvâmes
sur l'emplacement de ce village les ruines de Teu-
throne. Sa distance, 150 stades au Cap Tænare,
évaluée en stades Olympiques, n'est en excès que
de huit à dix stades. La citadelle occupait la petite
presqu'île, dite Scopas, que Niger nomme Scopia;
son enceinte actuelle est faite de débris antiques, et
sur le continent on trouve quelques fûts de colonnes,
les ruines d'une rotonde en briques, et beaucoup de
débris du moyen âge." The inscription, Tr. in M.
No. 42, is from Skopá.
VOL. i. p. 276.
The French map has not identified Las or Hypsi,
or the rivers Smenus and Scyras. M. Boblaye
supposes the Smenus to have been the Turkóvrysi,
which he calls the river of Passavá 2; and, following
¹ Recherches Géog. sur les Ruines de la Morée, p. 80.
2 Ibid. p. 88.
DICTYNNÆUM-RIVER SMENUS, &c.
173
the old reading of Pausanias, he places Las five
stades from the right bank of that river at or near
Khósiari. At Vathy', which in the French map is
called Aghéranos, (a name I never heard,) he places
Arainus, the name being of similar sound. I still,
however, adhere to the disposition of ancient names
described in the place above cited, except with regard
to Dictynnæum, which I now place not on Cape
Petalí, but at Vathy' or Aghéranos, this promontory
having been more worthy of notice than that of
Petalí, and agreeing better with the words of Pau-
sanias by its proximity to the ruins of Hypsi.
There is indeed this objection, that if Dictynnæum
was at Vathy', the river Turkóvrysi ought to be the
Smenus, with which it accords in the purity of its
waters; but we may imagine that Pausanias had
already sufficiently noticed this stream in his men-
tion of the fountain Cagaco, which corresponds per-
fectly, as I before observed, with the source now
called Turkóvrysi, from whence the water of the
Turkóvrysi river is principally derived, its tributaries
above that spring being mere torrents: we may easily
conceive also that in noticing the river Smenus as
being to the left of Cape Dictynnæum, Pausanias
purposely overlooked the promontory Petalí, as well
as the river Turkóvrysi. There seems reason to sus-
pect that the ancient name of the fountain Turkó-
vrysi was Kvakŵ, not Kayakŵ, and that the river was
homonymous with the Kváktov of Sparta. The neigh-
bouring mountain Kvakádiov favours this supposition.
There was a Mount Krákaλos and a temple of
Artemis Kvakaλnoia at Caphyæ in Arcadia', names
'Pausan. Arcad. 23, 3.
174
LAS-PYRRHICHUS.
evidently derived, like those of the Laconian waters,
from the same etymon, кýñкos.
If the French Commission had observed the
Hellenic remains in the fortress of Passavá, they
would have arrived, perhaps, at a different conclu-
sion on the surrounding topography; for those re-
mains are sufficient proofs of the situation of Las,
that is to say, of the ancient Las which stood on
Mount Asia', for in the time of Pausanias the people
of Las dwelt in the valley near the fountain Cnaco.
VOL. i. p. 277.
The French surveyors have placed Pyrrhichus at
Kávalo, a village "situé au centre de la vallée
transversale qui unit Dyró (Dhikhó?) à Kotrónes"
(Teuthrone). "Nous y vîmes des thermes, un torse
colossal de femme, et diverses ruines Romaines. Un
peu au-dessous du village est le puits dont parle
Pausanias, et un gouffre, où se perdent les eaux
torrentielles 2." The words of Pausanias, àñò de
Πυρρίχου καταβάντι ἐς θάλασσαν ἐστι Τευθρώνη, ac-
cord with the respective positions of the two places;
but his distance of forty stades from the Scyrus to
Pyrrhichus must be measured, not from the mouth
of that river, as M. Boblaye proposes, but from near
its sources.
¹ See Tr. in Morea, i. p. 274.
2 Boblaye, Récherches Géogr. p. 88.
3 Lacon. 25, 3, 4.
Lacon. 25, 2.
HIPPOLA-TENARUM.
175
VOL. i. p. 287.
On the highest point of the peninsula of Thy-
rides, or Kavo Groso, are ruins called Oriás to
Kastro. It will be difficult to say whether Hippola
stood at this place or at Kipúla, which is evidently
a corruption of the ancient name, until a more ac-
curate comparison of the two places is made.
VOL. i. p. 299.
Cape Matapán is here improperly described as
the most southerly point in Europe.
Gibraltar and
Tarifa are more southerly.
VOL. i. p. 302.
I continue to place Psamathus at Porto Kaio and
Achilleius at Vathy', although the French geogra-
phers have reversed these positions. The only argu-
ment I can imagine in favour of their arrangement
is derived from the observation of Strabo, that
Amathus was the first city which occurred in the
Laconic gulf in proceeding from Tænarum towards
Gythium; this accords undoubtedly with Vathy', if
we identify Tænarum with Cape Matapán. But
although this cape had no other ancient name than
Tænarum, the same appellation was attached also to
176
ACHILLEIUS-PSAMATHUS.
the whole peninsula, of which it forms the southern
extremity, and which Strabo has exactly described
by the words ἀκτὴ ἐκκειμένη', a projecting penin-
sula. The first harbour beyond Tænarum, taken in
this sense, is not Vathy', but Porto Kaio; Vathy',
like Asómato, being a harbour within the penin-
sula. From Pausanias we learn that Tænarum was
a promontory having two harbours, named Achil-
leius and Psamathus, and that near the extreme
cape there was a temple of Neptune resembling a
cavern. The cavern and some remains of a temple,
which still exist at Asómato, or Kistérnes, close to
Cape Matapán, on the eastern side, leave no doubt
as to the situation of the celebrated temple of the
Tænarian Neptune, notwithstanding a slight differ-
ence between Strabo and Pausanias in the descrip-
tion of it; the former placing the cavern near the
temple, which agrees with present appearances; the
1 Ἐν δὲ τῷ κόλπῳ τῆς παραλίας τὸ μὲν Ταίναρον ἀκτή ἐστιν
ἐκκειμένη, τὸ ἱερὸν ἔχουσα τοῦ Ποσειδῶνος, ἐν ἄλσει ἱδρυμένον·
πλησίον δ' ἐστὶν ἄντρον, δι' οὗ τὸν Κέρβερον ἀναχθῆναι μυθεύουσιν
ὑφ' Ηρακλέους ἐξ ᾅδου.
Μετὰ δὲ Ταίναρον, πλέοντι
ἐπὶ τὴν Ὄνου γνάθον καὶ Μαλεὰς, ᾿Αμαθοῦς ἐστι πόλις· εἶτα
Ασίνη καὶ Γύθιον, τὸ τῆς Σπάρτης ἐπίνειον, ἐν διακοσίοις καὶ
τετταράκοντα σταδίοις ἱδρυμένον. Strabo, p. 363.
This measurement is nearly accurate at ten stades to the
geographic mile, though something in excess if measured to the
nearest point of the peninsula of Tænarum.
2 Τευθρώνης δὲ ἀπέχει πεντήκοντα καὶ ἑκατὸν σταδίοις ἐς
θάλασσαν ἀνέχουσα ἄκρα Ταίναρον, καὶ λιμένες ὅ τε ᾿Αχίλλειος
ἐστι καὶ Ψαμαθοῦς. ἐπὶ δὲ τῇ ἄκρᾳ ναὸς εἰκασμένος σπηλαίῳ, καὶ
πρὸ αὐτοῦ Ποσειδῶνος ἄγαλμα. ἐποίησαν δὲ Ἑλλήνων τινὲς ὡς
Ἡρακλῆς ἀναγάγοι ταύτῃ τοῦ Αΐδου τὸν κύνα. Pausan. Lacon.
25, 3, (4). Here again the distance is accurately stated, Teuthrone
being placed at Kotrónes.
ACHILLEIUS-PSAMATHUS.
177
latter describing the cavern before which stood a
statue of Neptune, as the temple itself. Possibly be-
tween the times of Strabo and Pausanias the temple
may have fallen to ruin, and the cavern may have
become the sanctuary of Neptune. The harbour at
Asómato is so very small and ill-sheltered that there
can scarcely be any doubt that the two harbours
intended by Pausanias were Vathy' and Porto Kaio.
Vathy', surrounded by steep barren hills, seems
never to have had any habitations near it. At
Porto Kaio, on the contrary, are cultivable slopes
and levels, which, together with the ancient remains
noticed by M. Boblaye, the modern vestiges on the
shore of the harbour, the fortress of Maíni, and the
monastery of Porto Kaio on the heights, are infalli-
ble evidences that here chiefly the Tanarian popu-
lation has in all ages been collected, and that here
stood that Amathus or Psamathus, which, in the
time of Strabo, was a city, although no longer such
in that of Pausanias, and which was therefore
noticed by Strabo, while he overlooked Achilleius,
as having been a desert harbour. From its position
alone, near one of the most formidable promontories
in Greece, the name of Achilleius was known pro-
bably as a harbour to Scylax, who correctly describes
Psamathus as situated at the back of Achilleius,
supposing these to have been the modern Porto
Kaio and Vathy'. In other respects the description
given of the maritime places of Laconia by Scylax
1
Λακεδαίμων· ἔθνος καὶ πόλεις ἐν αὐτῇ εἰσὶν αἵδε· 'Ασίνη,
Μεθώνη, Αχίλλειος λιμὴν καὶ ἀντίπυγος τούτου Ψαμαθοῦς λιμήν.
Τούτων ἀμφοτέρων ἐν μέσῳ προέχον εἰς θάλασσαν ἱερὸν Ποσειδῶνος
Taivapos kai Aãç móλis, &c. Scyl. Perip. p. 17, Hudson.
N
178
PEPHNUS-THALAMÆ.
affords no correct information: and we must admit
also, that the authority of Strabo in this question is
somewhat lessened by his having placed an Asine
between Amathus and Gythium, the only Asine
known to history having been in a similar situation
in the Messenian Gulf. From this similarity of
situation may have arisen, perhaps, a textual error in
Strabo, by which Asine has been substituted for some
other name, possibly Teuthrone or Ægila ¹.
1
VOL. i. p. 328.
Etylus is
Thalamæ, according to Pausanias, stood between
Etylus and Pephnus; eighty stades from the
former, and twenty from the latter'.
identified by the extant remains of antiquity at
Vítylo, and the preservation of the name in the old
Laconic form Boírvλos; Pephnus is known by its
little island at the mouth of the river Miléa.
Thalama, therefore, stood probably at or near
Platza. The distances accord; the comparatively
fertile district around Platza is likely to have con-
tained an ancient town; and Vítylo, like Platza,
having been at a distance of two or three miles
inland, we may conceive that the ancient road from
Vítylo to the northward led along the elevated level
between the coast and the mountain, and conse-
1
Pausan. Lacon. 26, 1, 2. See Tr. in Moréa, i. p. 327.
PAMISUS MINOR.
179
quently through Platza. The words of Pausanias,
too, describing Pephnus as being on the seaside,
tend to show that Thalama was not so situated.
The river of Miléa, which enters the sea at the
island of Pephnus, being the largest, or rather the
only river on this part of the coast, can be no other
than the minor Pamisus of Strabo ', notwithstanding
that he describes that river as near Leuctrum; and
that Leftro is between two and three miles to the
north of the river of Miléa. The remark of Strabo
as to this Pamisus having been the subject of an
adjudication of Philip (son of Amyntas) is explained
by the speech of Chlæneas the Ætolian to the Lace-
dæmonians in the year B. C. 211; from which we learn
that Philip, when he made his excursion through
Peloponnesus in 338, and supported by the authority
of the congress of Corinth forced the Lacedæmonians
to terms, he obliged them to cede certain districts to
Argos, Tegea, Megalopolis, and Messene. His
adjudication was founded, probably, upon an ancient
claim alluded to by Pausanias, when he says that the
Messenians alleged Pephnus to have once belonged
to them, and consequently the four districts also to
the northward of it, namely, Alagonia, Gerenia,
Cardamylæ, and Leuctra, all which in the time of
the Roman empire formed part of Eleuthero Laco-
1Εστι δὲ καὶ ἄλλος Πάμισος χαραδρώδης μικρὸς περὶ Λεύκτρον
ῥέων τὸ Λακωνικὸν, περὶ οὗ κρίσιν ἔσχον Μεσσήνιοι πρὸς Λακεδαι
μονίους ἐπὶ Φιλίππου. Strabo, p. 361.
2
Polyb. 9, 28; 17, 14. Tacit. Annal. 4, 43. Pausan.
Lacon. 24, 6.
3 τὴν δὲ χώραν οἱ Μεσσήνιοι ταύτην αὑτῶν φασιν εἶναι τά
apxator. Lacon. 26, 2 (3).
ἀρχαῖον.
N 2
180
GERENIA-ALAGONIA.
nia. But it is probable that whatever boundaries
may have been given to Messenia by Philip on this
occasion, they were not for any great length of time
respected by the Lacedæmonians.
VOL. i. p. 331.
The French Commission have placed Gerenia at
Zarnáta; but the words of Pausanias, Tepnvías dè ws
ἐς μεσόγαιαν ἄνω τριάκοντα ἀπέχει σταδίους ᾿Αλαγονία,
leave little or no doubt that Gerenia was a maritime
town; and that it is now represented by Kitriés, the
situation of which relatively to the other ancient
sites, its harbour, and its vestiges of antiquity, are
all in favour of the identity. At or near Zarnáta
we may with equal confidence place Alagonia, its
distance of about three miles inland from Kitriés
agreeing with the thirty stades of Pausanias.
VOL. i. p. 358.
On reference to that part of the map which re-
presents the present state of the rivers of Messenia
near their junction with the Messenian Gulf, it will
be seen that the Pídhima joins the Mavrozúmeno to
the northward of Mikrománi; consequently there is
no Dhipótamo at the mouth, as described in Tr. in
Moréa, i. p. 358. But such a difference may easily
¹ Lacon. 26, ad fin.
LIMNE.
181
have happened, in the course of twenty-five years,
at the mouth of such a river as the Pamisus, and in
a plain where changes in the courses of the streams
are continually occurring either naturally or arti-
ficially.
VOL. i. p. 365.
Professor Ross, of Athens, informed me in the
year 1835, that two inscriptions relating to Diana
Limnatis had been found in the church of Panaghía
Volimniátissa, to the southward of Polianí, a village
in the mountains near the sources of the torrent of
Thuria; whence it was natural to infer that Polianí
was on or near the site of Limnæ. And some con-
firmation of this opinion was supposed to be derived
from another discovery, namely, of two 'Equaïa or
terminal pillars near Sitzová, a village in the same
mountains, about seven miles to the south-east of
Polianí, and about as much to the north-east of
Kalamáta, on which are inscribed the words OPO
ΛΑΚΕΔΑΙΜΟΝΙ ΠΡΟΣ ΜΕΣΣΗΝΗΝ. These
pillars, it is alleged, show that the ancient boundary
between the Messenians and Lacedæmonians passed
at no great distance eastward of Polianí; the situation
of which place, therefore, accords with the testimo-
nies of ancient history, tending to place Limnæ near
the frontier¹. The inscriptions, however, relating to
1 τὸ δ' ἐν Λιμναῖς τῆς ᾿Αρτέμιδος ἱερὸν, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ Μεσσήνιοι περὶ
τὰς παρθένους ὑβρίσαι δοκοῦσι τὰς ἀφιγμένας ἐπὶ τὴν θυσίαν, ἐν
182
LIMNÆ.
Diana Limnatis are much effaced, and, until their
purpose is perfectly known, cannot afford decisive
evidence on this question. A mere allusion to
Diana Limnatis by no means proves that Limnæ
was situated where the inscription was found; nor
even that the allusion was to the temple of Diana
Limnatis at Limnæ; as temples of Diana Limnatis
were common not only in Messenia and Laconia,
but in other parts of the Peloponnesus, as at Tegea
and Patræ. Considering the question, therefore,
as still undecided, I shall here offer some reasons for
adhering to the opinion that Limnæ occupied a po-
sition in Macaria ³, or the lower Messenian plain, to
the left of the Pamisus, and perhaps nearly opposite
to the modern town of Nisí.
66
3
1
The following is all that Pausanias has left us in
his Messenica as to the situation of Limnæ:-
Eighty stades from Pharæ, towards the interior of
Messenia, is the city of the Thuriata. There is
also in the interior the town Calamæ and the place
called Limnæ, in which is a temple of Artemis Lim-
natis, where Teleclus, king of Sparta, is said to have
been slain. But going from Thuria towards Arcadia
occur the sources of the Pamisus; and in proceeding
from these fountains to the left, at a distance of
forty stades, is the city of the Messenians under
μεθορίοις ἐστὶ τῆς Λακωνικῆς καὶ τῆς Μεσσηνίας ὅπου κοινὴν συν-
ετέλουν πανήγυριν καὶ θυσίαν ἀμφότεροι. Strabo, p. 362.
ἀπέθανεν ὑπὸ Μεσσηνίων Τήλεκλος ἐν ᾿Αρτέμιδος ἱερῷ τὸ δὲ
ἱερὸν τοῦτο ἐν μεθορίῳ τῆς τε Λακωνικῆς καὶ τῆς Μεσσηνίας ἐπε-
ποίητο ἐν χωρίῳ καλουμένῳ Λίμναις. Pausan. Lacon. 2, 6.
1 Arcad. 53, 4.
3 Strabo, p. 361.
2 Achaic. 20, 4.
LIMNE.
183
66
Ithome ¹." It is impossible to understand from this
passage whether Calama and Limnæ were to the
right or to the left of the route which Pausanias
was pursuing; but as he describes the road from
Thuria to the fountains of the Pamisus, which was
a part of the modern route from Kalamáta to Skala,
as the road towards Arcadia," there is a presump-
tion that Limnæ was not on the road from Thuria
into Arcadia. But Polianí, near which the inscrip-
tion relating to Diana Limnatis was found, is no
less than the fountains of the Pamisus, on the route
from Thuria into Arcadia; the only difference
being, that Polianí is in the direction of Megalopolis,
and the fountains in that of Phigaleia. There is
a presumption also afforded by the name and situ-
ation of the modern Kalámi, that Calame and
Limna were in the lower part of the Messenian
plain; the name Limna, moreover, being peculiarly
adapted to the marshy plain around Nisí, while
αἱ Φαραί. Εντεῦθεν πρὸς μεσόγαιαν τῆς Μεσσηνίας σταδίους
προελθόντι ὀγδοήκοντά ἐστιν ἡ Θουριατῶν πόλις.
Εστι
•
δὲ ἐν τῷ μεσογαίῳ κώμη Καλάμαι καὶ Λίμναι χωρίον ἐν δὲ αὐτῷ
Λιμνάτιδος ἱερόν ἐστιν ᾿Αρτέμιδος ἔνθα Τηλέκλῳ βασιλεύοντι, ἐν
Σπάρτῃ τὴν τελευτὴν συμβῆναι λέγουσιν. Ιόντι δὲ ἐκ Θουρίας ὡς
ἐπὶ ᾿Αρκαδίας, εἰσὶν αἱ πηγαὶ τοῦ Παμίσου. . . . Ἰοῦσι δὲ ἀπὸ
τῶν πηγῶν ἐν ἀριστερᾷ καὶ προελθόντι ὡς τεσσαράκοντα στάδια
ἐστι Μεσσηνίοις ἡ ὑπὸ τῇ Ἰθώμῃ πόλις. Pausan. 31, 1 seq.
ai
...
I have described Kalámi as situated on the left of the road
from Kalamáta to Pídhima. In the French map it is to the right.
The situation of the village may have been changed; or there
may be a winter and a summer village of the same name.
Neither of these would be a violent supposition in any part of
Greece or Asia Minor, at least wherever the lowest plains are
cultivated.
184
LIMNE.
nothing can be more inappropriate than its appli-
cation to a country of mountains and torrents like
that around Polianí. The latter place is, indeed,
nearer to the line of frontier between Messenia and
Laconia, than any position near Nisí could have
been. But on examining the history of Messenia
we shall find, that although ethnically the line of
partition passed through the points where the extant
Hermæa are found, the Messenians never but for
a few short intervals possessed any of the country to
the left of the Pamisus, from the time of the first
Messenian war to that of Pausanias, a space of nine
centuries; and that practically Limnæ, placed near
Nisí, was almost always on the frontier of the two
people, except during the three centuries of Mes-
senian subjection to Sparta.
It is remarkable that the terminal pillars near
Sitzová defined the boundaries, not of Laconia and
Messenia, but of the cities Lacedæmon and Messene.
They could not, therefore, have been erected until
the year 369 B. C., when the city Messene was
founded; but they may have been set up soon after-
wards, as two of a chain of pillars defining the
boundaries established on that occasion, when all
the districts which had been Messenian were at-
tached to the new city. Sitzová, standing on the
western side of the ridge of Taygetus, is precisely in
a point which is likely to have been traversed by
the line of separation between Laconia and the
eastern districts of Messenia, that is to say, those of
Abia, Pharæ, and Thuria. The other occasions upon
which a demarcation of boundaries between the two
people may have occurred, are,-1. in B. C. 338,
LIMNE.
185
when Philip, son of Amyntas, marched through
the Peloponnesus, and restored to Argos, Tegea,
Megalopolis, and Messene, some encroachments
which had been made upon those states by Sparta¹;
2. in B. C. 222, after the battle of Sellasia, when
Antigonus Doson abolished the reforms of Cleo-
menes and replaced the ancient Spartan constitu-
tion 2; 3. in B. c. 195, when T. Q. Flamininus re-
duced Nabis to submission, and obliged him to
restore all the property he had taken from the
Messenians; 4. in B. C. 183, when Philopomen
subjugated Sparta, and deprived it of its northern
dependency, the Beleminatis, for the purpose of
annexing that district to Megalopolis 4. But
whatever demarcation of boundaries there may
have been on these occasions, it would probably
have been no more than a renewal of the line
determined on at the time of the restoration of the
Messenians to their country and the foundation of
their city. In the year B.C. 182, when Messene,
reduced to great distress, entered into the Achaian
league, Abia, Thuria, and Pharæ separated them-
selves from Messene, and became each a distinct
member of the same confederacy. This separation
of the three eastern districts from Messene con-
tinued probably to the time of Augustus, and may
have suggested to him the extent of Messenian
1 Vid. sup. p. 179, n. 2.
2 Polyb. 2, 70; 9, 36.
Tacit. Annal. 4, 43. Plutarch.
Cleomen. 30. Pausan. Corinth. 9, 2.
3 Liv. 34, 35. 40. Plutarch. Flamin. 13.
* Liv. 38, 32-34. Plutarch. Philopom. 16.
5 Polyb. 25, 1.
186
LIMNA.
territory to be given to Sparta, when he punished
the Messenians in this manner for having taken
part with M. Antonius against him '. Pausanias,
indeed, who states that Pharæ as well as Thuria
were then made tributary to Sparta 2, does not say
the same of Abia; but this follows of necessity;
because, had Abia not been included among the
dependencies of Sparta, the torrent Choerius could
not have been the northern boundary of the
Eleuthero Laconians, as Pausanias has described it".
Pausanias found Laconia divided exactly as Au-
gustus had decreed, and consisting of Eleuthero Laco-
nia, which comprehended all the maritime districts
from the torrent Choerius westward to Brasiæ on the
confines of Argolis eastward; while Sparta possessed
all the interior of Laconia, (except the districts of
Geronthræ and Marius, which were Eleuthero-Laconic
cities *,) together with the Messenian districts of
Thuria, Pharm, and Abia. The most remarkable effect
of this arrangement was, that Sparta had no seaport on
the Laconian Gulf, but at the north-eastern angle of
4
1 Λακεδαιμονίοις δὲ ἔχειν τοῖς ἐν Σπάρτῃ τὴν Θουρίαν ἐπέδωκεν
Αὔγουστος. Αὐγούστῳ γὰρ βασιλεύοντι Ρωμαίων ἐπολέμησεν
Αντώνιος, γένει καὶ οὗτος Ῥωμαῖος· καὶ οἱ ἐν τῇ Ἑλλάδι ἄλλοι τε
καὶ οἱ Μεσσήνιοι προσέθεντο, ὅτι ἐφρόνουν οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι τὰ
Αὐγούστου, καὶ ὁ μὲν τούτων ἕνεκα Μεσσηνίοις καὶ τῶν ἄλλων τῶν
ἀντιταξαμένων τοῖς μὲν αὐτῶν ἔλαττον, τοῖς δὲ καὶ ἐς πλέον
ἐπεξῆλθε. Pausan. Messen. 31, 2.
2 Βασιλεὺς δὲ Αὔγουστος τοὺς ἐν Φαραῖς Μεσσηνίους συντελεῖν
ἐπέταξεν ἐς τὸ Λακωνικόν. Messen. 30, 1 (2).
3 Μεσσηνίοις δὲ πρὸς τὴν σφετέραν τὴν ἀπονεμηθεῖσαν ὑπὸ τοῦ
βασιλέως εἰς τὸ Λακωνικὸν, ὅροι κατὰ τὴν Γερηνίαν εἰσὶν ἐφ' ἡμῶν
ὀνομαζομένη Χοίριος νάπη. Messen. 1, 1.
4
¹ Pausan. Lacon. 21, 6 (7); 22, 5, 6 (6, 8).
LIMNE.
187
the Messenian Gulf possessed the modern harbours
of Armyró and Kalamáta. As we cannot doubt
that the territory of Thuria and Pharæ compre-
hended the plain lying immediately below those two
cities, the probability is very great that the Pamisus
formed the boundary of Sparta under the Romans.
The position in which I have placed Limnæ would
thus have been just within the Spartan boundary;
and thus also it was very natural that the people of
Messene should have petitioned Tiberius to reverse
that part of the decree of Augustus which had the
effect of depriving them of Limnæ. They may have
been indifferent to the dependency upon Sparta of
the three Messenian districts which had so long been
separated from them; or if not indifferent, they may
have been hopeless of any change in the imperial
decree upon this subject; but Limnæ, as a place of
peculiar sanctity, which it was profitable perhaps as
well as honourable to possess, and to which they had
never ceased to assert their claim, might deserve
every exertion which they could make to recover it.
The claim of the Messenians to Limnæ was founded
upon its having been in the Dentheliatis, a portion
of the country which had been assigned to Messenia
by the Heracleida, when the southern part of
Peloponnesus was divided between Cresphontes and
Aristodemus; that of the Lacedæmonians seems to
have had no other basis than their conquest of all
the country between Laconia and the left bank of
the Pamisus at a very early period of their contests
with Messenia; after which they pretended that the
Pamisus was
was their boundary, as Euripides has
described it in one of his lost tragedies, of which
188
LIMNÆ.
the scene was Messenia in early times ¹. The
country eastward of the Pamisus formed the portion
of Messenia which was named Messola in the
quinquepartite division of the country by Cres-
phontes; and Dentheliatis appears to have been the
part of Messola lying nearest to the river. The name
Messola still subsisted in the time of Strabo, who,
speaking of the seven Homeric cities offered by
Agamemnon to Achilles, and of the opinions of his
time as to their position, remarks, "Some place Ire
at the present Messola, which lies between Mount
Taygetus and Messenia;" by Pausanias Ire is identi-
fied with Abia, which is in the same situation.
From the middle of the eighth century B. C., when
the death of Teleclus at Limnæ furnished a con-
venient cause of quarrel to the Lacedæmonians, who
were covetous of the rich lands of their neighbours,
Limnæ was probably never in possession of the
Messenians until their restoration to Messenia in
the fourth century B. C., when the city Messene
was built, when the districts of Abia, Phare, and
1 Τὴν δὲ Λακωνικὴν καὶ τὴν Μεσσηνίαν ὁρίζειν αὑτοῦ
(Euripidis sc.) φήσαντος
Πάμισον εἰς θάλασσαν ἐξορμώμενον,
οὐ συγχωρητέον, ὃς διὰ μέσης ῥεῖ τῆς Μεσσηνίας, οὐδαμοῦ τῆς νῦν
Λακωνικῆς ἁπτόμενος. Strabo, p. 366.
Euripides here seems to have considered the boundary of the
two provinces as it existed after the first encroachments of the
This
Lacedæmonians, and during the three Messenian wars.
was an anachronism, if the tragedy to which the fragment be-
longed was his Cresphontes, but an anachronism of such a kind
as often occurs in the tragic poets. Strabo alluded to Messenia
according to its boundaries ethnically and in common parlance.
LIMNE.
189
Thuria, which composed the ancient Messola, were
again attached to Messenia, including Limnæ, which
stood on the extreme frontier of Messola towards the
next of the five divisions, probably Rhium'. But
the Spartans soon began to encroach again upon the
Messenian boundary; and not more than thirty
years had elapsed from the foundation of Messene,
when Philip, son of Amyntas, was called upon to
restore Limnæ to the Messenians 2. But their right
to it ceased probably to be respected as soon as the
power of Macedonia was exerted in a new direction.
One of the measures of Antigonus Doson, when
regulating the affairs of Sparta after the battle of
Sellasia, was the restoration once more of Limnæ
to the Messenians. We can hardly suppose that
Nabis, among his other acts of violence against
the Messenians, one of which was the occupation
of the city itself, failed to obtain possession of
Limnæ; or in that case, that Philopomen neg-
lected to restore it. After this time, when all dis-
putes among the Greeks were referred to the
senate of Rome, or their representatives in Greece,
Limnæ still continued to be a subject of conten-
tion between the two cities. Three times, accord-
ing to Tacitus, Limnæ was assigned to the Mes-
senians, namely, by Mummius in the year B.C. 146,
by Attidius Geminus prætor of Achaia, and again
the Milesii, to whose arbitration the question
had been submitted. And twice to the Lacedæmo-
nians; the first time by Julius Cæsar and M. Anto-
¹ See Tr. in Moréa, i. p. 457. 2 Tacit. Annal. 4, 43.
s Ibid.
190
PYLUS.
nius, the second by Augustus; for Limnæ having
been just within the confines of the Messenian dis-
tricts which Augustus attached to Sparta, he vir-
tually confirmed the award of Cæsar and Antonius
when he gave those districts to Sparta. But Tiberius
reversed so much of the decree of Augustus as
related to Limnæ, and assigned it once more to
Messenia. A situation in the plain of Nisí, near
the left bank of the Pamisus, seems the only one
which can render intelligible all the notices on
Limnæ which occur in ancient history.
VOL. i. p. 413.
The French Commission observed that the walls
and towers of the castle of Paleó Avaríno stand in
many parts on Hellenic foundations, and that in
some places three courses of the ancient work re-
main, consisting of a kind of masonry' which seems.
greatly to resemble that of Messene. Besides these
remains of middle Hellenic antiquity, some founda-
tions are traced of a more ancient inclosure at the
northern end of the peninsula, with a descent to the
little harbour of Voidhó-kiliá, by means of steps
cut in the rock. Remains of walls of early date are
to be seen likewise towards the southern extremity
of the hill, among which is a tumulus,—all tending
to prove that the entire peninsula of Avaríno was
occupied at a remote period of history by a city
which can have been no other than the Messenian
1
¹ Exp. Scientifique de la Morée, i. pl. vii.
PYLUS.
191
or Neleian Pylus, if the distance of that place from
Sparta and Mothone has been truly given by Thucy-
dides and Pausanias; the former of whom places it
at 400 stades from Sparta, the latter at 100 stades
from Mothone'; for these are correctly the dis-
tances of Avaríno from those two ancient sites. At
Avaríno, moreover, there is a large cavern, agreeing
with that which Pausanias describes at Pylus as the
stable of the oxen of Neleus and Nestor.
Pylus was abandoned after the conquest of
Messenia by the Lacedæmonians, and the site
remained probably during the three centuries of
Messenian servitude in the condition of a desert
promontory, as Thucydides describes it, and which
was called by the Lacedæmonians Coryphasium.
The Athenians, however, who fortified it in the
sixth year of the Peloponnesian war, were not igno-
rant that it was the same place as the Pylus of
Nestor. At the time of the Achæan league, there
was a town of Coryphasium, as we learn from a coin,
which shows that Coryphasium was a member of
that confederacy. The walls, therefore, at Paleó
Avaríno, of which the masonry resembles that of
Messene, are those probably of a town which was
built on the promontory Coryphasium after the
restoration of Messenian independence, about the
same time that the city of Messene was built, or
soon after the battle of Leuctra, B.C. 371. Cory-
phasium appears not to have comprehended more
than the Acropolis of Pylus; and it was upon the
ruined walls of Coryphasium that the mediaval
1
Thucyd. 4, 3. Pausan. Messen. 36, 1.
192
PYLUS.
castle of Avaríno was built'. The remains of an
ancient mole at the southern extremity of the
peninsula, a little within the strait, which forms the
northern entrance of the bay of Navaríno, marks
the position of the ancient port of Pylus and
Coryphasium on that side. Voidhó-kiliá furnished
another on the north.
So thoroughly had the name of Pylus, as belong-
ing to the position of Avaríno, been forgotten before
the time of Augustus, that the situation of the city
of Nestor was then a subject of dispute among anti-
quaries; and Strabo, who was not much of a travel-
ling geographer, perplexed instead of deciding the
question: but Pausanias, who had carefully ex-
amined Messenia, as well as every other part of
Greece, was better informed, and had no doubt that
the Neleian city had occupied the promontory
Coryphasium, or the modern Paleó Avaríno. The
preservation of these remains of Pylus and Cory-
phasium is important, as serving to disprove the
hypothesis entertained by some, that this peninsula
is the ancient island Sphacteria, converted into
a peninsula by an accumulation of sand at either
end, and that the lagoon on its eastern side was the
harbour of Pylus intended by Thucydides, in which,
he says, there was at one end an opening capable of
admitting two triremes, and at the other, an en-
trance capable of admitting eight or nine triremes.
Undoubtedly such a hypothesis is admissible, in-
asmuch as there is scarcely a situation in Greece, on
¹ The latter name seems to be of considerable antiquity, by its
being found in the Latin MSS. of Ptolemy: Pylus, qui et
Abarmus (7. Abarinus). Ptolem. Geog. 3, 16.
PYLUS.
193
the low coasts near the mouth of rivers, where by
the operation of waters, salt or fresh, or both united,
some change has not taken place since the times of
ancient history. In the present instance, therefore,
there is no great difficulty in imagining either that
the lagoon may be of recent formation, or that it
may be an ancient harbour converted into a lagoon
by an accumulation of sand which has separated it
from the sea. On the latter supposition, and as-
suming that it is the ancient harbour of Pylus, there
would be no difficulty in conceiving that there may
have been an opening at Voidhó-kiliá capable of ad-
mitting two triremes abreast into the water, which is
now a lagoon, and another opening at the southern
end of the hill of Paleó Avaríno, by which eight or
nine triremes abreast may have entered the lagoon
from the great harbour of Navaríno; while it is
impossible to reconcile this estimate of the breadths
of the two entrances with the actual openings into
the bay of Navaríno, of which the southern is no less
than 1200 yards wide, the northern about 150 yards.
But the monumental evidences of the former exist-
ence of a city at Paleó Avaríno seem too strong to
admit of any question as to the position of Pylus,
or any doubt that the island of Navaríno is really
the ancient Sphacteria, which never contained any
town. Some error either in the information or in
the text of Thucydides may be the more suspected,
as 1200 yards and 150 yards, the real width of the
two entrances into the bay of Navaríno, are not in
the proportion of the number of triremes by which
Thucydides estimates that width; they are not as
8 or 9 to 2, but as 16 to 2. Nor will fifteen
0
194
PYLUS-SELA.
stades, the length which he ascribes to Sphacteria,
agree either with the peninsula of Paleó Avaríno
or with the island of Navaríno; the former being
7 stades in length, the latter 25.
VOL. i. p. 416.
Ἔστι Πύλος προ Πύλοιο
was a Paroemiac verse as old, at least, as the time of
Aristophanes, when Pylus became famous at Athens
by the Lacedæmonian disaster'. The hexameter
was completed at a later time, with the words
Πύλος γε μὲν ἐστὶ καὶ ἄλλος.
T
This occurred probably, when, in the disputes among
geographers as to the site of the Neleian Pylus,
a third or intermediate site in Triphylia, between
the Eleian and Messenian sites, was brought forward
by some speculators in geography as the true Pylus
of Nestor. But we may fairly doubt whether such
a third Pylus ever existed: of the other two and of
their position there can be no question.
VOL. i. p.
428.
In the French map some ancient vestiges are
marked at the mouth of the river Longovárdho. It
is not unlikely that a small town stood there, bear-
ing the same appellation as the river, namely, Sela.
¹ Eq. 1059.
ASINE-COLONIS.
195
VOL. i. p. 443.
The expectation here held out as to the discovery
of ancient remains in the district of Saratzá, such as
would confirm the opinion that Asine was situated
at or near that village, has not been realized; nor is
there any point on the shore between Koróni and
Cape Gallo offering any appearance or probability
of an ancient site. There can be little hesitation,
therefore, in placing Asine at Koróni, Asine having
been the first town to the eastward of Cape Acritas,
and having been a place or position so remarkable
as to have given name to the gulf. In both these
particulars it agrees with Koróni. Perhaps in the
ages when Greece became depopulated, the remain-
ing inhabitants of Corone removed from Petalídhi to
the deserted site of Asine, and carried with them
their ancient name. Such migrations of names have
not been uncommon in Greece. The question then
remains as to the positions of Coryntheium and
Colonis or Colonides. The forty stades of Pausanias
between Asine and Colonides places the latter exactly
at Kastélia. This place, moreover, has very much
the appearance of an ancient site; and the French
Commission discovered here some remains of ancient
buildings. We may conclude, therefore, that here
stood Colonis.
As no similar vestiges of Coryntheium have been
observed, we have to depend only upon its distance
of 80 stades from Corone, as given by Pausanias,
and the fact of its having been nearly, if not exactly,
in the way from Corone to Asine, as appears from
0 2
196
CORYNTHEIUM-CORONE.
all these places having been on or near the sea-
shore. As the road distance from Petalídhi to
Kastélia itself is not more than 80 stades, we may
presume that Coryntheium was at no great dis-
tance from Colonides, perhaps separated only from
that place by the river which joins the sea at half
a mile's distance to the north of Kastélia, and which
was probably the southern boundary of the district
of Corone; for Colonides appears, from the words of
Pausanias, to have been beyond the boundary of that
district It must be confessed, however, that the
distances of Pausanias are not sufficiently accurate
to furnish any strong confirmation of the positions
here assumed; his 80 stades between Corone and
Coryntheium are about a tenth too much; his 40
stades between Asine and Cape Acritas are little
more than half the true distance; and the 40 stades
from Colonides to Asine are alone correct. Plutarch
mentions Colonides as the place which Philopomen
moved from Argos to relieve, on hearing of the
intention of Dinocrates and the Messenians to
occupy it. He marched in a single day from Argos
to Megalopolis, a distance of more than 400 stades,
and on the following day was met by Dinocrates
between Megalopolis and Messene, made prisoner,
and put to death at Messene. Livy, however, says
that Corone was the place towards which Philopo-
men was marching, which seems much more likely,
1
τῇ Κορωναίων δὲ πόλει ὅμορος Κολωνίδες. Messen. 34, 5 (8).
2 The action occurred, according to Plutarch, (Philopom. 18.)
at the hill of Evander, some place probably among the heights
of Makryplághi. Livy (39, 49) says only that they fought "in
iniquâ valle."
BRIDGE OF MESSENE.
197
as well from the smaller distance as the superior
importance of Corone. Moreover, Livy, as following
Polybius, is the better authority of the two. If the
foregoing conclusions as to Asine, Colonis, and the
Coryntheium are correct, it will of necessity follow
that some of the observations in Travels in the
Moréa, i. pp. 443-446, will require to be cancelled.
VOL. i. p. 480.
The French Commission observed a quadrangular
opening four feet wide in the south-western branch
of the bridge of Mavrozúmeno', which I did not see,
and which might have served for the passage of
water in winter, and for a foot-path under the bridge
in summer.
Here six courses of Hellenic masonry still remain ;
and it appears from the shaping of the stones of
these courses, where they are united to one of the
modern arches, that the ancient arch was not formed
on the principle of concentric wedges, but by courses
shaped to a curve 2.
1
Exp. Scient. de la Morée, i. p. 47. pl. 48.
2 See above, p. 118, and Tr. in Moréa, i. p. 480.
198
MEGALOPOLIS.
SUPPLEMENT
TO
VOL. ii. p. 41.
BISHOP THIRLWALL, in his History of Greece', dis-
approves of the assertion here made, that the site
for the new city of Megalopolis was chosen by
Epaminondas. Undoubtedly it rests upon the au-
thority of Pausanias alone, who, in stating that
Epaminondas was the oikorns or founder both of
Messene and Megalopolis, and that he selected the
site for Messene, leads naturally to the inference
that the site of Megalopolis was also chosen by him.
There would at least be some difficulty in conceiving
that it could have been determined without his
approbation, which, under the circumstances, was
nearly the same thing as selecting the situation.
As the greatest master of the art of war then living,
he was the first to be consulted on such a question.
The Arcadian confederacy, with its accompaniment,
the formation of a new city, if not a measure ori-
ginating with him, was supported by his authority,
1
¹ Vol. v. p. 91, note.
MEGALOPOLIS.
199
which, at that moment, was supreme: the opposition
of some of the Arcadians made only his immediate
interference the more necessary; and he was so
zealous in the prosecution of these designs, that he
supplied 1000 Thebans to protect the Arcadians,
while employed in building the walls, from interrup-
tion by the Lacedæmonians. Nor is it easy to believe
that the site was fixed upon without due considera-
tion. By its position in a plain, Megalopolis was
made to resemble Mantineia, Tegea, and Sparta:
it seems to have been designedly placed at the
same time as near as possible to the passes leading
from Western Arcadia into Messenia and Laconia,
consistently with a due regard to the supply of
water. The Lacedæmonians had an immense ad-
vantage, either for attack or defence, in the posi-
tion of Sparta at the junction of the two great
routes leading from Laconia into Arcadia. Tegea,
at the northern end of the eastern passes, fur-
nished on that side of Arcadia a protection which
was deficient in Western Arcadia until Megalopolis
was built. The preference of a plain for the new
city, so different from the principles which appear
to have been entertained more anciently, when a
rocky and difficult access generally formed part of
the defences of a Greek city, was the effect of
advancing civilization, and of the decline of the
small republics, attended by the transference of a
part or sometimes of the whole of their population
to the chief city of the nation. For such larger
populations, and for the more active communica-
tions arising from them, a level situation was more
convenient. The same social and political changes
200
LONDARI.
led to a more centralized military system, and to
those other improvements in the art of war which
were brought to perfection by Epaminondas, and
were accompanied by the discovery, that a wall
in a plain, defended at regular intervals by towers,
might be made to furnish as effectual a defence
as a wall placed upon precipices and protected by
ravines.
VOL. ii. p. 44.
Although the French Commission found "no
ruins but of the middle ages" at Londári', Major
Harriott in 1831 observed some Hellenic remains
in the castle-wall at that place 2. Here stood, there-
fore, one of the towns or fortresses of the Parrhasii,
or Egytæ. If Cromi, as I have supposed, was so
near as Samará, Londári could scarcely have been
any thing more than one of those castles which
appear to have been numerous in all the Arcadian
districts confining on Laconia, especially in the times
preceding the foundation of Megalopolis.
VOL. ii. p. 59.
The difficulty here mentioned, arising from Pau-
sanias having described Methydrium as situated on
1 Boblaye, Rech. Géogr. p. 170.
2 Journal of Geogr. Soc. v.
·
p. 366.
METHYDRIUM.
201
a lofty hill between two rivers', whereas the extant
remains called Palátia are in a low situation above
the junction of the rivers on the right bank of one
of them, has not been solved by the French Com-
mission. M. Boblaye says: "Le territoire de Me-
thydrium renferme plusieurs châteaux forts du
moyen âge; entre autres, Argyró-kastro, Angeló-
kastro, et le Paleó-kastro au-dessous de Kamenítza,
qui demanderaient à être étudiés, ainsi que la ville
de Methydrium elle-même, qui n'a été aperçue que
de loin." It is evident, therefore, that Methydrium
has not yet been sufficiently explored; and it is
by no means unlikely that some other vestiges of
that city may yet be found in a situation more
consonant with the words of Pausanias, perhaps on
the heights of Pyrgo; for these heights are embraced
by the two rivers flowing respectively from above
Pyrgo and from Karfoxyliá, the former of which
appears to answer to the Maletas, and the latter to
the Mylaon. At the same time, there can be no
doubt that the ruins at Palátia are those of a part
of Methydrium, in whatever situation the remainder
of the city may have stood:-
1
1. Because the walls are those of a fortified
· ὠνομάσθη μὲν δὴ Μεθύδριον, ὅτι κολωνός ἐστιν (οὐκ ?) ὑψηλὸς
Μαλοίτα τε ποταμοῦ καὶ Μυλάοντος μέσος, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ τὴν πόλιν ὁ
Ὀρχόμενος ᾤκιζε .
ἔστι δὲ ἐν Μεθυδρίῳ Ποσειδῶνός τε
Ἱππίου ναός· οὗτος μὲν ἐπὶ τῷ Μυλάοντί ἐστι τὸ δὲ ὄρος Θαν·
μάσιον καλούμενον κεῖται μὲν ὑπὲρ τὸν ποταμὸν τὸν Μαλοίταν
(al. Μολοττὸν)
ἔστι δὲ πρὸς τῇ κορυφῇ τοῦ ὄρους
σπήλαιον τῆς Ῥέας, καὶ ἐς αὐτὸ ὅτι μὴ γυναιξὶ μόναις ἱεραῖς τῆς
θεοῦ, ἀνθρώπων γε οὐδενὶ ἐσελθεῖν ἔστι τῶν ἄλλων. Μεθυδρίου
δὲ ὡς τριάκοντα ἀπέχει σταδίους Νυμφασία πηγή.
Arcad. 36,
1 seq.
202
METHYDRIUM.
place, and there was no other city in this part of
Arcadia except Phalanthus, which could not have
stood so far to the northward of the ridge which
separates the vale of Vytína from that of Alo-
nístena.
2. The fountain Nymphasia, which is half a mile
to the east of Vytína, is at a distance from Palátia
agreeing perfectly with the thirty stades which
Pausanias gives as the distance between Methy-
drium and Nymphasia.
The remains of a temple which I discovered on
the bank of the river of Karfoxyliá were observed
also by Gell', and the temple agrees with that of
Neptune Hippius, supposing that river to be the
Mylaon, near which Pausanias expressly states that
temple to have been situated. The description of
Mount Thaumasius, as situated above the Malotas,
is ambiguous, the river of Pyrgo descending between
two mountains: a discovery of the cave of Rhea
would decide this question as well as that con-
cerning the rivers.
There is still, however, another mode of obviating
the difficulties which attend the description of Methy-
drium by Pausanias, namely, by supposing the two
rivers Mylaon and Malotas, between which Methy-
drium stood, to have been not the rivers of Kar-
foxyliá and Pyrgo, but those of Pyrgo and Nimnítza,
which latter is a small stream flowing on the eastern
side of the ruins 2, and joining the river of Pyrgo
'Itinerary of the Moréa, p. 126.
2 It is mentioned in Tr. in Moréa, ii. p. 57, as having been
crossed by me at 7h. 20m. on the 21st May.
HEIGHTS OF MOUNTAINS.
203
above the union of the latter with the river of Kar-
foxyliá. But on this supposition it would be de-
sirable to emend the text of Pausanias by the
addition of ouк, a word which has not unfrequently
been omitted by his copiers; for κολωνὸς οὐκ ὑψηλὸς
will perfectly suit the height upon which the extant
ruins are situated. With this alteration in the text,
and the supposition above mentioned as to the two
rivers, the description of Pausanias will agree with
present appearances. But it would follow in this
case, that the temple on the bank of the river
of Karfoxyliá was not the temple of Neptune, and
that the ancient name of that river remains un-
known.
VOL. ii. p. 69.
The following are the heights of the mountains
mentioned in the perioptic view from Mount Zak-
kúka; they are the result of barometrical measure-
ments taken by the French Commission, reduced
from metres into English feet:-
METRES.
ENG. FEET.
1346 1. Fanarítiko or Zakkúka, called Mont
Paleokastron in the French map
(Cotylius).
4416
2224 2. O'lonos.
7297
1016
3. Sandameriótiko, Scollis
3333
2355
4. Khelmós, Aroania
7726
2374
5. Zy'ria, Cyllene .
7788
1559
6. Apáno-Khrepa, Manalus
5115
1981
7. St. Elias of the Mænalian range
6499
1252 8. Tzimbarú, Belemina
4108
1772 9. Mountain of Turníki, Artemisius .
5814
1217 10. Róino, Parthenius
3993
•
204
ISOVA.
METRES.
ENG. FT.
1937
11. Málevo, Parnon .
6355
•
914
12. Hill of Beziane, called Kurkúla in the
French map
2999
2409
13. St. Elias, Taletum of Taygetus
7902
957
14. Lykódhemo, Temathia
3140
1391
15. Summit of the Kondovúnia, called Sekhi
in the French map
4564
1388 16. Tetrázi, Cerausius
4554
1420 17. Dhiofórti, Lycæus
4659
1222
18. Mountain of A'lvena, Minthe
772 19. Mountain of Smerna, Lapithus
1898 20. Erymanthus, highest summit
4009
•
2533
6227
The following are the heights of some other sum-
mits of the Peloponnesus, by the same authorities:-
METRES.
1927 Voidhiá, Panachaicum
1759 Mavron Oros, Chelydorea
1102
Ortholíthi
575
Acro-Corinthus
802
Ithome
583
Kary'tena
630 Mantineia
ENG. FT.
6322
5771
3615
1886
2631
1913
2067
VOL. ii. p. 87.
I have already given some reasons for believing
that the ruins of the Gothic church here described,
belonged to a monastery named O'siva, or I'sova':
we have seen that the situation agrees with the
occurrence of the name in the movements of the
Franks, or their opponents, as related in the Anony-
mous Chronicle. The victory gained over the Greeks
at Prinítza was attributed in great measure to the
aid of the madonna of O'siva, indignant at the sacri-
¹ See above, p. 154.
HERÆA—THELPUSA.
205
lege of the Greeks in burning her monastery: it
is not an improbable conjecture, that the Gothic
church and monastery, of which I have described
the remains, was built by William de Villehardouin,
after the battle of Prinítza, or about the year 1265.
I regret to observe, that no notice occurs of this ruin
in the map of the French geographical commission,
nor any mention of it in the works of M. Bory de
St. Vincent, or of M. Boblaye, or of any other recent
travellers. Has it been destroyed, like Olympia, by
the masons of Lala, or in the course of the wars of
the Greek revolution, or in renewing the Greek
villages since the peace?
VOL. ii. p. 92.
According to Stephanus, Heræa of Arcadia
was also called Sologorgus; but as he adds that it
was towards Messene, no great reliance can be placed
upon his testimony.
VOL. ii. p. 102.
Besides Lycophron, as here cited, Callimachus has
also noticed the Erinnys Telphusæa. The name Tel-
phusa had doubtless the same etymon as the Boeotian
Τιλφῶσσα, and the Phocian Δελφοί. Τέλφουσσα was
the form employed by Polybius as well as Calli-
machus, but Pausanias followed the local ortho-
graphy, which is confirmed by the coins inscribed
¹ In voc. 'Hpaía.
206
LUSI-RIVER AROANIUS.
DEAПOYZION. Some of these coins show that
Thelpusa belonged to the Achæan confederacy; and
from a similar authority we learn, that the neigh-
bouring Aliphera or Alipheira was also included in
the league'.
VOL. ii. p. 109.
In the French map, the three sources on the edge
of the plain, between Karnési and Sudhená, do
not form a stream flowing "through the gorge of
Karnési into the vale of Clitor," as here stated; but,
after forming an inundation, they descend into a
katavóthra. The French Commission seems not to
have noticed the foundations of the temple of Diana
Hemeresia at the middle source.
VOL. ii. p. 116.
The statement here made that Ghermotzáni stands
in the valley of the Upper Peneius, is erroneous;
though it is very near the sources of that stream.
In fact, the reader will find a contradiction in vol. ii.
p. 235, where the statement is correct, that the waters
near Ghermotzáni flow to the river Erymanthus. That
town is, in fact, exactly at the sources of the river
anciently called Aroanius, which joins the Eryman-
thus at Psophis.
¹ Mionnet, Supp. iv. p. 18, 294.-Millingen, Sylloge of Ined.
Coins, p. 60, pl. 11, No. 33.
PATRÆ-RIVER PEIRUS.
207
VOL. ii. p. 128.
Of this temple of Jupiter Olympius, or some other
temple of Jupiter at Patræ, as well as of a temple
of Hercules, which Pausanias has not noticed, Pliny
says that the cella was of brick, and the epistylia
and columns of stone'. The palace of Croesus at
Sardeis, that of the kings of Pergamus at Tralleis,
and that of Mausolus at Halicarnassus, were all of
similar construction 2. The last is thus described by
Vitruvius" Item Halicarnassi potentissimi regis
domus cùm Proconnesio marmore omnia habet
ornata, parietes habet latere strucțos, qui ad hoc
tempus egregiam præstant firmitatem, ita tectoriis
operibus expoliti ut vitri perluciditatem videantur
habere."
VOL. ii. p. 155.
The Peirus is here incorrectly described as skirt-
ing the foot of Mount Movri. On the contrary,
below Prevezó and the site of Phara, it tends to the
hills on the northern side of the valley, and follows
them in a western direction, until, within a mile of
the sea, it makes a sudden bend to the north. This
course of the Peirus, along the northern side of the
vale of Phare has been caused by the circum-
stance, that all its principal tributaries are from
the mountains to the south, the deposits from
which have raised the ground on the southern side
of the valley.
1
¹ Plin. H. N. 35, 14 (49).
2 Vitruv. 2, 8.
208
OLENUS.
VoL. ii. p. 157.
The remark is here made, that "When the
Achaic league was revived after its temporary disso-
lution by the power of the Macedonian kings, the
Olenii refused to join it; whence it may be inferred,
that Olenus was at that time a place of some
importance."-Upon which Bishop Thirlwall, in his
History of Greece', observes in a note, "Colonel
Leake's statement, that the Olenii refused to join
the revived Achaic league, is as little warranted by
Strabo's expression, as his inference that Olenus was
at that time a place of some importance." This
observation of the bishop appears to have been made,
because my statement is adverse to his own text, in
which the authority of Polybius 2 is cited, to show
that Olenus had been abandoned by its inhabitants
before the time of the revived Achaic confederacy.
Polybius, however, does not say that Olenus was
desolate at the time of the revival of the league,
but in his own time. His words are these : τό γε
μὴν κοινὸν πολίτευμα, καθάπερ εἰρήκαμεν, ἐν δημοκρατεία
συνέχειν ἐπειρῶντο· τοῦτο δ᾽ ἦν ἐκ δώδεκα πόλεων, ἃς
ἔτι καὶ νῦν συμβαίνει διαμένειν, πλὴν Ωλένου καὶ
Ελίκης, τῆς πρὸ τῶν Λευκτρικῶν ὑπὸ τῆς θαλάσσης
καταποθείσης
༣
εκ
Strabo thus speaks of the restoration of the con-
federacy: Υστερον δ᾽ ὑπὸ τῶν Μακεδόνων λυθείσης τῆς
κοινωνίας, ἀνέλαβον σφᾶς πάλιν κατὰ μικρόν· ἦρξαν δὲ,
Πύρρου στρατεύσαντος εἰς τὴν Ἰταλίαν, τέσσαρες συν-
ιοῦσαι πόλεις, ὧν ἦσαν Πάτραι καὶ Δύμη· εἶτα προσελάμ-
¹ viii. p. 82.
2
2, 41.
3 Polyb. 2, 41.
R. LARISSUS.
209
βανόν τινας τῶν δώδεκα, πλὴν Ωλένου καὶ Ἑλίκης τῆς
kai
μὲν οὐ συνελθούσης, τῆς δ᾽ ἀφανισθείσης ὑπὸ κύματος.
From a comparison of these two passages, I still
infer that in the year B. c. 280, when the Achaic
league was renewed, Olenus still existed as a city,
but that between that time and about B. C. 160,
when Polybius wrote, the Olenii had abandoned
their city, retiring to the neighbouring towns of
Dyme, Peira, and Euryteiæ ². The οὐ συνελ
Govons of Strabo has no intelligible
no intelligible meaning,
unless Olenus was still in existence at the time of
the revival of the league. Undoubtedly, if a fact
alone were in question, the historian of the league
would be a better testimony than the geographer
of a later age: but Polybius does not assert that
Olenus had ceased to be a city when the league
was revived; he only says it was no longer a city in
his own time. Helice had ceased to exist long
before Olenus, namely, in the year B. C. 373.
VOL. ii. p. 167.
The doubts here expressed as to the course of the
Larissus, and its branch of Aly Tjeleby', are resolved
by the French map, which represents the course of
the streams at a season when the inundations are
much smaller than in February, the season of my
journey. The streams unite not far from the sea,
about midway between Cape Kalogriá and Porto
Kunupéli.
J
Strabo, p. 384. 2 Strabo, p. 386. Pausan. Achaic. 18, 1.
Р
210
KASTRO TORNESE.
VOL. ii. p. 176.
The promontory here intended by Cape Glaréntza,
or Klaréntza, and often so called by the Greek sea-
men, is the western projection of the peninsula of
Khlemútzi. In the French map, Tornése is the
name attached to this cape, and Glaréntza is that
which lies immediately on the western side of the
bay of Glaréntza, and is the northern point of
the peninsula of Khlemútzi. Cape Tornése is the
Chelonatas of Strabo and Pliny, the former of
whom identifies it by mentioning the island near
it; the latter by stating its distance of two miles
from Cyllene, now Glaréntza. There can be little
doubt, however, that Chelonatas was often synony-
mous with the whole peninsula of Khlemútzi, the
name having been taken from its supposed resem-
blance to a tortoise. Khlemútzi, or Khlomútzi, is
derived from χλωμός, χλεμος, or χελμος, a name
often attached to round grassy hills, in reference to
their verdure, Hellenicè xóa.
The occasion of the construction of the fortress of
Khlemútzi is related in the Anonymous Metrical
Chronicle, on the Wars of the Franks in the Morea'.
I have already stated that Kastro Tornése is the
ordinary name of this castle, and Khlemútzi, that
of the neighbouring village; that the castle is said
to have contained the mint of the French princes,
and that Tornése is probably a name derived from
the French coins called Tournois 2. This opinion
receives support from the Anonymous Chronicle, from
which it appears that the castle was built very soon
2
¹ Buchon, Chron. Etrangères, p. 65. Tr. in Moréa, ii. p. 173.
KASTRO TORNESE.
211
after Geoffroy II. had been vested with the right of
coining money by his liege lord, the emperor of
Constantinople, and that this fortress served as the
citadel of Glaréntza'. It is remarkable, that all the
extant coins of the Frank princes of Achaia, are in-
scribed with the words "De Clarencia," implying
that they were coined at Glaréntza.
The reigning prince, Geoffroy II., soon after his
return from his meeting with the emperor, Robert
de Courtenay, at Larissa, resolved upon attempt-
ing to obtain possession of the places then held by
the Greeks, namely, Corinth, Argos, Anápli, and
Monemvasía, and, among his preparations, called
upon the Latin bishops to contribute to the ex-
pense of the enterprise from the revenues of the
fiefs, which had been granted to them at the
time of the conquest, under the usual obligation
of furnishing military aid in time of war. But
those priests refused to comply with his demand,
pretending that they held only from the pope, and
owed no more than honour to the prince. Upon this
refusal, Geoffroy seized their fiefs, and, while the
prelates excommunicated him, employed the re-
venues of three years in building the castle of Khle-
mútzi. When it was finished, he made his excuses
to the pope, received absolution from him, and
restored to the bishops their lands. The solidity of
the construction of the castle of Khlemútzi shows
that William neither spared the ecclesiastical re-
The Chronicle alludes particularly to the protection which
the castle afforded to the harbour :
᾿Αμὴ ἔβαλε καὶ ἔκτισαν κάστρον ἀφιρωμένον,
Ὁποῦ φυλάττει τὸν λαὸν καὶ τοῦ Μορεὼς λιμένα.
P 2
212
CLARENCIA.
venues, nor was insensible of the importance of the
place, which not only protected Andravídha and Gla-
réntza, but afforded, like the lines of Torres Vedras,
a place of retreat near the principal harbour, from
whence, under more favourable circumstances, the
war might be renewed.
On
An unfounded opinion has long prevailed, and
has been repeated by some of the latest travellers,
that the name of the English dukedom of Clarence
was derived from Glaréntza or Klaréntza, the mo-
dern name of Cyllene. But no royal or noble family
of England is known to have possessed any territory
in the Peloponnesus, and there can be no question,
that Clarentia or Clarencia was the district of Clare,
in Suffolk. The title was first given in 1362, by
Edward III., to his third son Lionel, when the latter
succeeded to the estates of Gilbert, earl of Clare and
Gloucester, uncle to his wife, who was heiress also
of her father, William de Burg, earl of Ulster.
Lionel's death, the title became extinct for want of
heirs, and was thrice renewed with the same result:
in 1411, by king Henry IV., in favour of his second
son, Thomas Plantagenet; in 1461, by king Edward
IV., in favour of his brother, George Plantagenet;
and in 1789, by king George III., in favour of his
third son, William Henry. Κλαρέντζα, Γλάρεντζα,
or гlapávīža, is a name found in other parts of
Greece, and appears to be derived from the Romaic
Пápoç, a water-fowl so called. It is possible that
this error as to the title of Clarence may have been
partly caused by the identity of the Latin form of
the name of the two places, although so widely
distant from one another.
RIVER JARDANUS-PHEIA.
213
VOL. ii. p. 190.
From another passage in Pausanias, one might
suppose that the Jardanus was the same as the Neda.
Pausanias states, that a battle represented on the
box of Cypselus, at Olympia, was supposed by some
to relate to the Etolians, under Oxylus, fighting
against the Eleians; by others to be a battle of
Pylii and Arcadians, near Phigaleia, and the river
Jardanus'.
VOL. ii. p. 192.
The existence of a small island on the western
side of the isthmus of the promontory Ichthys or
Katákolo, here asserted on oral information, has not
been confirmed by the French Commission; but as
they seem never to have adverted to the ancient
evidence as to such an island, or even to have ob-
served the Hellenic remains in the walls of Pondikó-
kastro, which favour the opinion of its being the
site of Pheia, they may possibly have overlooked
some small island on this shore, or some small penin-
sula which has formerly been an island, and which
would decide whether the harbour of Pheia is to be
identified with the modern port of Katákolo, or with
the anchorage on the western side of the isthmus of
Pondikó-kastro, or with that at Port Khortús a little
further west. M. Boblaye supposes the ancient
1
Πυλίους δὲ εἶναι καὶ ᾿Αρκάδας παρά τε Φιγάλειαν πόλιν καὶ
ποταμὸν μαχομένους Ἰάρδανον. El. pr. 18, 2 (6).
214
PHEIA.
town Pheia to have stood either at Port Khortús or
at Skafídhia, although no ancient remains are ob-
servable in either place, and that the river Skafídhia
was the Jardanus of Homer¹. The authorities to
be consulted in this question are Strabo, Thucydides,
and Polybius. Strabo says: "Beyond Chelonatas
occurs a considerable part of the sea-coast of the
Pisatæ, and then the promontory Pheia. Here was
formerly a small town³ (of the same name), and
there is a small river near, conformably to the
words of Homer:
Φειᾶς παρ' τείχεσσιν, Ιαρδάνου ἀμφὶ ῥέεθρα 5.
6
Some consider Pheia the beginning of Pisatis.
Before it is a small island and a harbour, from
whence the distance to Cephallenia is 120 stades.
Then occurs the discharge of the Alpheius into the
sea, distant 280 stades from Chelonatas, and 540
stades from Araxus."
Here the distances by the coast-line are tolerably
correct, if we substitute Ζάκυνθον for Κεφαλληνίαν in
the text, which seems justifiable, as Cape Katákolo
is opposed to the southern promontories of Zákytho,
and its harbour is the ordinary place of arrival from
and departure to that island, whereas Cephallenia
is opposite to Chelonatas and Araxus. It is not
necessary to look for the river Jardanus, if Xáaç'
7
¹ Recherches Géogr. sur les Ruines de la Morée, p. 131.
2 p. 342, 343.
3 πολίχνη.
4 ἔστι καὶ ποτάμιον πλησίον.
πρόκειται νησίον καὶ λιμὴν, ἔνθεν, &c.
5 Il. H. 135.
7
* Χαϊάππα οι Χαϊάφα may possibly be corrupted or derived
from Xáa, but the places do not coincide if Strabo is to be
PHEIA.
215
be substituted for Puas in the text of Homer; for
which Strabo himself affords reasons'.
3
That the harbour of Pheia was on the western
side of the promontory Ichthys seems clearly indi-
cated by Thucydides in his narrative of the circum-
stances which attended the debarkation of the
Athenians on the coast of Elis in the first year of
the Peloponnesian war2. The Athenians sailed
from Methone, disembarked near Pheia, and ra-
vaged the country for two days, during which they
had an action with 300 Eleians, when a strong wind
on a harbourless coast endangering their fleet ³, they
sailed round the promontory Ichthys into the port
of Pheia. The place of debarkation, therefore, ap-
pears to have been the shore of the ancient Letrinæa
to the eastward of Katákolo, between it and the
mouth of the Alpheius. Here on the side of Pheia
nearest to the place from whence they came, they
found a beach and anchorage well suited to their
purpose, but much exposed to a southerly wind,
on the occurrence of which not even the harbour of
Katákolo is safe. Meantime the Messenians and
some others who had not been in time to re-embark
employed themselves in taking Pheia, but on the
assembling of a large force of Eleians evacuated it
and made good their retreat on board the Athenian
trusted. Khaiáffa is the name of the pass at the foot of the
rocks anciently called 'Axaiai mérρai. (Strabo, p. 347. Tr. in
Moréa, i. p. 66.) Chaa, according to Strabo (p. 348), was near
Lepreum.
1
2
p. 348.
See Tr. in Moréa, ii. p. 190.
Thucyd. 2, 25.
3
χειμαζόμενοι ἐν ἀλιμένῳ χωρίῳ.
:
216
PHEIA.
fleet which had sailed round the promontory to
receive them, and which then departed and ravaged
other parts of the coast'.
3
Thucydides having described the harbour to
which the fleet sailed after rounding Ichthys, not
as the port of Pheia, but as a harbour in the
district of Pheia, Port Khortús, which is little
more than a mile distant from Katákolo, may very
possibly have been the harbour intended by the
historian. Polybius confirms Strabo as to the ex-
istence of a harbour at Pheia as well as of an island ³,
but otherwise throws no light upon this question,
which can only be resolved by identifying the island.
In the mean time it is to be observed, that the
placing of the harbour at Khortús will not invalidate
the evidence as to the position of Pheia itself,
afforded by the remarkable height and by the
Hellenic remains at Pondikó-kastro; while the po-
sition of that place on the isthmus of Katákolo will
sufficiently account for that promontory having been
known by the name of Pheia, as well as by that of
Ichthys; a circumstance which may have led Strabo
into the error of describing two promontories instead
of one.
· καὶ ὕστερον αἵ τε νῆες περιπλεύσασαι ἀναλαμβάνουσιν αὐτοὺς,
καὶ ἐξανάγονται ἐκλιπόντες Φειάν· καὶ τῶν Ἠλείων ἡ πολλὴ ἤδη
στρατιὰ προσεβεβοηθήκει παραπλεύσαντες δὲ οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι ἐπὶ
ἄλλα χωρία ἐδῄουν.
2 τὸν ἐν τῇ Φειᾷ λιμένα.
3 ἀποστέλλειν τὰ πορθμεῖα τῆς Ἐλείας εἰς τὴν Φειάδα καλουμέ-
vn vñoov. Polyb. 4, 9.
MACISTUS.
217
VOL. ii. p. 206.
To the other authorities indicative of the site of
Macistus may be added that of Stephanus of By-
zantium. He places it to the eastward of the
Lepreatis; but this is obviously an error, as Arcadia
bordered upon Lepreatis in that direction; and con-
sidering the frequent negligence or ignorance of the
ancients as to bearings, it is of no great importance.
The tradition that Macistus and Phrixa were named
from two brothers, tends to place Macistus in the
same part of Triphylia as Phrixa; and an occur-
rence in the Hellenic history of Xenophon leads
to a similar conclusion. When Agis, who had been
deterred by an earthquake from proceeding in his
invasion of the Eleia on the northern side, ad-
vanced in the following year (B. C. 400) from the
opposite direction, entering Triphylia through the
Aulon of Messenia, the first people who joined
him were the Lepreatæ, next the Macistii, and
then the Epitalii, who were near the Alpheius;
having passed which river, the king received the
submission of the Letrinæi, Amphidoli, and Mar-
ganenses ³. As Macistus was in a lofty situation,
and apparently not far from Samicum, or the Paleó-
kastro of Khaiáffa, its ruins will perhaps be found in
some part of the heights behind Khaiáffa, which
were anciently known by the name of Lapithus.
1
3
Μάκιστος, πόλις τῆς Τριφυλίας ἣν ᾤκησαν Καύκωνες, ἀπὸ
Μακίστου τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ Φρίξου, ἀφ' οὗ καὶ ἡ Φρίξα πόλις, ἐπ᾽ ὄρους
ὑψηλοῦ κειμένη, πρὸς ἕω τῆς Λεπρεατικῆς. Stephan. in v.
2 ἐν Επιταλίῳ πλησίον τοῦ ᾿Αλφειού, Xenoph. Hellen. 3, 2,
33, 2, § 18.
$ 21.
218
HARPINNA.
VOL. ii.
p. 211.
The passage of Strabo relating to Harpinna shows
the caution with which his geographical testimony
is to be received in opposition to the historians or
any other authors in whose text geographical in-
formation occurs incidentally.
His words are:
Παρὰ δὲ τὴν Ὀλυμπίαν ἐστὶ καὶ ἡ Αρπιννα, καὶ αὕτη
τῶν ὀκτώ, δι' ἧς ῥεῖ ποταμὸς Παρθενίας ὡς εἰς Φηραίαν
ἰόντων· ἡ δὲ Φηραία ἐστὶ τῆς ᾿Αρκαδίας ὑπέρκειται δὲ
τῆς Δυμαίας καὶ τοῦ Βουπρασίου καὶ τῆς Ηλιδος, ἅπερ
ἐστὶ πρὸς ἀρκτὸν τῇ Πισάτιδι'. It is evident that
Strabo has confounded Heræa with Pharæ in
Achaia, which is situated as Strabo states; nor is
his description of the site of Harpinna less accurate,
if we substitute Ἡραία for Φηραία, Harpinna having
stood twenty stades to the eastward of Olympia on
the road which led along the right bank of the
Alpheius to Heræa, as Lucian and Pausanias 3
clearly show.
2
Considerable remains of the walls of Harpinna
were seen by Major Harriott, in 1831, on the river
of Miráka, a little to the northward of the village of
that name *.
4
VOL. ii. p. 213.
According to the French map, Rasa is a ruined
village, not, as here stated, in the vale of the Selinus
or river of Ladikú, but nearly opposite to the site of
Pisa.
1
p. 356.
2
De Morte Peregrini, 35.
3 Eliac. post. 21, 6.
Journal of the Royal Geog. Soc. v. p. 366.
PYLUS OF ELEIA-MARGANEÆ.
219
VOL. ii. p. 229.
The French Commission observed some ruins at
Agrápidho-khóri, at the junction of the Ladon and
Peneius; their direct distance from Elis is 7 G. M.
Neither this nor the distance from Elis of the ruins
on the Ladon near Kuloglí, which I have supposed to
be those of the Eleian Pylus, are inconsistent with
the 80 stades of Pausanias', or the 12 M. P. of
Pliny 2. But the site near Kuloglí is to be pre-
ferred for that of Pylus, because, although not in
a direct line between Elis and Olympia, it is not
so far removed from that line, that it may not have
been in the mountain-road between those two places,
which we may easily conceive to have followed for
some distance the valley of the Ladon in this part
of its course. Agrápidho-khóri, on the contrary,
could not have been in any ordinary track from Elis
to Olympia. As to the words of Pausanias regard-
ing the Ladon, they do not exactly indicate at what
distance below Pylus that river joined the Peneius.
Possibly, on considering that which is stated con-
cerning Marganeæ in Travels in Moréa, ii. p. 193
seq., Agrápidho-khóri may appear to have been the
site of that city; in which case the Amphidoli
and Acroreii may have divided between them the
country eastward of this point as far as the Ery-
manthus, Amphidolia to the west, and Acroreia
· Πύλου δὲ τῆς ἐν τῇ Ἠλείᾳ δῆλα τὰ ἐρείπια κατὰ τὴν ἐξ
Ὀλυμπίας ἐστὶν ἐς Ηλιν ὀρεινὴν ὁδόν· ὀγδοήκοντα δὲ στάδια ἐς
Ηλιν ἀπὸ τῆς Πύλου.
παρὰ δὲ αὐτὴν ποταμὸς Λάδων
κάτεισιν ἐς τὸν Πηνειών. El. post. 22, 3 (5).
2 H. N. 4, 5 (6).
220
OPUS THALAM-MOUNT SCOLLIS.
to the east, comprising the greater part of Mount
Pholoë and the southern heights of Mount Astrá.
On the mountain of Notená the French Commis-
sion observed two Hellenic fortresses. These are
probably two of the Acroreian towns. That which
is situated near the village of Skiádha or Skaï'dha,
being the more considerable and the furthest re-
moved from the Arcadian frontier, may be Opus;
and the stream which there flows from a small lake
into the Peneius, may be the river Opus of Elis,
mentioned by the Scholiast of Pindar'. Thalamæ
was probably in the rocky recesses of Mount Scollis,
perhaps at Portes, that name seeming to indicate
the existence, or former existence, of ruins in this
situation.
VOL. ii. p. 230.
The branch of the Peneius which flows through
a narrow valley on the eastern side of the mountain
of Portes, anciently Scollis, joins the Peneius not
below but above the junction of the Ladon at Agra-
pidho-khóri. Sandaméri, as I learn from the French
map, is not in the eastern but the western valley of
Scollis.
Sandaméri and Gastúni seem to be the only
two names which the residence of the French in
this quarter of the Moréa during the greatest part
of the 13th century has produced. Next to the
Villehardouins, the Saint-Omers were the most
illustrious family which settled in Greece.
1 Πρωτογένεια δὲ κατὰ μέν τινας Προμηθέως, κατὰ δὲ ἐνίους
Οποῦντος τοῦ ἐν "Ηλιδι ποταμοῦ. Schol. Pindar. Ol. 9, 64.
PAUS-SCOTANE.
221
VOL. ii. p. 249.
In the French map the ruins at the sources of the
river of Paleá Katúna are marked as those of Paus.
But there is a difficulty in this, arising from the dis-
tances in the French map itself, which are doubtless
correct. Pausanias says that Seiræ, or the Chains,
which was the boundary of the Psophidii and
Cleitorii, was near Paus, that is to say, a little to the
west of that place; and that Seira was 30 stades
from Psophis, now Tripótamo. But the situation of
Paus in the French map is 5 G. M. from Tripótamo, or
not less than 50 stades. If we adhere, therefore, to
the number of stades in Pausanias, Seiræ was near
Dekhúni; and the ruins at the sources of the river
of Paleá Katúna are not those of Paus but of
Scotane, the westernmost of three places in the
forest of Soron. Some remains of this forest, which
extended from near Paus to the Ladon, are still
observable in the vale of Paleá Katúna, northward
of Strézova¹. It will be seen that these remarks
comprehend a correction of the assertion in Tr. in
the Moréa, ii. p. 250, that 30 stades from Psophis
"will carry us exactly to the division of waters
between the two rivers of Lópesi and Paleá Katúna;"
for, in truth, that division is about 50 stades from
Psophis, or not far short of midway from the Ery-
manthus to the Ladon, the courses of the two tribu-
taries of those two rivers being not only exactly
opposite in their direction, but nearly equal in
length. A small plain separates or contains their
sources on its eastern side are the remains of
Scotane.
¹ Tr. in Moréa, ii. p. 107.
222
RIVER ARSEN-TROPÆA.
VOL. ii. p. 251.
The French map has identified the Arsen with a
stream which rises at Velimákhi, in a mountain
three miles south of Psophis, and which joins the
Ladon a mile below Thelpusa, having pursued a
course westward of, and nearly parallel to, the north
and south line, which is the general direction from
Psophis to Thelpusa. The route in Pausanias, there-
fore, if it had touched this river at all, would (having
followed it from its sources) not have quitted it
until one and a half mile short of Thelpusa, and
would have crossed the Ladon at Thelpusa itself.
But the ascending course of the Ladon above Thelpusa
is three miles northward, and then nine miles east-
ward; and the road which Pausanias was describing,
passed through Tropea, which was on the Ladon.
Evidently, therefore, that road could not have
followed so westerly a line as the river of Velimákhi,
nor even the direct line between the two cities,
because that would have reached the Ladon at not
more than thirty stades from Thelpusa; whereas
Tropea, which was on the left bank of the Ladon,
was sixty-five stades from Thelpusa, plus the distance
Whether or
between Tropæa and the river Arsen.
not, therefore, there was a more direct route from
Psophis to Thelpusa, touching the Ladon at thirty
stades north of the latter, there can be no question
that the route described by Pausanias, for the sake,
perhaps, of comprehending the places upon it, was
very circuitous, and lay to the eastward of the direct
line: it is not unlikely that the modern bridge, called
TROPEA-CAUS.
223
the Lady's-bridge', stands upon ancient foundations,
and that the situation of this bridge, as well as
the direction of the roads leading to it, have in
all ages been determined by geographical causes,
of which there is one very obvious, in the steep
ridges, between the abrupt openings of which the
Ladon flows, from Syriámu to Vánena (Thelpusa).
These suppositions may warrant the conclusion,
that Tropea was on the left bank of the Ladon near
the Lady's-bridge, that the Arsen was the river of
Syriámu Kurtághi, and that Caus stood not far from
Vervítzi, or perhaps at the castle of Galatá. There
is indeed, or was (for it is not marked on the
French map), another bridge between Spáthari,
a village on the heights to the left of the Ladon,
and a ruined castle on its right bank, which shows
that a road here crossed the Ladon. This bridge
may possibly have been on the line of an ancient
route leading from Elis to Thelpusa, and on the
line also of a direct route from Psophis to Thelpusa.
We may find perhaps some confirmation of the
identity of the Arsen with the river of Syriámu,
in the observation that this river is one of the prin-
cipal tributaries of the Ladon, and that three of
these are already identified, namely, the river of
Katzánes with the Aroanius, the river of Tara with
the Tragus, and the river of Langádhia with the
Tuthoa. Those, however, who regard the river of
Velimáki as the Arsen, will doubtless be inclined to
apply the same argument to that river.
1 τὸ γεφύρι τῆς Κυράς.
224
MOUNT LAMPEIA.
VOL. ii. p. 254.
There is some difficulty in assigning ancient
names to the several great summits, which give rise
to the Erymanthus, Peneius, and Peirus. O'lonos
is a name derived probably from the earliest times,
although not occurring in any ancient author.
It is also the Lampeia of Strabo, as appears by his
remark, that Scollis, which he describes so as not to
be mistaken, is adjacent to Lampeia'. If we may
presume the proper mount Erymanthus to have
been the highest of the summits which give rise to the
river Erymanthus, we must identify it with Kalli-
fóni; indeed all the tributaries of the Erymanthus,
except the Aroanius, originate in Kallifóni, or in the
subordinate heights adjoining it to the south east-
ward, of which the highest is Tartári, one mile east
of Sopotó. The following, according to the French
surveyors, are the altitudes of the several peaks in
this great cluster of mountains, converted from
metres into English feet:-O'lono, 7297 feet; Kale-
fóni, 6227; Makhéra, 6165; Astrá, 5889; Tartári,
4683.
VOL. ii. p. 263.
It is here stated that the river of Katzánes joins
the Cleitor "at a distance from the ruins of Cleitor,
exactly answering to the seven stades which Pau-
sanias places between that city and the junction of
the river Cleitor with the Aroanius." But this is
¹ Strabo, p. 341.
given by Strabo will
substituted for Tritea.
All the distances relating to Scollis here
be found tolerably correct, if Pharæ be
See Tr. in Moréa, ii. p. 183.
RIVER AROANIUS-LYCURIA.
225
manifestly incorrect, as the time-distance observed
between the ruins of Cleitor and the river Katzánes,
namely, 29 minutes, is equivalent not to 7 but to
about 16 stades: the French map gives a direct
interval of 13 G. M. My conclusion, however, is
not less correct, that the river of Katzánes is the
ancient Aroanius, there being no other confluent of
the river Cleitor eastward of the ruins of Cleitor
except the river of Karnési, which joined the Cleitor,
not at any distance from the city, but under its walls,
or at least in its suburbs.
VOL. ii. p. 267.
3
According to the French map, the distance from
Lycuria (supposing it to have stood on the same site
as the modern village of that name) to the source of
the Ladon is little more than two miles by the road,
instead of the 50 stades of Pausanias', while his
60 stades from thence to Cleitor 2 is rather below
the truth. M. Boblaye supposes Lycuria to have
stood not at the modern village, but at the partition
of the waters in the pass of Lykúria, which is two
miles nearer to the lake of Pheneus; but even on
that supposition Lycuria would have been twenty
stades short of the distance from the source of the
Ladon required by Pausanias. Unless, therefore,
we suppose Lycuria to have stood within the basin
of Pheneus, (and it is very unlikely that the limits of
1 Arcad. 20, 1.
2 21, 1.
3 Rech. Géogr. sur les Ruines de la Morée, p. 156.
Q
226
RIVER TRAGUS.
the territories of Cleitor and Pheneus should have
been so near the latter,) we can hardly avoid con-
cluding that there is some error in Pausanias as to
the number of stades between Lycuria and the foun-
tain. There is no mention by M. Boblaye of any
remains of antiquity at the position which he has
assigned to Lycuria; the modern name, therefore,
is the best evidence we now possess as to the site of
that ancient place.
VOL. ii. p. 268.
The village here called Tzernotá is in the French
map marked as one of the Kaly'via, or dependent
hamlets of Fília, and Tzerotá is the name of a village
a mile to the north of Fília on the same heights.
Whether any change of name has taken place, or
whether the village which I called Tzernotá was no
more than a Kaly'via of that village, it is impossible
after a lapse of so many years to determine. We
may still allow it, therefore, for distinction sake, to
give name as formerly to the valley in which occurs
the junction of the Ladon and Tragus.
VOL. ii. p. 270.
It is here stated that the Tragus issues at once
from the foot of Mount Kastaniá. Such was the
fact reported to me at the Khan of Tara, which I
could not verify on account of the marshy state of
the plain. The French map, on the contrary, marks
three sources in that valley flowing to the river of
RHEUNUS-NASI.
227
εισι
•
Vytína, which joins the Ladon in the plain of
Tzernotá. In whatever manner the waters may
have emerged in the time of Pausanias, whose word
avov will apply equally to one or to many sources,
there can be no doubt that these are the sources of
the river which, according to that author, com-
menced its course in the plain of Caphyæ and
flowed through a xáoμa yns, or katavóthra, to an
emissary at Rheunus, and from thence to Nasi,
which latter was fifty stades from the Ladon; for
this being very correctly the distance of the Khan
of Tara from that river, Rheunus was probably a vil-
lage at the sources, and Nasi another at the Khan
of Tara, which modern name is probably a cor-
ruption of Tragus. The sources at Rheunus were
considered the true sources of the Tragus, probably
because they furnished a more permanent stream
than the river of Vytína or that of Pungáki, which
latter rises in a ravine of Mount Saetá and joins the
Tragus a mile below the Khan of Tara, and is
identified in the French map with the Tragus, but
improperly, if the preceding observations are well
founded. The fountain of Pungáki is on a higher
level than the lake of Caphyæ, and cannot therefore
be an emissary of a stream which commences its
course in the Caphyatic plain.
VOL. ii. p. 272.
In Travels in Moréa, ii. p. 251, and its supplement',
I have shown reasons for believing that the places
1
See above, p. 223.
Q 2
228
PLACES ON THE LADON.
in the Thelpusæa mentioned by Pausanias were all,
to the distance of more than 65 stades above Thel-
pusa, to the left of the Ladon. In the chapter of
Pausanias from which that conclusion is derived,
the author, after having described the road from
Psophis to Thelpusa, informs us that Thelpusa was
said to have been the daughter of Ladon, and upon
that remark he takes occasion to describe the whole
course of the Ladon from its sources at Lycuria to
its junction with the Alpheius, omitting only those
objects on or near the river to its left which he had
already described on the road from Psophis to Thel-
pusa; namely, Tropæa, the river Arsen, the ruins of
Caus, and the temple of Esculapius Causius. On
the descent from Lycuria occurred Leucasium,
Mesoboa, the Nasi, Oryx, Halus, Thaliadæ, and the
temple of Demeter Eleusinia, which last was within
the boundary of the Thelpusæi.
Leucasium and Mesoboa, as before remarked', are
probably the places of which I observed some vestiges
above the plain of Tzernotá near Kabatomy'lo; in
which case the valley of Podhogorá was probably
that of Orya; Alus or Halus, the next place on the
descent of the river, may be placed at the Hellenic
ruins which are marked in the French map near
Glánitza; and Thaliades having, according to the
preceding hypothesis, been on the right bank, may
have been at Syriámu, a village on that bank oppo-
site to Syriámu Kurtághi. The temple of Ceres
Eleusinia, which was within the Thelpusæa, was
probably at the castle opposite to Spáthari. As to
1 Tr. in Moréa, ii. p. 272.
2 Ibid. p. 105.
NASI ELYMIA.
229
Nasi, through which the Ladon flowed, it cannot
have been the same place as the Nasi of the river
Tragus, as Pausanias expressly states that place to
have been fifty stades distant from the Ladon'.
But as Nasi, or the Islands, was a common name in
places intersected by diverging or confluent branches
of a river, it is not difficult to imagine that there
may have been two Nasi, although at no greater
distance from one another than six or seven miles.
For the places below Thelpusa, see Tr. in Moréa,
ii. p. 101.
VOL. ii. p. 278.
Levídhi seems, from the remains here mentioned,
to have been an ancient site, probably that of Elymia;
for this situation is very near the natural boundary
of the Mantinice and Orchomenia, and thus agrees
with the circumstances attending the transactions of
the year B.C. 370, in which Elymia is mentioned by
Xenophon. See Tr. in Moréa, iii. p. 75.
VOL. ii. p. 281.
The French Surveyors have not afforded much
illustration to the route from Mantineia to Methy-
drium described by Pausanias 2, and here referred to.
1
Arcad. 23, 6 (8). Tr. in Moréa, iii. p. 120.
2 Ἐς Μεθύδριον δὲ πόλιν μὲν οὐκέτι, κώμην δὲ ἐς τὸ Μεγαλο-
πολιτικὸν συντελοῦσαν, ἐς τοῦτό ἐστι τὸ Μεθύδριον ἐκ Μαντινείας
ὁδός. προελθόντι δὲ σταδίους τριάκοντα πεδίον τε ὀνομαζόμενον
᾿Αλκιμέδων καὶ ὑπὲρ τοῦ πεδίου τὸ ὄρος ἐστὶν ἡ Οστρακίνη, ἐν δὲ
230
MOUNT OSTRACINE.
There can be no question that the plain of Alcimedon
was that valley which stretches six miles to the s.SE.
from near Levídhi, and which is separated from the
Mantinic plain by a range of subordinate rocky heights
running parallel to the great Mænalian range which
bounds the plain of Alcimedon on the west, and of
which the summit, now called Ai Iliá (St. Elias), is
the highest point. The road from Mantineia to
Methydrium passed between this summit and that
next to it southward, named Róino. I have supposed
the lower ridge, between Kapsá and Simiádhes, to
have been the Mount Ostracine of Pausanias; and
to this opinion I am still inclined to adhere, although
at variance with that of the French geographers,
who identify Ostracine with St. Elias; for although
the thirty stades which Pausanias places between
Mantineia and the plain of Alcimedon, by reaching
to the middle of that valley, render the words vèo
TOU Tεdíov equally applicable to the Manalian ridge
as to that of Kapsá, there is a strong objection to
the identifying of Ostracine with Ai Iliá in the fact
mentioned by Pausanias, that the boundary between
the Mantinenses and Megalopolita was forty stades
beyond Ostracine. Anciently this was the boundary
between Mantineia and Methydrium; but the latter,
having been one of the cities which contributed to
the foundation of Megalopolis, became a dependent
Kúμn of the Megalopolita. It is evident that a dis-
•
αὐτῷ σπήλαιον, ἔνθα ᾤκησεν Αλκιμέδων, ἀνὴρ τῶν καλουμένων
ἡρώων
ἡ πλησίον πηγὴ Κίσσα ἀπὸ τῆς ὄρνιθος όνο-
μάζεται. τεσσαράκοντα δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς πηγῆς στάδια ἀφέστηκε Πετρο-
σάκα καλούμενον χωρίον. Μεγαλοπολιτῶν δὲ καὶ Μαντινέων ὅρος
Eσrivý Пεтρоσáka, Pausan. Arcad. 12, 1 (2) seq.
MELÆNEÆ.
231
tance of forty stades beyond the Mænalian ridge
would reach almost to the site of Methydrium, where
it is impossible to suppose the boundary between the
two towns could ever have been. On the other hand,
the crest of Manalus, being about midway between the
sites of Mantineia and Methydrium, and about forty
stades beyond the hill of Kapsá, accords both with
probability and the data of Pausanias as the place of
separation between the two districts. The discovery
of the cavern of Alcimedon and the fountain Cissa
would determine this question; and the mountain
Ostracine may perhaps be found to have derived its
name from the fossil shells of its rocks. There can
be little doubt, likewise, that the ravine of Kardhára,
by which a torrent from the Manalian heights dis-
charges itself into the plain of Alcimedon, and
crosses that valley in its way to the Katavóthra,
westward of Mantineia, marks the direction of the
ancient route from Mantineia to Methydrium.
VOL. ii. p. 289.
The road by which Pausanias arrived at Megalopolis
from Heræa, is the Roman road of the Peutinger
Table, Melæneæ occurring upon it in both those
authorities. Melæneæ was rightly placed by Gell at
four or five miles eastward of Herca, between the
villages Kókora and Kakoréos, where he observed
the remains of a Roman bath, which, according to
the French Commission, has also been a church, and
is still sometimes used as such, though it is generally
inundated even in the dry season.
This fact very
curiously confirms the testimony of Pausanias as to
232
BUPHAGIUM.
Melæneæ, who says, that the site where it formerly
stood, was overflowed with water'.
Gell, who proceeded from Karítena to Ai Ianni
(Heræa), or in the direction opposite to that of the
narration of Pausanias, observed at one-third of the
distance from Karítena to Ai Ianni, the Hellenic
ruins mixed with later repairs, which are now,
or at least at the time of my journey, were known
by the name of the castle of Leódhoro. Gell
supposed them to be remains of Buphagium, found-
ing his opinion chiefly upon the existence at Leód-
horo, of a fine source of water, one of the feeders of
a stream which joins the Alpheius a mile from the
ruins, and which fountain he supposed to be the
source of the river Buphagus, mentioned by Pausa-
nias. The distance of this place from the site of
Melæneæ is, indeed, about forty stades, as Pausanias
says of Buphagium. But it would be necessary to
change ανωτέρω into ἀπωτέρω, to justify the conclu-
sion of Gell; whereas, following the former reading,
we find at the same distance above Melæneæ, near
Papadhá, Hellenic ruins exactly answering to Bu-
phagium, as well as the sources of a river which joins
the Alpheius a mile to the westward of Melæneæ,
and is doubtless the ancient Buphagus.
The castle of Leódhoro is perhaps the site of
Maratha. This position is not indeed in a line
1 Κατὰ δὲ τὴν ἐξ Ηραίας ἄγουσαν ἐς Μεγάλην πόλιν εἰσὶ
Μελαινεαί· ταύτας ᾤκισε μὲν Μελαινεὺς ὁ Λυκάονος· ἔρημος δὲ
ἦν ἐφ' ἡμῶν, ὕδατι δὲ καταῤῥεῖται. Μελαινεῶν δὲ τεσσαράκοντά
ἐστιν ἀνωτέρω σταδίοις Βουφάγιον, καὶ ὁ ποταμὸς ἐνταῦθα ἔχει
πηγὰς ὁ Βουφάγος κατιὼν ἐς τὸν ᾿Αλφειόν. τοῦ Βουφάγου δὲ
περὶ τὰς πηγὰς ὅροι προς Μεγαλοπολίτας Ηραιεῦσίν εἰσιν.
Pausan. Arcad. 26, 5.
MARATHA.
233
between Buphagium (Papadhá) and Gortys (Atzikolo),
as Pausanias seems to require in stating that it was
between the sources of the Buphagus and Gortys', but
nothing is more likely than that the ancient commu-
nication between Buphagium and Gortys, instead of
crossing the mountain of Zátuna, or that of Sara-
kíniko, should have made a small detour through the
gorges of the Alpheius, below Karítena, ascending the
Gortynius from near its point of junction with the
Alpheius. If Maratha was at the castle of Leód-
horo, we may infer that the Roman road from Heræa
to Megalopolis crossed to the left bank of the
Alpheius, between Melæneæ and Maratha, since,
had it followed the right bank to Karítena, Maratha
would have been on that road, and would not have
been described by Pausanias as between Buphagium
and Gortys. That there was such a crossing of the
river in the Roman road is rendered likely by the
structure of the country and the greater facility of
communication along the left bank.
VOL. ii. p. 294-7.
The labours of the French Surveyors have not sug-
gested any addition or correction to my former remarks
on the second and third of the routes radiating from
1 Ἰόντι δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ ποταμοῦ τῶν πηγῶν πρῶτα μέν σε ἐκδέ
ξεται Μάραθα χωρίον, μετὰ δὲ αὐτὸ Γόρτυς, κώμη τὰ ἐπ᾿ ἐμοῦ,
τὰ δὲ ἔτι ἀρχαιοτέρα πόλις. Arcad. 28, 1. As Pausanias con-
ducts his reader to Megalopolis from Heræa, and afterwards.
describes all the other roads which led from Megalopolis as a
centre, that to Heræa has of course been described by him in a
direction opposite to that of all the others.
234
RIVER CARNION-GATHEE.
Megalopolis, except that I subscribe to their opinion
as to the river Carnion, which I had identified with
the river rising on Mount Elenítza, but which I now
believe with the French Surveyors to be the Xeriló
Potamó, which is the longer and more easterly
branch of the same tributary of the Alpheius.
This
The question is decided by the distance of the
district called Cromitis from the place where the
Alpheius received the Gatheates, a river of which
the sources were at Gatheæ, in Cromitis.
district, according to Pausanias, was forty stades
above the junction. Now the sources of the western
branch of the Xeriló at Khirádhes, in Mount Elenítza,
which we may suppose to have been towards the
farther extremity of the district, are not more
than sixty stades distant from that point; whereas
those of the eastern branch of the Xeriló are at
more than double that distance. The latter, there-
fore, must be the river Carnion, which arose in the
territory of the Laconian city Egys; for thus we
must interpret the word Egytis in Pausanias', with-
out any reference to the ancient extent of the
Arcadian tribe, the Ægytæ, to whom the Bele-
minatis and Cromitis, as well as the Ægytis proper,
had belonged. Belemina and Ægys were conquered
by Sparta at an early time, while the Cromitis, which
bordered upon Messenia, as well as Laconia, remained
Arcadian. M. Boblaye has, with great probability,
identified Kyrádhes with Gathee; but I cannot
equally agree with him as to Cromi, which he places
at Neokhório². This place I conceive to have been
not on the second route from Megalopolis, or that
¹ Arcad. 34, 3 (5).
2 Rech. Géog, sur les Ruines de la Morée, p. 169.
CROMI-NYMPHAS-ÆGYS.
235
leading to Messene, but on the third, which led to
Carnasium and I have already shown reason for
believing that the site of Cromi is indicated by some
remains at Samará, a little westward of Londári.
This position was towards the centre of the Cromitis,
as placed by Pausanias; it was also not far from the
road from Megalopolis to Messene, as Cromi appears
from the same authority to have been; and about
forty stades, as Pausanias also indicates, from that
part of the Makryplághi, where we may suppose
the Hermaa marking the boundaries of Messenia
and the Megalopolitis to have stood: for the ancient
road evidently crossed the Makryplághi, by the
modern Kokhla Dervéni, entering the pass half an
hour beyond the Pashá Vrysi, which, as well in its
nature as in its position, midway between Samará
and the boundary, accords with the Nymphas of
Pausanias.
1
Kamára, by its name, often indicative in Greece
of an ancient site, by the ruins adjacent to it, and
by its position near the sources of the Xeriló or
Carnion, has every appearance of having been the
position of the city Egys, the proximity of which
to Laconia accords with its early subjugation by the
Lacedæmonians 2.
VOL. ii. p. 295.
The French Surveyors seem to have considered
the third route from Megalopolis, or that leading
1
· Καταῤῥεῖται δὲ ὕδατι καὶ δένδρων ἀνάπλεως ἐστιν ἡ Νυμφάς.
Pausan., Arcad. 34, 3 (6).
2 Pausan. Lacon. 2, 5.
236
RIVER MALLUS-PHÆDRIA-CARNASIUM.
to Carnasium, to have proceeded in a west by south
direction, towards Dehli Hassan, as they have given
the name of Mallus to a river which joins the
Alpheius between Kassími and Khorémi; but this
direction from Megalopolis coincides too nearly with
that from Megalopolis to Lycosura, and Phigaleia
or the seventh route, to have been the third. The
Mallus, therefore, I believe to have been the river of
Neokhóri, which, a little westward of Dedébey, re-
ceives a small stream answering to the ancient Syrus.
In this case, Phædria, to which the traveller pro-
ceeded by following the right bank of the Mallus, and
at the end of thirty stades crossing that river, and
ascending a hill, appears to have stood on the height
above Neokhóri. About fifteen stades beyond this
position, occurs the crest of the ridge above Krano,
a very natural situation for a boundary. Here there-
fore stood the Hermæum named Despœna, and small
statues of that goddess, with others of Ceres, Hermes,
and Hercules. Carnasium, as I before observed, is
represented by the modern Krano', and is not to
be confounded with the Carnasium, or sacred grove
of Apollo Carneius, on the site of the ancient Echalia,
near Andania 2.
VOL. ii. p. 298.
On the fourth of the Megalopolitan routes, or
that to Sparta, we may remark that, assuming Rap-
¹ Tr. in Moréa, ii. p. 297.
2 Pausan. Messen. 2, 2; 33, 5, 4. Tr. in Moréa, i. p. 391,
481.
RIVER THEIUS-PHALÆSIÆ.
237
somáti to be the ancient Pega, and, consequently,
the river flowing from thence to be the true Alpheius,
that which joins it near Khamuzá, named Kutufa-
rína, must be the Theius; and this is confirmed by
the subsequent direction of the road to Sparta, which,
according to Pausanias, followed the left bank of the
Theius; for the Kutufarína flows from the south or
the direction of Sparta, whereas the river of Rapso-
máti is from the east. The thirty stades measured
by Pausanias on this route from Megalopolis to
the Alpheius, is found to be correct; and the
direction of the road, compared with the course
of the streams, shows that the crossing was just
below the junction. Forty stades beyond it was
Phalæsiæ, and twenty stades farther the Hermæum,
which marked the boundary of the Megalopolitis
and Belminatis. Phalasia, therefore, was a little to
the eastward of Bura, where Gell remarked some
Hellenic remains among the ruins of the Buréika
Kaly'via ¹. This place is about four miles short
of Khelmós, the site of Belemina; midway is the
division of the waters flowing southward to the
Eurotas, and northward to the Alpheius, a situation
exactly suitable to a boundary, and agreeing with
the distance from Phalæsiæ of the boundary above-
mentioned, as given by Pausanias. I have to cor-
rect, therefore, my former opinion as to Phalasia
having been near Gardhíki.
1
¹ Itin. of Moréa, p. 213.
238
ANEMOSA-TRICOLONI.
VOL. ii. p. 300.
The fifth route of Pausanias from Megalopolis
led through the middle of that portion of Arcadia
which was surrounded by the rivers Gortynius,
Alpheius, and Helisson. Although the French map
has given us more accurate details of this district,
which is for the most part mountainous, than we
before possessed, it has not fixed one of the ancient
sites mentioned by Pausanias either upon the main
line from Megalopolis to Methydrium, or upon the
two routes which branched from Tricoloni, on the
right to the tomb of Callisto, and on the left to
Hypsus. One important feature, however, is derived
from the French map, namely, the remarkable west-
erly reach of the Helisson between Piána and Zibo-
vísi, which places that angle of the river not far east
of a direct line drawn from Megalopolis to Methy-
drium, and thus agrees with the words of Pausanias,
which seem to place Anemosa on or near the Helis-
son. We find, moreover, that the true distances
between the sites of Megalopolis, Tricoloni, Anemosa,
and Methydrium agree with the numbers in Pau-
sanias, placing Anemosa on the Helisson near Zibo-
vísi, and Tricoloni, as before proposed, on the edge
of the plain of Megalopolis at 3.3 G. M. direct from
that city, or about the modern Karatúla, where it
appears that the direct route to Methydrium began
to cross the heights, and from whence diverged
a road to the left, which passed near some other
ancient places in the plain or on its edge, and then
ascended to Hypsus. Placing Tricoloni at Karatúla,
CRUNI-ZŒTIA.
239
we shall find that seven geographical miles, which is
the direct distance from thence across the moun-
tains to Zibovísi, will correspond tolerably with the
100 stades of Pausanias to Anemosa, and the 31 G. M.
direct from thence to Methydrium to his 37 stades
across Mount Phalanthus.
66
اد
In Travels in the Moréa, ii. p. 301, I remarked that
τα
as there were 100 stades from Tricoloni to Ane-
mosa, and 55 from Cruni to Anemosa, it would
follow that the distance from Tricoloni to Cruni, not
specified by Pausanias, was 45 stades. This was on
the supposition that Cruni was on the direct route
from Tricoloni to Methydrium; but considering the
parenthesis of Pausanias (αὕτη γὰρ δὴ ἐκ Τρικολώνων
ETI λEITETα) which follows his remark that Anemosa
was on the suɛia, or direct road from Megalopolis to
Methydrium, I now infer that Cruni and the tomb
of Callisto were not on the direct road, but to the
right of it; consequently that the distance from
Tricoloni to Cruni was more than 45 stades, and
cannot be exactly known until either Cruni or
the hill and tomb of Callisto is identified; if the
latter was to the right of the direct road from
Tricoloni to Methydrium, at a distance of 25 stades
from Anemosa, it would seem to have been not far
from the modern Piána. On the road branching to
the left from Tricoloni, there occurs in the French
map, at a distance from Karatúla answering to the
15 stades which Pausanias places between Tricoloni
and Zoetia, the ruin of a building, which may have
been one of the temples seen by Pausanias among
the ruins of Zoetia. By careful examination perhaps
some similar vestiges may be found of Paroria,
240 HYPSUS, THYRÆUM, PARORIA, PHALANTHUS.
10 stades from Zoetia', or of Thyræum, 15 stades be-
yond Paroria 2, and which stood probably at the foot
of the mountain, on a continuation of the line from
Tricoloni to Zoetia; for that Thyræum was at the
foot of the mountain is shown by the remark of
Pausanias which immediately follows his mention of
the position of Thyræum relatively to Paroria,
namely, that between the ruins of Thyræum and
those of Hypsus, which was situated in the moun-
tain of the same name rising above the plain, all the
country was mountainous and full of wild animals 3.
whence also we may infer that the distance was not
inconsiderable. There is great probability, therefore,
that Mount Hypsus was the mountain of Stemnítza,
that Stemnitza itself stands on the site of the town
Hypsus, that Thyræum occupied the site of Pala-
mári, and Paroria that of Paleomíri.
As to Phalanthus, an ancient site on a mountain
of the same name, and as to the other places named
by Pausanias between Anemosa and Methydrium, no
light has been thrown by the French survey; but as
the total distance from Anemosa to Methydrium was
no more than 37 stades, there can be no doubt as
to the situation of Mount Phalanthus. As Pausanias
does not positively state that Schoenus was on the
direct road, it is not unlikely that the plain of Palus,
Schoenus, and the curriculum Atalantes may have
been, not at the foot of Mount Phalanthus towards
Methydrium, but on the eastern or the western side
of that mountain.
1
ἀπέχουσαν Ζοιτίας. Pausan. Arcad. 35, 6.
2 ἀπωτέρω Παρωρίας. (7.)
3 ὀρεινὴ πᾶσα ἐστι καὶ θηριώδης.
GATES OF HELOS.
241
VOL. ii. p.
302.
The sixth route from Megalopolis, or that which
led along the Helisson to Mænalus, entered near
the modern village of Shálesi, the ravines through
which that river makes its way from the Mænalian
valleys to the plain of Megalopolis.
There can
be little doubt that the entrance of these passes
is the place anciently called the Gates of Helos',
and that the temple of Ceres, mentioned by Pau-
sanias 2, stood on a peaked height, which rises from
the left bank of the river, about a mile N. E. of
Shalesi. But this position, instead of having been
5 stades from Megalopolis, the distance which Pau-
sanias assigns as that of the temple of Ceres, was not
less than 25 stades. This correction, therefore, as
I have already remarked, will be required before we
can proceed in applying his description to the actual
topography. Another observation necessary to be
made is, that Paliscius and Perætheæ, the only two
places mentioned by Pausanias between the Gates of
Helos and the commencement of the Mænalian
plain, were not in the direct road from Megalopolis
to Mænalus. This appears evident from the cir-
cumstance, that the only tributary of the Helisson
in that interval is the torrent which flows from Val-
tétzi and Rakhamy'tes, and which must therefore be
the Elaphus of Pausanias. But the confluence of this
river with the Helisson was not more than 2 G. miles
1
3 (5).
2
αἱ ἐπὶ τὸ Ἕλος ὀνομαζόμεναι πύλαι. Pausan. Arcad. 36,
Δήμητρος καλουμένης ἐν Ἕλει ναός τε καὶ ἄλσος, 4 (6).
R
242
R. ELAPHUS-PALISCIUS-PERÆTHEÆ.
from the temple of Ceres, whereas Paliscius was 30
stades from thence, and was situated on the Ela-
phus; consequently, it was 10 stades to the right of
the confluence as well as to the right of the direct
road to Mænalus. We find, moreover, that the road
from Paliscius to Perætheæ followed the left bank
of the Elaphus 20 stades farther from the con-
fluence. It seems evident, therefore, that Paliscius
was near Rakhamy'tes, and Perætheæ near Valtétzi.
If instead of ascending the valley of the Elaphus
to Paliscius and Perætheæ, the traveller crossed the
Elaphus and proceeded by the direct road along the
Helisson to Mænalus, he arrived (at the end of 15
stades, according to Pausanias) in the Mænalian
plain. But the distance from the junction of the
Elaphus along the gorges of the Helisson into the
valleys which extend to the foot of Mount Mana-
lus, is little, if at all, less than five G. miles. We must
again, therefore, be allowed to suspect an error in the
number of stades, according to the text of Pausanias.
If he should be supposed to have meant that the
torrent Elaphus was to be crossed at Perætheæ, and
consequently that the latter part of the route to
Mænalus described by him was from Perætheæ, and
not a part of the direct road from Megalopolis, there
would be some strong objections to this supposition.
1. The road described would then have had to cross
the highest part of Mount Rezeníko, and on account
of its difficulties would have been not many stades.
shorter than that leading from the junction of the
Elaphus and Helisson along the latter river. 2.
Pausanias, in the outset of his description of the
road to Mænalus, expressly says that it led along
SUMATIA-TRIODI-MENALUS.
243
the river Helisson, which is, in fact, the natural line
of communication, and still continues to be employed
as such. We may add, that there can be no am-
biguity as to the Mænalian plain of Pausanias, nor
any doubt that it is the plain or valleys which I have
described as lying at the foot of Mount Manalus
on the western side, and which were watered by
the Helisson and some small tributaries ¹.
The places described by Pausanias in these situa-
tions are, Dipæa, on the right bank of the Helisson 2;
Lycoa, situated under an extremity of Mount
Mænalus; Sumatia, on the southern side of the
mountain; the Triodi, or three ways in the moun-
tain; and the remains of the city Mænalus, once
the most famous in Arcadia ". Sumatia, the Triodi,
and the city Mænalus, appear from Pausanias to
have been at no great distance apart. If Triodi,
therefore, be the pass behind Tripolitzá, and Su-
matia was to the southward of it, as I have sup-
posed ³, Mænalus stood probably on Mount Apano-
khrépa, and may still possibly be recognised, since
in the time of Pausanias there remained a stadium,
a hippodrome, and ruins of a temple of Minerva.
8
¹ Tr. in Moréa, i. p. 116. ii. p. 52.
2 Pausan. Lacon. 11, 6 (7). Arcad. 30, 1. Tr. in Moréa,
ii. p. 52.
3
τοῦ ὄρους ὑπὸ τοῖς καταλήγουσι, Arcad. 36, 5 (7).
+ ἐν τοῖς κατὰ μεσημβρίαν τοῦ ὄρους (8).
5 ἐν τῷ ὄρει.
6 τῶν ἐν ᾿Αρκαδίᾳ πόλεων ὀνομαστοτάτην τὸ ἀρχαῖον Μαί-
καλον. Arcad. 3, 1 (4).
7 Arcad. 36, 5. Tr. in Moréa, ii. p. 304.
8
Tr. in Moréa, ii. p. 51, 306.
R 2
244
T. OF DESPŒNA-LYCOSURA.
VOL. ii. p. 306 seq.
The seventh route, or that leading from Megalo-
polis to Phigaleia, crossed the Alpheius midway
between the city and Despoena, a sanctuary held
in particular veneration by the Arcadians, and
which was distant 40 stades
distant 40 stades from Megalopolis.
The ruins of Lycosura were immediately above
it. There can be no doubt, therefore, as to the
position of those ancient places. There remains
very little of them above ground; but considering
that five temples, with stoæ, altars, and works of
statuary, were still extant towards the end of the
second century', it is highly probable, that some-
thing valuable might still be found below the sur-
face. To the left of the temple of Despœna 2,
that is to say, to the north, as being to the left of
the eastern fronting of the temple, was Mount
Lycæus, otherwise called Olympus or the Sacred
Summit, which is thus identified with Mount Dhio-
fórti. Here were the sacred groves of Jupiter
Lycæus and of Apollo Parrhasius, and a temple of
Pan, adjacent to which was a hippodrome and sta-
dium which had formerly served for the Lycæan
games ³. The remains of these proofs of the iden-
1 Pausan. Arcad. 37,
1 seq.
ἐν ἀριστερᾷ τοῦ ἱεροῦ τῆς Δεσποίνης. 88, 2.
3 Ἔστι δὲ ἐν τῷ Λυκαίῳ Πανός τε ἱερὸν, καὶ περὶ αὐτὸ ἄλσος
δένδρων καὶ ἱππόδρομός τε, καὶ πρὸ αὐτοῦ στάδιον· τὸ δὲ ἀρχαῖον
τῶν Λυκαίων ἦγον τὸν ἀγῶνα ἐνταῦθα.
Tò de opos
παρέχεται τὸ Λύκαιον καὶ ἄλλα ἐς θαῦμα, καὶ μάλιστα τόδε
MOUNT LYCEUS.
245
tity of Dhioforti with Mount Lycæus were observed
by Gell'; and the architectural branch of the French
expedition has given a plan of the site and of the
Hellenic remains which exist there.
At the southern extremity of a valley inclosed
between Dhiofórti and another summit of the same
range, and near a fountain which is the source of
one of the streams flowing to the Alpheius, the
French officers remarked the foundations of several
Hellenic constructions; and they confirm the remark
of Gell, that the summit of Dhiofórti appears to have
been levelled by art: Gell states it to be about
50 yards in diameter. Here was the altar of Jupiter
Lycæus, from whence the greater part of Pelopon-
nesus was to be seen. As the mention of it by
Pausanias follows immediately the description of the
sacred inclosure of Jupiter Lycæus, it is probable
that the latter was adjacent to the summit. The
situation of the Hippodrome is clearly indicated by
the only level of sufficient dimensions, and which
stretches about 300 yards northward from the
remains of the ancient buildings near the fountain.
On the eastern side of the Hippodrome are remains
of a wall which supported that side; and adjacent
to the north-eastern angle are foundations, in Hel-
lenic masonry of the best times, of a building which
τέμενός ἐστιν ἐν αὐτῷ Λυκαίου Διὸς, ἔσοδος δὲ οὐκ ἔστιν ἐς αὐτὸ
ἀνθρώποις.
Ἔστι δὲ ἐπὶ τῇ ἄκρᾳ τῇ ἀνωτάτω τοῦ ὄρους
γῆς χῶμα, Διὸς τοῦ Λυκαίου βωμὸς, καὶ ἡ Πελοπόννησος τὰ πολλά
ἐστιν ἀπ' αὐτοῦ σύνοπτος.
Ἔστι δὲ ἐν τοῖς πρὸς ἀνατολὰς
τοῦ ὄρους ᾿Απόλλωνος ἱερὸν ἐπίκλησιν Παῤῥασίου τίθενται δὲ
avтý) kai Пúðlov ovopa. Paus. Arcad. 38, 4, (5) seq.
Itin. of the Moréa, p. 106.
246
R. PLATANISTON.
was divided into small apartments. This building
appears to have been at the rectilinear end of the
Stadium, which seems to have been contiguous to
the Hippodrome, on the east, having a parallel
axis.
Among the remains near the fountain, fragments
of fluted Doric columns, 2ft. 2in. in diameter, were
found. Some remains, apparently those of another
temple, were observed at a distance of five minutes
to the west of the Hippodrome in the way to Basse,
midway between the summit of Dhiofórti and the
Hippodrome; and on the eastern side of the summit
Gell found the ruins of a Doric temple of white
marble with columns 3 feet in diameter and having
21 flutings. This ruin seems not to have been ob-
served by the French. It corresponds by its situation
with the temple of Apollo Parrhasius, which, accord-
ing to Pausanias, stood to the eastward of the moun-
tain. As to the remainder of the seventh route,
one cannot but suspect some omission in the text
of Pausanias, as it bestows upon a direct distance of 9
G. M. no other remark, than that the river Platanis-
ton was crossed thirty stades from Phigaleia ¹. Fol-
lowing this indication, Plataniston was the river on
the western side of Tragói, which rises not far from
that village, and is shaded with many large plane-
trees, thus in some degree favouring the identity.
1 Pausan. Arcad. 39, 1.
2 Tr. in Moréa, i. p. 489.
HÆMONIÆ—ATHENÆUMORESTIUM.
247
VOL. ii.
p.
316 seq.
On the eighth road from Megalopolis, or that
which led to Pallantium and Tegea, were, Ladoceia, a
suburb of the city, noted for two battles'; Hæmoniæ,
once a city; Aphrodisium and Athenæum, villages
attached probably to temples of Venus and Minerva;
and then Asea, an ancient Arcadian city, which is
fixed beyond a doubt at Paleókastro, by the Hel-
lenic walls seen on the height which rises above
the copious source of water called Frangóvrysi.
Asea seems to be nearly in the same state as when
Pausanias visited it, and the two reputed sources of
the Alpheius and Eurotas are found as he describes
them; the latter in the road, the former at some
little distance from it (to the right), and which lower
in the plain unites with the former 2. Aphrodisium.
having apparently been near Athenæum, which was
20 stades short of Asea, it is probable that Hæmoniæ
was on the western, and Aphrodisium on the eastern
side of the ridge of Tzimbarú, which separates the
plain of Asea from that of Megalopolis; and conse-
quently that Oresthasium or Orestium was upon or
immediately adjacent to some part of that ridge",
1 Thucyd. 4, 134. Polyb. 2, 51. 55.
2 Τοῦ ᾿Αθηναίου δὲ μάλιστα εἴκοσι ἀπωτέρω σταδίοις ἐρείπια
Ασέας ἐστὶ, καὶ ὁ λόφος, ἀκρόπολις τότε οὖσα, τείχους σημεῖα ἔχει
καὶ ἐς τόδε· σταδίους δὲ ὅσον πέντε ἀπὸ ᾿Ασέας τοῦ ᾿Αλφειού
ὀλίγον ἀπὸ τῆς ὁδοῦ, τοῦ δὲ Εὐρώτα παρ' αὐτήν ἐστι πηγὴ τὴν
ὁδόν
τοῦ δὲ Εὐρώτα τὸ ὕδωρ ἀνακεράννυται πρὸς τὸν
'Aλpɛióv. Paus. Arcad. 44, 2 (3).
то
That Orestium was not very far from Megalopolis, appears
from the circumstance that Ladoceia, which, after the building
of Megalopolis, was a poúσretor of that city, is described by
Thucydides as in the Orestis.
248 FORT ATHENÆUM-
-MALLÆA—LEUCTRUM.
perhaps at the modern village Marmara or Marmária,
a name often attached in Greece to places where
ancient wrought or sculptured stones have been
found.
The summit of Mount Tzimbarú is very possibly
the position of the Castle Athenæum, described by
Plutarch as a position in advance of the Laconic
frontier (ußoλn τns Aakwvikns) and near Belemina.
Athenæum was fortified by Cleomenes in the year
B.C. 224, taken by Antigonus, retaken by Lycurgus,
and finally abandoned by the Lacedæmonians, when
Philip, son of Demetrius, entered the Peloponnesus
in the year B. C. 219'. It was evidently not the
same place as the Athenæum between Megalopolis
and Asea.
VOL. ii. p. 322.
The conjecture here made as to the position of
Mallea and Leuctrum would place them in Ægytis
Proper, or the mountainous tract towards the
sources of the Xeriló Potamó or Carnion; but it
seems more likely that Mallæa was on the river
Mallus, and consequently not far from the third
Megalopolitan route of Pausanias, which led to Car-
nasium, the modern Krano; and this accords with
Thucydides and Xenophon, the former of whom
describes Leuctrum as on the confines of Laconia
towards Mount Lycæus 2; the latter, as a fortress
above the Maleatis, which guarded one of the two
easiest entrances from Arcadia into the Laconic
territory, Ium of Sciritis being the other. It must be
1
¹ Plutarch. Cleomen. 4. Polyb. 2, 46. 54. 4, 37. 60. 81.
2 Thucyd. 5, 54.
3 ὑπὲρ τῆς Μαλεάτιδος.
1
Xenoph. Hellen. 6, 5. § 24.
RIVERS OF MANTINICE AND TEGEATIS. 249
remembered, that when these two Attic historians
wrote, all Messenia was a part of the Lacedæmonian
territory, into which, so constituted, it is easy to con-
ceive that the entrances by the valleys of the Car-
nion and Theius, on either side of the northern ex-
tremity of the Taygetic ridge, may have presented
greater difficulties than the more circuitous routes
of the Sciritis and Maleatis.
VOL. ii.
p. 327.
The remark here made, that the natural discharge
of the waters from the valley of Pallantium and the
heights near Tripolitzá are into the river of Dhulianá
or Gareates, appears from the French map of the
Moréa not to be correct. Those of Pallantium are
there seen to descend into the Taki or chasm of the
Alpheius at the foot of Mount Boreius; those of the
Manalian ridges into the chasm of the Ophis at the
foot of Mount Manalus. Visiting these plains in
the winter and spring, I was unable to trace the
course of the streams, on account of the inundations
which often cover a great part of the plains. The
French Surveyors had opportunities of tracing the
water-courses in summer, and even of entering some
of the katavóthra'. It appears that, besides the prin-
cipal chasms of the Mantinico-Tegeatic plain which
I have described, namely, those of the Alpheius
and Ophis, and that of the Gareates near Persová,
there is a fourth, which receives a small stream flow-
ing directly south from Sanga through the valley,
which Xenophon has described as ὁ ὄπισθεν κόλπος
1
¹ Exp. Scient. de la Morée: Sciences Physiques, ii. p. 321.
250 RIVERS OF MANTINICE AND TEGEATIS.
τῆς Μαντινικῆς '. This katavothra is immediately
below the village of Tzipianá: in the mouth of the
cavern the rivulet turns a mill. There is a small
katavóthra also in the vale of Luka which receives
a rivulet flowing north; and a sixth in the marsh to
the N. w. of Mantineia, which receives the waters of
Mount Alesius, as well as those of a brook from
Mantineia itself, and of another from the vale of
Alcimedon. In such an even level as this plain,
nothing but a well-regulated system of drainage and
embankment can prevent the several water-courses
from winding over the plain and inundating it, in-
stead of preserving their direction towards the
several outlets which nature has provided for their
discharge, and which she has proportioned to the
several streams, though human industry is constantly
required to keep the water-courses in order. The ob-
struction of the subterraneous channels themselves
by natural accidents is another cause of inundation,
and one which is not so easily remedied by art; but
its occurrence is extremely rare, nor is there any
historical record of there having happened in the
Mantinico-Tegeatic plain any deluge caused by the
obstruction of the Zerethra; such as anciently, and
again recently, has deprived the people of Pheneus
of the use of their plain for many successive years.
That the maintenance of a proper drainage was
sometimes the consequence of a friendly compact
between the states of Mantineia and Tegea, we
may presume from the opposite fact, that the course
of the waters was sometimes a cause of war between
¹ Hellen. 6, 5, § 17. See below, in the Supplement to iii.
p. 56.
PYRAMIDAL SEPULCHRE, NEAR ARGOS. 251
them'. But during the last fifteen centuries nothing
has been done with that view, unless for purposes of
partial cultivation, or when the pressure of aggra-
vated inconvenience in some particular point may
have suggested the formation of an artificial water-
course or embankment. Drainage, for purposes of
agriculture, has chiefly been applied to the lower
parts of the plain around the katavóthra, with a view
to render the inundations subservient to the culti-
vation of such productions as require no more than
the summer months to advance them from germi-
nation to maturity.
VOL. ii. p. 339.
Mr. Mure justly observes, that in the elevation of
the pyramid in the woodcut of this page the stones
are represented as too small: the given dimensions
of two of them prove it, and ought to have guided
the wood-engraver, as there is a scale to the whole.
Mr. Mure's remark is equally just as to the too great
regularity of the stones in the representation of the
same monument given in the Supplement to Stuart's
Athens, p. 23, by Mr. Donaldson (not Mr. Cockerell);
and I agree with him in supposing the monument
to be sepulchral, and not a pouктúρiov or watch-tower,
as Mr. Donaldson supposed. In the Expédition
Scientifique (Architecture, &c. ii. plate 55) there is a
plan of the monument, which agrees perfectly with
mine, except that I saw appearances, perhaps no
longer existing, of two chambers in the interior. The
same plate of the Expédition Scientifique contains
1
Thucyd. 5, 65.
2 Journal of a Tour in Greece, ii. p. 197.
252
ROCKS PALLANTIDES-NAUPLIA.
a plan of the “foundations about the pyramid," and
a correct elevation of that monument.
VOL. ii. p. 344.
In Mount Creium were the rocks Pallantides, so
called, because Eumedes, priest of Minerva, fled
thither with the Palladium, when threatened with
death at Argos, because he was suspected of being
desirous of delivering it to the Heracleida'. He
was the same probably as the Eumedes, son of Hip-
pocoon, whose monument was in the dromus of
Sparta2.
VOL. ii. p. 357.
3
The corrupted form τὸ ᾿Ανάπλιον οι τὰ ᾿Ανάπλια,
has given way so entirely to the ancient name
Nauplia, that some travellers have conceived it a
mistake to suppose that the corruption ever existed,
unless among the Turks: but Pachymer shows
that the place was so called by the Greeks in the
beginning of the fourteenth century; and the same
form constantly occurs in the Metrical Chronicle
on the wars of the Franks in the Moréa in the
thirteenth century.
VOL. ii. p. 358.
I have here supposed, that Palamídhi (Пaλaµń-
Stov) the modern name of the upper fortress of
Nauplia, and of the mountain on which it stands,
has been preserved from ancient times, although no
1 Callim., Lavac. Pall. v. 37. Schol. ibid.
2 Pausan. Lacon. 14, 6.
1, 31.
PALAMEDIUM.
253
author mentions it. On this Mr. Mure remarks, that
"unless the name can be traced back with certainty
to an epoch prior to the Venetian occupation, it
may, perhaps, with better reason be conjectured,
that some
classic-minded commander, or state-
commissary of the republic, had baptized their new
citadel with the name of the local hero, so cele-
brated in his own time for his talents as a military
engineer'." To me, however, it appears, that the
onus probandi lies the other way. Here is a Greek
name applied to a Peloponnesian hill, upon which
stands a fortress built by Venetians.
Is it very
likely that an officer of a nation, than which none
have ever shown more classical ignorance, or less
respect for antiquity, or have done so much for the
abolition of ancient names and recollections,-is it
likely that it should have been reserved for an officer
of that nation in the seventeenth century to give a
Greek name to a Greek mountain? for if we are to
suppose the name to have passed from the fortress
to the mountain, we must infer that this remarkable
feature of the Argolis had previously no Greek
name at all, or at least one which has been entirely
superseded by another Greek name given to it by
foreigners, who occupied the place no more than
twenty-five years. If the fact was really as Mr.
Mure believes, I should rather suggest that the
officer had been a great chess-player, and for this
reason had chosen the name; for Palamedes was
renowned not as an architect, but as a military
tactician, as the inventor of chess, as having added
Journal of a Tour in Greece, ii. p. 188.
254
GATE OF MYCENE.
four letters to the Greek alphabet, and as having
exposed some of the frauds of Ulysses. But, in fact,
we are told in history, that when count Koenigs-
marck, in August, 1686, attacked Nauplia, his first
proceeding was to drive the Turks from Mount
Palamídhi, which they were fortifying, after which
he occupied it with 9500 infantry and 9000 (900?)
cavalry; so that there was evidently at that time a
Mount Palamídhi, and no fortress'. At no great
distance from Nauplia we find rò 'Iɛpòv, the temple
of the Epidaurian Esculapius, giving name to a
place, and near it the village Koróni, a name which,
like Пaλaundov at Nauplia, is connected with the
local mythology, although unnoticed as that of a
place in any extant author.
T
VOL. ii. p. 374.
It is here stated (speaking of the green basalt,
of which the semi-columns in front of the door-posts
of the treasury of Atreus are formed) that "the
same stone was employed for the sculpture over the
gate of the lions:" this is an error, as Mr. Mure has
well observed, and who adds, that the stone is of the
same yellow calcareous kind of which the neigh-
bouring walls are composed. How those words
found their way into my text I am at a loss to
account for, as I find no traces of them in my manu-
script. Perhaps I trusted to Dodwell and Gell, who
made the same mistake.
¹ See Hammer, Hist. de l'Emp. Ottoman, xii. p. 224, and the
authorities cited by him.
2 Journal of a Tour in Greece, ii. p. 324.
TREASURIES OF MYCENÆ.
255
VOL. ii. p. 384.
The remains of four treasuries at Mycenæ, as
here described, have not been remarked by tra-
vellers in general, but the fact of their existence
is confirmed by the French Expédition Scientifique
de Morée'. Two of these treasuries are on the
eastern, and two on the western side of the ridge,
which branches in a southern direction from the
Acropolis between the two torrents, which embrace
the site of lower Mycena. The natural inference
is, that the town covered both sides of the ridge,
and that the excavation along its crest was the main
street of the town. And this conjecture is supported
by the remains of a bridge across the eastern torrent,
and of a causeway which the French have observed
beyond the bridge; for these fall exactly in a con-
tinuation of the line of the excavation along the ridge.
The French Surveyors found also on the south-
western height towards Kharváti foundations, which
have much the appearance of having formed the
western angle of the town-walls, which would thus
have inclosed within their circumference the treasuries
marked third and fourth in my Plan, leaving little
doubt that the entire height between the two tor-
rents was occupied by the city. The circumference
of Mycenae would not, on this supposition, have been
more than three miles, which is as little as we can
well allow for the capital of the Atreidæ, even ad-
mitting that under their rule the cultivators of the
soil lived in unfortified villages, which was not in
1
Architecture, &c. ii. pl. 63.
256
TREASURIES OF MYCENÆ.
general the condition of Greece in those times, as
numerous small extant fortresses demonstrate.
Of late years an opinion has prevailed that the
circular subterraneous edifices at Mycenae were sepul-
chres, and the greatest of them, or that which alone
is in a state of considerable preservation, has been
often named the Tomb of Agamemnon. Mr. Mure
has "endeavoured to establish that all such buildings
were the family-vaults of the ancient heroes by
whom they were constructed '." In the great edifice
at Mycenæ he supposes "the inner apartment to
have been the burial-place, and the outer vault
the heroum or sanctuary of the deceased 2." But
these constructions are of a kind quite distinct from
heroa or sepulchres. A heroum was a sanctuary
containing a sculptured or inscribed stele or a
statue, and was often a small temple.
•
Sepulchres
in remote ages were, for the most part, either cham-
bers cut in the rock, or tumuli, hundreds of which
have been opened, and have shown that they had
nothing in common with the extant ruined buildings
at Mycenæ, Erchomenus, and Pharis.
3
There is, moreover, complete evidence, that these
structures were called Onoavpoi", and belong to ages
prior to the origin of that.architecture of which the
Doric temple in Europe, and the Ionic in Asia, were
the crowning inventions. As this later architecture
advanced, temples served for treasuries; or when
buildings were erected solely for treasuries, they had
¹ Reinesche Museum, vi. p. 240, ann. 1839. Journal of a
Tour in Greece, i. 225.
2 Ibid. ii. 167.
See Walpole's collection of Memoirs on Turkey, i. p. 561.
TREASURIES OF MYCENE.
257
the ordinary forms of that later style of architecture,
as we learn from the description which Pausanias
has given of the treasuries at Olympia and Delphi '.
Nevertheless, subterraneous buildings, similar in con-
struction to the treasuries of the heroic ages, con-
tinued to serve for containing oil, or corn, or water;
and, when attached to private houses, might often be
employed for depositing property of any kind. These
are very numerous in Greece, but in no instance are
they entered at the side. The largest I know of is
in the acropolis of Pharsalus.
But the strongest reason for designating the con-
structions at Mycenæ as treasuries is the evidence
of Pausanias, unless it be denied that he intended
those buildings by the words ὑπόγεια οἰκοδομήματα,
which can hardly be alleged, as the ruins agree too
well with his words, to render such a supposition
reasonable. Sixteen hundred years ago, therefore,
those buildings were believed to be the treasuries of
Atreus and his sons. Nothing had then occurred
to interfere with the course of the mythology or
history of Greece, as transmitted to the Greeks by
their ancestors; and although, on many occasions,
the reports received by Pausanias from the Enyntai
may have been inventions of a date comparatively
recent, no such suspicion can well attach to the
principal traditions of Mycenae, which accord with
all that has reached us concerning that city in
poetry or prose. The extant edifice was the largest
of the four treasuries, and bears proofs of having
been a costly building, highly decorated at the
1 Eliac. post. 19, 1 seq. Phocic. 11, 1 seq.
ΤΩ
258
HERÆUM OF ARGEIA.
entrance, and lined within with metallic plates. To
Atreus himself, therefore, the most opulent and
powerful of the kings of the πολύχρυσος Μυκήνη ',
and not to either of his sons, the greatest of the
extant treasuries may, with a high degree of pro-
bability, be attributed. Agamemnon dissipated
the wealth of Atreus in the expedition to Asia,
passed the greater part of his reign abroad, and
returned home poor and powerless, leaving Mycenæ
to be, after his time, no more than a secondary town
of Argolis. Nor is it likely, under these circum-
stances, that the sepulchre of Agamemnon was a
monument of any great magnificence.
Pausanias,
who saw it, does not mention it as such, but gives
us clearly to understand, that the treasuries and the
gates of the citadel were the most remarkable anti-
quities at Mycena.
VOL. ii. p. 391.
The site of the Heræum, which had eluded the
researches of all former travellers, was discovered by
Colonel Gordon, of Cairness, in the year 1831. Mr.
Finlay, in communicating to me this discovery,
remarked: "It is a few hundred yards nearer the
hills than where you passed, but two ravines isolate
the site, and prevent it from being reached by riding
close along the slope of the hills." In a subsequent
communication, dated 21st Nov., 1831, Mr. Finlay
stated as follows:-"While at Nauplia I visited the
1
¹ II. H. 180. Sophocl. Elect. 8.
HEREUM OF ARGEIA.
259
Heræum, and spent the whole day there; and I had
the good fortune to discover a curious subterraneous
passage, which escaped the attention even of Pro-
fessor Thiersch, of Munich, who had visited the site.
several times. A projection of Mount Euboea
lengthens the road from Mycena to these ruins,
and obliges a horseman to keep so far down in the
plain, that a small knoll hides the place from those
who pass near it, while it remains visible at a distance,
and can be seen both from Argos and Nauplia'.
The eminence on which the ruins are situated, is an
irregular triangular platform, having a precipitous
apex towards Mount Euboea, and inaccessible though
not very elevated. The base of the triangle is towards
Argos, and is supported by a terrace in masonry,
above which, at the base of the peak, is an upper
terrace and a quadrangular platform. The walls of
the lower terrace are generally of an inferior kind of
regular masonry; but an angle towards Nauplia is of
fine workmanship, and differs from all the remaining
walls, in consisting of two layers of large blocks,
succeeded by a narrower course. The whole of
this wall is pierced with square holes, like those
made for beams, very numerous, and extending
over the whole surface. Below this terrace I found
part of the shaft of a Doric column, eleven feet six
inches in circumference, with twenty flutings. This
column was of limestone, and covered with cement.
The wall of the upper terrace consists of blocks,
heaped rudely together in a very rough Cyclopian
¹ From the Larissa of Argos, it bears N. 27 E. From the
Palamídhi, N. 10 W.
$ 2
260
HEREUM OF ARGEIA.
style; three layers of stone generally remain. One
stone of a triangular form was twelve feet in the
sides, and four to five feet thick; another eighteen
feet long, and six feet thick; the breadth was con-
cealed by the earth. Below this terrace is another
piece of a column, which seems not to have belonged
to the same edifice, of which that before mentioned
formed a part, being of a harder limestone, roughly
worked, unfluted, and 4 feet 1 inch in diameter at
the only end I could measure. There are consider-
able quantities of pottery scattered about.
"My recollections of Pausanias induced me to
search the water-courses around; and in the stream
to the westward, or towards Mycenæ, I found a
conduit which formerly crossed it; higher up I found
some traces of a large aqueduct capable of containing
the whole of the stream. This induced me to search
under the terraces in the side towards Mycenæ, and
I found a small cavern into which I crawled with
some difficulty, and after removing some stones.
It runs directly under the upper terrace, and is
about 4 feet wide, lined with that red cement found
so frequently in ancient buildings. I could not pene-
trate more than 15 feet, but could see that it went
much farther. Immediately at its entrance it is
crossed by a smaller passage about 2 feet wide,
which runs on towards the lower terrace. This is
not so well preserved, but can be traced for a short
distance. Above these ruins, on an eminence, is a
little chapel; I visited it, and searched in vain for
any ancient remains, but Professor Thiersch tells me
he observed some."
In the spring of 1836, Mr. Finlay informed me
HEREUM OF ARGEIA.
261
that he had spent a few days at Argos with General
Gordon, who undertook a small excavation at the
ruins of the Heræum. Among some remains of
modern buildings he found part of a marble peacock,
part of a large antefix of terra-cotta, painted like
the tail of a peacock, a lion of bronze about six
inches long, well preserved, some other bronzes
much corroded, and some terra-cottas very rude.
Soon afterwards, I received from Mr. Finlay a plan
of the site of the Heræum¹.
On comparing Mr. Finlay's description with the
words of Pausanias it is observable that the two
terraces, of which the upper was supported by a rude
Cyclopian wall, and the lower by a wall of regular
masonry, accord with the ancient testimony 2; on the
upper terrace, Pausanias found ruins of the earlier
temple, which had been burnt in the year B. c. 423;
on the lower stood that which had been built by
Eupolemus of Argos, soon after the destruction of
the former, and which contained, when it was visited
by Pausanias, a statue of the goddess, one of the
finest works of Polycleitus, but deprived of its com-
panion, the Hebe of Naucydes, which, as well as the
Juno, had been made of ivory and gold ³.
3
The piece of column which appears to have fallen
from the upper terrace, leaves us to infer that the
columns of the older building were not fluted, that
they were about four feet and a half in dia-
meter, and that the temple, supposing it to have
1
¹ See the end of this volume.
2 Εστι δὲ ὑπὲρ τὸν ναὸν τοῦτον τοῦ προτέρου ναοῦ θεμέλιά τε
καὶ εἰ δή τι ἄλλο ὑπελίπετο ἡ φλόξ. Corinth. 17, 7.
³ Pausan. Corinth. 17, 3. Travels in Moréa, ii. p. 389, seq.
262
HEREUM OF ARGEIA.
been hexastyle, was about 50 feet broad on the
upper stylobate,-a dimension which seems in due
proportion to the breadth of the peribolus, which
was about 150 feet; a space of about 50 feet would
thus be left between the long sides of the temple
and the peribolus. Between the peribolus and the
two fronts of the temple there was a greater
space; for, had it been no more, the length of
the temple would have been out of proportion to
the breadth, and would have required not less
than seventeen columns on the sides. In like
manner if the piece of column observed by Mr.
Finlay below the lower terrace, belonged to the
later edifice, its order was Doric, with fluted columns,
nearly equal in dimensions to those of the upper
temple. To the former, the large antefix of terra-
cotta, painted to resemble the tail of a peacock, may
be conjectured to have belonged, as the new temple
had probably a roof of marble like the other cele-
brated temples of the age, when it was erected. The
peacock relates to the worship of Juno: within the
later temple there was a peacock formed of gold and
precious stones, the gift of the emperor Hadrian.
Of the two torrents between which the Heræum
stood, the north-western was the Eleutherium, this
having been in the road to the Heræum from
Mycena¹; the south-eastern consequently was the
1
ῥεῖ δὲ κατὰ τὴν ὁδὸν ὕδωρ Ἐλευθέριον καλούμενον. χρῶν-
ται δὲ αὐτῷ πρὸς καθάρσια αἳ περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν καὶ ἐπὶ τῶν θυσιῶν
ἑστᾶσιν ἀποῤῥήτων. Pausan. Corinth. 17, 1. The source of this
rivulet seems to have been named Cynadra. Ἐν "Αργει Κυνάδρα
κρήνη, ἐξ ἧς ἔπινον οἱ ἐλευθερούμενοι. ὅθεν τὸ ἐν Κυνάδρα
'EλεvОépiov vèwp. Eustath. in Od. N. 408.
MOUNT ACREA.
263
Asterion; and the remains of an aqueduct, as well as
the subterraneous passages explored by Mr. Finlay,
appear to have been part of the ancient works
formed for conveying the water of the Eleutherium
to a receptacle within the peribolus of the Heræum,
where it served, as Pausanias informs us, for expi-
ations and the secret rites of the temple. As to the
Asterion, no confirmation of its identity has yet
been derived from the discovery of the chasm in
which Pausanias reports it to have been lost, or of
the herb asterion, which grew upon its banks. Both
these rivulets, when I saw them in the winter, were
lost in the plain at a short distance below the foot
of the mountain.
According to the local mythology, the river Aste-
rion had three daughters, named Euboea, Prosymna,
and Acræa. Euboea was the mountain, on the lower
part of which the temple stood; Acræa, the height
which rose over against it-and Prosymna the
region below it'. As we may safely presume
that the temple faced the east, and as on that side
alone there can be said to be any hill opposite to
the temple, we cannot err in identifying Acræa
1
Αὐτὸ δὲ τὸ ἱερόν ἐστιν ἐν χθαμαλωτέρῳ τῆς Εὐβοίας τὸ
γὰρ δὴ ὄρος τοῦτο ὀνομάζουσιν Εὔβοιαν, λέγοντες Αστερίωνι
γενέσθαι τῷ ποταμῷ θυγατέρας Εὔβοιαν καὶ Πρόσυμναν καὶ
Ακραίαν, εἶναι δὲ σφᾶς τρόφους τῆς Ἥρας καὶ ἀπὸ μὲν ᾿Ακραίας
τὸ ὄρος καλοῦσι τὸ ἀπαντικρὺ τοῦ Ἡραίου, ἀπὸ δὲ Εὐβοίας ὅσον
περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν, Πρόσυμναν δὲ τὴν ὑπὸ τὸ Ἡραῖον χώραν· ὁ δὲ
Αστερίων οὗτος ῥέων ὑπὸ τὸ Ἡραῖον ἐς φάραγγα ἐσπίπτων
ἀφανίζεται φύεται δὲ αὐτοῦ πόα πρὸς ταῖς ὄχθαις Αστερίωνα
ὀνομάζουσι καὶ τὴν πόαν ταύτην. τῇ Ἥρᾳ καὶ αὐτὴν φέρουσι,
καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν φύλλων αὐτῆς στεφάνους πλέκουσιν. Pausan.
Corinth. 17, 2 (1).
A
264
PROSYMNA-MOUNT EUBA.
with the ridge or rocky summit, which is separated
from the hill of the Heræum by the Asterion, and
was not more than 300 yards distant from the
temple. According to Strabo, there was a city
Prosymna, of which the district bordered upon that
of Mideia; and as Mideia stood near the road from
Argos to Epidaurus on the left, nearly opposite to
Tiryns, I had supposed that the city Prosymna
stood between Mideia and the Heræum, and that
the xúpa Пpóovuva of Pausanias was so called as
having been part of the district of Prosymna'. But
this city, there is reason to believe, stood in a dif-
ferent situation2, and it seems not unlikely from
the nature of the Mythus, as well as the proximity
of Mount Acræa, that all the three names belonged
to places not far removed from the temple, and all per-
haps within the TEμEvoc of Juno. On this supposition
Euboea was not the great mountain which is a con-
tinuation of that which overlooked Mycena on the
east, but the small rocky peak which rises imme-
diately behind the site of the temple, and this seems
the more likely, as although the words ir xoaμa-
λωτέρῳ τῆς Εὐβοίας, by which Pausanias describes the
situation of the temple, are equally true, applied to
either height, ὅσον περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν is hardly applicable
to the greater mountain.
то
Tr. in Moréa, ii. p. 393, 418.
2 See below, p. 269.
Εν
THEATRE OF ARGOS.
265
VOL. ii. p. 396.
This description of the Theatre of Argos agrees with
its plan and section in the Expédition Scientifique ',
except that I have not noticed the increasing breadth
of the seats in the two upper divisions, and that,
according to M. Ravoisié, there are 35 ranges in the
lower division, or three more than I have stated. But
these may have been brought to light since my last
visit to Argos; and when we consider that the low-
est range in the French plan belongs to a semicircle
of about 180 feet in diameter, and that the Greek
orchestra was seldom more than 80 feet in width,
it becomes highly probable that below the extant
seats, which are all cut out of the rock, there were
15 or 20 constructed seats, and another præcinction.
On this supposition, there were about 90 ranges in
all, capable of containing between thirty and forty
thousand spectators. The total diameter, according
to the French plan, was 560 English feet. There
may still, however, be some doubt, as I before
suggested 2, whether the upper seats were continued
on either side to the wings: first, because it seems
unlikely that the theatre of Argos should have been
so much larger than that of Athens, as such a dia-
meter indicates; secondly, because the walls sup-
porting the wings would have been of the enor-
mous height of 120 feet; and, thirdly, because
there are some seats cut in the rock adjoining the
theatre on the south-western side, which appear to
be too near to that wing to admit of the curve of
the extant upper seats in the middle of the cavea
1 Architecture, &c. vol. ii. plate 58, 59.
2 Tr. in Moréa, ii. p. 398.
266
CENOE OF ARGEIA.
having been produced so far. The former seats
were considered by the French Commission as hav-
ing belonged to another theatre, but no plan of
them is given; and to me they appeared rectilinear,
as I have already stated', which, if true, shows that
they formed part of a stadium.
VOL. ii. p. 399.
The remains of the aqueduct here stated to be
traceable to Bélissi are to be seen, according to the
map of the French Surveyors, two miles beyond
that village to the north-west.
VOL. ii. p. 413.
Though it is evident from the passage of Pau-
sanias here cited, that Enoë stood between the
rivers Charadrus and Inachus, it was a mistaken
inference from one part of that passage to conclude,
that its situation was on or near the left bank of the
Charadrus; whereas, in truth, it seems to have stood
not far from the right bank of the Inachus. The
words referred to are προελθοῦσι δὲ αὐτόθι διαβάντων
ποταμὸν Χαραδρον καλούμενόν ἐστιν Οινόη: translated,
"After passing the torrent Charadrus, the traveller
arrived at the place called Enoë." But it seems
that Pausanias by airól merely intended to show
that in the road from Argos to Mantineia the Cha-
radrus was crossed at the temple of Venus and Mars
which he had just described; so that posλlovσw
2 Corinth. 25, 2.
¹ Tr. in Moréa, ii. p. 397.
CENOE OF ARGEIA.
267
leaves an indefinite distance between the crossing of
the Charadrus and Enoë; and that this distance
was not small, is evident from his statement in the
sequel of the same passage, that Enoë stood at the
foot of Mount Artemisium, the nearest part of which
is eight miles in direct distance from Argos, while
the crossing of the Charadrus could not have been
so much as two miles by the road from the gate of
Deiras, at which the route to Mantineia commenced.
Enoë seems also to have been near the Inachus; for
Pausanias, having stated that Artemisium rose above
Enoë, adds that the sources of the Inachus were in
the same mountain'. Again, when he resumes the
route from Argos to Mantineia, in the Arcadica 2,
and refers to the former passage, he shows that
one of the roads from the Argolic frontier to Man-
tineia passed along the Inachus to its sources in
Mount Artemisium, whence it seems evident that
this road from Argos must have passed through or
near Enoë; probably the other road to Mantineia
diverged not far from the same place. From all
which it appears that instead of translating о-
ελθοῦσι,
ελovoi, &c. "after passing the torrent Charadrus,
the traveller arrived at the place called Enoë," we
ought to translate thus, "having there passed the
torrent Charadrus, the traveller proceeded to Enoë."
We may also conclude, that instead of Enoë having
stood "on or near the left bank of the Rema of
Argos," it stood "on or near the right bank of the
Bánitza."
1 Ὑπὲρ τῆς Οἰνόης ὄρος ἐστὶν ᾿Αρτεμίσιον, καὶ ἱερὸν ᾿Αρτέμιδος
ἐπὶ κορυφῇ τοῦ ὄρους. ἐν τούτῳ δέ εἰσι τῷ ὄρει καὶ αἱ πηγαὶ τοῦ
'Ivάxov. Pausan. Corinth. 25, 3.
Arcad. 6, 2 (4).
268
LYRCEIA-MIDEIA.
VOL. ii. p. 415.
Some remains of Lyrceia have been observed at
Skala on the left bank of the Inachus, five G. M.
direct to the N. w. of the acropolis of Argos, and in
sight from it; thus according with the 60 stades
of Pausanias, as well as with the story of Lynceus
and Hypermnestra.
VOL. ii. p. 417.
There are two places at the foot of the hills on
the eastern side of the Argolic plain where Hellenic
remains have been observed; 1st, near Dendrá,
51 G. M. direct E. by N. from the citadel of Argos,
forming with Argos and Nauplia a triangle nearly
equilateral; 2ndly, near Katzíngri, 2 G. M. due E. of
Tiryns, and forming with Tiryns and Nauplia a
smaller triangle of the same kind. In the French
map the position near Dendrá has been identified
with Mideia, or, according to Strabo, Midea'; but
this will hardly agree with Pausanias, who says,
that on returning from Tiryns into the road leading
from Argos to the Epidauria, the ruins of Mideia
were on the left 2. Dendrá is indeed to the left of
1
· ἔρημος δ' ἐστὶ κἀκείνη (Tiryns sc.) καὶ ἡ πλησίον Μιδέα ἑτέρα
οὖσα τῆς Βοιωτικῆς· ἐκείνη γάρ ἐστι Μίδεα ὡς πρόνοια, αὕτη δὲ
Μιδέα, ὡς Τεγέα. Ταύτη δ' όμορος Πρόσυμνα καὶ αὕτη ἱερὸν
ἔχουσα "Ηρας. Strabo, p. 373.
2 ἐπανελθόντων δ' ἐς τὴν λεωφόρον ἐπὶ Μιδείαν ἐς ἀριστερὰν
ἥξεις.
κατὰ δὲ τὴν ἐς Επίδαυρον εὐθεῖαν ἐστι κώμη
Añoσa. Pausan. Corinth. 25, 8, 9 (9, 10).
PROSYMNA-PHYLLUS.
269
that line, but more than 3 G. M. in direct distance,
whereas the words of Pausanias require Mideia to
be much nearer to the road, and accord with those
of Strabo, in placing it near Tiryns. Mideia, there-
fore, seems rather to have been at St. Adrian near
Katzíngri. This place, it is true, was close on the
right and not to the left of the modern road from
Argos to Epidaurus; but possibly there was an-
ciently a junction of routes from Argos and Nauplia
at the eastern extremity of the plain of Nauplia
to the s. E. of Katzíngri, leaving St. Adrian to
the left, and passing near the southern walls of the
two Hellenic fortresses which are seen to the right
of the modern route from Argos to Ligurió. Of
these fortresses, to which Pausanias makes no allu-
sion, the westernmost may be Prosymna, as having
bordered upon Mideia, agreeably to the words of
Strabo the situation accords with the "celsa Pro-
symna" of Statius, who had probably some Greek
authority for this epithet, as well as for having con-
trasted Prosymna with the "aptior armentis Mi-
deia ¹," a description well suited to the position on
the edge of the Argolic plain which I have attri-
buted to Mideia. The other ancient fortress, which
lies between the supposed Prosymna and Ligurió,
(the ancient Lessa,) may possibly be the "pecorosa
Phyllus," which Statius joins with the other two;
for the situation in the midst of heights is not less
adapted to flocks than the plains around Mideia
¹ Huic armat Larissa viros: huic celsa Prosymne,
Aptior armentis Midea, pecorosaque Phyllus.
Stat. Theb. 4, 44.
270
PANHELLENIUM OF ÆGINA.
were to herds. Phyllus is perhaps the Argolic Phlius
of Ptolemy', whose names are often misspelt.
VOL. ii. p. 419.
In the text of Pausanias it is said that Mount
Arachnæum was more anciently named Σαπυσελάτων.
Ὑσσελινὸν is the name in Hesychius. Perhaps
Hyoselaton, Yooλárov (the swine's fir-forest), was
the true name.
VOL. ii. p.
441.
M. de Stackelberg, one of the discoverers of the
Phigalian marbles which are now in the British
Museum, endeavoured to prove, in his work on the
temple of Phigalia, (Rome, 1826,) that the ruined
temple near the north-eastern extremity of the
island of Ægina is not that of Jupiter Panhellenius,
as had been generally believed, but that of Minerva,
mentioned by Herodotus. In this opinion he has
had many followers, and among them the Rev. Dr.
Wordsworth 2.
In a paper read at the Royal Society of Literature
in May 1833, I gave some reasons for continuing to
attach the name of Jupiter Panhellenius to this
temple. I need not, therefore, at present enter
fully into the arguments which tend to account for
its having been built at a distance of five miles from
the peak of St. Elias, which is the highest and only
remarkable mountain in Egina, and of which the
¹ Ptolem. Geogr. 3, 16.
2 Athens and Attica, p. 267. London, 1836.
PANHELLENIUM OF EGINA.
271
τὸ
modern name rò "Opoc is supposed to identify it
with the 'Όρος Πανελλήνιον οι Ὄρος τοῦ Πανελληνίου
Atos of Pausanias'. I shall merely advert to the
reasons which Dr. Wordsworth has adduced for
considering the temple to have been dedicated to
Minerva. These are, 1st, the figure of that deity in
the centre of either pediment; 2ndly, an Attic in-
scription of the fifth century B. C. on the lintel of
a small church situated a mile to the westward of
the extant temple, showing that the inscribed stone
marked the boundary of a portion of land sacred to
Minerva 2; 3rdly, a remark of Theophrastus, that
when clouds rested on the temple of Jupiter Hel-
lanius in Ægina it was a prognostic of rain at Athens.
This is supposed to prove that the temple stood on
the peak of St. Elias.
But, as I have already observed 3, Minerva is not
introduced into the compositions of the pediments
with reference to the worship within the temple, but
to the particular actions represented on the pediments,
which are probably the heroic deeds of some of the
Eacidæ, or descendants of Eacus, who was reputed
to have been a son of Jupiter, and the founder of the
Panhellenium. In all such actions Minerva was sup-
posed to be present as έrikovρoç of the hero, and she
is generally so introduced in ancient compositions
of this kind, on gems, vases, and marbles. There is
3
1 Corinth. 30, 3. 4.
2 ΤΕΜΕΝΟΣ
ΑΘΕΝΑΙΑΣ
i. e. (Όρος) τεμένους Αθηναίας.
* Transactions of the Royal Society of Literature, ii. p. 381.
272
PANHELLENIUM OF ÆGINA.
no instance known of a temple with a statue of the
principal deity over the door; nor would it probably
have been congenial with the religious customs of
Greece. On the other hand, Minerva was perfectly
in her place, as assisting some of the descendants of
Jupiter in their heroic actions. 2. The existence of
a temenus of Minerva at the distance of a mile from
the temple is not at all inconsistent with the fact of
that temple having been dedicated to Jupiter. Such
sacred portions were everywhere common, and there
were probably few of the great temples of Jupiter to
which there were not attached a sacellum and a sa-
cred portion of Minerva. Dr. Wordsworth discovered
in a church at Marathóna, on the western coast of
Ægina, an inscription precisely similar to that near
the temple, and which shows that at Marathóna there
existed a portion of land sacred to Apollo and Nep-
tune ¹. As to the words of Theophrastus, it is to be
observed, that they do not in strictness relate to the
capping of the peak, although of necessity they com-
prehend that meaning, but to the resting of the
clouds on the temple of Jupiter Panhellenius 2.
ΗΟΡΟΣ
ΤΕΜΕΝΟΣ
ΑΠΟΛΛΩΝΟΣ
The
ΠΟΣΕΙΔΩΝΟΣ Athens and Attica, p. 373.
Dr. Wordsworth considers this inscription a proof that the
temple of Apollo, mentioned by Pausanias, stood at Marathóna.
Pausanias, however, seems clearly to place the temple of Apollo
in the city of Egina, and he adds, that adjacent to it was a
temple not of Neptune but of Diana, and another of Bacchus.
(Corinth. 30, 1.)
2 Ἐὰν ἐν Αἰγίνῃ ἐπὶ τοῦ Διὸς τοῦ Ἑλληνίου νέφελη καθίζηται,
ŵÇ Tà Tоλλà v♪wp yiyrerai. Theophr. de sig. pluv.
ὡς πολλὰ ὕδωρ γίγνεται,
PANHELLENIUM OF EGINA.
273
temple and the peak are very nearly in the same
line from Athens; and when the peak is capped, the
clouds overhang the temple, and sometimes cover it.
Since the publication of the second volume of the
Transactions of the Royal Society of Literature,
I have learnt that in the year 1828 there was dis-
covered among the ruins of the temple a fragment
of entablature, or perhaps the capital of an anta, on
which, in letters about an inch in height, are the
words ΔΙ ΠΑΝΕΛΛΗΝΙΩΙ and two letters of a
second line in smaller characters; all the rest have
been broken off or obliterated. A drawing of this
fragment has been published in the Expédition
Scientifique de la Morée¹.
¹ Architecture, &c., iii. pl. 52. The subjoined will serve to
show the form of the fragment and the place of the inscription :

ΔΙΠΑΝΕ ΛΛΗΝΙΩΙ
ΓΑ
T
274
PANHELLENIUM OF ÆGINA.
Doubts have been thrown on the authenticity of
this inscription, but without any sufficient reason.
Indeed, there could have been no motive for the
forgery but a desire to prove the temple to have
been that of Jupiter Panhellenius; and to effect this
purpose, so as to impose upon any one at all accus-
tomed to examine Greek inscriptions, would have
been a difficult task. The fragment has been seen
by many travellers of late years, and among them
by Mr. George Finlay of Athens, and by M.
Prokesch, Austrian minister at the court of King
Otho, both of whom considered it to be a genuine
monument, found on the spot. Nor can I learn that
any one who has seen it has suspected it to be a forgery.
Some persons may think, perhaps, that this dedi-
cation to Jupiter no more proves this temple to be
the Panhellenium, than that which preserves the
words τέμενος Αθηναίας proves it to be a temple of
Minerva; but there is a difference between a docu-
ment discovered among the ruins of a temple and
one found at a considerable distance from it. It is
true that the dimensions and mouldings of the frag-
ment will not easily admit of the supposition that it
ever formed part of the temple: the dialect and
form of the letters demonstrate also that it was of a
much later date, possibly as late as the Roman
Empire. It seems, therefore, to have belonged to
some separate and subordinate dedication within the
sacred inclosure, such as were common in all the
great sanctuaries of Greece.
Dr. Wordsworth supposes not only that the tem-
ple was dedicated to Minerva, but that it was built
by the Athenians; which would require its date to
CEA.
275
have been posterior to that of their conquest of the
island in the year 456 B. C., or rather to their colo-
nization after expelling the Æginetæ in 431¹. But
the temple cannot be less ancient than the statues
in the pediments, those statues having evidently
been adapted to the dimensions and form of the
pediment, and their sculpture being plainly of the
sixth, not of the fifth, century B. C. All we know of
the temple of Minerva is, that in the year B. C. 519
the Ægineta therein dedicated some brazen prows
in the shape of boars' heads, which, according to
a common practice, they had cut off from some
Samian ships taken in battle. Such a dedication
was much more likely to have been made to a
Minerva Пoλias in the city of Ægina than in a re-
mote temple, unless it can be proved beyond a doubt,
that, contrary to custom, the Minerva of the Ægi-
netans had her principal temple on a mountain dis-
tant from the city. We must also reflect, that if
the extant temple be not the Panhellenium, Pausanias
has not bestowed the smallest notice on this mag-
nificent building, although he has described that of
Aphæa, and even mentions his having sacrificed to
the statues of Damia and Auxesia, made of Athenian
olive-wood, in the same manner as it was customary
to sacrifice to Ceres and Proserpine at Eleusis. The
temple of Damia and Auxesia, according to Herodotus,
stood at a town of Egina named Ea; but neither this
1
2
Thucyd. 1, 108. 2, 27.
ام
او
ἕκτῳ δὲ ἔτεὶ Αἰγινῆται αὐτοὺς, ναυμαχίη νικήσαντες, ήνδρα-
ποδίσαντο μετὰ Κρητῶν· καὶ τῶν νηῶν καπρίους ἐχουσέων τὰς
πρώρας ἠκρωτηρίασαν, καὶ ἀνέθεσαν ἐς τὸ ἱρὸν τῆς ᾿Αθηναίης ἐν
Aiyivy. Herodot. 3, 59.
T 2
276
CEA TEMPLE OF APHEA.
position nor that of the temple of Aphea has yet
been determined. Ea is described by Herodotus as
having been in the interior of the island', a situation
confirmed by the defeat of the Athenians by the
Argives between Ea and the sea-shore, in the expe-
dition of the former to recover the statues of Damia
and Auxesia, as related by the same historian 2. Ea
was perhaps the chief town of the island before the
time of Æacus and his mother Ægina, when the island
was named Enone, when safety required an inland
situation for the town, and when that commerce and
naval power which drew population to the maritime
site had not yet commenced, but which had made the
latter the capital before the time of Herodotus. On
this supposition it is not unlikely that Ea occupied
the site of Paleá-Khora, the most natural of all situa-
tions for the chief town when the island was deprived
of naval protection, and which, in fact, has been the
capital whenever safety has required an inland situ-
ation. It was so when I visited Ægina in 1802.
The maritime site which had been inhabited during
the occupation of the Moréa by the Venetians was
then deserted, and so continued until Greece having
asserted her independence, the ancient site was again
abandoned, and commerce and population once more
returned to the place which they had occupied in
1 τὰ ἀγάλματα ταῦτα τῆς τε Δαμίης καὶ τῆς Αὐξησίης ὑπαιρέον-
ται αὐτέων, καί σφεα ἐκόμισάν τε καὶ ἱδρύσαντο τῆς σφετέρης χώρης
ἐς τὴν μεσόγαιαν, τῇ Οἴη μέν ἐστι οὔνομα, στάδια δὲ μάλιστά κη
àñò tñs módios wç éíкooɩ àñéɣel. Herodot. 5, 83. V. Pausan.
Corinth. 30, 5.
2
ὑποταμομένους τὸ ἀπὸ τῶν νηῶν. Herodot. 5, 86. Tr. in
Moréa, ii. p. 439.
HEBEUM OF EGINA.
277
Hellenic times. The objection of Paleá-Khora as
the site of Ea is, that its distance from E'ghina, or
the maritime city, is about thirty stades, instead
of the twenty of Herodotus.
The temple of Aphæa, (the Dictynna of Crete,) in
whose honour Pindar wrote a hymn for the Æginetæ,
was situated on the road (from the maritime city) to
the mountain of Jupiter Panhellenius'. But this
direction is ambiguous, as there are no means of de-
termining whether Pausanias intended the road to
the extant temple or to the peak of St. Elias. Two
very ancient Doric inscriptions, and some other re-
mains at the foot of this Peak on its north-eastern
side, prove that here stood another ancient temple,
which one of the inscriptions gives reason to believe
to have been dedicated to Hebe². That there
should have been a temple of Hebe at Ægina is not
surprising, when we consider the connexion between
Ægina and Phlius, and that the Hebæum was the
principal temple in the acropolis of Phlius. The
chapel of St. Elias on the Peak is formed in part of
polygonal masonry, demonstrating the former ex-
istence here of another monument of some kind,
but which on such a site must have been of small
dimensions. It may possibly have been an altar or
sacellum of Jupiter.
1
τό
· ἐν Αἰγίνῃ δὲ πρὸς τὸ ὄρος τοῦ Πανελληνίου Διὸς ἱοῦσιν ἐστιν
'Apaías iɛpóv. Pausan. Corinth, 30, 3.
3
2 See Trans. of the Royal Society of Literature, ii. p 383.
Ægina was said to have been the daughter of Asopus of
Phlius, who was a son of Neptune, and to have been carried off
by Jupiter from Phlius to the island Egina. At Olympia and
Delphi were statues of Jupiter and Ægina, dedicated by the
Phliasii. (Pausan. Corinth. 12, 3; 13,
Phocic. 13, 3 (6). Apollod. 3, 12, § 6.
3.
El. pr. 22, 5 (6).
Diodor. 4, 72.)
278
METHANA.
VOL. ii. p. 454.
According to the French geographers there are
two hot sulphureous sources in the peninsula of
Methana; one called Vroma on the northern coast,
the other near a village Vromolímni, a little above
the eastern shore: these names are derived from the
smell of the waters. There are traces of ancient
baths at both the places; but the northern is pro-
bably that intended by Strabo and Ovid'; for here
are vestiges of the volcanic eruption which they de-
scribe; and though the distance of this place from
the ruins of Methana is rather greater than the
thirty stades of Pausanias2, that of Vromolímni differs
much more in defect. The French Commission ob-
served Hellenic remains in five or six different places
in the peninsula of Methana besides those at Megálo-
khorio, the site of the ancient city. There appear
to have been two fortified towns towards the ex-
terior or northern side of the peninsula; and on or
near the isthmus are the remains of four small
fortresses, which, having been evidently intended for
the protection of the peninsula against the main-
land, were probably built by the Athenians.
Thucydides informs us, that in the seventh year of
the Peloponnesian war the Athenians fortified the
isthmus of Methana; but the extant remains are
those of works of a more lasting nature than were
3
¹ Strabo, p. 59. Ovid. Metam. 15, 296.
2 Corinth. 34, 1.
3 ἀφίκοντο ἐς Μεθώνην τὴν μεταξὺ Επιδαύρου καὶ Τροιζῆνος
καὶ ἀπολαβόντες, τὸν τῆς Χερσονήσου ἰσθμὸν ἐτείχισαν ἐν ᾧ ἡ
Μεθώνη ἐστὶ, καὶ φρούριον καταστησάμενοι, ἐλῄστευον τὸν ἔπειτα
MOLYCIUM.
279
in use among the Greeks in military expeditions, and
leave the probability that the Athenians had per-
manent possession of this peninsula during the time
when they were all-powerful at sea.
VOL. ii. p. 456.
The most remarkable site in the north-eastern
part of Argolis preserving remains of a fortified
Hellenic town is at Angheló-kastro.
It is perhaps
Molycium, which, according to some authority fol-
lowed by Hesychius, was the place where Theseus
vanquished Periphates', and carried off his club; for
Angheló-kastro lay exactly in the route of Theseus
from Trozen to the Isthmus, and was in the Epi-
dauria, where the action is said by other authors
to have occurred.
VOL. ii. p. 457 et seq.
The Argolic Acte has now, by means of the sci-
ence and diligence of the French Commission, been
χρόνον τήν τε Τροιζηνίαν γῆν καὶ ῾Αλιάδα καὶ Ἐπιδαυρίαν. Thuc.
4, 45.
Strabo remarks (p. 374) that in some of the copies of Thu-
cydides Methana was written Methone. This form has prevailed.
The words ἐν ᾧ ἡ Μεθώνη ἐστὶ, however, seem not to belong
to the text: they are not only superfluous, but express that which
never could have been true; namely, that the town of Methone
stood on the isthmus of the Chersonese.
1
Μωλύχιον ἔνθα Λυκοῦργος (1. Θησεύς) τὸν Κορυνήτην
ἀνεῖλε, τόπος. Hesych. in v.
280
TRZENΙΑ-HERMIONIS.
delineated in such a manner as will enable us to
compare the description of this great promontory by
Pausanias with its true geography. The difficulties,
however, to which I have before adverted, are almost
as great as ever. In meeting these difficulties we
cannot be allowed to presume that Pausanias, not
having himself travelled in this part of Peloponnesus,
had adopted, in default of a personal examination,
incorrect or imperfect information, as Strabo has
often done. There is sufficient internal evidence
that Pausanias visited Hermione and Mases, and
consequently some if not all the other places of
which he treats.
Subjoined is his description of the country be-
tween Trozen and Hermione'. I need not repeat
1 Ἔστι δὲ ὁδὸς ἐς Ερμιόνην ἐκ Τροιζήνος κατὰ τὴν πέτραν,
ἢ πρότερον μὲν ἐκαλεῖτο Σθενίου Διὸς βωμὸς, μετὰ δὲ Θησέα
ἀνελόμενον τὰ γνωρίσματα ὀνομάζουσιν οἱ νῦν Θησέως αὐτήν·
κατὰ ταύτην οὖν τὴν πέτραν ἰοῦσιν ὀρεινὴν ὁδὸν, ἔστι μὲν ᾿Απόλ-
λωνος ἐπίκλησιν Πλατανιστίου ναός· ἔστι δὲ Εἰλεοὶ χωρίον, ἐν δὲ
αὐτῷ Δήμητρος καὶ Κόρης τῆς Δήμητρος ἱερά· τὰ δὲ πρὸς θάλασσαν
ἐν ὅροις τῆς Ἑρμιονίδος ἱερὸν Δήμητρός ἐστιν ἐπίκλησιν θερμασίας.
Σταδίους δὲ ὀγδοήκοντα ἀπέχει μάλιστα ἄκρα, Σκυλλαῖον ἀπὸ τῆς
Νίσου καλουμένη θυγατρός.
᾿Απὸ δὲ Σκυλλαίου πλέοντι
ὡς ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν, ἄκρα τ᾽ ἔστιν ἑτέρα Βουκέφαλα, καὶ μετὰ τὴν
ἄκραν νῆσοι· πρώτη μὲν ῾Αλιοῦσσα, (παρέχεται δὲ αὕτη λιμένα
ἐνορμίσασθαι ναῦσιν ἐπιτήδειον,) μετὰ δὲ Πιτυοῦσσα· τρίτη δὲ ἣν
᾿Αριστερὰς ὀνομάζουσι. ταύτας δὲ παραπλεύσαντί ἐστιν αὖθις ἄκρα
Κωλυεργία καλουμένη, ἀνέχουσα ἐκ τῆς ἠπείρου· μετὰ δὲ αὐτὴν
νῆσος Τρίκρανα καλουμένη καὶ ὄρος ἐς θάλασσαν ἀπὸ τῆς Πελο-
ποννήσου προβεβλημένον, Βούπορθμος. Ἐν Βουπόρθμῳ δὲ πεποί-
ηται μὲν ἱερὸν Δήμητρος καὶ τῆς παιδὸς, πεποίηται δὲ ᾿Αθηνᾶς
ἐπίκλησις δέ ἐστι τῇ θεῷ Προμαχόρμα. Πρόκειται δὲ Βουπόρθμου
νῆσος ᾿Απεροπία καλουμένη. τῆς δὲ ᾿Απεροπίας ἀφέστηκεν οὐ πολὺ
ἑτέρα νῆσος Ὑδρέα· μετὰ ταύτην αἰγιαλός τε παρήκει τῆς ἠπείρου
μηνοειδὴς, καὶ ἀκτὴ μετὰ τὸν αἰγιαλὸν ἐπὶ Ποσείδιον, ἐκ τῆς
TRZENIA
281
HERMIONIS.
the English interpretation, which is contained in the
pages of Travels in Moréa, stated above.
Of the position of Hermione itself there can be no
question: the dimensions of the peninsula of Kastrí
agree with those ascribed to the ἀκτὴ ἐπὶ Ποσείδιον at
Hermione by Pausanias; namely, seven stades in
length, and three in breadth. On this promontory
are numerous remains of Hermione in its best times,
with those of a temple at the extremity correspond-
ing to that of Neptune. There is likewise, at
the modern village of Kastrí, a church preserving
some portions of another temple; so that Kastrí
seems to occupy exactly the position of Hermione as
it existed in the age of Pausanias, when the town
was confined to that which in more ancient times
had been the acropolis.
The description by Pausanias of the places be-
tween Trozen and Hermione may be divided into
two parts: 1. the route by land from Trozen to
Hermione; and 2. the sea-shore between Scyllæum
and Hermione: for after having conducted his
reader from Troezen across the Troezenian promon-
tory to the temple of Ceres Thermasia on the coast
of the Hermionis, he then states the distance of that
temple from Cape Scyllæum, and from the latter
commences a paraplus to Hermione. Three of the
θαλάσσης μὲν ἀρχομένη τῆς πρὸς ἀνατολὰς, προήκουσα δὲ ὡς ἐπὶ
τὴν ἑσπέραν. ἔχει δὲ καὶ λιμένας ἐν αὐτῇ· μῆκος μὲν δὴ τῆς
ἀκτῆς ἐστιν ἑπτά που στάδια, πλάτος δὲ, ᾗ πλατυτάτη, σταδίων
τριῶν, οὐ πλέον. Ἐνταῦθα ἡ προτέρα πόλις τοῖς Ερμιονεῦσιν ἦν.
ἔστι δέ σφισι καὶ νῦν ἔτι ἱερὰ αὐτόθι, Ποσειδῶνος μὲν ἐπὶ τῆς ἀκτῆς
τῇ ἀρχῇ, προελθοῦσι δὲ ἀπὸ θαλάσσης ἐς τὰ μετέωρα ναὺς ᾿Αθηνᾶς,
Tаρà dè avтý σradiov Bepéλia. (Pausan. Corinth. 34, 6-10.)
દે
282
EILEI-TEMPLE OF CERES THERMESIA.
places mentioned by him have preserved their an-
cient names in a modern form: the promontory
Scyllæum is now Kavo-Skyli; the ruins of Eilei are
now called I'lio; and the modern name Thérmisi is
obviously derived from the temple of Ceres Ther-
masia. Of this temple no vestiges have been ob-
served, and its exact position, therefore, is uncertain ;
but the application of the modern name to a lagoon,
saltwork, and bay, as well as to a cape which shelters
the bay from the west, leaves no doubt as to the
whereabouts of the temple, notwithstanding that the
true distance of Thermisi from Cape Skyli, namely,
ten geographical miles, is greater than the eighty
stades of Pausanias. In stating that this sanctuary
was within the limits of the Hermionis, Pausanias
seems to show that the river which joins the sea on
the eastern side of the bay of Thérmisi formed the
boundary between the districts of Trozen and
Hermione, but possibly in the lower part of its
course only; for Eilei, which is on a height rising
from the right bank, would rather appear from his
words to have been in the Trazenia. The course of
this river was the most natural line of road from
Troezen to Hermione, when the mountain of Dha-
malá, on which occurred the rock of Theseus, had
been passed. Between the rock of Theseus and
Eilei there was a temple of Apollo Platanistius; but
neither the rock has been identified, nor the site of
the temple determined.
In the paraplus from Scyllæum to Hermione,
Pausanias names Scyllæum first, and then Bucephala,
with three adjacent islands. Hence it seems neces-
sary to divide the extremity now generally known as
SCYLLÆUM-BUCEPHALA.
283
η
Kavo-Skyli into two parts; the bold round pro-
montory to the north being the true Scyllæum, and
the acute cape a mile to the south of it Bucephala;
for the three islands are adjacent to the latter. Of
these the nearest (ἡ πρώτη μετὰ τὴν ἄκραν) was named
Haliussa, the next to it Pityussa, and the outermost
Aristeræ; the last alone is mentioned by Pliny',
which is accounted for by its being the most im-
portant, as well from its dimensions as from its
position, which renders it an object of greater re-
mark to navigators. According to Pausanias, there
was a harbour at Haliussa: modern observation has
not confirmed this fact, or has overlooked such a place
of shelter as may have been serviceable to the small
vessels of the ancients. The only harbour in this
vicinity noticed by modern surveyors is at Furkariá,
on the main land, where the shelter is partly derived
from a small island, and where exist remains of a
Hellenic fortress or town as well as some Roman
ruins 2. This place is unnoticed by Pausanias, and
continues to be one of the numerous ancient sites in
the Argolic peninsula, for which there are no means
of finding a name. The French Commission observed
some parts of these ruins to be so much under
water as to leave no doubt that the sea had here
gained upon the land ³. The same thing has occurred
in other parts of the eastern coast of Greece. It is
particularly remarkable at Salamis, Epidaurus, and
Hermione, and on the south-eastern shores of the
Moréa at Monemvasía, Elafonísi, and Gythium.
3
Plin. H. N. 4, 12 (19).
2 Boblaye, Rech. Géogr. p. 60.
3 Exp. Scient. Géographie, &c. p. 364.
284
PROMONTORIES AND ISLANDS OF HERMIONIS.
Between Bucephala and Hermione, Pausanias
places the promontories Colyergia and Buporthmus,
the island Tricrana near the former, and the island
Aperopia near the latter. But there are no pro-
montories on this coast, except Cape Thérmisi, of
which Pausanias had already spoken, and a low
alluvial projection of recent formation five miles to
the eastward of it. Nor are there any islands nearer
to this coast than four or five miles. Two attempts
may be made to resolve this problem, though neither
of them is very satisfactory: 1st, That the island now
named Ydhra is not Hydrea, but Tricrana; but
though such a removal of an ancient name is not
very uncommon in the case of sites on the main-
land, I know of no example of the same kind of
change from one island to another. Hydrea, more-
over, from the transaction relating to it which is
mentioned by Herodotus, seems to have been of
some importance anciently', and for this reason
alone is likely to have been the largest of the
islands. On the supposition of Ydhra having been
Tricrana, the promontory Buporthmus would still
remain to be identified, and which could not have
been the modern Cape Thérmisi, because at Buporth-
mus there were temples of Minerva and of Ceres and
Proserpine, showing the place to have been not the
same as that noted for its temple of Ceres Ther-
masia. Add to which, that the name Buporthmus
The Samian exiles after their unsuccessful attempts, in con-
junction with the Lacedæmonians, to recover their island from
Polycrates, employed their fleet in raising contributions. They
exacted 100 talents from the Siphnii; and instead of money
received from the people of Hermione the island of Hydrea,
which they pawned to the Trozenii. Herodot. 3, 59.
PROMONTORIES AND ISLANDS OF HERMIONIS.
285
seems clearly to point to Cape Muzáki and the
narrow passage between it and the island Dhokó.
The second conjecture is, that the paraplus of
Pausanias, instead of following the channel between
Ydhra and the main, may have made the circuit of
Ydhra, and that Colyergia may have been the eastern
cape of that island. The island Tríkeri, resembling
Tricrana in name, would then be the next in order,
and beyond it, in the same order, the entrance into
the bay of Hermione, between Cape Muzáki and
Dhoko, the former answering to Buporthmus, the
latter to Aperopia, near which, as Pausanias truly
says, was Hydrea, now Ydhra. In this case, no
addition or alteration would be required in his text;
and we must admit that the name Colyergia (from
kwλów Epyov) is well adapted to that promontory,
which, jutting out farther eastward even than Cape
Skyli or its islands, is often the main impediment to
the entrance of ships into the Saronic Gulf. But
we must then suppose, that which is scarcely admis-
sible in the case of any one who had really visited
the places, that Pausanias had mistaken the island
Hydrea for a part of the continent; for he expressly
describes Colyergia as ἀνέχουσα ἐκ τοῦ ἠπείρου.
εκ
Whatever may be the deficiency in the text or
information of Pausanias, there can be little hesita-
tion in attaching the ancient name Aperopia to
Dhokó, this being, next to Ydhra, the most consi-
derable of the islands opposite to Hermione, and
Aperopia being mentioned as one of those islands
by Pliny as well as by Pausanias. It may be said,
1
¹ Contra Hermionium agrum, Tiparenus, Aperopia, Colonis,
Aristera. Contra Troczenium, Calauria. Plin. Hist. Nat. 4,
12 (19).
286
HALICE-MASES.
perhaps, that Spétzia, being also adjacent to a part of
the shore of Hermionis, has an equal claim to have
been Aperopia; but, on this supposition, the text of
Pausanias becomes quite inexplicable, while Cape
Kostá, opposite to Spétzia, is much less adapted
than Cape Muzáki, opposite to Dhokó, to the name
Buporthmus.
In regard to Spétzia, we may perhaps be allowed to
conjecture, that it was omitted by Pausanias, because
his description of this coast terminates at Hermione.
The order of names in Pliny, and the occurrence
of Colonis in his text, in the place of Hydrea,
favour the supposition that Colonis and Hydrea were
one and the same island.
Next to Hermione, Pausanias describes Halice
and Mases¹. At seven stades from Hermione the
road to Halice separated from that to Mases; the
former led between the mountains Pron and Coccy-
gium (more anciently called Thornax), while that of
Mases continued along an extremity of Thornax, on
Κατὰ δὲ τὴν ἐπὶ Μάσητα εὐθεῖαν προελθοῦσιν ἑπτά που
σταδίους καὶ ἐς ἀριστερὰ ἐκτραπεῖσιν ἐς ῾Αλίκην ἐστὶν ὁδός· ἡ δὲ
῾Αλίκη τὰ μὲν ἐφ' ἡμῶν ἐστὶν ἔρημος, ᾠκεῖτο δὲ καὶ αὕτη ποτέ
ἔστι δ' οὖν ὁδὸς καὶ ἐς ταύτην τοῦ τε Πρωνὸς μέση καὶ
ὄρους ἑτέρου Θόρνακος καλουμένου τὸ ἀρχαῖον ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς
Διὸς ἐς κόκκυγα τὸν ὄρνιθα ἀλλαγῆς λεγομένης ἐνταῦθα γενέσθαι
μετονομασθῆναι τὸ ὄρος φασίν. ἱερὰ δὲ καὶ ἐς τόδε ἐπὶ ἄκρων
τῶν ὀρῶν, ἐπὶ μὲν τῷ Κοκκυγίῳ Διὸς, ἐν δὲ τῷ Πρωνί ἐστιν
Ηρας καὶ τοῦ τε Κοκκυγίου πρὸς τοῖς πέρασι ναός ἐστι, θύραι
δὲ οὐκ ἐφεστήκασιν, οὐδὲ ὄροφον εἶχεν, οὐδέ οἵ τι ἐνῆν ἄγαλμα
εἶναι δὲ ἐλέγετο ὁ ναὸς ᾿Απόλλωνος. παρὰ δὲ αὐτὸν ὁδός ἐστιν
ἐπὶ Μάσητα τοῖς ἐκτραπεῖσιν ἐκ τῆς εὐθείας. Μάσητι δὲ οὔσῃ
πόλει τὸ ἀρχαῖον, καθὰ καὶ ῞Ομηρος ἐν ᾿Αργείων καταλόγῳ
πεποίηκεν, ἐπινείῳ καθ' ἡμᾶς ἐχρῶντο ῾Ερμιονεῖς. Corinth. 36,
1 seq.
HALICE-MASES.
287
which there was a ruined temple of Apollo, until
it separated from another road, which Pausanias
describes as vleia, probably the main route from
Hermione to Argos. He does not state on which
hand the road to Mases branched from this main
route, but, as Mases was in his time a port dependent
on Hermione, there can be no question that it was
to the left.
The French Surveyors observed two Hellenic posi-
tions indicated by ruins in the peninsula of Kranídhi.
One of these is on the south-eastern shore of the
peninsula, where a small island affords some shelter:
and is about equidistant, or three miles, from Kastrí
(Hermione), and from Cape Muzáki (Buporthmus).
The other Hellenic ruins in this peninsula are on
the southern side of the land-locked basin called
Port Kheli or Bizáti. The former the French
geographers suppose to have been Halice, the latter
Mases. But I am more disposed to place Halice at
Port Bizáti, and Mases, as I before suggested, at
Port Kiladhia '; the ruins which the French geogra-
phers have named Halice, having more probably
been some dependency of Hermione, of which the
name is not recorded in ancient history. The
position is too near to Hermione to have been that
of Halice, and the harbour was too inconvenient for
a people who in the time of the Peloponnesian war
constituted an autonomy of some importance 2; and
who, though dependent on the Hermionenses in the
time of Strabo, were still noted for their nautical
¹ Travels in Moréa, ii. p. 463.
2 Thucyd. 2, 56. 4, 45.
288
PROMONTORY STRUTHUS.
industry'. It is much more probable that such a
people should have possessed Port Bizáti, the situ-
ation of which, at the entrance of the Argolic Gulf,
agrees perfectly with the description of Halia by
Scylax2. And this arrangement of Halice and Mases,
with regard to Hermione, will enable us better to
understand the remark of Pausanias, that the road
from Hermione to Halice led between the moun-
tains Pron and Thornax; for we know that Pron
was the mountain on which stood the Hermione of
the time of Pausanias; and, consequently, Thornax
or Coccygium, was that which is separated from Pron
by the valley leading from Kastrí to Kranídhi. It
appears from Pausanias, that the road from Her-
mione to Halice followed this valley for some dis-
tance before it turned off to the left over a part of
Mount Thornax, whereas, had Halice been where
it is marked in the French map, the road thither
from Hermione would have led not between Pron
and Thornax, but between Thornax and the sea.
After Mases, Pausanias proceeds to notice the pro-
montory Struthus, Philanorium, the Bolei, Didymi,
and Asine after which he describes the places at
the inner extremity of the Argolic Gulf, namely,
Lerna, Temenium, and Nauplia. If Mases be
placed at Kiládhia, the promontory Struthus, to
which there was a road to the right from Mases,
will answer to one of the two great projections
1 Ερμιόνη δ' ἐστὶ τῶν οὐκ ἀσήμων πόλεων ἧς τὴν παραλίαν
ἔχουσιν ῾Αλιεῖς λεγόμενοι, θαλαττουργοί τινες ἄνδρες. Strabo,
p. 373.
2 Αλία καὶ λιμήν· αὕτη ἐστὶ ἐπὶ τῷ στόματι τοῦ ᾿Αργολικοῦ
KÓλяоν. Seylax, Perip. p. 44, Gronov.
DIDYMI.
289
from Mount Avgó, which embrace the bay of Vurliá,
and are the most remarkable promontories on this
coast, forming, with the island Ypsilí, the entrance
into that subordinate division of the Argolic Gulf,
which terminated at Tolón, and may possibly have
been called the Asinaan Gulf. As Pausanias has
not given us the distance from Mases to Struthus,
we cannot determine which of the two capes he had
in view the western is the more remarkable, but
there is no improbability in supposing that both
the promontories, as well as the enclosed bay, bore
the name of Struthus, as they now bear that of
Vurliá.
Didymi preserves its name in the form Aiduua, now
attached to a village situated in a valley, two miles
in diameter, as well as to a mountain on its north-
eastern side, which, with the exception of Ortholithi,
a summit a few miles further to the northward, is
the highest in the Argolic peninsula. The valley of
Dhídhyma is remarkable, as being the only one in
this part of the Moréa, so closely surrounded with
mountains as to allow no passage for the running
waters, but through the mountains themselves. That
so peculiar and secluded a district should have pre-
served its ancient name, is not surprising: and there
can be no hesitation, therefore, in here fixing Didymi,
although no Hellenic remains may be extant to
confirm it. In the time of Pausanias, it preserved
temples of Apollo, of Neptune, and of Ceres, con-
taining upright statues of those deities'.
Pausan. Corinth. 36, 4 (3).
The late Mr. Hawkins, of Bignor, found at Dhídhyma a
U
290
ASINE.
The intimation given by Pausanias, that the road
from Struthus to Philanorium, which latter was no
more than 20 stades from Didymi, led over the
summits of mountains', agrees perfectly with the
relative positions of Vurliá and Dhídhyma, between
which places, through the greater part of the
distance, stretches the long ridge of Mount Avgó.
But his distance of 250 stades from Struthus to
Philanorium, is quite extravagant, neither Argos
nor Træzene being so far from Vurliá: and the
utmost distance in a direct line from the western or
most distant Cape of Vurliá to Dhídhyma village,
being not more than 8 geographical miles. No use
therefore can be made of this datum of Pausanias,
and the situation of Philanorium and Bolei, which
seem to have been adjacent to one another, must
remain unknown, unless some monumental evidence
should come to our assistance.
After having described Didymi, Pausanias appears
to have resumed his paraplus, or description of the
coast onwards from Struthus, towards the head of the
Argolic Gulf: for Asine, which he next mentions, was
certainly on that part of the coast. This ancient city,
curious natural cavity in the earth, so regular as to appear
artificial, and an ancient well with a flight of steps down to the
water (ap. Gell, Itin. of Moréa, p. 199); but he seems not to
have observed any remains of defensive walls, or of the temples
noticed by Pausanias.
1 ᾿Απὸ Μάσητος δὲ ὁδὸς ἐν δεξιᾷ ἐστιν ἐπὶ ἄκραν καλουμένην
Στρυθοῦντα στάδιοι δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς ἄκρας ταύτης κατὰ τῶν ὁρῶν
τὰς κορυφὰς πεντήκοντά εἰσι καὶ διακόσιοι ἐπὶ Φιλανόριόν τε
καλούμενον καὶ ἐπὶ Βολεούς· οἱ δὲ Βολεοὶ οὗτοι λίθων εἰσὶ σωροὶ
λογάδων χωρίον δὲ ἕτερον, ὃ Διδύμους ὀνομάζουσι, στάδια
εíkoσir avтóðεv åpέorηker. Pausan. Corinth. 36, 3.
ASINE.
291
one of five which in Homeric times divided among
them the Argolic Acte, was besieged, taken, and
destroyed by the Argives, nearly ten centuries before
the site was visited by Pausanias; but he found there
some ruins, and among them a temple of Apollo
Pythaeus, with the sepulchre of Lysistratus, of Argos,
who fell in the siege. The district was then annexed
to the Argeia, and continued to belong to it after the
general arrangement of the territorial boundaries of
the free cities of Greece, in the reigns of Augustus
and Tiberius'. Nevertheless its ancient boundaries
were not quite forgotten even in the time of Pau-
sanias, from whom it appears, that to the north they
were conterminous with those of Epidaurus 2.
The words of Pausanias, which place Asine next
in the order of his narrative to Didymi³, lead to the
conclusion that the plain of Iri was the principal part
of the territory of Asine, and that the city was placed
on some part of the shore of that district; in favour of
which opinion the remark occurs, that the plain of
Iri, being the largest and most fertile in the Argolic
peninsula, seems naturally to have belonged to the
chief city in this part of the Gulf. On the other hand,
a position in this plain cannot be said to be "near
Nauplia," as Strabo describes Asine. Such a defini-
tion is more suitable to Tolón, than to any other place
on the coast in question. Tolón is, equally with Iri,
1 Pausan. Corinth. 36, 5 (4).
CL π
Pausan. Corinth. 28, 2.
* Τὸ δὲ ἐντεῦθέν ἐστιν ᾿Αργείων ἡ ποτὲ ᾿Ασίνη καλουμένη καὶ
'Aoirne Eσrir Eρeimia ènì Oaλáσon. Pausan. Corinth. 36, 5 (4).
4 Οἱ δὲ ἐκ τῆς ᾿Ασίνης (καὶ αὐτὴ δὲ κώμη τῆς ᾿Αργείας πλησίον
Ναυπλίας) εἰς τὴν Μεσσηνίαν μετωκίσθησαν, ἐν ᾗ ἐστιν ὁμώνυμος
τῇ ᾿Αργολικῇ 'Ασίνη πολίχνη. Strabo, p. 373.
is
U 2
292
ASINE.
situated on the borders of a fertile plain, and here
a peninsular maritime height retains some Hellenic
remains. And this position, moreover, is better
adapted than that of Iri to the words of Homer
regarding Asine, for it is similar to that of Her-
mione, being equally in a gulf formed on one side
by islands; and on the other, by the main land
of the Argolic Acte'. At Tolón, therefore, I am
still inclined to place Asine; for although the great
distance between Dhídhyma and Tolón is hardly
consistent with the simple ἐντεῦθέν ἐστιν, with which
Pausanias connects Didymi and Asine, his proceed-
ing immediately from Asine to Lerna, Temenium,
and Nauplia, accords on the other hand with the
proximity of Tolón to those well-known places, and
favours the supposition that Asine was near the
bottom of the Argolic Gulf.
The French geographers, however, have not placed
Asine either at Iri or at Tolón, but at Kándia, a
village situated between them, where they found
some ancient remains above the village, and at a
mile's distance from it towards Iri, above some
marshes adjacent to the sea shore, the ruins of a
temple and of two sacella; the temple they sup-
posed to have been that of Apollo Pythaeus. The
1
Ερμιόνην, Ασίνην τε, βαθὺν κατὰ κόλπον ἐχούσας.
II. B. 560.
Homer could not have intended to say that Hermione and
Asine were situated in one and the same Gulf. He knew the
geography of Greece too well for that; but Strabo, whose con-
ception of the shape of the Peloponnesus was very imperfect, hast
so interpreted the poet, for he makes the Hermionic Gulf extend
from Asine to Trozen, both included (p. 369).
2
Boblaye, Rech. Géogr. p. 51.
EIRE.
293
objection to Kándia for the site of Asine is, that
it is not on the sea shore, as Pausanias states
Asine to have been; and which he repeats by saying
that the Messenian Asine, whither the Asinai of
Argolis migrated, after the destruction of their city
by the Argives, "was situated on the sea side in the
same manner as Asine in Argolis'." In fact, the
castle of Koróni and the Paleókastro of Tolón, are
precisely similar as peninsular maritime hills-a cir-
cumstance which confirms the location of the Mes-
senian as well as of the Argolic Asine, the situation
of the former having for a long time been a difficult
question of comparative geography, no less than that
of the latter.
Kándia and Iri appear rather to have been the
districts of two of those towns of the Argolic Acte,
unnamed in history, the former existence of which
is attested by their remains. The fortress which
commanded the ancient district of Kándia was on
the height above that village, and that to which the
territory of Iri belonged, was on the summit of a
mountain which rises from the right bank of the
river of Iri or Bedéni, six geographical miles in
direct distance from its mouth. The latter may
have been a subordinate town of the Epidauria, and
in this manner we may explain the statement of
Scylax, that a portion of the shore of the Argolic
Gulf, 30 stades in length, belonged to the district of
Epidaurus². Iri (Eipn) was an ancient name occurring
1
· Κεῖται δὲ ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ καὶ αὐτὴ κατὰ τὰ αὐτὰ τῇ πότε ἐν
μοίρᾳ τῇ ᾿Αργολίδι 'Ασίνη. (Messen. 34, 7.)
* Η Επίδαυρος δὲ χώρα μετά "Αργος. καθήκει γὰρ εἰς τὸν
294
ISLANDS IRINE AND EPHYRE.
in Messenia and other parts of Greece, and is the more
likely to have been the name of the town or fortress,
which stood on the mountain above Avgó and Iri,
as we find in Pliny, that one of the islands adjacent
to this coast was named Irine', i. e. Eipuvi vñoos,
the island belonging to Eion. This supposition would
identify Irine with the island now called Ypsilí.
If these conjectures have any foundation, it is
probable that Spétzia is the ancient Ephyre. It is
true there is a fourth island, Dhaskalió, which, toge-
ther with Platyá and Ypsilí, may have formed the
three islands of the Argolic Gulf named by Pliny;
but it seems more likely that Dhaskalió, divided
only as it is from the main land by a narrow strait,
should have been overlooked by Pliny, or those
from whom he derived his information, than the
large and conspicuous island Spétzia.
VOL. ii. p. 485.
Notwithstanding the dissent of both French and
German geographers, I am still disposed to place
Thyrea at Luku. Two ancient names are still pre-
served on this part of the Laco-Argive coast, Tyró
κόλπον τοῦτον στάδια λ'. Μετὰ δὲ τὴν Ἐπιδαύρειαν χώραν Αλία
kai λiµýr. Scyl. Perip. p. 43, Gronov.-The other places
follow in their proper order, namely, Hermione, Scyllæum,
Trazen, Egina, and μετὰ δὲ Τροιζηνίαν πόλις Επίδαυρος καὶ
λιμήν.
1
In Argolico (sinu), Pityusa, Irine, Ephyrc. Plin. H. N. 12
(19).
BRASEE-ASTRUM-THYREA.
295
(Tupòs) and Astró ('Aorpóv). Of the former place we
know only that it was a town of Laconia '; but this
fact, combined with the modern name, leaves little
doubt that the Hellenic ruins found on the southern
cape of the bay of Tyró, are those of Tyrus, and
not of Braseæ, as the French geographers have sup-
posed. Braseæ, having been adjacent to the Argive
frontier, is to be placed further to the north. Indeed,
there can be no question, that the Hellenic ruins at
St. Andrew (Ai Andhréa), at the southern extremity
of the Ovpεárnс кóλяоç, or bay of Astró, are those
of Brasea; Ptolemy having placed the boundary of
Argeia and Laconia between Astrum and Braseæ²;
Astrum still preserving its ancient name, and the
Thyreatis in the time of Pausanias and Ptolemy
having been a part of the Argeia. The marsh of
Mostó, which reaches from the mountains nearly to
the sea, formed, as I before remarked, a natural
boundary between the two districts: the whole plain,
therefore, which extends from thence to the foot of
Mount Závitza, belonged to the Thyreatis; and this
agrees perfectly with Pausanias, who describes the
plain of Thyrea as fertile, and fitted to the growth of
olives; as occurring immediately southward of the
maritime pass, anciently called Anigræa, which was
at the foot of Mount Závitza, and as extending to
the left to the sea, and inland to the city Thyrea:
Ἔστι καὶ Τύρος τῆς Λακωνικῆς. Stephanus in v., who may
have been mistaken in accenting this Túpos and the Phoenician
in the same manner.
3
2 Ptolem. 3, 16.
Απόβαθμοι . . . . ἐντεῦθεν διελθοῦσιν Ανιγραῖα καλου-
μένα ὁδὸν καὶ στενὴν καὶ ἄλλως δύσβατον, ἔστιν ἐν ἀριστερᾷ μὲν
296
THYREA.
all these can scarcely be made to accord with any
other supposition than that of the ruins at Luku being
those of Thyrea. Astrum appears to have been the
maritime fortress, unnamed by Thucydides, in the
building of which the Ægineta were interrupted by
the Athenians in the eighth year of the Peloponnesian
war, and from whence they retreated into Thyrea, on
being attacked by the Athenians'. The ancient posi-
tion at Ellinikó accords equally with Anthene, this
having been the first town, according to Pausanias,
which the traveller arrived at in proceeding from
Thyrea to Sparta, over Mount Parnon. The distance
of Luku from the sea, which is treble the ten stades.
of Thucydides, is undoubtedly a strong objection to
that place as the site of Thyrea; but we know that
the distances in the text of Thucydides, although
generally, are not always correct.
VOL. ii. p. 486.
The French map differs from my observations as
to the lower course of the river of Luku, which
instead of joining the sea, as I have represented it,
between Astró and Ai Andhréa, a little to the
northward of the discharge of the marsh of Mostó,
is made in that map to flow into the sea, to the
northward of the promontory of Astró, in which
part of the plain I crossed only a small stream
καθήκουσα ἐπὶ θάλασσαν καὶ δένδρα, ἐλαίας μάλιστα, ἀγαθὴ
τρέφειν γῆ· ἰόντι δὲ ἄνω πρὸς τὴν ἤπειρον Θυρέα χωρίον ἐστὶν,
Evoα dù éμaxéσavro, &c. Pausan. Corinth. 38, 4.
ἔνθα ἐμαχέσαντο,
1.
¹. Thucyd. 4, 57.
ROAD FROM ARGOS TO SPARTA.
297
flowing from a marsh at the foot of Mount Závitza.
I could not have been mistaken as to the course of
the river of Luku through the plain, having observed
it from the summits of the hills of Astró and Ai
Andhréa, and having crossed it between Astró and
the Kalyvia of Ai Ianni. Nor can I doubt the
accuracy of the French Surveyors. I conclude,
therefore, that the river of Luku since my visit to
the Thyreatis, has been turned into the northern
bay, for the sake of saving the fertile plain below
the Kaly'via of Ai Ianni and Meligú, from the occa-
sional ravages of this torrent in the winter.
In fact,
Mr. Boblaye remarks, "Au sud (d'Astrós) on
voit l'ancien lit du torrent, qui se jette aujourd'hui
au nord du rocher "
VOL. ii. p. 492.
On the road from Luku across Mount Závitza to
Lerna and Argos, are two Hellenic sites with ruins;
they occur between Luku and the plain of Kivéri :
one on the ascent of the mountain from Luku,
which appears to have been a mere fortress, the
other in the valley of the river of Kivéri, about two-
thirds of the distance from Andrítzena to Kivéri.
These two ancient positions mark the direction of
the ancient route from Thyrea to Argos, and traces
of the road itself were observed by the French Com-
mission. M. Boblaye remarks, "Les rochers ont
été taillés en plusieurs endroits, et au sommet de la
1
¹ P. 68.
298
ANTHENE NERIS-HERMÆ.
montée on trouve un petit plateau artificiel¹;" the
platform perhaps of a temple. The route from Argos
to Sparta by Thyrea coincided, or very nearly so, with
the modern road by Luku, Ai Ianni, and Aios Petros,
passing at the foot of the hill of Anthene, now
Ellinikó, leaving a little on the left the remains of
Neris at Oriás-to-Kastro, near Xerokambí, and enter-
ing the ancient Caryatis, near Arákhova. Between
Aios Petros, therefore, and Arákhova, the French
geographers seem to have justly supposed the Herma,
which marked the junction of the Tegeatic, Laconic,
and Argive boundaries to have stood; for under the
Roman emperors Cynuria belonged to the Argeia,
and the Caryatis to Laconia. At about two miles.
to the south of Aios Petros, the French Surveyors
discovered some tumuli, on the ridge which sepa-
rates the waters of the river of Luku, of the Saranda,
and of the Kelefína²; or in other words of the
Tanus, the Alpheius, and the Enus, of which the
first flows to the eastern coast of the Peloponnesus,
the second to the western, and the third to the
southern. Near this place probably were the Herma,
and from thence, therefore, we are to endeavour to
trace the continuation of the road from Argos to
Sparta, which led through Sellasia, leaving Carya on
the right.
VOL. ii. p. 496, (line 15 et seq.)
These topographical remarks, resting only upon
oral information, could not pretend to be anything
¹ Recherches Géogr. sur les Ruines de la Morée, p. 66.
2 Ibid. p. 67.
TYRUS.
299
better than an approximation. I now learn from
the French map, that Fakhinó or Fokianó, instead
of two is four or five hours below Kunúpia, and that
Fokianó and Kyparíssia do not form equal intervals
between Lenídhi and Porto Iéraka; the distance
between Kyparíssia and Iéraka being much greater
than the others. Instead of there being neither
plain nor harbour at Lenídhi there are both, though
the latter is not good, and is situated three miles to
the south-east of the village of Lenídhi.
Dyrós or Tyrós, though accented differently, is
doubtless the ancient Τύρος της Λακωνικῆς mentioned
by Stephanus. Considerable remains of the ancient
town are found on the southern cape of the bay of
Tyró; from whence, in times of insecurity, the
people may have migrated to the present village,
which is situated at the inner extremity of the
plain two miles from the shore. The village of
Lenídhi is similarly situated relatively to the ancient
site, of which it possesses the territory.
Mr. Finlay visited Lenídhi and Tyró in the year
1829. He thus describes them: "Lenídhi contains
about 600 houses, which are good and large, and is
situated in a rich narrow valley about 2 hour from
the sea-shore it has no port, but there is a custom-
house at a bad landing-place to which boats resort
in summer. There is a large torrent-bed, over which
is a bridge of three arches with remains of two other
arches which the torrent has washed away: there is
water in this torrent only after the rains. Lenídhi
was not destroyed by the Arabs ¹, who never reached
At the Dogana there is a rocky mountain which
it.
1
1
The Egyptian troops of Ibrahim Pasha,
300
CYPHANTA.
approaches the shore: at its base are remains of an
ancient building converted into a church, now also
in ruins, and called A'ghios Leonídhas. Above this
are considerable remains of an ancient city. Nu-
merous terraces may be traced, and four courses of
masonry are in some places to be seen in the wall
towards Lenídhi. The site is excessively rugged.
On a peak there is a square tower of rude Cyclopian
masonry, in which some of the stones seem to have
been roughly formed to fit the others. The largest
stone is 7 feet 10 inches by 3 feet. High above this
are considerable remains of a modern fortress: ruins
of several houses and churches and of the walls yet
remain. Some foundations seem to indicate the
site of an ancient tower or temple, but the fortress
appears to be of the middle ages, repaired by the
Venetians. It is called Aghios Athanásios."
From Lenídhi Mr. Finlay proceeded by the vil-
lages of Melanó and Katíforo to the bay of Tyró:
"24 minutes below Katíforo are the ruins of a
church, and on the right a hill advancing towards
the sea and forming a promontory, on which are
remains of a considerable fortress. The walls of the
Acropolis are in good preservation: two or three
hundred feet of wall, looking towards the Gulf of
Argos, is still from six to ten feet high, with three
towers. The masonry is of the polygonal style, but
the stones are not very large. Various foundations
may be observed both within and without the walls:
30 minutes across the plain is the village of Tyró.”
Pausanias names no more than two towns of the
Eleuthero-lacones on the coast between Epidaurus
Limera, now Paleá Monemvasía, and Braseæ, now
Ai Andhrea; namely, Zarax and Cyphanta. There
CYPHANTA.
301
can be no doubt that Zarax was at Porto Iéraka:
and assuming that the ruins at Tyró are sufficiently
identified by the modern name, there remains only
one intermediate place, namely, the port of Lenídhi,
where exist vestiges of a Hellenic city, such as will
justify us in identifying it with Cyphanta, which,
from the notice of it taken by Polybius, Pliny, and
Ptolemy, as well as Pausanias, seems evidently to
have been once the principal town on this part of
the Laconic coast, although it was a ruin in the time
of Pausanias. The fortress of St. Athanasius, which
is situated on a height above the port of Lenídhi,
at the direct distance of two geographical miles to the
south-east of that village, is exactly ten stades inland
from the port: to this position, therefore, it is pro-
bable that Pausanias alludes, in stating the distance
of Cyphanta from the sea; although other Hellenic
remains are observable below this summit towards
the Dogana, and others, belonging probably to some
dependent kun of Cyphanta towards the southern
extremity of the bay of Lenídhi.
I must admit that the distance of Cyphanta from
Braseæ, as given by Pausanias, namely, 200 stades,
will not agree very correctly with the assumed
position of Cyphanta, near Lenídhi, the real distance
between the two places being no more than 16
geographical miles, or 160 stades: but the computa-
tions of long distances made by Pausanias, in round
numbers, are generally found to be in excess. Thus
the distance between Geronthræ and Marius stated
by him at 100 stades, is no more than 60 in a direct
line. As to the interval which his text gives
between Cyphanta and Zarax, namely six stades, it
302
RIVER TANUS.
is obviously quite erroneous, such a proximity of two
cities in a country of small resources, and in which
they were generally far apart, being quite incon-
ceivable. The direct distance between Lenídhi and
Iéraka is 22 geographical miles, or 220 stades.
VOL. ii. p. 498.
I have here identified the river Kani with the
Tanus; but the following considerations now induce
me to believe that the Tanus was the river upon
the right bank of which Luku is situated. Pausanias
describes the Tanus as the only river, which descend-
ing from Mount Parnon, flows through the Argeia
to the Thyreatic gulf'; by the Argeia, meaning the
Cynuria, which in his time formed a part of the
Argive territory 2. It is true that the Kani has its
origin in Mount Parnon, not less than the Luku,
and that all the eastern side of Parnon was in
Cynuria; but then if the ruins at Ai Andhréa be
those of Braseæ, an Eleuthero-Laconic city, and if
the boundary between its territory and that of
Thyrea was at the marsh of Mostó³, it is evident
that none but the higher tributaries of the Kani
1 Ανατείνει δὲ ὑπὲρ τὰς κώμας (Cynuria, sc.) ὄρος Πάρνων,
καὶ Λακεδαιμονίων ἐπ' αὐτοῦ πρὸς 'Αργείους ὅροι καὶ Τεγεάτας
εἰσίν· ἑστήκασι δὲ ἐπὶ τοῖς ὅροις Ερμαῖ λίθου· καὶ τοῦ χωρίου
τὸ ὄνομά ἐστιν ἀπ' αὐτῶν. Ποταμὸς δὲ καλούμενος Τάνος εἷς
γὰρ δὴ οὗτος ἐκ τοῦ Πάρνωνος κάτεισι ῥέων διὰ τῆς ᾿Αργείας
καὶ ἐκδίδωσιν ἐς τὸν Θυρεάτην κόλπον. Corinth. 38, 7.
2 ἐπ᾿ ἐμοῦ τὴν Θυρεᾶτιν ἐνέμοντο 'Αργεῖοι. Corinth. 38, 5.
Travels in Moréa, ii. p. 484.
RIVER TANUS.
303
were in Cynuria, and that after the union of its
branches, its course was through Laconia. Nor does
it rise near the Herma of the triple frontier, which
stood, as already hinted, between St. Peter's and
Arákhova, but on the eastern side of Mount Parnon.
On the other hand, supposing the river of Luku to
have been the Tanus, Luku to have been Thyrea, and
the Argive territory intended by Pausanias to have
been Cynuria, of which the Thyreatis was the most
important part, his description of the course of
the Tanus was correct and appropriate. The only
author who mentions the Tanus besides Pausanias
is Euripides, according to whom the rpópos of the
father of Electra fed his flocks on the banks of the
Tanus, which divided the Argeian from the Spar-
tiatic land¹. In this description of the Tanus,
Euripides probably applied the circumstances of his
own times to his fable, without regard to con-
sistency, as dramatists often do: for although, in
his time, the Cynurii were subject to the Lacedæ-
monians, and the river may have afforded a con-
venient boundary between Argolis and Laconia, they
were independent and allied with Argos at the time
to which the tragedy refers: and it was this ancient
condition of the district that furnished the Roman
emperors with a reason for annexing Cynuria to
Argos.
1 Ελθ᾽ ὡς παλαιὸν τρόφον ἐμοῦ φίλου πατρός,
Ὃς ἀμφὶ ποταμὸν Τανὸν ᾿Αργείας όρους
Τέμνοντα γαίας Σπαρτιάτιδος τε γῆς,
Ποίμναις ὁμαρτεῖ πόλεως ἐκβεβλημένος.
Eurip. Elect. v. 409.
304
THE TZAKONIC DIALECT.
VOL. ii. p. 505.
ON THE TZAKONIC DIALECT.
Mr. Finlay informs me that he found the Tzakonie
dialect spoken at Kunúpia, a village of fifty houses,
situated about ten miles to the south of Lenídhi,
and that this is the southernmost limit of the
dialect. Possibly my informants on the Tzakonic
dialect, when they named Prastó as the southern
limit, intended to include Kunúpia as well as some
smaller villages which lie between it and Prastó,
among the dependencies of the latter. The extent
of Tzakoniá will thus be about twenty-five miles in
length, and twelve in breadth. The most curious
among the numerous monasteries of this district,
according to Mr. Finlay, who twice visited it, is
Zinka, or St. Nicolas, built "like Magaspílio, near
Kalávryta, in a great cavern, but more completely
covered by the advancing rock." Zinka stands in
the ravine of the river of Lenídhi, about three miles
above that town.
My short notes on the Tzakonic dialect were
derived in the course of a single evening, from a
Bishop and a Proestós, neither of whom, from
their station in life, were likely to employ, very
frequently, this rustic speech, nor was their scho-
larship such as qualified them to point out the
exact peculiarities which distinguish it from the
common Romaic. We are under great obligations,
therefore, to Dr. Frederick Thiersch, of Munich,
who, during his residence in Greece, bestowed great
THE TZAKONIC DIALECT.
305
attention on this inquiry; and who, not satisfied
with the information to be obtained from the
educated class in the towns of this part of Greece,
resorted to the shepherds and cultivators of Kas-
tánitza, Sítena, and Korakovúni'. Having thus col-
lected the sounds of the dialect, and written them in
Romaic, he examined its grammatical rules and its
other peculiarities; and on the 3rd November, 1832,
communicated the result of his inquiries to the first
class of the Royal Academy of Sciences at Munich,
in whose Transactions the dissertation was pub-
lished. As a supplement, therefore, to my own
slender remarks on the Tzakonic, or rather as entirely
superseding them, I here subjoin an extract of the
more important part of M. Thiersch's paper, which is
entitled "Ueber die Sprache der Zaconen," (4to,
68 pp.2) but must refer to the original for the greater
part of the author's ingenious speculations on this
curious subject.
1
But even these places, it seems, have differences of dialect
among themselves. Thus, the people of Kastánitza and Sítena
pronounce the λ in Νικόλαο, θέλου, νὰ λάβωμεν ; those of Prasto
elide it, Νικόα, Θέου, νὰ ἄβωμε. The former pronounce the t of
the aorist subj. like τ, ἐὰν νατοῦ, ἐὰν ὁρατοῦ: the Prastiotes ἐὰν
ναθοῦ, ἐὰν ὁραθοῦ. The former employ for father ζούρι (κύριος),
and for mother, the Sclavonic mati, neither of which words is in
use among the Prastiotes.-Ueber die Sprache der Zaconen,
p. 572.
2 It has been carefully translated for me in extenso by Mr.
Walter Kelly.
X
306
THE TZAKONIC DIALECT.
§ 1. Of the Vowels.
1. The following employments of vowels are characteris-
tic of the Tzakonic:
A the Doric, e. g. & instead of ἡ: ἡ χώρα the village, 'ς τὰν
χώραν in the village, σάμερε, ἐτάκατε, σήμερον, ἐστή-
κατε, ἡ φωνὰ, & ψιούχα ψυχή, ὁ γνώνη γνώμη, and
the like.
E for Y in δενούμενε δυνάμενος.
I for E, κρίε κρέας, ἐννία ἐννέα, (compare the Laconic
ὑμνίωμες, Arist. Lysistr. 1305, for ὑμνέωμεν,) and con-
trariwise εκάνου κάνω.
ΟΥ for Y, παραθούρα, τρούπα, γουναῖκα, κούα κύων, (com-
pare the Homeric ειλήλουθα for ελήλυθα,) and with
preceding the sound when it occurs immediately before
or after several consonants: νιοῦτα νύκτα, κτιουπου
κτυπῶ, ψιούχα ψυχή.
ΟΥ for Ο and Ω, στοῦμα στόμα, (compare the Latin
mummus and numerus with νόμος,) στροῦμα στρώμα,
γράφου γράφω, but not οὖνο for ὄνο, i. e. ὄνος.
Compare νούσος and πόνος (not ποῦνος) in Homer,
and where O was used instead of E, e. g. & ζουφάλα,
κεφαλή, and ἁ ζουφά; compare Kopf (German).
The omission of the initial O, as víxa övvxa, which is
not to be regarded as a corruption but as original, as
appears on comparing ὄνυξ with νύσσω.
α
§ 2. Of the Consonants.
With respect to the consonants, we have to notice the
thickening of the sibilant sounds, their encroachment on
the range of the letter P, and the interchange, softening,
and elision of individual sounds.
1. The thickening of Σ and T into sibilants:
a) of Σ into ΣΧ, πάσχα πᾶσα, πόσχι πόσις.
b) of e into ΘΣΧ, ἔνθσχε ἔνθεν ; and of T into ΤΣΧ
e. g. τσχὶ τί. Compare the ancient Laconic Ασα-
ναίους, Ασάνα, ἤνσει, παρσένε, σηροκτόνε, i. e
THE TZAKONIC DIALECT.
307
Αθηναίους, Αθήνη, ήνθει, παρθένε, θηροκτόνε,
ἀγαθοὺς, in Aristoph. Lysistr. 1300 seq.
2. The encroachment of these sounds on the range of
others, and in consequence,
a) the use of
Ζ for I, ζοιας ποίας; e. g. ἀπὸ ζοιᾶς παρίου
ζαμεν,
whence comest thou? và Lauer, the
modern Greek νὰ πᾶμεν (ὑπάγωμεν).
for B, φοζούμενε φοβούμενος.
for K, before E, I, ΟΥ ; γουναῖκα pl. γουναῖζε
and γουναζι, ὡρακα 2nd pers. ὡράζερε,
ζέ for και, anciently re and originally κί,
ζουφά κεφάλη, ζούμε (from ζούριε)
κύριος.
for Γ, νὰ φύζουμεν, modern Greek να φύγω-
μεν.
for Θ, ζεῖος θεῖος an uncle. (Ital. il zio.)
b) the use of
ΣΧ for P after T, Δ, Θ : τσχί τσχία τρεῖς τρία,
βότσχν βότρυς, βότσχε βότρυες,
dimin. βότσχια, σχοῦε δρύες, ἄθσχοι-
πο (for ἄθσχουπο) ἄνθρωπος, τσχίχα
τρίχα.
3. The exchange of letters partly softening the forms:
the letters exchanged are,
κιάνω
K for Π, κεινοῦ πεινῶ and κίνου πίνω,
Κ
modern Greek πιάνω I seize, ὁκοῖα ὁποία
for Tov where.
Ο
for N, θυμούκου θυμόνω, where both K and N
are what the German grammarians call
Umlaute, (K as in the word Græci com-
pared with Γραιοί,) υποχρεούχου moder
Greek ὑποχρεόνω.
for T, κιμοῦ τιμῶ, χαιρεκίζου χαιρετίζω.
T for K, ἔτεινου ἐκείνου, δάττυλο δάκτυλος, which
is to be considered as a softening of the
ΚΤ
x 2
308
THE TZAKONIC DIALECT.
P for A, γροῦσσα γλῶσσα, κρέφου κλέπτω
(κλέφω), the primitive form of the verb
having remained in use.
4. The elision of letters, viz., of B, Δ, Λ, Μ, Ν, Σ, be-
tween vowels : B in προύατα πρόβατα, Δ in πουα πόδα,
δίου δίδω κ. ε. δίδωμι, Λ' in θέου θέλω, Νικόα Νικόλαος,
χεῖα χείλεα, θάσσα (i. e. θάασσα) θάλασσα, ζέα i. e. ζέλλα
(cella), M in τσχέου τρέμω, N in κουε κύνες, Σ in ἀγα-
ποῖα ἀγαποῦσα, διδοῦα διδοῦσα. Compare (Aristoph.
Lysistr. 1247 et seq.) the ancient Laconic ἅρμαον for
ὅρμησον, κλέωα κλέουσα, θυρσαδδωᾶν καὶ παιδδωᾶν
θυρσαζουσάων καὶ παιζουσάων, likewise ἐκλιπῶα
ἐκλιποῦσα, Μῶα Μοῦσα, which in Tzakonic is ἐκλιπονα
Μονα. Σ is elided in τοῦμα στόμα, ἐτάκατε ἑστήκατε,
and at the end of cases and of persons of verbs, του νόμου
τοὺς νόμους, πουε πόδες, γράψομε δράκο με γράψομες,
ὡράκαμες. Compare ἅμμε and ὕμμε in Epic for ἅμμες
ὕμμες.
5. The softening of the sound by the omission of K,
νιοῦτα νύκτα, by changing, where p occurs twice, the first p
into γ, ἀγορα ἄρουρα,—by omitting v before θ in ἀθρῶπο
ἄνθρωπος,—Σ in ζία σκιά, where K has also become Z.-
by transposition and conversion of the tenuis into the media
in ἁβράγου ἁρπάζω. We have likewise the elision of the
paragogic syllables in τὸ γά for γάλα, ζουφά for ζουφάλα
κεφαλή, τσχου (not ταχούγου) τρώγω, and of the first
syllable: ὄντα i. e. οδόντα for ὀδών, likewise of the ter
mination ka of the perfect when preceded by a, åßçã for
ἁβρακα from ἁβράγου. Compare the Epic δῶ for δῶμα,
κρι for κριθή, the former occurring even in the plural,
χρύσεα δῶ, Hes. E. 933 ; ἄλφι for ἄλφιτα, Hymn Δ. 209 ;
γλαφύ for γλαφυρόν, Hes. Ε. 503.
§ 3. Declensions.
1. In the terminations of words we remark,
α) in the first declension the antique A for ΗΣ, προ-
THE TZAKONIC DIALECT.
309
φῆρα, πολίτα for προφήρης, πολίτης, like the
epic ἱππότα, ἱππηλάτα, ἀκακῆτα, πύτα,
which the rhythm, and νεφεληγερέτα Ζεὺς
which usage and euphony preserved from the
changes of a later period; also like the Latin
poeta, propheta.
2. In the second declension the open O or E takes the
place of os, e. g. ὁ νόμο, ὁ ὄνο, σοφό, κακό, but ὁ χορέ
instead of ὁ χορός, ὁ ἐχθρέ, ὁ οὐρανέ, not καλέ, σοφέ, these
being vocatives of this form, but again ὁ ἥλιε, a diversity
very deserving of attention.
α
3. The third declension presents in the nominative either
the full form of the more late genitive ὁ μηνός for ὁ μήν,
which manifestly originated in the expansion of the nomi-
native by the insertion of o into ὁ μηνς ; or the nominative
has the usual form of the accusative & χέρα, ὁ πούα, i. e.
ὁ πόδα, ὁ γουναῖκα, ἡ νιοῦτα i. e. ἡ νύκτα, a peculiarity
which this language possesses in common with modern
Greek. Besides, there are undeveloped terminations in
κρίε κρέας, κοτε κύων.
§ 4. The formation of the Plural.
In the formation of the plural the Tzakonic language fol-
lows in part the common mode, e. . ἡ χώρα, pl. αἱ χῶραι,
πολῖτα πολῖται, νόμο νόμοι, ἀθσχοῖπο ἀθσχοῖποι ; in part
it has E instead of ΕΣ, πουα πουε, χέρα χέρε, ἡ γουναῖκα,
αἱ γουναῖζε, or I, ὁ μηνός, pl. οἱ μήνι, perhaps from μήνιε.
ע
1. The same simplicity prevails in the formation of
cases: χώρα and πολῖτα are indeclinable, except as to the
acc. τὴν χώραν, τὸν πολίταν, where, however, the v is
sounded very faintly, except in the article róv: the same
is the case in the plural; αἱ χώραι and οἱ πολῖται are
wholly indeclinable.
2. The second declension is more developed :
Sing. N. ὁ νόμο
G. του νόμου
D. τῷ νόμῳ
Α. τὸ νόμο
Ρ. Ν. οἱ νόμοι
G. τοῦ νόμου
D..
Α. του νόμου
310
THE TZAKONIC DIALECT.
Σ and N, however, are cut off, as we see, and the dative
plural is wanting.
3. Third declension. Forms of ó unvóc and ȧ yovvaika:
Sing. N. ὁ μηνός
G. τοῦ μηνέ
D. τῷ μηνί
Α. τὸν μῆνα
Sing. N. & γουναῖκα
G. τα γουναῖζε
D. τα γουναζι
Α. τὴν γυναῖκα
ι
Pl. N. oi unvi
G. τοῦ μηνέ
D..
Α. του μηνέ
Pl. N. ai yovvaïse
G. τοῦ γουναῖζε
D..
Α. τοὺ γουναῖζε
기
​4. We see that ɛ in both forms appears as the charac-
teristic vowel, in the sing. of the gen. case, in the plur. of
both gen. and acc., and that is the characteristic vowel of
the dative. But there are not wanting instances of geni-
tives in o, e. g. rò άoxi the star, gen. тov άoxio. The
appearance of οἱ μήνι instead of οἱ μήνιε from ὁ μηνός
points to an analogy evident also in aox (§ 5). The
article in του γουναῖζε not τὰ (for τὰς) γουναῖζε is not
a solitary instance of this use of the masculine form; the
expressions οἱ γουναῖζε, οἱ χώραι are also allowable. The
presence of the dative, which is discoverable in the sin-
gular at least, is deserving of note, since every trace of
that case has utterly disappeared from modern Greek.
5. For the comparison of adjectives there is only the
comparative in -τερε: κακό κακούτερε, but καλέ καλήτερε;
κουβανο, black, κουβανού τερε; ἀσχέ, big, ἀσχίτερε.
§ 5. Lexicology.
1. The vocables are often in accordance with modern
Greek, but more frequently they coincide with the or-
thography of ancient Greek, and even exhibit forms which
have totally disappeared from common use, and analogies.
pointing far beyond the range of all written Greek. The
number of words too is not inconsiderable, the roots of
THE TZAKONIC DIALECT.
311
which are not to be found in Greek, but are met with, not
wholly but in part, in its kindred tongues. Of this the
following lists will afford proofs:
2. Α.
᾿Αβουτάνα, plur. ἀβουτᾶνε τὰ οὔατα, Hom. Αγουρα
ἄρουρα. σχέ, big, identical doubtless with αδρός,
thick, grown out. ᾿Αθσχοῖπο, ἄνθρωπος, man (vir), ἀθρωπο,
man (homo), e. g. ταχί ἀθρῶποι ἔννι τάσου; ἀθσχοῖποι, ἢ
yovvaïle; what sort of people are within? men, or women?
γουναῖκε
"Aï with elision of A and A for λádi, modern Greek, i. e.
ἐλάδιον for ἐλαΐδιον, dimin. of ἔλαιον. Αψηλό quick, com-
pare the Homeric αἶψα, and with a view to the analogy
ὑψηλός from ὕψι. Ταργά τὰ ἀργά late. Αρουχα
ἡ λάρυγξ. Αριστο τὸ ἄριστον the meal of noon. Ασχι
gen. τοῦ ἄσχιο, dat. τῷ ἄσχι, plur. τὰ ἄσχα ἄστρα: passing
into the second declension τοῦ ἄσχου and τῷ ἄσχου.
3. E, I, O, Y.
اد
Απάνου ἀπάνω, ἔνθσχε ἔνθεν, ἐπαίζου, παίζου ἐπ-
αΐσσω, e. g. παῖζ ὁ ἥλιε the sun rises. Επέρυ ἐχθές.
Compare πέρυσι and likewise τατσιπέρυ (τὰ ἀπὸ ἐπέρυ
προχθές. Ἔριφο ἔριφος, Ἴδρουτα ίδρως, plur. ἴδρουτε.
Ὄνο ὄνος—ὄντα (ὀδόντα) ὀδών, gen. τοῦ ὄντα, plur. οἱ
ὄντε, τοῦ ὄντε, and with an enthetic P, το ρόντε (. e.
τοῦ-ρ-ὄντε) τῶν ὀδόντων.—ο water: compare ο. τὸ
νον.
4. II, B, P.
Πάσχα, πασχα, πάσχου, πᾶς, πᾶσα πᾶν.—πέτυχα πέ-
τρα. Πάρε πόρος (thoroughfare) door. Πότσχι πόσις.
Πουα πους, τοῦ πουα, τῷ ποῦα, τὸ ποῦα, plur. οἱ ποῦε,
τοῦ πουε, acc. του πουε. Προύατα πρόβατα. Βότσχε
βότρυς, τοῦ βότσχε, plur. οἱ βότσχοι, gen. τοῦ βότσχου.
ὁ βοῦ ὁ βοῦς, τοῦ βοῦ, τῷ βοῦ, plur. οἱ βουε, τοῦ βοε.
ὁ βρέχο (i. e. ὁ βρέχος) ἡ βροχή. Βυζία, also modern
Greek, μαστοί, from βύω, βύζω I fill.
312
THE TZAKONIC DIALECT.
5. Κ, Γ, Χ.
Κάψα heat, from κάω, and from the same root & κάρα
fire. Κουε κύων. Γά γάλα. Γιδι i. e. γίδιον, modern
Greek for αιγιδίον from αξ. Τὸ γοῦνα the knee, του
γουνα, plur. τὰ γοῦνε and τὰ γούνατα, gen. τοῦ γοῦνε.
Χάζι (quasi χάζιον, dimin. with elision of λα) χάλαζα.
6. Τ, Δ, Ε, Ζ, Σ.
Τᾶνο τῆνος for ἐκεῖνος. Τάνου in ἀπὸ τάνου from there.
Τάχα in τὰ σύνταχα, i. e. πρωΐ and ταχία for ταχέα
Δενούμενε δυνάμενος, δίου δίδωμι, θᾶσσα θάλασσα.
Θύου θύω I slay. Θεουροῦ θεωρῶ, θοῦρα and παραθοῦρα
modern Gr. παραθύριον the window. Τσχιχα θρίξ, plur.
αἱ τσίχε. Ζεῖε ὁ θεῖος. Ζία σκιά. Σανεία σανίδες.
Ζούρι, father, properly lord, master, ζούριος, or rather
ζούριε, i. e. κύριος.
7. Now whereas the foregoing words, however widely
they may differ from their primitive type, may be traced,
by no ambiguous analogies, to Greek roots, no indication
of the following is to be discovered, at least with any cer-
tainty, in the Hellenic language.
8. A, O.
᾿Αθὶ ἀδελφός, θνιά ἀδελφή. Ανθε ἄρτος. "Ατζε
salt (perhaps ἅλς). "Αρτυμα cheese. "Ογχυμα α garment
(perhaps ἔνδυμα), ἔταρα now (perhaps ἐν τῇ ὥρᾳ). Ομη-
ρήκου εὑρίσκω (perhaps ὁμηρέω, Hom. to come in contact
with one, to find him). 'Oyì hither. "Ovvi not. Compare
non and ὄχι, modern Greek.
9. Π, Β, Φ, Ψ.
Πόρεσχε now. Βουλὲ ἀλέκτωρ, perhaps πουλος from
the modern Greek πουλί α bird, as ὄρνις too in ancient
Greek stands for the common domestic fowl. Φούκα the
lower belly. Φθοῦ I roast, φθατέ modern Greek ψητόν.
THE TZAKONIC DIALECT.
313
10. Κ, Τ, Θ, Σ.
Κεῖσι
Κάμσι a boy. Κάλη wood, perhaps from κάω.
κριθόν. Κουβανο black, plur. οἱ κουβᾶνοι, τὰ κουβᾶνα.
Θσχοῦκο the nose : the analogy, however, of this word to
θρόνος is not to be doubted. Σχάθη θυγάτηρ. Σχοίνο
a mountain.
11. N, P.
Νάκου ἀποθνήσκω. Compare the modern Greek
πεθάνω. Ρόκκα α rock or dista.
§ 6. Pronouns.
I
thou
he
Sing. Ν. ἐσού
ἐκιού
G. μί
τί
σί
D. μί
νί
νί
Α. ἐνίου
κίου
σί
Pl. Ν. ἐνύ and ἐμύ
ἐμού
G. νάμου
νιούμου
σού
D. νάμου
νιούμου
σού
Α. ἐμούνανε
ἐμού
Μ.
Ἐκεῖνος.
F.
Ν.
اد
Sing. Ν. ἔτεινερι
ἔτειναϊ
εκεινι
G. ἔτεινου
ἔτειναρι
ἔτινου
D. .
Α. ἔτεινενι
ἔτεινανι
ἔκεινι
1. Ν. ἔτεινονι
ἔτεινε
ἔτειναϊ
G..
D. .
Α. ἔτεινου
314
THE TZAKONIC DIALECT.
D..
M.
Sing. Ν. ἔντερι
G. ἔντου
Ούτος.
F.
Ν.
ار
Ενταϊ
ἔνταρι
έντου
Α. ἔντενι
ἔντανι
ἔγγι
Ρ1. Ν. ἔντεϊ
ἔντεϊ
G. .
D..
Α. ἔντου
3. Τις and vi are τζί and τσές, e. g. τσές ποίον ; what art
thou doing ? and by coalition τσχεμποῖκα for τσχές ἐποῖκα;
what have I done ? διὰ τσεμποίζερένι, i. e. διὰ τί ἐποίησας
αὐτό; why have you done this? ποῖος is ποῖε, ποία: ὅπου is
ὁκοῖα. For ὃς, ἣ are substituted ὅπουε, ὅπουα, analogous
to ὁποῖος, ὁποία, but the place of ὁποῖον is supplied by the
demonstrative ἔτεινερι, e. g. ἔτεινερι ἄθσχοιπο, ἔτεινου τὸ
κάμσχι νιενερίζου (i. e. γνωρίζω), that man whose son
(properly, of that man the son) or boy I know.
§ 7. Numerals.
ἕνα εἷς, νιὰ μία, δούε δύω, ταχί τρεῖς, ταχία τρία,
τέσσερε τέσσαρες . . . . . ἐννία ἐννέα.
§ 8. The substantive verb ειμί.
Present.
Sing. évi
ενι
ἔσι
ἔννι
ΡΙ. ἔμμε
ἔτε
ΐννι
Sing. ἔμα
Pl.
Past.
σα
ἔμμαϊ
ἔταϊ
εκι
ἔγκια
THE TZAKONIC DIALECT.
315
§ 9. Inflection of Verbs.
1. The augment occurs only in the perfect, and is used
without reduplication, e. g. ἐγαμῆκα ; but it thickens Π
into ΜΠ, e. g. ἐμποῖκα I have made, and K into ΓΧ in
κίνου (πίνω) ἐγχῖκα (ἔπια). On the other hand, κεινοῦ
(πεινῶ from πεινάω) makes ἐκεινᾶκα.
اد
2. The present and imperfect are formed in a peculiar
manner by coupling the stem developed into a noun,—
e. y. γράφ, masc. γράφου, fem. γράφα,—with the substan-
tive verb vi, the copulative P being interposed: pres.
γραφουρίνι and γραφαρένι, imperf. γραφουρέμα and γραφα-
ρέμα, but e disappears after a, γραφαένι and γραφαέμα.
The substantive verb also precedes, pres. ἔνι γράφου and
ἔνι γράφα, imp. ἔμα γράφου and ἒμα γράφα, and disappears
entirely where the context indicates the person.
3. The future is wanting, and is supplied by means of
the auxiliary θέου (θέλω), ἔνι θέου, οι θεουρένι γράφει, οι
θέου γράφει, or by means of θά and the conj. aor. as in
modern Greek. The aorist follows the Greek analogy,
but without augment γράψα, ποῖζα from ποίησα formed
by compression; and when ou is a contracted syllable it is
carried over to the aorist γαμου (from γαμέω) γαμοῦσα.
4. In verbs ending purely, the perfect active is in κα, as
in common Greek, but, as before remarked, without re-
duplication : ἐγαμῆκα, ἀγαπῆκα, ἐκτιουπῆκα, ὡρακα. So
also the liquid verbs δείρω ἐδάρκα, σκοτούνου ἐσκοτοῦκα.
But the pure stem invariably appears in this inflection,
ἀφίνου perf. ἀφίκα, μαθαίκου ἐμαθῆκα, ζοῦ (ζῶς ἐζῆκα,
δίου (δίδωμι) ἐδοῦκα, κιάνου (mod. Gr. πιάνω I grasp),
ἐκιαπα, δαίζου (δαίω) I burn, ἐδακα, μπενάκου (ἀποθνήσκω)
ἐπενάκα. There is the sound of v before k in the form
ἁμαρτάγκα from ἁμαρτάγου, and ἐφύγκα, where it is evident
that the law of euphony alone prevails, ἐφύγκα for ἐφυγα,
as in ἐνέκω ἐνέγκω.
316
THE TZAKONIC DIALECT.
5. The verba muta only soften their sounds, γράφου
ἐγράβα, κέφου (κλέπτω) ἐκρέβα. Those in ζ have the
perfect without consonant, χαιρεκίζου, aor. χαιρεκίσα, perf.
ἐχαιρεκῖα, νιονερίου (γνωρίζω) νιουνερία. If there is an
A in the last syllable of the stem, the termination is cut
of: ἁβράγου (ἁρπάζω), perf. ἁβρᾶ for ἁβράγα, βασ
τάζου, perf. ἐβαστα instead of ἐβασταγα.
6. The pluperfect is periphrastic, and formed by means
of the auxiliary εἶχα I had, εἶχα γραφτέ, εἶχα ὁρατέ.
7. The pres. and imperf. passive are analogous to the
same tenses in the active, being in like manner based on
the stem developed into a noun: γραφούμενε and γραφού
μενα : pres. γραφουμενερένι and γραφουμε αρένι, οι γρα-
φουμεναένι and ἔνι γραφούμενε and ἔνι γραφούμενα. In
the same way the imp. is formed with ἔμα.
8. The future is formed by periphrasis, θέου νὰ ἔνι
ἀγαπητέ I shall or will be loved. I have not been able to
discover any distinct traces of the aor. ind. pass.
9. The perf. is also fully developed in the passive where
it subjoins μa to the stem :
ὡρακα
ἐμποῖκα
ἐκλεῖκα
ἐδάρκα
ὡραμα
ἐμποΐμα
ἐκλεῖμα
ἐδάρμα
In like manner θυμούκου ἐθυμοῦκα ἐθυμοῦμα, στρουνου
(mod. Gr. στρώνω) ἐστροῦμα, Ζ reverting into B, φοζοῦ,
i. ε. φοβάω ἐφοβᾶμα, or with elision of Z, βαστάζου ἐβασ
τάμα. The muta, too, appear with simple MA, γράφου
(γράφω) γράμα, κρέφου (κλέπτω) ἐκρέμα: ἐγράμμα and
ἐκρέμμα would have been as incompatible as ἔμμι with the
predominant disposition of the language to attenuate.
The pluperf. is made with a periphrasis, ἔμα γραφτέ scrip-
tus eram, and likewise supplies the place of the aor. in the
indicative.
10. As regards inflection of moods,-besides the indica-
tive, the subjunctive of the aor. act. and pass. may be traced :
ἀγαποῦ (from ἀγαπάου), aor. ἀγαπῆσα, subj. νὰ ἀγαπήσου,
THE TZAKONIC DIALECT.
317
and without σ, νὰ ἀγαπήου. So likewise να γράψου
χαιρετίζου, νὰ χαιρετίσου, and 2. aor. (δείρω) νὰ δάρου.
Then in the pass. νὰ ἀγαπηθοῦ, νὰ κτιουπηθοῦ, and from
δέρνου (δείρω stem δαρ) νὰ δαρθοῦ. Thus also ποιηθοῦ,
δραθον, etc.
11. Of the optative there is no trace, and the imperative
is supplied by vá. The infinitive appears only in the
periphrastic conjugation of the future, θέου γράφει.
12. The participles exist in the present: γράφου γράφα,
plur. γράφουνε, there being no γράφουσαι oι γράφουα:
pass. γραφούμενε and γραφούμενα ; in the perf. γραμμένε
and γραμμένα: the verbal adjectives γραφτέ for γραπτός,
ποιητέ, δαρτέ are also employed.
13. Hence it appears that the bulk of the inflections of
verbs, with the exception of the pres. and imper. and the
periphrastic conjugations, follow on the whole the Greek
analogy, with the restrictions already pointed out: γράφου,
aor. γράψα not ἔγραψα, ἀγαπᾶσα not ἠγάπησα, subj. γράψου
for γράψω, δάρου for δαρῶ, and ἀγαπήου for ἀγαπήσω ; in
like manner ἀγαπηθοῦ for ἀγαπηθώ, etc.
Formation of the Persons.
1. The formation of the persons is like that of the tenses,
twofold; either approximating to the habits of the Greek
language in that particular, or being a combination of the
stem and the substantive verb.
2. To the former system belongs, in the first place, the
inflection of the subjunctive in ou
Pres.
1 Apr.
2 Aor.
γράφου
γράψου
δάρου
γράφερε
γράψερε
δάρερε
γράφει
γράψει
δάρε
γράφουμε
γράψομε
δρομε
γράφετε
γράψετε
δάρετε
γράφο
γράψοι
δάροϊ
There is no difference in the forms when a vowel pre-
cedes ου: ἀγαπίου, ἀγαπήερε, ἀγαπῆς.
318
THE TZAKONIC DIALECT.
3. The 1 aor. and perf. indic. are similarly inflected:
1 Aor.
Perf.
Perf.
Perf.
γράψα
ἐγραβα
ἐφύγκα
ἁμαρτάγκα
γράψερε
ἐγραερ
ἐφύγκερε
ἁμαρτάγρε
γράψε
ἐγραβε
ἐφυγκε
ἁμαρτᾶγε
γράψαμε
ἐγράβαμε
ἐφύγαμε
ἁμαρτάγαμε
γράψατε
ἐγράβατε
ἐφύγατε
ἁμαρτάγατε
γράψαι
ἐγράβαϊ
ἐφύγκα
ἁμαρτάγκαι
4. When K stands alone before E, it is changed into Z :
ἐγαμῆκα
ἐγαμήξερε
ἐγαμηζε
ἐγαμήκαμε
ἐγαμήκατε
ἐγαμήκαϊ
ώρακα
ὡράζερε
μαζε
ωράκαμε
ὡράκατε
ὡράκαι
5. The pronouns connected with the verb are placed
either before or after it, but in the latter position they are
attached to it as suffixes: ἐάν με δάροι, ἐάν τι δάροι, ἐάν σι
δάροι, οι ἐὰν δαροΐμι, ἐὰν δαροΐτι, ἐὰν δαροΐσι, if they slew
him.
6. Personal inflection of the perfect passive:
δραμα
ἐγράμα
ἐνᾶμα
ὡρότερε
ἐγράτερ
ἐνάτερε
ὡρατε
ἐγράτε
ἐνᾶτε
ὡράμαϊ
ἐγράμα
ἐνάμα
ὡράτατε
ἐγράτατε
ἐνάτατε
ὡράται
ἐγράται
ἐνάται
7. Personal inflection of the aorist subjunctive passive:
ὁραθοῦ
δραθῆρε
δραθῆ
ὁραθοῦμε
δραθῆτε
ὁραθούν
THE TZAKONIC DIALECT.
319
8. Thus we have for the passive personal inflection,
α) in the perf. μα, τερε, τε
μαϊ, τατε, ταϊ
b) in the aor. ou, noɛ, ñ
οῦμε, ὅτε, οννι.
§ 10. Personal inflection, and Conjugation of the Present
and Imperfect.
1. This is effected, as we have seen, by connecting
the stem as developed in the participle, act. ypápov,
γράφα, plur. γράφουντε, pass. γραφούμενε, with the
substantive verb, by the help of the coupling sound
P, thus making a distinction of genders; yρapovpέvi
I write, a man being the speaker, ypapapévɩ I write,
a woman speaking: we have seen too that the fem. drops
P, ypapaévı, plur. yρapovvτɛpéµµɛ, and also that the sub-
stantive verb is put before the participle: v ypápov and
ένα γράφα, μμε γράφουντε and ἔνι γραφούμενε.
EVI
2. If the person is clearly indicated by the context,
the substantive verb is omitted: γράφου I write, ἐσου
γράφου emphatically; in the third person plural, οἱ σο-
poì yρápovvтe, to which the Latin scribunt approaches
more nearly than the Hellenic γράφοντα.
3. Now, though we have here only a juxtaposition of the
participle and the substantive verb, still the coalition of
the two into one and the same form is postulated not only
by the apparition of P. between the stem and the substan-
tive verb, but also by the commixture of the open sounds,
e. g. ἐὰν ἐνοροῦ not ἔνι ὁροῦ, so likewise ἐμορου instead of
μμε όρον we see.
>
4. The same system of personal inflection prevails in
the compound tenses, or in the periphrastic conjugation
which we have mentioned as formed by ἔχου, ἔχω, and
Oέov, 0éλw, and the participle of the perfect pass. or the
verbal adjective: ἐχουρέμα γραφτέ I had written, έχου
ρέμα 'πτέ (from εἶπον) οι ἔμα ἔχου γραφτέ, οι ἔμα ἔχα
320
THE TZAKONIC DIALECT.
γραφτέ. In the plural the re of the termination expands
into AI, e. g. ἴγγιαι ἔχοντε οι ἔχονται γραφτέ, and without
ἔγγια only ἔχονται γραφτέ, where the full form of the third
person plur. pass. comes forth.
5. The same appearances are presented by the future
formed with 0éov and và in connexion with the first aor.
subjunct. θέου οι θεουρένι νὰ γράψου οι ἔνι θέου να γράψου
or ἔνι θεονγράψον, and in futuro praeteriti, ἔμα θέου νὰ
γράψου οι θεουρέμα να γράψου I would write.
6. The clearness and completeness of these forms, made
up of the participle and the substantive verb, remove all
difficulty from the conjugation of the present and imper-
fect; only that when the verb precedes, combination takes
place even in this case through the accent, and fusion
when open syllables come together: ἐμαιέχοντε habebamus,
ἐγκιαιέχοντε and ἰγκιέχοντε habebant.
7. Present: A.) Conjug. verbo substant. postposito.
Masc.
Sing. γραφουρένι
γραφουρέσι
γραφουρνι
Plur. γραφουντερέμμε
γραφουντερέτε
γραφουντερίννι
Fem.
γραφαένι and γραφαένι
γραφα έσι and γραφαέσι
γραφαένι and γραφαέννι
γραφουντερέμμε, etc.
B.) Conjug. verbo subst. præposito.
Masc.
Sing. ἐνιγράφον
ἐσιγράφου
ἐννιγράφου
Plur. ἐμμε γράφουντε
ἐτεγράφοντε
ἐννιγράφοντε
Fem.
ἐνιγράφα
ἐσιγράφα
ἐννιγράφα
ἐμμεγράφουντε
etc.
In like manner ὀρουρένι, ὀρουρέσι, ὀρουρέννι, and with
synalpha, ἐνοροῦ, ἐσοροῦ, ἐννοροῦ, ἐμμοροῦντε, ἐτοροῦντε,
ἐννοοῦντε.
THE TZAKONIC DIALECT.
321
8. Imperfect.
Masc.
Sing. γραφουρέμα
γραφονρέσα
γραφουρέκι
Plur. γραφουντέμαϊ
Fem.
γραφαέμα οι γραφαμα
γραφαρέσα οι γραφαέσα
γραφα έκι
etc.
γραφουντέτα
γραφουτίγκα
or,
Sing. ἐμαγράφου
ἐμαγράφα
ἐσαγράφου
ἐσαγράφα
ἐκιγράφου
ἐκιγράφα
Plur. ἐμαϊγράφουνε, etc.
ἐταγράφοντε
ἐγγια γράφουνε, and, with elision of t, ἐγγιαγρά-
φουντε
ι,
In like manner ἐμαθσχοῦ and ἐμαθσχοῦα ἔτρωγον
I ate, ἐσαθσχοῦ and ἐσαθσχοῦα thou atest, ἐκιθσχοῦ he ate,
and ἐκιθσχονα she ate; plural ἐμαθσχοῦντε, ἐταθσχοῦντε,
ἐγγια σχοῦντε. Οι θσχουρέμα θσχουαρέμα or θσχουαέμα
I ate, θσχονρέσα θσχουαρέμα οι θσχουαέμα I ate, θσχου-
ρέσα θσχονρέσα and θσχουαέσα thou atest, θσχουρέκι he
ate, θσχουρέκι or θσχουαέκι she ate, &c.
9. The passive personal inflection runs precisely in the
same way, with the substitution of the passive form of the
participle: A.) Present,
γραφονμενε -ρένι and γραφουμεναρένι οι γραφουμεναένι
ρέσι
ρέννι
ρέμμε
ρέτε
ρίννι
B.) Imperfect in like manner,
γραφουμενε ρέμα, scribebar, γραφουμενρέμα or γραφου
ρέσα
ρέκι
ρέμαϊ
ρέταϊ
ρίγκιαι
[μεναέμα
Y
322
THE TZAKONIC DIALECT.
§ 11. Lexicological Remarks on the Verbs.
The following collection of verbs will serve to indicate
the analogies of their forms:
Α, Ε.
1. Αβράγου ἁρπάζω; subj. ἐὰν ἁβράζου with ζ recur
ring, 2 pers. ἁβράζερε, 3. ἁβραζε; perf. ἁβρα (for ἁβράκα),
2. ἁβράερε, 3. ἁβρᾶε; plur. ἁβρᾶμε, ἁβρᾶτε, ἁβρᾶνι, where
v appears after long a, as it does after ou in ὁραθοῦνι.
Passive pres ἁβραγουμενερένι, subj. ἐὰν ἔννι ἁβραχούμενε,
perf. ἁβραμα, part. ἁβρακτέ—2. Αμαρτίνου ἁμαρτάνω,
perf. ἁμαρτάγκα, 2 pers. ἁμαρτάγερι, where N has been
dropped and K weakened into ya. Aor. pass. subj. tàv
ἁμραθου.—3. Ενεγκουρέμι (comp. ἐνέγκω) I bring my-
self hither) come; also without the reduplicating iv, e. g.
θὰ τσχέγκου, ι. ε. θὰ τσχὶ ἔγκου; whence comest thou ?
4. Ερέκου εὑρίσκω, perf. ὡραῖκα εὕρηκα, where there
appears a trace of the obscure pronunciation of H = AI.
Π, Β, Φ.
ΑΙ.
1. Παρίου ἔρχομαι, no doubt from the primitive form
ἴω, whence παριών. The plural of lov, viz. ἴεντε and ἴντε,
points to εἶμι. Thus παριουρένι, plur. παριεντερέμμε οι
παριντερέμμε.-2. Βου βοάω I shout, pres. βουρένι or ἐνι-
βοῦ, subj. ἐὰν βαΐζου βαΐζερε, where a compressed βοάζω
makes its appearance ; perf. ἐβακα for ἐβοᾶκα, pluperf
ἐμαέχον βατέ3. Φτύζου πτύω, perf. ἐφκα, aor. ἐφκῦσα,
imperf. φκύσε, φκύσετε; compare οἴσετε and the like in
Homer for οἴσατε.—4. Φοζουμε νερένι φοβοῦμαι, perf.
ἐφοσᾶμα, founded upon φυζάνω (φοσάνου); comp. φύζα
Homer, and φυζάνω Hesych.: partic. φοσατέ, aor. subj.
ἐὰν φοσαθοῦ.—5. Φύγου φεύγω, subj. νὰ φύζου, φύζερε,
φιζε, perf. ἐφύγκα.
Κ, Γ, Χ.
1. Κιάνω, modern Greek πιάνω I grasp, perf. ἐκιακα,
aor. ἐκίασα, subj. ἐὰν κιάσου, pass. κινουμενερένι, perf.
THE TZAKONIC DIALECT.
323
ἐκιᾶμα, partic. κιατέ, κιατά. 2. Κίνου πίνω, perf. ἐγχῖκα
for ἐπῖκα, ἐκ being thickened into ἐγκ, and thereby sup-
plying the place of the reduplication, which is alien to
Tzakonic ; 2nd person ἐγχίζερε, aor. subj. ἐὰν κίου si bibam,
which leads back to ἔκιον ἔπιον and to the primitive form
πίω.—3. Κεινοῦ πεινῶ, subj. ἐὰν κεινάου, perf. ἐκεινᾶκα.
4. Κλείου κλείω I shut, perf. ἐκλεῖκα, pass. ἐκλεῖμα, part.
κλειστέ, κλειστά.5. Κιμοῦ τιμῶ, subj. ἐὰν κιμάου, κιμάερε,
κιμᾶς, ἐὰν κιμᾶμε, ᾶτε, ᾶνε, perf. ἐκιμᾶ for ἐκιμᾶκα, pass.
ἐκιμοῦμα, part. κιμοντέ, which is to be regarded as impure,
since it carries the syllable ov, contracted from aov, into
the perfect, contrary to analogy; aor. subj. ἐὰν κιμαθον.
6. Κρέφου κλέπτω, aor. ἔκρεψα, subj. ἐὰν κρέψου, perf.
ἐκρέβα, and pass. ἐκρέμα, part. κρεφτέ, κρεφτά. 7. Κρύζου
κλύζω I wash, perf ἐκρυα, pass. ἐκρῦμα, part. κρυτέ, κρυτά,
founded upon the old κρύου (πλύω for πλύνω).-8. Γεάου
γελάω, perf. ἐγεᾶκα. In the passive the root assumes ΣΚ,
γεασκουμενερένι perf. ἐγεάσμα, particip. γεατέ and γεατά.
9. Γινουμενερένι γίνομαι, and from the root ΓΑ, which
appears in γέγαμεν and γεγάασι, but with N instead of Γ,
perf. pass. ἐνᾶμα, ἐνάτερε, ἐνᾶτε, plur. ἐνάμαι, ἐνάτατε, ἐνάται,
aor. subj. ναθοῦ, καθῆρε, ναθῆ, plur. ναθοῦμε, ναθῆτε, να
θούνι, a softening, no doubt, of γενναθοῦ, γναθου (compare
natus, prognatus, derived from gennatus).—10. Χαιρεκίζου,
modern Greek χαιρετίζω I greet, aor. χαιρεκῖσα, subj. χαιρε-
κίσου, perf. ἐχαιρέκα, from the stem χαιρέ, which leads up
to ΧΑΙΡΕΩ, extant in κεχάρηκα.
Τ, Δ, Θ.
1. Ταΐχου, I stand up, probably ἀΐσσω, which had
thrown of its T; perf. ἐταϊκα, aor. subj. ἐὰν τάου, τᾶρε,
ται, pl. τᾶμε, τᾶτε, τᾶνι, where ν recurs as in ἁβρᾶνι,
ὁραθοῦνι, under similar circumstances of accentuation and
effect. So likewise ζάνι, of which hereafter.2. Δαίσου
(δαίω) I set on fire, as if from the more full form ΔΑΙΖΩ ;
perf. ἐδάϊκα and ἐδακα, ἐδάζερε, ἐδαζε, plur. ἐδάκαμε, ἐδάκατε,
Y 2
324
THE TZAKONIC DIALECT.
ἐδάκαϊ.—3. Δενουμενερένι δύναμαι, in which E has been
assumed in the place of Y, and A lies concealed in the
contraction. Hence the perf. δενᾶμα, aor. subj. ἐὰν δεναθοῦ.
4. Δίδου and δίου (ΔΙΔΟΩ) δίδωμι, subj. ἐὰν διδοῦ and
ἐὰν νιδου, the A assimilating itself to the foregoing v, ἐὰν
νιδήρε, νιδή, aor. subj. ἐὰν δοῦ, δῖρε, δι, plural δοῦμε, δῖτε,
δοῦνε, perf. ἐδοῦκα, ἐδούζερε, etc. 5. Θυμούκου, modern
Greek θυμόνω, subj. ἐὰν θυμοῦ, which may be from θυμού-
κου, though it may also be a relic of the primitive form
ΘΥΜΟΩ. Perf. ἐθυμοῦκα, perf. pass. ἐθυμοῦμα, partic.
θυμουτέ and θυμουτά
Σ, Ζ, ΤΣΧ.
1. Ζιττοῦ πίπτω, formed by contraction of ΑΩ, compare
πετάννυμι, perf. ἐζιτᾶ for ἐζιτακα, ἐζιτάερε, ἐζιτάζε, plur.
ἐζιτάκαμε, ἐζιτάκατε, ἐζιτάκαϊ, subj. νὰ ζιτάκου, ζιτάζερε, etc.
2. Σκοτούνου, modern Greek σκοτόνω I kill, perf. ἐσκου-
τοῦκα, pass. ἐσκουτοῦμα, part. σκουτουτέ, aor. subj. ἐὰν
σκουτουθοῦ.—3. Στρούνου στρώννυμι, perf. ἐστρούκα, perf.
pass. ἐστροῦμα, part. στροντέ, στρουτά.—4. Ζοῦ from ζάου,
that is, π being exchanged for ζ, πάω the modern Greek
abbreviation of ὑπάγω I go; subj. νὰ ζάου, ζᾶρε, ζαϊ,
plur. νὰ ζαμεν, ζᾶτε, ζάνι, perf. ἐζάκα, ἐζάφερε, etc.
5. Τσχοῦ for ταχούγου τρώγω, subj. ἐὰν τσχοῦ, perf.
ἐτσχοῦκα, pass. ἐτσχοῦμα, subj. τσχουθοῦ, part. τσχουτέ,
τσχουτά.
Μ, Ν.
1. Μβαΐνου ἀναβαίνω, perf. ἐμβαΐκα, ἐμβαΐζερε.
2. Μπενάκου ἀποθνήσκω, or rather the modern Greek
πεθάνω for ἀποθάνω, N supplanting e, and K taking the
place of N in the termination, as in θυμούκου ; perf. ἐπε-
νακα. 3. Μαθαίνου μανθάνω, perf. ἐμαθῆκα, aor. subj.
ἐὰν μάθου, μάθερε, μάθε, plur. μάθεμε, μάθετε, μάθοϊ.—
4. Νιρίζου γνωρίζω, with an attenuating modification of
THE TZAKONIC DIALECT.
325
γνω into NI, as before ναθοῦ for γναθοῦ. In the passive
it takes or instead of ' (comp. γιγνώσκω), νιρισκουμενε
ρένι, aor. νιρίσα, subj. ἐὰν νιρίσου, perf. ἐνορῖκα, aor. pass.
subj. ἐὰν νιρισθοῦ. 5. Νίου ἀκούω. Its contraction from
νιάου is manifested by subj. ἐὰν νιάου, perf. ἐνιακα, perf.
pass. ἐνιοῦμα, partic. νιατέ and νιατά, so that it is probably
connected with ἀΐω.—6. Νίφου νίπτω, perf. ἐνίβα, pass.
ἐνῖμα, aor. subj. ἐὰν νιφθοῦ, part. νιφτέ, νιφτά.
4
§ 12. Specimens of Phraseology.
1. THE LORD'S PRAYER.
2
Αφένγα νάμου π᾽ ἔσι ἐς τὸν οὐρανέ. Νὰ ἔννι ἁγιαστέ
τὸ ὀνουμάντι, νὰ μόλῃ ὁ βασιλειάντι, νὰ ναθῇ τὸ θελη-
μάντι σὰν 'τον ουρανέ ἔζρους ζὲ τὰν ἐγῆ. Τὸν ἄνθε
τὸν ἐπιούσιον δὶ νάμου νι" σάμερε, ζὲ ἄφε νάμου τὰ χρίε
νάμου καθοὺ ζὲ ἐνὺ ἐμμαφῖντε του χρεουφελῆτε νάμου, ζὲ
μὴ νὰ φερίζερε ἐμούνανε 'ς κειρασμὸ, ἀλλὰ ἐλευθέρου νάμου
ἀπὸ τὸ κακό.
3 'ς τὸν,
1 ἀφέντης, mod. Gr. lord.
2 π᾽ ἔσι is ποῦ ἔσι, and που mod.
Gr. is used in current discourse instead of ὁ ὁποῖος.
mod. Gr. εἰς τὸν, for ἐν τῷ, N being added on account of the following
4 σάν, mod. Gr. for ὡς ἂν, i. e. ὥσπερ.
vowel.
5 ἔζρου,
mod. Gr. ětšɩ, so too, poũ is a contraction of p' ovv: alſo nun auch, so for-
sooth also.
6 The language cannot express the idea conveyed by τὸν
ἐπιούσιον: the word, however, is understood from its use in the Lord's
Prayer.
7 i. e. give uis it.
2. The Woman and the Hen.
Νέα γυναίκα χήρα ἔχε νία κόττα' ὅπου καθημέρα ἔκι
γεννοῦα ἕνα αυγό. Ἔκι νομῖσα ἂν νιδι τὰν κόττα πάσχε
κρίσι θὰ γεννάει δυβολαί κατ' ἡμέρα, ζὲ νὶ ἐμποῖζει.
᾿Αλλὰ ἡ κόττα ἀπὸ τὸ πάσχου πάχου δὲν ἐμπορίζει πλία
α
νὰ γεννάῃ κανένα αυγό.
1 κόττα, mod. Gr. hen.
mod. Gr. δυοβολαῖς twice.
3
2 avyó, mod. Gr. egg.
3 δυβυλαί,
4 νί it, ἐμπόιζε, ἐποίησε.
5 δὲν
ἐμποριζε, mod. Gr. δὲν ἐμπόρεσε could not.
{
326
THE TZAKONIC DIALECT.
3. The Dog and his Image in the Water.
1
Περοῦ ἕνα κουε ἀπὸ τὸ ποταμὸ μὲ τὸ κρίε 'ς τὸ τοῦμα
ζὲ ὁροῦ τάσου τὸ ὕο τὸ νακόθσχα σι. Ἔκι νομίζου που
τὰ κάτω ὁρούμενε ἔκι ἄλλε κουε π᾽ ἔκι ἔχου κρίε 'ς τὸ
τοῦμα, τότε ἀφιζε τὸ ἀληθινό, διὰ νὰ πᾶρε τὸ ὁρούμενε,
καὶ ἔκι ζὲ ἀπὸ τὰ δοῦο στεροντέ.
T
1 Τάσου therein, from τὰ ἔσω, τάσου τὸ ὕο for τάσου 'ς τὸ ὕo within
the water.
HISTORICAL PART.
In the historical part of his Essay, the author
begins by exposing the error of Kopitar, in sup-
posing the Tzakonic tongue to be of Sclavonic
origin, an error connected with that greater error of
another German author (Fallremeyer), who imagines
that the modern Peloponnesians are entirely of
Sclavonic descent. To M. Thiersch's observations on
this question, we may add the powerful argument
derived from the proportion between the Greek and
Sclavonic names of places in the Moréa, of which
there are ten of the former to one of the latter.
Tzakonia' was probably neither more nor less exempt
from Sclavonic mixture than other parts of the
peninsula; though it certainly is remarkable that
the Sclavonic mati for mother should be employed
by some of the Tzakonians, together with μáva and
unrépa, the usual Roman words, as mati is never
heard with that meaning in other parts of Greece,
unless very near the Bulgarian frontier. As to the
The more vulgar accentuation of this name is on the last
syllable Tzakoniá, according to a common Romaic corruption
of the termination ía.
THE TZAKONIC DIALECT.
327
names Kastánitza, Sidínia, Prastó, adduced by Ko-
pitar as Sclavonic names, the first is derived from its
chestnut woods, with a termination adopted, indeed,
from Sclavonic, but naturalized and extensively em-
ployed in Romaic from an early time. The second
name is not Sidínia, but Sítena (Enreva), or as writ-
ten by Phranza Ziravas. By the same author Prastó
is written Пpoάortov, a name derived, perhaps, from
the place having originally been a suburb of Réonda,
or rather of the more ancient town which stood on
the same site.
M. Thiersch, having disposed of the Sclavonic
origin of the dialect of Tzakonía, proceeds to
remark that
From modern Greek is derived the use in Tzakonic of
many words not current among the ancients, which have
been adopted into the modern language, such as wiávov,
πιάνου,
πιάνω, ὑποχρεούκου, ὑποχρεόνω, θυμούκου, θυμόνω, and in
the specimens given above åpévya, i. e. àpévrns, mod. Gr.
lord, master for father, Coúpi kúpios, with the same meaning,
'ς τὸν for ἐν τῷ, ὅπου for ὅστις, αὐγό for ὠόν, δυοβολαί,
κανένα, μὲ for μετὰ, διὰ νά : still the nucleus of the lan-
guage preserves its integrity in spite of these foreign
accessions; nay, more, it modifies what it borrows from
modern Greek, in accordance with its own laws for shaping
syllables and words, so that it transforms them to the very
core, changing νὰ πᾶμεν into νὰ ζαμεν, κύριος μου into
ζούρι μι, πιάνω into κιάνου, διοικητής, a word recently
borrowed, into ζοικητά, and τί ποια nothing, into ζίττα. Far
then from sinking by its immixture of modern Greek into
a kind of medley or patois, Tzakonic displays in these
modifications the power of subjecting to its own laws, and
assimulating to its own nature, such foreign materials as it
cannot dispense with,-a power which may be regarded as
328
THE TZAKONIC DIALECT.
·
the fashioner as well as the preserver of language, and as a
token that the idiom in which it prevails is instinct with
individual life. In short, these preliminary observations,
far from being unfavourable to Tzakonic, tend greatly to
countenance the conjecture that we have here a form of
language of remote descent and peculiar kind.
In directing our attention to the peculiarities of the
language, we shall observe, in the first place, that it
retains in current use a host (ein Schatz) of ancient
Greek words, very long extinct in common Greek. Thus
we have still surviving in Tzakonic, with slight altera-
tions, ἄριστον, ἄρουρα, ἔριφος, ὀδων, ὄνος, βοῶ, θεωρῶ,
ópu, &c.; besides many words, the ancient Hellenic shape
of which can no longer escape us now, that we have
got an insight into the Tzakonic system of exchanging
sounds, such as βότσχε, τσχίχα, θσχου, ἄρουγκα, etc. Το
this head belong also remains of old methods of pro-
nunciation, for instance, that of open ai instead of the
vulgar æ, ἐδαϊκα, from δαίω, ἐμβαΐκα, from ἐμβαίνω,
and the like. There is one particular in which we find
not only antiquity, but a correspondence with the more
delicate usages of the ancients, namely, in the adverbs,
with the neuter plural of the article, ráσov, rà sow, within,
Távov, i. e. Tà avw, above; likewise, neuters plural used
adverbially, sometimes alone, ταχία, i. e. ταχέα, from ταχύς
quickly, soon, that is, in the morning; sometimes with the
article, e. g. rápyá, i. e. tà ápyá late, that is, in the evening.
There are even some traces of the connexion of adverbial
1
Considering Dr. Thiersch's "residence in the mountains of
Tzakonía, and his prolonged inquiries at Nauplia in 1832," it is
to be regretted that he has not supplied us with a larger cata-
logue of the "host of ancient Greek words extinct in Romaic."
Even of those here enumerated, and in p. 311 seq., there are
several not unknown to the Romaic tongue, as óðùv, R. ¿ðórtiov,
Bow (µía Bowσa une criarde), Oɛwpw. In truth, Hellenic words,
not found in any other part of Greece, are not very numerous in
Tzakonía.
THE TZAKONIC DIALECT.
329
forms with prepositions, e. g. σúvraɣa synonymous with
ταχία, compare σύν δύω or the common μετέπειτα : and in
this way adjective pronouns are used adverbially in the
genitive feminine, as aπò Colas; whence? When we take
into consideration these ancient forms of words and adver-
bial expressions, we may regard Tzakonic as on the same
footing with the dialects of other districts, where the
herdsmen and husbandmen in particular, employ a greater
number of ancient Greek words than are to be found
in the ordinary language of Greece. Such is the case
in the larger islands, for instance, in the mountain vil-
lages of Naxos, even in the interior of Corfu, where no
little Hellenic is discoverable in the speech of the pea-
sants, the representatives of the ancient inhabitants, and,
especially, among the bleak and rugged crags of Icaria,
which afford only pasture for goats, and scanty crops of
barley; and where the inhabitants, secured from molesta-
tion by their poverty, have descended in direct lineage
from the Hellenic aborigines of the island, and have re-
tained in form, dress, manners, and also in language, much
of what belonged to their forefathers.
But that which, above all, gives Tzakonic a closer affinity
than the vulgar tongue to the ancient Greek, is its rich
infusion of Doricisms. Not only is Doricism certain in
the article &, τᾶς, τὰν, in the pronouns, e. g. ζοία, ζοιας, in
the stem as ἁμέρα, σάμερε, and in words of Tzakonic
analogy, as ψιοῦχα, ψυχή, τροῦπα τρύπη', but A subsists
in full force in those parts of verbs in which common
1
Троuла in many parts of Greece is more common than
тρúπŋ, and the same may be said of some other Doric sounds
occurring in Tzakonía, which may equally be found in some of
the other secluded parts of Greece. The change of the Hellenic
o or into the Romaic ou is one of the most common conversions
or corruptions of the modern dialect. It is not to be disputed,
however, that the Greeks of Mount Parnon retain more nume-
rous vestiges of the Doric dialect than are to be found in any
other of the more secluded districts of Greece.
330
THE TZAKONIC DIALECT.
Greek admits H, as in ἐβᾶκα from ἐβοᾶκα, ἐκεινᾶκα from
πεινάω, κιμᾶ for κιμᾶκα, compare τετίμηκα, likewise ἐδᾶκα
and Sédna. Thus also from καταβάμι come καβά and
καμβά, i. e. καταβᾶθι, and ἐπενακα is τέθνηκα.
If we ascend further in antiquity, and extend our
researches to that form of language, which was developed
previously to the Doric, in the epic songs which have
come down to us, we shall here too not fail to meet with
similarities of usage. With the lengthening of o in
τοῦμα στόμα compare the νούσος (νόσος) of Homer, and
the use of ΟΥ instead of Y in γουναῖκα, τρούπα, &c., with
εἰλήλουθα for ελήλυθα; but, above all, the undeveloped
forms of nouns of the first declension, προφῆτα and ζοικητά,
with nπúτα, iππóτа, and the E of the aor. imper. e. g.
φκύσετε πτύσατε with the Homeric οἴσετε for οἴσατε. We
may also remark the keeping open of A in the subjunctive
of contracted verbs νὰ γεννάου, νὰ κιμάου, and the elision
of whole syllables, e. g. τὸ γά for γάλα, like δῶ for δῶμα,
κρι for κριθή.
But behind these stands in far more remote antiquity
the oldest Doric, such as it is presented to us by Aristo-
phanes, in the mouths of the Laconians. Here, too, there
occurs an almost complete parallelism in the dropping of
Σ between OY and A, and if we reflect that in Tzakonic
OY in fact takes the place of Ω, then ἐκλιπῶα μα, which
in Tzakonic would be ἐκλιπονα μονα, will bear as close a
resemblance to the latter as can possibly subsist between
two forms of language. The analogy thus established is
corroborated by παρσένε, 'Ασαναίοι, where Σ is substi-
tuted for e, and vuvíwues for vμvéwμev ( instead of ε),
with which we may compare the Tzakonic κρίε, κρίας, ἐννία
for ἐννέα.
Professor Thiersch then calls attention
to those simple forms, standing in nearer relation to their
roots, which this language displays, whilst all known Greek
THE TZAKONIC DIALECT.
331
possesses only the enlarged and deduced forms. To this
class belongs ó vo the water, where the Greek üdwp passed
through a compound stem; ó ẞpéxo the rain, standing in
immediate contact with Bpéxw, whilst ẞpoxń presupposes
the lengthening of βρεχ into βροχέ, and thus also κρέφου
and vipou with primitive stems, whilst a T has crept into
κλέπτω and νίπτω ; so likewise φύγου where φεύγω has
taken up an ε, ἁβράγου (comp. ἁρπαγή) whilst in ἁρπάζω
y has been supplanted by .-To the same high antiquity
belong, above all, the undeveloped forms of the second
declension, which, in the progressive development of the
language, took E as the characteristic that stamped the
stem as a noun: as in German, from gut, der gute, so from
καλ, ὁ καλέ, ὁ ἐχθρέ, ὁ οὐρανέ, etc. this extends even to
words subsequently received into the third declension, e. g.
βότσχε βότρυς: with the Tzakonic Umlaut, we have
ἀσχέ i. e. ἀδρέ, αδρός large, άδοχίρερε larger, and πᾶσχε,
πάσχα, a word which indicates the neuter by O, πάσχου,
and thereby enters the lists of those forms out of which were
subsequently developed the terminations oç, n, ov. Besides
these terminations in O there appear others, e. g. ó ővo,
ὁ νόμο, ὁ σοφό, which are to be regarded either as weak-
enings or as first attempts at the formation of the nomina-
tive in oç. The analogy is as definite as that of the first
declension of nouns in A instead of HZ; but whilst some
forms at least of the latter have been preserved in written
Greek by the epic rhythm, no trace of the other analogy
has passed into written Greek, and the forms in E have
remained in use solely for the vocative, the original twin of
the nominative, as which it has also maintained itself in the
first declension in A, in relation to the Homeric inπóτα,
VεpeλnyeρÉTα. By these phenomena, antecedent to all
written Greek, we are thus in a measure carried back to
an ante-hellenic period.
As it is evident that Greeks and Italians have
arrived at similar results by the elision of final
332
THE TZAKONIC DIALECT.
consonants, it became necessary to the Professor to
show that
we must not hastily decide those forms of case to be
corruptions, but that we are to look upon them, where
there are no special reasons to the contrary, as unde-
veloped cases of a primitive tongue.
This is made very
clear by the uniformity of the nominative and genitive,
ὁ χῶρα, τα χῶρα, ὁ πολῖτα, τοῦ πολῖτα, Plur. οἱ πολῖται,
gen. τοῦ πολῖται, etc., and the whole infection of ὁ βου
(from ὁ βόε) ὁ βοῦ, τοῦ βοῦ, τῷ βοῦ, τὸν βουα, Ρl. οἱ
Boũε, Toυ Bovɛ, etc., where we see that the language has
developed but three forms; so likewise & unv Tzakonic ó
μηνός, τοῦ μηνέ, τῷ μηνί, τον μήνα, where the dative
and accusative have arrived at their full growth, whilst
the nom. and the gen. are still in embryo, as well as all the
plural. Thus the formation of the cases is, on the whole,
but rudimentary, and is in the lowest stage of development
in the plural. On the other hand, there is no mistaking
the fact that ὁ ἴδρουτα, ἡ τσχῖχα, ἡ γουναῖκα, ὁ ποῦα
(Tóda) follow the analogy of modern Greek, which often.
employs the accusative form for the nominative, if, indeed,
there be not possibly here a relic of an ancient principle of
structure, as seems to be indicated by the forms ó πaréρaç,
ó Baouléas, which can neither be regarded as accusatives
singular, nor as corruptions, such are the completeness and
the definiteness of their forms.
But for this curious part of the Essay, I must
refer the reader to the ingenious original, which
terminates as follows:-
Before we close the philological part of this treatise,
we must take a nearer view of the constitutional law of
formation of the Tzakonic tongue itself. To languages
belongs the character either of inherent guttural concision,
or of labial softness: the former is the genius of the rude,
unfashioned, full and strong, the mountain tongues; the
THE TZAKONIC DIALECT.
333
S
latter, of the soft dialects affecting richness of tone and
plasticity, belonging to the inhabitants of the plains and
the dwellers by the sea. Now it is plain under which of
these two classes Tzakonic falls. It is intensely, and still
more decidedly than common Greek, disposed to softness
and richness of vocalization; and the language in the mouth
of Tzakonians produces upon the first attentive hearing the
impression of a soft melody. This proceeds from the open-
ing of syllables closed in common Greek, for which reason
the closing consonants v and s do not make their appear-
ance, from the rejection of the weak middle sounds, e. g.
ζέα, θέου, δίου instead of ζέλλα, θέλω, δίδου,and from the
lengthening of the sounds thus rendered open, πova for
Tóda,-from the softening of the harsher combinations of
consonants, e. g. ἁβράγου for ἁρπάζω, νιενερίζω for γνωρίζω,
ἁβραμα for ἁβρᾶγμα, ἐγραμα for ἐγραμμα,from the length-
ening of Y into OΥ, τρούπα, γουναῖκα preferably in the case
of harder sounds ψιοῦχα, κτιουποῦ. The full sound of ΣΧ
for E in πασχε and the adoption of ΤΣΧ instead of TP are
to be imputed to the same tendency to softness, to which
such a combination as TP is too harshly offensive.
To sum up the result of all our foregoing remarks on
Tzakonic, it is clear that we have in it a language which
differs from common Greek, particularly in the structure
of the pronouns and the substantive verb, and in the
personal inflection of verbs, too widely to admit of its being
a dialect of that language, and that this tongue is con-
nected indeed with the modern Greek, the common ancient
Greek, the Doric, the epic, and the ancient Laconic dialects;
but that it also diverges from them, and refers in certain
essential forms to a language wherein the origines of
Greek, Latin, and of German, are found.
This language M. Thiersch supposes to have been
the Pelasgic, which seems indeed the only mode of
accounting for some of the grammatical peculiarities
of the Tzakonic, such as the forms of the present
334
THE TZAKONIC DIALECT.
and imperfect tenses; for there is nothing similar in
the old Peloponnesian, as indicated by inscriptions
or by the fragments of that language which have
been preserved by Aristophanes and Thucydides.
The Professor then inquires into the history of the
Tzákones, in illustration of his conclusions as to
their language. This people (he observes) is men-
tioned by two of the Byzantine historians, Nice-
phorus Gregoras and George Pachymeres.
Nicephorus Gregoras relates in his Byzantine History
(lib. iv. p. 58. ed. Paris, p. 49 B. ed. Ven.) that Michael Paleo-
logus, when he had driven the Latins out of Constantinople,
and soon after from Euboea, equipped a fleet of sixty
triremes, and manned it chiefly with Gasmulians (ek
τε ἄλλων καὶ γένους τοῦ Γασμουλικού). The Gasmulians,
he says, were reared at once in Roman (Byzantine-Greek)
and Latin habits: from the Romans they derived the
faculty of engaging in fight with prudence and forethought
(ἐσκεμμένως), whilst boldness (τὸ εὔτολμον) was their gift
from the Latins. Besides these men there was a body of
marines under arms, Laconians, recently procured by the
emperor from Peloponnesus, and called in the common
corrupt tongue Τζάκωνες. (Συνῆν δὲ τούτοις καὶ στρατὸς
ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις θαλάττιος, Λάκωνες ἄρτι προσελθόντες ἐκ
Πελοποννήσου τῷ βασιλεῖ οὓς ἡ κοινὴ παραφθείρασα γλῶσ‐
σα Τζάκωνας μετωνόμασεν.) The account given by Georgius
Pachymeres (Hist. lib. iv. p. 209, ed. Rom. p. 173 D. ed.
Venet.) is nearly to the same effect, but contains a few
more circumstantial elucidations. The Gasmuli, he says,
were dispersed through the city (οἱ ἀνὰ τὴν πόλιν
Taoμovλo). They were dıyevɛç, that is to say, born o
Romaic (Greek) women by Latin fathers, and belonged
to that medley of foreign or Frankish races that had
founded the Latin throne in Byzantium. They were
ἄνδρες νεανικοὶ τὰς ὁρμᾶς, καὶ τὰς προθυμίας λαφυστικοὶ,
men of youthful daring, and greedy of booty; there were
ЕК
THE TZAKONIC DIALECT.
335
likewise ἄλλοι τε πλεῖστοι ἐκ τῶν Λακώνων, οὓς καὶ Τζάκω-
νας παραφθείροντες ἔλεγον, οὓς ἔκ τε Μορέου καὶ τῶν
δυτικῶν μερῶν ἅμα μὲν πολλοὺς ἅμα δὲ καὶ μαχίμους ἅμα
γυναιξὶ καὶ τέκνοις εἰς Κονσταντινόπολιν μετῴκιζεν ὁ
Kparov. Here then we learn that the Tzakonians were in
great numbers in the aforesaid fleet, that they were war-
like men, that they were from the Moréa, and that they
had been transported to Constantinople with their wives.
and children.
Pachymeres, in mentioning the western parts, seems to
point to the Mainote country on the Gulf of Calamata; but
the term Western is used by the Byzantine writers, not for
the purpose of more specifically denoting a part of the
Moréa, but with reference to Byzantium as a general desig-
nation of regions to the west of that city: in connexion with
the Moréa, therefore, it is only a general epithet. Imme-
diately after this we are told that the emperor, convinced
that Byzantium could only be maintained by acquiring com-
plete mastery of the seas, collected robust and able seamen
and rowers all along the coasts, πανταχοῦ τῶν κατ᾿ αἰγια
love xwowv, and took them into his service. Michael
Palæologus reigned from 1262 to 1283; the expedition to
the Moréa took place in 1264: it is therefore about the
middle of the thirteenth century that the name of the
Tzakonians emerged from obscurity as that of a maritime,
numerous, and brave people.
Is it not more likely that both these Byzantine
authors alluded to the Maniátes, who were a mari-
time and a piratical people? whereas the Tzákones
were and still are cultivators of the land, pastors, and
traders; preserving, indeed, the brave independent
character common to the mountaineers of Greece,
but by no means resembling the Tzákones of Con-
stantinople in the 13th century, or their companions
336
THE TZAKONIC DIALECT.
the Gasmuli, who recommended themselves to
Michael Palæologus as daring seamen, likely to be
useful to him in his projected expedition for the
recovery of Greece. It may be difficult perhaps to
attach a precise idea to the words of Pachymer, k
τε Μορέου καὶ τῶν δυτικῶν μερῶν, but we can hardly
confine their import to the north-eastern part of
Laconia; for it is evident from the anonymous Me-
trical Chronicle of the Wars of the Franks in the
Moréa in the 13th century, that Tzakonía had then
a much wider signification. Even as late as the
beginning of the 18th century we find the Venetians
applying the name Zaccunia to all the ancient
Laconia, including Mani. There remains, therefore,
the strongest reason to believe that the Aákwveç or
Tlákovεs mentioned by Pachymer and Gregoras con-
sisted chiefly of Maniátes. We may add, that an
ancient language is much more likely to be preserved
among secluded mountaineers than among a people
of adventurous seamen.
It was not until three centuries later than the
time of Michael Palæologus, that the Tzákones
became known to the learned of Europe as speak-
ing a dialect different from other Greeks. Stephen
Gerlach, who in the year 1574 was attached to
the embassy sent by the Emperor Maximilian II.
to Constantinople, wrote as follows to his friend
Martin Crusius: "Omnes (Græci) quorumcumque
locorum se intelligunt, exceptis Ionibus qui in Pelo-
ponneso inter Naupliam et Monembasiam quatuor-
decim pagos inhabitantes antiquâ linguâ, sed multi-
fariam in grammaticam peccante, utuntur, qui gram-
THE TZAKONIC DIALECT.
337
maticè loquentem intelligunt, vulgarem vero linguam
minimè. Hi Zacones vulgo dicuntur'."
Gerlach, however, not having obtained his inform-
ation in the Peloponnesus, is not entitled to much
confidence; and his remark, that the Tzákones un-
derstood the ancient and not the modern Greek,
seems to be nothing more than such an exaggerated
report of the preservation of ancient forms or words
in Tzakonía, as the traveller often encounters in
parts of Greece distant from that district. So remote
is it from the truth, that the Tzákones, instead of
deriving assistance in a knowledge of Hellenic from
their own dialect, remain among the most unlettered
of the Moreï'tes. But the designation of Iones,
which Gerlach gives to the Tzákones, is very curious
as agreeing with Herodotus, who states, that of
the seven nations inhabiting the Peloponnesus,
the Cynurii and Arcadians had never changed
their abode, and that the Cynurii alone were
Ionians 2. M. Thiersch accordingly discovers traces
of Ionism in the Tzakonic, in the softness and attenu-
ation of the forms, in the elision and lapses of the
consonants, the amplification of the vowels, the
separation of the diphthongs, and in several cases
the re-opening of the contraction, as in the subjunc-
tive ἐὰν γεννάη, ἐὰν κινάη, &c. ; in the avoiding of
closed terminations, as ὁ ὄνο for ὁ ὄνος, γράφομε τον
ypápoμsc, resembling the open termination in the
mouth of the Pseudartabas in Aristophanes, où Añfɩ
1 M. Crusii Turco-Græcia, p. 489.
for
οἱ δὲ Κυνούριοι, αὐτόχθονες ἐόντες, δοκέουσι μοῦνοι εἶναι
"Iwres. Herodot. 8, 73.
Ίωνες.
Z
338
THE TZAKONIC DIALECT.
66
Xρũσо Xаννóжρшкт' 'Iαova'. Ionic, therefore, accord-
ing to M. Thiersch, was the original dialect of
Cynuria, and the Tzakonic is its descendant; the
Dorisms found in the latter being merely adven-
titious, and having been added to the original Ionic
in consequence of the position of Cynuria, surround-
ed by the Dorians of Laconia and Argeia. 'But,"
adds M. Thiersch, "not only is the Ionian of this
language very peculiar and associated with Doric
materials, but behind both there may be detected
analogies and formations more ancient than Ionism
and Dorism, and we may say, beyond all Greek with
which we are acquainted by writing or tradition.
The Cynurian Ionic is no derivative, no branch of
any other Ionic dialect, nor of the Achaico-Epic,
nor of the Attic, nor of the Ionic of Asia, but an
original stock, sprung directly from the fountain-
head, and more consistent than the others, because
it has neither been committed to writing nor has
undergone development and polish,—the two means
through which languages chiefly suffer alteration.
That most peculiar and antique personal inflection
which opens to us a glimpse of the internal growth
and structure of the tongue, is no where found in
any ancient Hellenic dialect, but carries us back to a
time when Greek of every denomination and Latin
flowed from a common source, and presupposes a
great parent-tongue from which both languages de-
scended, namely, the Pelasgic."
1 Acharn. 104.
REONDA-EVA.
339
VOL. ii.
p. 510.
Réonda (rà Péovra) derives its name apparently
from its standing at the sources of the chief branch
of the river of St. Andrew. On the eastern side of the
hill of Réonda is the plain of Paleakhóra, watered
by a stream flowing from south to north into
a katavóthra. Mr. Finlay describes the chasm as so
deep and abrupt that it is impossible to descend into
it without ropes. A body of water is heard flowing
below. The emissary is supposed by the natives to
be in the sea between Ai Andhréa and Tyró. There
are some ancient foundations near the entrance of
the chasm.
VOL. ii. p. 512.
From the Supplement to vol. ii. p. 492, the
reader will have understood that I no longer adhere
to the opinion given in vol. ii. p. 510, that “the
route of Pausanias led through the pass of Kastá-
nitza¹;" though I still consider that Kastánitza and
its surrounding district formed, together with those
of Plátano and Sítena, the territory of the ancient
Eva. The boundaries of Cynuria being well defined
by the summits of Parnon and the rivers of Luku
and Ai Andhréa, which embrace it on every side
except that of the sea; and the respective positions
of the territories of Thyrea, Anthene, and Neris
'The observations in vol. ii. pp. 523, seq., founded upon this
supposition, will require, therefore, to be cancelled.
z 2
340
EVA-RIVER CHARADRUS.
being clearly indicated by the ruins of those cities,
there remains no portion of the country which can
be assigned to Eva, except that around Plátano,
Sítena, and Kastánitza. The exact site of Eva
may hereafter, perhaps, be determined by the dis-
covery of some Hellenic remains. Stephanus has
described a town of Argolis, named Eunæa, as in-
habited by Cynurii', and he places Eva in Arcadia.
In neither of these is he supported by any other
writer; but Eva of Cynuria may perhaps have been
the place intended in both instances, and his error
may have been partly caused by there having been a
Cynuria in Arcadia² as well as in Argolis. A coin
of the Achæan League, proving that Eva once
formed a part of that confederacy³, is of no service
on this question, further than as it shows the im-
portance of Eva, in which it agrees with Pausanias,
who describes Eva as the greatest of the Cynurian
towns, and here alone makes mention of a temple.
If the river of Luku be the Tanus, the Kani, or
at least its western branch, may have been the river
Charadrus which Statius describes as flowing in
a long valley near Neris; for this river rises in the
heights near the ruins, which I have supposed to be
those of Neris.
1 Εὐναὶ . . . . ἔστι καὶ
Kuroúpio. Stephan. in v.
4
πόλις "Αργους Ευναία, ἣν ᾤκουν
2 Pausan. Arcad. 27, 3 (4).
Mionnet, Médailles Ant. Supp. iv. p. 9.
τρίτη δὲ Εὔα, μεγίστη τῶν κωμῶν καὶ ἱερὸν Πολεμοκράτους
¿σTìv Év Taúrη. Corinth. 38, 6.
5
Quæque pavet longa spumantem valle Charadrum
Neris.
Stat. Theb. 4, 46.
TEMPLE OF SCOTITAS.
341
VOL. ii. p. 515.
Having already remarked that the Herma, on the
road from Thyrea to Sparta, which marked the junc-
tion of the Tegeatis, Argeia, and Laconice, are to be
placed between St. Peter's and Arákhova, on some
part of the ridge from whence flow, in three adverse
directions, tributaries of the Alpheius, Tanus, and
Eurotas, it will follow that the ancient remains at
Mármara cannot be those of the temple of Jupiter
Scotitas mentioned by Pausanias; but they appear
to have been the ruins of a building of the same
kind, standing probably on the line of another an-
cient road, or that which led from Brasee and Eva
towards Sparta. On this route it is observable that
the forests are of fir, whereas those on the ancient
road from Thyrea to Sparta were, according to
Pausanias, of oak (Spuc). Five centuries before his
time a forest appears to have covered the western
slopes of Parnon, almost as far as Sparta'. It is
poorly represented at present by scattered trees,
chiefly of ilex.
VOL. ii. p. 522.
From the extract of Pausanias wherein he de-
scribes the situations of Caryæ and Sellasia, we learn,
that beyond the Hermæ, which marked the common
boundary of Tegeatis, Cynuria, and Laconia, the Evora
or road from Thyrea to Sellasia and Sparta had, first,
1
Polyb. 16, 37. Liv. 35, 30. Tr. in Moréa, ii. p. 525.
342
SELLASIA.
the temple of Jupiter Scotitas to the left; secondly,
a statue of Hercules with a trophy to the left; and,
thirdly, Caryæ to the right'. The only distance
given by Pausanias is that of the temple of Jupiter,
ten stades to the left of the road. We remain ig-
norant of the distance from the Hermæ, and from
each other of the three points where roads diverged
from the main route, except that the turning to the
Hercules was not far beyond that to the temple of
Scotitas. We are equally uninformed of the dis-
tance of Caryæ from the main route, of the distance
of the turning to Caryæ from Sellasia, and of the dis-
tance of Sellasia from Sparta. The important posi-
tion of Sellasia, therefore, remains uncertain.
French Geographers have placed it at the Khan of
Krevatá in one of the principal passes on the modern
route from Tripolitzá to Mistrá, where they remarked
many vestiges on the height which incloses the
valley on the south, and the remains of a sacellum
The
1 Ἰοῦσι δὲ ἀπὸ τῶν Ἑρμῶν ἐστὶν ὁ τόπος οὗτος ἅπας δρυῶν
πλήρης· τὸ δὲ ὄνομα τῷ χωρίῳ Σκοτίταν οὐ τὸ συνεχὲς τῶν δένδρων
ἐποίησεν, ἀλλὰ Ζεὺς ἐπίκλησιν ἔσχε Σκοτίτας καὶ ἔστιν ἐν ἀριστερᾷ
τῆς ὁδοῦ δέκα μάλιστά που στάδια ἐκτραπομένοις ἱερὸν Σκοτίτα
Διός. ἐπανελθόντων δὲ ἐντεῦθεν προελθοῦσιν ὀλίγον καὶ τραπεῖσιν
αὖθις ἐς ἀριστερὰν ἄγαλμά ἐστιν Ἡρακλέους καὶ τρόπαιον· ἀνα-
στῆσαι δὲ ἐλέγετο Ἡρακλῆς ἀποκτείνας Ιπποκόωντα καὶ τοὺς παῖδας
τρίτη δὲ ἐκ τῆς ὁδοῦ τῆς εὐθείας ἐκβολὴ κατὰ τὰ δεξιὰ ἐς Καρύας
ἄγει καὶ ἐς τὸ ἱερὸν τῆς ᾿Αρτέμιδος. τὸ γὰρ χωρίον Αρτέμιδος καὶ
νυμφῶν ἐστὶν αἱ Κάρυαι, καὶ ἄγαλμα ἕστηκεν ᾿Αρτέμιδος ἐν
ὑπαίθρῳ Καρυάτιδος· χοροὺς δὲ ἐνταῦθα αἱ Λακεδαιμονίων παρ-
θένοι κατὰ ἔτος ἱστᾶσι καὶ ἐπιχώριος αὐταῖς καθέστηκεν ὄρχησις·
ἀναστρέψαντι δὲ καὶ κατὰ τὴν λεωφόρον ἰόντι ἐρείπια Σελλασίας
ἐστί. . . . . ἐν δὲ Θόρνακι (ἐς γὰρ τοῦτον ἀφίξῃ προϊών) αγαλμά
ἐστι Πυθαέως ᾿Απόλλωνος .
᾿Απὸ δὲ Θόρνακος προελθόντι
ἔστιν ἡ πόλις, Σπάρτη, &c. Pausan. Lacon. 10, 7 (6); 11, 1.
SELLASIA.
343
near the road¹: but I am still inclined to the opinion
that Sellasia stood at the monastery of the Forty
Saints; the peculiar situation of which relatively to
the surrounding country, combined with the vestiges
of antiquity which I there observed, prove it, no
less than the Khan of Krevatá, to have been
the site of a place occupying one of the most
important military points in the approach to Sparta,
and thus equally well adapted to be the posi-
tion of Sellasia. No fortifications such as were
common in other parts of Greece are to be traced
either at the Forty Saints or at the Khan of
Krevatá; but probably neither Sellasia nor Caryæ
was ever fortified. Sellasia was a ruin in the time
of Pausanias, and Caryæ nothing more than a temple
of Diana, the scene of an annual festival.
The geographical structure of the country, and
the direction of the passes, leave no doubt that the
ancient road from Tegea to Sparta coincided with
the present route from Tripolitzá to Mistrá, on
which the Khan of Krevatá is one of the resting-
places. But there is reason to believe that Sellasia
was not on the direct road from Sparta to Tegea,
although it was certainly at no great distance from
Sparta on one of the routes to the northward. When
Titus Quinctius, in the year B. C. 195, marched from
Argos against Nabis, tyrant of Sparta, he crossed
Mount Parthenius, and, passing Tegea, (in the course
of the second day's march,) encamped on the third
day at Carya within the enemy's territory2. Three
1
¹ Boblaye, Rech. Géogr. sur les Ruines de la Morée, p. 74.
2 Liv. 34, 26.
344
CARYE-BARBOSTHENES.
years afterwards, Philopomen, acting at the head
of the forces of the Achæan League against Nabis,
marched from Tegea to Caryæ, moved forward from
thence to Mount Barbosthenes, which was ten miles
from Sparta, and defeated Nabis near that place,
between which and Sparta there was another strong
position, called Pyrrhi Castra 2. From these circum-
stances we may infer that Caryæ, Barbosthenes, and
Pyrrhi Castra were in the direct road from Tegea to
Sparta, and not Sellasia. Hence, also, the proba-
bility arises, that the Khan of Krevatá was the
position of Cary, and that the height immediately
southward of it was Mount Barbosthenes, its direct
distance of six G. M. from Sparta agreeing with the
ten M.P. by the road of Livy.
The passes, in which the contest between Philo-
pomen and Nabis occurred, are described by Livy
as the ravine of a torrent, so narrow that the army
of Philopomen occupied a line of five miles, when
it was met by Nabis between Barbosthenes and
Pyrrhi Castra. This description is in agreement
with the defile in which stands the Khan of Vurliá,
and through which the modern road from Tripolitzá
to Mistrá descends to the Eurotas, and, after having
crossed it, follows its right bank to Sparta 3. On
the day following his defeat, Nabis, fearing that his
adversary would turn his position, and cut him off
from Sparta, began to retreat; upon which Philo-
1
Probably eighty stades in Polybius, from whom Livy de-
rived his narrative.
2 Liv. 35, 27. See Tr. in Moréa, ii. p. 525.
3 Travels in Moréa, i. p. 125.
PYRRHI CASTRA-
345
-PHERE.
pomen attacked and defeated the enemy's rear-
guard, and threw all the retreating forces into such
confusion, that great numbers of them threw away
their arms, and took refuge in the woods on either
side of the narrow way. From thence they endea-
voured during the night, after passing the camp of
Philopomen, to gain Sparta by the two roads lead-
ing to the gates of Barbosthenes and Pheræ. But
Philopomen, having foreseen this intention, had
already occupied the two routes with his troops,
who thus killed or captured so many of the enemy,
that scarcely a fourth part of the army of Nabis
escaped. Philopomen then invested Sparta, and
overran Laconia during thirty days. A comparison
of this narrative with the map confirms the position
which I have assigned to Caryæ and Mount Barbo-
sthenes, and leads to the probability that Pyrrhi
Castra was at or near the junction of the Enus
and Eurotas, and that Vérria, as I before observed,
stands on the site of Pheræ ¹.
Pyrrhi Castra we may presume to have been so
named from having been the place of encampment
of Pyrrhus of Epirus, when he besieged Sparta in the
year B.C. 272, shortly before his death at Argos 2.
Tegea bears due north from Sparta; and the
route from the one to the other was almost in
a direct line. But Polybius, one of the best pos-
sible testimonies on this question, expressly states
¹ Tr. in Moréa, ii. p. 515, note a. Beppola was the Macedonian
form of Þɛpaì, and may have been the Laconian form also prior
to the Doric conquest of Laconia.
2 Plutarch, Pyrrh. 26. Pausan. Attic. 13, 6. Lacon. 28, 3.
Justin. 25, 4.
346
SELLASIA.
1
that Sellasia was to the north-eastward of Sparta ¹;
and the same fact not less clearly appears from
Xenophon, who relates that when Epaminondas
invaded Laconia in the year B.C. 369, he advanced
from Sellasia to Thornax, which Pausanias places
between Sellasia and Sparta 2; and that soon after-
wards the Thebans made their appearance before
Sparta, separated only from the city by the Eurotas".
They seem evidently, therefore, to have approached
Sparta from the eastward, or on the opposite bank
to that on which Philopomen invested the city.
The route of Pausanias to Sparta tends to the same
conclusion as to the situation of Sellasia: having
entered Laconia, from Cynuria, at the Hermæ, he
leaves Caryæ, the frontier town of Laconia towards
the Tegeatis, to his right, proceeds to Sellasia, and
from thence by Thornax to Sparta. I conclude,
therefore, that the road from the Thyreatis to Sparta,
upon which Sellasia stood, lay wholly to the eastward
of that from Tegea to Sparta; and that from the site
of the Herma of the triple frontier, it passed near
Barbitza and Basará to the Forty Saints.
It is evident, on examining the map, that if a post
at the Khan of Krevatá was of the first importance
on the road from Tegea to Sparta, the position of
the Forty Saints or Sellasia was equally so on the
route from the Thyreatis, Cynuria, and all the north-
eastern extremity of Laconia. The geological struc-
1
ὁ μὲν γὰρ Εὐρώτας καὶ τὰ περὶ τὴν Σελλασίαν κεῖται τῆς
Σπάρτης ὡς πρὸς τὰς θερινὰς ἀνατολάς. Polyb. 16, 16.
is
3
2 Pausan. Lacon. 10, 10 (8).
Xenoph. Hellen. 6, 5, § 27. Tr. in Moréa, i. p. 143.
RIVER GORGYLUS.
347
ture of the country shows a probability that at or
near the position of the Forty Saints, the roads to
Sparta from all the cities in those directions united,
and we have a practical illustration of the fact in
the position taken up by Cleomenes at Sellasia for
the defence of Sparta, when expecting the approach
of Antigonus from Argos. The Herma, on the
route from Argos to Sparta by Thyrea, having been
near Arákhova, Antigonus naturally followed the
branch of the Enus which flows from Arákhova
and Vrestená, and which unites with the other
branch a little westward of the Forty Saints, there
forming the single stream now called Kelefína, and
anciently Enus, which joins the Eurotas one mile
northward of the bridge of Sparta. On arriving at
the junction of the river of Vrestená, which I sup-
pose to have been the Gorgylus, with the Enus, he
found himself in presence of Cleomenes, who, after
having guarded and obstructed the other approaches
to Sparta', had entrenched his army on the two
mountains rising from either side of the united river,
along which led the road to Sparta; himself, with
the Spartans, on Mount Olympus to the right, while
his brother, Eucleidas, held Mount Eva to the left,
with the periœci and auxiliaries. There was no place
where Antigonus could have disposed his infantry
but along the left bank of the Gorgylus; here, there-
fore, he encamped, having his cavalry in the valley
adjoining the junction of the rivers, where also was
posted the cavalry of the enemy. Antigonus was
superior in numbers by 8000, but this superiority
1
φυλακαῖς καὶ τάφροις καὶ δένδρων ἐκκοπαῖς. Ρolyb. 2, 65.
348
MOUNT THORNAX.
was more than compensated by the strength of the
position of Cleomenes. Nevertheless, he was at-
tacked and completely defeated by Antigonus, who
was aided by three fortunate circumstances: 1. the
promptitude of Philopomen in attacking without
orders the Lacedæmonian cavalry, which threatened
to prevent the Illyrians, who formed the right wing
of Antigonus, from advancing against Eucleidas; 2.
the negligence of Eucleidas in allowing the Illyrians
to attack him on the summit of Eva, instead of
meeting them on the declivity; and, 3. the irresist-
ible weight of the Macedonian phalanx in the final
attack which they made upon the Spartans in the
presence of the two kings upon Mount Olympus'.
In addition to the preceding arguments in favour
of placing Sellasia at the Forty Saints, and not at
the Khan of Krevatá, we ought not to omit the
consideration, that the narrative of Polybius requires
on the scene of the battle of Sellasia the junction
of two rivers²; and that he describes the Gorgylus
as a Tотаμóç: whereas at the Khan of Krevatá,
although the river of Vrestená may be presumed to
have been the Enus, there is nothing but a very
small torrent to represent the Gorgylus.
It will follow from the placing of Sellasia at
A'ghii Saránda, and Cary at the Khan of Krevatá,
that the mountain marked Thornax in the French
map was not Thornax, but the southern extremity
of Barbosthenes, and that the ruined temple observed
by the French Surveyors on the heights, two miles
¹ Travels in Moréa, ii. p. 526.
2
Polyb. 2, 65. Tr. in Moréa, ii. p. 527.
BARBOSTHENES.
349
to the N.E. of Sparta, is probably that of Apollo
Pythaëus on Mount Thornax¹.
On the summit, to the south of the Khan of Kre-
vatá, distant 14 G. M. south from thence, which I have
supposed to be the ancient Mount Barbosthenes, the
French map marks some "Ruins:" these have been
visited by Professor Ross, of Athens, who supposes
them to be remains of Sellasia 2. To this we may
object, 1. That they are too distant from the valley
at the Khan of Krevatá, in which M. Ross, as well as
the French geographers, suppose the battle of Sellasia
to have been fought. 2. That if these be remains
of Sellasia, Carya must have stood to the north-
westward of this site in the midst of the desert
hills of Sciritis, where not a single modern village
occurs, nor any situation in which Caryæ can with
any degree of probability be placed. It is more
likely that the ruins in question are those of Bar-
bosthenes, which appears to have been a town or
fortress, as well as a mountain, by its having given
name to one of the northern gates of Sparta ³.
1 Pausan. Lacon. 10, 10 (8).-The statue of Apollo Pythaëus
resembled that of Apollo Amyclæus, which was nothing more
than a column of brass, between forty and fifty feet high, with
a head, hands, and feet. The face was of gold; this gold had
been presented to the Lacedæmonians by Croesus, and was
intended for the statue at Thornax, but was applied to that of
Amyclæ. Herodot. 1, 69. Athen. 6, 4.
2 Annali del' Inst. di Corr. Archæologica, viii. p. 15.
3 Duarum portarum quæ Pheras, quæque Barbosthenem
ferunt. Liv. 35, 30.
350
CARYSTUS.
:
VoL. ii. p. 532.
The passage of Athenæus here cited in reference
to the situation of Enus, although unfortunately
corrupt, is still not unworthy of some notice, as
supplying the names of some Laconian places on
the authority of the ancient Spartan poet, Aleman'.
Carystus, here said by Athenæus to have been near
Arcadia, is stated by Strabo, in reference to the same
passage in Alcman, to have been in the Egytis 2,
the situation of which on the south-western frontier
of Arcadia has already been shown. Carystus stood
probably at the Kaly'via of Ghiorghítzi described
in Travels in the Morea, iii. p. 18. Three of the
other places named by Alcman appear to have been
suburban villages; for Pentelophi was no more than
seven stades distant from Sparta, and Onogli and
Stathmi, having been near Pitane, were probably still
nearer to the city.
4
Enus, described as a small town of Laconia +,
1 'Αλκμάν δέ που ἄπυρον οἶνον καὶ ἄνθεος ὄσδοντα φησὶ, τὸν
ἐκ Πέντε λόφων (ὅς ἐστι τόπος Σπάρτης ἀπέχων σταδίους ἑπτὰ)
καὶ τὸν ἐκ Δενθιάδων (ἐρύματός τινος), καὶ τὸν ἐξ Οἰνοῦντος
καὶ τὸν ἐξ Ὀνόγλων καὶ Σταθμῶν. (χωρία δὲ ταῦτα τὰ καὶ
(κεῖται ?) πλησίον Πιτάνης)
καὶ τὸν ἐκ Καρύστου, ὅς ἐστι
πλησίον Αρκαδίας· ἄπυρον δὲ εἶπε τὸν οὐχ ἑψημένον· ἐχρῶντο
γὰρ ἑφθοῖς οἴνοις. Athen. 1, 24.
2 Κάρυστος δέ ἐστι καὶ ἐν τῇ Λακωνικῇ, τόπος τῆς Αἴγυος
πρὸς ᾿Αρκαδίαν, ἀφ' οὗ Καρύστιον οἶνον ᾿Αλκμὴν εἴρηκε. Strabo,
p. 446. Stephan. in Κάρυστος.
See above, p. 234, and Tr. in Moréa, ii. p. 322.
* Οἰνοῦς, πολίχνιον Λακωνικῆς, ὡς ᾿Ανδροτίων καὶ Δίδυμος.
Stephan. in v.
CENUS-DENTHIAS.
351
occupied, perhaps, as I have already remarked, the
site of Tzítzina; the ancient name having doubt-
less been derived from the wine alluded to by
Alcman, and the district of Tzitzina abounding in
vineyards. Moreover, this place stands at the sources
of one of the two principal branches of the river,
which joins the Eurotas at a mile to the northward
of Sparta, and is unquestionably the ancient Enus,
now called Kelefína.
If the branch from Arákhova and Vrestená was
the Gorgylus, as I have given some reasons for be-
lieving, that which is formed from the rivers of
Tzítzina and Agrianós was the Enus; and this will
be confirmed if we identify the monastery of the
Forty Saints with Sellasia, that position being nearer
to the branch from Tzitzina and Agrianós than to
the junction of this river with that of Arákhova and
Vrestená.
That the town Enus was not below the junction
of the two branches is rendered probable by its
having been, like Sellasia itself, a subordinate town
of Laconia, which, on that supposition, would have
stood between the capital and Sellasia, a circum-
stance very unlikely, as the distance between the
Forty Saints and the site of Sparta in a direct line
is not more than three miles, and we have the names
of some of the ancient intermediate places, and ap-
parently on two different routes.
Denthias or Denthiades appears to have received
its name, like Enus, from its principal agricultural
production, the vine'. There is nothing else to
· Δένθις, οἶνος. Λάκωνες. Hesych. in v. The name of the
Dentheliatis, or district of Denthelia, on the left bank of the
352
THORNAX-POLYASIUM.
assist in identifying the site, except its having
been a fortress, and probably therefore in a strong
position.
Pausanias, between Sparta and Sellasia, notices.
only the sanctuary of Jupiter Pythaëus at Thornax;
but we learn from another authority, that at Thornax
there were habitations, as well as a mountain or
hill, of that name: it appears also from Zeno,
as reported by Polybius, that between Sparta and
Sellasia occurred a defile named the Straits of
Poliasium2. The river, the hill, and the straits, are
Pamisus, which contained Limnæ, had doubtless the same
origin.
1 Θόρναξ· ὄρος τῆς Λακωνικῆς. Νικόλαος δ. τὸ ἐθνικὸν Θορνά-
κιος. Stephan. in v.
2 Ἐν ᾧ φησιν ὁ Ζήνων, ὁρμήσαντα τὸν Νάβιν ἐκ τῆς Λακε-
δαίμονος καὶ διαβάντα τὸν Εὐρώταν ποταμὸν παρὰ τὸν Οπλίτην
(probably a statue on the bank of the Eurotas) poσayopevóµevov,
πορεύεσθαι διὰ τῆς ὁδοῦ τῆς στενῆς παρὰ τὸ Πολιάσιον, ἕως ἐπὶ
τοὺς κατὰ Σελλασίαν ἀφίκετο τόπους· ἐντεῦθεν δὲ ἐπὶ θαλάμας
ἐπιβαλόντα κατὰ Φάρας παραγενέσθαι πρὸς τὸν Πάμισον ποταμόν.
Polyb. 16, 16.
Polybius cites these words of Zeno, as one among several
examples of that ignorance of geography, and preference of an
elegant style to truth, with which he reproaches the Rhodian
historian. Zeno had represented Nabis as having marched from
Sparta to Sellasia in his way into Messenia,—a blunder of Zeno,
the more ridiculous as it was preceded by a particular descrip-
tion of the short distance from Sparta to Sellasia, which appears
to have been correct, as Polybius makes no objection to it.
The sequel is amusing, and quite of a modern character. Poly-
bius, who had been a witness of many of the events recorded by
him, and was anxious for the truth of history, wrote to Zeno,
pointing out the error which he had committed, when Zeno
returned his thanks for the information, with expressions of
regret that it was no longer available, his work being already
published. We may congratulate ourselves, that a portion of the
THORNAX-POLYASIUM.
353
natural features, which it may be possible to recog-
nize, although no remains of Thornax or Poliasium
may exist.
That the French surveyors have not
discovered any of these places, is not surprising,
because having placed Sellasia at the Khan of
Krevatá, they would have sought for them (if they
ever adverted to the passage of Polybius, which
relates to them,) in a different direction.
facts of Polybius, however ungracefully related, have escaped
the wreck of ancient literature, rather than the elegant inaccura-
cies of Zeno and Antisthenes.
A a
354
TREASURY OF PHARIS.
SUPPLEMENT
TO
VOL. iii. p. 4.
It is, like
CONCERNING the ancient Treasury near Vafió here
mentioned, Mr. Mure states as follows: "The name
Baphió was marked on my map, so that I had no
great difficulty in finding the site of the 'Treasury'
about a mile to the south of the tower.
that of Mycenæ, a tumulus, with an interior vault
entered by a door on one side, the access to which
was pierced horizontally through the slope of the
hill. Its situation on the summit of a knoll, itself
of rather conical form, while it increases the apparent
size of the tumulus, adds much to its general lofti-
ness and grandeur of effect. The roof of the vault,
with the greater part of its material, is now gone, its
shape being represented by a round cavity or crater
on the summit of the tumulus: Count Capo d'Istria
enjoys the credit of its destruction. The doorway is
still entire : it is six feet wide at its upper and
narrower part. The stone lintel is 15 feet in length.
The vault itself was probably between 30 and 40
feet in diameter '.”
1 Tour in Greece, ii. p. 246.
TREASURY OF PHARIS.
355
It is surprising that the French Surveyors have
given no description or drawing of this singular
monument. M. Boblaye says no more than, "On
indique dans la plaine des ruines aux villages de
Vaphió et de Marmália; nous avons vu des tumulus
très-remarquables bordant la rive droite de l'Eurotas
au sud de ces deux villages, ils renferment, dit-on,
des tombeaux tels que ceux de Mycènes.'
وو
Mr. Mure's description, therefore, is the only one
we possess of this interesting monument, the resem-
blance of which to those of Erchomenus and Mycenæ
carries back its antiquity to the time of Menelaus,
and leaves no doubt as to the site of Phare, one of
the Laconian cities which flourished before the Doric
occupation. The name, changed only from the Phare
of Homer to Pharis, was still attached to the site in
the time of Strabo and Pausanias, whose remarks
concerning it accord perfectly with this situation '.
Mr. Mure adds, "Menelaus is said to have been
buried at Amycle; this (monument) therefore may
have been the royal vault of the Spartan branch, as
the Mycenæan monument was of the Argive branch
of the Atreidan family." But Amyclæ, even if
placed, according to the French geographers, at
Sklavokhóri, was more than two miles distant from
the tumulus near Vafió, and four or five if Amyclæ
stood, as I believe, at Aghía Kyriakí. And there is
1 Ὑποπέπτωκε δὲ τῷ Ταϋγέτῳ ἡ Σπάρτη ἐν μεσογαίᾳ καὶ
Αμύκλαι, οὗ τὸ τοῦ ᾿Απόλλωνος ἱερὸν καὶ ἡ Φάρις. Strabo,
p. 363.
Διαβᾶσι δὲ αὐτόθεν ποταμὸν Φελλίαν παρὰ ᾿Αμύκλας, ἰοῦσιν
εὐθεῖαν ὡς ἐπὶ θάλασσαν, Φάρις πόλις ἐν τῇ Λακωνικῇ ποτὲ
KETTO. Pausan. Lacon. 20, 3.
A a 2
356
RIVER PHELLIA-MESSE.
strong reason for believing that the structure was
not a sepulchre, but a treasury '.
It is supposed, in Travels in Moréa, vol. iii. p. 4,
that "the river now called Takhúrti, which joins the
Eurotas a little above Vafió, is the Phellia, as being
the most considerable stream in the plain, next to
the Tiasa southward." In page 165 of the present
volume will be found the correction of this opinion.
There can scarcely be a question that the Phellia is
the river which flows between the sites of Alesiæ
and Amycle: the Takhúrti therefore is unnoticed in
history; but the name is of Hellenic origin, and
appears to be derived from ταχὺς.
VOL. iii.
. p. 5.
Of the nine cities of Laconia, enumerated by
Homer, namely, Phare, Sparte, Messe, Bryseiæ,
Augeiæ, Amyclæ, Helos, Las, and Etylus2: the
site of Messe alone remains undetermined. The
order of names being generally, though not strictly,
from north to south, we may presume to have been
arranged by the poet, as usual in his catalogue,
with a view to locality, unless when it interfered too
much with metrical convenience.
2
¹ See above, p. 256.
* Οἳ δ᾽ εἶχον κοίλην Λακεδαίμονα κητώεσσαν,
Φάρην τε, Σπάρτην τε, πολυτρήρωνά τε Μέσσην,
Βρυσειάς τ' ἐνέμοντο, καὶ Αὐγειὰς ἐρατεινάς,
Οἵ τ᾽ ἄρ' 'Αμύκλας εἶχον, Ελος τ᾽ ἔφαλον πτολίεθρον,
Οἵ τε Λάαν εἶχον, ἠδ᾽ Οίτυλον ἀμφενέμοντο.
T
Hom. B. 581.
MESSE.
357
The latter consideration we may suppose to have
caused the transposition of Augeia and Amyclæ; for
the former city having been near Gythium, and the
latter near Sparta, it is evident that if local arrange-
ment alone had been considered, 'Auúkλat would have
been placed as nearly as possible to Φάρη, Σπάρτη, οι
Bovocia. With this exception, the arrangement of
all the nine names is sufficiently topographical to
justify our searching for Messe in the northern part
of the great Spartan valley. Here the north-western
angle alone remains unoccupied by a Homeric city,
and here, therefore, some reason exists for believing
that Messe was situated.
Mistrá, favoured with a plentiful supply of water,
and possessing a natural fortress, which commands
the entrance into Mount Taygetus from the northern
end of the plain, is such a position as we cannot
conceive to have been neglected by the Greeks.
And of all the ancient sites in the Lacedæmonian
valley, it is far the best adapted to the epithet #ʊλv-
Tрńρwv, or abounding in pigeons'; these birds in-
habit in great numbers the cavities of the rocks of
Mistrá, in the same manner as at Thisbe in Bœotia,
to which place Homer has applied the same epi-
thet 2.
Strabo confesses, that the position of Messe was
unknown; but he warns us against confounding it
with Messa, one of the component kμaι of Sparta,
which gave name to the tribe of Messoatæ³. Some
volucrumque parens Cythereia Messe.
Stat. Theb. 4, 226.
2 Il. B. v. 502.
3 Strabo, p. 364.
358
MESSE.
critics, supposed Messe to have been an abbreviation of
Messene; but there can be little doubt that Moonvn
like Λακεδαίμων, Ήλις, "Αργος, was originally the name
of a portion of the Peloponnesus; that it was not
until a chief city in each of those countries arose,
that the names were applied to cities, and that
Mɛσonvŋ consequently was not so employed until the
fourth century before the Christian æra.
Messa, now Mezapó, on the western coast of
Mani, had from the identity of name a better title to
be considered the Homeric Messe'. Messa, although
not mentioned by any other writer, is described by
Pausanias as a wóλis kai λyunv2: there is great dif-
πόλις λιμήν
ficulty, however, in believing that a place, which,
from its situation, could never have been of much
importance, should have been one of the nine Laconic
cities; two of which, namely, Las, occupying the best
district on the eastern side of the great Laconian
promontory, and Etylus on the western, seem quite
a sufficient proportion for that promontory, the least
fertile part of Laconia.
Assuming Mistrá to have been the position of
¹ Tr. in Moréa, p. 286. I have here referred to an inscription
which I found at Mistrá, containing the word ME22102; I sup-
pose it to be the Gentile of ME22H; but it may be no more than
a proper name. Even in this case, however, it is not altogether
unworthy of remark with a reference to the site of Messe. In Tr.
in Moréa, i. p. 287, I cited Stephanus to show that Méσotos was
the Gentile of Mέoon; this, however, it is right to observe, is
only an inference from Mɛoonvios, Messe according to Stephanus
having been a form of Messene.
2 Lacon. 25, 7 (10).
MOUNT TAYGETUS.
359
Messe, we overcome that difficulty in placing the
ancient names of Mount Taygetus, which arises from
Pausanias having neglected to give any intimation of
the direction in which he proceeds from Eleusinium to
Harpleia¹. If Mistrá was Messe, it seems clear that
his course must have been southward; since, had it
¹ Tr. in Moréa, iii. p. 2.5. The following is as much of the
passage in Pausanias as describes the middle region of Taygetus
on the eastern side :-
Ακρα δὲ τοῦ Ταϋγέτου Ταλετὸν ὑπὲρ Βρυσεῶν ἀνέχει ταύτην
Ἡλίου καλοῦσιν ἱερὰν, καὶ ἄλλα τε αὐτόθι Ἡλίῳ θύουσι καὶ
ἵππους· τὸ δὲ αὐτὸ καὶ Πέρσας οἶδα θύειν νομίζοντας Ταλε-
τοῦ δὲ οὐ πόῤῥω καλούμενός ἐστιν Εὐόρας, θηρία καὶ ἄλλα τρέ-
φων καὶ αἶγας μάλιστα ἀγρίας· παρέχεται δὲ καὶ δι᾿ ὅλου τὸ
Ταΰγετον τῶν αἰγῶν τούτων ἄγραν καὶ ὑῶν, πλείστην δὲ καὶ
ἐλάφων καὶ ἄρκτων. Ταλετοῦ δὲ τὸ μεταξὺ καὶ Εὐόρα Θήρας
ὀνομάζο[ντες Λήτω φάσιν ἀπὸ *] τῶν ἄκρων τοῦ Ταϋγέτου . . .
Δήμητρος ἐπίκλησιν Ελευσινίας ἐστὶν ἱερόν ἐνταῦθα Ἡρακλέα
Λακεδαιμόνιοι κρυφθῆναί φασιν ὑπὸ ᾿Ασκληπίου τὸ τραῦμα ἰώμενον·
τό
καὶ Ὀρφέως ἐστὶν ἐν αὐτῷ ξόανον, Πελασγῶν, ὡς φασιν, ἔργον.
Πεντεκαίδεκα δὲ τοῦ Ἐλευσινίου σταδίους ἀφέστηκε
Λαπίθαιον καλούμενον ἀπὸ ἀνδρὸς ἐγχωρίου Λαπίθου. τοῦτό τε
οὖν Λαπίθαιόν ἐστιν ἐν τῷ Ταϋγέτῳ καὶ οὐ πόῤῥω Δέῤῥιον, ἔνθα
Αρτέμιδος ἄγαλμα ἐν ὑπαίθρῳ Δεῤῥιάτιδος καὶ πηγὴ παρ' αὐτῷ
ἣν ῎Ανωνον ὀνομάζουσι· μετὰ δὲ τὸ Δέῤῥιον σταδίους προελθόντι
ὡς εἴκοσιν, ἔστιν "Αρπλεια καθήκοντα ἄχρι τοῦ πεδίου. Pausan.
Lacon. 20, 5 (4) seq.
T
*Instead of the words between brackets, the vulgar reading
is ὀνομάζουσιν. οὐ πόῤῥω δὲ, without any lacuna after Ταϋγέτου.
The former reading has been adopted by Bekker, from the
Moscow MS., and he proposes to fill up the lacuna with the
words θεῖσθαι τὴν θυγατέρα ἐνταῦθα θηρεύουσαν καί. The
lacuna may possibly have been still longer. Instead of kai we
should read perhaps οὐ πόῤῥω, [or ὑποκάτω,] δὲ τῶν ἄκρων τοῦ
Ταϋγέτου, the repetition of the latter words having caused, as
in many similar instances, the omission of the transcribers.
.360
MOUNT EVORAS-ELEUSINIUM.
ا
been northward, he could not have emerged into the
plain at any other place than Mistrá, which, in that
case, would correspond with his Harpleia. From the
words Tv akρwv in the plural, as well as the name
Evoras, it is evident that Evoras was one of the
summits of Taygetus, though Taletum was probably
the highest peak, now known by the name of
Makrynó or St. Elias', as we cannot well suppose the
sacrifice of horses to the Sun to have occurred at
any but the highest. Supposing this to have been
Taletum, it is difficult to conceive that Evoras could
have been any other than Mount Paximádhi, distant
4 geographical miles in the direction of south 56°
west from the castle of Mistrá; this being a very
remarkable summit, and the highest next to St.
Elias, and over which a road leads from Mistrá to
Pigádhia, the highest village on the western face of
the mountain. It must be confessed, that the dis-
tance of this summit from St. Elias, 5 geographical
miles, is hardly consistent with the où Tóρρш, by
which Pausanias indicates the distance between
Taletum and Evoras; but, on the other hand, that
distance seems not more than sufficient for the
Theræ or hunting-grounds of Diana, (where her
mother Latona beheld her at the chace from the
heights of Taygetus), as the Theræ extended only
from the one summit to the other. The forty or
forty-five stades of interval between the temple of
Ceres Eleusinia, and Harpleia, agrees with the dis-
1
Makrynó is a name applied to the whole of the highest
ridge, as well as to the summit; Saint Elias, to the summit
alone.
DERRHIUM—HARPLEIA.
361
tance between Dhipotamó or Polianá, and Xero-
kambí, and favours the opinion that near the two
former villages stood the Eleusinium, and at the
latter Harpleia. Xerokambí accords with the de-
scription of Harpleia by Pausanias, as being at the
entrance of the plain, while the ancient bridge over
the Rasína', near Xerokambí, and the modern road
there entering the mountains, attest, that this was
one of the ancient, as it is also one of the natural
entrances into the middle Taygetan district from the
plain, the two others having been at Messe and
Bryseæ. The French Commission observed a re-
markable source of water between Gumistá and
Xerokambí, which may possibly be the fountain
Anonus at Derrhium, though it must be admitted
that the distance between it and the plain at Xero-
kambí, is scarcely sufficient, on the supposition of the
latter having been the site of Harpleia. But until
the middle region of Taygetus is better examined, it
will be impossible to form any decided opinion upon
this question, or upon that of the sites of Lapithæum
and Eleusinium.
VOL. iii. p. 6, et seq.
The true delineation of the north-eastern portion
of Laconia, now first supplied by the labours of the
French surveyors, suggests some additions to the
remarks, which occur in the place above cited, on
1
Rasína seems to be a corruption of Erasinus, of which
name there were many rivers in Greece.
362
MARIUS- -GLYMPIA.
the ancient cities which at wide intervals occupied
that generally mountainous and not very produc-
tive country. Geronthræ or Geranthræ, as I have
already observed, was at Gheráki, and Marius at
Marí or Mário, the identity being attested by the
existing names, and by the general conformity of the
positions with the information of Pausanias. We
are told, moreover, by M. Boblaye, that at Gheráki,
"M. Lagarde a reconnu au sommet de la colline, du
côté du nord, un long mur Cyclopéen;" and that at
Marius, besides the ruins of the Tóλioμa or town,
which are, "deux kilomètres au sud du village
moderne, et au-dessus du torrent appelé Marió-
rhevma, on trouve encore des ruines dans la plaine,
près du village de Mários, et à mille mètres au sud
du Paleokastro, en descendant la vallée. Partout,
comme le dit Pausanias, coulent des sources abon-
dantes 2.
The town of Glyppia, or of the Tavuç as it is
called by Polybius, is probably the modern Lym-
biádha. If we suppose the ancient name to have
assumed the form of Γλυμπιάς, Λυμπιάδα would be ex-
actly the Romaic form of the word, according to the
custom of eliding a slender initial, and of convert-
ing the nominative into the fourth case. But it is
not unlikely that Пvμia was the ancient local form
Travels in Moréa, iii. p. 8.
2 Rech. Géogr. sur les Ruines de la Morée, p. 96.
Μαριὸς δὲ ἄλλο Ελευθερολακώνων πόλισμα, ὃ ἀπὸ Γερονθρῶν
στάδια ἑκατὸν ἀφέστηκεν· ἱερόν ἐστιν αὐτόθι ἀρχαῖον κοινὸν θεῶν
ἁπάντων, καὶ περὶ αὐτὸ ἄλσος παρεχόμενον πηγάς· εἰσὶ δὲ καὶ ἐν
Αρτέμιδος ἱερῷ πηγαί· ὕδωρ δὲ ἄφθονον, εἴπερ ἄλλο τι χωρίον,
TaρéxεTαι Kai Mapiós. Pausan. Lacon. 22, 6 (8).
SELINUS.
363
of the Hellenic 'OXvμría, and that Lymbiádha, and
O'lymbo-khória, as the district is called which ex-
tends southward from Lymbiádha towards Gheráki,
may originate in the same ancient name Olympia,
having the local form of Glympia. Lymbiádha
and O'lymbo are modern names found in other
parts of Greece. The only objection to this loca-
tion of Glympia is, that Pausanias simply describes
Glyppia as above Marius, which, Lymbiádha being
12 G. M. distant in a direct line from Mário,
seems to require a situation for Glympia nearer
to Mário; about midway, moreover, there are un-
questionable proofs of another ancient town. "Au
village de Kosmás (says M. Boblaye) on trouve des
tombeaux antiques: et les habitants, qui vendent
aux étrangers beaucoup de petites figurines en
bronze, prétendent qu'il existe des ruines de ville
au pied du (mont) Mazaráki '." Pausanias, however,
who describes temples and other objects at Marius
and Geronthræ, and notices Glyppia and Selinus 2
very slightly, as if he had not visited them, may have
had an incorrect idea of the relative situations of
some of these towns, as he certainly had of some of
the distances in this country, if his text is correct in
assigning 100 stades as the road distance between
Geronthræ and Marius, the direct interval being
six geographical miles or in giving 20 stades as the
2
Rech. Géogr. p. 97.
1
Κώμη δὲ ὑπὲρ τὸ πόλισμα (Marium sc.) ἐστιν, ἐν μεσογαίᾳ καὶ
αὐτὴ, Γλυππία· καὶ ἐς κώμην ἑτέραν Σελινοῦντα ἐκ Γερονθρῶν
ἐστιν ὁδὸς σταδίων εἴκοσι. Τάδε μὲν ἀπὸ ᾿Ακριῶν ἄνω πρὸς ἤπει-
ρον τὰ δὲ πρὸς θαλάσσῃ πόλις ᾿Ασωπός, &c. Pausan. Lacon.
22, 6 (8).
364
POLICHNA.
distance between Selinus and Geronthræ; such a
proximity of two towns in a country where they
stood generally so widely apart, being scarcely
conceivable. Disregarding the distance, therefore,
and merely considering Selinus as having been
situated beyond Geronthræ in coming from Acriæ,
and to the northward of Geronthræ, because the
district to the eastward of that town was occupied
by Marius, there still remains a probability that the
vestiges of antiquity at Kosmá are those of Selinus.
It is not likely that they indicate the site of Polichna,
because this being named by Polybius, together with
the towns on the sea-coast, Prasiæ, and Cyphanta;
and as the first among these places taken by Lycur
gus, king of Sparta, in an expedition against the
Argives in the year B.C. 219', Polichna is likely to
have been nearer than Lymbiádha to the sea-coast.
I am inclined, therefore, to place it at Réonda, where
are ruins of a fortified town of the Lower Empire,
and among them some remains of Hellenic walls,
which have not been noticed by the French survey-
ors, but the existence of which I learn from Mr. Fin-
lay, who has visited the ruins at Réonda. The strong
situation of this place, and the sources from which it
took its Byzantine name of Réonda, (rà 'Pέovτa,)
made it naturally the chief place of the elevated but
cultivable country which borders upon the ancient
Prasiatis, and contains the modern towns of Prastó
and Korako-vúni. Possibly a question may arise,
whether Réonda is not rather the site of Glympia,
this town having been described by Polybius as
1
Polyb. 4, 36. Travels in Moréa, iii. p. 10.
GLYMPIA.
365
situated on the confines of Laconia and Argeia¹;
and Réonda being much nearer than Lymbiádha to
the Argolic boundaries. But it must be consi-
dered that when the Messenians, in the year B.C.
218, were attacked at Glympia by the Spartans,
under Lycurgus, they were on their march from
Tegea to effect a junction with Philip, son of Deme-
trius, in the plain of Helos; that they marched
through Cynuria, instead of taking the direct road
from Tegea, because the latter would have carried
them too near to Sparta; but that, on the other
hand, as their object was a speedy arrival at Helos,
they were not likely to have made so great a circuit
as Réonda would have required. The intermediate
line by Lymbiádha, therefore, was the most likely
for them to have pursued. Lymbiádha, moreover,
is exactly in the situation that would have been
likely to tempt Lycurgus to attack them from
Sparta, being nearer to Sparta than any other point
on the road from the Cynurian frontier to Helos.
As to the castle of Glympia, into which the Messe-
nians retired, it has its representative as well at
Lymbiádha as at Réonda 2.
1
Γλυμπεῖς, χωρίον ὃ κεῖται περὶ τοὺς ὄρους τῆς ᾿Αργείας καὶ
Aaкwvikйs. Polyb. v. 20.
Λακωνικῆς.
2
Lycurgus, unable to effect any other advantage than the
killing of eight horsemen, and the capture of some horses and
baggage, retired to Sparta; the Messenians returned home
through the Argeia and Tegeatis; and Philip, quitting the Helia,
marched back to Amycle: after which occurred the actions at
Menelaium and Sparta, concerning which, see Travels in Moréa,
i. p. 139, seq.
366
CARYSTUS-RIVER CARNION.
VOL. iii. p. 19.
I have already shown cause for correcting the sug-
gestion here made, that the ancient city which stood
at the Kaly'via of Gheorghítzi was Egys, by the
reasons given for placing Egys on the western
branch of the Alpheius, and on the western declivi-
ties of the Taygetic range: if such was the posi-
tion of Ægys, it is not likely to have been a member
of the Laconic Tripolitis, of which the three compo-
nent cities occupied probably the whole of the vale
of the Eurotas above Sparta, as far as the Arcadian
frontier, and were all within that valley. There can
be little doubt that the ancient remains near the
Kaly'via of Gheorghítzi mark the site of one of the
three cities; and there is great reason to believe, ast
before remarked, that it was Carystus, which, we
know, bordered on the Ægytis: the other two, as
already suggested, were probably Belemina and Pel-
lana, the sites of which have already been described ".
3
VOL. iii. p. 23.
On referring to page 234 of the present volume,
the reasons will be seen for believing that the river
of Ghianéus or Xerilopotámi is not, as here sup-
posed, the Gatheates, but the Carnion.
¹ See above, p. 235.
2
See above, p. 347.
3 Travels in Moréa, iii. p. 16, 20.
INERT PLAIN.
367
VOL. iii. p. 56.
Inert Plain, roads Prinus, Climax, Xenis, Nes-
tane, &c.'
Although the French surveyors were enabled to
trace the natural water-courses of the Mantinice, and
to ascertain the position of all the outlets or kata-
vóthra, more correctly than I could do, visiting the
plain in the winter and spring, when there are gene-
rally inundations, such as render any thing like a
complete hydrography impracticable, I am still of
opinion that the vale of Luka, or кóλπоç of the
Mantinic plain, opposite to the Scope, was the άpyòv
πεδίον,
Tεdiov, or "inert plain" of Pausanias. The French
surveyors, on the contrary, identify with the Inert
Plain the valley which lies below Tzipianá to the
north. The description of the Inert Plain by Pau-
sanias is indeed applicable to the vale of Tzipianá,
inasmuch as there is in this valley a katavóthra, or
chasm, into which the running waters flow; but there
1 For the better understanding of the following remarks, a plan
of the Mantinic and Tegeatic plains, on a larger scale than the
general map, is subjoined.
2 Ὑπερβαλόντα δὲ ἐς τὴν Μαντινικὴν διὰ τοῦ ᾿Αρτεμισίου πεδίον
ἐκδέξεται σε ἀργὸν καλούμενον, καθάπερ γε καὶ ἐστί· τὸ γὰρ ὕδωρ
τὸ ἐκ τοῦ θεοῦ κατερχόμενον ἐς αὐτὸ ἐκ τῶν ὁρῶν ἀργὸν εἶναι τὸ
πεδίον ποιεῖ, ἐκώλυέ τε οὐδὲν ἂν τὸ πεδίον τοῦτο εἶναι λίμνην, εἰ
μὴ τὸ ὕδωρ ἠφανίζετο ἐς χάσμα γῆς· ἀφανισθὲν δὲ ἐνταῦθα ἄνεισι
κατὰ τὴν Δεινήν· ἔστι δὲ ἡ Δεινὴ κατὰ τὸ Γενέθλιον καλούμενον
τῆς ᾿Αργολίδος, ὕδωρ γλυκὺ ἐκ θαλάσσης ανερχόμενον. Arcad. 7, 1.
See Travels in Moréa, ii. p. 480; iii. p. 47.
368
INERT PLAIN.
is the same provision of nature in all the other parts
of the Mantinic plain, with this difference between
the valleys of Luka and Tzipianá, that in the former
the chasm and the stream running into it are very
small, whereas those of Tzipianá are of such magni-
tude, that the river, which rises at Sanga and flows
along the middle of the valley, turns a mill standing
at the entrance of the katavóthra. There is, more-
over, a sufficient slope on either side of this valley
to keep the river which drains it in a channel in the
middle, so that the plain is seldom or never in that
state, which caused the plain, intended by Pausanias,
to be named 'Apyòv, or the Inert, an epithet per-
fectly adapted to the vale of Luka as well as to all
the adjacent part of the Mantinic plain.
Nor does the vale of Tzipianá seem better suited
to another part of the description given by Pau-
sanias of the Inert Plain, namely, that the emissary
of its zerethra was at Deine, or the fountain of fresh
water, now called Anávolo, which rises in the sea near
the Argolic coast, between Lerna and the Thyreatis,
there being a strong presumption that this great
fountain is the emissary of a larger river than any
in the Mantinice, and that it is derived from that
which drains the greater part of the Tegeatis,
and enters the Corythic zerethra or katavóthra of
Persová. It is much more credible that the river of
Tzipianá flowing from north to south, and that of
Luka from south to north, unite at some subterrane-
ous point between them, and that afterwards flowing
eastward they emerge at the fountains of Pontinus
or Lerne, or possibly that they form a junction with
INERT PLAIN.
369
the river of Stymphalus, which (as ancients and
moderns agree in believing) emerges at the source
of the Erasinus at the mills of Argos'.
A general view of the levels and water-courses
of the plains of Tegea and Mantineia may serve to
illustrate this question. It is remarkable that while
the small, though numerous, katavóthra of the Man-
tinic plains are inadequate to absorb the superfluous
waters which inundate them, the two chasms of the
Tegeatice at the Takí and Persová are of sufficient
capacity to carry off streams larger than those which
now flow into them. There are indeed small lakes
around them during the greater part of the year,
but these are caused by the lowness of the ground
around them, not by the insufficiency of the chasms
or subterraneous channels. Nature, therefore, seems
to have intended that the Mantinice should be
drained in part by means of the chasms of the
Tegeatice. The ridge, however, on the northern side
of Tegea, which separates its plain from that to the
east of Tripolitzá, made the drainage of the Man-
tinice difficult, if not impossible, towards the Takí or
Manthuric zerethra. The Corythic zerethra, or kata-
vóthra of Persová, therefore was the only chasm to
which the operation could advantageously be di-
rected. But this, as well as the Manthuric chasm,
was in the territory of Tegea, always a rival, and not
unfrequently a hostile state; and hence the drain-
age of the Mantinic plain was often a subject of
dispute, negotiation, or agreement between the two
cities when in their autonomous condition. During
¹ Travels in Moréa, ii. p. 340, seq.; iii. p. 113, 145.
B b
370
INERT PLAIN.
the Peloponnesian war, in the year B.C. 418, when
Agis, king of Sparta, in alliance with the Tegeatæ
and some other Arcadians, was opposed to the
Argives and their auxiliaries of Athens and of Man-
tineia, we are informed by Thucydides that he made
a movement from a position near Mantineia into the
Tegeatis, and there "turned the course of the water
into the Mantinice, concerning which water, because
it caused much injury to the part of the plain to
which it flowed, the Mantinenses and Tegeata were
at war" The boundary of the two districts was at
a distance of about thirty stades to the south of
Mantineia, or in the narrow part of the plain near
Scope. Agis therefore, it is evident, turned the
water from the plain situated on the southern side
of this opening to that part of it which adjoins it on
the north. When we consider that the plain of
Luka branched immediately from this part of the
Mantinic plain, and was contiguous to it, that neither
the katavóthra of Luka, nor those of the Ophis, or
any others in the Mantinice were adequate to carry
off the waters here occasionally accumulated, and
that the only effectual drainage was towards the
katavóthra of Persová, we find an additional reason
¹ Thucyd. 5, 65. Travels in Moréa, iii. p. 59.
Μετὰ δὲ τὸ ἱερὸν τοῦ Ποσειδῶνος χωρίον ὑποδέξεταί σε δρυῶν
πλῆρες, καλούμενον Πέλαγος· καὶ ἐκ Μαντινείας ἡ ἐς Τεγέαν ὁδὸς
φέρει διὰ τῶν δρυῶν· Μαντινεῦσι δὲ ὅροι πρὸς Τεγεάτας εἰσὶν ὁ
περιφερὴς ἐν τῇ λεωφόρῳ βωμός. Pausan. Arcad. 11, 1.
Κατὰ δὲ τὴν ἐς Παλλάντιον ἐκ Μαντινείας ἄγουσαν προελθόντι
ὡς τριάκοντά που σταδίους παρήκει κατὰ τοῦτο ἐς τὴν λεωφόρον ὁ
τοῦ Πελάγους καλουμένου δρυμός· καὶ τὰ ἱππικὰ τὸ ᾿Αθηναίων τε καὶ
Μαντινέων ἐνταῦθα ἐμαχέσαντο ἐνάντια τῆς Βοιωτίας ἵππου.
ΤΟ
11,
3 (5).
ROADS PRINUS- -CLIMAX.
371 ·
for believing that the plain of Luka was the apyòv
Tεdiov, or Inert Plain of Pausanias, the superabun-
dant waters of which were in his time, when the
Roman government had put an end to all such
causes of war between neighbouring cities, drained
by means of a canal to those chasms, which Pau-
sanias seems to have identified by the remark that
their exit was in the sea at Deine.
If the plain of Luka was the Inert Plain of Pau-
sanias, his road, named Prinus, was the southern of
the two which led to Mantineia from the Argeian
frontier, and the Climaa was the northern,-con-
trary to the conclusion of the French surveyors. I
have already remarked that the road from Argos to
Mantineia was probably single as far as Enoë of
Argeia; that this place was not far from the modern
Katobélissi, and that hereabouts the bifurcation
occurred, for Pausanias seems to have intended to
describe all the three entrances into Arcadia from
the Argeia as commencing not from Argos, but
from the Argeian frontier2; and we may infer that
as one entered the Tegeatice from Hysiæ, so the
two others entered the Mantinice from Enoe.
2
It is natural to presume that one of the two latter
roads entered the Mantinic plain to the south, the
other to the north of the city, mount Alesius, on the
eastern side, having been adverse to an easy and con-
Travels in Moréa, ii. p. 413.
2 Εἰσὶν οὖν ἐς ᾿Αρκαδίαν ἐσβολαὶ κατὰ τὴν ᾿Αργείαν πρὸς μὲν
Ὑσιῶν καὶ ὑπὲρ τὸ ὄρος τὸ Παρθένιον ἐς τὴν Τεγεατικὴν, δύο δὲ
ἄλλαι κατὰ Μαντίνειαν διά τε Πρίνου καλουμένης καὶ διὰ Κλίμακος.
Arcad. 6, 2 (4).
B b 2
372
ROADS PRINUS-CLIMAX.
venient approach in that direction, and such appears
to have been the fact from Pausanias, who describes
the different objects on either road, to within a short
distance of the city; on the one to the fountain of
the Meliastæ, seven stades distant; on the other to
the fountain Arne, two (or twelve) stades distant.
The two roads, therefore, could not have united, ast
the French geographers suppose, at Tzipianá, which
is more than 30 stades distant from Mantineia.
That Prinus was the southern, and Climax the
northern of the two roads, seems evident from the
simple fact, that on the road Climax, at a distance of
seven stades from the city, was the fountain of the
Meliastæ, whereas we know that precisely at that
distance, on the road leading south from the city,
stood the temple of Neptune'. Again, Prinus led
over the centre of Mount Artemisium, passing by
the reputed fountains of the Inachus, and the temple
of Diana, which gave name to the mountain 2; conse-
quently, if Climax had been the southern of the
two roads, it must have crossed the mountain to
the southward of the summit, and could not have
descended into the plain farther northward than the
vale of Luku, which would have afforded an argu-
ment favourable to the identity of that valley with
1 Travels in Moréa, i. p. 111; iii. p. 49.
•
2 Αὕτη (sc. ἡ Κλίμαξ) δὲ εὐρυτέρα τέ ἐστι, καὶ ἡ κάθοδος εἶχεν
αὕτη βασμίδας ποτὲ ἐμπεποιμένας.
. . Ἡ δὲ ὑπολειπομένη
τῶν ὁδῶν στενοτέρα ἐστὶ τῆς προτέρας, καὶ ἄγει διὰ τοῦ ᾿Αρτε-
μισίου. Τούτου δὲ ἐπεμνήσθην καὶ ἔτι πρότερον τοῦ ὄρους ὡς
ἔχοι μὲν ναὸν καὶ ἄγαλμα 'Αρτέμιδος, ἔχοι δὲ καὶ τοῦ Ινάχου
Tàs πnyás.
dè
Pausan. Arcad. 6, 4, seq.
MELANGEIA.
373
the Inert Plain, but totally adverse to the identity
of the Inert Plain with the vale of Tzipianá.
Climax, therefore, I conclude to have been the
northern of the two roads from Enoë to Mantineia.
It followed, probably, the northern branch of the
Inachus as far as Kaparéli, from whence it crossed
the mountain to Sanga, and then the neck, which
unites the ridge of Alesius with Mount Armenia,
descending into the north-eastern angle of the Man-
tinic plain. Between Kaparéli and Sanga there is
an ascent and descent so steep, that nothing can be
more likely than that here the road had once con-
sisted of steps cut in the rock (whence the name
Climax), but which steps it appears had ceased to
exist before the time of Pausanias. From the vici-
nity of Pikérnes were probably collected the waters
which in the time of Pausanias supplied the city of
Mantineia. The Hermaic dedication to Ceres, which
I purchased from a peasant of Pikérnes, renders
it not unlikely that the grove of Ceres on Mount
Alesius was at Pikérnes: and that Melangeia was
not at Pikérnes, as I supposed'; but on the neck
which unites Alesius with Mount Armenia, where a
brook has its rise, which now flows to the marsh of
Simiádha, and may anciently have been conducted
to Mantineia by an aqueduct, as Pausanias men-
tions.
The French Commission noticed a tumulus near
the entrance of the plain of Luka in coming from
Mantineia, and the remains of an ancient building
at a tower which stands at the extremity of a low
Travels in Moréa, iii. p. 53.
374 NESTANE-FIELD OF MÆRA-FOUNTAIN ARNE.
narrow ridge', which, advancing north from Luka,
divides the valley into two parts. Assuming the
plain of Luka to have been the Inert Plain, Nestane
stood probably on some part of the height above
that plain, possibly at Luka itself. The field of
Mæra seems to have been the western or narrower
portion of that plain, and the remains at the tower,
designated as a sacellum in the French map, was
probably the temple of Ceres, where the Manti-
nenses held a yearly festival. Pausanias truly states
that the exit from the Inert Plain was ten stades
in length, and that you then enter another plain,
namely, that which is bounded northward by the
extremity of Mount Alesius, and which leads by a
narrow branch to Tzipianá. In this plain was the
fountain Arne, but at what distance from the exit
of the Inert Plain cannot with confidence be as-
serted; as Pausanias gives no intimation of that dis-
tance, and the number of stades which he places
between Arne and Mantineia is in some MSS. two,
and in others twelve. If the latter be correct, Arne
was about the middle distance between Mantineia
and the entrance of the Inert Plain.
The temple of Neptune having stood on the
southern extremity of Mount Alesius, at a distance
See a plan and elevation of this monument in the Expéd.
Scient. de la Morée, Architecture, &c., ii. pl. 54.
2 Nestane would thus have been nearly opposite to the Scope,
or where I placed it conjecturally in Travels in Moréa, iii. p. 54.
Nestane appears from Stephanus to have been also called
Nostia: Νοστία κώμη Αρκαδίας Θεόπομπος τριακοστῷ δευτέρῳ
Φιλιππικῶν. Ἔφορος τὸ ἔθνικον Νεστάνιος ἔφη, ὥς τε κατ' αὐτὸν
Νεστανία λέγεσθαι, ἡ αὐτὴ γὰρ τῇ προτέρᾳ, ὡς δῆλον ἐξ ἄλλων.
Stephan. in Nooría. V. et Suid. in Noorέa.
ROAD XENIS-MONUMENTS OF PELIADES, &c. 375
of seven stades from Mantineia, on the direct road
called Xenis, which led along the western foot of
that mountain towards Tegea', we have the exact
position as well of the temple as of the turning to
the left, which led, at the end of five stades, to the
tombs of the daughters of Pelias, and twenty stades
further to the place called Phoezon, near which
commenced the narrow pass where stood the monu-
ment of Areïthous; for twenty-five stades is exactly
the distance between the position of the temple of
Neptune on the southern extremity of Mount Alesius,
and the pass which leads up to Tzipianá, as well as
into the valley to the north of that place; there
seems no question, therefore, as to the situation of the
sepulchre of the Peliades or of Phoezon, or as to the
identity of the pass of Tzipianá with that where, in
the time of Pausanias, stood another monument
which attested that the pass was the same GTL VWTÒS
odòs, where Lycurgus in times of yore was said to
have pierced Areïthous with his spear before the
Coryneta could make use of his club of iron ³.
1
3
Polyb. 11, 11. 14. Pausan. Arcad. 10, 2. Travels in
Moréa, i. p. 111; iii. p. 49.
2 Travels in Moréa, iii. p. 50. Pausan. Arcad. 11, 2, seq. The
text is defective, and leaves a doubt whether there was a monu-
ment of the Phoezi, or Phoezon was merely the name of a place.
Δίου 'Αρηϊθόου, τὸν ἐπίκλησιν Κορυνήτην
3
"Ανδρες κίκλησκον, καλλίζωνοί τε γυναῖκες,
Ούνεκ᾽ ἄρ᾽ οὐ τόξοισι μαχέσκετο, δουρί τε μακρῷ,
᾿Αλλὰ σιδηρείῃ κορύνῃ ῥήγνυσκε φάλαγγας.
Τὸν Λυκόοργος ἔπεφνε δόλῳ, οὔ τι κράτει γε,
Στεινωπῷ ἐν ὁδῷ, ὅθ᾽ ἄρ᾽ οὐ κορύνη οἱ ὄλεθρον
Χραῖσμε σιδηρείη πρὶν γὰρ Λυκόοργος ὑποφθες
Δουρὶ μέσον περόνησεν· ὁ δ᾽ ὕπτιος οὔδει ἐρείσθη.
II. H. 138.
376
PASS OF THE CORYNETA.
The vale of Tzipianá not only fails to correspond
to the Inert Plain of Pausanias, but it agrees
exactly with another valley described in ancient his-
tory, namely, that ὄπισθεν κόλπος τῆς Μαντινικής, οι
bay or retired valley of the Mantinice, which was
very near the city, and into which Agesilaus, in the
year 370 B.C., retired one evening with the forces
he had brought from Sparta to interrupt the Man-
tinenses in the rebuilding of their walls after the
battle of Leuctra¹. The next morning, finding that
the enemy from Mantineia were collecting on the
hills, he perceived that it was necessary to lose no
time in removing out of the valley. Having taken
every necessary precaution, therefore, for the pro-
tection of his rear, he returned through the pass
into the plain; that pass having evidently been the
same as that in which stood the monument of
Areïthous.
It may be thought perhaps that the ὄπισθεν κόλ-
TOÇ of Xenophon, and the apуòv mediov of Pausa-
But this is
nias, may have been one and the same.
very unlikely, as in that case the objects described
by Pausanias, between the Inert Plain and Man-
tineia, must have been nearly, if not exactly, in the
same line as those between the temple of Neptune
and the pass of Areïthous, whereas his narrative
1
σύεγγυς καὶ κύκλῳ ὄρη
· ἑσπέρας δ' ἐπιγινομένης, ἔλαθε στρατοπεδευσάμενος εἰς τὸν
ὄπισθεν κόλπον τῆς Μαντινικῆς, μάλα
ἔχοντα. Xenoph. Hellen. 6, 5, § 17.
p. 73, seq.
2
Travels in Moréa, iii.
ἔγνω ἐξακτέον εἶναι τὴν ταχίστην ἐκ τοῦ κόλπου
οὕτως ἐκ τοῦ στενοῦ ἔξηγε. § 18.
καὶ
MANTINIC COME.
377
leaves scarcely a doubt that they were in very dif-
ferent situations.
In conclusion, therefore, it appears that I differ
from the French geographers, not only as to the
Inert Plain and the roads Prinus, Climax, and Xenis,
but likewise as to the position of Arne, Nestane,
and those depending upon the latter.
Nor is their identification of Tzipianá, where M.
Vaudrimey observed remains of an ancient town or
fortress', with Melangeia free from a strong objec-
tion. Melangeia was at the fountain-head of an
aqueduct which supplied Mantineia, whereas the
river of Tzipianá is at the lowest part of its course
at that place, and there enters the earth at a point
which is on a level as low at least as that of Man-
tineia itself.
VOL. iii. p. 69.
According to Xenophon the Mantinenses were
obliged, by the terms of their peace with the Lace-
dæmonians after the destruction of their city walls
by Agesipolis, B.C. 385, to evacuate their city, and to
dwell in four small towns, as in the times anterior
¹ M. Vaudrimey a vu près du bourg Tsipianá les ruines de
cette localité (Melangeïa). Il ne reste de bien apparent qu'une
partie des murs de l'Acropole; ils sont construits en assises
plus irrégulières que celles de Mantinée. La porte principale,
masquée par une tour carrée, s'ouvre du côté du mont Artemisius :
la ville était inaccessible du côté de la plaine. Boblaye, Rech.
Géogr. &c. p. 141.
378
NESTANE-MERA.
to its foundation'. But this state of things con-
tinued only until the battle of Leuctra, fourteen
years afterwards. Diodorus, Strabo, and Pausanias 2
all mention this dispersion or διοικισμὸς κατὰ κώμας
of the Mantinenses, but the two former allude to
five towns. Possibly the fifth was that of which
Pausanias observed ruins on a hill called Ptolis, situ-
ated in the midst of the northern portion of the
Mantinic plain, about a mile to the north of the
hill of Gurtzúli. Nothing is more likely than that,
before the collecting of the aristocratical towns into
one democratic city, the principal come of the Man-
tinenses was here situated, and that it was named
Mantineia.
Pausanias has preserved the names of two of the
Mantinic towns, Nestane and Mæra. Nestane I
have supposed to have occupied a position in the
Inert Plain or vale of Luka. Mara was distant
thirty stades from the city, at the northern extre-
mity of the Mantinic plain, on the western of two
roads, which led from Mantineia to Orchomenus,
and was situated, therefore, at or near Khan Beláli ".
The two кóλπot, to the east and west of Mantineia,
the former of which I have identified with the
1
4
Ἐκ δὲ τούτου καθηρέθη μὲν τὸ τεῖχος, διῳκίσθη δὲ ἡ Μαντίνεια
τετραχῇ, καθάπερ τὸ ἀρχαῖον ᾤκουν. Hellen. 5, 2, § 7.
2 Pausan. Arcad. 8, 5 (9). Boot. 14, 2 (4).
3 πρέσβεις αποστείλαντες πρὸς τὴν Μαντίνειαν, προσέταττον τὰ
μὲν τείχη καθελεῖν, αὐτοὺς δὲ μετοικῆσαι πάντας εἰς τὰς ἀρχαίας
πέντε κώμας, ἐξ ὧν εἰς τὴν Μαντίνειαν τὸ παλαιὸν συνῴκησαν.
Diodor. 15, 5.
Μαντίνεια μὲν ἐκ πέντε δήμων ὑπ' Αργείων συνωκίσθη. Strabo,
p. 337.
* Travels in Moréa, iii. p. 97.
ELYME.
379
#
ὄπισθεν κόλπος τῆς Μαντινικῆς of Xenophon, the lat-
ter with the plain of Alcimedon of Pausanias, indi-
cate the situation of the two remaining Mantinic
comæ.
The eastern was a fortified town, as appears
by some remains of its walls at Tzipianá; but as to
its name, I cannot offer any conjecture. Of the
name of the town which occupied the bay, or retired
valley, to the westward, we are better informed,
though still imperfectly.
Polybius, in describing the third battle of Man-
tineia, informs us that the forces of Philopomen
were drawn up across the plain on the southern side
of the city, protected by a trench in the front, which
crossed the plain from the temple of Neptune to
the hills of the Elisphasii'. These people, therefore,
appear to have occupied all the valley of which the
plain of Alcimedon comprehended a part, if not the
whole. Commentators agree in considering Elis-
phasii an erroneous reading. If 'Elikάoio was the
word, as Gronovius proposes, the name of the west-
ern Mantinic come was Helice 2. In Travels in
Moréa, iii. p. 88, I proposed 'Eliooviai; but as we
learn from Pausanias that the boundary line be-
tween the Mantinenses and Megalopolita was on
the crest of the Mænalian range ³, and that Helisson
was one of the Arcadian towns which contributed to
people Megalopolis at the time of its foundation +
and was consequently in the Megalopolitis, it is
1
3
¹ Polyb. 11, 11. See Travels in Moréa, iii. p. 88.
2
4
Stephanus in Ελικὴ gives Ἑλικήσιοι as one of the forms of
the Ethnic of the Achaian Helice; 'Elikáσion would be the
Arcadian form.
Arcad. 12, 3 (4). See above, p. 231. 4 Arcad. 27, 3.
380
ELYME-RIVER OPHIS.
evident that the Helissonii could not have extended
so far to the eastward as the heights immediately
bordering the Mantinic plain; but that between
those heights and the crest of Manalus there was
ample space for one of the Mantinic comæ. It is
remarkable that the Ethnic of Elymia, a place de-
scribed by Xenophon as situated between Manti-
neia and Orchomenus, and which some extant re-
mains of antiquity have induced me to place at
Levídhi, is a name not less likely than the Gentile
of Helisson to have been corrupted into Ελισάσιοι;
and that there is every reason to believe that the
ancient town which stood at Levídhi was one of the
Mantinic comæ; because it commanded the pass
leading out of the Orchomenian plain into that of
Alcimedon, and in all probability, therefore, had that
plain, which we know from Pausanias to have be-
longed to Mantineia, in its territory. Possibly 'Eλv-
μάσιοι, from Ελυμή, may have been the word written
by Polybius. The Gentile of the Arcadian Elyme,
or Elymia, is the more likely to have had that ter-
mination, as the people of this place would as usual
be distinguished from those of Elymia in Macedonia,
who called themselves 'Eλvurai'.
VOL. iii. p. 71.
The Ophis is here improperly described as flowing
from Tzipianá, but properly as flowing to the south-
westward of the ruins of Mantineia, in which direc-
1
Thucyd. 2, 99. Arrian, Exp. Alex. 1, 7. Ptolem. 3, 13.
Stephan. in 'Ελίμεια.
PTOLIS.
381
tion it enters a katavóthra situated two miles from
the ruins. During the ages preceding the demo-
lition of the city by Agesipolis, the Ophis had been
made to flow through the city; and probably all the
water-courses of the plain to the southward were
then collected into one channel above the city, and
below it were re-conducted to the katavóthra, having
been subsidiary perhaps in both situations to a sys-
tem of irrigation, as beneficial to agriculture as the
neglect of it is now pernicious.
VOL. iii. p. 96.
The hill, which in the time of Pausanias was called
Ptolis, cannot be mistaken, being the only height in
the northern Mantinic plain to the northward of the
hill of Gurtzúli'. Ptolis I have already suggested to
have been the site of Mantineia prior to the con-
struction of the new city to the south of Gurtzúli ;
when Mantineia was nothing more than the head
of the five demi into which the Mantinenses
were then divided. Bishop Thirlwall, with refer-
ence to a comparative remark on the two situations,
¹ On the road to Orchomenus, on which occurred the hill of
Ptolis, Pausanias, Arcad. 3 (5), first notices the Stadium of Ladas,
then a lofty tumulus, called the tomb of Penelope, which was to
the right of the road ; and thus continues :- Τοῦ τάφου δὲ ἔχεται
τούτου πεδίον οὐ μέγα, καὶ ὄρος ἐστὶν ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ, τὰ ἐρείπια ἔτι
τῆς Μαντινείας ἔχον τῆς ἀρχαίας· καλεῖτο δὲ τὸ χωρίον ἐφ' ἡμῶν
Пróλs. These words seem to require some emendation, the hill
of Ptolis being an eminence of very inconsiderable height in the
midst of a large plain. Pausanias wrote perhaps, wɛdiov kaì
opos où µéya, or would a simple change of the comma, placing
it after Tedior, instead of after péya, be sufficient?
Πόλις.
382
ΜΑΝΤΙΝΕΙΑ.
occurring in Travels in Moréa, ii. p. 41, has misun-
derstood me as having referred in that remark not
to the hill of Ptolis, but to that of Gurtzúli; very
truly adding, that there is no proof of the latter
having ever been included within the ancient forti-
fications of Mantineia. In fact, no person who has
visited Mantineia can suppose that it ever has been
within the permanent defences of the city; and the
exclusion of this steep and lofty cone, the summit
of which was not more than a mile distant from
the centre of Mantineia, is a curious fact in refer-
ence to the military engineering of the Greeks.
When we consider, however, that, in order to make
this height permanently serviceable to the defence
of the city, it would have been necessary to con-
struct a fortress on the summit, and to inclose the
face towards Mantineia with walls, doubling the
expense of fortifying, and requiring a much larger
garrison than the circular inclosure in the plain,
which in itself presented on every side a well-flanked
wall, strengthened by a wet ditch, there is no longer
any great reason for being surprised at the exclusion
of the height of Gurtzúli. In times of war it might
be connected with the city by temporary works of
defence, and might long be defended against an
enemy, who, when possessed of it, would indeed be
able to observe every military movement within the
city, but was still too distant to effect much injury
with ancient missiles. This would have been dif-
ferent perhaps after the time of Alexander the
Great, when balistic instruments and the art of
attacking fortified places were greatly improved, and
led to a similar improvement in the arts of defence.
ALEA.
383
VOL. iii. p. 99.
According to the French map, the rivulet here
mentioned as flowing in a direction contrary to that
of the road, turns westward, and runs into a kata-
vóthra in the way to Kakúri. It cannot therefore,
as here imagined, have joined the Helisson.
VOL. iii. p. 107.
The river which enters a katavóthra two miles
to the north-east of Skotiní is formed of three
branches. One flows south from Mount Gavriá, of
the Phliasia; a second to the north, from Mount
Armenia, on the confines of the Mantinice; and the
third eastward, from Mount Saetá, passing by Sko-
tiní. The two former, running in opposite direc-
tions, water a continued valley about ten miles in
length, about the middle of which is the katavóthra
above-mentioned at the junction of the branch from
Skotiní. In the southern division of the valley,
where it widens considerably, stands Buyáti; at a
mile to the north-east of which the French com-
mission observed some remains of antiquity, which
they suppose, with great probability, to be those of
Alea.
VOL. iii. p. 109.
The fountain of Stymphalus not only supplied an
aqueduct which the Emperor Hadrian constructed
384
RIVER METOPE.
for the Roman colony of Corinth, but, assisted by
other small streams of the Stymphalia, it formed a
lake in the winter season, and in the summer a river,
which flowed through the mountains, and at its re-
appearance at the foot of Mount Chaon in the
Argolic plain was named Erasinus'. The Stymphalii
recorded their belief in the identity of their river
with the Erasinus by worshipping the rivers Erasinus
and Metope under the forms of oxen. Metope,
according to Callimachus and Ælian', was the river
of Stymphalus, but Pausanias applied the name
Stymphalus to the river, as well as to the city and
the fountain from the genders of the two words,
however, it seems most likely, that Metope was the
source, and that the river was Stymphalus, identi-
fied with Erasinus. Callimachus describes the river
Metope as pebbly (ñoλúσtaoç), which seems not very
appropriate to a stream issuing in a body from the
earth, and flowing through a marsh. But the Alex-
andrian poets were not very particular in the epi-
thets which they attached to localities of Greece.
VOL. iii. p. 145.
In the year 1821, the zerethra or subterraneous
channel leading from the plain of Pheneus to the
¹ Herodot. 6, 76. Strabo, p. 275. 389. Pausan. Corinth.
3, 5. 24, 7, (6). Arcad. 4, 3 (6). 22, 2. Stat. Theb. i. v. 357.
Tr. in Moréa, iii. p. 112 seq.
2 Callim. Hymn. ad Jovem, v. 26. Ælian. Var. Hist. 2, 33.
PHENEATIS.
385
sources of the Ladon at Lykúria became obstructed,
in consequence of which the water continued to
rise in the plain, until it had surrounded the height
of the ancient Pheneus at the upper extremity of
the plain; thus covering this fertile district on every
other side, as far as the slopes of the mountains, and
destroying seven or eight square miles of cultivated
country; in this state the plain of Pheneus still
remains. In Travels in Moréa, iii. p. 115, 140, 151,
the reader will find a description of the Pheneatis,
as it existed in the year 1806, and the change which
has taken place in the plain will be understood from
a comparison of the annexed topographical sketch,

M. Cyllene
M.Turtována.
F.Aro anus
•
Guri
Fonia
Pheneus
Mesan
Mos
Extreme Plain
Tunun da tion
in 1806
Katavothra
until
1821
now
a
Lake
Katt
Vathra
M. Sepia
Tricran a
州
​M.Geronieium
•Kastania
• Lafka
•Bazi
M.Saetá
Sciathis)
The Lake now
extends from
Fonia to Carya
Carya
1
2
3
Geogr. Miles
Ghioza
M Orexis
M.Skhipėzi
се
386
PHENEATIS.
made in the year abovementioned, with the same
district, as exhibited in the map of the Moréa. As
we know that the Pheneatic zerethra were not ob-
structed for the first time in 1821, we may look for-
ward in due time to a natural deobstruction and to a
restoration of the plain to the uses of agriculture ;
but we may expect at the same time a repetition of
that inundation of the country about Olympia, which
is recorded to have happened on the former occasion.
According to Pliny the calamity had occurred five
times; but Eratosthenes, who lived three centuries
earlier, alludes only to a single instance, and it
seems not very likely that the accident should
have happened so frequently as Pliny represents,
when we consider that the opvyua or trench of Her-
cules, of which the remains still exist, was a simple
canal of drainage, five stades in length and thirty
feet deep, made for the purpose of conveying the
river in a single body across the plain to the zere-
thra, and which, although useful against the ordinary
effects of the seasons, was powerless in saving the
plain from such an accident as the obstruction of the
natural subterraneous channels 2. Had such obstruc-
tions, and consequent inundations, been frequent,
the plain would hardly have been worthy of a Her-
culean labour. When I visited the Pheneatice, the
plain still derived some benefit from the work
of Hercules; one bank of the canal was a conspi-
cuous object, and was useful in preventing the inun-
¹ Plin. H. N. 31, 5 (30). Eratosth. ap. Strabo, p. 389. Tra-
vels in Moréa, iii. p. 144.
2 Pausan. Arcad. 14, 2.
Travels in Moréa, iii. p. 136.
BURA.
387
dation of a part of the plain, while in the lower part
there were small canals which conveyed the waters
towards the katavóthra.
VOL. iii. p. 155.
The reader will perceive from what has been
stated in p. 367 et seq. of this volume, that this
recapitulation of the Arcadian zerethra requires to
be enlarged. The Mantinico-Tegeatic plain contains
not less than eight katavóthra, though some of them
are so small as not easily to be discovered, except
in the dry season: four of them carry the waters
to the western, and four to the eastern coast of the
Peninsula.
VOL. iii. p. 169.
The fountain on Mount Khelmós is not, as here
stated, one of the sources of the river of Karnési,
but flows like the river of Sudhená to the Aroa-
nius.
VOL. iii. pp. 183. 403.
The ruins here described are probably not those
of Ceryneia, as I supposed, but of Bura, as the
cc 2
388
CERYNEIA.
French Commission has determined; for it now
appears that the remains are little more than a mile
in a direct line from the Metókhi of Trupiá, which
I before recognized as standing on a part of the site
of Bura, and where I remarked some remains, which
appear to have been those of a temple". Trupiá is
about midway between the rivers Buraicus and
Cerynites, and about midway, also, between the
ruins of Bura and the sea-shore, consequently in a
central situation of the Buraice, which comprehended
probably, when the Achaic cities flourished, the
space embraced by the sea and the two rivers, toge-
ther with the interior country, as far as the confines
of Cynatha. We learn from M. Boblaye, that some
remains of Ceryneia were observed by Mr. Vietty
on the mountain which rises above the left bank of
the Bokhúsia or Cerynites, just where it issues from
the mountains into the plain 2, and just above the
place where I remarked some ancient remains of
brick at the foot of the mountain to the left of the
road leading from Trupiá to Vostítza³. These may
have belonged to a suburb or dependency of Cery-
neia, which itself stood, according to Strabo, in a
very lofty situation ¹.
4
The French surveyors have identified a pyramidal
rock, pierced with three cavities, which are partly
artificial, and above one of which is the rude form
of a human face 5, with the cavern of Hercules Bura-
¹ Travels in Moréa, iii. p. 399.
2 Recherches Géogr. &c. p. 25.
3 Travels in Moréa, iii. p. 184, 404.
· ἡ Κερύνεια ἐπὶ πέτρης ὑψηλῆς ἱδρυμένη. Strabo, p. 387.
3
Expéd. Scient. Architecture, &c. iii. pl. 84, fig. 1.
CAVERN OF HERCULES BURAICUS.
389
icus, described by Pausanias as having contained a
small statue of the deity, still oracular in his time'.
But the rock observed by the French officers ap-
pears from their narrative to be situated between
the rivers Akráta and Dhiakófto 2, whereas the words
of Pausanias place the oracular cavern in the pre-
cipitous rocks which border the Buraïcus, or river
of Kalávryta; a position not less than five miles
distant from the cavernous rock discovered by the
French Commission 3. The cavern of Hercules Bu-
raïcus I conceive to have been in a situation similar,
with respect to the river Buraicus, to that of the
grotto with votive niches, which I observed in the
rocks bordering the Cerynites ¹.
³.
4
VOL. iii. p. 185.
The maritime level which, interrupted only by
short intervals of rocky cliffs, extends along the
north-eastern coast of Peloponnesus from Corinth to
1 Achaic. 25, 6 (10). Travels in Moréa, iii. p. 406.
2 Expéd. Scient. Architecture, iii. p. 41.
3 M. Boblaye differs from the authors of the Architectural
Section of the Expédition Scientifique, for he places the Cave of
Hercules at Trupiá (Rech. Géogr. p. 27). But the words of
Pausanias (καταβάντων δὲ ἐκ Βούρας ὡς ἐπὶ θάλασσαν, ποταμός τε
Βουραϊκὸς ὀνομαζόμενος καὶ Ἡρακλῆς οὐ μέγας ἐστὶν ἐν σπηλαίῳ,)
hardly allow of the cavern having been a mile distant from the
river. Nevertheless, the name of Trupiá (from Tpúπη or Tρоñña)
appears to have had some connexion with the oracular cavern.
* Travels in Moréa, iii. p. 403.
390
RIVERS OF ACHAIA.
Patra, appears to have been formed in the course
of ages by the soil deposited by the torrents which
descend from the lofty mountains that rise imme-
diately at the back of the plains. Wherever the
rivers are largest, the plains are most extensive, and
each river has its correspondent promontory propor-
tioned in like manner to its volume. These pro-
montories are in general nearly opposite to the open-
ings at which the rivers emerge from the moun-
tains; but it is observable, that the greater number
of the rivers flow across the plains which they have
formed in a direction different from that which they
pursued through the mountains, and meet the sea-
coast to the right or left of the promontories. In this
respect, however, the Crius and Crathis differ from
the other rivers, and join the sea at their respective
promontories. The most remarkable projections are
Rhium, Drepanum, that of the river of Rhypa, or Sal-
meníko, which ends in a Delta, that of the Selinus, to
the east of Vostítza, and that of the Buraïcus. The
Selinus may not have more than restored the loss
which occurred when Helice and a part of the sur-
rounding plain were absorbed by the sea; but in
other parts of the Achaian shore it is probable that
the plains have considerably increased during the
historical ages.
VOL. iii. p. 223.
Although the distance in time from Kamári
(Aristonauta) to Zugrá (Pellene) is greater than
from the latter to Tríkkala, the horizontal dis-
MYSÆUM-CYRUS-RIVER LANGEIA.
391
tance of these two intervals is nearly equal, and the
difference of time is accounted for by the eleva-
tion of the site of Pellene above the sea, which is
more than the half of that of Trikkala. Pausanias
ascribes to both the intervals a road distance of sixty
stades¹; and in his time better roads may have pro-
duced a greater approximation to equality in time.
From these considerations I have now placed My-
sæum and Cyrus at Tríkkala, and not in the valley
of Flamborítza, in which I had before supposed
these hiera to have stood.
The "copious fountains at Mysæum and Cyrus,"
mentioned by Pausanias, will suit any of the three
divisions of Tríkkala: the exact situation, therefore,
of the two hiera can only be determined by some
discovery of antiquities.
VOL. iii. p. 228.
The river, which rises near the site of Cleona, and
flows into the Corinthian bay a little westward of
Lechæum, is named Longo. This seems to be the
1
¹ Achaic. 26, 7 (14); 27, 3, (9). Travels in Moréa, iii.
p. 217, seq.
2 ἔστι δὲ ἄλσος ἐν τῷ Μυσαίῳ δένδρα ὁμοίως τὰ πάντα καὶ ὕδωρ
ἄφθονον ἄνεισιν ἐκ πηγῶν. Achaic. 27, 3 (9).
᾿Απωτέρω δὲ οὐ πολὺ ἀπὸ τοῦ Μυσαίου ἱερόν ἐστιν Ασκληπιού,
καλούμενον Κύρος .
•
ὕδωρ δὲ καὶ ἐνταῦθα ἀνέδην ἐστί.
4 (11).
392
ACRO-CORINTHUS.
Langeia of antiquity', the Longo being otherwise
the only river in this part of the Peloponnesian
coast of which the ancient name is not known. The
Elissus and Asopus embraced the hill of Sicyon, and
the Nemea is identified by its having been the
boundary between the Corinthia and Sicyonia 2, by
the extant remains of the Hierum of Nemea near
its sources, and by its having been crossed in the
way from Athens to Phlius, as well as from Corinth
to Sicyon. Statius contrasts the sluggish course of
the Langeia with that of the Elissus, which he has
justly described as rapid, and having broken banks.
VOL. iii. p. 236.
Strabo when an auróπrns was accurate. We find,
accordingly, that his estimate of the height of the
Acro-Corinthus (three stades and a half) agrees
very nearly with the measurement of the French
surveyors. The perpendicular altitude of the moun-
tain above the sea is 575 metres, equal to 1886
English feet, which is equal to three stades and a
1
Junguntur memores, transmissi ab origine regis,
Qui Drepani scopulos et oliviferæ Sicyonis
Culta ferunt, quos pigra vado Langeia tacenti
Lambit et amfractu riparum incurvus Elissos.
2 Strabo, p. 382. Liv. 33, 15.
³ Æschin. de Falsâ Leg. p. 50.
Stat. Theb. 4, 49.
4 Ὄρος ὑψηλὸν, ὅσον τριῶν ἥμισυ σταδίων ἔχον τὴν κάθετον.
Strabo, p. 379.
AMPHITHEATRE AT CORINTH.
393
tenth at 607 feet to the stade. Nor is there any
great exaggeration in the words of Statius',-
qua summas caput Acro-Corinthus in auras
Tollit, et alternâ geminum mare protegit umbrâ.
But it would require a December's rising sun to cast
a shadow of the Acro-Corinthus over any part of the
bay of Lechæum.
VOL. iii. p. 244.
Dion Chrysostom describes a place of meeting of
the Corinthians in terms exactly applicable to the
existing amphitheatre 2. It was without the city, in
the ravine of a torrent, in a rugged and disagreeable
situation, which the orator contrasts with that of the
Dionysiac theatre of Athens at the foot of the
Acropolis.
VOL. iii. p. 247.
The reasons here given for supposing that the
platform and other remains of a Doric temple,
which I observed near the cliff to the North of the
extant columns on the site of Corinth, are those
of the temple of Apollo, the principal sacred
edifice of Lower Corinth, are in some degree con-
1 Theb. 7, 106.
2 Οἱ Κορίνθιοι μὲν ἔξω τῆς πόλεως ἐν χαράδρᾳ τινὶ, πλῆθος μὲν
δυναμένῳ δέξασθαι, τόπῳ ῥυπαρῷ δὲ ἄλλως· καὶ ὅπου μηδεὶς ἂν
undè Оápεie undeva Twv iλevoépwv. Or. Rhod. p. 347, Morell.
μηδὲ θάψειε μηδένα τῶν ἐλευθέρων.
394
TEMPLE OF APOLLO AT CORINTH.
πύργος
firmed by an inscription', to which I neglected to
advert, though it has been published for more than a
century. It was found by Spon and Wheler, in the
year 1676, at the house of a Turk, which seems
to have stood nearly, if not exactly, on the plat-
form which I have described. and near which I
observed a ruined Túpyos 2; the platform and other
vestiges of a temple may have been concealed in the
time of Spon by the modern buildings, all which,
except the ruined Pyrgo, have been long since re-
moved from that part of the site of ancient Corinth.
Spon and Wheler deduced from the inscription,
compared with Pausanias, an inference, as to the
situation of the temple of Apollo, similar to that
which I derived from a comparison of the ancient
vestiges with the same authority.
The inscribed stone appears to have been re-
moved from the ruins, or site of the Turkish house,
to a mosque in the town, where it was not less con-
cealed from the notice of travellers than it had been
at the Turkish harem, until the mosque having been
(emeriti?)
¹ L. Hermidius Celsus et L. Rutilius .
Augusti et L. Hermidius Maximus et L. Hermidius
Ædem et statuam Apollinis Augusti et tabernas Deorum.
By Spon and Wheler, the last word was read "decem," but a
recent copy by Sir Gardner Wilkinson leaves scarcely any
doubt that it was "Deorum."
2 Le lendemain nous montâmes à cheval pour Sicyon, et nous
prîmes à la droite pour voir une inscription, qu'on nous dit que
nous trouverions à la maison de Mousselin Naib, ou Lieutenant
du Cady. Nous la vîmes dans la cour d'une maison, qui est le
serrail de ses femmes, et s'il n'eut pas été absent, nous n'aurions
pas eu le crédit d'y entrer." Spon, Voyage, &c., p. 178. Wheler
describes the stone as the "transeant over his door." Travels,
p. 444.
POSIDONIUM OF THE ISTHMUS.
395
destroyed in the Greek war, the stone now lies
in the road near it. It is part of an architrave,
the dimensions of which are too small to admit
of its having formed part of the ancient temple
of Apollo, which I have given reasons for believing
to have been of the larger class of Doric hexastyles. ·
Probably, therefore, it belonged to a sacellum which
was situated within the temenus of Apollo, and
was dedicated to Augustus, identified with Apollo'.
The ten tabernæ may have served for the festivals
of the Deities. The situation of the temple of
Apollo, near the edge of cliffs terminating the table-
land of the city, and looking down upon the harbour,
resembled exactly that of similar buildings at Syra-
cuse and Agrigentum.
VOL. iii.
p. 304.
The French geographers, although they were
aware of the existence of some remains of a theatre
near Port Schoenus, now Kalamáki, at the eastern
termination of the Isthmus of Corinth, appear not
to have known that the celebrated temple of Nep-
tune, the scene of the Isthmic games, was in the
same situation. M. Boblaye remarks, "Les ruines
les plus considérables indiquent que la position du
temple de Neptune était au couchant du diolcos et
de la muraille "." But the only Hellenic remains at
1
¹ Dedications to Apollo Augustus were not uncommon. See
Gruter Corpus Inscriptionum, pp. 36, 1066. Orellii Insc. Lat.
Select., No. 404, 1436, 2548, 2628.
2 Rech. Géograph. p. 37.
៩
•
396
WALLS OF THE ISTHMUS.
the western end of the Isthmus, are some walls,
forming a portion of those of a ruined medieval
fortress, which, like its Hellenic predecessor, defended
the western extremity of the lines of defence across
the isthmus¹. At the eastern end of the Hellenic
· line, and protected by the works which there formed
its termination at the bay of Kalamáki, stood the
temple of Neptune and adjacent to it were a
theatre and a stadium, as in other celebrated hiera,
where periodical exhibitions took place. I observed
remains of both the latter constructions, as well as
of the temple of Neptune, exactly where the descrip-
tion of Pausanias, who had previously been treating
of the places westward of Megara along the shore
of the Saronic Gulf, led me to look for them. I
am surprised, also, to observe, that M. Boblaye,
describing the wall built " à plusieurs reprises depuis
l'invasion de Xerxes jusqu'en 1463," says, "les
ruines des grandes constructions de cette dernière
époque, et de leur restoration en 1696, sont les
seules apparentes aujourd'hui." On the contrary,
there are remains of a line of Hellenic walls, which
crossed the Isthmus, and were flanked by towers
facing to the north. These have served as substruc-
tions to walls of different times, of which it would
be difficult to discriminate the exact periods. Athens
and the isthmus were fortified in the year 253, when
Thessalonica was besieged, and all Greece threat-
ened by the Goths in the reign of Valerian ³. The
1
3
¹ See the description of the Hellenic lines, in Travels in Moréa,
iii. p. 287, 303.
2 Pausan. Corinth. 1, 7.
3 Zosim. 1, 29.
CROMMYON-SIDUS.
397
Isthmus was again fortified by Justinian towards
the end of the sixth century, and again by the
Greeks against the Turks in 1415, and by the Vene-
tians in 1463 2.
VOL. iii. p. 308.
The distance of 120 stades from Corinth, at which
Thucydides places Crommyon³, corresponds exactly
to Kassídhi, where the French surveyors found “des
ruines assez considérables," though the name Kas-
sídhi does not occur in the French map, the village
probably having ceased to exist. Placing Crom-
myon at Kassídhi, a correction will be obviously
required in Travels in Moréa, iii. p. 307, 308. It
would seem that the ruins of Crommyon have
hitherto escaped the observation of travellers, from
not having been in the road, but a little to the left
of it. The ruined monument observed by Wheler,
between "three and four yards high, and eight feet
square, with large planks of marble and basso-
relievos upon some of them "," appears to have been
a sepulchral monument in the vicinity of Crommyon.
To Sidus belonged the valley of Susáki, but the
exact situation of the fortress has not been ascer-
tained.
1
Procop. de Edif. 4, 2. Phranza, 1, 34. 38.
2 Travels in Moréa, iii. p. 304.
3 Thucyd. 4, 45.
4
+ Boblaye, Rech. Géogr. p. 35.
5 Wheler's Travels, p. 436.
398
RHEITUS-SOLYGEIA.
VOL. iii. p. 309.
The only alteration which the French survey sug-
gests, in illustration of the battle fought between
the Corinthians and Athenians on the shore below
Solygeia, in the seventh year of the Peloponnesian
war, is, that Rheitus was at the mouth of the river
of Galatáki, which joins the sea at a retiring angle
of the coast three miles south of Kekhriés, and that
the place was named from the river. Solygeia stood
probably at the village of Galatáki, that place cor-
responding to the data of Thucydides as to Solygeia,
namely, that the mountain on which it stood, o
Σολύγειος λόφος, was twelve stades from the shore
of the bay which lies between Chersonesus and
Rheitus, twenty stades from the nearest part of the
Isthmus, and sixty stades from Corinth'. These dis-
tances are found to accord perfectly with Galatáki.
VOL. iii. p. 315.
In Corinthia, beyond the Isthmus, and in the
adjacent part of the Megaris, lying to the west of
Megara, the ancient sites requiring to be identified
are Therma, Peiræum, the Heræum, Cape Olmiæ,
Enoe, Tripodiscus, and Egeirus. In Travels in
the Moréa, iii. p. 313 et seq., and in Travels in
Northern Greece, ii. p. 410, the reasons will be found
for placing all these sites as they will be found on
1
¹ Thucyd. 4, 42.
PEIRÆUM
399
CENOE.
the map, except that by the error of a name, Bissiá
instead of Skhinó is stated in Travels in Moréa, iii.
p. 315, 1. 14, to have been the site of Enoe. Lieut.
Stanley, R.N., Admiralty-Surveyor, remarked some
ruins one mile east of Cape Melangávi, near the west-
ern end of Lake Vuliasméni. These seem to mark
the exact site of the temple of Juno, which took the
epithet of Acræa from the neighbouring promontory,
and to be the same ruins which were observed by
M. Dutroyat¹. I am informed by Mr. Finlay that
he observed some broken inscriptions and other re-
mains of antiquity at the Kaly'via of Perakhóra,
three miles from Perakhóra, on the way to its port
called Stravá. These may be vestiges of some de-
pendency of Peiraum, or possibly of Peiræum itself,
though I am more disposed to place the latter at
Perakhóra, from the fine situation and from the
similar import of the two names. Enoe seems
justly to have been recognized by Dr. Forchhammer
at a "Paleokastro, de forme quarrée, au-dessus de
Skhinó 2"
1
¹ M. Dutroyat, a vu sur le Cap Hagios Nikolaos, situé
exactement à 7 milles Romains de Corinth, un lac remarquable,
nommé Vuliasméni, des fondations d'édifice, une grande quantité
de poteries antiques, des tombeaux et des citernes creusés dans
le roc quelques gros blocs sur le bord occidental du lac indi-
quent peut-être la place du bâtiment dont parle Xenophon.
Au-dessous de la chapelle Hagios Nikolaos, qui occupe proba-
blement l'emplacement du temple, est une caverne où l'on peut
placer l'oracle de Junon. (Boblaye, Rech. Géogr. sur les
Ruines de la Morée, p. 36.)
2
Boblaye, p. 36.
400
TENEA.
VOL. iii. p. 321.
Tenea, having been sixty stades to the south of
the Acro-Corinthus, occupied undoubtedly some
position in the valley of the river, which rising in
the same mountains as the Longo or Langeia, or
river of Cleonæ, pursues a parallel course, and enters
the Corinthian plain on the eastern side of the moun-
tain of Acro-Corinthus. The name of this river has
not been preserved in ancient history. Perhaps, like
the Nemea, it was named from the principal place
towards its sources, which was Tenea.
Although no remains of the Teneatic gate of the
Acro-Corinthus, or of the temple of Lucina, which
stood near it, have been observed in or near the
modern inclosure of the fortress, we may safely pre-
sume that it stood near the south-eastern angle
of the Acro-Corinthus. As the descent of the
mountain into the vale of Tenea must have been of
considerable length, a road distance of sixty stades
from the walls of the fortress will hardly reach
beyond Khiliomódhi.
Here ancient sepulchres
have been observed, in one of which a beautiful
painted kúλič, of the fifth or sixth century B.C.,
has been found. At no great distance, therefore,
from Khiliomódhi it is probable that Tenea stood.
The name of Kteniá, a village a mile and a half
to the southward of Khiliomódhi, may have been
corrupted from Tenea; but the distance of Kteniá
from the Acro-Corinthus is greater than 60 stades
TRICARANA-THYAMIA.
401
by the road, nor have any Hellenic vestiges been
there observed which can outweigh the testimony
afforded by those at Khiliomódhi.
VOL. iii. pp. 349, 375.
Some remains of a fortress are still to be seen on
a summit of Mount Tricaranum, about two miles
north-eastward of the ruins of Phlius, near a small
village named Kutzi. Professor Ross, of Athens,
ascribes these ruins to Buphia or Phobia, names
which, though separate in Stephanus, he rightly
judges to have belonged to one and the same place¹.
The situation, however, answers so well in every
respect to that which is required by the narrative of
Xenophon for Tricarana, that I cannot but iden-
tify it with that fortress. We know nothing of
Phobia, except that it was in the Sicyonia.
On the northern summit of the same ridge on
which the fortress Tricarana was situated, Professor
Ross found remains of another Hellenic fortress 3,
which seems perfectly to correspond with Thyamia by
its situation relatively to Sicyon and Phlius'. The
site forms a triangle with the villages of Stímanga and
Skrapáni, at the distance of about a mile from each.
It lay in the mountain road from Phlius to Sicyon,
rather nearer to the former city than to the latter,
Bulletino dell Instituto di Corr. Archæol. xii. p. 21.
2 Travels in Moréa, iii. p. 346, seq.
3 Bulletino di Corr. Arch. xii. p. 22.
Travels in Moréa, iii. p. 375.
D d
402
TITANE.
and nearly on a line with Titane, on the opposite
side of the Asopus.
VOL. iii. p. 354.
Professor Ross has confirmed the conjecture here
advanced as to Titane, having discovered its remains
a little eastward of Voivoda, a village on the same
mountain side on which Paradhísi and Liópesi are
situated, about two miles south of the latter. The
summit of a narrow ridge, advancing from the
mountain towards the valley of the Asopus, was
well fortified on every side, and at the extremity
there was a citadel, of which the walls and towers
subsist in some places to the height of twenty or
thirty feet. Titane, therefore, was a small fortified
town, a fact not apparent from Pausanias, who
alludes only to Titane as a mountain upon which
stood temples of Esculapius and of Minerva, sur-
named Coronis'. Within the acropolis Dr. Ross
found a church of St. Tryphon, preserving fragments
of Doric columns, as well as of a frieze, sixteen inches
high, with metopes, thirteen inches broad 2. As
these dimensions seem too small for the temple of
Esculapius, they may have belonged to that of
Minerva, who, as protectress of citadels, is likely to
have had her temple within the acropolis. No re-
mains of the temple of Esculapius, therefore, are
likely to be found without an excavation.
¹ Pausan. Corinth. 2, 7 (8). Travels in Moréa, iii. p. 377.
2 Bulletino di Corr. Archæol. xii. p. 27.
PELLENÆA.
403
VOL. iii.
p. 383.
The ancient wall here mentioned as stretching
from the mountain to the shore, although it was
probably some territorial boundary, could not, as
here suggested, have marked that of Sicyon towards
Pellene, for Pausanias describes that boundary as at
or near a river which had its origin in the moun-
tains above Pellene', that is to say, in Mount Cyl-
lene. Its name, if he ever gave it, has dropped
from his text. The only river which, having that
origin, flows to the gulf of Corinth is the Trikka-
linó, which rises at and above Tríkkala, flows along
the eastern side of the hill of Pellene, and, leaving
Xylókastro near its left bank at the point where it
issues from the mountains, joins the sea after a
course of a mile through the maritime plain. And
this is so much more likely to have been the river
intended by Pausanias, as it is the greatest between
the Sythas, near Sicyon, and the Crius, near Egeira.
Scylax assists in the same conclusion, by stating
120 stades to have been the length of the Sicyonian
coast², which exactly agrees with the twelve geogra-
phical miles between the mouth of the Trikkalinó
and that of the Nemea, which separated the Sicyonia
\
1 Ποταμοὶ δὲ ἐκ τῶν ὁρῶν κατέρχονται ὑπὲρ τὴν Πελλήνην, πρὸς
μὲν Αἰγείρας καλούμενος Κρῖος, ἔχειν δὲ αὐτὸν τὸ ὄνομα ἀπὸ
Τιτᾶνος Κρίου (ὡς καὶ ἄλλος ὠνόμασται ποταμὸς, ὃς ἀρχόμενος ἐκ
Σιπύλου τοῦ ὄρους ἐς τὸν "Ερμον κάτεισι, καθότι δὲ Πελληνεῦσιν
ὕροι τῆς χώρας πρὸς Σικυωνίους εἰσὶ, κατὰ τοῦτο ποταμός σφισι τὶς,
ἔσχατος ποταμῶν τῶν ᾿Αχαϊκῶν, ἐς τὴν Σικυωνίαν ἐκδίδωσι θάλασ
oar. Pausan. Achaic. 27, 4 (11). Travels in Moréa, iii. p. 393.
2 P. 15. Hudson.
v d 2
404
OLURUS—RIVER SYTHAS.
from the Corinthia. The sources of the Trikkalinó
having been entirely in the Pellenæa, and the river
having bordered the eastern suburbs of Pellene, Pau-
sanias regarded it as a Pellenæan river, as appears
by his words Toraμóç opioi; and hence, although it
marked the frontier of the Pellenæa towards Sicyon
in the lower part of its course, the crest of the
north-easterly continuation of the ridge of Mount
Zy'ria, and not the river, was more probably the
common boundary in the interior country. It ap-
pears that Olurus, now Xylókastro, was a fortress of
the Pellenenses on its maritime frontier. Donusa,
now Mount Koryfí, the Donoessa or Gonoessa of
Homer, was another of their fortresses. Aristonautæ,
near the modern Kamári, was their harbour, and
their sea-coast was separated, probably, from that of
Egeira by the promontory Avgó¹.
The French Commission have identified the river
of Tríkkala or Xylókastro with the Sys of Ptolemy²;
but if the Sys was the same as the Sythas of Pausa-
nias, it could not have been so far from Sicyon,
that is to say, about 10 miles by the road. Such a
distance was incompatible with the procession of
seven male and seven female children, who on the
festival of Apollo went from Sicyon to the Sythas,
¹ Travels in Moréa, iii. p. 212, 217, 224, 386.
2 Ptolem. 3, 16.
3 Καταβᾶσι δὲ ἐς τὸν Σικυωνίων καλούμενον λιμένα καὶ
τραπεῖσιν ἐπ' Αριστοναύτας, τὸ ἐπίνειον τὸ Πελληναίων, ἔστιν
ὀλίγον ὑπὲρ τὴν ὁδὸν ἐν ἀριστερᾷ Ποσειδῶνος ἱερόν προελθοῦσι δὲ
κατὰ τὴν λεώφορον Ελισσών τε καλούμενος ποταμὸς καὶ μετ' αὐτὸν
Σύθας ἐστὶν, ἐκδιδόντες ἐς θάλασσαν. Pausan. Corinth. 12, 2.
Travels in Moréa, iii. p. 383.
PHELLOE.
405
1
and returned to the temple of Apollo in the agora
of that city and this seems a sufficient reason for
rejecting the reading of Siebelis and Bekker in the
passage of Pausanias relating to the river of Pel-
lene, where for the word rig of the MSS. they have
substituted Zúlaç. Nor can Zuç, the proposed read-
Σύθας.
ing of Kuhnius, in the same place, although more
plausible, be admitted, unless Sys and Sythas were
different rivers, which it is not easy to believe.
VOL. iii. p. 386.
The river, which rises on the western side of the
mountain Mavrióro or Mavronóro, the ancient
Chelydorea, is not that which I crossed at nine
A. M. of the 26th of April, but another, and larger,
which I crossed at 9 45. The former rises on
the northern side of Mount Chelydorea, at a vil-
lage named Ghelíni. Neither of them is named in
ancient history; but as Phelloe was in the moun-
tains above Egeira, forty stades from thence",
Zákhuli, or some place near it, must have been the
situation of Phelloe, and Phelloëis may have been
the name of the river, as Zakhulítiko is at present.
1 οἱ δὲ παῖδας ἑπτὰ καὶ ἴσας
µòr àñoσtéλovOLY KETEVOVTAS.
2 Pausan. Achaic. 26, 4 (10).
παρθένους ἐπὶ τὸν Σύθαν ποτα-
Pausan. Corinth. 7, 7 (8);
Travels in Moréa, iii. p. 389.
406
RIVER ERASINUS-ERINEUS.
VOL. iii. p. 396.
The Lago-potamó, called the river of Dhiakófto,
in the lower part of its course from a village of that
name near its left bank, is the only considerable
stream, between Egeira and Egium, of which Pausa-
nias has not left us the name. It may possibly be the
Erasinus of Strabo, who, in speaking of the Erasinus
of the Argeian plain, adds, Ρεῖ δὲ καὶ ἄλλος ὁμώνυμος
ἐκ τῆς ᾿Αρκαδίας εἰς τὸν κατὰ Βουραν αἰγιαλόν'. The
Dhiakófto joins the sea about midway between the
sites of Ega and Bura, and at two-thirds of the
distance from Ægeira to Bura. Egæ had ceased to
exist long before the time of Strabo 2; all this
part of the Achaian coast was consequently divided
between Ægeira and Bura: and the river Dhiakófto,
being much nearer to the latter site, was probably in
the Buraïce.
VOL. iii. p. 416.
The statement here made, that the distance given
by Pausanias, of 90 stades by sea between the fort of
Minerva and Erineus, and that of 60 stades by sea
between Erineus and Egium, confirm the placing of
the former at Psathó-pyrgo, and of the latter at the
2
¹ Strabo, p. 371.
Polyb. 2, 41. Strabo, p. 386. Pausan. Achaic. 25, 7 (12).
Arcad. 15, 4 (9).
ERINEUS.
407
Vineyards of Lambíri, may seem to require some
explanation, as the two direct distances are nearly
equal; and as the curvature of the coast, although
it rendered the former paraplus longer, could not
have made it longer in so large a proportion to the
latter as nine to six. Consequently, this is one
among the incorrect details which Pausanias has
given of the paraplus between Patra and Egium,
of which the total (230 stades) is accurate; a line
parallel to the general outline of the coast, mea-
sured by openings of three G.M. in the compasses,
being about 23 G. M. in length. Nevertheless,
as we find that 60 stades is the true distance
between Lambíri and Vostítza, and that 15 stades,
assigned by Pausanias to the distance between
the fortress of Minerva and the harbour of Panor-
mus, accords with the true distance between the
nearest point of the latter and Psathó-pyrgo, we may
presume that Psathó-pyrgo and Lambíri, having been
the only two harbours between Panormus and
Egium, were the two places intended by Pausanias;
and we may consider the curvature of the coast
between Psathó-pyrgo and Lambíri as a confirmation
of the greater length of that portion of the para-
plus which lay between the fortress of Minerva
and Egium, although the length ascribed to it by
Pausanias be not correct either in itself or in its
proportion to the other part.
If any doubts should still remain as to the posi-
tion of the fortress of Minerva, a place named only
by Pausanias, there can be none at least as to Eri-
neus, which is described by Thucydides as a harbour
408
RHYPES.
in the district of Rhypes'. The bay of Lambíri is
the only semblance of a harbour between Vostítza
(Egium) and Psathó-pyrgo, and its distance from
Egium is exactly that at which Pausanias places
Erineus.
VOL. iii. p. 418.
The geographers of the French Commission have
placed Rhypes at some ruins on the right bank of
the river Tholó, where it issues into the plain,—the
same river which I suppose to have been the Phoenix
of Pausanias,-whereas they identify the Phoenix
with the river of Salmeníko, without considering
that this would be inconsistent with the placing of
Rhypes on the Tholó; because the Phoenix having
(according to Pausanias) been a river of the Ægiatis,
Rhypes must, on this supposition, have been situated
westward of the river of Salmeníko. The distance,
it is true, of the position on the Tholó from Vos-
títza is correctly that which Pausanias assigns as
the interval between Egium and Rhypes; it is,
moreover, as he indicates, a little to the left of the
main road from Ægium to Patræ²; but one can
2
· ὁρμίζονται κατὰ Ερινεὸν τῆς ᾿Αχαΐας ἐν τῇ 'Ρυπική. Thucyd.
7, 34.
2 ὀλίγον δὲ ὑπὲρ τὴν λεωφόρον Ρυπῶν ἐστὶ τὰ ἐρείπια σταδίους
δὲ Αἴγιον περὶ τοὺς τριάκοντα ἀπέχει Ρυπῶν. Αἰγίου δὲ τὴν
χώραν διέξεισι μὲν ποταμὸς Φοίνιξ. διέξεισι δὲ καὶ ἕτερος Μεγα-
νίτας, ἐς θάλασσαν ῥέοντες. Achaic. 23, 4.
RHYPES.
409
1
hardly conceive that two of the most important cities
of Achaia should have been placed so near to each
other as 30 stades. We may be allowed, there-
fore, to suspect the accuracy of Pausanias or his
text, as to the distance between Rhypes and
Ægium; and the more so, as there is an evident
incorrectness in others of his distances between
Patræ and Ægium. Rhypes I have already con-
jectured to have stood on the banks of the river
of Salmeníko, in a lofty situation like Cyreneia and
Bura; and Erineus apparently was its port. Such
a position is well adapted to the κεραυνίας Ρύπες of
Æschylus, as well as to the name itself, which appears
to be derived from the same origin as peíTIOν and
the Latin rupes. The river was named perhaps, like the
Cerynites and the Buraïcus, from the city by which it
flowed, and this may partly account for its not having
been noticed by Pausanias, whose only information as
to Rhypes is, its position relatively to Ægium, and
that it had ceased to be inhabited from the time of
Augustus. Strabo confirms the fact of its having been
1
τον
Rhypes (ai 'PUTEç) sent two colonies to Italy, which became.
opulent cities. Myscellus of Rhypes was the reputed founder
(oiktorns) of Croton; and from Rubi, one of the resting-places of
Horace in his way from Rome to Brundusium, some of the finest
specimens of Greek art in bronze and pottery have been ob-
tained. On some of the coins of Rubi the Greek name is
written PY, in the singular. From other coins it appears that
the inhabitants called themselves PYBAZTEINOI.
2 Ρύπες μὲν οὐκ οἰκοῦνται τὴν δὲ χώραν Ῥυπίδα καλουμένην
ἔσχον Αἰγιεῖς καὶ Φαρεῖς· καὶ Αἴσχυλος δὲ λέγει που
Βουραν ἱερόν τε καὶ κεραυνίας Ρύπας.
kai
3
Pausan. Achaic. 18, 5 (7).
Strabo, p. 387.
410
RHYPES.
desolate about that time; but it had undoubtedly
been reduced to poverty long before, as it was not
among the Achaian cities which renewed the league
in the year B. C. 280'. There may still possibly
exist near the river of Salmeníko sufficient vestiges
of Rhypes to fix its exact position.
1
¹ Polyb. 2, 41.
ERRATA
то
TRAVELS IN THE MOREA.
VOLUME I.
Page line
77 ult.
95 1
191 11
201 13
231 4
for on the left are seen Vidhísova, Bótia, and
Klisúra, and on the right Agrieléa and Varibópi
read on the left are seen Agrieléa and Klisúra,
and on the right Varibópi, Vidhísova, and Bótia.
for B. c. 392 read B. c. 395
for near Polovítza read above Sokhá
for right read left
for from Priníko to Kavo-Xy'li read from Kavo-
Xy'li to Priníko
262 2, 3 for northern and southward read eastern and west-
282 6
360 19
365 17
396 26
ward
for Kurtzúri read Kuskúni: see p. 337, 1. 22,
for Minerva read Diana
for Tyrtæus read Euripides
for southward read northward
426 4, 5} for Ægaleum read Ægaleos
427 9
412
ERRATA TO TRAVELS IN THE MOREA.
Page line
8
00
19
18
42
65
122
8
188
VOLUME II.
for joins the Alpheius read joins the river of
Andrítzena
for twenty minutes read fifty minutes
ult. for Sérvoi read Zérzova
for behind Lalúsi, towards O'lono, is Zoga, read
below Lalúsi is Zogá
17 for river of Tzóïa read river of Pyrgo
260
21
440
11
for of the peak read on the peak
for peculiarity of statues read peculiarity of the
statues
441 penult. after northern side add and three of the southern
9 for northern read south-western
466
22
496
23
dele colossal
for from west to east read from north-west to
south-east
529 11 for river of Vérria read river of Vrestená
53
24
103 20
135
10
188
10
VOLUME III.
for Turníki read Karyá
for north-western read south-western
for Stymphalus read Orchomenus
for eighty read one hundred
307 note, l. 1, 2nd col. for Artemidorus read Apollodorus
315
367
379
14
for Bissiá read Skhinó
note for φησιν read φασιν
20 for Demetrius read Demetrias
Inscription No. 52, is at Mistrá, not at Tripolitzá.
MAR 11 1915

300-
250-
200-
150
100-
30-
30
25-
Geographical Miles, or
20
Minutes of a
English Miles, 69 to a Degree
15
10
Greek Stades, of 607 English Feet
Degree
21°
30
Caphareus Pr
(Styra)
Gerastus Pr
Horesses
Paessa
Zia (Julis)
ZIA
(C E O s)
Carthaa
30
Ovriokastro
THERMIA
(CYTHNUS)
38°
30
20
15
10
37°
Petala
Mole
Acto
Port
ITHACA
0
Vathy
Perakhora
shia
Vromona
Makri
Samus
KEFALONIA
(CEPHALLENIA
(Promuus)
C.Kapri
G.Skinari
C.Skala
C.Krio Nero
(Psophis) Zakynthof Zacynthus).
ZÁKYNTHO
Ital. Zante
2130
Araxus Pr.
C
Porto,
Khier
Naupactus
O
Marathords
Khier
Peluso
Patrie
Rhypa
th
Erineus
Egium
Oxia
(R. Aspropotamo (Achelous)
Skrofi
Kurtzolari
Anatoliko
30'
MESOLONGHI
Kurtaga
Calydon)
Gavro-limnio
Vasiladhi
H
220
Prepanum Pr.
athe Pingo
Hum Minerve
0
Trisonias
(Naupactus)
Epakto
Biziti
Metichus
Anti Thium
Kasteli,or Kastro Morens
Argyria
Kunnilis
F
VP. Panormur
Lambiria
Larnakig
30'
(Crissa)
Destina
Aspra Spitia
(Anticyra)
Petrinitza
Kiseli
Galaxidi
(Enantheia)
NG. of Salona
(S.Crassus)
Andromakhi
Port Karindria
Dhraps
Platani
Averna
Kastritza
iria
Krutza
Kalz
Longo
Sala
(Rhype
Pilitza
Kal Sal
Damakini
Bala
Salmeniko
meni FL
สหร
n
Meganitas F1.
t
K
ostitza (Egium) h
Targizes
Ko
Dim
Drop Hadji.
Kumari
Krokova
Fovoda
ohal
Agiannis
Kimika
Melissin
(Cerynia)
Zevigalata
Lubista
Aravonitza
Maghery Dundika
Lalilonia
Verino
Timbe
Sigort
Grekd
Arakhovao
Frankao
Agriokambo
ala&
Mertighi
Kakokhorio
Paraskevi
M.Babas
Mavrikio
Vostitz
M.Klokos
or Fiteri
Fiterio
Pandeleimu
Kal Petz
Valtzag
Klapatzun
meni
Helice)
C.Psaromýti
C. Vithari
C. Didavra
0
a
C. Andromakhi
R
Mordia
Panachaicus
C.Kalogria
Papa (Ardaus Pr.)
go dlanni
Kalogria
Karavostasi
KKalogria
(Teiclius)
(Dyme)
(Evenus
Fidari
G
Port Aliki
K. Akhaiao
U
Theriony
Kameni
Sykenarik.
PATRA
Tekemi
(Patra
Eykadha
Lak
Orria
Midilo.
Neokhor
Romanu
Kynigu
Kal Fo
(Glauerts
Sarmali
Praradhes
lite
olekistra
Purnato
Kastra
Imbeli
rivold
Omblas
Pirlo Kastron
Gaidhauriar
Mondzeng
Tokild
Lysaria
Barkamadhi
Bardikosta
sari Kalandritza
K
Apostólu
Gomosto
mprasium)
Bularra
Ap. Akhhia
Bedroni
(Touthea?)
Dragami
Alpokhorakio Vuurka
Bekhramio
Oriolo
Merteza
Pernai
sario
Bedenia
Peta
Mataranga
Kangadhi
Pilokali
Spata
Movi
Ferister
ali
Fortent
Subas
Komio
Arulas
Maritza
Floki
Tera Metohio
Porto Kumpel
Ai Tehele
Mangladha
L. Kikhi
Retuni
Kapeletoo
Ali Tehelebi
(Olenus)
Velitz de
Petzaki
Ap
Zubata
Topolove
Kawiwi
Arlanni
Mirali
Khaikall
revero
(Phare)
likher
Makelaria
Buga
4.Nikolaos
Kanguri
Martina
O
Zona
Bondia
erbesi
oLabiri
Muriki
Tokiri
Balioti
Tris
Platan
Kimani
Kahisi
Spodhi
Kambique
Lapata
H
mata
Kastralgi
Tritea
A. Vlasios
LaPambura
Trikelistra
ManioSam
Mapitio
kal Dhiak
asinus
Grotto
halve
Tro
Bura
pia
Ruskin
C. Nikolo
Khan Akratao
Maniuria
Kal
Dhakolo
Akrama thie
hal Whekianika
Kal Silivena
holo Petrin Vell
Morovitza
Marra Lithara
Egeira
Artara
Wel
Trilar
Vergovitra
Akhuria Karia
S
MArgo
Akhuria Vinakia
Ral Skupt
N
n
Dionena
Digala
Kyritzova
Kelzpini
Zakhlorn
Megpili
Visoka
Totamia
M
Petruki
Khass
Tavla
Sylivend
Kaday
of ruldu
Layra
Mergr
M.Velia
Kratiki
Sudhe
Peristeraar
Nonheria) Seda
Perthor
khylkianika
maki
AVarvara
Elmilli
Lauri
M.Kalfitou
Kertezi
Grotto
KE
Lagen pa
Mavro Veria
Khelmos
Zarukhla
Savant
this
Lekinni
~ MA
Palet khori
Nivisti
Steno
Kandular
Alakhera
Droyalpi
Surbanio
Dimitza
Lavurzi
Morokhov
enesio Devind
Keritzov
Whozove
Agridhio
Kastelic
Mostitzi
K
(Clitor)
C.Glarentza
FFA (Cyllene)
Karkalidha Vall
Cape Tornwe
Chelonater P
Gripenizd
Khlenmuzi,or Kastro
o-Sterna
Neokhorio
Lekhena
Suliman Aga
strusi
Klotikho
Maliki
Mazi
(Myrtuntium)
Khamerki
Komojekruo
Basta
Markop
Andravida Tragana
Trube
Braktio
hanbey
Kastel Torrev
(Путіна
Malchu
Kardinkat
Lygias
Vartholomiond
Port Trepito
Kal V.
Pr.Selle
Peneine F
vasula
Ambelia
Korak
CVasiliko
Maina
Kokla
Penes
Kap
Buk to
M.Kal
Faleopoliso
Saban Aga,
Gastumi
ohelevi
Karaingi
Savellia
Selirno
Tehaus
Ruviati
Sosti
SandomFTL
Mikhai
Vulemio
Manesi
Khandzuri
Mastrandon
Galaro
Portero
Thalamie.
Kalfa
Stanf
Borgi
alakao
the a
Apo
Suli
Ailiadhes
Kargil
Margan
Atzidher
Simoplu
Kakarka
Kalabreza
Khava
Dhatniotin
Lope
Kaklak
Muzika Delibali
Akoviti
Kalitza
Paluki
Tham
B
helm
Kureng
Pyrgh
Skaridhia
Port Khorta S
Podiko Kastro
(Pheia
Katakolo
Ichthys Pr
G
U
L
F
Mazaraki
Vidukla
hori
Velimal
Kalendzi
Marina
Renewi
Kumber
Brostavitz
Trapura
as
Poretzo
Verveni
H.(Oppim
Sopoto
Byri
Mamalika
Ka
Bukovina
Musub
Skliva
Notena
"Burdara
Lugend
Diiv
Kertiza
(That
Saya
Khoyoli
Kokova
Deklamio
Paralongs
Tatara
Pela
Verim
Amaziri Karaiui
Indon
Bekkurit
kuryer
Kurdharitza
Vidhiaki
Strezova
Kondovazepa
M.Lakomata.
Ghiarmen
Karyt
Kumuni
Vakhling
Klindia
Podhogora
Bedeni
Monastirako
Tervena (M.Pholoe
Kaloletz
Telp
Tothari Leemi
Allies
Vervitz
Katzulic
Sulinary
oBasta
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Kalyvia
Vathy (Dictynicum)
Kallerta
Krio Nero
((Etylus)Vithelia
Karavostlisic Son
Keleta
Porto Vity
Keitga
Kimeni
Vakho
Alamaneo
J
Kuslami
rona
Tzimova
Krilianikio+
Pyrrhi
Skut
valoro
of
Dikho
Skalleof
Kharykadhi
Pyrgo
(Teuthrong
Spasuria de
M.Sang
Drydlors Manika
tary
Khimarka
Pagma
Figana Khor
Gon
or Kotones
Stavri
Artzi
Kantona
olileo Kho
Argylin
nordtzia
Babale
ali
Kolokythia
Fyrgope
Angelor
Kal
Paleo Monemvasia
(Epimes Lamera)
C.Kremidha
Bozal
Villero
(Asopus
Blitra
הדך
Dhimitri
O
GULF
(Cyparissia
ThLadas
Marianika A.Nikola
Tovia
MONEMVASIA
(Minoa)
Demonia
Hypertelentum Te
Ly
The
Kopeles
A. Manao
Alika
OF
Butzeli
Kulendia
Palivalia
Puttia
Blaro Nixi
Asproo
hurtokianika
Mini
o Paklum
B. of Kukur
Pigrant
Kuta
Brik
Hear
OLakove
Mezap
Vardhantza
Stavri
Norg
Olity
Nipulyo
Kuno
ohry
ular or
K Orics
C. Grosso
(Thyrides)
Tilk
Borali
Port Meligami
Dintaristilst
Laghia
Trikalia Pinder
KOLOKY THIA
(Laconicus Sinus)
Elafonisi
(Onugnathus
(Aphrodisia
Aliko T
Aspro
Kal.
T
(B a
Pyramid
Chiarrior
(Athenan
a
Kyparan
Etias
Miso Khonk
Pof
A.Andreas
okal.
Kastaglia
Farkloor Vatika
Laki
Paleo Kastro
Svikolaos
Sin.Batiens
of Vatika
Kamili
Side)
Kurno Nixi
M. Velidhin
Krithina
okal.
M.Zobolos
38°
Athen
38
30
Cyllene
E
L
Dyme
Olerus
Phar
Peneius Fl
Elis
Pylus
Helice
H
A
RORE IA
S
Olympia
Cyparis sius
Sinus
Alpheus
FL
Trithea
Psophis
Telphaisa
Herra
Aliphera
TRIPHYLIA
Lepreum
Burd
Eg
Cyntha
Clitor
Pheneos
Ageira
Pellene
S
n
11
S
SICY
Stymphalus
Sicyon
NI
ORINTHIA
Corinthus
HLIASIA
Phlius
C
Cenchrew
Megara
Saronicus
Eleusis
Salamis
Sinus
D
0
Teuthis
Gortys Hypsus
Phigalia
Neda Fl.
Lycosura
Andania
Orchomenus
Pallantiu
R
Mantineia
Megalopolis
Taged
Argos
Flysie
Threa
I
Mycence
Nauplia
EPIDARIA
Trezen
Sinus
HERMIONIS
TRE ZENIA
Hermiones
Brasie
Hydrea
Argolicus
Cyparisseia
37°
Pylus, or
Coryphasium
S
MES
E
Messene
Likes
Corone
Epidaurus
Jum
8
L
Ephyra
Crye
C
Cyphanta
Thaurium
Sparta
Pher
Geronthr
Marius
Abia
Messeniacus Leutra
Methone
Acrive
Zarare
Asine
Sinus
Gythium
Migonium
Acritas Pr.
Etylus
Teuthrone Laconicus
Sinus
Asopus
Epidaurus Limera
Cyparissia,
Minoa
3630 PELOPONNESUS
36°30'
WITH ITS ANCIENT DIVISIONS
21° 30'
Canpolis
Tænarium Pr
30
Omugnathus
230
Ba
Malea Pr.
0
30
Egina
30
37°
36 30
Forwigquest
Venetiko
Thegamusa
Explanation & Notes
H Castle
Ap. Apano, upper
+. Church
Monastery
K..
Kato, lower
P
ㄓ
​R
Ruins
H..
Hellenic remains
K Kastro, castle
Kh. Khorio, village
Kal. Kalyvia, dependant hamlet
Zev. Zevgalati, farm
Paleos, or Paleá, old
A. Aghios, or Aghia, Saint
F Fountain
Kat Katavothra, entrance. of
a subterranean river
(Fl. Fluvius M. Mons
P... Portus
Pr Promontorium. T. Templum)
The abbreviation Kal. is placed in some instances along with the con
tracted name of the village on which it is dependant, as Kal. Pot. for
Kalyvia Potamitika, a hamlet dependant on Potamia.
The ancient names are within brackets, & the position of an ancient
site is shown by a black dot, as (Phigaleia).
Kyparis
Cinepolis
Karavopetru
Vathin
Port Marmay
Temples
oregonimika
Tort Kaio Pramathus)
Buturo
Valby (Achilleus)
PrRisternes.or Asomato
Posidonium)
C.Matapan
(Tanarim Prom.)
J
0
Trikeri
Belo pulo
or Kameni
Vathy Avlaki
M.holokeric
H.R
Kal.
Kal.
Sarakinik
Frango Limion
C.Spathi (Platanistus
Karavugias
Furmi
10
Lindo
Mylopotamo
TZERIGO
(Cythera).
(CYTHERA)
Kapsali
Scandeia)
Vathy
Ieraka
Zaraa
Jeraka
Phaskalio 1.
Hind
100
Phonicus
Malia
(Malea Pr.)
A
Colyergeia Br.)
E
(Eretria)
(Oropus)
i
(Deceleia)
(M. Briles sus)
C
(Pentele)
24°
(Rhamnus)
૨)
(Marathon)
A)
(Meso
(M.Hymettus)
æ a)
B
CE
Agilia
Hale Araphenides
(1.Petaline)
Porto Rafti
Lombarda
Zoster
(Anagyrus)
11
Lamptra)
Elausa
(Paralia)
Astypalea
Gaidaronisi
Patrocl Ins
(Thoricus)
(M.Laurius)
C.Kolonnes
(Sunium Pr
A.Ghiorgi
(Belbina)
MAKRONISI
(Macris, sive
Helena Ins.)
♡
Andimolo
Chierakumia
Ital Falconera
MAP OF
THE MOREA
REDUCED WITH ALTERATIONS
FROM THE FRENCH SURVEY
EXECUTED IN 1829, 30,8 31.
TO ACCOMPANY
"PELOPONNESIACA
OR
A SUPPLEMENT TO TRAVELS IN THE MOREA"
W.MARTIN LEAKE,F.R.S.ETC.
BY
Drawn & Engraved
by
W.HUGHES
London
1846.
36°30
21°
30
229
30'
London: Published for the Author by J. Rodwell New Bond Street, January, 1846.
23°
Longitude
East
of
Greenwich
30
Paleokastr
(Cythnus)
SERFOS
(SERIPHUS)
B
Serfo
Δ
KIMOLO
(CIMOLIS)
Kastro
.Milo
MILO (MELOS)
36°30
24
30
W. Hughes, 6. Brook St. Holborn, London.
38°
130
300
-250
25
Geographical Miles, or Minutes of a Degree.
English Miles,69 to a Degree.
སི
Greek Stades, of 607 English Feet.
37°
200
4750
100
-50

WML.delt
modern road
Ruin
Tomb of Arcadis
Tomb
ables of Enemaus
Tomb of
Enemaus
Gymnasium
Ruin
Palæstra
Jade u
fl.
Ruins
Со и
ཡ
medom road from Lala
Studio of Phidias
Pompic
Entrance
Wall of Alis
Philippeium
Council
House
Pelopium
Prytaneum
Stoæ
Great
Altar
S
Wall of Allis
h
T.of Jupiter
Ruin
ph
€
Tof Ceres
Chamyne
Melroum
the
A
M. Cronius
ural Height
Treasures
T. of Eucha
Tot Venus
Zanes
Tof Juno
Chambers
Stadium
OLYMPIA
ㅏ
​400
800 feet
Hippa
phesis
Stoa of Agnaptus
modern road to Karytena
Eubolus
Hippodrome
#
ก
1813
νυσται
Chambers
Taraxippus
i n
al side of the
Hippodromе
διέξοδος
1829
J&C Walker, Sculpt
!
:
MANTINICE AND TEGEATIS
Levidhi
Elymejo
Kandil
M.
Mt Aidini
0
1
2
3
n
✔
10
20
30
Geographical Miles.
English Miles.
Greek Stades, or 607 English Feet.
40
30
20
Alcimedon
(Man a
alu
S
Orch o m e ni a
Kata
Mt Armeniá
Anchisia)
• Khan Beláli
(Mara)
(Ptolis
Simudlies
Kat"
Gurtzul
Kakúri
Piken
10
100

Sanga
Sapare
Road Clinic
sius)
Karya
Campus)
Kapsia
MANTINEIA
Stadiums
(M. Ale
Kata (pt Amme (Temp/of Neptune
Phaezi)•
Bata
Bridge
Famulus
Арано Алтера
Monaste
Bedene H
a g
n
(Camp
·Kat
H
Tzipianá
"Tower
Monastery
dreither mon..)
M.Malevo
(Artemisius
Cower
Road Prinus
Temple of res
Luka Nestand
Turniki
Buga
Mt Ktema
•æaj⁰
Daviá
Arald và
Paleo Kastro
M.)
Perthou
kovuni
Parori
+Monastery
Paleo Mukhly
Mantzagra
Zergalatio
Karteróli
Selimna
Kata
TRIPOLITZÁ
A. Vasili
H
(Sumatia)
cokchori
(Parthenius M.)
M
Rómo
Corythenses)
Kata
Persova
Lithovunia
Steno°
+Chirch
A. Sostis.
Thana
Valtersi
TEGEA
Paleo-
Boléta
Besim
Muzaki
Episcopi Magúla
Pialio
PALLÄNTIUM
Birbati
Leuconius
Savanyeter
Tow
Doriza
(Boreius
Causeway
Kamario
[Gureates F)
•Rizes
nå
Kat! Taka
Gresius M
Kastro
Veli
Frango
-Vryst
•(Axea)
Manari
Tow
(Manthium)
Kaparéli
Monastery
London: Published for the Author by J. Rodwell, New Bond Street,1846.
W. Hughes, 1846.
Hi
09
Trypi
PLAIN OF SPARTA

Causeway
Anot
Anct Bridge
Scale of Geographical Miles
English Miles
2
2
Greek Stades of 607 English Feet
t
10
20
о
D
u
Castle
(Messe)
Line or ancient rOUR
MISTRÁ
Maguila
Paróri
W
Fount
A. Tanni
n
Gu
SPARTA
J
Psykkiké o
R. Trypiotilco (nacion
Anct
Bridge
(Tiasa)
R. Pandeleimona/
(FL. Eur
(Platanistus)
Lalagonia
(Phoebeum
(Alesize] Riviótisa
Line of ancient road
4. Kyriaká
Amy cla
otasi
(Therapne
(FL.
Eurotas)
Mt Me
n
e
a
Anurrýti
Fl. Phellia
(Messapex)
Temple
Church
f
f
S
Sorace
Source
Batz ari
Sinánbey
(Brysex)
Tower
Sklao
-Khario
Line of ancient road
Mahmud Bey
Vario
Phar
R.Takhuati (Tachyrrhoe
Solcha
O
3
E 1
e v
a t
e
rising to the range of Parnon
11
S
Rizia
• Platano
d
Line of ancient rond
Mi d
d 1 e
e
he
S
ridg
e
09
Tayg e
M A.Elia
(Taletum
f
T
a
A
T
Sotira
a
08
Anóghia
Lind
of
ancient
road
n
Dhipótamo
(Eleysinium?) 4
ium :)
Poliana
S
Dorica
Paleokhore
S
Skura
•Floka
כי
Kakari
Line of ancient road troch Sparta to Helos
R. Rasina Erasinus) ?
Xero-Kambi
Harpleia o
(Derrhium!
Ancient bridge
Sourcco
Neokhori
Granistá
W Hughes 1346
London: Published
for
the Author
Bond
by J. Rodwell, New
Street, 1846

Footpath to Mycenae
F. Eleutherùm
SITE OF THE HERÆUM
near
MYCENA
by James Roberts on Esq.
on the Staff of
Major General Gordon
Commander of the Greek Forces
in Peloponnesus, 1836
Cistern
فتا
M.Euboeas
Old Heræum
Plain Column
Heræ u m
Fluted Column
O
PROSY MN A
Scale of 300 Yards
1
2
3
F. Asterion
...
MtAcrea
1
INDEX.
Abarmus, (1. Abarinus,) Pylus so called
in the Latin MSS. of Ptolemy, 192 n.
Abia, 188; separated from Messene,
185
Acarnania, arches frequently to be seen
in, 120
Accentual verse, "Chronicle of the
Moréa," written in, 135 n.
Acestor, statue by, at Olympia, 72
Achæi Paracyparissii, ruins of the city of
the, 169
Achaia, Andravídha the ordinary resi-
dence of the princes of, 141; governed
several years by a bailli or deputy,
146; rivers of, 390
Achaic League, refusal of the Olenii to
join the, 208; observation of Bishop
Thirlwall on the same, ibid.
Achilleius, the harbour, 175 seqq.
Achris, 131
Acidon, the river, 109
Acræa, the height, 263 and n.
Acritas, Cape, 195
Acrochersites, Sostratus of Sicyon, sur-
named, 62
Acro-Corinthus, height of, 204, 392
Acroreia, 219
Acte, the Argolic, 279, 291 sq.
Acydas, the river, 109
acus, founder of the Panhellenium of
Ægina, 271
Ægæ, 406
Egææ, or Ægiæ, 170
Ægina, daughter of Asopus of Phlius,
carried off from thence to the island
Ægina, 277 n.
Ægina, Panhellenium of, 270 sq.; the
Hebæum of, 277; chapel on the Peak
of, ibid.
Æginetæ dedicate some brazen prows in
the temple of Minerva, 275
Ægium, 408
Ægys, 234 sq. 366
Egytæ, a town or fortress of the, at
Londári, 200; the people, 234
Ægytis proper, 234
py, perhaps Smerna, 9
Esculapius, the statue and throne of, at
Epidaurus, 22
Aëti of the Olympicium, 15
Ætolia, Elis colonized from, 74 n.
Ætolians, under Oxylus, fighting against
the Eleians, supposed representation
of, 213
Agamemnon dissipates the wealth of
Atreus, 258; treasury of, at Mycenæ,
256
Ageladas of Argos, works of, at Olym-
pia, 65, 66, 69
Aghéranos, 173
Aghía Kyriaki, 162
A'ghii Saránda, 348
Agnaptus, the stoa of at Olympia, 49,
78, 90
Agonistæ, seats of the, in the Stadium,
81
Agrápidho-khóri, ruins at, 219
Agrídhi of Kunupítza, 144, 155
Akhaï'a, 137
A'khova, 149
Akhovés, 149
Alagonia, 179 sq.
Alcimedon, the plain of, 230, 379
Aleman, the poet, 350
Alea, 383
Alesiæ, 164, 165
Alesius, Mount, 371; grove of Ceres on,
373
Aleus, temple of Minerva built by, at
Tegea, 111
Alexander, son of Philip, in the charac-
ter of Jupiter, statue of, 56
Alexandrian poets, not very particular in
their epithets to localities of Greece,
384
Aliphera, or Alipheira, 206
Alonístena, 202
Alpheius, the river, 8, 10, 17, 78, 82
and n. 214, 234, 247 and n. 298; 113
sq.; the ancient bank of at Olympia,
99; ancient monuments found in the
bed of the, ibid.; remains of medieval
castles in passes of the, 154
Altar (the great) of Jupiter in Olympia,
414
INDEX.
37; at Syracuse, ibid.; of all the gods,
in the studio of Phidias at Olympia,
43; of Jupiter Olympius, 46; of Ju-
piter Catæbates, 47 n.; in the Olym-
pieium, 23; altars in Olympia, 45;
double altars, 46 n.
ἁλτήρες, 58, 62
Altis, the sacred grove of Olympia, 7,
13; entrances into the, 82; remains of
ancient buildings near the, 98; dedi-
cations from the, in the British Mu-
seum, 100 n.
Alus or Halus, 228
A'lvena, height of the mountain of, 204
Aly Tjeleby', the river of, 209
Alypus of Sicyon, statues made by, 60,
65
'Alpetou for 'Avíypov, in Strabo, 109
Amathus, the river, 110, 175, 176 n.
Ammon in Libya, Oracle of, 50
Amphidolia, 219
Amphitheatre at Corinth, 393
Amycle, 162 sqq. 355, 357
Anápli, 141 and n.
Ανάπλιον τό, οι τὰ Ανάπλια, 252
Anávolo, the fountain of (Deine), 115,
368
Anavry'ti, 164 n.
Anaxagoras of Egina, statue by, at
Olympia, 54
Anaximenes, 73
Andhréa (Ai), 295, 300; ruins at, 302;
river of, 339
Andravídha, 137, 141
Andreas of Argos, statue by, at Olym-
pia, 71
Añemosa, 238 sq.; distance from, to
Tricoloni, 239; to Methydrium, 240
Angheló-kastro, 201; remains of a for-
tified Hellenic town at, 279
Anigræa, 295 and n.
Ανιγρου instead of 'Αλφειοῦ in Strabo,
109
Anigrus, the river, 108, 110; caverns in
the neighbourhood of, 108
Anonus, the fountain of, at Derrhium,
361
Anthene, 296, 298
Antigonus defeats Cleomenes at the
battle of Sellasia, 347 sq.
Antiphilus, work by, at Olympia, 40
Apáno-Khrepa, Mount, 243; height of,
203
Apene, the car so called, 65 n.
Aperopia, the island, 284 sq.
Aphæa, temple of, 276 sq.
Aphrodisium, 247
Apollo, temple of, in Ægina, 272 n.
temple of, at Corinth, 393 sq.; in-
scription respecting, 394 n.; Amy-
clæus, statue of, 349 n.; Carneius,
sacred grove of, 236; Parrhasius, tem-
ple of, 245 n. 246; Platanistius, tem-
ple of, 282; Pythäeus, temple of, at
Asine, 291 sq.; statue of the same
on Mount Thornax, 349 n.
Apollonius of Alexandria, surnamed
Rhantis, 52
Aqueduct, remains of an, near Bélissi,
266
Arachnæum, Mount, ancient names of,
270
Arainus, 173
Arákhova, 144
Aráklovo, 153; possession of the castle
of, obtained by Geoffroy de Brienne,
147
Araxus, Cape, 214
Arcadia, entrances into, from the Ar-
geia, 371
Arcadian dialect the same as the Eleian,
3; confederacy, 198 seqq.; zerethra,
113 sq. 367 sq. 387
Arcadians and Eleians, battle in the
Altis between the, 89
Arch, at what time begun to be employ-
ed by the Greeks, 117; ancient, in
the bridge of Mavrozúmeno, 197
Arches, Roman, 123
Architecture, Greek, 126
Areïthous, monument of, 375
Argeia, Cynuria a portion of the, 302;
Heræum of, 258 sq.; Argeia and Laco-
nia, boundary of, where placed by
Ptolemy, 295
Argolic coast, 115; Argolic Gulf, 293
'Apyòv πedíov, of Pausanias, 367 sq.
Argos, Bishop of, 152
Argos, pyramidal sepulchre near, 251;
distance from Argos to Megalopolis,
196; road from, to Sparta, 297; thea-
tre of, 265
Argyró-kastro, 201
Arkadhía taken by the Franks, 138
Akladhó-Kambo, 152
Arimnus, a king of the Tyrrhenians,
the throne of, in the pronaus of the
Olympicium, 22
Ariston and Telestas, brothers, of Sparta,
a statue by, at Olympia, 54
Aristeides of Elis, 94 n.
Aristeræ, island of, 233
Aristocles, son of Cleœtas, statues by, at
Olympia, 55
Aristocles of Cydonia, statues by, at
Olympia, 57
Aristodemus, statue by, at Olympia, 61
Aristonautæ, 390, 404
Aristonous of Ægina, statue by, at
Olympia, 53
Aristophanes, Pseudartabas in, 337
Arne, the fountain, 372, 374; distance
between Arne and Mantineia, 374
Aroania, Mount, height of, 203
Aroanius, the river, 206, 223, sqq.
Arsen, the river, 222 228
$9.
Artemisium, Mount, 267; height of,
203
Asean plain, the, 115
Ascarus of Thebes, statue by, at Olym-
pia, 54
Asea, 247
INDEX.
415
Ascatis, the, 114
Asinæan Gulf, 289
Asine, 195, 290 sq.; in Argolis, 293;
the Messenian, 293; error of Strabo
respecting Asine, 178
Asómato, 176
Ασώπολις, perhaps an crror for 'Ασω-
πὸς πόλις, 169
Asopus, the river, 392
Asopus, 169
Asterion, statue by, at Olympia, 61
Asterion, the river, 263 and 2.; daugh-
ters of the, ibid.
Astrá, height of the summit of, 224
Astró, 115; bay of, 295
Astrum, 295 sq.
Atalantes, Curriculum, 240
Athanásios, Aghios, the ancient Cy-
phanta, 300, 301
Athenæum, 247; fortress between Mega-
lopolis and Asea, 248; Athenæum, not
the same place as the fortress, ibid.
Athenæus, corrupt passage of, 350
Athenians, debarkation of the, on the
coast of Elis, in the first year of the
Peloponnesian war, 215
Athens, number of statues there in the
time of Pliny, 103 n.
Athletæ, monuments of, in Olympia,
60; statues dedicated from fines
levied upon the, 74; where placed,
85
Atreus, king, 258
Atzíkolo, 232
Augeia (gææ), 170
Augustus, statue of, in the Olympium,
22; identified with Apollo, 395
Aura, the mare of Pheidolas of Corinth,
statue of, 68
αὐθέντης, 141 η.
Auxesia and Damia, temple of, at Ea,
275; statues of, 276
Avaríno, the peninsula of, 190; cavern
at, 191; supposed by some to be Sphac-
teria, 192
Avgó, Mount, 289 sq.; promontory of,
404
adεois, or starting-place of the foot-
racer in the Stadium, 81
Αχαια πέτραι, 215 n.
B.
Babyca, a bridge over the Eurotas, 115 n.
Balyra, bridge of Mavrozúmeno over
the, 118
Bánitza, 267
Barbosthenes, Mount, 344 sq. 348 sq.
Beláli, Khan, 378
Belemina, 234, 237, 366; Mount,
height of, 203
Beleminatis, or Belminatis, 185, 234
Bélissi, remains of an aqueduct near,
266
Belminatis and Megalopolitis, the boun-
dary of, 237
Benevento (Πονιβάτ), 145 n.
Beziane, height of the hill of, 204
Bishops in the Moréa in the thirteent
century, 139
Bissiá, 399
Bizáti, Port, 287
Boeckh (Prof.), explanation by, of the
brazen tablet brought from Olympia
by Sir W. Gell, 2 sq.
Boëthus of Carthage, gilded ivory
statue of a naked child by, 26
Βοίτυλος, 178
Boivin, Editor of Nicephorus Gregoras,
136
Bokhúsia, 388
Bolei, 290
BOUλEUTÝρLOV, or council-house, at
Olympia, 38
Bozá, ruins of Asopus at, 169
Braseæ, 295; ruins of, 302; road from,
to Sparta, 341
Brass, commonly employed by the great
artists of Greece, 103
Brazen statues, cause of the disappear-
ance of, 104
Bridges of Laconia, 115 sqq.; bridge at
Sparta over the Trypiótiko, 115; over
the Eurotas, 115. 116; at Xeró-
kambí, 116; of Mavrozúmeno, 118;
of Vulci, Cora, and Terracina, 124
Bryseæ, 163, 166
Bucephala, 283
(L
Buchon (J. A. C.), on an inscription
upon a fountain at Mistrá, 132 n.
Chronicle of the Moréa," edited by,
136; translation of the Chronicle of
the Morea, with notes, &c. by, 148
Buleuterium, or Council-house, at
Olympia, 89, 90
Buphagium, 232 sq.
Buphagus, the river, 232
Buphia, 401
Buporthmus, promontory of, 284 sq.
Bura, 237; ruins of, 387
Buraïce, 388
Buraïcus, the river, 389
Buréika Kaly'via, ruins of, 237
Bustrophedon, verses in, 33; on the
mode of writing on,
Buyáti, 383
34 n.
Byzantii, treasury of the, at Olympia,
40, 41
C.
Cæneus, represented on the western
aëtus of the Olympieium, 17
Cagaco, the fountain, 173
Calama, 182
Callicles of Megara, statues by, at Olym-
pia, 64
Callistephanus, a wild olive-trec, at
Olympia, 48, 86
416
INDEX.
Callisto, tomb of, 238, 239
Callon of Elis, works of, at Olympia,
56, 59
Canachus of Sicyon, statue by, at Olym-
pia, 68
Cantharus of Sicyon, statues by, at
Olympia, 62, 73
Calpe, the horse-race so called, 65 n.
Caphyæ, the plain of, 227; the lake of,
ibid.
Capo d'Istria, Count, accused of having
injured the ancient treasury at Pharis,
354
Carceres of the Stadium, 92, 93 n.
Cardamylæ, 179
Carnasium, 236; Krano, 248; not to be
confounded with the sacred grove of
Apollo so called, ibid.
Carnion, the river, 234, 336
Carthage, treasury of, at Olympia, 40
Caryæ, 342 sqq. 348 sq.
Caryatis, 298
Carystus, 350, 366
Catalans, the, 159
Caus, 223, 228
Caverns in the neighbourhood of the
Anigrus, 108
Cedar, figures of, studded with gold, in
the treasury of the Megarenses at
Olympia, 41
Cella of the temple of Jupiter, 18
Centaurs and Lapithæ, contest of the,
represented in the western aëtus of
the Olympicium, 17
Cephallenia, 214
Cerausius, Mount, height of, 204
Ceres, temple of, at Helos, 241; Her-
maic dedication to, now in the British.
Museum, 373; grove of, on Mount
Alesius, ibid.; the temple of Ceres
Chamyne, 45; in the Hippodrome of
Olympia, 78; the priestess of, 75;
temple of Ceres Eleusinia, within the
Thelpusæa, 228; temple of Ceres
Thermasia, 281 sq.
Ceryncia, 338; ruins of, 387
Cerynites, river, 388
Chaa, 215 n.
n.
Χαϊάππα οι Χαϊάφφα, 214 κ.
Chains, the, (Seira) near Paus, 221
Champlitte, William de, 137 sqq.
Chandler (Dr.), on the Olympicium,
10 n. 106 n.
Charadrus, river of Argeia, 266; of Cy-
nuria, 340
Chariot-race of Olympia, the relict of
an ancient custom, 93
Chelonatas, Cape, 210, 214
Chelydorea, Mount, 405
Chionis, column of, 67
Chorius, the torrent, the northern
boundary of the Eleuthero-Laco-
nians, 185
"Chronicle of the Moréa," 135; date of
the, 148, 159; character of the, ibid.
translation of the, with notes, by M.
Buchon, 148; a specimen of the Greek
language and poetry of the 13th cen-
tury, 155; French terms in the, 156
Chronique de Morée" quoted, 134 n.
Chryselephantine statues in the He-
ræum of Olympia, 25; in the Philip-
peium, 26 n. 39
Chrysothemis of Argos, statues by, at
Olympia, 66
Cicero, passage in one of the Verrine
orations of, 127
Circus of Romulus, 93 n.
Cissa, the fountain, 231
Cladeus, the river, 8, 17, 78; changes
in, 101; the vale of, 8
Clarence, dukedom of, its name de-
rived from Clare, in Suffolk, 212
Clarencia, De, coins of the Frank
princes of Achaia thus inscribed, 210
Cleitor, the river, 224
Cleomenes defeated by Antigonus at
the battle of Sellasia, 347 sq.
Cleon of Sicyon, works of, at Olympia,
26, 51, 60, 62, 65, 66
Cleonæ, river of, see Langeia
Climax, the road, 371 sq.; whence
named, 373
Clymenus, altars erected by, at Olym-
pia, 47
Cnacadium, the mountain, 173
Cnacalesia temple of Artemis Cuaca-
lesia at Caphyæ in Arcadia, 173
Cnacalus, Mount, 173
Cnacion, the river, 115 and n. 116 n.
161 and n.
Cnaco, the fountain, 174
Cnidus in Caria, wall at, 126
Coccygium, mountain, more anciently
called Thornax, 286, 288
Cockerell (Mr.), visit of, to Olympia,
10, 12
Colonis, or Colonides, 195; island Colo-
nis the same as Hydrea, 286
Colotes, maker of the four-legged table
in the Heræum of Olympia, 26
Columnar mode of Greek writing, 33
Colyergia, promontory, 284 sq.
Constantine Manasses, Σύνοψις χρο-
vu) by, 136 n.
νική
Constantine Palæologus, 143
Contract of alliance. See Treaty
Cora, bridge of, 124
Corinth in the 13th century, 137; am-
phitheatre at, 393; temple of Apollo
at, ibid.
Corone, now Petalídhi, 195
Coryntheium, 195
Coryphasium, 13 n. 191
Corythenses, 114
Corythic zerethra, 115, 369
Corythus, the plain of, 113
Cotylius, Mount, height of, 203
Council-house, at Olympia, 38
Crathis, the river, 390
INDEX.
417
Cratinus of Sparta, statue by, at Olym-
pia, 65
Creium, Mount, the rocks Pallantides
in, 252
Crius, the river, 390
Croce, 170; pebbles at, 171
Croesus, palace of, at Sardeis, 207
Cromi, 200, 234 sq.
Cromitis, 234
Crommyon, 397
Cronium, 13 n.
Cronius, Mount, 8, 13 n. 14 n. 74, 85
Cronus, sacrifices there to, 74 n.
Croton, Myscellus of Rhypes, the foun-
der of, 409 n.
Cruni, 239
Curriculum, or course of the Hippo-
drome, 94 and n.; Curriculum Ata-
lantes, 240
Cyclades, the, given to Geoffroy II.
141
Cyllene, Mount, 210; height of, 203
Cynadra, the source of the Eleuthe-
rium, 262 n.
Cynisca, 60 n.; car of, 60 and n.
Cynuria, 339; in Arcadia as well as in
Argolis, 340; Ionic the original dia-
lect of, 338; a part of Argeia, 302 sq.
Cyparissia, 13 n. 169
Cyphanta, 301
Cypselus, 35; the chest of, at Olympia,
26, 27; figures on, 27 sqq. 213
Cyrenæi of Libya, treasury of the, at
Olympia, 41
Cyrus, in the Pellenæa, 391
D.
Daedalus of Sicyon, works of, at Olym-
pia, 59, 61, 62, 64
Detondas of Sicyon, statue by, at Olym-
pia, 73
Daippus, statue by, at Olympia, 71
Dameas of Croton, statue of Milo by,
at Olympia, 68
Damia and Auxesia, temple of, at ŒŒa,
275; statues of, 276
Damocretus of Sicyon, statue by, at
Olympia, 62
Damonicus the Eleian, 52
D'Aunoy, lord of Arkadhía, 147
De Clarencia,' coins of the Frank
princes of Achaia thus inscribed, 210
Dedébey, 236
Deine (Anávolo), 115, 367 n. 368
Delphi, oracle at, 47 n.
Δελφοί, 205
Dendrá, 268
Dentheliatis, or district of Denthelia,
187, 188, 351 n.
Denthias, or Denthiades, 351
Despœna, the Hermæum at, 236; tem-
ple of, 244
de Stackelberg (M.), one of the dis-
coverers of the Phigalian marbles,
270
Dhamalá, the rock of Theseus on the
mountain of, 282
Dhaskalió, island, 294
Dhiakófto, the river of, 406
Dhídhyma, valley of, 289; natural
cavity in the earth at, 289 n.; ancient
well at, 290 n.
Dhiofórti, Mount, 244; height of, 204
Dhipótamo, 180
Dhokó, island, 285 sq.
Dhulianá, the river of, 113, 249
Diana, temple of, at Scillus, 9n.; the
hunting-grounds of, 360; Diana He-
meresia, temple of, 206; Diana Lim-
natis, inscriptions relating to, 181;
temples of, 182
Dictynnæum, Cape, 173
Didymi, village, 289 sq.; temples of
Apollo, of Neptune, and of Ceres, at,
ibid.
Dionysicles of Miletus, statue by, at
Olympia, 72
Dionysius of Argos, works of, at Olym-
pia, 58, 59
Diophantus, archonship of, 111
Dipæa, 243
Dodwell (Mr.), visit of, to Olympia, 10,
11
'Dogs,' followers so called, by the
Romans, 127
δόλιχος δρόμος, 95 η.
Dolphin in the Hippodrome of Olym-
pia, 76, 92
Donoessa, or Donusa, fortress of, 404
Dontas of Sparta, small figures by, at
Olympia, 41
Doric dialect, numerous vestiges of the,
among the Greeks of Mount Parnon,
329 n.
Dorótheos, Bishop of Monemvasía,
Chronicle by, 135
Dorycleidas of Sparta, statue by, at
Olympia, 24
Drepanum, 390
opóyyos, probably the Peloponnesian
form of λόγγος, 158
Ducange, Glossarium Mediæ et Infimæ
Græcitatis, 136
Ducas, Nicephorus, 146
Ducas, Theodore, 146
Dyró (Dhikhó?), 174
Dyrós. See Tyrus and Tyró.
Dyspontium, 5
E.
Eagle, brazen, in the Hippodrome of
Olympia, 76, 92
E e
418
INDEX.
Echo, the portico of, at Olympia, 43,
90
E'ghina, 277
Eilei, 282
Εἰρινὴ νῆσος, 294
Elafonisi, 283
Elaphus, the river, 240 sq.
Eleia, Triphylia annexed to, 5; invaded
by the Lacedæmonians, ibid.
Eleian tablet in the British Museum, 3;
inscription on it, 34 n.
Eleians, libations, &c. of the, 50; ob-
tain the management of the Olympic
Festival, 5; battle in the Altis be-
tween the Eleians and Arcadians, 89
Elenítza, Mount, 234
Eleusinium, 361
Eleutherium, the torrent, 262 and n.
Eleuthero-lacones, the, 167
Eleuthero-Laconia, 179, 186
Eleuthero-Laconians, the torrent Cho-
rius the northern boundary of the,
186
Ελικάσιοι, Ελικήσιοι, 379 and n.
Elis, a new colony brought to, by Oxylus,
from Ætolia, 5, 74n., debarkation of
the Athenians on the coast of, in the
first year of the Peloponnesian war,
215; route from, to Thelpusa, 223
Elisphasii, the, 379 sq.
῾Ελισφάσιοι, 380
Elissus, the river, 392 and n.
Ellinikó, 296, 298
Ελυμάσιοι, 380
Ελυμιώται, 380
Elyme, or Elymia, 229, 379 sq.
Embolus at Olympia, 97
Endymion, the tomb of, at Olympia,
76
English poetry, early, 136 n.
Entasis of columns, 127
Enyalius, Mars so named, 30
Epaminondas, the founder of Messene
and Megalopolis, 198; the Arcadian
confederacy supported by his autho-
rity, ibid.; invades Laconia, 346
Ephyre, island, 294
Epidamnii, treasury of the, at Olympia,
40
Epidaurus, 283; Epidaurus Limera, 300
Epitalii, the, 217
Erard, the last lord of Arkadhía, 159
Erard, more than one of that name, 147,
148 n.
Erasinus, the river, 384, 406
Erineus, 406; Port, 409
Erinnys Telphusæa, 205
Eumedes of Argos, 252
Eumelus the poet, 33
Eunæa, a town of Argolis, 340
Eupolemus of Argos, the Heræum of
Argeia built by, 261
Eurotas, the river, 247 and n.; bridge
over the, 115 n. 116
Erymanthus, height of the highest sum-
mit of, 204; the river, 206; Mount,
and river, 224
Εστιατόριον, at Olympia, 38
Etruscans, the, 123; noted for their
works in brass, 103 n.
Euboea, Mount, 263 and n. et sq.
Eutelidas of Argos, statues by, at Olym-
pia, 66
Eutelidas, 70
Eutychides of Sicyon, statues by, 61
Evæa, 3
Eva (Evæn?), an Arcadian city, 3
Eva of Cynuria, 339 sq.
Evander, the hill of, 196 n.
Evoras, a summit of Taygetus, 360
Expédition Sciéntifique de la Morée,
statements in the, corrected, 11
F.
Fakhinó, or Fokianó, 299
Fallremeyer, error of, as to the origin of
the modern Peloponnesians, 326
Fanarítiko, Mount, height of, 203
Φεραί, Βέρροια the Macedonian form
of, 345 n.
Ferentinum, gate of, 124
Fília, 226
Finlay (Mr.), on the site of the He-
ræum of Argeia, 258; journey in Tza-
koniá by, 299 seqq.; limits of Tza-
konic dialect according to, 304
Flamborítza, valley of, 391
Florent de Hainault appointed Prince
of Achaia, 146
Forests of fir and oak to the N. E, of
Sparta, 341
Forty Saints, the monastery of, 343, sq.
Frangóvrysi, 247
Frank lordships, towns giving names to,
149
Franks, victories of the, in the Morea,
138
French commission, excavation of the
Olympicium by, 12; discoveries made
by the, 18 n.; French terms in the
"Chronicle of the Moréa," 156, 158
Furkariá, harbour at, 283; remains of a
Hellenic fortress, &c. at, ibid.
G.
Galatá, the castle, 149
Galatáki, village of, 398
Gardhíki, 237
Careates, the river, 113 sq. 249
Gasmuli, the, 334, 336
INDEX.
419
Gaston, a French chieftain, 137
Gastúni, or Ghastúni, 37, 220
Gates of Mantineia, 111; of Volaterræ,
of Perusia, and Ferentinum, 124; of
Messene, ibid.
Gateway at Volterra in Etruria, 122,
125
Gatheæ, in Cromitis, 234
Gatheates, the river, 234, 366
Gell (Sir Wm.), brazen tablet brought
from Olympia by, 1; visit of, to
Olympia, 10
Geoffroy de Villehardouin, 137
Geoffroy I., 137 sqq.
Geoffroy II., 140 sqq. 211
Geoffroy de Brienne, 147, 159
Gerlach (Stephen), letter of, to Martin
Crusius on the Tzakonic dialect, 336
Geronthræ, or Geranthræ, 149, 362 sq.
Gheorghítzi, Kalyvia of, 350, 366
Gheráki, 149, 362; called Ieráki by
Pachymer, 153
Ghermotzáni, 206
Ghianéus, the river of, 366
Ghizeh, great pyramid at, 119
Gigantomachia, representation of the,
42
Glánitza, Hellenic ruins near, 228
Glaréntza, 141; Cape, 210; derivation
of the name, 212
Glaucias of Ægina, works of, at Olym-
pia, 65, 67
Glaucus of Argos, works of, at Olympia,
58
Glaucus of Anthedon, 65; of Carystus,
ibid.
Γλυμπεῖς, Γλυμπία, Γλυμπιάς, 362
Glympia, or Glyppia, 362 sq.; castle
of, 365
Golden shield under the statue of Vic-
tory in the Olympieium, 16
Gonoessa, 404
Gordon (Col.), discovery of the site of
the Heræum of Argeia by, 258
Gorgylus, the river, 347 sq.
Gortynius, the river, 233
Gortys, 232
Greek arch, the, 118; architecture,
126; inscriptions, methods of writing,
33 n.; language sprung from the
Pelasgic, 338; language and poetry of
the thirteenth century, 155; metre on
the accentual principle, "Chronicle of
the Moréa" written in, 135 n.; Greek
and Sclavonic names of places in the
Morea, proportion between the, 326
Romaic Greek of the thirteenth cen-
tury, 157
Greeks, character of the, at the present
day, 107; knowledge of the, in the
fine arts, 126
Gregoras (Nicephorus), notice of the
Tzakonians by, 334 sqq.
Grítzena, 153
Gryllus, son of Xenophon, 88 n.
Gurtzúli, height of, 382
Gymnasium, at Olympia, 38, 44, 83
Gythium, 170, 283
H.
Hadrian, statue of, in the Olympicium,
22
Hæmoniæ, 247
Halia, Port, 288
Halicarnassus, palace of Mansolus at,
207
Halice, 286 sq.
Haliussa, the island, 283; whether a
harbour at, ibid.
Halus, or Alus, 228
Harpinna, 218
Harpleia, 360
sq.
Hawkins (Mr. John), visit of, to Olym-
pia, 10
Hebæum of Ægina, the, 277
Hebe by Naucydes, statue of, in the
Heræum of Argeia, 261
Hegylus, work of, at Olympia, 41
Heights of mountains, 203
Heilotes, the, 166
Helene, the temple of, at Therapne,
161
Helice, 209, 379, 390
Helisson, 379; the river, 238, 241
Helissonii, 379 sq.
Hellanodicæ, 75 and n.; seats of the, in
the Stadium, 80, 81
Hellenic, vestiges of, in the "Chronicle
of the Moréa," 157
Helos, insurrection of, 166; gates of,
241
Helote, or Heilote, meaning of, 166
Heræa, 3, 231 et sq. 205; the road from
Megalopolis to, 231 sq.; confounded
by Strabo with Pharæ in Achaia, 218
Heræum, of Argeia, 258 sq.; of Olym-
pia, 23, 84; statues in the, 24; the
original idols of the temple, 25; the
four-legged table, 26; chest of Cypse-
lus, 26 et sqq.; cella of the, 36
Herculaneum, excavations at, 108
Hercules, actions of, represented on the
metopes of the Olympieium, 17;
Buraicus, cavern of, 388, 389 n.;
trench of, at Pheneos, 386
Hermæ, 298; on the road from Thyrea
to Sparta, 341
Hermione, 281, 283
Hermionic Gulf, 292 n.
Hermionis, 280 sqq.; promontories and
islands of, 284 sqq.
Hermon, son of Pyrrhus, joint architect
of a treasury at Olympia, 40
Herodes of Athens, statues erected by,
at Olympia, 45
Heroum, meaning of the term, 256
Hesperides, statues of the five, by Theo-
cles, 24, 41
E e 2
420
INDEX
Heyne (M.), opinion of, respecting the
chest of Cypselus, 34
Hieron, son of Hierocles, statue of, 67
Hippaphesis, the starting-place of the
horses, at Olympia, 49, 76, 78, 81, 92
Hippias, statue by, at Olympia, 68
Hippicum, the distance so called, 95 n.
Hippodameia, statue of, 77
Hippodameium, or Hippodamium, of
Olympia, the, 43, 74, 87
Hippodrome of Olympia, description of
the, 76 et seq. 85 n.; mode of making
the circuit of, 93; sides of the, 96
Hippola, 175
Homer misunderstood by Strabo, 292 n.
Horæ, statues of the, in the Hereum of
Olympia, 24, 25
Hydrea, island, 284 and n. et sqq.;
whether the Colonis of Pliny, 286
Hyoselaton, (Mount Arachnæum,) 270
Hyperteleatum, 168
Hypsi, 172
Hypsus, the town, 240; Mount, ibid.
Hysiæ, 152
I.
Ianni Ai (Heraca), 232; in Cynuria,
298
Ichthys, the promontory, 213 sq.
Téraka, 301 sq.
Ieráki. See Gheráki
Iliá (Ai), 230
I'lio, 282
Inachus, sources of the river, 267, 372
Inert Plain, 367 sq.
Inscription respecting the temple of
Apollo at Corinth, 394 n.
Inscriptions, stops in very ancient, 3;
different methods of writing in Greek,
33 n.; two, relating to Diana Lim-
natis, 181; on two Epμata showing
the ancient boundaries between Mes-
sene and Lacedæmonia, ibid. 184
<
Ioánnina relieved from the blockade of
the Greeks, 146
Ionians of Cynuria, 337
Ire, 188
Ireland, round towers of, 120
Iri, plain of, 291 sq.; river of, 293
Irine, (Εἰρινὴ νῆσος,) 294
Islands, (Nasi,) common name for mea-
dows intersected by rivers, 229
I'sova, or O'siva, 143, 154; ruins of a
Gothic church at, 204
Isthmus, walls of the, 396
Ithome, height of, 204
Ium of Sciritis, 248
J.
Jardanus, the river, 212
Julian, (the Emperor,) his allusions to
the statue of Jupiter Olympius, 105 n.
Juno, temple of, at Olympia. See He-
ræum.
Jupiter, statue of, in the Olympicium,
17, 19 and n.; the throne of, 20; the
pedestal, 21; the pavement before
the statue of, ibid.; the woollen cur-
tain before the statue of, 22; statue
of, in the pediment of the Olym-
pieium, 17; statue of Alexander, son
of Philip, in the character of, 56;
statues of, in Olympia, 51 sqq.; statues
of, erected from the produce of fines,
51 sqq.; the great altar of, in Olym-
pia, 37, 84; temple of, at Olympia,
100; statue of, by Phidias, at Olym-
pia, 105; a sacellum and a sacred
portion of Minerva generally attached
to temples of, 272; dedications at
Olympia, not representations of, 56;
Lycæus, altar of, 245; Messapeus,
temple of, 166; Olympius, Chrysele-
phantine, statue of, by Phidias, 16;
altar of, 46; the temple and sacred
grove of, 4. See Olympicium. Hor-
cius, statue of, 55; Catæbates, altar
of, 47 n.; Croceatas, temple of, 170;
Hellanius in Ægina, temple of, 271
Kabatomy'lo, 228
Καγαπώ, 173
K.
Kaio, Porto, 175 sqq.
Kakavulía, or Kakovulía, 171
Kakoréos, 231
Kalamáki, Port, 395
Kalámi, 183 and n.
Kalávryta, 389
Kallifóni, height of Mount, 224
Kamára, 235
Kamári, 390, 404
Kamenítza, 201
Kándia, village, 292 sq.
Kani, river, 302, 340
Kaparéli, 373
Kapsá, 230, 231
Karatúla, 238
Kardhára, 231
Karfoxyliá, the river of, 201; ruins of a
temple on the bank of the, 202
Karnési, the river and gorge of, 225
Kary'dhi, Mount, 142
Kary'tena, height of, 204
Kassídhi, 397
Kastánitza, 339 sq.; name whence de-
rived, 327
Kastélia, 195
Kastrí, 281
Kastro a part of Mistrá, 132 sq.
Katákolo, the promontory, 213 sq.
Katavóthra of the plain of Mantineia
and Tegea, 369; of Stymphalus, 384
of Pheneos, 384 sq.; of Caphyæ, 227;
of Skotiní, 383; of Sudhená, or Kar-
nési, 206
;
INDEX
421
Katobélissi, 371
Katokhóri of Mistrá, 132
Katzánes, the river of, 223 sq.
Katzíngri, 269
Kávalos, 172, 174
Kavo Groso, 175
Kavo-Skyli, 282 sq.
Kavo Xylí, 169
Kelefína, the river (Enus), 115 n. 347,
350 sq.
Khaiáffa, 215 n.; Paleó-kastro of, 217
Khalandritza, 149
Khan Beláli, 378
Kheli, Port, 287
Khelmós, Mount, 237; height of, 203;
medieval castle on the summit of,
150; the fountain on, 387
Khiliomódhi, 400
Khirádhes, 234
Khlemútzi, or Khlomútzi, the peninsula,
141, 210; the fortress of, ibid.
Khortús, Port, 213 sqq.
Khósiari, 173
Kiladhia, Port, 287
Kipúla, 175
Kistérnes, 176
Kitriés, 180
Kivéri, 297
Klar intza, Cape. See Glaréntza
Kvakádiov, the mountain, 173
Kvakaλnoía Artemis, temple of, at
Κνακαλησία
Caphyæ in Arcadia, 173
Kváкaλos, Mount, 173
Kvákov of Sparta, 173
Kvaкw, now Turkóvrysi, 173
Konigsmark, Count, attacks Nauplia,
254
Kokhla Dervéni, 235
Kókora, 231
Kondovúnia, height of the summit of,
204
Kopitar, error of, in supposing the Tza-
konic tongue to be of Sclavonic origin,
326 sq.
Korako-vúni, 364
Koróni, 195; castle of, 293
Koryfí, Mount, 404
Kosmá, 364
Kostá, Cape, 286
Kótorna (or Kotrónes), 172, 174, 176 n.
Kranidhi, Hellenic ruins in the penin-
sula of, 287
Krano (Carnasium), 236, 248
Kréstena, 144
Krevatá, khan of, 342 sq. 348
Krevatá, fountain of, at Mistrá, 132
Krya Vrysi fountain, 112
Kteniá, 400
Kuloglí, ruins on the Ladon, ncar, 219
Kunúpia, 304
Kunupítza, the Agrídhi of, 144, 155
Κυρᾶς, το γεφύρι της, 223 π.
Kurkúla, height of Mount, 204
Kutrúlis (Michael), Despot of the West,
invades Thessaly and Macedonia, 142
Kutufarína, river, 237
Kutzi, 401
Kyparíssia, 299
Kyrádhes, 234
Kyriakí, Aghía, 355
L.
Lacedæmon and Messene, ancient boun-
daries of the cities of, 181, 184
Lacedæmonia, the bishopric of, trans-
ferred to Mistrá, 130
Lacedæmonians, the, turn their arms
against the Pisata, 5; invade Eleia,
and occupy Olympia, ibid.; war be-
tween the Lacedæmonians and Arca-
dians, 199
Laconia, Messenia annexed to, 5;
bridges of, 115 sqq.; maritime places
of, according to Scylax, 177 n.; plun-
dered by the French, 144; invasion
of, by Epaminondas, 346; division of,
according to the decree of, 186; cities
of, enumerated by Homer, 356; boun-
dary of Laconia and Argeia, where
placed by Ptolemy, 295; corrupted
into Tzakonía, 138 n.; the Tzakonía
of the thirteenth century, 150; the
Zaccunia of the Venetians, 336
Laconian marble, 170
Laconians in the time of the Byzantine
empire, 334
Lacrates, son of Pyrrhus, joint builder
of a treasury, at Olympia, 40
Ladas, the stadium of, 381 n.
Ladikú, river of, (Selinus,) 218
Ladoceia, 247 and n.
Ladon, the river, 222 sq.; places on the,
228 sq.; ruins on the, near Kuloglí,
219
Lady's-Bridge, 223
Lago-potamo, 406
λάκκοι, 138 η.
Lakos, 153
Lambíri, the vineyards of, 407; the bay
of, 408
Lampeia, Mount, 224
Langádhia, the river of, 223
Langeia, the river, 392 and n. 400
Lapithe and Centaurs, contest of the,
represented in the western aëtus of
the Olympicium, 17
Lapithæum, site of, 361
Lapithus, Mount, 217; height of, 204
Larissus, the river, 209
Las, 150, 172, 174, 358
Latin tongue, sprung from the Pelasgic,
338
Latona beheld Diana at the chace from
the heights of Taygetus, 360
Lebas (M.), on an inscription upon a
fountain at Mistrá, 131
Leftro, 179
422
INDEX.
Lenidhi, 292 sq.
Leocbares, statues by, at Olympia, 25,
39
Leódboro, the castle of, 232
Leonidæum, the, at Olympia, 43, 44 n.
83
Leonidhas, Aghios, ancient building
converted into a church so called,
300
Lepreatis, 217
Lerne, fountain of, 368
Letrinæa, 215
Lessa, 268 n. 269
Lethæus, the river, 72 n.
Leucasium, 228
Leuctra, 179
Leuctrum, 248
Levétzova, 170; quarries of, 171
Levídhi, 229, 231, 380
Libon of Elis, architect of the Olym-
pieium, 15
Lichas, son of Arcesilaus, 61
Lidhoréa, 143
Ligurió, (Lessa,) 269
Limera, Epidaurus, 300
Limnæ, 181, 352 n.; situation of, 182
Limni, 170
Liópesi, 402
Londári, 150; Hellenic remains at,
200
Lysistratus, sepulchre of, at Asine,
291
Longo, the river, 391, 400
Longovárdho, the river, ancient vestiges
at the mouth of, 194
Lordships (Frank) in the Moréa, in the
thirteenth century, 139; towns giving
names to, 149
Lucina Olympia, temple of, 37, 74, 85;
temple of Lucina at a gate of the
Acrocorinthus, 400
Luka, vale of, 367 sq.; river of, 368;
plain of, 370 sq.; katavóthra of, 370;
tumulus near the entrance of the
plain of, 373
Luku, ancient site at, 294 sq. 303;
river of, 296, 302 sq. 339, 340; vale of,
372
Λυμπιάς, 362
Lusi, 206
Lycæus, Mount, 244; height of, 204
Lycæus, Jupiter, altar of, 245
Lychnidus, 131
Lycius, son of Myron of Athens, great
work by, at Olympia, 53
Lycoa, 243
Lycosura, 244
Lycurgus of Tegea pierces Areithous
with his spear, 375; Lycurgus and the
Spartans attack the Messenians at
Glympia, 365 and n.
Lycuria, 225
Lykódhemo, Mount, height of, 204
Lykúria, pass of, 225
Lymbiádha, 362 sqq. 365
Lyrcoia, 268
Lysippus of Sicyon, works of, at Olym-
pia, 60, 61, 63, 69, 72
Lysis of Macedonia, statue by, at Olym-
pia, 72
Macistus, 5, 217
M.
Mænalian plain, 243
Mænalus, Mount, 231, 242 sq.; height
of, 203
Mænalus, the city, 243
Mæra, field of, 374, 378
Magúla, the river of, 161
Mainfroy, king of Sicily, 143 n.
Maíni, or Mani, 142
Makhéra, height of Mount, 224
Makrynó, a peak of Taygetus, 360; its
highest ridge also so called, 360 n.
Makryplaghi, Mount, 235
Malætas, river, 201
Málevo, Mount, height of, 204
Mallæa, 248
Mallus, river, 236, 248
Mani, or Maíni, 142
Maniátes, the, 138 n. 335
Manthuric plain, 115
Mantineia, 110, 153, 378 and n. 381 sq.;
number of gates at, 111; height of,
204; whence supplied with water,
373 levels and water-courses of the
;
plain of, 369; route from, to Methy-
drium, 229 sq.; other roads from;
third battle of, 379; distance between
Mantineia and the fountain Arne, 374
Mantinenses, the, after the destruction
of their city walls by Agesipolis, 377
sqq.; war between the Mantinenses
and Tegeatæ, 369
Mantinic comæ, 377 sqq.; plains, kata-
vóthra of the, 369
Mantinice, the rivers of, 249; water-
courses of the, 367; valley of the,
376
Mantinico-Tegeatic plain, the, 250;
katavóthra in the, 387
Maratha, 154, 232
Marathona of Ægina, inscription in a
church at, 272 n.
Marganeæ, 13 n. 219
Marí, or Mário, 362
Marius, 362, 363
Marmália, 355
Mármara, or Marmária, 248; ancient
remains at, 341
Mars named Enyalius, 30
Mases, 286 sq.
Masonry, Hellenic, in the bridge of
Mavrozúmeno, 197; Pelasgic, 117
Matapán, Cape, 175 bis. 176
Mausolus, palace of, at Halicarnassus,
207
Mavrióro, or Mavron Oros, height of,
204, 405
Mavrozúmeno, bridge of, 118, 197
Mazaráki, Mount, 363
INDEX.
423
Medon of Sparta, statue by, at Olympia,
24
Mega Kyráto, of Athens, 159
Megacles, joint architect of a treasury
at Olympia, 40
Megálokhorió, 278
routes
Megalopolis, 198 sqq. 230, 247 n.; at
Messene, the gate of, 124;
from, 231 sqq.; distance from Mega-
lopolis to Argos, 196; the road from,
to Heræa, 231 sq.
Megalopolitis and Belminatis, the boun-
dary of, 237; the boundaries of Mega-
lopolitis and Messenia, 235
Megarenses, treasury of the, at Olympia,
41
μῆκος, 94 η.
Melæneæ, 231
sq.
Melangeia, 373,‍377 and n.
Mcliasta, fountain of the, 372
Melingú, 153
Melingús, 138 n. 154
Melite, the marsh, 122
Menelaium, the pass of, 161; Mount,
ibid.
Menelaus, whether buried at Amyclæ,
355
Mesoboa, 228
Messa, not to be confounded with Messe,
357
Messana, Zancle assumed the name of,
57
Messapeæ, 166 and n.
Messe, site of, 356 sqq.; not to be con-
founded with Messa, 357; whether an
abbreviation of Messene, 358 and_n. ;
Mizithrá probably the Sclavonic form
of, 135
Messene, 118, 198 sqq.; stadium of, 91;
enters into the Achaian league, 185
ancient boundaries of the cities Mes-
sene and Lacedæmon, 181, 184; the
gate of Megalopolis at, 124; bridge
of, 197
Messenia annexed to Laconia, 5; boun-
daries of, fixed by Philip, son of
Amyntas, 177; rivers of, 180; the
scene of one of the lost tragedies of
Euripides, 188; the boundaries of
Messenia and Megalopolitis, 235
Messenians attacked at Glympia by the
Spartans, under Lycurgus, 365 and n.
Μέσσιος, whether the Gentile of Μέσ
σ11, 358 n.
Messoatæ, the tribe of, 357
Messola, 188, 189
Metapontini, treasury of the, at Olym-
pia, 41
Metapontium, 41 n.
Methana, two hot sulphureous sources
in the peninsula of, 278; the isthmus
of, fortified by the Athenians, ibid.;
written Methione in some copies of
Thucydides, 279 n.
Methydrium, 200 sqq.; distance from,
to Anemosa, 240; route from Man-
tineia to, 229 sq.; distance between
Methydrium and Nymphasia, 202;
gate of, at Mantineia, 112
Metope, river, 384
Metopes of the Olympicium, 17
Metroum, the, at Olympia, 37, 51, 52,
80, 83
Mezapó, 358
Micon of Athens, painter, statue by, at
Olympia, 64
Micon of Syracuse, works of, at Olym-
pia, 67
Mideia, or Midea, 264, 268, sq.
Miléa, the river of, 179
Minerva, statue of, by Medon, 24; of
Phidias at Athens, 105; sacella of,
generally attached to temples of Jupi-
ter, 272; the Panhellenium of Ægina
supposed by some to be dedicated to,
270 sqq.; the Æginetæ dedicate some
brazen prows in the temple of, 275;
Minerva Alea, at Tegea, temples of,
110; Minerva Cyparissia, 169; for-
tress of, on the Achæan coast, 407
Minthe, Mount, 109; height of, 204
Miráka, 218
Misokhóri, 132
Mistrá, 138 n. 162, 357 sqq.; the bishop-
ric of Lacedæmonia transferred to,
130; inscription on a fountain at, 131;
ancient church at, part of a monas-
tery, 133; fortress built there by Wil-
liam de Villehardouin, 134
Mizithrá, or Mistrá, 135
Mokhlí, 152, 153
Molottus, the river. See Malætas
Molycium, 279
Monasteries in Tzakoniá, 304
Monemvasía, 283; taken by William
de Villehardouin, 134
Monostich inscriptions, 33 n.
Montferrat, Marquis of, King of Thes-
saly, 142
sqq.;
Moréa in the thirteenth century, 135 et
Frank customs common in the
13th century, 131; Moréa, Chronicle
of the. See Chronicle
Morée, Chronique de. See Chronique
Mosto, the marsh of, 295
Mountains, heights of, 203
Music contests in Greece, 88, 89
Muzáki, Cape, 285 sq.
Mycenae, 255 sq.; gate of, 254; trea-
suries of, 255 sq. 354
Mylaon, the river, 201
Myron, tyrant of Sicyonia, 40
Myron of Athens, works of, at Olympia,
61, 64, 65, 67
Mysæum, 391
Myscellus, the founder of Croton,
409 n.
Myzithra, of Villehardouin, 132
424
INDEX.
N.
Nabis and Philopomen, contest be-
tween, 344
Nasi, 227; of the Ladon, not the same
with Nasi of the river Tragus, 229;
common name for low ground inter-
sected by rivers, ibid.
Nancydes of Mothone, statues by, at
Olympia, 64, 65
Nauplia, 252 sq.
Navarino, bay of, 192; island of, 194
Naxus in Sicily, 68 n.; ancient coins of,
ibid.
Neda, the river, 212, 214
Nemea, the river, 392, 400
Neokhóri, the river of, 236
Neokhório, 234
Neptune, Lake of, at Ægiæ, 170
Neptune, temple of, on Mount Alesius,
374 n.; remains of the temple of the
Isthmian, 395; temple of Neptune
Gæaüchus, 164; ruins of a temple of
Neptune Hippius, on the bank of the
Karfoxyliá, 202; temple of Neptune
Samius, 109
Neris, 298; supposed ruins of, 340
Nestane, 374 and n. 378; also called
Nostia, 374 n.
Nestor, the position of the city of, an
ancient question, 192
Nicephorus Ducas, 146
Nickli, 150
Nicodamus of Manalus, works of, at
Olympia, 56, 58, 62, 64
Nicolas, St., monastery of, in Tzakoniá,
304
Nicomedes, king of Bithynia, statue of,
in the Olympicium, 22
Nimnítza, the river of, 202
Nisí, 182
Nostia, Nestane so called, 374 n.
Notená, two Hellenic fortresses on the
mountain of, 220
vúσoal of the Olympian Hippodrome, 96
Nymphas, 235
Nymphasia, the fountain, 202
0.
Ea, situation of, 276; temple of Damia
and Auxesia at, 275
Echalia, 236
Enia, 121
Enoe of Megaris, 399; of Argeia, 266
$9. 371
Enomaus, statue of, in the Olym-
picium, 17; tomb of, in Olympia, 78;
the wooden column of, at Olympia,
50, 87; stables of the horses of, 78
Enone, ancient name of Ægina, 276
Enus, the river, 115. 298, 347, 350
sq.
tylus, 178, 358
olkýμara of the Olympic Hippaphesis,
92
Olenus, 137; at the time of the revival
of the Achaic league, 208
O'lonos, Mount, height of, 203, 224
Olurus, 404
Olymbo, 363
Olymbo-khória, 363
Olympia, brazen tablet of, 1; Pisa iden-
tified with, by Pindar and Herodotus,
6; the town of, 7; the sacred grove
named Altis, ibid. 13; the vale of, 7,
8; visits to, by different travellers, 11,
101 n. 106; remains of the temple of
Jupiter at, 10; description of, by Pau-
sanias, 14; the buildings of,-Olym-
pieium, 15; the Heræum, 23; the great
altar of Jupiter, 36; the Metroum, 37;
the temple of Lucina Olympia, ibid.;
the temple of Venus Urania, the Pry-
taneium,-BouλεUTÝρLov, or Council-
house, the Theecoleon,-the Pro-
edria, 38; the Philippeium, 39; the
Treasuries, 39, 73; the Pelopium,
42; the Hippodamium, 43, 74; the
Poecile Stoa, the Studio of Phidias,
-the Leonidæum, 43, 44 n.; the
Gymnasium, 44; the Palæstra,-the
temple of Ceres Chamyne,-altars,
45; dedications in, 56
Olympia, 4 et sqq.; the description of by
Pausanias, 14; brazen plate in the
British Museum, found at, 23 n.;
theatre at, 87
'Oλνμжíα, 363; inundations of the
Ολυμπία,
country about, 386; in the latter part
of the 2nd century, 102; three thou-
sand statues there in the time of
Pliny, 103; fragments of armour, &c.
seen there by Pausanias, 100; cause of
the disappearance of monuments and
statues in, 105, 106
Olympiads managed by the Pisatæ, 5
Olympian valley, changes in the surface
of the, 100; victors were feasted,
place where, 38
Olympias, chryselephantine statue of, by
Leochares, 25
Olympic Festival, the management of
the, passes from the Pisate to the
Eleians, 5
Olympieium, or Olympium, remains
of, 10 et sqq.; remarks on, in "Tra-
vels in the Moréa," 11; dimensions
of the, according to Pausanias, 12,
16; description of the, by the same,
15; the Aëti of the, and its riches,
ibid.; the building of the, ibid.;
general description of the, 16; its
resemblance to the Parthenon, 16,
19; its difference from the The-
scium, 16; metopes of the, 17; cella
INDEX.
425
and opisthodomus of the, 18; interior
construction of the, 19; the throne,
20; the pedestal, and the brazen vase
on the pavement in the, 21; the pro-
naus of the, the brazen tripod, and the
statues of Roman emperors in the,
22; bucklers, pillars, and altars in the,
23; state of the, in 1766, 106 n. See
Jupiter
Olympionica, the garlands of the, 86
Olympius, Mount (Cronius), 13 n.
Olympus, statue by, at Olympia, 62
Olympus, or Lycæus, a mountain of
Arcadia, 244
Onæthus, joint maker of a statue at
Olympia, 54
Onatas of Sicyon, works of, at Olympia,
57, 59, 67
Onogli, 350
Ophis, the river, 380; katavóthra of,
249, 370
Opisthodomus of the Temple of Jupiter
in Olympia, 88 n.; representation of
the labours of Hercules on the, 17
Opus, 220
sq.
Oracle of Ammou in Libya, 50; at
Delphi, 47 n.
Oresthasium, or Orestium, 247 and 2.
Oriás to Kastro, 175
"Opos, Tò, (the peak of St. Elias, in
Ægina,) 271
Ortholithi, Mount, 289; height of,
204
Oryx, the valley of, 228
O'siva, or I'sova, 143, 154; ruins of a
Gothic church at, 204
Ostracine, Mount, 230 sq.
Oxylus brings a new colony into Elis,
5; the reviver of the Olympic con-
test, 74 n.
P.
Pachymeres (George), notice of the
Tzakonians by, 334 sq.
Pæonius of Mende, statue by, at Olym-
pia, 57
Paestum, great temple of, 129
Paintings in the Olympieium, 15
Palæologus (Michael), 334 sq.
Palamári, 240
Palæstra, the, of Olympia, 45
Palamedes, 253
Palamidhi (Παλαμήδιον), 252
Paláti, 154
Palátia, 201
Paleá-Khora, 276; plain of, 339
Paleá Monemvasía, 300
Palcó Avaríno, castle of, 199 sqq.
Palcó-kastro, 201, 247
Paleokastro, Mount, height of, 203
Paleomíri, 240
Palco-Mókhli, 152
Paliscius, 241 sq.
Palladium, the, taken by Eumedes to
Mount Creium, 252
Pallantides, the rocks, 252
Pallantium, discharge of the waters
from the valley of, 249
Palus, plain of, 240
Pamisus, the river, 181; sources of the,
182; fountains of the, 183
Pamisus Minor, 179
Pan, altar of, at Olympia, 38
Panachaicum, Mount, height of, 204
Panathenaic, vase, inscription on a, 4
Panænus, nephew of Phidias, paintings
by, at Olympia, 20
Pandeléimona, river, 165
πανήγυρις, Olympian, 105
Panhellenium of Ægina, 270, sqq.;
inscribed fragment found among the
ruins of the, 273
Pantarces of Elis, 70
Pantias, or Panthias of Chius, statues by,
at Olympia, 62, 65, 69
Papadha, 232
Paradhísi, 402
Parnon, Mount, height of, 204; Greeks
of, retain numerous vestiges of the
Doric dialect, 329 n.; forest on the
slopes of, 341
Paróri, a suburb of Mistrá, stream of,
165
Paroria, 239 sq.
Parrhasii, a town or fortress of the, at
Londári, 200
Parrhasius, Apollo, temple of, 245 n.
246
Parthenius, Mount, 113; height of, 203
Parthenon, the, 126, 128; resemblance
of the, to the Olympicium, 16; height
of the, 12
Pashá Vrysi, 235
Passavá, 150; river of, 172
Patra, 137
Patræ, Bishop of, in the thirteenth cen-
tury, 139; temples of Jupiter and
Hercules at, 207
Patrocles of Crotona, statue by, at
Olympia, 40
Paus, ruins of, 221
Pausanias, description of Olympia by,
14; names on the chest of Cypselus,
as described by, agreeable with those
still existing on Greek vases, 32;
whence he derived his information of
Olympia, 60; text of, often corrupt,
24; alterations suggested in the text
of, 203, 381 n. 405; errors in the in-
formation or text of, 196, 226, 241,
242, 285, 375n.; computations of
long distances by, generally in excess,
301
Paximádhi, Mount, 360
426
INDEX.
Peacock, marble, part of a, found in
the Heræum of Argeia, 261; of gold
and precious stones, 262
Pegæ, 237
Peiræum, 399
Peirithous represented on the western
aëtus of the Olympicium, 17
Peirus, river, 207, 224
Pelagonia, battle of, 143
Pelasgi, the, 119, 123
Pelasgic, the Tzakonic dialect supposed
by M. Thiersch to have been derived
from the, 333; Greek and Latin
languages sprung from the, 338
Pelias, tombs of the daughters of, 375
Pellana, 366
Pellenæa, 403
Pellene, 390
Pelopium of Olympia, the, 42, 79, 84
Peloponnesians, the modern, supposed
by Fallremeyrer to be entirely of
Sclavonic descent, 326
Peloponnesus, height of some summits
of the, 204
Pelops attaches his name to part of
Greece, 4; statue of, in the Olym-
pieium, 17
Peneius, river, 224; the Upper, 206
Penelope, tomb of, 381 n.
Pentelophi, 350
Pephnus, 178
Perætheæ, 241 sq.
Perakhóra, 399
Pergamus, palace of the kings of, at
Tralleis, 207
Periander, the son of Cypselus, 33
Perioci, the, 167
Persová, katavóthra of, 113, 249, 369,
370
Perusia, gate of, 124
Petalí, Cape, 173
Phædria, 236
Phalæsiæ, 237
Phalanthus, Mount, 202, 239 sq.
Phare of Messenia separated from Mes-
sene, 185
Phare in Achaia, vale of, 207; Heræa
confounded with, by Strabo, 218
Phare in Laconia, 355
Pharis, 165, 355; treasury of, 354
Pheia, 213 sqq.
Phellia, river, 355 2. 356
Phelloë, 405
Phelloëis, river, 405
Pheneatic zerethra, 384 sq.
Pheneatis, a description of, 385 sq.; the
inundations of, 250
Pheneus, the lake of, 225; plain of,
385 $9.
Pheræ, 345. Béppola, the Macedonian
form of Φεραί, 345 n.
Phidias of Athens, statue of Jupiter
Olympius by, 16; the studio of, at
Olympia, 43, 83; works of, at Olym-
pia, 20, 63
Phigalia, M. de Stackelberg on the tem-
ple of, 270
Philanorium, 290
Philesius of Eretria, brazen oxen by, at
Olympia, 59
Philip, son of Amyntas, chrysclephan-
tine statue of, by Leochares, 25;
Pamisus Minor, the subject of an ad-
judication of, 179, 184
Philippeium, the, at Olympia, 39, 51;
chrysclephantine statues in the, 26 n.
Philopomen, contest between, and Nabis,
344; put to death at Messene, 196
Philotimius of Ægina, statue by, at
Olympia, 69
Phliasia, 383
Phliasii, statues of Jupiter and Ægina
dedicated by the, 277 n.
Philius, ruins of, 401; Ægina, daughter
of Asopus, carried off from, to the
island gina, 277 n.
Phlius, Argolic, of Ptolemy, perhaps
Phyllus, 270
Phabæum, the, at Sparta, 161
Phobia, 401
Phoenix, river, 408
Phozi, monument of the, 375 n.
Phœzon, 375 n.
Pholoë, Mount, produce of the chace on,
set apart by Xenophon for the festi-
vals, &c. of Diana, 10 n.
Phormis of Mænalus, 59
Phradmon of Argos, statuc by, at
Olympia, 64
Phrixa, 217 n.
Phylace, 113
Phyllus, 269, 270
Piána, 239
Pídhima, river of, 180
Pikérnes, 373
Pillars of brass at Olympia recording
treaties, 23, 54
Pirnítza, 155; battle of, 154
Pisa, in Italy 4; in Greece, 4 et sqq. 218;
antiquity of the ruin of, 6; identified
with Olympia by Pindar and Herodo-
tus, ibid.; situation of, ibid.
Pisatæ, the, 5 et sqq.; character of, by
Xenophon, 6; sea-coast of, 214
Pisatis, 214
Pityussa, island, 283
Plataniston, river, 246
Platanistus of Sparta, 161, 164; Apollo
Platanistius, temple of, 282
Plátano, 339 sq.
Platyá, island, 294
Platza, 178
TAεupal of the Hippodrome, 96
Plinth-shaped mode of Greek writing, 33
Pliny, his number of statues at Olym-
pia somewhat suspicions, 103 n.
Podhogora, the valley of, 228
Poecile Stoa, in Olympia, 43, 89, 90
Poetry, early English and Romaic,
136 n.
INDEX.
427
Polianí, 181, 183
Poliasium, Straits of, 352 sq.
Polichna, 364
Polycleitus of Argos, who made the Juno
of Argeia, works of, at Olympia, 61,
63, 64, 65, 68, 261
Polycleitus of Argos, another statue by,
at Olympia, 64
Polycles of Athens, statue by, at Olym-
pia, 63; statue, at Olympia, by the
sons of, 67
Polydamas of Scotussa, 63
Pompeii, excavations at, 108
Pompic way at Olympia, 14, 49 n. 80;
Pompic entrance to the Stadium, 91
Pondikó-kastro, isthmus of, 213 sq.
Пoviẞáт (Benevento), 145 n.
Pontinus, fountain of, 368
Porphyry, green, whether the marble
known among the Romans by the
name of Laconian, 170
Portes, 220
Portico (painted) at Olympia, or portico
of the Echo, 43
Porto Kaio, 175, 176, 177
Posidonium of the Isthmus, 395
Pothæus, joint builder of a treasury at
Olympia, 40
Prastó, 304, 364; written IIpoάσTELOV
by Phranza, 327
Praxiteles, statue by, at Olympia, 26
πρίγκιπας, 141
Priníko, inscribed column near, 168
Prinítza, battle of, 204 sq.
Prinus, the road, 371 sq.
Προάστειον written for Prasto by
Phranza, 327
Proëdria, building at Olympia, 38, 87
Pron, mountain, 288
Prosymna, the region, 263 and n. 268 n.;
the city, 264, 269
Prytaneium at Olympia, 38, 83, 89
Pramathus, 175, 176 n.; a harbour of
Tænarum, 176
Psathó-Pyrgo, 155
Pseudartabas in Aristophanes, 337
Psophis, 206, 221; route from, to Thel-
pusa, 222 sq.
Ptolemy, names in the geography of,
often misspelt, 270
Ptolichus of Egina, statue by, at Olym-
pia, 65
Ptolis, 381; hill of, 378, 381 n.
Punctuation in inscriptions, irregulari-
ties of, 3
Pungáki, river of, 227
Pylii and Arcadians, supposed represen-
tation of a battle of the, on the chest
of Cypselus, 213
Pylus of Coryphasium, 190; also called
Abarmus, (7. Abarinus,) 192 n.; har-
bour of, 192; confounded by Dio-
dorus with Pylus of Eleia, 13n.
Pylus of Eleia, 219
Pylus Triphyliacus, 109; doubts as to
the existence of, 194
Pyramidal sepulchre, near Argos, 251
Pyrgo of Eleia, 155 and n.; near Methy-
drium, 201; river of, 202
Pyrilampes of Messene, statues by, at
Olympia, 62, 70, 71
Pyrrhi Castra, 344 sq.
nce
Pyrrhichus, 174; distance from the
Scyrus to, ibid.
Pyrrhus, joint builder with his sons of a
treasury at Olympia, 40
Pythäcus, Apollo, temple of, at Asine,
291 sq.; near Sparta, 349
Pythagoras of Rhegium, works of, at
Olympia, 62, 64, 67, 68, 73
Pythocritus of Sicyon, the flute player,
69
Q.
Quatremère (M.) de Quincy, opinion of,
respecting the chest of Cypselus, 28,
34
R.
Rakhamy'tes, 241 sq.
Raoul-Rochette (M.), on the sixth
metope of the Olympicium, 18 n.
Rapsomáti, 237
Rasa, 218
Rasína, 361 n.
Rema of Argos, river, 267
Réonda, 364; hill of, 339
Rezeníko, Mount, 242
Rhea, cave of, 201 n. 202
Rheitus, 397
Rheunus, 227
Rhium, 189, 390
Rhocus and Theodorus, the artists, of
Samos, 25
Rhyme, when adopted by the Greeks,
136 n.
Rhypes, river of, 390
Rhypes, 408 sq. 409 n.
Róino, Mount, 230; height of, 203
Romaic poetry, 136 n.
''
Romaic-Greek of the 13th century,
156; Chronicle of the Moréa
written in, 135
Roman arches, 123; emperors, statues
of, in the Olympicium, 22
Romania, Great Domestic of, 141
Romulus, Circus of, 93 n.
Rubi, 409 n.
S.
Sacred Grove of Olympia, 102; statues
in the, 104
Sacrifices, superintendents of, called
θεηκόλοι, 38
428
INDEX.
Sainókastro, 149
Salamis, 283
Salmeníko, river of, 390, 408
Samará, 235
Sandaméri,
220
Sanga, 373
Samicum, 217
Samius Neptune, temple of, 109
Sandameriótiko, Mount, height of, 203
Sapuselaton, Mount Arachnæum an-
ciently so called, 270
Saranda-potamó, 112 sq.
Sarakiniko, the mountain of, 233
Sardeis, palace of Croesus at, 207
Schoenus, near Methydrium, 240; Port,
at the Isthmus, 395
Scilluntia, 10 n.
Scillus, 5; town and river, 9, 10; temple
of Diana at, ibid.
Sciritis, hills of, 349
Sclavonians, settlements of the, on
Mount Taygetus, 138 n.; occupy the
ridges of Taygetus, 162
Sclavonic and Greek names of places in
the Moréa, proportion between the,
326
Scollis, Mount, 220, 224 and n.; height
of, 203
Scotitas, temple of, 341, 342
Scopas, Scopia, 172
Scopas of Parus builds a temple of
Minerva at Tegea, 110
Scotane, ruins of, 221
Scurzola, battle of, 145 and n.
Scyllæum, promontory, 282 sq.
Scyras, river, 172, 174
Secret entrance into the Stadium at
Olympia, 75, 80
Segesta, temple of, 128
Seiræ, 221
Sekhi, height of the summit of, 204
Sela, 194
Selinuntii, treasury of the, at Olympia,
41
Selinus of Eleia, 218; of Laconia, 336 sq.
Selinus, river, of Eleia, 9; of Achaia,
390
Sellasia, 342 sq.; battle of, 347
Sepulchres, distinction between
and treasuries, 256; sepulchre, Pyra-
midal, near Argos, 251
Serauibus of Ægina, statue by, at Olym-
pia, 66
Shalesi, 241
Shield, golden. See Golden
Sicyonian treasury, at Olympia, 39
Sídhero, Ai, river of, 109
Sidínia written for Sítena by Kopitar,
327
Sidus, 397
Sigeian pillar, inscription on the, 34 n.
Silanion of Athens, statues by, at Olym-
pia, 63, 68, 69
Simiádha, marsh of, 373
Simon of Ægina, works of, at Olympia,
59
Sinán-bey, 163
Sítena, 339 sq. 327
Sitzová, 181, 184; discovery of two
'Epuaia near, ibid.
Skafidhia, 214
Skaï'dha, or Skiádha, fortress near the
village of, 220
Skala, 268
Skhina, 399
Sklavokhóri, 162, 355
Skopá (Teuthrone), 172
Skorta, 154; the pass of, 153
Skortini, revolt of the, 144
Skotiní, river of, 383
Skrapáni, 401
Skurta, 141
Skyli, Cape, 282
Smenus, the river, 172, 173
Smerna, the mountain of, 9, 10; height
of, 204
Smicythus, 58 n.
Smilis, or Smilus of Ægina, 24, 25
and n.; statues by, at Olympia, 24
Sokhá, 164
Sologorgus, 205
Solon, the laws of, engraved in bustro-
phedon, 33
Solygeia, 397
Somis, statue by, at Olympia, 69
Soron, the forest of, 221
Sosandrus of Smyrna, 52
Sosipolis, a dæmon, 38; sanctuary of,
74
Sostratus of Sicyon, surnamed Acro-
chersites, 62
Sparta, 115 n. 116, 129 et sqq. 345; state
of, at the time of its capture by Alaric,
133; remains of a fortress at, 134;
probable origin of the name, 162 n.;
the key of Laconia, 151; harbours of,
187; six ruined churches at, 130;
state of, in the year 396, 133; in the
13th century, 134 sq.; monument of
Eumedes, son of Hippocoon, in the
dromus of, 252
Spartans, condition of, until the Roman
conquest, 167; under Lycurgus, at-
tack the Messenians at Glympia, 365
Spáthari, village of, 223
Spétzia, island, 286, 294
Sphacteria, island, 192 sq.
Spina in the Circus of Romulus, 93 n.
St. Adrian, near Katzíngri, 269
St. Andrew, 295
St. Elias, 164, 230; the peak of, 270,
360n.; summit of the Mænalian
range, so called, height of, 203; Tale-
tum of Taygetus, height of, 204
St. Isidore, river of, 110
St. Omers, one of the French families of
the Moréa in the 13th century, 220
St. Tryphon, church of, within the
Acropolis of Titane, 402
σταδιοδρόμος, 66 κ.
Stadium of Olympia, the, 75 and n. 52,
78, 85 n. 68; entrances into the, 80;
INDEX.
429
description of the, 75 and n.; Pompic
entrance into the, 91; on the disap-
pearance of the, 101; of Messene,
;
of Thebes, 75 n.; of the Hierum of
Epidaurus, 75 n.
Stathmi, 350
Statues in the Olympieium, 15; brazen,
of Jupiter within the Altis at Olym-
pia, 51; brazen, cause of the disap-
pearance of, 104; in the Heræum of
Olympia, 24; chryselephantine statues
in the same, 25; of Jupiter erected
from the produce of fines, 51 sqq. 74,
85
Statues of Jupiter, 52, 53; at Olympia,
number of, in the time of Pliny,
103; at Athens, number of, in the
time of Pliny, 103 n.
Steny clerus, the plain of, 151
Sthenis of Olynthus, statues by, at
Olympia, 72, 73
Stímanga, 401
Stoa of Agnaptus, at Olympia, 49, 78,
90
Stoa of the Echo, in Olympia, 90
Stoa (Pœcile) of Olympia, 43, 89, 90
Stomium, the place at Olympia so called,
47
Stomius of Elis, 61
Stomius, statues by, at Olympia, 69
Stops in inscriptions, irregularities of, 3
Strabo, imperfection of the text of, 109;
vagueness common in, 171; emenda-
tions proposed in the text of, 109
bis; error of, respecting Asine, 178;
Heræa confounded with Phare in
Achaia by, 218; geographical testi-
mony of, to be received with caution,
218; proposed emendation of, 214,
224; often gives incorrect informa-
tion, 280; a passage of Homer mis-
understood by, 292 n.
Stravá, Port, 399
Strovítzi, river of, whether the same as
the Acidon, 110
Struthus, promontory, 288
Studio of Phidias at Olympia, 43
Stymphalus, river of, 369; fountain of,
383 sq.
Stemnitza, 240; mountain of, ibid.
Sudhená, 206
Sulphureous sources (two) in the penin-
sula of Methana, 278
Sumatia, 243
Susáki, valley of, 397
Sybaritæ, treasury of the, at Olympia,
41
Symbola, 113
Syracuse, the great altar at, 37 n.
Syriámu, 228
Syriámu Kurtághi, 228; river of, 223
Syrus, river, 236
Sys of Ptolemy, 404, 405; the same as
the Sythas of Pausanias, ibid.
T.
Table, four-legged, in the Heræum of
Olympia, 26; tables in temples for
depositing offerings, ibid.
Tablet (brazen) of Ŏlympia, inscription,
1; versions of the same in Æolic,
Hellenic, and Latin, 2; remark on
it, 3
Tænarum, 175; harbours of, 176; tem-
ple of Neptune at, and cavern near it,
ibid.
ταινία, 63
Takhúrti, the river, 164, 356
Taki, 249; the marsh at, 114; chasm
of, 369
Taletum, 164; highest summit of Tay-
getus, 360; height of, 204
Tanus, river, 298, 302, 340
Tara, river of, 223; khan of, 227
Taraxippus of Olympia, 77, 96, 97
Tartári, Mount, 224; height of, ibid.
Taygetus, Mount, 138 n. 153, 171, 359
and n. height of, 204
Tegea, 112 sqq. 151, 153, 199; the
ancient road from Tegea to Sparta,
343, 345; levels and water-courses of
the plain of, 369; temple of Minerva
Alea at, 110
Tegeata and Mantinenses, war between
the, 369
Tegeatic plain, the, 114, 115
Tegeatis, the rivers of, 249
Telphusa, 205. See Thelpusa
Temathia, Mount, height of, 204
Temples served for treasuries, 256
Tenea, 400
Terracina, bridge of, 124
Tetrázi, Mount, height of, 204
Teuthrone, 172, 174, 176
Thalamæ, 178, 220
Thaliades, 228
Thaumasius, Mount, 201 n. 202.
Theagenes of Thasus, athlete, 66
Theatre of Argos, 265; at Olympia, 87
Thebans, one thousand, assist the Arca-
dians, 199
Thebes, Sparti of, gave the name to
Sparta, 162 n.
Theecoleon at Olympia, the, 38, 87
Theecolus, office of the, 50
Theisoa in the Arcadian Cynuræa, 154
Theius, river, 237
Thelpusa, 205; route from Psophis to,
222 sq. 228; route from Elis to, 223
Thelpusa (Vánena), 223, 228
Thelpusæa, places in the, 228; temple of
Ceres Eleusinia within the, 228
Themis, statue of, in the Heræum of
Olympia, 24
Themistius (the sophist), declamations
of, 105 n.
Theocles of Sparta, statues by, at Olym-
pia, 24
430
INDEX.
Theocles, son of Hegylus, joint maker
with his father of figures at Olympia,
41
Theodorus and Rhœcus, artists, of Samos,
25
Theomnestus of Sardeis, statue by, at
Olympia, 70
There, the hunting-grounds of Diana
on Taygetus, 360
Therapne, 161, 162 n.; temple of He-
lene at, 161
Thermasia, Ceres, temple of, 281 sq.
Thérmisi, 282 sqq.
Theron of Boeotia, statue by, at Olym-
pia, 69
Onoavpol at Mycenae, 256
Thessaly, invasion of, in 1259, 142
Thessaly, Marquis of Montferrat, king
of, 142
Theseus attacking a centaur, represented
on the western aëtus of the Olym-
pieium, 17
Theseus, rock of, in Træzenia, 282
Theseium of Athens, 129; its difference
from the Olympicium, 16
Thiersch, Dr. Frederick, dissertation of,
on the Tzakonic dialect, 304 sqq.
Thirlwall (Bp.), on the site of the new
city of Megalopolis having been chosen
by Epaminondas, 198; on the time of
the desolation of Olenus, 208
Thisbe in Boeotia, 357
Tholó, river, 408
Thornax, Mount, 348, 352 and n.;
Mountain, afterwards called Coccy-
gium, 286, 288
Thucydides, error in the text of, 193;
distances in the text of, not always
correct, 296
Θυρεάτης κόλπος, 295
Thuria, separated from Messene, 182,
185
Thyamia, 401
Thylacus, joint maker of a statue at
Olympia, 54
Thyræum, 240
Thyrea, 294 sq, 303
Thyreatis, 295; road from thence to
Sparta, 296, 341; to Argos, 297
Thyrides, peninsula of, 175
Tiasa, river, 116 n. 165
Time, mode of reckoning, usually em-
ployed by the Romaic Greeks, 131;
in the Moréa, ibid.
Timon of Elis, 71
Tiryns, 268 and n.
Titane, 402
Tjorbadjí, 109
Tolón, 291 sq.; Palcókastro of, 293
Tornése, Cape, 210. See Glaréntza
Tournois, the French coins so called,
210
Towers, round, of Ireland, 120
Tragói, 246
Tragus, river, 223, 226
Trajan, statue of, in the Olympicium, 22
Tralleis, palace of the kings of Per-
gamus at, 207
τράπεζαι στεφανηρόροι, 26
Treasury, ancient, near Vafió, 354
Treasuries, the, at Olympia, 39, 73, 85;
at Mycenæ, 256
Treaties of alliance between the Athe-
nians, Argives, and Martinenses, 23
and n.; between Elis and Heræa,
ibid.;
between Sparta and Athens, 54
Tricarana, 401
Tricoloni, 238 sq.; distance from, to
Anemosa, 239; to Cruni, ibid.
Tricrana, island, 284 sq.
Tríkeri, island, 285
Trikkala, 391; river of, not the Sys of
Ptolemy, 404
Trikkalinó, the river, 403
Triodi, 243
Triphylia annexed to Elis, 5; the rivers
of, 109
Tripod, brazen, in the Olympicium, 22;
Tripods, prizes in the foot-race and
the race of the quadriga, 29
Tripolitis, the Laconic, 366
Tripolitzá, 152, 153; to Mistrá, the
road from, 343
Tripótamo, 221
Tritea, perhaps an error for Phare in
Strabo, 224 n.
Trozen and Hermione, description of
the country between, by Pausanias,
280 n.
Træzenii, the island of Hydrea pawned
to the, 284 n.
Tropæa, 222 sq. 228
Trupiá, village in Laconia, 116 n.; mo-
nastery in Achaia, 388, 389 n.
Trypiótiko, river, 161, 165; ancient
bridge at Sparta over the, 115
Tumulus, near the entrance of the plain
of Luka, 373
Turkóvrysi, river, 172, 173
Turníki, Mountain of, height of, 203
Τυρός anciently Τύρος, 295
Tuthoa, river, 223
Typæus, Mount, 8
Tyró, the ancient Tyrus, 294, 295, 299
Tyrrhenians, the, 123; noted for their
works in brass, 103 n.
Tzákones, history of the, 334 sqq.
Tzakonia, a corruption of Laconia,
138 n.; extent of, 304; monasteries
in, ibid.; more vulgarly accented
Tzakoniá, 326 n. ; apparently synony-
mous with Laconia in the 13th cen-
tury, 150, 336
De-
Tzakonic dialect, where spoken, 138;
dissertation on the, by Dr. Thiersch,
304 sqq.; differences of dialect at
different places, 305 n. Of the
vowels and consonants, 306.
clensions, 308; formation of the
plural, 309; lexicology, 310; pro-
nouns used as suffixes to verbs, 318;
numerals, 314; the verb eiui, ibid.;
INDEX.
431
inflection of verbs, 315; formation of
the persons of verbs, 317; personal
inflection, and conjugation of the pre-
sent and imperfect, 319; lexicological
remarks on verbs, 322; specimens of
phraseology, 325. The Tzakonic
tongue, whether of Sclavonic origin,
326 sq.; contains many words derived
from modern Greek, 327, and some
ancient Greek words long extinct,
328; many Dorisms, 329; some
undeveloped forms, 331; observations
on the Tzakonic tongue, 332 sqq.; not
a dialect of the Greek language, 333;
partly derived from the Pelasgic,
ibid.; and partly a descendant from
the Ionic, 337, 338
Tzernotá, 226; the plain of, 227, 228
Tzetzes (John), Chiliads by, 136 n.;
note on Lycophron concerning the
Cnacion, 115 n.
Tzimbarú, Mount, 247 sq.; height of,
203
Tzipianá, vale of, 367 sq. 373 sqq.;
river of, 368
Tzipianá identified with Melangeia by
the French geographers, 377; dis-
tance of, from Mantineia, 372; pass
of, 375; river of, 377
Tzítzina, 351
U.
Ulysses, statue of, conveyed from Olym-
pia to Rome by Nero, 57
σπληγξ, 93 n.
V.
Vafió, 165, 355; ancient treasury near,
354
Valtétzi, 241 sq.
Vánena, 223
Veligósti, 150
Vathy', 173, 175 sqq.
Velimákhi, river of, 222, 223
Venus in bronze, in the Heræum of
Olympia, by Cleon of Sicyon, 26;
Urania, temple of, 38, 74, 85
Verres, the Roman prætor, 126
Vérria, 345
Verses, iambic, in the churches of St.
Luke of Stiris, and of St. Demetrius
at Salonika, 132
Versus politici, 135 n.
Vesta, sanctuary of in the Prytaneium
of Olympia, 38, 89
Victory, gilded statue of, in the Olym-
pieium, 16; in the hand of the statue
of Jupiter, holding a brow-band, 19
and n.; four Victories attached to the
four legs of the throne of Jupiter, and
two at the foot of each leg, 20
Villehardouin, family of, govern the
Moréa in the 13th century, 137 sqq.
220
Villehardouin, William de, 134, 141 sqq.
Villehardouin, Geoffroy de, 137 sqq.;
Geoffroy II. de, 140 sq.
Vitruvius on the entasis of columns,
127; probably only parts of his works
in existence, 129
Vítylo, 178
Vlisíri, 155
Voidhiá, Mount, 204
Voidhó-kiliá, harbour, 190, 192
Voivoda, 402
Volterra in Tyrrhenia, arched gateway
at, 122, 125
Vostítza, 408
Vrestená, river of, 347 sq.
Vroma, ancient baths at, 278
Vromolímni, ancient baths near the vil-
lage of, 278
Vulci, bridge of, 124
Vurliá, bay of, 289; khan of, 344
Vúrvura, river of, 113
Vytína, vale of, 202; river of, 227
W.
Wilkins on the Olympieium, 10
Wordsworth (Rev. Dr.), on the Pan-
hellenium of Ægina, 271 et sqq. ; on
an inscription in a church near, 272 n.
Writing, on the ancient modes of Greek,
33 n.
X.
Xenis, the road, 375
Xenophon, 88 and n.; erection of a tem-
ple of Diana at Scillus by, 9; his
monument, 10 n.
Xeriló Potamó, 234, 366
Xerokambí, or Xerókambo, 361; ancient
bridge near, 116, 361
Xylócastro, (Olurus,) 404;
ibid.
Y.
Ydhra, island, 284 sq.
Ypsilí, island, 289, 294
Z.
river of,
Zaccunia, Laconia so called by the Vene-
tians, 336
Zakhulítiko, river, 405
Zakkúka, Mount, height of, 203
Zancle, afterwards Messana, 57
Zanes, statues of Jupiter at Olympia de-
dicated from fines levied upon Ath-
letæ, 51, 52, 74; where placed, 85
432
INDEX.
Zarax, 301 sq.
Zarnáta, 180
Zátuna, mountain of, 233
Závitza, Mount, 295
Zeno, blunder of, 352 n.
Zibovísi, 238
Zinka, monastery in Tzakoniá, 304
Zotia, 239
Zosimus, on the state of Sparta at the
time of its capture by Alaric, 133
Zugrá, 390
Zy'ria, Mount, 404; height of, 203
THE END.
GILBERT & RIVINGTON, Printers, St. John's Square, London.
;
THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
DATE DUE
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