B 440757
DUPL

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J. DARCY,
Bookseller,
31 WELLINGTON QUAY,
DUBLIN.
ARTES
LIBRARY
1837.
VERITAS
SCIENTIA
OF THE
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
PLURIBUS UMU!
TUEBOR
SI-QUÆRIS-PENINSULAM-AMⱭE NAM `
CIRCUMSPICE
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​A COLLECTION
OF
Tracts and Treatifes.
A
:
{י
COLLECTION
OF
TRACTS AND TREATISES
ILLUSTRATIVE OF THE
NATURAL HISTORY, ANTIQUITIES,
AND THE
Political and Social State
OF
IRELAND,
AT VARIOUS PERIODS PRIOR TO THE PRESENT CENTURY.
IN TWO VOLUMES.
VOL. I.
Treatifes by BOATE, WARE, SPENSER, and DAVIS.
With an Index.
DUBLIN:
REPRINTED BY
ALEX. THOM & SONS, ABBEY-STREET.
MDCCCLX.
L
02619 16
!.
CONTENTS.
Irelands Naturall Hiſtory: written by GERARD BOATE, late Doctor
of Phyfick to the State in Ireland,
JACOBI WAREI Equitis Aurati de Hibernia et Antiquitatibus ejus,
Difquifitiones,
PAGE
149
A View of the State of Ireland, written Dialogue-wife betweene
Eudoxus and Irenæus: by EDMUnd Spenser, Efq.,
407
A Discoverie of the State of Ireland: with the true Caufes why
that Kingdom was never entirely fubdued, nor brought under
Obedience of the Crowne of England, untill the Beginning
of his Majefties moſt happy Raigne: by Sir JOHN DAVIS,
Knight, his Majefties Atturney Generall of Ireland,
INDEX,
593
•
715
312679
I
}
IRELANDS
NATURALL HISTORY.
IRELANDS
NATURALL
HISTORY.
Being a true and ample Deſcription of its
Situation, Greatness, Shape, and Nature;
Of its Hills, Woods, Heaths, Bogs; Of its Fruitfull Parts and
profitable Grounds, with the ſeverall way of Manuring
and Improving the fame:
With its Heads or Promontories, Harbours,
Roades and Bayes ;
Of its Springs and Fountaines, Brookes, Rivers, Loughs;
Of its Metalls, Mineralls, Freeſtone, Marble, Sea-coal, Turf,
and other things that are taken out of the ground.
And lastly, of the Nature and temperature of its
Air and Season, and what diſeaſes it is free from,
or fubject unto.
Conducing to the Advancement of Navigation, Husbandry,
and other profitable Arts and Profeſsions.

Written by Gerard Boate, late Doctor of Physick
to the State in Ireland.
And now Published
BY
SAMUELL HARTLIB, Efq;
For the Common Good of Ireland, and more especially,
for the benefit of the Adventurers and Planters therein.
Imprinted at London for John Wright at the Kings
Head in the Old Bayley. 1652.
To His Excellency
OLIVER CROMWELL,
Captain Generall of the
Common-wealths Army in England, Scotland, and Ireland,
and Chancellor of the Univerſity of
OXFORD.
AND
To the Right Honorable
CHARLES FLEETWOOD,
Commander in Chief (under the Lord Generall Cromwell)
of all the Forces in IRELAND.
Right Honorable,
IT
T is a very great and signal Truth, that all the works of
God are both wonderfull and precious, much sought out
by all those that love him and it is the guilt of the wicked,
that as they regard not the Lord, so they consider not the
Operation of his hands; for the Lord hath revealed his Truth,
even his Godhead and his Eternall Power by his Workes, that Rom.1.20.
such as respect him not, in the Creation of the World, and in
the wayes of his Providence, may be without excuse: Now
it seems to me, that the end for which God hath not left him-
self without a Testimony in Nature, is not only, that we should
in our spirit glorifie him as God and be thankfull, but that also Act.14.17.
our Outward Man should be made sensible of his goodness,
and partake of that supply of life, which by his appointment
the Creature can yeeld unto us, if happily we may feel after Act.17.27.
him and find him therein. So that such as respect him not in
his wayes of Nature, being careless to seek them out, do make
themselves also incapable of the blessings of Nature through
A 2
3
their
4
The Epistle
their ignorance and neglect of the good things which God hath
provided for them thereby: for all things are Ours, things pre-
sent and things to come; and Godliness hath the promise of the
life that now is as well as of that which is to come: for as by the
act of Faith we are made capable of the good things of the life
to come, because by the truth of God, as it is the Object of our
Faith, they have a spirituall being and Subsistence in us; so by
the act of Reason rightly ordered we are made partakers of the
the benefit of this life, because by the effect of Gods Wisdome
and Power in Nature, as they are the Objects of our Reasonable
facultie, they have a bodily being and Subsistence in us: and as
the Wisdome of God doth many wayes manifest it self, not only in
Spirituall, but also in Outward and Bodily things, so there are
many parts of Humane Learning, some whereof are subservient
to the Private life of a single man, some to the comforts and Pub-
lick Use of a Society, and amongst all these parts of Learning
which relate to a Society, I can conceive none more profitable
in Nature, than that of Husbandry. For whether we reflect
upon the first settlement of a Plantation, to prosper it, or upon
the wealth of a Nation that is planted, to increase it, this is the
Head spring of all the native Commerce and Trading which
may be set afoot therein by any way whatsoever. Now to
advance Husbandry either in the production and perfection of
earthly benefits, or in the management thereof by way of
Trading, I know nothing more usefull, than to have the know-
ledge of the Naturall History of each Nation advanced and
perfected: For as it is evident, that except the benefits which
God by Nature hath bestowed upon each Country be known,
there can be no Industrie used towards the improvement and
Husbandry thereof; so except Husbandry be improved, the
industrie of Trading, whereof a Nation is capable, can neither
be advanced or profitably upheld.
There is a twofold body, and a twofold life in man, which
God hath created, the one is Naturall, the other Spirituall, and
1Cor.15.46 the Apostle tells us, that the Spirituall is not first but the
Naturall, and afterward that which is Spirituall; as the
Bodies and lives of men are ordered by God, so we must con-
ceive of the frames of their Societies, that the Naturall is
before
4
=
Dedicatory.
5
I
&c.
before that which is Spirituall, and that in Gods aime it is a
preparatory thereunto; although in the use which men make
thereof, this aime is not obtained: for seeing in the wisdome of
God the world by wisdome hath not known God; therefore God 1 Cor. I.
is pleased by another way which to the world doth seem foolish-
ness, to manifest his Power and his Wisdome unto salvation,
namely by the Preaching of the Gospel in the name of Iesus
Christ and him crucified; and although hitherto, since the
death of Christ, the dispensation of wisdome hath not yet
opened the conduit pipes of Naturall Knowledge to cause the
souls of men to flow forth and partake of the life of God there-
in, by reason of the prevalencie of Sensuall inclinations, and of
the want of due reflection upon Christ, in whom alone the per-
fect use of Nature is brought home to the glory of the Father,
by the Spirit, yet when the time of the Restauration of all things
shall come from the presence of him who will come shortly and
will not tarry, then the works of the Devill, whereby he hath
brought us, and the whole Creation under the bondage of Cor-
ruption, shall be destroied, and when the Nature and Right use
of the Creature by his means obscured, shall be revealed, then
also the properties and application of the Creature in the glorious
liberty of the sonnes of God, shall be subjected unto Grace.
These great and mighty changes, which God is making in
the Earth, do tend to break the yokes of Vanity, and to
weaken the Power, which hath wreathed the same upon the
necks of the Nations, these Changes seem to me to presage
the neer approaches of this Liberty, and the advancement of
the ways of Learning, whereby the intellectuall Cabinets of
Nature are opened, and the effects thereof discovered, more
fully to us, than to former Ages, seem in like manner to pre-
pare a plainer Address unto the right use thereof for us
than our forefathers have had: which will be effectuall to the
manifestation of Gods Wisdome, Power, and Goodness, when
the great promises shall be accomplished, that the Earth shall Isa. 11.9.
be filled with knowledge of the Lord, as the waters cover the Heb. 8.11.
sea, and that we shall be taught of God, from the least to the
greatest and although the Father hath reserved in his own
hand the times and seasons, wherein these promises are to be
5
fulfilled,
6
The Epistle
fulfilled, yet as by the dawning of the day we can know that
the Sun is neer rising, so by the breaking of yoakes and the
breaking forth of the means of more perfect knowledge, both
in Naturall and Spirituall things we may see the drawing
neer of the promises, which will in their own times Constitute
Isa. 40.5. the day of Salvation unto all the Earth, wherein all flesh
shall see the glory of the Lord together.
The expectation of this day is the hope of Israel; and those
that wait for the Lord, and his appearance therein, shall find a
plentious redemption; namely such as having this hope purifie
themselves that they may be found in peace at his appearing,
and such as being solicitous to bestow their talents in their way
and generation, to the advancement of his approaching King-
dom, shall approve themselves as faithfull servants to him in that
day. Of this Number I am perswaded your Honours are in
these Nations as Leading Men; therefore I have made bold
thus to address myself unto you, and to inscribe this Work
unto your Names, that it may see the light under your joint
patronage. God hath made You very eminent Instruments to
set forward one part of the preparatives of his great Work,
the breaking of our yoakes, the other part, which is the Ad-
vancement of Spirituall and Naturall sanctified Knowledge,
your Zeal, I am sure will carry you to countenance by the
wayes which Providence shall open unto You. Therefore I
hope it will not be without acceptance, what in this kind
(though but a mean beginning) I have here offered. Your
influence upon it to set forward Learned Endeavours of this
Nature for a Publick Good may be a blessing unto Posteritie,
and your relations of Eminent note, unto Ireland, to watch for
the good thereof, and to the Universities of Oxford and Dub-
lin, to countenance all the meanes of profitable learning,
have encouraged me to make this Dedication; besides the
expressions of your Honours willingness, to favour me in my
undertakings, which I knew no way so well to resent, as by
offering to your Generous Inclinations, the Objects, which are
worthy of being considered and set forward in order to a
common good. I look also somewhat upon the hopefull
appearence of Replanting Ireland shortly, not only by the
Adventurers,
6
Dedicatory.
7
Adventurers, but happily by the calling in of exiled Bohemians
and other Protestants also, and happily by the invitation of
some well affected out of the Low Countries, which to advance
are thoughts suitable to your noble genius, and to further the
settlement thereof, the Naturall History of that Countrie will
not be unfit, but very subservient. Thus beseeching the
Lord to prosper all your undertakings to the glory of the
Kingdom of Christ, I take my leave, and rest unfeignedly
Your Honours most
humble servant,
SAMUELL HARTLIB.
7
A TABLE
OF THE
PRINCIPAL HEADS CONTAINED IN THIS BOOK.
CHAPTER I.
Of the situation, shape, and greatness of Ireland: its divisions into
Provinces and Counties: of the English Pale: the principall Townes
of that Nation,
CHAPTER II.
Of the principall Havens of Ireland,
CHAPTER III.
Of the lesser Havens, and the barred Havens of Ireland, also of
the Roads and Anchor-places upon the Coast, and in the little Ilands
near the coast,
CHAPTER IV.
Quality and fashion of the Irish Coast or Shoares; Item, a brief
description of the principall Promontories or Heads of Ireland,
CHAPTER V.
Of the Sands or Grounds, Blind-Rocks, and other Rocks in the
Irish Sea,
CHAPTER VI.
Of the Nature of the Irish Sea, and of the Tides which goe in the
same,
CHAPTER VII.
Of the Springs and Fountaines; Item of the Brooks and Rivelets
of Ireland,
Page
13
19
29
38
42
•
47
51
CHAPTER VIII.
Of the Rivers of Ireland,
57
CHAPTER IX.
Of the Lakes or Loughs in Ireland,
· 64
A 3
CHAPTER
The Table.
CHAPTER X.
Page
Of the nature and condition of the Land, both for the outward
shape, and for the internall qualities and fruitfulness,
CHAPTER XI.
Of the severall manners of manuring and inriching the ground
practised in Ireland,
CHAPTER XII.
71
78
Of the Marle in Ireland, and the manner of Marling the land there, 86
CHAPTER XIII.
Of the Heaths and Moores or Bogs in Ireland,
CHAPTER XIV.
Originall of the Bogs in Ireland, and the manner of Drayning
them, practised there by the English Inhabitants,
89
94
CHAPTER XV.
Of the Woods in Ireland,
CHAPTER XVI.
98
Of the Mines in Ireland, and in particular of the Iron-Mines, . 102
CHAPTER XVII.
Of the Iron-works, their fashion, charges of erecting and maintain-
ing them, and profit comming of them: with an exact description of
the manner of melting the Iron in them, .
CHAPTER XVIII.
Of the Mines of Silver and Lead in Ireland: and occasionally of
the pestiferous Damps and Vapours within the Earth,
CHAPTER XIX.
Of the Free-stone, Marble, Flint, Slate, and Sea-coles which are
found in Ireland,
CHAPTER XX.
•
Of the Turf, Lime, and Brick, and the manner of making those
things in Ireland; item of the Glass made in Ireland,
108
115
120
•
124
•
CHAPTER
The Table.
CHAPTER XXI.
Of the temperature and qualities of the Air, and Seasons in Ireland,
as for Heat, Cold, and Moysture,
Page
. 130
CHAPTER XXII.
Of the Dew, Mist, Snow, Hail, Hoar-frost, Thunder and Light-
ning, Earthquake and Winds,
CHAPTER XXIII.
Of the healthfulness of Ireland, and what sicknesses it is free from,
and subject unto,
CHAPTER XXIV.
Of the Diseases reigning in Ireland, and whereunto that Country
is peculiarly subject,
. 135
141
•
143
•
To the Reader.
Gentle Reader,
SOM
OME particulars there are concerning this following
Work, of which I think it fit you should be adver-
tised: and for as much as I can tell you no more of them
than what was written to me by the Authors most Loving
and Learned Brother, give me leave, in stead of mine own
Words to present you with his said Letter on that subject,
being such as doth follow.
I
Sir,
AM very glad to understand by you, that my Brothers
work of the Naturall History of Ireland, is not only
not lost, as I greatly feared it was, and that you have found
it in perusing those books and papers of his, which he had left
behind him at London; but that you are a going to print it,
and have already contracted about it: by the doing whereof I
am fully perswaded, that you will gain both credit and con-
tentment, and that those shall no wayes be losers, who will be
at the charges of doing the same. For though I say it, the
work is excellent in its kind, as not only full of truth and
certainty, but written with much judgment, order, and exact-
ness; so as it is to be preferred before most Naturall Histories
of particular Countries, and may well be equalled to the very
best, for as much as there is done of it.
compleat Naturall History, there should
9
For to make it a
be joyned to that
which
10
which
my Brother hath gone through two Books more, the one
of all kind of Plants, and the other of all sorts of living
Creatures; which also might have been expected of him if God
had given him longer life. For he intended, as soon as he had
published this part, to have fallen also to the rest, if he had
found that he had not lost his labour on what was done
already, and that it had met with a gratefull acceptance
abroad, such as might have incouraged him to take further
paines about the perfecting of it: in which case he was re-
solved to have also joined a Fourth book to those other Three,
concerning the Natives of Ireland, and their old Fashions,
Lawes, and Customes; as likewise the great paines taken by
the English, ever since the Conquest, for to civilize them, and
to improve the Countrie. You say you wonder, and others
may justly concurre with you in that your wonderment, how
a Countrie could be so accurately described by one, who never
was in it. For although my Brother hath been in Ireland,
and that he hath ended his dayes there, yet he had both
begun and finished this First Book of his Naturall History
of Ireland, some yeares before he went thither, or had any
thoughts of doing so: seeing that he begun to write that work
in the beginning of the year of our Lord 1645, and made an
end of it long before the end of the same year: whereas he
went not to Ireland untill the latter end of the year 1649,
and dyed at Dublin within a very short while after he was
arrived there, viz. on the th of Ianuary, 1630. Now to
answer that difficulty moved by you, be pleased to know that
I being come from Dublin to London in the beginning of
May, 1644, and having stayed there untill the latter end of
October, great part of that conversation which he and I had
together during those six months, was spent in reasoning
about Ireland, and about all manner of particulars concern-
ing the Morall and Civill, but chiefly the Naturall History
of the same: my Brother being very careful to inform himself
of me, about all things appertaining thereunto. For besides
that his curiositie, which was very great for to enrich his
mind with all manner of laudable knowledge, was of itself
alone capable enough for to make him inquisitive in that
10
49
kind;
11
kind; he was there-besides led thereto by his own interest,
having ventured great part of his estate upon the escheated
lands there, according to the severall Acts made by the King
and Parliament in that behalf. And having set down in
writing what he had so heard of me, he conferred afterwards
about the same with severall of those gentlemen, whom the
bloody combustions of Ireland had driven away thence, and
made to resort to London; he being very well acquainted
with them, especially with Sir William Parsons and Sir
Richard Parsons, which two having above all others a very
perfect insight into that land, and into all matters belonging
to the same, were wonderfull well able to satisfie any of those
Questions, which from time to time he propounded unto them,
either about those things that he had already learned of me,
or about such others, of which he had forgot to speak to me,
or on which I had not been able fully to inform him. In this
manner he brought that Work together, the which to accom-
plish yet further, he sent to me still as much as he had finished,
desiring me to review it diligently, and to add, put out, or
alter, what I should see cause: wherein also, as in the first
informations, I was not wanting to contribute whatever was
necessary, as far forth as my knowledge did reach unto, and
according to those Observations, unto which I had very stu-
diously and with singular delight applied myself during those
eight yeares that I lived in that Iland: whereunto I had so
much the more opportunity, because that as my constant abode
was in Dublin, so I made very many journeys into the Coun-
trie, and by means thereof saw great part of it, especially of
the Provinces of Leinster and Ulster, and by reason thereof
also it would be an easie matter for me, to make-up those parts
of this work which are still wanting. Thus I beleeve to have
fully taken away the forementioned Objection, and to have
given you as perfect an account about the grounds and the man-
ner of the writing of this Naturall History, as was expected
by you. And having nothing else to trouble you with all
at the present, I shall end these with my most hearty wishes,
that notwithstanding any discouragements, or any want of
incouragement, you would still go on in that most commend-
11
able
12
able purpose, of furthering as much as in you lieth all manner
of reall and profitable knowledge: the which indeed hitherto
you have done so largely on very many occasions, as must
needs greatly redound to the generall good of Mankind, and
make your memory precious to them in all future ages.
Your most affectionate
and humble servant
ARNOLD BOATE.
Paris 18 Aug.
12
13
IRELANDS
NATURALL
HISTORY.
CHAP. I.
Of the situation, shape, and greatness of Ireland: it's divi-
sions into Provinces and Counties: of the English Pale:
the principall townes of that Nation.
Sect. 1. Situation of Ireland.
RELAND, by the Irish themselves called Erin, and by their
TRE
neighbours the Welsh Yverdon, lieth in the North-west
Ocean, having on the West side no land nearer than America,
or the West-Indies, and thereof that part, which above Nova
francia and Canada running North-ward, hath of the English
received the name of New-Britain, but of other Nations before
of Terra Laboratoris. The next land over against it on the
South is Galicia, one of the Kingdomes of Spain, from which
it lieth divided some dayes sailing. Northwards it hath the
Scotish Ilands, by the Geographers called Hebrides or He-
budes; the principall of which are Eust, Lewis, Skye, Ila, and
Mula. On the East-side is Great-Britain, and all the three
parts of it, to wit part of Scotland, the whole West coast of
England, and all Wales.
Sect. 2. Distance betwixt Ireland and severall places upon
the coast of Great-Britain.
The Sea, which parteth Ireland from Great-Britain, being
of a very unequall breadth, is more narrow in the North-end,
less in the South-end, but broad in the midst, as far as it
washeth
13
14
Chap. 1.
Irelands Naturall History.
:
washeth the English coast, being the full length of the two
Counties of Cumberland and Lancashire, opposite against which
are situated in Ireland the Counties of Down, Louth, and
Dublin. The sea which is inclosed betwixt these Counties, and
compriseth in its middle the Ile of Man, is well neer of an
equall and uniform breadth every where, not being in any
place much broader or much narrower, than it is betwixt the
havens of Dublin and Leverpoole, the distance betwixt which
two is reckoned by the English Pilots to be of fortie leagues,
or sixscore English miles. But Wales in two or three places
commeth a great deal neerer to Ireland, and in some as neer
again. For Holy-head, being the most Westerly corner of
the Northerliest part of Wales, called Anglesey, lieth just half
way between Dublin and Leverpoole or Chester, being twenty
leagues, or threescore miles, from Dublin, and ten or twelve
houres sail with a reasonable good wind; which distance is not
greater, than what the eye may very well reach: for a man
whose sight is but of an ordinary goodness, may at any time in
clear weather with ease discern the high and mountainous coast
of Wales from the top of the Dublin mountaines. And about the
same distance, as is betwixt Dublin and Holy-head, is also be-
twixt St. Davis-head, a Promontory of Pembrookshire (which
shire is situated in the most South-west part of Wales) and the
Irish Promontory in the county of Wexford, which the natives
call Cancarne, and the English Sea-men Tuskard-point. Also
the Promontory of Carnaryan in Wales, called Brachipult-
point, and lying betwixt Holy-head and St. Davis, is well neer
at the same distance from the next Irish shore, as either of those
other Welsh Promontories. But between Brachipult-point and
Saint Davis-head the Sea doth much enlarge it self (although
nothing so much as betwixt Ireland and England) making a
great inlet on the coast of Wales, the which here retireth it
self a great way backwards: whereas to the contrary the Irish
shore, which lieth opposite to it, extendeth it self in an equall
manner, without any great Bayes or inlets.
As for the North part, where Ireland and Scotland are neigh-
bours, there this Sea groweth very narrow; insomuch as Gallo-
way, a county in that part of Scotland, is distant with its most
14
westerly
Chap. 1.
15
Irelands Naturall History.
westerly shoare from the Ardes (a little country and demy-
iland so named in the most Northerly part of the county of
Down in Ireland) not above five Leagues; which space the open
boats, wherein they ordinarily here do pass from the one
kingdome into the other, use to sail in three or four houres
time: and Cantyre, another Foreland on the West shore of
Scotland, more to the North than Galloway, is neerer yet
unto Ireland: so that in these two places the one Nation may
perfectly be seen and discerned out of the other at all times,
whensoever it is no very dark gloomie weather.
Sect. 3. Shape and bigness of Ireland.
The shape of this Iland is long-waies square, but not fully:
for to say nothing of severall corners and Forelands, which run
out a great way into the Sea, nor of divers great Bayes and
Inlets, which the sea maketh here and there, in the three other
parts of this Iland; the fourth part, called Munster, doth greatly
alter that figure; for in lieu of stretching it self first from the
North to the South, and then from the South to the West, it
runneth altogether sloping from the North-east to the South-
west; and there besides it stretcheth it self much further into
the Sea with its Western shores than any other part of Ire-
land on the same West side.
As for the bigness thereof, questionless it is to be reckoned
among
the chief Ilands of the whole World; and of Europe
the principallest of all, except only Great-Britain, the which
is more than twice as big: for being as long again, as it is
broad, it is at the narrowest (which is just in the middle,
where Dublin is situated) no less than an hundred miles
broad; seeing that Athlone, which lieth just half way betwixt
the two Seas, is fifty miles distant from Dublin; and in Ulster,
where Ireland is at its broadest, it is in most places ten, or
twelve, and in some twenty miles broader. In the length,
if from the middle of the Northern coast one do go directly
Southward, one shall find it to be about two hundred miles.
But if you shape your course more to the East, the length
will be found less by some miles, because the coast of Mun-
ster runneth so sloping, as we have said before: and to the
contrary,
15
16
Chap. 1.
Irelands Naturall History.
contrary, if one measure the length of Ireland more to the
West, it will be found to be a great deal more than two hun-
dred miles. And if the measure were taken not through the
inland-parts, as now we have framed it, but all along the sea-
shore, the length would amount to a great deal more than
what now we have declared (as well on the East as on the
West side) in regard of the inequality of the coast, and of the
great Bayes and Fore-lands, which make it in most places very
much run out to the seaward, or into the landward: for which
same reason the circuit of the whole Iland, taken alongst the
shoare, is by far greater, than otherwise the proportion of its
length and breadth would seem to require. The Miles here
mentioned must be understood not of the common English
ones, three whereof make one League, or Holland mile, but of
the Irish, the which are about one fifth part bigger, so as five
Irish miles do amount to about six English.
Sect. 4. Division of Ireland into Provinces and Counties.
This Iland is divided into four principall parts, called Pro-
vinces, viz. Ulster, Leinster, Connaught, and Munster: of
which the first and the last extend themselves from the one
sea to the other, Ulster in the North, and Munster in the
South. Leinster and Connaught, lying betwixt those two fore-
named Provinces, have the sea only on one side, Connaught
on the West, and Leinster on the East. To these four most
Writers and Records add a fifth, called Meath; but that is
really a part of Leinster, and ordinarily now is held to be such.
Each of these Provinces is again divided into divers Counties.
Ulster hath eleven, whereof six on the sea side, viz. Ferman-
agh, Doneghall alias Tirconnel, Colraine, Antrim, Down,
Louth; and five within the land, viz. Cavan, Monaghan,
Ardmagh, Nether-Tirone, and Upper-Tirone. Leinster com-
prehendeth likewise eleven Counties, Dublin, Wickloe, and
Wexford on the sea side, East-Meath, and Catherlogh or
Carlo, within the land, but with a little nook reaching unto
the sea; West- Meath, Kildare, Kilkenny, Kings-county,
Queenes-county, and Longford altogether within the land.
Munster is divided into six Counties, two within the land,
16
viz.,
Chap. 1.
17
Irelands Naturall History.
viz. Tipperary and Limmerick; and the other four, Waterford,
Cork, Desmond, and Kerry, situated on the sea-side, but
stretching themselves a great way into the land. In Con-
naught there be six Counties, viz. Clare alias Tomond, Gal-
loway, Majo, and Sleigo, situated on the Sea, and Roscomen,
and Leitrim within the Land.
Sect. 5. Of the English Pale.
There is yet another division of Ireland, whereby the whole
land is divided into two parts, The English Pale, and the Land
of the meer Irish. The English Pale comprehendeth only
four Counties, one whereof is in Ulster, viz. Louth, and the
other three in Leinster, to wit Meath, Dublin, and Kildare:
the originall of which division is this. The English at the
first conquest, under the reign of Henry the second, having
within a little time conquered great part of Ireland, did after-
wards, in the space of not very many yeares, make themselves
masters of almost all the rest, having expelled the natives (called
the Wild Irish, because that in all manner of wildness they may
be compared with the most barbarous nations of the earth) into
the desart woods and mountains. But afterwards being fallen
at odds among themselves, and making severall great warres
the one upon the other, the Irish thereby got the opportunitie
to recover now this, and then that part of the land; whereby,
and through the degenerating of a great many from time to
time, who joining themselves with the Irish, took upon them
their wild fashions and their language, the English in length
of time came to be so much weakened, that at last nothing
remained to them of the whole Kingdome, worth the speaking
of, but the great Cities, and the forenamed four Counties; to
whom the name of Pale was given, because that the authority
and government of the Kings of England, and the English
Colonies or Plantations, which before had been spread over
the whole Land, now were reduced to so small a compass,
and as it were impaled within the same. And although since
the beginning of this present age, and since King James his
coming to the Crown of England, the whole Iland was reduced
under the obedience and government of the English Lawes,
B
17
and
18
Chap. 1.
Irelands Naturall History.
and replenished with English and Scotch Colonies; neverthe-
less the name of English Pale, which in the old signification
was now out of season, remained in use, and is so still, even
since this last bloody rebellion, wherein the inhabitants of
almost all the Pale, although all of them of English descent,
have conspired with the Native Irish, for to shake off the
Government of the Crown of England, and utterly to extin-
guish the Reformed Religion, with all the professors thereof,
and quite to root them out of Ireland.
Sect. 6. Cities and Chief Townes of Ireland.
This Iland hath in it severall Cities, among which Dublin is
the principall, being the chief City of the whole Common-
wealth, the Residence of the Governour, the Counsell of State,
all the Great Officers, the Exchequer, Judges, and Courts of
Justice; being also adorned with an Universitie, the only in
all Ireland. It is situated in the Province of Leinster, about
the middle of the length of Ireland (as already hath been men-
tioned) not far from the Sea, an Inlet whereof maketh a har-
bour for this City; which harbour, although none of the best
of Ireland, (whereof in the next chapter but one shall be
spoken more at large) is neverthelesse frequented with more.
ships, and hath greater importation of all things, than any
other Haven in the kingdome; by reason that all sorts of com-
modities are much more readily and in greater plenty vented
here than any where else, what in the City it self, being great
and populous, what into the country, for in the time of peace
almost all Leinster and Ulster were wont to furnish themselves
from Dublin of all kinds of provisions and necessaries, such
as were brought in out of forrein Countries.
Next to Dublin is Galloway, the head-city of the Province
of Connaught, to be reckon'd, as well for bigness and fairness,
as for riches; for the streets are wide, and handsomely ordered,
the houses for the most part built of free-stone; and the inhabi-
tants much addicted to trafick, do greatly trade into other
countries, especially into Spain, from whence they used to fetch
great store of wines and other wares every year.
In the third place commeth Waterford, situated in the Pro-
vince
18
Chap. 2.
19
Irelands Naturall History.
vince of Munster; and in the fourth Limmerick, the head-city
of the said Province, both townes of trafick, situated on goodly
havens, and of reasonable bigness and handsomeness.
Cork, in the Province of Munster, and London-derry, in
the Province of Ulster, are less than any of the formentioned,
but otherwise handsome places, well built, and very fitly situa-
ted for trafick and navigation, as standing upon very good
Havens.
As for the rest of the Townes, Drogheda, Kilkenny, and
Bandonbridge are passable and worthy of some regard both for
bigness and handsomeness: But Colrain, Knockfergus, Belfast,
Dundalk, Wexford, Youghall, and Kinsale are of small moment,
the best of all these being hardly comparable to any of those
fair market-townes, which are to be found in almost all parts
of England. And as for Cassel, Rosse, Lismore, Clonmell,
and Kilmallock in Munster; Sleigo and Atlone in Connaught;
Molingar, Trimme, Kels, Navan, Aboy, Nace, Carlo, Arckloe,
and Wickloe, in Leinster; Carlingford, Ardee, and Down in
Ulster, all of them walled Townes, they are scarce worth the men-
tioning, because there are few Market Townes in England, even
of the meanest, which are not as good or better, than the best
of them all. We could give a more perfect relation of this
particular: but because this serveth little to our purpose, and
properly doth not concern the Naturall History, we have
thought it best to touch it but briefly.
THE
CHAP. II.
Of the principall Havens of Ireland.
Sect. 1. Waterford Haven.
HE Havens of Ireland are so many in number, and for the
most part so fair and large, that in this particular hardly
any land in the whole World may be compared with this, as
will easily appear by the particular rehearsall thereof, which
we are now to make, first of the best and chiefest in this Chap-
ter, and of the others in the next. We shall begin with Water-
B 2
19
ford
20
Chap. 2.
Irelands Naturall History.
ford Haven, the which being situated on the confines of Lein-
ster and Munster, runneth some seven or eight miles into the
land, not winding or crooked, nor with any great nookes or
inlets, but almost in a straight line, (extending in it self North
and North by West) and in most parts of an equall breadth,
all the way deep and clear, having no rocks or sands, but only
two or three little ones, which lying not across nor in the
midst, but by the sides, may be shunned very easily. With-
out the Harbour it is eleven and twelve fathoms deep, in the
mouth seven and more, inward six fathoms. Within the East-
erly corner is a good road, in four or five fathoms; and on the
other or Westerly side, five or six miles from the mouth, is
another good road, very commodious as well for them who
go forth, as those that will sail upward to Waterford. Upon
the East-side, about halfe-way the length, lieth a very strong
Castle called Duncannon, which so commandeth this Harbour,
as no ships can go up or down against the will of those in the
Fort, without running extreme hazard.
This Haven in the end divideth it self into two armes, both
a great deal inferior to the principall harbour in breadth and
depth, but yet such as are capable of ships of a good big port,
especially the left, which runneth Westward to the City of
Waterford, whereof this whole Haven beareth the Name, being
situated some four or five miles from that division, and a little
below the place where the river Shure falleth into this Harbour.
The right arm being the mouth of the river Barrow, and ex-
tending it self straight along, goeth up to Ross, (a Town in
former times famous for trade) the which is much about the
same distance from this division, as the division is from the
mouth of the Harbour.
Sect. 2. Carlingford Haven.
On the whole coast of Leinster there is not one fair large
Harbour, so as the next good Haven from Waterford North-
wards is that of Carlingford; which two Harbours, in sailing
straight along the coast, are above an hundred miles distant.
This Haven is some three or four miles long, and nigh of
the same breadth, being every where very deep, so as the big-
gest
20
Chap. 2.
21
Irelands Naturall History.
gest ships may come there to an anchor; and so invironed with
high land and mountains on all sides, that the ships do lie
defended off all winds; so that this would be one of the best
havens of the world, if it were not for the difficultie and the
danger of the entrance, the mouth being full of rocks, both
blind ones and others, betwixt which the passages are very
narrow: whereby it commeth that this harbour is very little
frequented by any great ships, the rather because there is no
trafick at all, nor any good Town seated on this Haven. For
the town of Carlingford, whose name it beareth, is a very poor
place, hardly worth the speaking of. About eight miles from
the mouth of the Harbour is the Nurie, a fine little Town, un-
till in this late bloody rebellion it was for the greatest part
destroyed by the Irish: by which Town passeth a little river,
called the Nurie-water, which discharging it self into the Har-
bour some four or five miles below the Nurie, is not portable
but of very little barkes and boats, and that only when the
tide is in.
Sect. 3. Strangford-haven, and that of Knockfergus.
About thirtie miles Northwards from Carlingford-haven is
the Haven of Strangford, the which in its entrance is almost as
much encumbred with rocks of both kinds, as that of Carling-
ford. It is some five or six miles long, and beareth North-
westward, being the mouth of a great Lough, called Lough
Cone; the which being but two or three miles broad in the
most places, but some fifteen or sixteen long, doth ebb and flow
untill the utmost ends of it: so that there goeth a very strong
tide in this Harbour, which makes the same the unsafer, espe-
cially in great storms and high winds, for which there is no
great defence here. On this Haven, and on the neighbouring
Lough, there lyeth never a good Town, Strangford being
more inconsiderable yet than Carlingford.
The next great Harbour upon this coast, and about twenty
miles more to the North, is that of Knockfergus, being a great
wide Bay, the which in its mouth, betwixt the Southern and the
Northern point, is no less than ten or twelve miles broad, grow-
ing narrower by degrees, the farther it goeth into the land,
21
the
22
Chap. 2.
Irelands Naturall History.
the which it doth for the space of fifteen miles, as far as to the
Town of Belfast, where a little river called Lagon (not porta-
ble but of small boats) falleth into this Harbour. In this Bay
is a reasonable good Road before the Town of Knockfergus
(seated about nine miles within the land,) where it is good
anchoring in three fathoms, and three and a halfe. On the
North side of the Bay, somewhat neer the Sea, under a Castle
called Mouse-hill, is a sand-bay, where it is good anchoring
for all sorts of ships, aswell great as small ones, for the North
and North-west winds: but bad riding for the South-west.
Sect. 4. Sheeps haven, Lough Suillie, and Lough Foile.
The three fore-mentioned Havens of Carlingford, Strang-
ford, Knockfergus, are all in the Province of Ulster, on the
East side thereof. The said Province hath also three good
Havens on its Northern coast, not very far distant the one
from the other, viz. Sheeps haven, Lough Suillie, and Lough
Foile. Every one of these is a Lough (which the very name
of the second and third sufficiently testifieth) opening it self
into the sea of the which Sheeps haven and Lough Suillie
although they be fair large Harbours, as well as Lough Foile,
and that Ships may ride there defended off all winds, Lough
Suillie being also of sufficient bigness to contain a thousand
great vessels, yet are they very little frequented, because there
is not any trade nor trafick, nor any good town placed upon
or neer them.
Lough Foile is of a great bigness, at least twelve miles long,
and in most places five or six miles broad, being almost every
where of an equall breadth, except at the two ends, where it
groweth narrow, being of an Ovall figure. For at the mouth,
betwixt Magilion's point and Greencastle, it is hardly a mile
and a halfe broad: and at the other end it is much narrower
yet, running from thence with a long arm some miles into the
countrie, being liker to a broad River, than to a Lough.
Upon this Arm, three or four miles from the great Lough, is
the town of London-derry, in a place where that Arm turneth
and windeth it self in that manner, as it invironeth the town
on three sides. It is nothing big, consisting only of two long
streets,
22
2
Chap. 2.
23
Irelands Naturall History.
streets, the which cut one another cross-wayes in the midst;
but it is very handsome, the streets being broad and well
paved, the houses some stories high, and built for the most of
free-stone, with a handsome Church, Market place, and Key:
and is inclosed with a thick and very strong stone wall, being
one of the principall fortresses of Ireland. It is but few yeares
old, having been built up from the ground by a company of
London Adventurers under the reign of King James. Be-
fore the mouth of this Lough lyeth a great sand, called the
Touns (upon which it burneth greatly, when the wind blow-
eth from the sea) but so as a fair broad and deep channel
remaineth betwixt the said sand and the West-side of the land,
where there is at all times fourteen and fifteen fathoms of
water, as in the mouth it self some eight or ten. Entring
into the Lough, there are very great sands on the left hand,
from the one end to the other, which are some miles broad
from off the land; and of the right hand are some little sands
or shelves here, lying close to the land. Betwixt these
runneth a broad channell in most parts three and four fathoms
deep: and in that Arm, whereon London-derry standeth, it is
deeper yet, in some places no less than ten or twelve, and
before the Town four and five fathoms: so as this is one of the
best and most commodious harbours of all the Land.
Sect. 5. Kilbeg and Dungall Haven.
The Country of Tirconnel, the which taketh up the whole
West-side of the Province of Ulster, runneth a great way into
the Sea with its Southern part, on the South side of which
Foreland there are two very Fair Havens, the one not far from
the other, viz. Kilbeg and Dungall Haven. Kilbeg is a fair
round Bay, where the greatest ships that go upon the seas,
may at all times with their full lading enter and come to an
anchor; being distant about twelve miles from Cape de Tellin,
the outmost or most Western point of that forenamed Foreland
of Tirconnel. The entrance is very narrow, so as unto them
who are comming to it, there seemeth to be no opening there,
until they are very neer, but it is very clean, as well in the
mouth, as in the Bay it self, and nothing that can hurt the
ships
23
:
!
;
-
i
24
Irelands Naturall History.
Chap. 2.
ships either comming in or going forth, being entred, one
may anchor where one will, in five, six, seven, eight fathoms,
or more.
Three or four miles to the South from Kilbeg is a cape,
called St. John's point, and six or seven miles Eastward from
the said Cape is Dungall-haven, wide and deep enough, but
in the entrance greatly incumbred with shelves, sands, and
rocks, so as great care and circumspection is requisite, to enter
or go forth safely. These two Havens have their names of
villages seated on them, which are very small and no wayes
considerable.
Sect. 6. Broad-haven, Akill-haven, and Galloway-haven.
The Province of Connaught, extending herself betwixt
Ulster and Munster, taketh up the greatest part of the west-
side of Ireland, it hath also some good Ports, as namely Broad-
haven: another to the North of Akill head; and a third, situ-
ated between the main, and the North and East side of Akill
Iland, in which one may ride in seven and eight fathoms,
and be defended off all winds; although it be rather a Sound,
than an inclosed Harbour: for the ships which are come into
it, need not to go forth the same way again, but sailing on be-
twixt the Main and the Iland, may at the south end of the
Ile come again to the open sea. These Havens are nothing.
famous, being very seldome resorted unto by any great ships,
except such as by tempests and foul weather, or some other
accident, are necessitated to shelter themselves in the same.
But the famousest Port of this Province is that of Gallo-
way, being a very great Bay, some miles broad, and many
more long, having in the mouth three Ilands, (named the Iles
of Aran) the which lye North and South by the side one of
the other, there remaining three channels for to come out of
the sea into this bay. One channel runneth betwixt the Land
and the Northern Iland, called therefore North-sound: the
second between the same Northern Iland and the middlemost;
which channel, being the most usuall of the three, is commonly
stiled St. Gregory's sound: and the third between the South-
ernmost Iland and the main, named South-sound: the channel
24
betwixt
1
I
}
Chap. 2.
25
Irelands Naturall History.
betwixt the Southern and the middlemost Iland not being
passable by reason of the sands and shelves, wherefore the
name of False-sound hath been given to it.
The whole North-side of this bay is very foul with sands
and rocks, so as one may not approach the shoare in a great
way: at the end of which sand, and in the innermost part of
the Bay, lyeth a little Iland, called in English, Mutton-Iland,
and by the Irish Ennis Kerrigh, which hath the same signifi-
cation; at the East side whereof one may anchor in five or six
fathoms of water; but from thence Northwards untill the
City of Galloway, which is the space of two or three miles,
none but little vessels and barks can go, the City standing
not on the Bay it self, but on the broad water like a river, the
which not far above Galloway comming out of a great Lake,
called Lough Corbes, dischargeth it self into the Bay a little
above Mutton Ile.
Sect. 7. The Havens of Limmerick, Smerwick, Dingle-bay,
Ventrie, and Dingle-Icoush.
The next great Haven on the West side of Ireland, to the
South of Galloway, is that of Limmerick, which Haven divid-
eth the Province of Connaught from Munster, being of a huge
length, no less than fifty miles: for so far it is from the mouth
of the Haven untill the City of Limmerick, to whose walls
great vessels may go up, without meeting with any thing else
in all that way, save a many little iles, but not any foul places,
Rocks, or sands. This harbour is nothing else but a great
Lough (halfe way its length growing somewhat narrow, but
immediately enlarging it self again into a great breadth)
whereinto the River Shanon, (upon whose bank Limmerick is
situated) dischargeth it self a little way below the said City;
although the English and the Irish both call it the Shanon all
the way untill the Sea, as it were not a Lough into which the
River falleth, but the River it self thus enlarged.
Comming out of this Harbour, the Land on the left hand
shooteth a huge way Westwards into the Sea, on the side of
which Fore-land, ten or twelve miles at this side of the utter-
most point (betwixt which and the Iles of Blaskes passeth the
25
Sound
26
Chap. 2.
Irelands Naturall History.
Sound of the same name) is the Haven of Smerwick, not very
great, deep, but clean, and well inclosed.
At the other side of this Fore-land, and to the North-east
from the Blaskes, is a fair and very large Bay called Dingle-
bay, the which goeth very many miles into the land, having
in it divers good Havens, one whereof, called Ventry, is four
or five miles from the Sound of Blaskes Eastwards; and three
or four miles further is Dingle-Icoush, before the mouth of
which Harbour, and at the West-side of it, lieth a rock, called
the Crow, round about the which one may sail without danger,
it being always above water, but at spring tides, at which time
the sea doth overflow it.
Sect. 8. Maire, Bantrie, and Beer-haven.
Against the South-east corner of Dingle-bay lieth a great
Iland, called Valentia, betwixt which and the main is a very
fair and safe road. And a little way beyond that Iland goeth
in another huge Bay, called Maire, which shooteth into the
Land a great deal further than Dingle-bay: and somewhat
further is a third Bay, called Bantrie, which equalleth Maire
both in breadth and length; in both which, as well as in Din-
gle-bay, there be severall good Harbours and Roads.
Maire hath in the mouth some fifty or five and forty fa-
thoms of water; entring in further, there be six and twenty,
twenty, and eighteen; afterwards you come to ten, and to six,
and in the innermost parts to three and two fathoms; being
throughout very clean, and free from all kind of Rocks and
Sands, except in very few places.
As you enter into Bantrie, side-ward upon the left hand ly-
eth a reasonable big Ile, called the Iland of Beer-haven, be-
twixt which and the Main there goeth in a fair Sound, being
a great musket shot broad; the which in its whole length,
from where it beginneth untill the place where it endeth at
the further part of the Пland, being the space of some miles,
serveth for a very good and safe port, wherefore also it beareth
the name of a Haven, being called Beer-haven. A good way
within the mouth lye some Rocks in the midst of the channel,
the which at high water are overflown, and you may sail
26
of
Chap. 2.
27
Irelands Naturall History.
of either side of them: and at the other side of this Sound,
where the same commeth out into the Bantrie, there lye two
great Rocks just in the mouth, betwixt which the ships may
pass, as also betwixt the same and the land of either side. All
the rest of this Harbour or Sound is everywhere very clean
and clear, and very good anchor ground, ten, twelve, and thir-
teen fathoms deep.
Sect. 9. Whiddie haven and Langerf.
In the innermost of the Bantrie lyeth an Iland about three
miles long, called Whiddie, betwixt which and the Main is a
very fair wide Bay, (being the uttermost end of the great Bay
Bantrie) where you may every where come to an anchor in
three, four, five, or six fathoms, in as much or as little water
as you will, according as you have a mind to ride neer the
shore or further from it, being every where clean ground.
Ships may enter into this Bay or Sound in two severall places,
at both ends of the Iland. But the entrance at the South-end
is very dangerous, because that there betwixt the Iland Whid-
die and the Main land it is in most places foul and Rockie:
but in the other entrance, at the Northern end of the Iland,
is both room and depth enough, it being much broader than
that at the South-end, and eight and nine fathoms deep; and
there is nothing that can do hurt, except only a row of Rocks
a little musket shot from the shoare, the which being covered
at high water, do not begin to appear but at half ebb.
Right against this Iland, at the other side of Bantrie, is a
Haven called Langerf, in which is every where good anchor-
ing and good ground; only at the one side, on the right hand
close to the mouth, lye some foul grounds, the which fall dry
at the ebb of a springtide.
From Beer-haven to the Northern corner of the Iland Whid-
die, the Bantrie tendeth East-North-East and North-East,
eighteen or twenty miles in length. Over against Beer-haven,
in the midst of the fair water, it is deep forty, six and thirty,
and thirty fathoms; beyond the Iland fifteen and sixteen; but
further in, approaching the Ile of Whiddie, it is again twenty
and five and twenty fathoms deep.
27
Sect. 10.
28
Chap. 2.
Irelands Naturall History.
Sect. 10. Downams bay, Baltimore-bay, and Baltimore-haven.
Next to the Bantrie, and only by a narrow neck of land di-
vided from it, is Downams bay, being great and wide (although
no ways comparable to any of those three already described)
a very commodious Road to save ships in, and good anchor
ground every where.
The land to the East of this Bay shooteth out very far to
the Sea-ward; the uttermost point thereof, called Missan-
head, being the Southermost Cape of all Ireland. For Cape
de Clare, being about twenty miles further to the East, and
somewhat more Southerly, is not on the Main, but in an
Iland.
Beyond Missan-head is another Bay, far greater than any of
those three forenamed, but nothing like the same in shape, nor
in the same manner running with a long arm a huge way into
the land, but rather approaching to the figure of a half moon.
In this Bay is Crook-haven, School-haven, and several other
great Havens, not only on the main land, but also in some of
the Ilands, whereof there is a great number in this Bay. The
most Easterly of all these Ilands is Baltimore, the which sur-
passing all the others in bigness, giveth its name unto the
Bay.
That part of the Bay which lyeth betwixt this Iland and
the Main, having a narrow entrance, but within of a great
largeness, is a marvellous good Road, where ships may come
to an anchor on either side, and lye defended off all winds. It
is five and six fathoms deep on the sides, and six and seven in
the midst. In the mouth of the Harbour, next to the East-
side, lyeth a blind Rock; and in the midst of it another Rock,
which appeareth at low water. There is nothing else that can
do hurt. This Haven being far the principallest of all this Bay,
hath its name, as wel as the Bay it self, of the Iland, being
called Baltimore-haven. To the North of that Iland lyeth
another Iland, called Spain-Iland, where one may pass be-
twixt these two Ilands to the West, and so out of Baltimore-
haven go into the Sea. But only with smaller vessels, be-
cause half flood there is not above twelve or thirteen feet of
water in all that channel.
28
Sect. 11.
Chap. 3.
29
Irelands Naturall History.
!
Sect. 11. Castle-haven, Rosse-haven, Clandore-haven
with the Havens of Kinsale and Cork.
Some miles beyond Baltimore-bay, is Castle-haven, where
ships may come to an anchor in twelve fathoms of water, being
of a reasonable bigness, and very clear and clean, as well in the
entrance as within.
Between Castle-haven and Kinsale are two other good Ha-
vens, to wit that of Rosse and of Clandore, in which there is
water enough, and very clean ground.
The Haven of Kinsale is one of the famousest of all Ireland;
ships may sail into it, keeping in the midst of the channel,
without any danger either without or in the mouth of the
Harbour, except a blind Rock close to the East point. Within
the haven, on the West-side, lyeth a great shelf, which shooteth
a great way off from the land, but leaving a very large passage
along by the side of it, in which, as in all the rest of the Har-
bour, it is many fathoms deep. This Haven for some miles
goeth in North-North-East, but afterwards turneth West-ward
untill the Key of Kinsale, where ships may ride in eight or
nine fathoms of water, being defended off all winds.
Ten or twelve miles to the East of Kinsale is Cork-haven,
the which goeth in North-North-East, being within large and
wide, running a great way into the land: for the town of Cork,
untill whose Key this Haven is very clean and deep, is seated
many miles from the Sea, and from the mouth of the Harbour.
CHAP. III.
Of the lesser Havens, and the barred Havens of Ireland,
also of the Roads and Anchor-places upon the Coast,
A
and in the little Ilands near the Coast.
Sect. 1. Wexford Haven.
FTER the description of the principal Havens of Ireland,
we shall come to them of less moment, in which number
we put all those, which either in their entrance, or within,
have not water enough for the bigger sort of vessels; as like-
wise those, the which being deep enough, are but very little,
!
29
and
30
Chap. 3.
Irelands Naturall History.
and of a small pourprise; and in this description we shall ob-
serve the same order as in the former, beginning with Wex-
ford, and so going North-ward, then West, afterwards South-
ward, and lastly East and North-Eastward, untill we have
gone about the whole Iland.
The Haven of Wexford runneth in West, and by North, and
with her innermost part altogether Northward. Just before this
Haven lye two great shelves of Sands by the side one of the
other, of which that on the South-side is called Hanemans-
path, and the other North-grounds. There goeth a channel
betwixt Hanemans-path and the land on the South-side of the
Haven, and another betwixt the North-side and the North-
grounds; but this last hath but six feet of water at full flood,
and in the other eight feet with the flood of ordinary tides,
and ten at spring tides. The chief channel is that which goeth
in betwixt the two Sands, being four and five fathom deep.
Besides these Sands there is another Shelf in the mouth of the
Harbour it self; which kind of sandy-banks lying across in
the mouth of Harbours and Rivers, are usually called Bars;
and the Havens which have them, Barred-havens. With a
high flood there is about sixteen feet of water. Being past
the Bar, you have for some way three fathoms of water, three
and a half, and four; but afterwards for a great way but ten
feet, and ten and a half, with a high flood; although under the
Castle where the Ships come to an Anchor, you have four
fathoms, and before the Town three; but because of the fore-
mentioned shallows, no vessels can go to Wexford, that draw
more than ten feet of water, but must unlade and lade in a
Creek near the mouth of the Haven on the south-side, about
three miles from the Town, where is water enough, but no
shelter from the South-west winds, the which do come over the
land to this place.
Sect. 2. Dublin-haven.
Dublin-haven hath a Bar in the mouth, upon which at high-
flood and spring-tide there is fifteen and eighteen feet of
water, but at the ebb and nepe-tide but six. With an ordi-
nary tide you cannot go to the Key of Dublin with a Ship,
30
that
1
A
Chap. 3.
31
Irelands Naturall History.
i
that draws five feet of water, but with a spring-tide you may
go up with Ships that draw seven and eight feet. Those that
go deeper cannot go neerer Dublin than the Rings-end, a
place three miles distant from the Bar, and one from Dublin.
This Haven almost all over falleth dry with the ebb, as well
below Rings-end as above it, so as you may go dry-foot round
about the ships which lye at an Anchor there, except in two
places, one at the North-side, half way betwixt Dublin and
the Bar, and the other at the South-side not far from it. In
these two little Creeks (whereof the one is called the Pool of
Clantarf, and the other Poolebeg) it never falleth dry, but
the Ships which ride at an Anchor remain ever afloat;
because at low water you have nine or ten feet of water
there. This Haven, besides its shallowness, hath yet another
great incommodity, that the Ships have hardly any shelter
there for any winds, not only such as come out of the sea,
but also those which come off from the land, especially out
of the South-west; so as with a great South-west storm the
Ships run great hazard to be carried away from their Anchors,
and driven into the sea; which more than once hath come to
pass, and particularly in the beginning of November, Anno,
1637, when in one night ten or twelve Barks had that mis-
fortune befallen them, of the most part whereof never no
news hath been heard since.
Sect. 3. The Havens of Drogheda and Dundalk.
:
The Haven of Drogheda, or, as the word is pronounced in
common use, Tredagh, is very troublesom to be got into, as
having not only a Bar lying across before its mouth, over
the which vessels cannot pass but at high water, but also very
narrow in the mouth this Haven not being an Arm or Bay
of the sea, but only a River which keepeth her own bigness
until the end, without receiving any notable enlargement of
the sea about her mouth, as other rivers use to do. Upon
this Bar is as much water as upon that of Dublin ; and the
ships which can pass the Bar, may go up to the Key of
Tredagh; which Town is seated about two miles from the
mouth of this River, which is called the Boine.
31
Sixteen
32
Chap. 3.
Irelands Naturall History.
Sixteen miles to the North of Tredagh standeth Dundalk,
where a wide open Bay (made by the giving back and
retiring of the coast) growing narrow, and receiving a little
River, which above Dundalk is but a small Brook, maketh a
kind of Haven, where never is much water, and with the
ebb may be passed over a-foot; wherefore, and because
there is not any shelter for the winds comming from the sea,
nor any usuall trafick, this Road is very little frequented.
Sect. 4. The Havens of Dondrom, Arglus, Old-fleet, Belletree,
and the Band.
A few miles on this side of Strongford, are the Havens of
Dondrom and Arglas, the one not far from the other, both
little, and not very deep, but safe: And a little way beyond
the Northern point of the Bay of Knockfergus, is Old-fleet-
haven, a Harbour of the same sort as those two last mentioned.
Port Belletree, six or seven miles to the West of Fair-fore-
land (the North-Easterliest point of Ireland) is as little as
any of those three, less defended of the winds, and the ground
sharp and foul.
Some miles further is the Haven of Colrain, called Band-
haven, the which is nothing else but the mouth of the river
Band, the which here falleth into the sea, keeping her own
narrowness untill the end, in the same manner as we
said above of the Haven of Tredagh. This River passing
through Lough Neaugh, the greatest Lake of all Ireland
(the which receiving severall rivers, hath no other out-let
into the sea but the Band) carrieth a mighty deal of water,
the which being inclosed in a narrow channel, poureth it
self into the sea with great violence: for which reason, and
because of the narrowness of the mouth, this Haven is very
hard to enter, having also but little depth, so as vessels
which draw eight feet of water, must at least have three
quarters of the flood before they can enter.
Sect. 5. Tellin-haven, Mackswins-bay, the Havens of Balle-
shanon, Sleigo, Endrigo, Moy, and Niffadoy.
Upon the West coast of Ulster, about half way between
32
Cape
L
Chap. 3.
33
Irelands Naturall History.
Cape Tellin and Kilbeg, is Tellin-haven, a round Bay, with
good sand ground, which will contain about thirty Ships: West
and South-West winds blow directly into it, but off all other
winds one is there defended.
Two or three miles Eastwards from Kilbeg is Mackswins-
bay, where a Ship may ride safe without Cable and Anchor:
but the entrance being every where beset with rocks, it is dan-
gerous to go into it.
Some miles to the South-West of Dungal-haven, is Balle-
shanon, being the mouth of that short River, by which Lough-
Earn, one of the greatest Lakes of Ireland, dischargeth it self
into the sea; which River runneth just on the borders of the
two Provinces of Ulster and Connaught, dividing the same;
this having a Bar before it, by reason whereof no bigger vessels
than of thirty or forty tuns can enter into it.
Sleigo and Endrigo are two little Harbours, situated neer
the one to the other, in the North part of Connaught, very
much encumbred with Rocks and Sands in the entrance, but
otherwise reasonably deep; for a ship of two hundred tuns
may come and ride before the Town of Sleigo.
About half way between Sleigo and Broad-haven is Moy,
being the innermost of a great Bay, divided from the rest by
a little Iland somewhat long, the which lyeth cross in that
manner, that only one channel remaineth, whereby to go out
of the great Bay into the lesser, or the Haven, which channel
is twelve feet deep; but in the Haven it self, being nothing
else but two little Creeks, divided asunder by some sands lying
betwixt them, it is about fifteen or sixteen feet deep; but in
the little channel which passeth into the inmost creek, being
neerest to the Village Moy, there is but nine feet of water at
full flood with an ordinary tide.
Some miles to the South-East of Sline-head, (a famous Cape
in Connaught, and situated about half way the length of that
Province) is Port Niffadoy, a reasonable good harbour, but
very dangerous to get into, the sea there round abouts being
full of Rocks both blind ones and others.
C
33
Sect. 6.
34
Chap. 3.
Irelands Naturall History.
Sect. 6. The Havens of Trailie, Youghall, and Dungarvan:
item of Wickloe, Arckloe, Malahide, &c.
At Trailie, half way between Smerwick and the mouth of
the Haven of Limmerick, is a Fair Haven but none of the
biggest.
About the middle way between Cork and Waterford is the
Haven of Youghall, before the which lyeth a Bar, not to be
passed but at high water.
Twelve miles Eastwards from Youghall, is Dungarvan,
being a narrow Tide-haven, whose mouth is full of Rocks,
many of which do not appear, and so more dangerous, and at
low water it falleth dry, so as one must go into it at high flood,
and pass amidst the Rocks.
As for the Havens of Arckloe (where with high water it is
but six feet deep) of Wickloe (where at full flood you have but
ten feet of water) Malahide, a little to the North of the Bay
of Dublin; Coldach-haven, and Red-haven, the first betwixt
Lough Foile and Lough Suillie, and the other betwixt Lough
Suillie and Sheeps-haven; Milk-haven, not far from Sleigo;
Mablin-haven, betwixt Waterford and Wexford; and some
others of the same nature: they are so little, that they will
hardly serve for other than Fisher boats, and therefore scarce
merit the name of Havens.
Sect. 7. Roads upon the Coast of Ireland, from Waterford to
Fair-Foreland.
Besides this great number of Havens in Ireland, there are
many good Roads, where ships at need may save themselves,
and commodiously come to an anchor, not only upon the coast
of the Main land, but also in the most part of the little Ilands,
which lye round about Ireland.
To begin with those on the Main. From the point of Water-
ford to Carnarord, being the space of about twenty miles, the
coast is full of Bayes, where one may come to an anchor.
Under Carnarord ships anchor in six and nine fathoms. In
St. Margaret's bay, three miles from Carnarord it is good an-
choring in five and six fathoms, sand ground. A little further
34
is
Chap. 3.
35
Irelands Naturall History.
is the bay of Grenore, where you may anchor as neer the land
as you will, in six, five, four, or three fathoms.
Some miles from Wexford to the point of Glascarick, from
which place to the bay of Dublin, being about fifty miles, the
coast is full of inlets, where it is very good anchoring, in good
sand ground, especially to the North of Arckloe-head (in a fair
sand bay everywhere in eight, seven, or five fathoms) and
between Arckloe and Missan-head, being the space of six or
seven miles.
In the mouth of the Bay of Dublin, at this side of the Bar,
is good anchoring, as well on the South side, before the Village
Dalkee (which place is known by the name of Berton Road)
as on the North-side, round about that great Cape, named the
Head of Houth.
Between Strangford-haven and the Bay of Knockfergus are
divers good Anchoring-places; but all that Coast is very foul
with Rocks, and blind Rocks. To the North of Knockfergus
are divers inlets, where one may come to an Anchor; there
are some Rocks, but they all stand above the water, so as
easily they may be shunned.
Sect. 8. The rest of the Roads upon the Coast of Ireland.
To the West of Fair-Foreland the coast is flat and clean, so
as there ships may Anchor every where in eight and nine
fathoms. Under the point of Eniston on the West-side one
may Anchor for Easterly winds, or to stop the tide.
Between Lough Suillie and Sheeps-haven is an inlet where
Ships may come to an Anchor; but the ground is somewhat
foul.
On the West-side of Cape Horn Ships may ride at Anchor
for Easterly winds: And along the whole coast between
Cape Horn and the Iles of Arran is every where good
Anchor-ground; as also upon the West coast between St.
John's point and Dungal-haven, being the space of five or
six miles.
In the Sound of Blaskees it is good Anchoring on the
South-side of the point for Northern and Western, and on
the North-side for the contrary winds.
c 2
35
On
36
Chap. 3.
Irelands Naturall History.
On both sides of the Old-head of Kinsale, by the Dutch
Mariners called Cape Velho, ships may Anchor as deep or
shallow as they will.
There is also a good inlet for to Anchor in a few miles
beyond the Haven of Cork; and on the East-side of Ardi-
more-head is a Bay, where it is good riding for Westerly
winds in seven or eight fathoms.
There is also a good Anchoring place or two betwixt Dun-
garvan and the Haven of Waterford.
Sect. 9. Roads in the Islands of Salters, Dalkee, Irelands
Eye, and Lambay.
As for the roads in the Ilands; about half way betwixt
Waterford haven and Carnarord lie two little Ilands, a mile
or two from the land, called Salters: the Southmost whereof,
which lyeth furthest from the land, is much bigger than the
other: ships may pass between these two Ilands in five, six,
and seven fathoms. On the East-side of the lesser Iland is a
good Road to come to an anchor in seven or eight fathoms,
where ships may ride in safety for South-west, West, and
North-west winds: and on the North-west side of the bigger
Iland ships may anchor in seven, eight, or nine fathoms, the
Road being defended off South-South-East, and East-South-
East winds. Close by the South point of Dublin-bay lyeth a
small Iland, called Dalkee, betwixt which and the Main land
passed a sound seven, eight, and nine fathoms deep, in which
you may anchor under the Iland. On the North-side of the
Head of Houth lyeth another small Iland, scarce half a mile
in compass (wherein, as also in Dalkee, no body inhabiteth,
both serving only for to feed cattell) having a decayed
Chapell on the West-side, over against which ships may
come to an anchor.
Three or four miles beyond Ireland's Eye lyeth the Ile of
Lambay, belonging to Sir William Usher, who hath there a
fine little castle of free stone, and close by it a village, wherein
dwell divers families, of Fishers and Husbandmen, who plow
part of this Iland, and upon the rest feed cattell and sheep.
The whole Iland, being about three miles in compass, is high
land
36
Chap. 3. Irelands Naturall History.
37
land, wherefore it may be seen a great way off. On the
North-side of this Iland, ships may anchor in twelve and
thirteen fathoms for a Southerly wind. For a Sea-wind the
ships must ride on the West-side, over against the Castle:
but that Road is not very good, because always in that
Sound, being about three miles broad, goeth a great sea.
Sect. 10. Roads in the rest of the little Ilands about Ireland.
Right against the Promontory of Fair-Foreland lyeth the
Iland Raghleens, where ships may sail round about, as well
at the outside, as betwixt it and the land, according as the
wind and tide serve. On the South-west side is a fair Bay
with very fine Sand-ground, where ships may ride defended
off all winds. A little way on this side and to the East of
Brandhaven lyeth Skires Portrush, a Rocky Iland, the which
on the South-side hath a fair Bay, very good Sand-ground,
where ships may anchor in six or seven fathoms, being
sheltered of all winds, except the East-North-East wind, the
which along the Coast doth directly blow upon it.
There is a good Road on the South-East side of the Ile of
Aran, situated on the North-West side of Ireland: and
betwixt this Iland and the Main there lye three or four small
Iles, where ships may anchor in divers places, and be secured
off all winds.
There is also a good Road for some winds under Eneskie
Iland; the middle-most of the three Ilands situated betwixt
Akill head and Sline head, called Boche, where is good
anchoring in four fathoms; under the Northern-most Iland of
those three lying in the mouth of the Bay of Galloway;
under Enis Morrow, one of the Blaskees; under Dorses Ile,
lying betwixt the Bayes of Maire and Bantrie, in the Sound
which passeth betwixt the same Ile and the Main land.
Ten or twelve miles to the East of Cork haven lyeth an
Iland called Ballycotton, where ships may anchor in five or
six fathoms for Westerly and Southerly winds. There is
also a good Road on the East side of Capel Iland, a little Ile,
lying three or four miles from the mouth of the haven of
Youghal.
37
CHAP. IV.
38
Chap. 4.
Irelands Naturall History.
CHAP. IV.
Quality and Fashion of the Irish Coast or Shoares,
Item, a brief description of the principall
Promontories or Heads of Ireland.
Sect. 1. Of the low and Strandie Shoares of Ireland.
HE Irish Coast is not every where alike; but of severall
THE
Const
sorts in some places the land along the Sea is low and
flat, having a broad sandy strand, with a row of sandy hills,
the which doth part the land from the strand, in the same
manner as it is upon all the Coast of Holland and Flaunders
(where these kind of hills are called Duynen or Downes) only
with this difference, that they are not so large nor high, as in
the Low-Countries, and that the rowes of them take up
but a
little space in breadth. This kind of Strand is in most parts
of Fingall (being a portion of the Countie of Dublin North-
wards towards Tredagh, and a good way beyond that, and
elsewhere. In other places lye no Downes or Sandy hills, nor
any other heights, betwixt the Strand and the land, it being
only defended from the overflowing of the Sea by an unsen-
sible rising.
Sect. 2. Of the high and hilly shoares of Ireland.
In other places the land is high and hilly on the sea-side;
part whereof doth descend by degrees towards the sea,
having a Strand below; but elsewhere the land is high and
steep, being washed underneath by the deep sea, so as ships
of a great burthen may sail close by it; the which may be
observed not only in the Heads or Capes, the most part
whereof are thus fashioned, but in many other places, and in
great extents of the coast. For as concerning the saying of
Giraldus, that Ireland every where upon the coast is very
low, Est per omnia sui latera marináque littora terra valdè
demissa, that is evidently repugnant to the truth. Some of
these high shoares are bare naked Rocks, covered with very
little or no earth, so as scarce any thing groweth upon them
38
but
Chap. 4.
39
Irelands Naturall History.
but dry grass and heath; others are stony within, but have
at the top a reasonable deep mould, and all over cloathed
with good grass; some of them being so exceeding steep
towards the Sea-side, that it is impossible for man or beast,
being come to the further end, to go one step further, without
falling down and being lost. So as it hath happened, that
cattle and sheep feeding in those places, when they were
come to the top, and following the grass, suddenly tumbled
down, falling head-long into the sea, or upon the hard sharp
Rocks standing at the bottom.
Sect. 3. Capes on the East-side of Ireland.
The Heads or Capes of Ireland are in great number, and
many of them very observable, to the great commodity of
the Sea-faring men. In the South-Easterliest point of Ireland
is the Cape of Greenore, five or six miles to the South of the
Bay of Wexford, being not very high, but steep, and flat at
the top: and three or four miles to the South-west from it is
the point of Carnarord.
Betwixt Wexford and Dublin there be five Heads: that of
Glascarick, which the Dutch Mariners call the Blew point, and
the Steep point, twelve miles to the North of the Bay of Wex-
ford, being of no great height. That of Glaskermen or Arckloe
being well-neer at the same distance from the Head of Glas-
carick, as that is from the Bar of Wexford. Missan-head,
some nine or ten miles further to the North. The head of
Wickloe, six miles beyond Missan-head, being steep and rocky,
divided at the top into two little Hillocks. And the fifth and
last of all, that of Bray, about fifteen miles beyond Wickloe,
and five or six miles to the South of the Bay of Dublin,
being a great and high Cape, shooting a good way into the
Sea, and so steep, that it is ten fathoms deep there close
under the land.
On the North-side of Dublin-bay is the Head of Houth, a
great high mountain, three or four miles compass in the
bottom; having the sea on all sides, except the West-side,
where with a long narrow neck it is joined to the land;
which neck being low ground, one may from either side see
39
the
40
Chap. 4.
Irelands Naturall History.
the sea over it, so that afar off it seemeth as if it were an
Iland. This Head may be seen a great way off at sea; for
even upon the land one may very perfectly see it, not only
upon the Key of Dublin, which is six miles from thence, but
nine or ten miles further Westward.
Upon all the coast from the Head of Houth to Dondrom,
being the space of about three score miles, is none consider-
able. But some miles Beyond Dondrom, and three or four
miles at this side the Haven of Arglas, is St. John's point,
a Head and Fore-land which shooteth a good way into the sea.
The next Head beyond St. John's is the point at the
North-side of the Haven of Strangford, which the Dutch
Mariners by a notable mistake call the point of Arglas.
All these Capes lye on the East side of Ireland, whose
utmost point Northward is the Promontory of Fair-Foreland.
Sect. 4. Capes on the North-side of Ireland.
About fifty miles to the West of Fair-Foreland, and well
neer the middle of the North-coast, is the Head of Enyston,
which with the land next adjoyning lyeth much more North-
ward, and runneth further out into the sea than any other land
upon this coast, being of a great height, so as it may easily
be known by any that once have seen it.
Some forty miles more Westward beyond this Promontory
lyeth the Cape which is known by the name of Horn-head,
being a Hill with two hommocks at the top, in fashion some-
what like unto two horns, from whence it hath received its
denomination.
Sect. 5. Capes on the West-side of Ireland.
Upon the West-side of the Irish coast are four principal
Heads, viz., Telling-head, lying about thirty miles to the
South-west of the Iles of Arran, the which are situated over
against the North-Westerliest point of Ireland. Akil-head,
some miles to the South of Broad-haven, being not on the
Main but in an Iland. Sline-head, which by the Sea-faring men
is called Twelve-pence, because the land sheweth it self in
twelve round hommocks, being situated well neer in the
40
middle
จ
1
1
Chap. 4.
41
Irelands Naturall History.
middle of the West-coast: and Lupis-head, which is the Nor-
thern-point of the Haven of Limmerick.
As for the other Heads upon the same West-side, namely
those three betwixt the Haven of Sleigo and Broad-haven, by
the Irish Pilots called Can-Moin, Can-Killaloy, and Can-Jores,
(Can in Irish betokeneth a Head in all sorts of significations)
Renilira and Clegan, between Akil-head, and Sline-head
(which last the Irish call Can-Leme) Brain and Calew, situated
to the South of the Bay of Galloway; and Can-Sanan, being
the South-point of the Bay of Limmerick; those are less con-
siderable.
Sect. 6. Heads on the Southern Coasts of Ireland.
Upon the South-West-side of Ireland, the principall Heads
are Cape-Dorses (situated in an Iland of the same name, be-
twixt the two great Bayes of Maire and Bantrie) and Missan-
head, situated betwixt the Bayes of Bantree and Baltimore;
being the same, in Camdens opinion, which Ptolomie calleth
Notium, that is Southern, it being the most Southerly point
of all Ireland.
Upon the South-East-side is the Head of Clare, standing in
an Iland on the East-side of the Bay of Baltimore; and a great
way from thence, the old Head of Kinsale, called Cape Velho
by the Dutch Mariners; which Head, to those that come sailing
along the land afar off, seemeth to be an Iland, being a point
which shooteth a great way into the sea, whose utmost, or most
southerly end is very high and steep.
Upon the same side standeth the Head of Ardmore, which
runneth a great way into the sea from the land on both sides,
and because of its height may be seen many miles off.
41
CHAP. V.
42
Chap. 5.
Irelands Naturall History.
CHAP. V.
Of the Sands or Grounds, Blind-Rocks, and other Rocks in
the Irish Sea.
Sect. 1. Of the Grounds before the Coast betwixt Dublin
and Wexford.
HE Sea which invironeth Ireland, is as free from Shelves,
Tsands, or as
Sands, or Grounds, as any in all the world, not alone upon
the other sides, where the same is wide and open, far distant
from all other lands, but upon the East-side where the same
is inclosed betwixt Ireland and Great Britain, in which whole
space it hath not any other Sands than those situated along
the coast between Dublin and Wexford. These indeed are
of a huge extent, but not turning and winding as most part
of the Grounds in other places, but in a streight line, North-
North-East, and South-South-West, being farthest from the
land with their North-end; and as they go Southward, so
they do come neerer to the land; and near the Tuskar, a Rock
right against the point of Greenore, in which place they end,
they are not much more than two miles distant from the land;
whereas the distance betwixt the North-end, neer the Iland
Dalkee (which Iland, as before we have shewed, lyeth at the
entrance of Dublin bay, about threescore miles from the Tus-
kar) is above eight miles. They are all of a Stony-ground, in
some places but one fathom deep, and a fathom and a half;
but in the North-end two fathoms and a half, and three
fathoms.
Betwixt these Grounds and the land lye two or three little
Sands, besides those which lye in, and before the mouth of the
Bay of Wexford: one betwixt the South-end and Greenore;
another to the South of the Head of Glascarick, a good mile
from the land, called Rush and Ram; and a third one mile to
the South of Arckloe-head, called Glaskermen, somewhat more
than half a mile from the land, and about two miles long.
42
Sect. 2.
1
Chap. 5.
43
Irelands Naturall History.
Sect. 2. Of the Channel betwixt the Land and the
forenamed Grounds.
The Channel betwixt the great Grounds and the land is very
deep all over, so that the biggest vessels may pass through it
from Dublin to Wexford, and from Wexford to Dublin, taking
care only that they do not come too neer the Grounds, the
which being very steep on the inside (as they are also without,
or on the East-side, where ships may not come neerer to them
than in twenty four and twenty five fathoms, because that in
twenty fathoms one is close by them) it is requisite not to go
further off from the land, than in seven or eight fathoms, in
which depth ships may within a cables length sail all along
the coast, the which here everywhere is very clean, and free
from all danger. And even between the land and the fore-
named small Grounds, Glaskermen and Rush and Ram, the
Sea is very clean and deep, so as most ships do pass betwixt
them and the land, and not about by the outside of them.
These Sands in four severall places are cut thorough with
fair, broad and deep channels, whereof the one is over against
the Bay of Wexford; the other against Glascarick, being no
less than fifteen or sixteen fathoms deep; the third right
against Arckloe, in which channel it is about seven or eight
fathoms deep; and the fourth is directly against Wickloe.
Sect. 3. Blind Rocks upon the Coast of Ireland from the
Saltees unto Wickloe.
There are some blind Rocks in this Sea, but lye for the most
part close under the land, or neer some of the little Ilands or
high rocks, so as they may easily be shunned, the rather, be-
cause most of them do at low water appear either in part or
altogether. To speak a little of these in order: the Saltees,
two little Ilands situated half way between the Haven of
Waterford and the head of Carnarord (of the which hath been
spoken heretofore) have both at the North-side some blind
Rocks; whereof those which lye neer the bigger and souther-
most Iland, fall dry at low water. About three miles to the
South of the same bigger Iland lyeth a blind Rock called Kin-
43
more
44
Chap. 5.
Irelands Naturall History.
more, of the bigness of a ship, at half ebb it cometh above
water, and is so steep, that with the side of a ship one may lye
close against it, and have fourteen fathoms of water, so as
without any danger one may sail very close by it. To the
South-East of the forenamed bigger Iland do also lye some
blind Rocks, called the Frailes, the which may be seen at low
water, and ships may pass through the midst of them. About
half a mile from Blackrock (a noted Rock whereof shall be
spoken anon) lyeth a blind Rock, called the Barrell, of the
which one must take heed very carefully. A little to the
West of Carnarord lyeth a small Rocky foul, close under the
land. Betwixt Carnarord and St. Margaret's Bay it is foul
and Rocky, but the foul grounds do not reach far into the Sea.
South-South-East from St. Margaret's Bay lyeth a Blind
rock, called Caliogh, the which at low water falleth dry. From
the point of Greenore a riffe of blind Rocks and Stones run-
neth almost the length of a mile into the Sea, the which at
low water falleth dry a good way from the land. At the
North-side of the Head of Arckloe lyeth a little stony row,
the which is shunned very carefully by the ships, not daring
to come neerer to it than in five fathoms of water.
Sect. 4. The rest of the blind Rocks upon the Coast of
Ireland.
Just to the South of the Head of Wickloe, a little way from
the land, lyeth a Rocky sand called Horse-shoe; betwixt
which and the land ships may sail thorough, if need be: but
that being full of danger, it is done very seldom; and a little
further to the South lyeth a little blind Rock close by the
land, called the Wolf, the which at half ebb cometh above
water; betwixt which and the land fishers boats do pass.
The like blind Rocks and Rocky Sands lye upon the coast
betwixt Tredagh and Dundalk, as also betwixt Dundalk and
Carlingford, in both places close under the land: at both the
points of the Havens of Carlingford and Strangford under St.
John's point, situated half way between those two havens: on
both sides of those two great Rocks, a litle way beyond
Strangford Haven, called Southrock and Northrock: between
44
the
Chap. 5.
45
Irelands Naturall History.
the Ilands of Copland Iles and the land, at the south point of
the bay of Knockfergus: round about those great Rocks over
against Oldfleet, called the Nine Maids: to the West of the
little Iland called Sheeps Iland: betwixt Port Belletree and
Skires Portrush, which rocks are called the Chickens: half
way betwixt Lough Suillie and Sheeps-haven, a mile or two
from the land, which Rocks the flood doth cover, but at ebb
they come above water; and in severall other places upon the
West-coast and the South-coast, the which it would be tedious
all to particularize: wherefore we will conclude this rehearsall
of the Blind Rocks with that which to the West of St. John's
point (a point situated three or four miles Southwards from
Kilbeg-haven) doth lye somewhat more than a mile off from
land, upon which the Sea breaketh with great noise, and
nevertheless one may freely and without any danger sail be-
tween the same and the land.
Sect. 5. Rocks in the Irish Sea, upon the East-side and
the North-side of the Coast.
There be also divers Rocks that always stand above water,
the which as they are dangerous in the dark night, and in
misty weather, so at other times they are rather profitable than
hurtful, forasmuch as they serve the Sea-faring men for Sea-
marks, and help them to discern the situation and distances of
the coasts; wherefore also the most part of them have received
peculiar and proper names. The principall of this whole num-
ber is the Tuskar, a great black smooth rock, of fashion like
unto a ship turned the upside downwards, but as big again,
lying South-Eastwards from the point of Greenore the space
of three miles. To the South-West of the Tuskar a great
way, and about a mile and a half from the bigger of the Saltees,
is the rock Kinbeg. To the North-East of the Saltees stand
two Rocks not far the one from the other, of which the one
of its situation is called Northrock, and the Southermost the
Tuns. To the East of these two, and about three miles from
the point of Carnarord, lyeth Blackrock, being clean of all
sides, so as ships may freely sail round about it without any
fear or danger.
45
A mile
46
Chap. 5.
Irelands Naturall History.
A mile or two to the North of Lambay lieth a great Rock
called Rock Abill, about which ships may sail of all sides.
Two miles beyond the North-point of the Haven of Strang-
ford are two great Rocks, the one called North-Rock, and the
other distant two miles from it to the South, South-Rock: the
North-Rock is a number of Rocks lying close together, divers
whereof are covered at high-water. From the end of these
two shoot out riffes of foul and rocky-ground; but betwixt
them goeth a broad, clean, and deep channel, through which
all manner of ships, even the biggest, may pass.
Six or seven miles to the North of the Bay of Knockfergus,
and three miles from the land are the Nine Maids, being great
Rocks that lye but a little above the water, or low Rocky-Iles,
with a great number of blind Rocks about the same, so as
ships may come no neerer to them than within five or six mile.
Of the same kind of low Rocks, or little Rocky-Ilands, are
also those who are called Enesterhull-Ilands, being situated.
before the most Northerly-point of Ireland, betwixt Lough
Foyle and Lough Suillie.
Sect. 6. Rocks in the Irish-Sea upon the Western and
the Southern-Coast.
Near the Ilands of Aran upon the North-West-coast of Ire-
land lye severall high Rocks, called the Stags of Aran; and
such other Rocks, called the Stags of Broad-haven, lye three
or four miles from the Northern point of Broad-haven. Three
miles to the North-West of Akil-head lyeth Blackrock, a
great, high and black Rock, with severall other Rocks neer
unto it.
On the North-side and West-side of the Ilands Blaskees,
lying over against the most westerly point of Ireland, are
severall great Rocks, some whereof are called the Horses and
others the Bucks.
Seven or eight leagues to the South of Blaskees lye three
great Rocks, called the Skellighs, the Easterliest about three
miles, and the westerliest six or seven miles from the land;
the which, to those that come from the South, when first they
begin to see them, resemble the Sails of Ships.
46
Without
3
Chap. 6.
47
Irelands Naturall History.
Without the Head of Dorses lye three other great Rocks,
whereof the uttermost, or the most Westerly, is called the Bull,
the middlemost the Cow, and the third the Calf, being clean
round about, so as without any danger one may sail between
them.
Five or six miles West and by South of the Head of Clare
lyeth a high steep rock alone in the sea called Fastney, the
which at the first appearing looketh like the sail of a ship.
Two or three miles to the East of Baltimore, and a mile or
two from the land, lye five or six high steep Rocks called the
Stags, as those of Aran and Broad-haven, to those that come
from the East along the land, when first they begin to have
them in sight, they resemble some Spires or Pointed-steeples
standing together.
Two miles Eastwards from the mouth of the Haven of Kin-
sale, lye two great black Rocks, the one somewhat farther
from the land than the other.
There lye also severall Rocks neer the little Ilands of Dalkee
and Irelands Eye, the one situated before the North-point, and
the other before the South point of the Bay of Dublin, as here-
tofore we have shewed. Likewise on both ends of the Ile of
Lambay, half way betwixt the same Iland and Tredagh-haven,
close by the land; near the Iland Raughlins, near Skires Port-
rush, and in severall other places, but the principal and most
considerable are those whereof we have spoken.
CHAP. VI.
Of the Nature of the Irish-sea, and of the Tides which go in
the same.
Sect. 1. The Irish-sea not so tempestuous as it is
THA
bruited to be.
HAT part of the Irish-sea which divideth Ireland from
Great-Britain, is very much defaimed both by Ancient and
Modern Writers, in regard of its boysterousness and tempes-
tuousness, as if it were more subject to storms and raging
47.
weather
48
Chap. 6.
Irelands Naturall History.
weather than any other, and conseqently not to be passed with-
out very great danger: Mare quod Hiberniam & Britanniam
interluit, undosum inquietumque, toto in anno non nisi paucis
diebus est navigabile. That is, The sea which passeth betwixt
Ireland and Britain, is boysterous and restless, so as but few
days in the year ships can go upon it; saith Solinus: With whom
Giraldus (who severall times went to and fro betwixt England
and Ireland) fully agreeth, writing in this Manner, Hiberni-
cum Mare concurrentibus fluctibus undosissimum, fere semper
est inquietum, ita ut vix etiam æstivo tempore paucis diebus se
navigantibus tranquillum præbeat: That is, the Irish-sea being
very boysterous through the concourse of the waves, is almost
always restless, so as even in the summer-time it is hardly for
a few days quiet enough to be sailed upon. Likewise also Cam-
den and Speed give unto this sea the surnames of boysterous
and tempestuous. Yea it is a common Proverb in England,
As unquiet as the Irish-sea. Nevertheless it is nothing so bad
as they make it; and the words of Stanyhurst, in his annota-
tions upon Giraldus, Mare Hibernicum satis tranquillum est,
nisi ventorum vi agitetur, & non solum æstate, sed etiam sum-
ma hyeme vectores ultro citroque navigant: The Irish-sea is
quiet enough, except when by high winds it is stirred, so as
not only in the summer, but even in the midst of winter people
do pass it to and fro, are altogether true, and confirmed by
daily experience. True it is that some ships do perish upon
this, but the same happeneth as well upon other seas, who are
all subject to the disaster of tempests and shipwracks.
Sect. 2. Causes of the Loss of such Ships as perish upon
this Sea.
The common cause of the casting away of ships upon this
sea, and upon the East-coast of Ireland, is this, that in the long
dark Winter nights (when this disaster is more frequent than
at other times of the year) some furious storm arising, the
ships are dashed against the Rocks, against the rocky Shoares,
or against those Grounds which extend themselves betwixt the
Tuskar and the Bay of Dublin, whilst the Steermen and Pilots
by reason of the darkness not being able to discern the land,
48.
or
Chap. 6.
49
Irelands Naturall History.
or any of their wonted marks, do not know which way to
steer to shun those dangerous places, or to keep themselves
in the open sea.
Sect. 3. Nature of the ground of the Irish-sea.
The ground of the Irish-sea, as well in the midst, as under
the land is almost every where clear sand; but in some places.
black and muddy or oasie-earth: In very few places rough
and sharp; and scarce any where else but in the Bay of Wick-
loe, so hard and stifly compacted, that the Anchors can take
no hold of it.
Sect. 4. Of the Tides in the Irish-sea.
What concerneth the Ebbing and Flowing in this sea, which
invironeth Ireland: upon all the West-side it floweth against
the land, and the Ebb falleth back from it into the sea; the
Flood from, and the Ebb towards the West; for which reason
very great tides, as well of Ebb as Flood go upon all this coast,
not only the open shoares, but in the bayes and inlets (even
those which go a great way into the land, as the Haven of
Limmerick) so as those, who have been at Galloway, do assure
us, that it doth so mightily ebb and flow there, that at high
water great vessels may sail over those Rocks, the which with
the ebb come above water.
Upon the other side of Ireland it ebbeth and floweth along
the land; for upon the North-side of Ireland the Ebb and Flood
falleth in the same manner as upon the West-side, flowing
from, and ebbing towards the West. But upon the East-side,
from Fair-Foreland unto Carlingford, the Flood commeth from,
and the ebb falleth to the North: as upon the rest of this East-
side, to wit, from Carlingford to Carnarord, it floweth from the
South, and ebbeth from the North. For although upon all
this side the Flood runneth along the land, yet doth it not take
its beginning from one and the same, but two contrary points;
the which two floods comming the one out of the Main-sea in
the North, and the other out of the Main-sea in the South, do
meet and stop one another before the Haven of Carlingford.
From Tuskar and Carnarord as far as to the Head of Clare,
being
D
49
50
Chap. 6.
Irelands Naturall History.
being the whole South-East-coast of Munster, the Flood falleth
along the coast East-North-East, and the Ebb West-South-
West.
But upon the rest of the coast of Munster, beyond the
Head of Clare Westward, which coast lyeth West and by
South, the Flood falleth East-ward, and the Ebb to the West.
Sect. 5. Strong Tides in the Sounds. Strange Propertie
of the Bay of Wexford in the matter of Tides.
That which the Sea-faring men do witness, that in the
sound of Blaskees, of Dalkee, and in that of Lambay, as also
in some other narrow channels of this sea, there goeth a very
strong Tide, as well of the Ebb as Flood, is no other than
may be observed almost every where else in places of the like
nature.
But it is much to be wondered, what the same do relate of
the channel or entrance of the Haven of Wexford, to wit, that
it ebbeth and floweth there three houres sooner than without
in the open sea; so as when it is high water in the channel
of that Haven, and upon the bar of the same, the Flood doth
still for half a Tide, or three hours after, strongly run by it to
the North; whereby it commeth to pass that the end of Hane-
mans-path (a great Sand lying just before the Haven of Wex-
ford) is cast up more and more to the North; and that the
channel which passeth by the North-side of that Sand, being
the entrance of the Haven, is now more to the North than it
hath been formerly. And as it floweth three houres longer in
the open sea than upon the Bar and in the channel of this
Haven, in the like manner also, the Ebb in the sea falleth
to the South three houres after that it is low water in the
same place, but not so strongly as the Flood.
Sect. 6. Some other strange particulars about the Tides in the
Irish-sea, related by Giraldus, but found not to be true.
More strange it is what Giraldus writeth of the Havens of
Wickloe and Arckloe, to wit, that in Wickloe Haven it ever
floweth, when in the sea it ebbeth; and that it ebbeth there
when it floweth in the sea. And that in the same River
(this Haven being nothing else but the mouth of a little River)
1
50
the
Chap. 7.
51
Irelands Naturall History.
the water is salt as well when the ebb is at the lowest, as at
the flowing and high-water: And that to the contrary in that
Rivelet, which at Arckloe dischargeth it self into the sea, the
water keepeth its sweetness at all times (never receiving the
mixture of any saltness) as well with the flood and high water,
as with the ebb. But experience sheweth these things to be
repugnant to the truth; as also what he writeth of a Rock not
far from Arckloe, at the one side whereof he saith that it always
ebbeth, when it doth flow on the other; and to the contrary.
Also that in Milford-haven (situated in the Southernmost part
of Wales, in a manner over against Waterford) and upon the
next coasts, it ebbeth and floweth at quite contrary times to
what it doth at Dublin, and the coasts thereabouts; so that it
should begin to ebb in Milford-haven when in the Bay of
Dublin it beginneth to flow, and to flow in Milford-haven when
it beginneth to ebb at Dublin: Which how untrue it is, all
those can witness, who having been in both places, have had the
curiosity to observe the times and houres, at what age of the
Moon soever, wherein it doth begin to ebb and to flow there.
j
CHAP. VII.
Of the Springs and Fountains, item, of the Brooks and
Rivelets of Ireland.
H
Sect. 1. Of the Springs and Fountains.
AVING sufficiently spoke of the Sea wherein Ireland
lyeth, and of whatsoever belongeth thereunto; we shall
now, before we come to treat of the land it self, speak of the
Waters within the Land; first of the Springs and Brooks,
afterwards of the Rivers, and lastly of the Loughs or Lakes.
As for the first, to wit, Fountains and Springs, Ireland is
very full of them every where, not only in the mountainous
and hilly parts, but even in the flat and champain countries:
Which Springs for the most part are all of one and the same
fashion, being like unto a small pit full of water up to the brim;
at the lower side whereof the water doth run forth, without
making
D 2
51
52
Chap. 7.
Irelands Naturall History.
making any noise or bubling. For that kind of Fountains
which forcibly burst out of the side of a Rock, or spout their
water on high, are very rarely to be found in this kingdom.
The water of these Well-springs is for the most part cool, clear,
and pure; free from all strange smell and taste: in which pro-
perties nevertheless, and in the wholsomness of the water, the
same differences are found, and for the same causes as in other
countries. For those which spring out of a gravelly or sandy
ground are purer than those that spring out of earth or clay;
those that rise out of a stony or Rocky ground, cooler than
any of the former; those that are exposed to the sun, and
freely receive the beams thereof, especially of the morning-
sun, have lighter and wholsomer water, although less cool
than those which are contrarily seated; and so for the rest.
Sect. 2. Spaes and Holy-wells in Ireland.
A few yeares since some Fountains have been discovered in
Ireland, some of them not far from Dublin, and others in other
parts, whose veins running through certain Minerals, and
washing off the vertue of the same, yeeld a medicinall water,
apt to open the obstructions of man's body, and to cure other
accidents thereof; which kind of Fountains are commonly
called Spaes, a name borrowed of a certain village in the country
of Liege, in which there is a Spring of that sort, absolutely the
principallest, and the most effectuall of all those of the same
kind, and therefore of very great renown in near and in far
countries. Besides these Spaes there are also a great number
of other Fountains throughout all the Land, called Holy-wells
by the inhabitants, whose water not differing from that of other
Wells, in smell, taste, or in any other sensible quality, never-
theless is beleeved to be effectuall for the curing of severall
diseases. But experience doth shew, that those vertues are
not found in the Springs themselves, but only in the vain
imagination of the superstitious people; the which also having
dedicated every one of those to some particular Saint, do
expect the supposed vertue rather from the power of them,
than from any naturall efficaciousness inherent in the water
it self.
52
Sect. 3.
Chap. 7. Irelands Naturall History.
53
·
Sect. 3. Of the fabulous Fountains of Giraldus
Cambrensis.
As for those wonderfull Springs mentioned by Giraldus
Cambrensis, one in Munster whose water presently maketh
them gray that wash their head or beard therewith; one in
Ulster, of quite contrary vertue, so that the persons washed
therewith never come to be gray; one in Connaught, whose
water good and commodious for the drinking, and other uses of
man, is hurtful, yea deadly to cattle, sheep, horses, and all other
sorts of beasts; and yet another in the same Province, the
which being on the top of a high hill, far from the sea side,
ebbeth and floweth twice a day, in the same manner as the
sea, I could not hitherto come to the speech of any, who in
our times had seen those Fountains, or observed any such
thing in them: Which maketh me doubt, that that good
man hath been deceived herein by his credulity, as in innu-
merable other things, the which being evidently untrue and
fictitious, are by him related for certain truths. As in this
matter who seeth not the idleness of that fiction concern-
ing a certain Fountain in Munster, whereof he writeth, that
as soon as any body doth touch it, or but look at it, it be-
ginneth presently to rain most heavily over all the Province
and continueth so to do, untill a certain Priest, appointed for
that purpose, and who hath never lost his Maidenhead, do
appease the fountain in singing a Mass in a Chappel standing
not far from thence, and built expressly for that end; and in
besprinkling the same fountain with Holy-water, and with the
Milk of a Cow of one colour.
Sect. 4. Of the Brooks in Ireland.
No country in the world is fuller of Brooks, than Ireland,
where the same be numberless and water all the parts of the
land on all sides. They take their beginning three severall
manner of waies. Some have their source of Fountains the
which for the most part are very small, not only those who carry
the water but of one spring (most of which are rather like unto
a gutter, than a brook) but even those into which the water
:
53
of
54
Chap. 7.
Irelands Naturall History.
of severall fountains doth flow together. Others rise out of
Bogs, the which besides their own universall wetness being
full of springs, and by reason thereof gathering in them more
water than they are able to drink in or contain, do necessarily
send out the same in convenient places, and so give a begin-
ing unto Rivelets and Brooks. The third sort take their be-
ginning out of certain small Loughs, which brooks ordinarily
are of a reasonable bigness, and far surpass the other two
sorts; although there do not want some, even of this kind,
which are very little. And there is very few of any of these
kinds, who come to any notable bigness, as long as they continue
to be solitary, and untill having received the water of severall
other Brooks do thereby grow more considerable than they
were in their first originall.
These Brooks, besides the great good they do the land in
watering the same, and besides the commodity they afford of
drenching the Cattell and other Beasts; do also greatly serve
the inhabitants for another good use, to wit, the grinding of
their corn, whereunto the Windmills are very little used in
Ireland, because they have the conveniency, through the great
number of Brooks, to erect watermills in every quarter where
it is necessary: which bring a great profit to the owners, being
kept and maintained with less cost and labour.
Sect. 5. Of the swelling and overflowing of the Brooks.
Some of the Brooks do flow in an equall bigness all the year
long, without receiving any notable increase or diminishing:
but far the major part do change according to the wet or dry
seasons of the year, and as many of them as come out of the
mountains, or run thorough hilly countries, swell so exces-
sively, when any great rain doth fall, that they not only over-
flow the next low grounds, doing many times great damage
in them, but also bring the wafering men into great distress;
for it commeth to pass very oft, that a brook, which ordinarily
is very shallow and still, riseth so mightily through the multi-
tude of the rain water, which from the next mountains and
hills descendeth into it, that a good horse cannot pass with-
out swimming, where at other times a child easily may wade
54
over
1
Chap. 7.
55
Irelands Naturall History.
over: and with that abundance of water is commonly joined
so strong and impetuous a current, that man and horse are
often carried away with it, to their extreme danger; and what-
soever we say here-in of the Brooks, is much more to be
understood of the rivers, the which otherwise in convenient
places or fords may be passed over; wherein the aforesaid
danger is greater yet: so that few yeares pass in Ireland, in
the which some persons are not drowned in that fashion.
Sect. 6. Strange invention of a man to pass a Brook,
greatly risen by the abundance of Rain.
It shall not be improper to insert here a particular observed
by a very credible and reverend person, Theophilus Buck-
wort, Bishop of Dremore, the which he hath severall times
related to my Brother and others, being this; The Lagon, a
little River or Brook, which passeth by the Town of Dremore,
upon a certain time being greatly risen through a great and
lasting rain, and having carried away the woodden-bridge,
whereby the same used to be passed at that Town; a country
fellow who was travelling that way, having stayed three days
in hope that the water would fall, and seeing that the rain
continued, grew impatient of staying longer, and resolved to
pass the Brook whatever the danger was; but to do it with
the less perill, and the more steadiness, he took a great heavy
stone upon his shoulders, whose weight giving him some
firmness against the violence of the water, he passed the same
without harm, and came safe to the other side, to the wonder-
ment of many people, who had been looking on, and given
him all for a lost person.
Sect. 7. Of the Brooks of Dromconran and Rafernam
by Dublin.
Of these dangerous Brooks there are two hard by Dublin,
both running into the Haven somewhat more than a mile from
the city, the one at the North-side thereof, a little below the
Village Dromconran, which is seated upon the Highway from
Dublin to Drogheda; and the other at the South-side, close
by the Rings-end. This called Rafernam-water of the village
55
by
56
Chap. 7.
Irelands Naturall History.
¿
!
:
by which it passeth two miles from the sea, and the same
distance from Dublin, is far the worst of the two, as taking
its beginning out of those great mountains South-wards from
Dublin, from whence after any great rain such abundance of
water is descending to it, that the same, which at other times
is of very little depth, groweth thereby so deep, and exceeding
violent, that many persons have lost their lives therein;
amongst others Mr. John Usher, Father to Sir William Usher
that now is, who was carryed by the current, no body being
able to succour him, although many persons, and of his neerest
friends, both afoot and horseback were by on both the sides.
Since that time a stone bridge hath been built over that brook
(as over Dromconran-water there hath been one from antient
times) upon the way betwixt Dublin and Rings-end; which
was hardly well accomplished, when the brook in one of those
furious risings quite altered its channel for a good way, so as
it did not pass under the Bridge as before, but just before the
foot of it, letting the same stand upon the dry land, and con-
sequently making it altogether useless: in which perverse
course it continued, untill per force it was constrained to
return to its old channel, and to keep within the same.
go from Dublin to Rafernam, one passeth this River upon
a woodden-bridge; the which although it be high and strong,
nevertheless hath severall times been quite broke, and carried
away through the violence of sudden floods; although at other
times, and when that Brook doth only carry its ordinary
water, a child of five yeares may easily and without danger
wade through it; and a tall man on horseback riding under-
neath it, not being able to reach it; in the great floods the
water many times riseth so high, as that it doth not only
touch, but floweth quite over the bridge.
To
L
"
56
CHAP. VIII.
-----
Chap. 8.
57
Irelands Naturall History.
B
CHAP. VIII.
Of the Rivers of Ireland.
Sect. 1. Of the Shanon.
ESIDES the excessive number of Brooks wherewith
Ireland is watered, it hath a good many Rivers, the
which being broader and deeper than the Brooks, are conse-
quently navigable; although the major part are not portable of
any great ships nor barks, but only of small vessels and boats.
The principallest of all is the Shanon, who taking his ori-
ginall out of Lough-Allen, and in his course dividing the
Province of Connaught from Leinster, and afterwards also from
Munster, passeth through two other great Loughs, to wit,
Lough-Ree, whereout she cometh just above Athlone (a
mean market-town, but adorned with a stately and strong
Castle, the ordinary residence of the Presidents of Connaught)
and Lough-Dergh, about half way betwixt Athlone and Lim-
merick, and a little below the said Town she dischargeth her
self again into another Lough, by far the biggest of all, the
which extending it self from Limmerick unto the sea and
above fifty miles long, it is held by the Irish as well as the
English not for a Lough, but for the Shanon it self, and con-
sequently called with that name; whereof hath been spoken
in the second Chapter.
This River is wide and deep every where, so as she would
be navigable in her whole length, not only with Boats of all
sorts, but with reasonable big Ships, to the great commodity
of them that inhabit near it, were it not for the impediment
of a certain Rock, some six miles above Limmerick, the which
standing across in the channel, and the River with great vio-
lence falling downwards over it, all communication of Naviga-
tion betwixt the upper and the lower parts of it is thereby
absolutely hindred.
Sir Thomas Wentworth, Lord Wentworth, and afterwards
Earl of Strafford, he that in the beginning of this present Par-
liament was beheaded, having been Governour of Ireland
many
57
58
Chap. 8.
Irelands Naturall History.
many yeares, first in the quality of Lord Deputy, and after-
wards of Lord Lieutenant, had a design to take away that let,
in causing of a new channel to be digged for a little way,
whereby the River being made to alter her course, should
have avoided that Rock; and to that purpose sent certain
skilfull men thither to view those parts, and carefully to ex-
amine whether it were feasible, who made report that it might
be done, and would not cost above seven or eight thousand
pounds sterling, a sum not very considerable in comparison
of the great profit which afterwards would have been reaped
from that work: nevertheless it was never taken in hand, the
intents of publick utility having been diverted and smothered
by those of private profit, as commonly it falleth out.
Sect. 2. The Rivers Suck, Shure, Oure, Broad-water, Barrow
and Slane.
There are severall other Rivers in the Province of Con-
naught, none of them is any ways comparable with the
Shanon for length, breadth, or depth, and little to be said of
them, but that the Suck, the which falleth into the Shanon a
little way below Athlone, is the principallest of all.
The two chief Rivers of Munster are Shure and Broad-water,
the City of Waterford being situated upon the first of those
two, the which close by it dischargeth herself into that arm
of the sea which is known by the name of Waterford-haven.
The other passeth by Lismore, and falleth into the sea by
Youghall, where it maketh a Tide-haven. Next to those two
is the River of Cork, and then that of Kinsale, the which is
but of small moment, as also are the rest of the Rivers of this
Province.
In Leinster is the Nure or Oure, the Barrow, the Slane,
the Liffie, and the Boine, besides some others of less moment.
The Oure and Barrow do mingle their waters at the Town
of Ross, from whence having past a little way together, they
discharge themselves into the right arm of the Haven of
Waterford, and so in a manner do meet the Shure, who falleth
into the other arm: For which consideration these three
Rivers were wont to be called the three Sisters, as Giraldus
witnesseth
58
Chap. 8.
59
Irelands Naturall History.
!
witnesseth. Both the Oure and the Barrow are portable
many miles into the country; the Oure only with little
Boats, and with Cots (they call in Ireland Cots things like
Boats, but very unshapely, being nothing but square pieces of
timber made hollow) but the Barrow with good big Boats.
The Slane falleth into the Haven of Wexford, being like
unto the Oure for length and bigness.
Sect. 3. Of the Liffie and the Boine.
The Liffie is the Princess of the Irish-Rivers, not for her
bigness (for not only the Shanon, but the Boine, Barrow, and
severall others, do far surpass her therein) but because
Dublin, the chief City of all Ireland, is seated upon her
banks: a mile below which City, at a place called Rings-end,
she loseth herself in a Bay of the Sea, which is called Dublin-
haven. With the help of the Flood, ships of fifty and three-
score tuns can make a shift to come up to the Key of Dublin,
but when the Tide is out, and at the lowest, the smallest
boats find hardly water enough to go between Dublin and
Rings-end, because the channel being very broad there, the
water spreadeth it self too much, and by reason thereof
groweth very shallow. But in the City it self, where she is
inclosed betwixt the Keys on both sides, and from the bridge
of Dublin untill the bridge of Kilmanan, and a little further,
being somewhat more than a mile (in which space she runneth
between her own banks) great boats may go upon her at
any time. She would be navigable with boats some three or
four miles further; but the Weres, made in her a little way
above the bridge of Kilmanan do hinder that. This River
taketh her beginning in the mountains lying to the South
of Dublin, not above ten miles from it; but fetcheth such a
compass (bending her coast first to the West, afterwards to
the North, and lastly, for seven or eight miles, Eastward)
that from her originall to her mouth is the space of no less
than forty or fifty miles.
The Boine the river where-on Tredagh is seated, hath her
beginning in King's County, close by the originall of the
Barrow, although the place where the Barrow falleth into the
59
haven
60
Chap. 8.
Irelands Naturall History.
haven of Waterford, is above fourscore miles distant from the
mouth of the Boine. This River is almost of an equall
bigness in far the greatest part of her course, and would be
portable of good big boats very many miles into the land,
if that were not hindred by the Weres.
Sect. 4. Of the Band and Blackwater.
The principall River in Ulster of those that fall directly
into the Sea, is the Band, the which as in her mouth, she is
incumbred with severall inconvenients, as we have declared
above in the third chapter, so she is portable but a few
miles from the Sea, because of a certain Rock, the which
running across the channel from the one bank to the other,
stoppeth all manner of passage, not only of bigger vessels and
barks, but of the smallest boats, which dare not come neer
the same Rock, because it being somewhat high, and the
water from it falling downwards with great violence, it goeth
for some space with a mighty current. This Rock or Cataract,
called vulgarly the Salmon-leap (for a reason hereafter to be
declared) and the Fall, because of the falling down of the
water, is not above four miles from the Sea, hindering all
manner of communication between the same and Lough
Neaugh, from the which this Cataract is distant about three
miles: whereas otherwise, if the passage of this River from the
Sea to the Lough were open, ships might by that means go
a great way into the land, not only the whole length and
breadth of Lough Neaugh (which every where is very deep,
and navigable even for great ships) but even a good many
miles farther (with good big boats) by means of some Rivers
that fall into it, especially the Blackwater, which is the prin-
cipallest of them all. For the Band, although she giveth the
name to the river going out of the Lough, is not comparable
to the Black-water for breadth nor depth, being rather a brook
than a River, the which being very shallow at other times,
doth rise so excessively upon the falling of much rain, that it
is one of the most dangerous and terrible brooks of all Ireland,
in the which therefore from time to time many men and
horses have been drowned at the passing of it.
60
Sect. 5.
Chap. 8. Irelands Naturall History.
61
Sect 5. Of the Lagon and Nurie-water tide-rivers.
Besides the Band and the Black-water, there is scarce any
other River in Ulster, but that which passing by Strabane
and London-derry, dischargeth it self into Lough Foile. For
the Lagon, heretofore mentioned by us, which by Belfast
falleth into the Sea; the Nurie-water, whereof we have
spoken in the description of Carlingford-haven; and some
others of that nature, are properly brooks, and not portable
by reason of their own water, but of that which out of the
Sea floweth into them; as appeareth clearly when the tide is
out. For then they are as small, and as little portable in
those places, where the boats and bigger vessels do pass at
high water, as are they at all times in those places unto which
the tide doth never reach: which kind of Tide-rivers or
brooks, which only by the comming in of the tide are made
navigable for a little way, are to be found in all the Provinces
of Ireland.
Sect. 6. Of the Cataracts in the Irish Rivers.
Besides that the navigable Rivers are but rare in Ireland,
and that the most part of them are only portable of very
small vessels and boats, not of any bigger ships or barks, as
appeareth by the former relation, there be very few rivers,
who have not some impediment or other in them, whereby it
commeth that they are not portable so far, as otherwise
they would be. These impediments are chiefly three in
number, Cataracts, Weres, and Foards; whereof the last two
do only concern the lesser Rivers. The first, to wit, the
Cataracts, are incident to the greatest Rivers as well as to
others, as may appear by what we have said concerning
them in the description of the Shanon and the Band;
whereby also fully may be conceived the manner and nature.
of the said Cataracts, so as it is needless here again to de-
lineate them.
Such a Cataract or Fall there is found in the Liffie, seven
miles from Dublin, and about a quarter of a mile above the
village and Castle of Leslip, the description of which as
holding
61
62
Chap. 8.
Irelands Naturall History.
holding it not improper for this place, we shall here set down
as it came to our hands from those who have observed it very
exactly. The said River running thereabouts along a narrow
and deep valley, being hemmed in at both sides with high
hills of a long continuance, hath a very Rocky channel, and
besides that the bottom is overspread in severall parts with
great massie stones, there is in two or three places, at no
great distance, a continuall Rocky bulk reaching from one
side to the other, leaving but one or two narrow passages,
through which the stream runneth with a very strong current,
and a mighty noise, but the third and last bulk, like a Cata-
ract hath the channel close to it, a great deal lower (by far
more than the other, at least by seven or eight feet) which is
the cause that the stream doth not so much run swift here,
or passeth with a current through narrow channels, as in the
two first bulks, but as soon as it is got over the Rock it falleth
steep down with great violence, the space of three or four
paces in breadth; where as the remainder of the main channel is
altogether stopped by the said Rock. In winter and other very
rainy seasons, when the water doth increase much, it passeth
over all the said Rocks smoothly and without noise, where
the same is exceeding great, those times, when the Liffie
runneth with a small streame.
There is also a Cataract in a small Tide-river in the County
of Cork in Munster, the which falleth into the innermost
corner of the great bay Bantrie, and one in the Haven of
Balle-shanon, which haven being in effect nothing else but
the mouth of Lough-Earn, commonly is counted for a River,
and called by the name of Trowis.
Sect. 7. Of the Foards in the Rivers of Ireland a second
impediment of their navigableness.
Concerning the Foards; it is to be observed, that not
every where, where the high-ways meet with great brooks or
small Rivers, bridges are found for to pass them, but that in
very many places one is constrained to ride through the
water it self, the which could not be done, if the Rivers kept
themselves
where enclosed between their banks;
every
wherefore
62
Chap. 8.
63
Irelands Naturall History.
;
wherefore they are not only suffered in such places to spread
themselves abroad, but men help thereto as much as they can,
to make the water so much the shallower and consequently
the easier to be passed: whereby it commeth many times to
pass, that a river which above and below the foard is deep.
enough to be portable of great boats, through the shallow-
ness of the foards lying between, will bear none but of the
very smallest; or where otherwise the same would carry
small boats is not portable at all; this in most places might
easily be remedied, in raising of dikes or artificiall banks,
where the naturall ones failing do minister opportunitie unto
the rivers for to spread themselves; and making bridges to
pass over. Some foards, do not greatly impair the channel of
the Rivers, but leave the same almost in her full depth,
especially in the midst; but the same, as they are more
incommodious for the traveller, so they are not very frequent,
but in far less number than the others.
Sect. 8. Of the Weres, a third impediment of the navigable-
ness of the Rivers in Ireland.
The Weres, a third let of the Navigation of the Irish
Rivers, are thus ordered: They set up very big stones in the
River, close together from the one side of the River to the
other, leaving only one hole, either in the midst, or neer one
of the sides, before which hole a Basket being laid, they take
therein a great quantity of fish; for comming to the Weres,
and finding their way stopt by the stones, they take their
course to that place where they find an opening. These
rows of stones do not directly cross the River from the one
side to the other, but do go very much sloaping, that the
stream with less force may beat against them: and the same
also do stand but very little above the water, to the end
that when the flouds come the water may find a ready
passage over them, without which they would not be able to
subsist against the force thereof, but easily be thrown down
and scattered.
Some Weres are set up, not so much for the taking of fish,
as for mills, and that the course of the water thereby being in
part
63
64
Chap. 9.
Irelands Naturall History.
part stopped in the main channel, may be made to go into
some little by-channel, cut expressly for to conveigh the water
to the mill: many Weres serving for both these uses jointly.
Some Rivers have only one of these impediments, as the
Shanon and the Band, each a Fall or Cataract: the Boine,
Weres; having only Foards many miles from the sea. The
greatest number have Weres and Foards, and commonly
each of them in severall places. Some have all three, as the
Liffie by name, which hath not only Weres and Foards in
severall places, but also a Cataract or Salmon-leap, as hath
been mentioned above.
Lo
CHAP. IX.
Of the Lakes or Loughs in Ireland.
Sect. 1. Of the little Loughs.
OUGHS there is a very great number in Ireland, especially
in the Provinces of Ulster and Connaught, we may
distinguish them into three severall sorts, Great, Middle-sort,
and the Least. Under this last we comprehend all such
whose parts discover it self to the eye all over at one time.
This sort of Loughs are found in severall places of the
other Provinces, but nothing neer so many as in Ulster.
Every one of these commonly sends forth a Brook, and some
more than one, being all of them very deep (the very least
not excepted) and well-stored with Fish: So as they are not
only delightful, especially such as are situated in some Dale
or Valley, or environed round about, or on some sides with
pleasant little Hills (as it falleth out in the greatest part of
them) but also commodious and profitable, affording good
opportunity to build houses and Castles upon their borders,
which was done in many places by the English and Scotch,
who had made severall fair Plantations, and would have done
more, if it had not been hindered by that horrible Rebellion
of the bloody Irish; in the beginning of which many of them
64
which
5
{
|
Chap. 9.
65
Irelands Naturall History.
}
which were already built have been destroyed by those
Barbarians.
Many of those little Loughs have a little Iland in the midst,
which is both commodious and pleasant. Some wherein
little Ilands do float, not keeping long any certain place, but
removing to and fro as the force of the wind doth drive them.
Sect. 2. Of the Middle-sort of Loughs.
The Middle-sort of Loughs we understand to be such as
far exceeding the fore-mentioned in bigness, nevertheless are
not to be compared with the biggest sort, of which we shall
speak presently: of this kind are Lough-Fin and Lough-Dirg
in the County of Doneghall in Ulster, Lough-Mugkney in the
County of Monaghan, and Lough-Sillon in the County of
Cavan, both in the same Province; Lough Ranmore in East-
meath: besides several others in other Counties of Leinster,
especially in Queenes-county, Longford, and Westmeath,
having little or nothing worthy of observation.
Sect. 3. Of the Great Loughs, and first of those of Salt
Water.
The great Loughs are of two sorts, either of Sweet-water,
as all the former; and some of Salt-water; these last being
such through the mixture of the sea; the which finding an
open entrance, and twice a day with the Tide fully flowing
into them, maketh the water so salt. And it would be no
great error to take all those Loughs wherein that happeneth,
(viz. Lough Cone, in the County of Down; Lough Foile, in
the County of Colrain; Lough Suille, in Tirconnell; and the
Lough of Cork) rather for Inlets of the Sea than for Lakes,
although the Inhabitants hold them all to be Loughs, and
give them the name of Loughs: And in this number is also
to be put that great Lough betwixt Limmerick and the sea,
through which the Shanon dischargeth it self into the sea;
of the which we have already spoke once or twice heretofore.
E
65
Sect. 4.
66
Chap. 9.
Irelands Naturall History.
Sect. 4. Of Lough-Earn, Lough-Neaugh, and the rest of
the Great Loughs.
Amongst the great Loughs of Sweet-water, are far the
principallest Lough-Earn and Lough-Neaugh, the first of
which is situated in the confines of Ulster and Connaught,
being in effect two different Loughs, jovned together only by
a short and narrow channel; of which two, that which lieth
farthest within the land, doth extend it self in a manner
directly North and South; but the second, which is next to
the sea, doth lye East and West; so that both together they
have the fashion of a bended elbow, being both very broad
in the midst, growing by degrees narrower towards both the
ends.
Lough-Neaugh lyeth in the North-easterly part of Ulster,
bordering upon the Counties of Tirone, Armagh, Down,
Antrim, and Colraine, being of a round, or rather somewhat
ovall figure.
Next in bigness to these two is Lough-Corbes, the same on
whose neather-end the City Galloway is seated: The two
Loughs thorough which the Shanon passeth, Lough-Ree, and
Lough-Dirg: item, Lough-Fingarrow in Connaught, betwixt
the Counties of Majo and Roscomen.
In the last place, as the least of this sort, are Lough-Allen,
out of which the Shanon taketh his originall, being nine miles
long, and three miles broad: Lough-Meske, situated betwixt
Lough-Fingarrow and the Lough of Galloway; and Lough-
Larne, in the County of Kerry in Munster, not far from the
upper-end of those two famous bayes Dingle and Maire. The
least of these is some miles long and broad, and many miles in
circuit; but the biggest are of so vast a compass, that they are
more like a Sea than a Lough.
Sect. 5. Of the Ilands in the Loughs.
Most of these great Loughs are very full of little Ilands,
and above all Lough-Earn, in which the same are numberless.
In Lough-Cone also there is so great a number, that those
who inhabit about it, affirm them to be two hundred and
threescore
66
Chap. 9.
Irelands Naturall History.
67
threescore. Lough-Ree, and Lough-Dirg are likewise very
full of them: And there is also a good many in Lough-Fin-
garrow, Lough-Larne and Suille. But Lough-Foile is very
free from them, and in the Lough of Cork there is not above
one or two, as likewise in Lough-Neaugh, in which they lye
neer to the sides, leaving the midst altogether free.
Very few of these Ilands are inhabited or planted; but the
most part being plentifully cloathed with very sweet Grass,
serve for pastures to sheep and other cattell, the which do
thrive wonderfully well in them, and the same befalleth also
in the middle sort of Loughs, amongst which likewise there
be
very
few that have not some of these little Ilands in them.
In some few of these Ilands, especially of Lough-Earn
and Lough-Ree, are some dwellings, whereunto persons who
love solitariness were wont to retire themselves, and might
live there with much contentment, as finding there not only
privacy and quietness, with opportunity for studies and con-
templations, but there besides great delightfulness in the place
it self, with variety of very sweet pastimes in fowling, fishing,
planting, and gardening. In one of the greatest Ilands of
Lough-Earn, Sir Henry Spotteswood had a fine seat, with
goodly buildings, Gardens, Orchards, and a pretty little
Village, with a Church and Steeple belonging to it, which
whether it is in being yet, or destroyed by the barbarians and
bloody Rebels, I am not informed. In Lough-Sillon in the
county of Cavan in an Iland not far from the bank where the
River Nannei runneth into it, is a Castle built of form four
square, which covereth the whole Ile, much after the manner
of the Fort Eneskellin in Lough-Earn, and so many more
too long to be rehearsed.
Sect. 6. Of St. Patricks Purgatory
One of these little Ilands situated in Lough Dirg (one of
the middle-sort of Loughs) hath been very famous, for the
space of some ages, over almost all Christendome; because the
world was made to beleeve, that there was the suburbs of
Purgatory, into which whoso had the courage to go, and
remain there the appointed time, did see and suffer very
E 2
67
strange
68
Chap. 9.
Irelands Naturall History.
strange and terrible things: which perswasion having lasted
untill our times, the matter hath been discovered within these
few yeares, and found to be a meer illusion. This discoverie
was made during the government of Richard Boile, Earle of
Cork, and Adam Loftus, Vicount of Elie, and Lord Chancellour
of Ireland: which two being Lords Justices of that Kingdome
in the last yeares of King James, and desirous to know the
truth of the business, sent some persons of qualitie to the place,
to inquire exactly into the truth of the whole matter. These
did find, that that miraculous and fearful cave, descending
down to the very Purgatory and Hell, was nothing else but a
little cell, digged or hewn out of the rocky ground, without any
windowes or holes, so as the doore being shut one could not
see a jot within it; being of so little depth, that a tall man
could but just stand upright in it, and of no greater capacity,
than to contain six or seven persons. Now when that any
person desirous to go that Pilgrimage to Purgatory, was
come into the Iland, the Friars, some small number whereof
made their constant abode there for that purpose, made him
watch and fast excessively: whereby, and through the recount-
ing of strange and horrible apparitions and fantasmes, which
he would meet withall in that subterranean pilgrimage, being
well prepared, they did shut him up in that little dark hole;
and being drawn out again from thence after some hours,
altogether astonished and in a maze, he would be a good
while before he came again to himself, and afterwards the
poor man would tell wonderfull stories, as if in very deed he
had gone a great way under the ground, and seen and suffered
all those things, which his weak imagination, altogether cor-
rupted by the concurrence and sequel of so many causes to
weaken the braine, did figure unto him.
To prevent this delusion in future times, the said Lords.
Justices caused the Friars to depart from thence, their dwell-
ing quite to be demolished, and the hole or cell to be broke
open, and altogether exposed to the open air, in which state it
hath lyen ever since: whereby that Pilgrimage to Purgatory
is quite come to nothing, and never hath been undertaken since
by any.
68
To
Chap. 9.
69
Irelands Naturall History.
14
To beget the greater reputation to this fictitious Purgatory,
the people was made to beleeve, that St. Patrick, by whom
the Irish were converted to the Christian-faith about four
hundred yeares after the nativity of Christ, had caused the
same, and obtained it of God by his prayers, to convince the
unbeleevers of the immortality of the soul, and of the torments
which after this life are prepared for the wicked persons;
wherefore also they gave it the name of St. Patricks Purgatory.
But it is very certain, that nothing of it was known in Ireland
during the life of the holy person, nor in a huge while after,
it having been devised some Ages after his death, when that
the general darkness of the times ministred a great opportunity
of such like inventions, to those kind of men that knew how
to abuse the blind devotion of ignorant and superstitious peo-
ple to their own profit and filthy lucre.
Sect. 8. Of the property of Lough Neaugh of turning
Wood into Stone.
Before we make an end of this Chapter, we must say some-
thing of the wonderfull property which generally is ascribed to
Lough Neaugh, of turning Wood into Stone; whereunto some
do add, to double the wonder, that the Wood is turned not
only into stone, but into Iron; and that a branch or pole
being stuck into the ground somewhere by the side where it
is not too deep, after a certain space of time one shall find
that peece of the stick which stuck in the ground, turned into
Iron, and the middle, as far as it was in the water, into Stone;
the upper-end, which remained above the water, keeping its
former nature. But this part of the History I beleeve to be
a Fable: For my Brother, who hath been severall times in
places not far distant from that Lough, and who of the English
thereabouts inhabiting hath inquired this business with singu-
lar diligence, doth assure me, that he never could learn any
such thing; but that the turning of Wood into Stone was by
every one beleeved for certain, as having been tried divers
times by severall persons: saying moreover to have understood
of them, that the water hath this vertue only at the sides, and
that not everywhere, but only in some few places, especially
about
69
70
Chap. 9.
Irelands Naturall History.
about that part where the River Blackwater dischargeth her-
self into the Lough. He could never come to speak with any
persons, who themselves had tried this matter; but with seve-
rall, who affirmed, that to their knowledge it had certainly
been done by others of their acquaintance. For further con-
firmation of this particular (which in it self is credible enough,
seeing that in many parts of the world there are found waters
indued with that vertue) serveth, that here and there upon
the borders of that Lough are found little stones of a pretty
length, some of them round in their compass, others flat, or
flattish, and some angulous, the which being looked on, as well
neer as from afar off, seem to be nothing else but Wood, and
by every one are taken for such, untill one come to touch and
handle them: for then by their coldness, hardness, and weight
it appeareth that they are not Wood but Stone: Whereby
it may probably be conjectured, that the same formerly
having been Wood indeed, and so having kept their old shape
and fashion in length of time have been turned into a stony
substance by the vertue of that water, whereinto they were
fallen through the one accident or other.
Giraldus writeth, to have heard of a Well or Fountain in
the North-quarters of Ulster, the which in seven years space
turneth into Stone the Wood cast into it: but seeing that no
body now a dayes knoweth of any such well, and that with all
my enquires I could never come to hear any news of it,
will beleeve, that Giraldus hath been mis-informed, and that
they have told him that of a Well which was proper unto this
Lough.
I
70
CHAP. X.
1
Chap. 10. Irelands Naturall History.
71
CHAP. X.
Of the Nature and Condition of the Land, both for the
outward shape, and for the internall qualities and
fruitfulness.
Sect. 1. Distinction of Ireland into Champain Lands,
Hills, and Mountains.
T
HE Lands of this Iland, as of most all other Countries, are
of a various kind and fashion: For some parts are goodly
plain Champain, others are Hilly, some Mountainous, and
others are composed of two of these sorts, or of all three to-
gether, and that with great variety, the which also is very
great, in those three un-compounded sorts.
Sect. 2. A necessary observation about the use of the words
Hill and Mountain.
To avoid all ambiguity, and make our selves cleerly under-
stood in what we have said, and are further to say upon this
subject, we think it necessary to forewarn our Reader, that
we do use the word Hill in a narrower signification, than what
is given to it in the ordinary use of speech. For whereas all,
or most other Languages, both those which are now in vulgar
use, and those which are only preserved in books, have two
severall words for to signify those observable heights which
appear above the ground, calling the bigger sort by one name,
and the lesser sort by another: The English language useth
one and the same word for both, calling hills as well the one
as the other, without any other distinction, but that sometimes
the word small or great is added. Now because this word so
indifferently used would cause some confusion in the matter
we treat of, that hath made us restrain it to one of the sorts,
and to call hills only the lesser sort, called in Latin collis, in
French colline, in Dutch heuvel, and in Irish knock. As for
the other and bigger sort, whose name in the aforesaid four
languages is mons, mountain, berg, slew, we call them moun-
tains: which word mountains, although it be good English,
71
yet
72
Chap. 10.
Irelands Naturall History.
yet in common speech it is seldom made use of in that sense
whereunto we apply it, but only to signifie a country wholly
consisting of those great Hills, especially when the soil thereof
is lean and unfruitful.
Sect. 3. Of the Mountains of Ireland, and first of the
lower sort.
The difference betwixt Hills and mountains consisting in
bigness, is of two sorts; for in the number of mountains are
counted not only those which lift up themselves very high into
the air so as they may be seen many miles off, but also those,
the which take up the more in length and breadth, what is
wanting to them in height, ascending slopingly by degrees.
The Mountainous parts of Ireland do for the most part con-
sist of this second part of Mountains, most of them in one quar-
ter being muchwhat of the same height, so as sometimes one
shall ride some houres together, through the mountainous
country, without meeting with any one Mountain that greatly
excelleth in height above the rest: the which in particular
may be observed in the Mountainous Country of the Fuse,
betwixt Dundalk and Armagh; in that of Mourne, betwixt the
Nurie and Dondrom (each of those two being above twelve
miles long) in all that space which is betwixt Kelles, a walled
town in the County of Eastmeath, and Killacolie, alias Bailie-
borough, in the County of Cavan, which being ten miles long,
is almost nothing else but a continuance of hills of no great
bigness, all very fruitful land both Pasture and Arable. In
the County of Westmeath, from Lough-Crew to Lough-Sillon,
and beyond it, as far as Ballaneach, where Mr. William Fleving
had built a fair house and Farm ten yeares before the late de-
testable Massacre and bloody Rebellion of the Irish. These
hills are for the most part low and small, yet some of a good
height and bigness, the ground lean, in many places very stony,
in some rocky, not of any one continuall rock, but by peece-
meals here and there rising and appearing. Yet are these
hills in severall places wet and moorish, as well in the rocky
as other parts. These hills serve only for pasture of sheep. In
the major part of the Mountainous country of Wickloe, the
72
which
A
ionality a
Chap. 10.
73
Irelands Naturall History.
which beginning five miles to the South of Dublin, doth extend
it self above fiftie miles in length; and in severall other parts.
It hath been observed in many parts of Ireland, but chieflie
in the county of Meath, and further Northward, that upon the
top of the great hills and mountains, not only at the side and
foot of them, to this day the ground is uneven as if it had
been plowed in former times. The inhabitants do affirm, that
their forefathers being much given to tillage, contrarie to what
they are now, used to turn all to plow-land. Others say that
it was done for want of arable, because the Champain was
most everywhere beset and overspread with woods, which by
degrees are destroyed by the wars. They say further, that
in those times, in places where nothing now is to be seen, but
great logs of a vast extent, there were thick woods, which they
collect from hence, that now and then trees are digged out
there being for the most part some yards long, and some of a
very great bigness and length.
Sect. 4. Of the higher sort of Mountains in Ireland.
As for those other mountains, the which with an excessive
height rise up towards the Skies, they are not very common
in Ireland; and yet some there be, which although not com-
parable with the Pyrenæi, lying between France and Spain,
with the Alpes, which divide Italy from France and Germany,
or with other mountains of the like vast height, nevertheless
may justly be counted among the loftie mountains. Of this
number are the Mountains of Carlingford, betwixt Dundalke
and Carlingford, the which in a clear day may easily be seen
from the Mountains to the South of Dublin, the which are
more than fortie miles distant from them; the Mountains about
Lough Suillie, in the North parts of Ulster, the which may be
seen many miles off in the Sea; the Curlews, that sever the
counties of Sleigo and Roscomen in Connaught; the twelve
Mountains in the North-quarter of the County of Tipperary
in Munster, the which far exceeding the rest of the moun-
tains there, are known by the name of the twelve hills of Phe-
lim ghe Madona; Knock-Patrick, in the West-part of the
county of Limmerick, not far from the bay of Limmerick,
73
which
74
Chap. 10.
Irelands Naturall History.
which Mountain can be seen by the ships, which are a huge
way from the land yet; the Mountains of Brandon hills, in
the County of Kerry, to the East of the haven of Smerwick,
the which are discovered by the Sea-faring men, when they
are above fifty miles from the land; in the North-west quarter
of the county of Waterford, called Slew Boine; that in the
mountainous country of Wickloe, which for it's fashions sake
is commonly called the Sugar-loaf, and may be seen very
many miles off, not only by those that are upon the Sea, but
even into the land.
Sect. 5. Nature of the Ground in Ireland, and of the
fruitfull grounds.
Next to the fore-going division of Ireland taken from the
fashion and outward form of the land, commeth to be considered
that which consisteth in the nature of the soil or ground; some
parts of the countrie being fruitfull, and others barren.
The fertile soil is in some places a blackish earth, in others
clay, and in many parts mixt of both together: as likewise
there be sundry places, where the ground is mixt of earth and
sand, sand and clay, gravell and clay, or earth; but the chalke-
ground and red earth, which both are very plentifull and
common in many parts of England, are no where to be found
in Ireland.
These grounds differ among themselves in goodness and
fatness, not only according to the different nature of the soil
whereof they consist, but also according to the depth of the
mold or uppermost good crust, and the nature of the ground
which lyeth next to it underneath: for the best and richest
soil, if but half a foot or a foot deep, and if lying upon a stiffie
clay or hard stone, is not so fertile, as a leaner soil of greater
depth, and lying upon sand or gravell, through which the
superfluous moisture may descend, and not standing still, as
upon the clay or stone, make cold the roots of the grass, of
corn, and so hurt the whole.
There be indeed some countries in Ireland, where the
ground underneath being nothing but stone, and the good
mold upon it but very thin, it is nevertheless very fruitful
.
74
in
Chap. 10.
75
Irelands Naturall History.
in corn, and bringeth sweet grass in great plenty, so as sheep
and other cattell do wonderfull well thrive there; which kind of
land is very common in the County of Galloway, and in some
other Counties of Connaught, as also in sundry parts of the
other Provinces. But the reason thereof is in those parts,
because the stone whereon the mould doth lye so thinly, is
not Free-stone, or any such cold material, but Lime-stone,
which doth so warm the ground, and giveth it so much
strength, that what it wants in depth, is thereby largely
recompensed.
Sect. 6. Causes hindering the fruitfulness of the ground,
where the soil otherwise is not bad.
Except in the case now by us declared, neither Corn nor
Grass will grow kindly, where the ground, though otherwise
good, is not deep enough, as also where it hath a bad crust
underneath: From whence it commeth, that in many places,
where the grass doth grow very thick and high, the same
nevertheless is so unfit for the food of beasts, that cows and
sheep will hardly touch it (especially if they have been kept
in better pastures first) except that by extreme famine they
be compelled thereto; and that by reason of the coarsness and
sourness of the grass, caused by the standing still of the water,
the which through the unfitness of the neather crust, finding
not a free passage downwards, maketh cold the good mold,
and the crop and grass degenerate from its naturall goodness.
For the same reason the land in many parts, where other-
wise the soil in it self would be fit enough to produce good
Wheat or Barley, will hardly bear any thing else but Oats,
or Rye, and that none of the best: As in other parts, the
fault is in the soil it self, and by the leanness thereof it com-
meth, that nothing else but coarse grass, and the worst kinds
of grains will grow there. And unto these causes may be
joyned another yet, the overshadowing of high and steep
Mountains and Hills, whereby the sides thereof, and the
lands, lying close under them, being deprived of the free
and seasonable access of the Sun-beams, and so wanting con-
venient warmness, cannot afford to the things growing there-
1
75
on
76
Chap. 10.
Irelands Naturall History.
¦.
"
on such good and well-concocted nourishment, as unto the
producing of the best and richest sorts of grains and grass is
requisite.
Sect. 7. Ireland a very fruitfull Country, especially for grass.
These defects are not peculiar to Ireland, but common to
other countries, and nowise generall in it, but only here and
there in distant parts; and where they are, they may be
amended by the meanes fit and usuall for that purpose, where-
of by-and-by we shall speak particularly: therefore they can-
not hinder, that Ireland should not justly be counted among
the fruitfullest countries of the world. And although Orosius,
who preferreth it even before England in this particular
(Hibernia soli colique temperie magis utilis Britanniâ, are his
words) goeth too far, yet fullie true is the saying of Stanyhurst,
in the preface of his Irish chronicle, Cum Hibernia, cœli
salubritate, agrorum fertilitate, ubertate frugum, pastionis
magnitudine, armentorum gregibus, conferre paucas, anteferre
nullas valeas: that is, With Ireland for wholsomness of air,
fruitfulness of lands, great store of corn, abundance of pas-
tures, and numerousness of cattell, few countries may be com-
pared, none preferred: as also that of Giraldus, Gleba præ-
pingui uberique frugum proventu fælix est terra, et fœcunda
frugibus arva, pecore montes: that is, This country is happy
in very rich ground, and plentifull increase of graines, the
fields being fertile in corn, and the mountains full of cattell.
But although Ireland almost in every part, where the indus-
try of the Husbandman applieth it self thereto, bringeth good
corn plentifully, nevertheless hath it a more naturall aptness
for grass, the which in most places it produceth very good
and plentifull of it self, or with little help: the which also
hath been well observed by Giraldus, who of this matter
writeth thus: Pascuis tamen quam frugibus, gramine quam
grano fœcundior est insula, This Iland is fruitfuller in grass,
and pastures, than in corn and graines. And Buchanan in
his second book of his History of Scotland calleth the pasture
ground of Ireland pascua fere totius Europa uberrima, the
fruitfullest pasture ground of most all Europe.
76
Sect. 8.
1
Chap. 10.
77
Irelands Naturall History.
Sect. 8. More of the plenty and goodness of the Irish pastures.
The abundance and greatness of pastures in Ireland, doth
appear by the numberless number of all sorts of cattell, espe-
cially of Kine and Sheep, wherewith this country in time of
peace doth swarm on all sides, whereof in another place shall
be spoken more at large: and the goodness of the same is
hereby sufficiently witnessed, that all kind of cattell doth thrive
here as well in Ireland, and give as good milk, butter, and
cheese (with good handling) as in any other country.
It is true, that the Irish kine, sheep, and horses, are of a
very small size: but that that doth not come by reason of the
nourishment and grass, but through other more hidden causes,
may be easily demonstrated by the goodly beasts of the fore-
named kind, that are brought thither out of England, the
which not only in themselves, but in all their breed, do fully
keep their first largeness and goodness, without any the least
diminution in any respect, so that before this last bloody
rebellion the whole land, in all parts where the English did
dwell, or had any thing to do, was filled with as goodly
beasts, both Cows and Sheep, as any in England, Holland, or
other the best countries of Europe: the greatest part whereof
hath been destroyed by those barbarians, the naturall inhabi-
tants of Ireland, who not content to have murthered or expelled
their English neighbours (upon whom with an unheard-of and
treacherous cruelty they fell in the midst of a deep peace,
without any the least provocation) endeavoured quite to
extinguish the memory of them, and of all the civility and
good things by them introduced amongst that wild Nation;
and consequently in most places they did not only demolish
the houses built by the English, the gardens and enclosures
made by them, the orchards and hedges by them planted, but
destroyed whole droves and flocks at once of English Cows
and Sheep, so as they were not able with all their unsatiable
gluttony to devour the tenth part thereof, but let the rest lye
rotting and stinking in the fields.
The goodness of the pastures in Ireland doth further appear
by this, that both Beef and Mutton there, as well that of the
small
77
78
Chap. 11.
Irelands Naturall History.
small Irish, as that of the large English breed, in sweetness
and savouriness doth surpass the meat of England it self as (all
those, who have tried that must confess) although England in
this particular doth surpass almost all the countries of the
world.
Nevertheless the saying of Pomponius Mela, That the grass
here is so rank and sweet, that the cattell do burst, if they
be suffered to feed too long, wherefore they be fain every day to
drive them betimes out of the pastures, Juverna adeo luxuriosa
herbis, non lætis modo, sed etiam dulcibus, ut se exigua parte
diei pecora impleant, & nisi pabulo prohibeantur, diutius pasta
dissiliant: the which also hath been repeated by Solinus, Hi-
bernia ita pabulosa, ut pecua ibi, nisi interdum à pascuis ar-
ceantur, in periculum agat satias: That is, Ireland hath such
excellent pastures, that cattell there are brought into danger of
their lives by over-feeding, except now and then they be driven
out of the fields; is a mere fable, no wayes agreeable to the
truth: For all kinds of cattell here, as in other countries, are
continually left in the pastures day and night: neither do
they through their continuall feeding ever burst or come into
any danger of bursting.
CHAP. XI.
Of the severall manners of manuring and inriching the
ground practised in Ireland.
Sect. 1. In some part of Ireland the ground never needs
dunging.
T
O amend the lean and faulty grounds, to enrich both
them and the good ones, and to keep both the one and
the other in heart, in preserving them from being exhausted,
the dunging of the ground is usuall in Ireland as in other
countries. It is true, that as approved Authors assure us, in
the Iland of Zealand, part of the Kingdom of Denmark, the
naturall richness of the ground is such, and so lasting, as it need-
eth not the succour of any artificial helps, but is very fruitfull
•
78
and
Chap. 11.
79
Irelands Naturall History.
and aye preserveth its fertility, without putting the Husband-
man to the labour and costs of dunging. That likewise there
is some part in the Province of Munster in Ireland, where very
credible persons have assured me of their own knowledge,
that the land never needeth any dunging; so as the inhabi-
tants thereof never trouble themselves to keep the dung of
their beasts, but from time to time fling it into a River which
runneth by them. But this happiness and richness of soil as
it is very rare over all the world, so in Ireland too, being con-
fined to very narrow bounds, all the rest of the Kingdom is
necessitated, for the ends aforesaid, to help and improve their
Lands by dunging; the which they do severall manner of
wayes.
Sect. 2. Of Sheeps-dung.
The commonest sort of manuring the Lands in Ireland, is
that which is done with the dung of beasts, especially of Cows
and Oxen, and also of Horses mixed with a great quantity of
straw, and having lyen a long while to rot and incorporate
well together: Whereof, as of a matter every where known
and usuall, it is needless to speak further.
Only thus much seemeth good to us not to pass over in
silence, that if Sheep here, as in other countries, were housed
and kept up in stables for any long time together, their excre-
ments would make better dung, than that of any other four-
footed creatures. For the land on which sheep have fed for
two or three yeares together, or longer, is so greatly enriched
thereby, that when it commeth to be plowed, it bringeth a
much fairer and plentifuller crop, than if from the beginning
it had been made Arable, and dunged after the ordinary man-
Wherefore also great Sheep-masters may set their land,
where the sheep have been feeding some yeares together, as
dear again by the Acre, than what at the first they could have
got for it of any body.
ner.
Wherefore also it is an usuall thing in Ireland, as well as in
England, to drive the sheep upon the Fallow, and to keep
them there untill all the herbs which may minister any food.
unto the Sheep be by them consumed; which doth the ground
79
a
80
Chap. 11.
Irelands Naturall History.
a great deal of good, and giveth it heart to bring afterwards
the better increase. And the same also helpeth greatly for to
make good grass grow upon the Arable, when the same is
turned into Pasture and Meddow; a thing ordinarily used in
sundry parts of Ireland, and many times necessary for to keep
the lands in heart: For ground being plowed, and the Sheep
driven thither as soon as any herbs grow upon it, they do not
only consume the Thistles, and other useless herbs, but cause
good grass to grow up in lieu thereof, and that speedily. For
in all places where their dung lighteth, of the best and sweet-
est sorts of grass do grow, and that within the first year, which
otherwise would not have come in much longer time, and that
nothing near so good generally.
Sect. 3. An useful observation about Cows-dung.
There is notable difference betwixt Sheeps-dung and that
of other cattell, as in the goodness and richness it self, so in
the particular last mentioned by them. For that of Oxen and
Cows, is no wayes fit for dunging untill it is grown old, and
hath lyen a soaking with straw a great while: dayly experi-
ence shewing in Ireland, as in England and other countries,
that in those places of the pastures where the fresh Cow-dung
falleth and remaineth, the grass the next year doth grow rank-
er and higher than in the rest of the same fields, but so soure
and unpleasing, that the beasts will not offer to touch it; so as
ordinarily you shall see these tufts of grass standing whole and
undiminished in the mist of pastures, that every where else are
eaten bare and to the very ground. The which as in part it.
may be imputed to the quantity of the dung, the which being
greater than the earth can well digest, and conveniently unite
with it self, cannot be turned into so good and sweet nourish-
ment; so doth it also without doubt come in part through the
very nature of the dung, the which of it self, and without a
long preparation and alteration, is not so fit to nourish the
ground, as that of sheep.
Sect. 4. Of Pigeons-dung.
Pigeons-dung also is very convenient for the improvement
+
80
of
Chap. 11.
81
Irelands Naturall History.
of the ground; and I know some in Ireland, who having tryed
that, have found a wonderfull deal of good in it, incomparably
more than in that of any four-footed beasts, and of Sheep them-
selves. But the Pigeon-houses no where in Ireland being so
big as to afford any considerable quantity, and never having
heard of any body there who could dung more than an Acre
or two with all the Pigeons-dung which had been gathering the
space of a whole twelve-moneth, it cannot well be reckoned
among the common sorts.
Sect. 5. Of Ashes and Mud.
Besides the dung of Beasts there are usuall in Ireland, or
were before this Rebellion, five or six other sorts for to Manure
and Improve the ground, whereof some are as good as the
dung consisting of the excrements of beasts, and others do far
surpass it. One of these sorts is Ashes, and Mud another.
As for the first, I have understood of Englishmen, who had
lived many years in Ireland, and all that while had exercised
Husbandry, that they had used to gather all their Ashes of
their hearths, bake-houses, and brew-houses, being wood ashes,
and to lay them of a heap somewhere in the open air, from
whence at convenient times they would carry them upon their
grounds, and there spread them in the same manner as other
dung, but nothing near in so great a quantity; wherein they
affirmed to have found as much and more good than in any
dung of beasts.
And I know severall other English, who living in Ireland,
did use to take the scouring of their ditches, together with
other Mud digged out of the Bogs, and having let it lye a
good while a rotting in great heaps, did afterwards carry it
upon their lands in lieu of dung: the which they found very
good and usefull for that purpose.
These two sorts were never yet brought into common use,
but only practised by some few persons, especially that of the
Ashes, although in other Countries they have been known long
since; so as Pliny, who lived about fifteen hundred yeares ago,
writeth in the ninth Chapter of the seventeenth Book of his
Natural History, that in his time in that part of Italy which
F
81
is
82
Chap. 11.
Irelands Naturall History.
is situated between the. Alpes and the River Po (comprehend-
ing those Countries which now are known by the names of
Piemont and Lombardy) ashes were more used and com-
mended for the manuring of the grounds, than the dung of
beasts.
As concerning the burning of the Heath, and other dry herbs
standing upon the ground, for to manure the land with the
ashes thereof, that not properly belonging to this place, shall
be spoke of more at large in some of the ensuing Chapters.
Sect. 6. Of Lime.
The English living in Queenes-county in Leinster, having
seen that in sundry parts of England and Wales, especially in
Pembrookshire, Lime was used by the inhabitants for the ma-
nuring and inriching of their grounds, begun some yeares since
to practise the same, and found themselves so well thereby,
that in a short time the use thereof grew very common amongst
them, so as many of them ever after used no other kind of
dung.
The manner of it was thus. Having first plowed their fields,
they carryed the Lime on them, and layd it in many small
heaps, leaving a convenient distance between, in the same
manner as useth to be done with the dung of beasts; and
having let them lye for some moneths, they plowed the land
again to convey the Lime into the ground.
This made it so rich, that in a great while after nothing else
needed to be done to it, but to let the land at a certain revo-
lution of time lye Fallow, no other manuring at all being re-
quisite for some yeares after: and all that while the land was
very fruitfull, more than it could have been made with any
ordinary dung, and very free of all sorts of bad herbs and
weeds (especially for the first yeares) bringing corn with
much thinner husks than that growing upon other lands.
They found that the Lime carryed upon the land hot out of
the Kiln, did more good in all the fore-mentioned particulars,
than when they let it grow cold first. And this they could.
do very easily, because Lime-stone is very plentifull in that
County, especially in the Town of Monrath, where there is a
82
whole
Chap. 11.
83
Irelands Naturall History.
whole hill of that stone, of that bigness, that if all the adjacent
Country did continually fetch it from thence for the forenamed
use, it would for ever hold out sufficiently.
The Land thus manured and improved by Lime, shewed its
fruitfulness not only in the following yeares, but even in the
first, except the Lime had been layd on in undue proportion,
and in greater quantity than was requisite; for in that case the
Lime burnt the corn, and the first yeares Crop was thereby
spoyled.
In some places where the land was not cold and moyst
enough to be able to endure meer Lime, they mixed the Lime
with earth digged out of pits, and let that stuff lye a mellow-
ing in great heaps for some moneths together, and afterwards
carried it on the land, and manured that therewith.
Sect. 7. A remarkable history concerning the Excellencie
of Lime for the inricheng of the ground.
How incredibly the land was inriched by this kind of
manuring, may be gathered by the ensuing particular, the
whole Lordship of Monrath was thirty yeares agoe set by
one Mr. Downings (whose it was, and who afterwards sold it
to Sir Charles Coot) for fifty pounds sterling by the year, and
nevertheless after a while the Farmers surrendred it unto him,
complaining that they could not live by it but were quite
impoverished: whereas they who farmed it next after them
(being people newly come out of England) and gave an
hundred and fifty pounds a year sterling for it, did not only
live very freely upon it, yea grew rich and wealthie, but
withal did so far forth improve the land, partly indeed with
building, planting, hedging, and the like, but chiefly by this
kind of manuring, that at the time when this last horrible
rebellion broke forth, the same Lordship, if it had been to
let out then, might have been let for five hundred pounds
sterling a year: as it hath been assured me by some, who
themselves had been farmers of that land.
F 2
83
Sect. 8.
84
Chap. 11.
Irelands Naturall History.
Sect. 8. Another history, showing the efficacy of Lime in
this particular.
Before we give over this discours of Lime, we shall adde
to what hath been said already, that in some other parts of
Ireland, where this manuring with Lime was not used nor
known, the vertue of Lime in this particular hath been found
out by meer chance. For some persons known to me, who
lived but a few miles from Dublin, having understood that
the crowes (wherewith they were much plagued, and who
did use to make very great spoil of their grains) would not
touch the corn wherewith the Lime was mixed, did cause
unslaked Lime to be mingled with water, making it as thinne
as if it had been for the whitening of walls, and very well
besprinkled the corn therewith, before it was carried to the
fields to be sown, and that after this manner, the corn lying
on a heap, one turned it with both hands, whilest another
sprinkled on the fore-said stuff, doing so until the whole heap
was thoroughly besprinkled; at other times they mingled
dry Lime with the corn, and afterwards besprinkled the
whole heap with fair water through and through, for the same
purpose, and hereby they did not only obtain the aforesaid
end, of preserving the corn from the crowes, but had thereby
a fairer and better crop, than ever before their land had
produced.
Sect. 9. Of Sea-sand.
Lime is much used in the province of Munster, as in other
parts of Ireland, so for to manure the ground withal, where
the sea-sand likewise is greatly used to the same end, not only
in places lying on the sea-side, but even ten, twelve, and
fifteen miles into the land, whither it was carried in some
places by boats, and in others upon carts, the charges being
sufficiently recompensed by the profit comming from it. For
they used it for the most part only upon very poor land, con-
sisting of cold clay, and that above half a foot deep: which
land having been three or four times plowed and harrowed
(in the same manner as is usuall to be done with fallow) the
84
sand
Chap. 11. Irelands Naturall History.
85
sand is strawed all over very thinly, a little before the sowing
time: the which being done, that land bringeth very good
corn of all sorts, not only Rye and Oates, but even Barley
and Wheat, three yeares one after another; and having lyen
fallow the fourth year, for many yeares after it produceth very
clean and sweet grass; whereas formerly, and before it was
thus manured, it produced nothing but moss, heath, and
short low furze: which herbs are fired upon the ground, and
the ground stubbed, before it be plowed the first time.
It is not any peculiar sort of sea-sand, nor out of any par-
ticular places, which is used for this purpose, but that which
every where lyeth on the strands. And this manner of
manuring the land with sea-sand is very common in the two
most Westerly Shires of England, Cornwall, and Devonshire,
from whence those, who first practised it in. Ireland, seem to
have learned it.
Sect. 10. Of Brine or Pickle.
The goodness of the sea-sand consisteth chiefly in its Salt-
ness, for which reason pickle itself is very good for this pur-
pose: it being very well known to severall English dwelling
about the Band and Colraine, that were Farmers of the
Salmon-fishing there, who used every year carefully to keep
the foul pickle, comming of the Salmons at their repacking;
and having powred it among the ordinary dung of cattle and
straw they did let them lye a good while a mellowing together.
Hereby it was greatly strengthened and enriched, so that the
land being dunged with it, did bear much better and richer
crops than that which was manured only with common dung
without the mixture of it.
85
CHAP. XII.
86
Chap. 12.
Irelands Naturall History.
CHAP. XII.
Sect. 1. Of the Marle in Ireland, and the manner of
Marling the land there.
ARLE is a certain sort of fat and clayish stuff, being
MAR
as the grease of the earth; it hath from antient times
been greatly used for manuring of land both in France and
England, as may appear out of Pliny in the sixth, seventh,
and eighth Chapters of his seventeenth Book. The same also
is still very usuall in sundry parts of England, being of an
incomparable goodness: The which caused the English, who,
out of some of those places where Marle was used, were
come to live in Ireland, to make diligent search for it, and
that with good success at last; it having been found out by
them within these few yeares, in severall places; first in the
Kings-county, not far from the Shanon, where being of a
gray colour, it is digged out of the Bogs; and in the County
of Wexford, where the use of it was grown very common
before this Rebellion, especially in the parts lying near the
sea; where it stood them in very good steed, the land of it
self being nothing fruitfull. For although the ground (for
the most part) is a good black earth, yet the same being but
one foot deep, and having underneath a crust of stiff yellow
clay of half a foot, is thereby greatly impaired in its own
goodness. In this depth of a foot and a half next under the
clay, lyeth the Marle, the which reacheth so far downwards,
that yet no where they are come to the bottom of it. It is
of a blew colour, and very fat (which as in other ground, so
in this, is chiefly perceived when it is wet) but brittle and
dusty when it is dry.
Sect. 2. The manner, charges, and profit of Marling
the ground.
The Marle is layed upon the land in heaps, by some before it
is plowed, by others after, many letting it lye severall moneths
ere they plow it again, that the Rain may equally divide and.
mixe it; the Sun, Moon, and Air mellow and incorporate it
with
86
Chap. 12.
87
Irelands Naturall History.
with the earth. One thousand cart-loads of this goeth to one
English acre of ground; it being very chargeable, for even
to those who dig it out of their own ground, so as they are
at no other expences but the hire of the labourers, every
acre cometh to stand in three pounds sterling. But these
great expences are sufficiently recompenced by the great
fruitfulness which it causeth, being such, as may seem incre-
dible; for the Marled-land, even the very first year, fully
quitteth all the cost bestowed on it. There besides it is suf
ficient once to marle, whereas the ordinary dunging must be
renewed oftentimes.
Sect. 3. The usage of the Marled-land, practised by
them of the County of Wexford.
The good usage of the Marled-land, to keep it in heart for
ever after, doth consist, in the opinion and practice of some,
in letting it lye Fallow at convenient times, but the ordinary
manner, commonly practised by the inhabitants of the County
of Wexford, and counted the best by them, is, that having
sowed it five or six yeares together, with the richest sorts of
Corn, to wit, Wheat and Barley (especially that sort which
in some parts of England, and generally in Ireland, is pecu-
liarly called Bear, being a much richer Grain than the ordi-
nary Barley) it being afterwards turned to Pasture, whereunto
it is very fit, forasmuch as it bringeth very sweet grass in
great abundance: For the Marle is also used on Meddows at
the first, with very good success, improving the same most
wonderfully.
If the Marled-land be thus used, and by turns kept under
Corn, and Grass, it keeps its fruitfulness for ever; where to
the contrary, if year after year it be sowed till the heart be
drawn out, it's quite spoyled, so as afterwards it is not possi-
ble to bring it again to any passable condition by any kind of
dunging, or marling. This would ordinarily be done in the
space of ten yeares; for so long together the Marled-land may
be sowed, and bring every year a rich crop of the best Corn.
Nevertheless this is not generall, but taketh place only in
the worser kind of ground; for where the land of it self is
better
87
88
Chap. 12.
Irelands Naturall History.
better and richer, there after Marling, Wheat and other Corn
may be sowed, not only for ten yeares together, but longer:
for very credible persons have assured me, that some parts of
the County of Wexford having borne very good Corn for
thirteen yeares together, and afterwards being turned to pas-
ture, it was as good and fertile as other Marled-grounds that
had been under Corn but five or six yeares.
Sect. 4. Of the Marle in Connaught.
The Province of Connaught (by what hath been discovered)
is much more plentifull in Marle, than Leinster, as in other
Counties, so in those of Roscomen, Sleigo, and Galloway,
almost in every part of it. It is there of three severall colours,
some being white as chalk, other gray, and some black; but
none blew, as that in the County of Wexford. It lyeth
nothing deep under the upper-ground, or surface of the earth,
commonly not above half a foot; but its own depth is so great,
that never any body yet digged to the bottom of it.
The land which they intend to marle in this Province, is
commonly plowed in the beginning of May, and lying five or
six weeks (until it be sufficiently dryed and mellowed by the
Sun and Wind) they harrow it, and then having brought the
Marle upon it, five or six weeks after it is plowed again, and
a third time about September: After which third plowing
they sow it with Wheat or Barley, whereof they have a very
rich crop the next year.
Sect. 5. Property and usage of the Marled-lands in
Connaught.
Land Marled in that manner as we have said, may be
sowed ten or twelve yeares together; the first eight or nine
with Wheat, and Bear, or Barley, and the remaining three or
four yeares with Oates, afterwards the land is turned to pas-
ture, and having served some yeares in that kind, it may be
Marled anew, and made as good for Corn as at the first.
For the observation of those of the County of Wexford,
that land may not be Marled more than once, doth not take
place in Connaught, where it is an ordinary thing, having
88
some
Chap. 13.
89
Irelands Naturall History.
some space of yeares to make it again. I know some Gentle-
men who have caused some parcels of land to be Marled
thrice in the space of twenty yeares, and have found very
good profit by it. But whether this be caused by the differ-
ence of the ground and Marle (appearing also hereby, that in
Connaught they scarce lay the fourth part of the quantity of
Marle on the ground of what they do in the County of Wex-
ford) or by the carelessness or want of experience of those of
that County, I am not yet fully informed. But thus much
is known as well in Connaught as other parts, that those who
sow the Marled-land until it can bear no more, and be quite
out of heart, will find it exceeding difficult, if not altogether
impossible ever to amend or improve the same again by any
means whatsoever.
CHAP. XIII.
Of the Heaths and Moores, or Bogs in Ireland.
Sect. 1. Of the Moory, or Boggy Heaths.
AVING spoke of the fruitfull lands of Ireland, it
HA
followeth that we treat of those which are neither
fit for the bringing of Corn, or feeding of Cattell; some being
such for want of good soil, and others through superfluous
moysture.
Of the first sort are those places where the ground consist-
ing of meer rock, sand, or earth, naturally unfruitfull hath
no good mould at the top sufficient for Corn or Grass to root,
and to draw convenient nourishment out of it, the ground
being bare, or over-grown with only Moss, Heath, Furze,
Brakes, Thorns, Rushes, and the like.
The places whose ground is bare, are nothing frequent,
nor of any great bigness in Ireland, and rather on the sea-
side than within the land. But the other are very common
throughout the whole Kingdom, not only in the Mountains
(many whereof do for the most part consist of nothing else)
but also in the Hilly quarters, the Plain-countries, and in
many places of great extent, taking up some miles in length
89
and
90
Chap. 13.
Irelands Naturall History.
and breadth. Most of these Wastes in the Plain-countries
and Valleys, as also some on the Mountains and Hills, are
Moory and Boggy, fit for to dig Turf out, to the great com-
modity of the inhabitants, in places where other fuel is want-
ing. So that these parts of Land, although barren and pro-
ducing no kind of thing for the food of man or beasts, may
not be reckoned in the number of those which are altogether
unprofitable, being of good use in the parts far distant from the
Sea, where they can have no Sea-coals, and where woods are
wanting, nor well live. Some of these dry, or red Bogs, as
commonly they are called (the first, in comparison of those
whereof presently shall be spoken, the other, because the earth
in them for the most part is reddish, and over-grown with
Moss of the same colour) are in some parts of a vast extent;
instance that by the Shanon-side, beginning hard by Atlone,
and following the course of the River down towards Limme-
rick, which being two or three miles broad in most parts, is
said to be upwards of fifty miles in length.
Sect. 2. Of the dry Heaths.
There are some dry Heaths in Ireland, for the most part
on the Mountains, and very few in the plain countries; to the
contrary of England, where, as well as in Netherland, Ger-
many, and other countries, those Heaths on plain ground are
very common in sundrie parts of the land, and many of them
of a great extent, having very many miles in compass; and
where any such dry Heaths are in Ireland, the land for the
most part is not altogether barren, but grassy between and
at the bottome of the Heath; so as the Heath being burnt (a
thing much used in Ireland both by the English and Irish)
the land bringeth reasonable good and sweet grass, fit for
sheep to feed on; and with a little extraordinary labour and
costs brought to bear corn.
Others of these Heaths are grassy, having the grass grow-
ing not all over among the Heath, but in spaces by it self: as
upon the Heath between the Town of Kildare and the Liffie;
which is famous over all Ireland by the name of the Currough
of Kildare, being a hilly ground, at its highest neer the said
90
town,
Chap. 13.
91
Irelands Naturall History.
town, from thence towards the Liffie descending by degrees,
about three miles long, and two or three broad, divided into
rowes, of heath and grass; which being of no great breadth,
and many in number, do lye by the side one of another
throughout the whole earth, each of those rowes extending
it self in length from the one end of the Currough to the
other, the rowes of Heath are about a stone cast over in some
places, in some more, in others less: but those of grass a good
deal narrower than the others, being always alike green and
dry, in the winter as well as the summer, and clothed with
short grass, but very sweet and good, very convenient for
sheep to feed on; of the which always in time of peace, a
very great number is grazing here, the whole Currough
being a Commons.
Sect. 3. Of the wet Bogs.
The places barren through superfluous moysture, are Bogs
called by the Irish Moores, whereof Ireland is full. There
is three or four different sorts of them; grassy, watery,
muddy, and hassocky, as appeareth more largely by the fol-
lowing description. But the English Irish have given the
name of Bogs, not only to the wet, of which we are now to
treat, but as well to the turf moores of all sorts, not except-
ing the red bog, which in most places is firm enough to bear
a man, or unshod nagge going over it, but is not for any
great weight. But we shall in the following chapters speak
in order of the four sorts of wet bogs, which above we have
mentioned, and afterwards in its due place treat of the turf
and red moores, as occasion shall require.
Sect. 4. Of the Grassy Bogs.
The grassy Bogs are all over covered with grass, looking
fair and pleasant, as if they were dry ground and goodly
meddows; whereby many, who not knowing the nature of
those places, and because of the greenness suspecting no
evill, go into them to their great trouble, and many times to
the extreme danger of their lives, for the earth being very
spungy can bear no weight, but as well men as beasts, as soon
as
91
92
Chap. 13.
Irelands Naturall History.
as they set foot on it do sink to the ground, some knee deep,
others to the wast, and many over head and ears: for all or
most Bogs in Ireland having underneath a hard and firm
gravell are not of an equal depth, which in some is only of
two or three feet, in others five, six or more, insomuch that
those who fall into the deepest places of these bogs, can
hardly escape, but for the most part do perish, being pitifully
smothered.
لامية
Some of these Bogs do so dry up in the summer that they
may be passed without danger; the which in particular falleth
out in the great Mountains in Munster in the County of Kerry,
called Slew-Logher, upon which all kind of cattell do grase
the summer long being every where full of good and sweet
grass, knee deep in most places; whereof not the tenth part
being eaten (for if all the cattell of that Province were driven
thither and left all the summer upon the place it would hardly
be consumed) the rest is spoyled when the wet weather
commeth in, and stayeth the rain-water from descending;
through which the ground rotteth in that manner, that all
winter long it is unpassable for men and beasts.
But the deepest Bogs are unpassable in the summer as well
as in the winter, yet most of them have firm places, in narrow
paths, and in some larger parcels; by the meanes whereof
those, unto whom they are known, can cross them from one
side to another, where others who are not used to them do
not know in what part to set one step; in which nimble
trick, called commonly treading of the Bogs, most Irish
are very expert, as having been trained up in it from their
infancy.
The firm places in passing, or but lightly shaking them,
tremble for a great way, which hath given them the name of
Shaking-Bogs; and where they are but of a small compass,
Quagmires.
Sect. 5. Of the Watery-Bogs, and of the Miry-Bogs.
The Watery-bogs are likewise clothed with Grass, but the
water doth not sink altogether into them, as into the former,
but remaineth in part standing on the top (in the same
92
manner
i
Chap. 13.
93
Irelands Naturall History.
manner as in some of the Grassy-bogs, and in all the low
Pastures and Meddows of Holland) by reason whereof these
Bogs are not dangerous; for every one at the first sight may
easily discern them from the firm ground.
These two sorts are in many parts found apart, and in
others mixed and interlaced; and likewise parcels both of the
one and the other are found up and down in the Moory-
heaths and Red-bogs.
Both these sorts, as well the Watery as the Green-bogs,
yeeld for the most part very good Turf, much better than
the Red-bogs, whereof more shall be spoken hereafter.
The Miry-bogs do consist of meer mud and mire, with
very little or no grass upon them. These are commonly of a
very small compass, whereas most part of the other two are
of a notable extent, and some of severall miles in length and
breadth.
Sect. 6. Of the Hassocky-Bogs.
Hassocky-bogs we call those, whose ground being miry
and muddy is covered over with water a foot or two deep, in
some places more, in others less; so as one would sooner take
them for Loughs, were it not that they are very thick over-
spread with little Tufts or Ilets, the which consisting of reeds,
rushes, high sower grass, and sometimes with little shrubs,
the most part are very small, and have but a few feet in com-
pass; some of them being of the bigness of a reasonable big
chamber. These little Islets or Tufts being so many in num-
ber, and spread over all the Bog, there remaineth nothing
between them but great plashes of water (in regard whereof
these Bogs might well be called Plashy-bogs) in some places
wider, in others narrower, so as from the one men may well
step or leap to the other; that which those who are expert
in it know how to do very nimble, and so to run from one
part of the Bog to another: For the roots of the Rushes,
Reeds, and other things growing on those Tufts, are so inter-
woven, that they can easily bear a man who lightly treadeth
upon them, although they have very little earth, and are
wondrous spongy; so as they, when the water being drained,
93
the
94
Chap. 14.
Irelands Naturall History.
the bog is dried round about, may easily be plucked from the
ground.
The English inhabiting in Ireland have given these Tufts
the name of Hassocks, and this sort of Bogs, Hassocky-
bogs: Of which Bogs Munster and other Provinces are not
altogether free, but most of them are found in Leinster,
especially in Kings and Queenes-county, where also the other
sorts of Bogs are very common; whereas otherwise Con-
naught is generally fuller of Bogs than any of the other
Provinces.
CHAP. XIV.
Originall of the Bogs in Ireland; and the manner of Drain-
ing them practised there by the English Inhabitants.
Sect. 1. Of the originall of Bogs in this Countrie.
VE
ERY few of the Wet-bogs in Ireland are such by any
naturall property, or primitive constitution, but
through the superfluous moysture that in length of time
hath been gathered therein, whether it have its originall
within the place itself, or be come thither from without. The
first of these two cases taketh place in the most part of the
Grassy-bogs, which ordinarily are occasioned by Springs;
the which arising in great number out of some parcel of
ground, and finding no issue, do by degrees soak through,
and bring it to that rottenness and spunginess, which never-
theless is not a little increased through the rain-water com-
ming to that of the Springs.
But the two other sorts, viz. the watery and Hassocky-bogs,
are in some places caused by the rain-water only, as in others
through brooks and rivelets running into them, and in some
through both together; whereunto many times also commeth
the cause of the Grassy-bogs, to wit, the store of Springs.
within the very ground: and all this in places, where or
through the situation of them, and by reason of their even
plainness or hollowness, or through some other impediment,
1
94
the
Chap. 14.
95
Irelands Naturall History.
;
the water hath no free passage away, but remaineth within
them, and so by degrees turneth them into Bogs.
Sect. 2. Retchlesness of the Irish, cause of most of the
Bogs. Of trees found in Bogs.
So that it may easily be comprehended, that whoso could
drain the water, and for the future prevent the gathering
thereof, might reduce most of the Bogs in Ireland to firm
land, and preserve them in that condition. But this hath
never been known to the Irish, or if it was, they never went
about it, but to the contrarie let daily more and more of their
good land grow boggy through their carelessness, whereby
also most of the Bogs at first were caused.
This being otherwise evident enough, may further be con-
firmed by the whole bodies of trees, which ordinarily are
found by the turf diggers very deep in the ground, as well
of other trees, as of hasels: likewise they meet sometimes
with the very nuts themselves in great quantity, the which
looking very fair and whole at the outside, as if they came
but newly from the tree, have no kernell within the same,
through the great length of time being consumed and turned
into filth.
And it is worthie of observation, that trees, and truncks of
trees, are in this manner found not only in the Wet-bogs, but
even in the heathy ones or Red-bogs, as by name in that by
the Shanon-side, whereof hath been spoken above: in which
bog the turf diggers many times do find whole Firr-trees deep
in the ground; whether it be that those trees, being fallen,
are by degrees sunk deeper and deeper (the earth of that
Bog almost every where being very loose and spungy, as
it is in all such Bogs) or that the earth in length of time be
grown over them.
Sect. 3. Draining of the Bogs practised by the English
in Ireland.
But as the Irish have been extreme careless in this, so the
English, introducers of all good things, in Ireland (for which
that brutish nation from time to time hath rewarded them
95
with
96
Chap. 14.
Irelands Naturall History.
with unthankfulness, hatred, and envy, and lately with a
horrible and bloody conspiracie, tending to their utter destruc-
tion) have set their industrie at work for to remedy it, and
having considered the nature of the Bogs, and how possible
it was to reduce many of them unto good land, did some
yeares since begin to go about it all over the land, and that
with very good success; so as I know Gentlemen, who turned
into firm land three or four hundred acres of Bog, and in
case that this detestable rebellion had not come between, in a
few yeares there would scarce have been left one acre of Bog,
of what was in the lands and possession of the English; ex-
cept only those places whose situation is altogether repugnant
to draining, because that the water either through the hollow-
ness of the place, as in the inclosed valleys and deep dales
between the hills and mountains, or through the too great
evenness and plainness of the ground not inclining to any one
part more than another, cannot be drawn away at all; and
except such parcels as needs must have been kept for turf,
and Red bogs who are very unfit for draining, for the trenches
being made, the earth on both sides will sink into them again,
and choak them up.
Sect. 4. Profit reaped by the draining of Bogs.
This draining of the Bogs as it tended not a little to the
generall good of the whole land, by amending the Air
(whereof we shall have occasion to say more in some other
place) and otherwise, so it brought great profit unto the
Authors, for the land or soil of the Bogs, being in most places
good of itself, and there besides greatly enriched by the lying
still and the soaking in of the water for the space of so many
yeares, the same being drayned through the draining of the
water, is found to be very fit either to have corn sowed upon,
or to be turned into pastures; making also excellent med-
dows so as those, who have tried that, do affirm, that the
meddows gained out of the Bogs might be compared with the
very best of their other meddows, yea many times surpassed
the same in goodness: and this took place chiefly in the
Grassy bogs or Shaking bogs, whose fruitfulness in this
96
particular,
Chap. 14.
97
Irelands Naturall History.
:
particular, and in the plentifull production of very sweet
and deep grass, after the draining off the water, was very
wonderfull; and all this without any other trouble or costs
bestowed upon these meddows, than that they dunged them
the first year, to warm them the better and the sooner, and
more thoroughly to amend the remainders of that coldness
and rawness contracted through that long and constant con-
tinuance of the water upon them; after which once dung-
ing, afterwards for a good many yeares nothing else needed
to be done to them.
Sect. 5. Manner of draining the Bogs.
This draining of the Bogs was performed in the manner
following. On that side of the Bog, where the ground was
somewhat sloping, they cut a broad deep Trench, beginning it
in the firm ground, and advancing it unto the entrance of the
Bog, into which Trench the water would sink out of the next
parts of the Bog in great abundance, and that many times so
suddenly, as if a great sluice had been opened, so as the
labourers were constrained to run out of it with all speed, lest
the force of the water should overwhelm and carry them
away. Some part of the Bog being by this means grown
reasonable dry within a short space of time, opportunity
thereby was ministred to advance the Trench further into
the Bog; and so by little and little they went on with it
untill at last they carryed it quite across the Bog, from the
one side to the other: and having done this, they made a
great many lesser Trenches out of the main one, on both
sides of the same; the which bringing the water from all the
parts of the Bog unto the main Trench, did in a little while
empty the Bog of all its superfluous moysture, and turn it
into good and firm ground.
Sect. 6. Observation about the falling and settling of
the Bogs at their draining.
The green or Grassy bogs, the which having all their moys-
ture and water inwardly, are thereby wonderfully swelled
and puft up, use by means of this draining to fall very much,
G
97
and
98
Chap. 15.
Irelands Naturall History.
and to grow a great deal lower, and that not only apparently,
so that the ground which before the draining was five or six
feet high, commeth at last to be not above two or three feet
high; but sometimes also suddenly, and within the space of
four and twenty, or eight and forty houres; whereas ordi-
narily that useth to come to pass in greater length of time;
and although the ground by falling in this manner, may seem
thereby to have been subject to return to its former boggy
condition on the least occasion; nevertheless there was no
danger of that, as long as the Trenches were kept open, and
thereby the passage kept free for the water, which from time
to time would from all parts of the drained Bog be sinking
into them. This water, as at the first draining, so ever after,
was by the main Trench carryed unto some Brook, River or
Lough, according as one or other of them was next at hand,
and the situation of the land would give opportunity.
A
CHAP. XV.
Of the Woods in Ireland.
Sect. 1. Woods in Ireland are reckoned among the
barren lands, and the reason thereof.
MONGST the barren parts of Ireland the Woods must
also be counted, according to the usuall division of
the lands of that Kingdom, whereby reckoning for fruitfull
only the Meddows, Arable-grounds, and Pastures, they count
all the rest for barren, comprehending them under these three
generall heads, Bogs, Barren-mountains, and Woods. Which
division as it is in the mouth of all them that have any insight
into the matters of that Land, and do, or have lived there, so
it is further confirmed by a number of Writings and Monu-
ments, both of antienter times, and late ones, in the which it is
very common and familiar: as for instance may appear by
those severall Acts, which since this last Rebellion of the Irish
have been made by the Parliament of England in the behalf
of the Adventurers who have layd out their monyes for the
reconquering of the revolted parts of that Kingdom.
98
For
Chap. 15. Irelands Naturall History.
99
For although the land which the Woods do take up, is in
it self very good in most places, and apt to bear both Corn
and Grass plentifully (whereof more shall be said by and by)
yet as long as the Woods remain standing, it is unfit not only
to be made either Arable or Meddow (as in itself is most
evident) but even for Pasture, by reason of the overmuch
moysture, the roots of the trees staying the rain-water, so as
it hath not the liberty to pass away readily, and their
stems and branches hindering the free access of the Wind
and Sun, whereunto commeth in many parts the grounds
own wateriness, occasioned by Springs there arising, and by
its situation apt for the gathering and keeping of water, which
maketh them for the most part so muddy and boggy, that
cattell cannot conveniently feed in them.
Sect. 2. Woods much diminished in Ireland since the
first comming in of the English.
In antient times, and as long as the land was in the full pos-
session of the Irish themselves, all Ireland was very full of
Woods on every side, as evidently appeareth by the writings
of Giraldus Cambrensis, who came into Ireland upon the
first Conquest, in the company of Henry the Second, King of
England, in the year of our Saviour eleven hundred seventy
and one. But the English having settled themselves in the
land, did by degrees greatly diminish the Woods in all the
places where they were masters, partly to deprive the Theeves
and Rogues, who used to lurk in the Woods in great num-
bers, of their refuge and starting-holes, and partly to gain
the greater scope of profitable lands. For the trees being
cut down, the roots stubbed up, and the land used and tilled
according to exigency, the Woods in most part of Ireland
may be reduced not only to very good Pastures, but also to
excellent Arable and Meddow.
Through these two causes it is come to pass in the space of
many yeares, yea of some ages, that a great part of the Woods,
which the English found in Ireland at their first arrival there,
are quite destroyed, so as nothing at all remaineth of them at
this time.
G 2
99
Sect. 3.
100
Chap. 15.
Irelands Naturall History.
Sect. 3. Diminishing of the Woods during the last
Peace.
And even since the subduing of the last great Rebellion of
the Irish before this, under the conduct of the Earl of Tirone
(overthrown in the last yeares of Queen Elizabeth by her
Viceroy Sir Charles Blunt, Lord Mountjoy, and afterwards
Earl of Devonshire) and during this last Peace of about forty
yeares (the longest that Ireland ever enjoyed, both before
and since the comming in of the English) the remaining
woods have very much been diminished, and in sundry places
quite destroyed, partly for the reason last mentioned, and
partly for the wood and timber it self, not for the ordinary
uses of building and firing (the which ever having been a-
foot, are not very considerable in regard of what now we
speak of) but to make merchandise of, and for the making of
Charcoal for the Iron works. As for the first, I have not heard
that great timber hath ever been used to be sent out of Ire-
land in any great quantity, nor in any ordinary way of
Traffick; but only Pipe-staves, and the like, of which good
store hath been used to be made, and sent out of the land,
even in former times, but never in that vast quantity, nor so
constantly as of late years, and during the last Peace, wherein
it was grown one of the ordinary merchandable commodities
of the countrie, so as a mighty Trade was driven in them,
and whole ship-loads sent into forrein countries yearly;
which as it brought great profit to the proprietaries, so the
felling of so many thousands of trees every year as were
employed that way, did make a great destruction of the
Woods in tract of time. As for the Charcoal, it is incredible
what quantity thereof is consumed by one Iron-work in a
year; and whereas there was never an Iron-work in Ireland
before, there hath been a very great number of them erected
since the last Peace in sundrie parts of every Province: the
which to furnish constantly with Charcoales, it was necessary
from time to time to fell an infinite number of trees, all the
lopings and windfals being not sufficient for it in the least
manner.
100
Sect. 4.
Chap. 15.
101
Irelands Naturall History.
Sect. 4. Great part of Ireland very bare of Woods at
this time.
Through the aforesayd causes Ireland hath been made so
bare of Woods in many parts, that the inhabitants do not
only want wood for firing (being therefore constrained to
make shift with turf, or sea-coal, where they are not too far
from the sea) but even timber for building, so as they are
necessitated to fetch it a good way off, to their great charges,
especially in places where it must be brought by land: And
in some parts you may travell whole dayes long without seeing
any woods or trees except a few about Gentlemens houses;
as namely from Dublin, and from places that are some miles
further to the South of it, to Tredagh, Dundalke, the Nurie,
and as far as Dremore; in which whole extent of land, being
above threescore miles, one doth not come neer any woods
worth the speaking of, and in some parts thereof you shall
not see so much as one tree in many miles. For the great
Woods which the Maps do represent unto us upon the Moun-
tains between Dundalke and the Nurie, are quite vanished,
there being nothing left of them these many yeares since, but
one only tree, standing close by the highway, at the very top
of one of the Mountains, so as it may be seen a great way off,
and therefore serveth travellers for a mark.
Sect. 5. Many great Woods still left in Ireland.
Yet notwithstanding the great destruction of the Woods in
Ireland, occasioned by the aforesayd causes, there are still
sundry great Woods remaining, and that not only in the
other Provinces, but even in Leinster it self. For the County
of Wickloe, Kings-county, and Queens-county, all three in
that Province, are throughout full of Woods, some whereof
are many miles long and broad. And part of the Counties
of Wexford and Carlo are likewise greatly furnished with
them.
In Ulster there be great Forests in the County of Done-
ghall, and in the North part of Tirone, in the Country called
Glankankin. Also in the County of Fermanagh, along
Lough-Earn;
101
102
Chap. 16.
Irelands Naturall History.
Lough-Earn; in the County of Antrim; and in the North-
part of the County of Down; in the two Countries called
Killulta and Kilwarlin; besides severall other lesser Woods
in sundrie parts of that Province. But the County of Louth,
and far the greatest part of the Counties of Down, Armagh,
Monaghan, and Cavan (all in the same Province of Ulster)
are almost every where bare, not only of Woods, but of all
sorts of Trees, even in places which in the beginning of this
present Age, in the War with Tirone, were encumbred with
great and thick Forests.
In Munster where the English, especially the Earl of Cork,
have made great havock of the Woods during the last Peace,
there be still sundrie great Forests remaining in the Counties
of Kerry, and of Tipperary; and even in the County of Cork,
where the greatest destruction thereof hath bin made, some
great Woods are yet remaining, there being also store of
scattered Woods both in that County, and all the Province
over.
Connaught is well stored with trees in most parts, but hath
very few Forests or great Woods, except in the Counties of
Majo and Sleigo.
CHAP. XVI.
Of the Mines in Ireland, and in particular of the Iron Mines.
Sect. 1. All the Mines in Ireland discovered by the New-
THE
English.
HE Old-English in Ireland, that is, those who are come.
in from the time of the first Conquest, untill the
beginning of Queen Elizabeth's reign, have been so plagued
with Wars from time to time, one while intestine among
themselves, and another while with the Irish, that they
could scarce ever find the opportunity of seeking for Mines,
and searching out the Metalls hidden in the bowels of the
Earth. And the Irish themselves, as being one of the most
barbarous Nations of the whole earth, have at all times been
102
So
Chap. 16.
103
Irelands Naturall History.
f
so far from seeking out any, that even in these last yeares,
and since the English have begun to discover some, none of
them all, great nor small, at any time hath applied himself to
that business, or in the least manner furthered it.
So that all the Mines which to this day are found out in
Ireland, have been discovered (at least as for to make any use
of them) by the New-English, that is, such as are come in
during, and since the reign of Queen Elizabeth. Severall
whereof having begun to give their minds to it during the
last Peace, have in a few yeares found out a great many Iron-
Mines in sundrie parts of the Kingdom, and also some of Lead
and Silver; which greatly confirmeth the opinion of many
knowing persons, who hold that the Mountains of Ireland are
full of Metals, and that if the same industry and diligence had
been used by the inhabitants of that Country in former Ages,
as there hath been since the beginning of the present, many
more Mines might have been discovered, not only of the same
Minerals as have been found out hitherto, but of others also,
and perhaps even of Gold it self.
Sect. 2. Grounds to beleeve that there are Gold mines in
Ireland.
I beleeve many will think it very unlikely, that there
should be any Gold-mines in Ireland; but a credible person
hath given me to understand, that one of his acquaintance
had several times assured him, that out of a certain rivelet
in the County of Nether Tirone, called Miola (the which rising
in the Mountains Slew-galen, and passing by the village
Maharry, falleth into the North-west corner of Lough Neaugh,
close by the place where the river Band commeth out of it) he
had gathered about one dram of pure gold; concluding
thereby, that in the aforesayd Mountains rich Gold-mines do
lye hidden.
For it is an ordinary thing for Rivers, which take their
originall in gold-bearing mountains, to carry Gold mixt with
their sand; the which may be confirmed by many instances,
and to say nothing of severall rivers of that kind, mentioned
by Strabo, Pliny, and other old Geographers and Historians,
103
nor
}
¡
104
Chap. 16.
Irelands Naturall History.
:
nor of Pactolus and Hermus in Lydia, and Tagus in Spain,
whereof all the old Poets are full; it is certain, that in our
very times severall rivers in Germanie, as the Elbe, Schwarts,
Sala, and others, do carry gold, and have it mixed with their
sands; out of the which by the industry of man, it is collected.
Sect. 3. Three sorts of Iron-mines in Ireland: and first of
the first sort, Bog-mine.
But to let alone uncertain conjectures, and to content our-
selves with the Mines that are already discovered, we will in
order speak of them, and begin with the Iron-mines. Of
them there are three sorts in Ireland, for in some places the
Oar of the Iron is drawn out of Moores and Bogs, in others
it is hewen out of Rocks, and in others it is digged out of
Mountains: of which three sorts the first is called Bog-mine,
the other Rock-mine, and the third with severall names
White-mine, Pin-mine, and Shel-mine.
The first sort, as we have said, and as the name it self doth
shew, is found in low and boggie places, out of the which it is
raised with very little charge, as lying not deep at all, com-
monly on the superficies of the earth, and about a foot in
thickness. This Oar is very rich of metall, and that very
good and tough, nevertheless in the melting it must be
mingled with some of the Mine or Oar of some of the other
sorts: for else it is too harsh, and keeping the furnace too hot,
it melteth too suddenly, and stoppeth the mouth of the fur-
nace, or, to use workmens own expression choaketh the fur-
nace. Whilest this Oar is new, it is of a yellowish colour, and
the substance of it somewhat like unto clay, but if you let it
lye any long time in the open air, it groweth not only very
dry, as the clay useth to do, but moldereth and dissolveth of
it self, and falleth quite to dust or sand, and that of a blackish
or black-brown colour.
Sect. 4. Of the second sort of Iron-mine, called Rock-mine.
The second sort, that which is taken out of Rocks, being
a hard and meer stony substance, of a dark and rustie colour,
doth not lye scattered in severall places, but is a piece of the
104
very
Chap. 16.
105
Irelands Naturall History.
very rock, of the which it is hewn: which rock being covered
over with earth, is within equallie every where of the same
substance; so as the whole Rock, and every parcell thereof, is
Oar of Iron. This mine, as well as the former, is raised with
little trouble, for the Iron-rock being full of joints, is with
pick-axes easily divided and broken into pieces of what big-
ness one will: which by reason of the same joints, whereof
they are full every where, may easily be broke into other
lesser pieces; as that is necessary, before they be put into the
furnace.
This Mine or Oar is not altogether so rich as the Bog-mine,
and yeeldeth very brittle iron, hardly fit for any thing else,
but to make plow-shares of it (from whence the name of colt-
share Iron is given unto it) and therefore is seldom melted
alone, but mixed with the first or the third sort.
Of this kind hitherto there hath but two Mines been dis-
covered in Ireland, the one in Munster, neer the town of
Tallo, by the Earl of Cork his Iron works; the other in
Leinster, in Kings-county, in a place called Desert land,
belonging to one Serjeant Major Piggot, which rock is of so
great a compass, that before this rebellion it furnished divers
great Iron-works, and could have furnished many more,
without any notable diminution; seeing the deepest pits that
had been yet made in it, were not above two yards deep.
The land, under which this rock lyeth, is very good and
fruitfull, as much as any other land thereabouts, the mold
being generally two feet and two and a half, and in many
places three feet deep.
Sect. 5. Of the third sort of Iron-mine.
The third sort of Iron-mine is digged out of the mountains,
in severall parts of the Kingdome; in Ulster, in the County
of Fermanagh, upon Lough Earn; in the County of Cavan,
in a place called Douballie, in a drie mountain; and in the
County of Nether-Tirone, by the side of the rivelet Lishan,
not far from Lough Neaugh; at the foot of the mountains
Slew-galen mentioned by us upon another occasion, in the
beginning
105
106
Chap. 16.
Irelands Naturall History.
beginning of this chapter: in Leinster, in Kings-county, hard
by Mountmelick; and in Queenes-county, two miles from
Monrath in Connaught; in Tomound or the County of
Clare, six miles from Limmerick; in the County of Roscomen,
by the side of Lough Allen; and in the County of Letrim,
on the East-side of the said Lough, where the mountains are
so full of this metall, that thereof it hath got in Irish the name
of Slew Neren, that is, Mountains of Iron: and in the Province
of Munster also in sundrie places.
This sort is of a whitish or gray colour, like that of ashes;
and one needs not take much pains for to find it out, for the
mountains which do contain it within themselves, do com-
monly shew it of their own accord, so as one may see the
veins thereof at the very outside in the sides of the mountains,
being not very broad, but of great length, and commonly
divers in one place, five or six ridges the one above the other,
with ridges of earth between them.
These Veins or Ridges are vulgarly called Pins, from
whence the Mine hath the name of Pin-mine; being also
called White-mine, because of its whitish colour; and Shell-
mine, for the following reason: for this stuff or Oar being
neither loose or soft as earth or clay, neither firm and hard
as stone, is of a middle substance between both, somewhat
like unto Slate, composed of shells or scales, the which do lye
one upon another, and may be separated and taken asunder
very easily, without any great force or trouble. This stuff
is digged out of the ground in lumps of the bigness of a man's
head, bigger, or less, according as the Vein affordeth oppor-
tunitie. Within every one of these lumps, when the Mine
very rich and of the best sort (for all the Oar of this kind
is not of equall goodness, some yeelding more and better Iron
than other) lieth a small kernell which hath the name of
Hony-comb given to it, because it is full of little holes, in the
same manner as that substance whereof it borroweth its
appellation.
is
The Iron comming of this Oar is not brittle, as that of the
Rock-mine, but tough, and in many places as good as any
Spanish Iron.
106
Sect. 6
Chap. 16.
107
Irelands Naturall History.
Sect. 6. Iron-works erected by the English.
The English having discovered these Mines, endeavoured
to improve same, and to make profit of them, and consequently
severall Iron-works were erected by them in sundrie parts of
the land, as namely by the Earl of Cork in divers places in
Munster; by Sir Charles Coot in the Counties of Roscomen
and Letrim, in Connaught, and in Leinster by Monrath,
in Queenes-county; by the Earl of London-derry at Ballona-
kill, in the sayd county; by the Lord Chancelour Sir Adam
Loftus, Viscount of Ely, at Mountmelik, in Kings-county;
by Sir John Dunbar in Fermanagh, in Ulster; and another
in the same county, by the side of Lough-Earn, by Sir
Leonard Bleverhassett; in the county of Tomond, in Con-
naught, by some London-Merchants; besides some other
Works in other places, whose first erectors have not come to
my knowledge.
In imitation of these have also been erected divers Iron-
works in sundrie parts of the sea coast of Ulster and Munster,
by persons, who having no Mines upon or near their own
Lands, had the Oar brought unto them by sea out of England;
the which they found better cheap than if they had caused
it to be fetched by land from some of the Mines within the
land. And all this by English, whose industrie herein the
Irish have been so far from imitating, as since the beginning
of this Rebellion they have broke down and quite demolished
almost all the fore-mentioned Iron-works, as well those of the
one as of the other sort.
107
CHAP. XVII.
108
Chap. 17.
Irelands Naturall History.
CHAP. XVII.
Of the Iron-works; their fashion, charges of erecting and
maintaining them, and profit comming of them: With an
exact description of the Manner of melting the Iron in them.
THE
Sect. 1. The fashion of the Iron-works.
HE fashion of Iron-works, of whose erection we have
spoke in the end of the foregoing Chapter, is such as
followeth. At the end of a great Barn standeth a huge fur-
nace, being of the height of a pike and a half, or more, and
four-square in figure, but after the manner of a Mault-kiln,
that is narrow below, and by degrees growing wider towards
the top, so as the compass of the mouth or the top is of many
fathoms. This mouth is not covered, but open all over; so
that the flame, when the furnace is kindled, rising through
the same without any hindrance, may be seen a great way off
in the night, and in the midst of the darkness maketh a
terrible shew to travellers, who do not know what it is.
These Ovens are not kindled with wood, nor with sea-coal,
but meerly with char-coal, whereof therefore they consume a
huge quantity: For the Furnace being once kindled, is never
suffered to go out, but is continually kept a burning from the
one end of the year to the other: and the proportion of the
coals to the Oar is very great: For the mine would not melt
without an exceeding hot fire; the which that it may be the
more quick and violent, it is continually blowing day and
night without ceasing by two vast pair of bellows, the which
resting upon main peeces of timber, and with their pipes placed
into one of the sides of the Furnace, are perpetually kept in
action by the means of a great Wheel, which being driven
about by a little brook or water-course, maketh them rise and
fall by turns, so that whilst the one pair of bellows doth swell
and fill it self with wind, the other doth blow the same forth
into the Furnace.
108
Sect. 2.
Chap. 17. Irelands Naturall History.
109
Sect. 2. Of the lesser Iron-works, called Bloomeries: Of
the Hammer-works: And of the Casting-works.
There is another and lesser sort of Iron-works, much diffe-
rent from the former: for instead of a Furnace they use a
Hearth therein, altogether of the fashion of a Smith's Hearth,
whereon the Oar being layd in a great heap, it is covered
over with abundance of Char-coal, the which being kindled,
is continually blown by bellows that are moved by wheeles
and water-courses, in the same manner as in the other Works.
These Works, commonly called Bloomeries, are in use, or
were so before this Rebellion in sundrie places of the North-
parts of Ulster.
Besides these two sorts of Works, where the Iron-mine is
melted, there is a third sort, where the Iron after the first
melting is hammered out into bars, of which we shall have
occasion to speak more in the latter end of this present
Chapter.
There are also in some parts of Ireland yet another kind of
Iron-works differing from all the former, where the Iron was
cast into Ordnance, Pots, small round Furnaces, and other
things; of which Works Mr. Christopher Wandsworth, Master
of the Rolls of Ireland, and in his latter dayes Lord Deputy of
the same Kingdom under the Earl of Strafford, then Lord
Lieutenant thereof, had one upon his lands by Idough in the
County of Carlo; whereof we cannot give the Reader any
particulars, because we have not yet been informed thereof.
Sect. 3. Conveniencies requisite to the erecting of an
Iron-work.
In the erecting of these Works men seek to make them as
near to the Mine as may be, to get the more profit by them:
for the greater the distance is, the greater are the charges in
having the Oar brought from the Mine to the Furnace,
especially where all must be carried by land, the which doth
fall out so in far the most places.
But many times one is necessitated to make the Works a
good way further from the Mine, than otherwise one would,
109
because
110
Chap. 17.
Irelands Naturall History.
because of the Water-courses, the which being of very great
consequence in the well settling of a Work, and absolutely
necessary (the wheels being all moved by water) those places
must be made choice of, where one may have the conveniency
of Water-courses. And besides all this, regard must be had
to the nearness of the Woods, partly by reason of the Timber,
a great deal whereof is necessary for the erecting of one of
these Workes, and chiefly for the char-coals sake, of which
a vast quantity continually is requisite, as before we have
shewed.
Sect. 4. The charges of erecting and maintaining an Iron-work.
It is to be observed, that although there be Wood enough
upon ones land, and that not very far from the Mine, together
with the conveniencies of Water-courses, so as the water
needeth not to be brought from very far off, nevertheless the
charge is very great, both of erecting and stocking one of the
Iron-works, and of maintaining it and keeping it afoot, and
that by reason of the great number of Workmen and Labourers
of severall sorts, which thereunto is requisite; a list of whose
names and offices here followeth: Wood-cutters, who fell the
timber; Sawyers, to saw the timber; Carpenters, Smiths,
Masons, and Bellow-makers, to erect the Iron-works, with all
the appurtenances thereof, and to repair them from time to
time; Water-leaders, or Water-course-keepers, to steer the
Water-courses, and to look to them constantly; Basket-makers
to make Baskets for to carry the Oar and other materials;
Boat-men, and Boat-wrights to make the Boats, and to go in
them; Diggers, who work in the Mine, and dig the same;
Carriers, who carry the Oar from the Mine; Colliers, who
make the Char-coal; Corders who bring the Char-coal to the
work; Fillers, whose work it is from time to time to put the
Mine and the coals into the furnace; keepers of the furnace,
who look to the main work, rake out the ashes and cinders,
and let out the molten metall at convenient times; finers, who
look to the works where the Iron is hammered; hammerers,
whose work it is to see the Iron hammered out: besides
severall other labourers, who having no particular task, must
110
help
Chap. 17.
111
Irelands Naturall History.
help to put their hand to every thing: of all which sorts of
men Sir Charles Coot the elder, that zealous and famous.
Warriour in this present warre against the Irish Rebells
(wherein having done many memorable exploits, he lost his
life in the first year thereof) did continually keep at work
some five-and-twenty or six-and-twenty hundred, at his Iron-
works, being three in number. Whereby may easily be
gathered the greatness of the expences in erecting and main-
taining of Iron-works: and for all this the owners thereof did
greatly gain thereby, ordinarily no less than forty in the
hundred per annum.
Sect. 5. Of the profit of the Iron-works instanced in those of
Sir Charles Coot by Monrath.
To speak somewhat more particularlie both of the charges
and the profits of these Iron-works, we shall instance the
matter in one of the works of the said Sir Charles Coot,
namely that which he had in the Lordship of Monrath, in
Queenes-county. At that work the Tun (that is twenty hun-
dred weight) of Rock-mine at the furnace head came in all to
stand in five shillings six pence sterling, and the Tun of
White-mine, which he had brought him from a place two
miles further off in seven shillings. These two were mixed
in that proportion, that to one part of Rock-mine were taken
two parts of White-mine: for if more of the Rock-mine had
bin taken, the Iron would not have bin so good, and too
brittle; and being thus mixed, they yeelded one third part of
Iron: that is to say, of two tuns of White-mine, and one of
Rock-mine, being mingled and melted together, they had one
tun of good Iron, such as is called Merchants-Iron, being not
of the first, but second melting, and hammered out into barres,
and consequently fit for all kinds of use.
This Iron he sent down the river Oure (by others called
the Nure) to Rosse and Waterford in that kind of Irish boates
which are called Cots in that countrie, being made of one
piece of timber: which kind of ill-favoured boats (mentioned
also by us above) are very common throughout all Ireland,
111
both
112
Chap. 17.
Irelands Naturall History.
both for to pass rivers in, and to carry goods from one place
to another; and not only upon shallow waters, such as the
aforenamed River is in the greatest part of its course, but
even upon the great Rivers and Loughs.
At Waterford the Iron was put aboard of ships going for
London, where it was sold for sixteen, otherwhiles for seven-
teen pounds sterling, and sometimes for seventeen and a half;
whereas it did not stand Sir Charles Coot in more than
betwixt tenne and eleven pounds sterling, all charges reckoned,
as well of digging, melting, fining, as of carrying, boat-hire,
and freight, even the Custome also comprehended in it.
Sect. 6. Some other particulars about the same subject, of the
profit of the Iron-works.
In most of the other places did a Tun of the Iron-mine or
Oar come to stand in five, five and a half, and six shillings.
sterling at the furnace head; and it was an ordinary thing, as
well where they used White-mine, as where they mixed
Rock-mine with it, to have a Tun of good Iron out of three
tuns of Oar: in some places, where the Mine was richer, they
would have a Tun of Iron out of only two Tuns and a half
of Oar. Nevertheless few of them gained more or as much
as Sir Charles Coot, because they had not the same con-
veniencie of transportation: And he himselfe did not gain so
much by his Iron-works in Connaught, as by that neer Mon-
rath, although the Mines there afforded a richer Oar, and
that the Tun thereof did cost him but three shillings at the
furnace because that Lough Allen, whereunto the same Mines
and Works are contiguous, gave him the opportunitie of car-
rying the Oar by Water from the Mine unto the Work, and
that in boates of forty tuns.
The Earl of Cork whose Iron-works being seated in Mun-
ster, afforded unto him very good opportunitie of sending his
Iron out of the land by shipping, did in this particular surpass
all others, so as he hath gained great treasures thereby: and
knowing persons, who have had a particular insight into his
affaires, do assure me, that he hath profited above one hun-
dred thousand pounds clear gain by his said Iron-works.
112
Sect. 7.
Chap. 17.
113
Irelands Naturall History.
Sect. 7. The manner of melting the Iron-var.
The manner of melting the Iron, usuall in Ireland, is thus.
The furnace is not filled to the top, but some space is left
emptie, and to put new stuff into it they do not stay untill
the former be quite consumed, but only untill it be somewhat
descended, and then they cast into it some charges or basket-
fuls of Coales, and at the top of them the same quantity of
Mine and thus they do from time to time, so as the furnace
is in a manner alwaies in one and the same estate; where is
to be observed, that in most furnaces they adde unto the Oar
and Coales some quantity of Iron-cinders, and in others of
Limestone, whereby the melting of the Iron is greatly
furthered, and the furnace made to work more mildly.
Within the barn, at the bottome of the furnace, stand con-
stantly two men, one of each side, the which with long iron
hooks, through holes left for the purpose, do every quarter of
an hour draw out the unburnt coales, ashes, and cinders;
which cinders are great lumps of a firm substance, but brittle,
of a blackish colour, shining but not transparent; being
nothing else but the remainder of the Iron-oar, after that the
Iron which was contained in it, is melted out on't.
The Iron it self descendeth to the lowest part of the furnace,
called the Hearth; the which being filled, (so that, if one
stayed longer, the Iron would begin to swim over through
the aforesaid holes) they unstop the Hearth, and open the
mouth thereof (or the Timpas the Arts-men call it) taking
away a little door, of fashion like unto that of a baker's oven,
wherewith the same was shut up very close. The floor of the
barn hath a mold of sand upon it, where-in, before they open
the furnace, a furrow is made, of sufficient breadth and depth,
through the whole length of the barn, from the bottome of
the furnace untill the barns door; into which furrow, as soon
as the furnace is opened, the molten Iron runneth very sud-
denly and forcibly, being to look on like unto a stream or
current of fire. It remaineth a long time hot, but doth pre-
sently loose its liquidness and redness, turning into a hard
and stiff mass, which masses are called Sowes by the workmen.
113
H
Sect. 8.
114
Chap. 17.
Irelands Naturall History.
Sect. 8. Of the different Bigness of the Iron Sowes.
These masses or Sowes of Iron are not alwaies of one and
the same weight and bigness, but there is them of all sizes,
from one hundred weight untill thirtie hundred: which dif-
ference doth chiefly depend on the different bigness of the
furnace and hearth, and partly on the will and discretion of
the workmaster or founder, and according as he either stayeth
untill the hearth be full, or letteth out the Iron sooner; but
ordinarily they do not use to cast, or to open the hearth,
under less than twelve houres, nor to stay much longer than
four-and-twenty.
And here is to be observed, that even in furnaces of the
same bigness, yea in the self-same furnaces, the same quantity
of Iron is not alwaies cast in the same space of time: but that
varieth both according to the nature of the oar, and according
to the different seasons of the year. For within the same
compasse of time you shall cast a greater quantitie of Iron
out of a rich Mine or Oar, than out of a lean one; and in the
summer time, when the coales come in dry and fresh, than in
the winter.
Sect. 9. Of the refining of the Sow-Iron, and the hammering
it into Barres.
The Sowes are with teams of Oxen drawn to the Hammer-
works, where being put into the fire again, they melt them
into the finerie, the finer turning the melted stuff to and fro,
till it come to be a solid body, then he carrieth it under the
hammer, where it is hammered out into such flat narrow and
thin bars, as are to be seen every where: the hammers being
huge big ones, and never ceasing from knocking day nor night,
as being kept at work by the means of certain Wheels, turned
about by Water-courses in the same manner as the wheels of
the Bellows.
By means of this second melting, and of that mighty ham-
mering, the Iron is freed from a mighty deal of dross and
dregs which it kept sticking to it, thorough its whole sub-
stance, in the first melting; and so of impure called Sow-Iron,
becometh
114
Chap. 18.
115
Irelands Naturall History.
becometh to be usefull, such as is accustomed to be delivered
unto Merchants, being therefore called Merchants-Iron; one
Tun whereof is usually had out of a Tun and a half of Sow-
Iron; but if that be of the best sort, and cast of the best Oar,
two hundred pounds less of it will yeeld the aforesayd quantity
of a Tun of Merchants-Iron.
CHAP. XVIII.
Of the Mines of Silver and Lead in Ireland: and occasionally
of the pestiferous Damps and Vapours within the Earth.
Sect. 1. Of the severall Mines of Silver and Lead, and in
particular that of Tipperary.
INES of Lead and Silver in Ireland have to this day
MINE
been found out, three in number; one in Ulster, in
the County of Antrim, very rich, forasmuch as with every
thirty pounds of Lead it yeeldeth a pound of pure Silver;
another in Connaught, upon the very Harbour-mouth of Sligo,
in a little Demy-Iland commonly called Conny-Iland; and
a third in Munster. The first two having been discovered
but a few years before this present Rebellion, were through
severall impediments never taken in hand yet; wherefore we
shall speak only of the third.
This Mine standeth in the County of Tipperary, in the
Barony of Upper Ormond, in the Parish of Kilmore, upon the
Lands of one John Mac-Dermot O-kennedy, not far from the
Castle of Downallie, twelve miles from Limmerick, and three-
score from Dublin. The land where the Mine is, is mountain-
ous and barren; but the bottoms, and the lands adjoyning,
are very good for Pasture and partly Arable; of each whereof
the Miners had part, to the value of twenty pounds sterling
per annum, every one. It was found out not above forty
years ago, but understood at the first only as a Lead-mine,
and accordingly given notice of to Donogh Earl of Thomond,
then Lord President of Munster, who made use of some of the
Lead
H 2
115
116
Chap. 18.
Irelands Naturall History.
Lead for to cover the house which he then was building at
Bunrattie: But afterwards it hath been found, that with the
Lead of this Mine there was mixed some Silver.
Sect. 2. The manner of digging this Mine the nature of the
Oar, and what proportions of Silver and Lead it yeelds.
The Veins of this mine did commonly rise within three or
four spits of the superficies, and they digged deeper as those
Veins went, digging open pits very far into the ground,
many fathoms deep, yea Castle-deep; the pits not being steep,
but of that fashion as people might go in and out with wheel-
barrows, being the only way used by them for to carry out.
the Mine or Oar. The water did seldom much offend them;
for when either by the falling of much rain, or by the dis-
covering of some Spring or Water-source, they found them-
selves annoyed by it, they did by Conduits carry it away to
a brook adjoyning, the Mountain being so situate, as that might
be done easily.
This Mine yeelds two different sorts of Oar; of which the
one, and that the most in quantitie, is of a reddish colour, hard,
and glistering; the other is like a Marle, something blewish,
and more soft than the red; and this was counted the best,
producing most Silver, whereas the other, or glistering sort,
was very barren, and went most away into litteridge or dross.
The Oar yeelded one with another three pound weight of
Silver out of each Tun, but a great quantitie of Lead so as
that was counted the best profit to the farmer.
Besides the Lead and Silver the Mine produced also some.
Quicksilver, but not any Alome, Vitriol, or Antimony, that I
could hear of.
Sect. 3. Profits of this Mine. It hath been destroyed by the
Irish Rebels.
The Silver of this Mine was very fine, so as the Farmers
sold it at Dublin for five shillings two pence sterling the ounce;
as for the Lead, that they sold on the place for eleven pounds.
sterling the Tun, and for twelve pounds at the City of Lim-
merick. The King had the sixth part of the silver for his
116
share,
Chap. 18.
117
Irelands Naturall History.
share, and the tenth part of the Lead, the rest remaining to
the farmers, whose clear profit was estimated to be worth
two thousand pounds sterling yearly.
All the Mills, Melting-houses, Refining-houses, and other
necessary Work-houses, stood within one quarter of a mile at
the furthest from the place where the Mine was digged, every
one of them having been very conveniently and sufficiently
built and accommodated by the Officers and substitutes of
Sir William Russell, Sir Basil Brook, and Sir George Hamil-
ton, which three persons successively had this Mine in farm
from the King, but in the beginning of this present Rebellion
all this hath been destroyed by the Irish under the conduct of
Hugh O-kennedy, brother of Iohn Mac-Dermott O-kennedy,
on whose lands the Mine was situated: which Rebels not con-
tent to lay waste the mine, and to demolish all the works
thereunto belonging, did accompany this their barbarousness
with bloody cruelty against the poor workmen, such as were
imployed about the melting and refining of the Oar, and in all
offices thereunto belonging: the which some of them being
English, and the rest Dutch (because the Irish having no
skill at all in any of those things, had never been imployed in
this mine otherwise than to digg it, and to do other labours)
were all put to the sword by them, except a very few, who
by flight escaped their hands.
Sect. 4. This Mine free from deadly vapours, the which other-
wise in Ireland are bred within the Earth, as well as in
other Countries, as is instanced in a very remarkable
History.
I have not heard that any of the Miners hath been stifled
in this Mine, a thing ordinary enough in other countries: the
reason whereof I conceive to be, because the work was done
in wide and open pits, wherein the like noxious vapours can
neither be so easily engendred, and when they arise find a
free passage into the open air, to the contrary of those close
and narrow vaults usuall in the most part of other mines.
For else that the Earth of Ireland is subject, as well as that
of other countries, to breed dangerous damps within her self,
117
is
118
Chap. 18.
Irelands Naturall History.
is undoubted, as evidently it appeared in the year sixteen
hundred thirty-seven, by this following accident.
A Maulter living in the suburbs of Dublin in St. Francis-
street caused a Well to be digged three yards deep, which
yeelding but little water, and that not very sweet nor clear,
resolved to have it made deeper; and injoyned a servant of
his, to work at it at spare times, which he doing, and having
digged a yard and a half lower, the water of it begun the 24
of August to bubble up in a strange manner, making a great
noise; which having continued two dayes, without any notable
increase, hardly comming half-way the knees; he went down
again into the Well, to digge there according to his custome.
But having wrought but a little while, and being taken with
a sudden giddiness in his head, and faintness at his heart, made
hast to get out, and being revived, returned to fetch away his
spade and other instruments; but comming to the bottom he
fell into a deadly sown, which being seen by those that were
present, one of them went down to help him up; unto whom
the same accident happened. All the spectators being greatly
astonished, and their tumult having drawn-on a great con-
course of people, the place where the Well was being an open
yard, looking into the main street; a certaine man, newly
come to town, and casually passing by that way, not affrighted
by the example of those two, had the courage to go down to
fetch the former out, but with as ill success as they themselves.
The wonder and amazement being hereby increased among
the people, there was nevertheless a Butcher (a bold robustuous
man) who having drunk somewhat liberally, would notwith-
standing these sad accidents go in, which at the first not
being suffered, and he continuing in his resolution, was at
last permitted on condition that he let a strong cord be tyed
about his wayst to pull him out, if he found himself ill; the
which to signifie he was to hold up his right hand. But
being come to the bottome; and suddenly taken with a deadly
faintness, that he had neither time nor power to give the
appointed sign, falling from the ladder; and being haled out
with all possible speed, found to be in a deep trance, but with
perfect signs of life: wherefore being carried to his own house,
118
put
Chap. 18.
119
Irelands Naturall History.
put into his bed, and care taken of him, it was nevertheless
24 houres before he came to himself.
The dead bodies being drawn out of the Well it was filled
with earth by order of the Magistrate of the said City.
Sect. 5. Relation of an accident like the former happened at
London.
The like accidents have at severall times been seen in other
Countries, whereof we could alledge many instances, but
passing by all other we shall make mention of one lately
befaln here at London. Without Aldesgate, there is a
little court called Carpenters-yard, in the midst of which
there stood a Pump; the water whereof not being good for to
dress meat, was used by the neighbours only for the washing
and cleaning of their houses, and the like. But in length of
time being grown so thick and muddy that no use could be
made on't, it was resolved that the Well, whereout the Pump
drew its water, should be made clean, to which purpose the
Pump being taken down, in the latter end of Iuly anno
sixteen hundred fourtie-four, a laborer was let down, with a
cord into the Well, being little and narrow, to take out the
mud by pailes full, which as soon as he came to the bottome
presently fell stark dead. Those that had let him down,
seeing this, and suspecting nothing else, but that a sudden
faintness had overcome him, let down another to see what he
ayled, and to bring him out. But he sped no better than the
first, which when the people perceived, no more went into the
Well, untill three or four houres after, in which middle space
of time a great Iron pan or plate, heaped up with burning
charcoal, had been let down into the Well, and severall times.
as the fire did slacken, renewed, that through the heat thereof
that mortiferous vapour might be overcome and dispersed,
the which accordingly fell out; so that the person afterwards
went down to fetch away the dead bodies, got no hurt at all
A great covered or vaulted gutter, whereby the ordures of
the streets are under ground conveyed into the City ditch,
passeth under the yard where-in the said Well, (dammed up
since this sad accident) did stand; so as it may be probably
beleeved
119
i
120
Chap. 19.
Irelands Naturall History.
Kalya
beleeved that that deadly infection of the air within the same
Well had partly been caused through the neerness of the same
sewer.
CHAP. XIX.
Of the Free-stone, Marble, Flints, Slate, and Sea-coales which
are found in Ireland.
H
Sect. 1. Of the Free-stone.
AVING in the precedent Chapters treated of the
Metals and Minerals, which are found in Ireland, we
shall now go on to speak of severall other substances, raised
out of the ground there, of a less noble nature, but neverthe-
less profitable and serving for severall good uses.
To begin with Free-stone, there is two sorts of it, the one
being gray or ash-coloured, and the other blew; which both
for the most part lying in the uppermost parts of the ground,
covered over with very little earth, are raised with small
labour and charge, whereas in most other countries it is as
much labour to digge Free-stone as the Metalls themselves.
The blew Free-stone is not very abundant, and as little in
request, as unfit for great buildings; it lying for the most part
in small unshapely peeces; and when they are bigger com-
monly broke in the raising and hewing, partly through the
unskillfulness of the workmen there, and chiefly because they
are exceeding hard, and cannot well endure the Iron. The
gray Free-stone which is found very abundantly in most parts of
the land is of a contrary nature; and may easily be cut out into
stones of all bigness or fashion, wherefore also this sort hath
been used by the English, to all the Churches, Castles, and
Edifices, which since the Conquest have been builded by them;
for the Irish themselves, never had the skill nor industry
to erect any considerable buildings of Free-stone, Brick, or
other the like materials, their dwellings being very poor and
contemptible cottages. True it is, that the English at their
first comming found severall Maritime-townes in Ireland with
120
stone
Chap. 19.
121
Irelands Naturall History.
d
stone walls and houses, the Churches also, not only in those,
but in many other Townes being of the same; but built by
strangers, who being come out of the Northern-parts of Ger-
many, and other neighbouring Countries, have settled them-
selves there, inhabiting severall parts of the Sea-coasts, some
ages before the English Conquest; which people called them-
selves Oastmans, or Easterlings; all those Countries of the
which they were come being situated to the East of Ireland.
Sect. 2. Certain evill properties of the Irish Free-stone.
This sort of gray Free-stone in Ireland hath a bad qualitie,
that it draweth the moisture of the air continually to it, and
so becommeth dank and wet both in and out-side, especially
in times of much rain. To mend this inconvenience the Eng-
lish did wainscot those walls with oak or other boards, or line
them with a thin crust of brick.
Sect. 3. Of the Marble.
Besides the Free-stone, which is almost in every part of the
land, there is Marble found in many places of severall sorts;
one is red, streaked with white and other colours, such as
with a peculiar name is called Porphyre; other black, very
curiously streaked with white, and some all of one colour.
The first two sorts are found but in small quantity, especially
the second; but the last is very abundant in some places, but
most about Kilkenny, where not only many houses are built
of the same, but whole streets are paved with it.
Sect. 4. Description of the Marble-quarrie at Kilkenny.
The quarrie out of which they have their Marble at Kil-
kenny, is not above a quarter of a mile distant from the Town,
and belongeth to no body in particular, lying in common for
all the Townsmen, who at any time may fetch as much out
of it, as seemeth good unto them, without paying any thing
for it: It is in fashion like unto Quarries of Free-stone, to wit,
a wide open pit, whereout stones and pillars of great thickness
and height may be digged. This Marble, whilst it is rude,
and as it commeth out of the ground, looketh grayish, but
121
being
122
Chap. 19.
Irelands Naturall History.
being polished it getteth a fine blewish colour, drawing some-
what towards the black.
Sect. 5. Of the Flint.
Although flints are not digged from under the ground, yet
shall we give them a place next to the Free-stone and Marble,
because of the affinity which they have with them. They are
found in every part of Ireland in great abundance near the
sea-side, within the land, upon the hills and mountains, and
in the rivers, many of which have not only their banks
covered with them, but also the bottom of their chanels, and
that for great spaces together, which as they are of all sizes
and fashions, so of very different colours.
Sect. 6. Of the Slate.
In sundry parts of Ireland Slate is found in great abundance,
and that nothing deep within the ground, just in the same
manner as the Free-stone, so as it may be raised with little
charge and labour; wherefore at all times it hath been much
used by the English inhabitants for the covering of their
houses and other buildings. Nevertheless some years since in
places near the sea, especially at Dublin, that kind of Holland
Tiles, which by them are called Pannen begun to be used
generally, the Merchants causing them to be brought in from
thence in great abundance, because in Ireland they had
neither convenient stuff to make them of, nor work-men
skilfull in that business: although the common tiles usual in
many parts of England and other Countries, were made and
used in several places within the land.
Besides these there was another kind of covering in use,
both for Churches and Houses, to wit, a certain sort of
woodden tiles, vulgarly called Shingles; the which are thight
enough at the first, but do not many yeares continue so, it
being necessary to change them often: which thing properly
not appertaining to this chapter, we nevertheless for affinities
sake have thought not amiss here to mention.
Some yeares ago another kind of Slate hath been discovered
in Ireland, which for the colours-sake is called Black-slate,
being
122
Chap. 19.
123
Irelands Naturall History.
being of a blackish colour, which is come into great esteem,
not so much for the ordinary use of covering houses, for
which they are no better than common Slate, but because it
hath been found by experience, very good and medicinall
against severall diseases, especially to stay all kind of bleeding,
and to hinder that after falls and bruises the blood do not
congeal within the body.
Sect. 7. Of the Sea-coal.
The Trees and Woods having been so much destroyed in
Ireland, as heretofore we have shewed, and consequently
wood for firing being very dear in great part of the land, the
inhabitants are necessitated to make use of other fuel, viz. of
Turf, and of Sea-coales. Of the Turf we shall speak in the
next Chapter. As for Sea-coales, they are the ordinary firing
in Dublin, and in other places lying near the sea, where the same
in time of peace are brought in out of England, Wales, and
Scotland, in great abundance, and therefore reasonable cheap:
which is the reason, that the less care hath been taken to find
out Coal-mines in Ireland it self, whereas otherwise it is the
opinion of persons knowing in these matters, that if diligent
search were made for them, in sundry parts of the land good
Coal-mines would be discovered. This opinion is the more
probable, because that already one Coal-mine hath bin found
out in Ireland, a few yeares since, by meer hazard, and without
having been sought for. The Mine is in the Province of
Leinster, in the County of Carlo, seven miles from Idof, in
the same hill where the Iron-mine was of Mr. Christopher
Wandsworth, of whom hath been spoken above. In that
Iron-mine, after that for a great while they had drawn Iron-
oar out of it, and that by degrees they were gone deeper, at
last in lieu of Oar they met with Sea-coal, so as ever since all
the people dwelling in those parts have used it for their firing,
finding it very cheap; for the load of an Irish-car, drawn by
one garron, did stand them, besides the charges of bringing it,
in nine pence only, three pence to the digger, and six pence
to the owner.
There be coales enough in this Mine for to furnish a whole
country;
123
124
Chap. 20.
Irelands Naturall History.
country; nevertheless there is no use made of them further
than among the neighbouring inhabitants; because the Mine.
being situated far from Rivers, the transportation is too
chargeable by land.
These Coals are very heavy, and burn with little flame, but
lye like Char-coal, and continue so the space of seven or eight
houres, casting a very great and violent heat.
In the place where this Mine standeth, do lie little Smith-
coals above the ground, dispersed every where in great
quantity, from whence the Smiths dwelling in the parts
round about did use to come and fetch them even before the
mine was discovered.
CHAP. XX.
Of the Turf, Lime, and Brick, and the Manner of making those
things in Ireland; item, Of the Glass made in Ireland.
TURE
Sect. 1. Of the two sorts of Irish-turf.
URF being very much used throughout all the land (as
we have said before) is of two sorts, according to the
difference of the Bogs out of the which it is taken. That
which is taken out of the Dry-bogs, or Red-bogs, is light,
spungy, of a reddish colour, kindleth easily, and burneth
very clear, but doth not last.
The other to the contrary, which is raised out of the green.
or wet Bogs, is heavy, firm, black, doth not burn so soon, nor
with so great a flame, but lasteth a great while, and maketh
a very hot fire, and leaveth foul yellowish ashes.
It is the observation of women, that the linen which is
dried by a fire made of this last sort of Turf, getteth a foul
colour, be it never so white washed and bleached, and groweth
yellowish in that manner as that it can hardly be got out again.
Sect. 2. The manner of making the Turf.
The first sort of turf costeth but little paines in the making;
124
for
Chap. 20.
125
Irelands Naturall History
for being digged, and having lyen some dayes a drying (first
spread out thin and single upon the ground, and afterwards
piled up in little heaps) it is brought into the barn.
But black Turf cannot be made without more trouble.
First they mark out convenient places; for onely those are
fit for it to which some paths do lead, and which in them-
selves are not too mirie, and too deep, but have a firm and
sandy ground underneath, within the space of four or five
feet, or thereabouts. Having found out such a place, if it be
too watery, they make some trenches, into which the water
descending out of that part of the Bog wherein they intend
to work, may by them be carried to some place fit to receive
it; to the end that the Bog being thereby grown somewhat
dryer and firmer, may the better bear the labourers without
sinking too deep into it. Then they fall to the business,
dividing it so among the labourers, that one part of them do
dig out the earth, or rather the mud (for all the earth whereof
this Turf is made, is thin and muddy) and by spades-full cast
it on a heap, either by the side of the pit, or somewhere
within the same, where others stand, who very well work it,
turning it to and fro, and then with their shovels fill it into
certain woodden trayes, amongst the English in Ireland
peculiarly called Lossels; the which being full, another part
of the labourers draw the same, with great cords fastened to
them, to some dry place within the bog, or by the side thereof,
where having poured out the mud, they go back to fetch more,
and so go to and fro all day long. On that dry place where the
mud is poured forth, sit certain women upon their knees, who
mold the mud, using nothing else to it but their hands;
between the which taking a part of it, they press them
together in that manner, that their hands meeting above,
the Turf is fashioned flat and broad beneath, growing
narrower towards the top; which being done, the Turf is
let lye upon the ground the space of a week or more,
according as the weather is, and being reasonably well
dryed, it is piled up in little heaps, leaving every where
empty spaces between, that the air and the wind passing
through them, they may dry the sooner.
125
Sect. 3
126
Chap. 20.
Irelands Naturall History.
Sect. 3. The charges of making Turf.
Ireland is so full of Bogs, that every man almost hath Bog
enough upon his own land to make Turf for his family and
for all his Tenants; so that the Turf doth cost most men no
more than the hire of the Labourers who are employed about
it. Those that begun early in the year, whilst the Labourers
had but little employment, gave ordinarily, besides meat and
drink, three pence sterling a day to every man, and two pence
to every woman; four pence a day being the ordinary price,
and when it was at the dearest, five pence. Twenty men
made in two or three dayes as much Turf as was sufficient for
the whole years firing of a great family; of which number five
men did dig and cast up the mud, five wrought it and filled
it into the trays, and ten were busied in drawing the trays to
the place where the Turf was moulded by the women; who
went so nimbly to work with it, that onely two of them were
sufficient to keep twenty men at work.
Sect. 4. Of the Lime, and the manner of making it of
Lime-stone.
All the lime in Ireland is made not of the shells of all
sorts of shell-fish, as in Holland, and some other countries,
but onely of stone; and the gray free-stone, whereof we have
spoken in the precedent Chapter, is very fit for it, especially
when it is not newly come out of the quarrie, but taken off
old buildings. But a peculiar sort of stone properly called
Lime-stone, is best for it. This stone is of a gray colour,
tending to a dark blew, which being broke, a white dust out
of it doth fly abroad; and it is very common throughout all
Ireland, but especially in the Provinces of Munster and
Connaught, lying not deep within the ground, but very near
to the surface of it, and in many places above ground.
The manner of burning it into Lime, usual over all Ireland,
is this; In the side of some little height they make a great
pit, round or square according as conveniencie is offered; of
that bignes as may hold forty or fifty barrels, and of that
fashion that being many feet wide at the top, it doth by
degrees
126
Chap. 20.
127
Irelands Naturall History.
!
degrees grow narrower towards the bottom, in the same
manner as the Furnaces of the Ironworks. The inside of
this pit they line round about with a wall built of Lime and
Stone, at whose outside near the bottom a hole or door is left,
by which to take out the ashes; and above that an iron-grate
is laid, which commeth close to the wall round about: upon
this they lay a lay of Lime-stone (being first knockt asunder
with a great Iron hammer, and broke into peeces of the
bignes of a fist, or thereabouts) and upon that a lay of wood
or turf, or a certain sort of sea-coal, the which being wonder-
full small, and peculiarly called comb, is hardly used for any
other purpose. Upon that they lay another of Lime-stone,
and so by turns, until the whole Kiln be filled, ever observing
that the outmost lay be of wood, turf, or comb, and not of
Lime-stone: which being done, the kiln is set afire until all
be burnt.
Sect. 5. Another manner of burning Lime used in Ireland.
There is another manner of burning Lime used in Ireland,
in Kilns built altogether above ground, and incomparably
bigger than the others, insomuch as to the quantity of three
hundred Barrels of Lime at once is made in them. In these
Kilns they burn whole stones without breaking them into
peeces as the others, and that only with wood (turf or comb
not being fit for it) whereof they consume a huge deal, it
being necessary from time to time to put new wood into them,
to which end three or four men day and night do stand by
the Kiln to keep the fire from decaying or slackning.
These (called French-kilns, because the use of them was
first received from thence) have ever their walls made of
Lime-stone, the which in the same manner are turned into
Lime, so as there remaineth nothing standing of these Kilns
after that the work is accomplished, and the Lime taken away.
Now albeit that in these Kilns a very great quantity of
Lime is made at a time, nevertheless it hath been found by
experience, that they are much more unprofitable than the
others, because they consume much more firing in proportion,
through the continuall renewing of the fire, and require the
127
constant
128
Chap. 20.
Irelands Naturall History.
constant labour of severall men all the while they are burning,
which commonly is the space of three dayes and nights. For
these reasons was the use of these Kilns, which never had
been very generall in Ireland, more and more left off in these
last yeares, and the others almost only made use of; in the
which the lime came to stand them, who burnt it, in no more
than four pence the barrell at the most, all manner of expences.
being reckoned; and but three to them who had the best
conveniences.
Sect. 6. Of the Brick.
In every part of Ireland there is found a kind of clay very
fit for to make bricks, and all sorts of Potters-ware, although
the Irish never had the wit or industrie to make use of it for
either of these two ends; yea they have ever been so farre
from making any earthen vessels, that even the use thereof
hath been very rare amongst them, and to the most part.
unknown, not only before the comming in of the English, but
also since, yea even untill these very last times; although a
great number of English Potters in severall parts of the land
had set up their trade, so as all kind of earthen ware was very
common, and to be had at very easy rates.
And as for the brick, they have been little used in Ireland
even among the English themselves for a great while; but of
late years they begun to be very common, as well in the
countrie, as in the cities, especially Dublin, where all the new
buildings (the which not only in handsomeness, but also in
number, do surpass the old) are all made of brick. But that
which is made in Ireland, for the most part is not so good, as
that of other Countries, not so much for any unfitness in the
clay it self, as for want of handling and preparing it aright; as
may easily be conceived by the following description of the
manner they use to make it.
Sect. 7. The manner how they make their Brick in Ireland.
They dig a great square pit, taking away all the uppermost
earth, untill they come to a good clay (which commonly lyeth
one or two spits deep) this they dig up throughout the
whole
128
Chap. 20.
129
Irelands Naturall History.
whole pit, and having broke it very small with the spade,
they do by degrees poure a great deal of water amongst it,
working and labouring it together with the spade and their
feet, till the whole mass become uniform, firm and tough like
stiff dough; the which then in wheel-barrowes is carried out of
the pit to a place where certain long tables are set up, to each
of which tables is allotted one man, one woman, and one boy.
The woman taketh up the clay by handfulls, from the heap
lying upon the ground, and reacheth it unto the man, who
thrusteth it into a little wodden form without bottom,
strawing now and then some sand upon the table, that the
clay may not stick to it: and so having given them their due
fashion, the boy doth carry them from thence to a place,
where he layeth them all upon the ground, not under any
covert, but in the open air. After they have lyen some dayes,
and are somewhat dryed, they are piled up in small heaps,
twenty or thirty in a heap, making the heapes transparent in
the same manner, as we have shewed above of the Turf, some
dayes after those little piles are made into greater, which are
many feet long, and five or six feet high, but not above two
feet, or two and a half broad (making the layes transparent,
with some empty space between brick and brick, even so as in
the small piles) the which at the top are covered over with
straw, laying upon the straw broad green sods, to keep off the
rain. Having lyen so untill they be quite dry, they make
great ovens or Kilns of them, filling them within with the
same, strawing betwixt them of that small sort of Sea-coal,
whereof we have spoke heretofore, called Comb or Coome,
and having covered over the Kiln with the same clay, whereof
the bricks are made, the thickness of two hand-broads or there-
abouts, they set it afire with wood underneath, and continue
the fire untill not only all the bricks piled within the Kiln,
but all the walls quite through, and at the out-side as well as
at the in-side, be perfectly burnt, and turned into good brick:
wherein oftentimes, through the unskilfulness or neglect of
those who make and fill these Kilns, and of those that govern
the fire, there is great loss, and that two manner of ways. For
sometimes great part of the Bricks is found not to be suffi-
I
129
ciently
130
Chap. 21.
Irelands Naturall History.
ciently nor uniformly burnt; and on the other side it falleth
out oftentimes, that great quantities are reduced into one,
being burnt, or half-burnt into great unshapely masses or
lumps, which are good for nothing.
They do commonly burn in those Kilns two or three
hundred thousand bricks at a time; the which for the most
part, all charges being reckoned, come to stand betwixt six
and eight shillings sterling the thousand.
Sect. 8. Of the Glass made in Ireland.
We shall conclude this chapter with the Glass, there having
been severall Glass-houses set up by the English in Ireland,
none in Dublin or other cities, but all of them in the countrie;
amongst which the principall was that of Birre, a Market-
town, otherwise called Parsons-town, after one Sir Laurence
Parsons, who having purchased that Lordship, built a goodly
house upon it; his son William Parsons having succeeded
him in the possession of it: which Town is situate in Queens-
county, about fifty miles to the South-west of Dublin, upon
the borders of the two Provinces of Leinster and Munster:
from this place Dublin was furnished with all sorts of window
and drinking glasses, and such other as commonly are in use.
One part of the materials, viz. the sand, they had out of
England; the other, to wit the ashes, they made in the place
of Ash-tree, and used no other. The chiefest difficulty was,
to get the clay for the pots to melt the materials in; this they
had out of the North.
CHAP. XXI.
Of the Temperature and Qualities of the Air, and Seasons in
Ireland, as for Heat, Cold, and Moisture.
A
Sect. 1. Of the Cold weather, and the Frosts.
LTHOUGH the climate of Ireland is somewhat
Northerly, the Land extending it self from the
beginning of the one and fiftieth degree of latitude, until the
130
end
Chap. 21.
131
Irelands Naturall History.
end of the five and fiftieth, nevertheless is the Air there very
temperate, and nothing subject to violent Colds (not only in
Munster, Leinster, and Connaught, but even in the most
Northern-part, to wit the Province of Ulster) much less than
any other Land lying in the same height or latitude, yea than
many countries of a much more Southerly-climate.
True it is, that the Cold-weather doth commonly begin
here somewhat soon, namely in the beginning of October, and
sometimes in the middle or latter end of September, continuing
ordinarily the space of five or six moneths, until the midst or
latter end of March, and sometimes also good part of April;
during which whole space of time all such persons as are
chilly and cold of nature, and do sit still much, can hardly
be any long while without a fire.
But again on the other side, it is very seldom violently cold
there, and freezeth but little: there are commonly three or
four Frosts in one Winter; but they are very short, seldom
lasting longer than three or four days together, and withall
„at their very worst nothing near so violent as in most other
Countries; so that some all Winter long hardly come near a
fire once in a day; and that not only in the ordinary cold
weather, but even whilst it is a freezing.
Yea many times the cold is so slack even in the midst of
the Winter-moneths, that by walking only, or doing some
other moderate exercise, you shall find your self as warm, and
the Air as sweet and pleasant, as if it were in the moneth of
May.
There hath been some Winters, wherein it hath frozen ten
or twelve dayes together, so as the Liffie, and other the like
Rivers were quite frozen, and might be gone upon by men
and beasts: But those are altogether extraordinary, and do
come very seldom, hardly once in the space of ten or twelve.
yeares.
But how mild they ordinarily be, and how little subject to
excessive cold, may appear hereby, that all kind of beasts and
cattle, as cows, horses, and sheep, do there all Winter long
remain abroad, and do feed in the fields, where they are left
in the night-time as well as in the day, and that many herbs,
131
which
I 2
132
Chap. 21.
Irelands Naturall History.
which in England and Netherland do dye every winter, here
continue all the year long.
Sect. 2. Of the warm Weather.
And as the cold in Winter is very moderate and tolerable,
so is also the heat in summer; the which is seldom so great,
even in the hottest times of the year, as to be greatly trouble-
some. And it falleth out oft enough in the very summer-
moneths, that the weather is more inclinable to cold than to
heat, so as one may very well endure to come near a good fire.
And this commeth to pass only during the Wet-weather, for
else, and whilst it is fair, it is very warm all summer long,
albeit seldom over hot: and so it is many times also even on
the rainie dayes, whereas for the most part it is very cool in
them, and the heat much less than the season doth require.
Sect. 3. Of the Rain and wet Weather.
·
The Rain is very ordinary in Ireland, and it raineth there
very much all the year long, in the Summer as well as in the
Winter. Commonly in the Spring of the year it is very fair
weather, with clear sun-shine from morning till night, for the
space of five or six weeks together, with very little or no
interruption; which fair weather beginneth commonly in the
moneth of March, some yeares in the beginning, other yeares in
the midst, and sometimes in the latter end of it. But the
same being once past, it raineth afterwards very much all the
Summer long, so as it is a rare thing to see a whole week pass
without it; and many Summers it is never dry weather two
or three dayes together. Which inconstancy and wetness of
the weather is not only troublesome to men, but also hurtfull
to all things growing out of the ground for mans behoof. For
the heat never being very great, and there besides often
interrupted by the intervention of the foul weather, hath
neither time nor strength enough to ripen them so well and
so soon, as otherwise it would; whereby it commeth to pass,
that as well the fruits of trees, as the corn and grass, here
commonly much later do come to perfection, than in the most
part of other neighbouring countries. And as the ripeness of
132
the
Chap. 21.
133
Irelands Naturall History.
the fruits and other increase of the earth is greatly retarded
by the abundance of unseasonable rain; so it doth also fall out
oftentimes, that the same being come to ripeness, it is difficult.
to get them in, by reason of the exceeding store of rain which
doth come down during the hay-time and the harvest. Where-
fore it behoveth one here to be wonderfull diligent, and not to
lose any part of the fair weather: For else one would run great
hazard to sustain great losses, and to have all spoyled. But
those that are vigilant and carefull, and that lose no occasion
at all, do commonly in the end get in their increase well
enough, notwithstanding all those great hinderances; so that
there be as few yeares of dearth in Ireland, as in any other
Country in Christendom; and most yeares there is not only
Corn enough got for the sustenance of the inhabitants, but a
great deal over and above, for the sending out of great
quantities of Grain into other countries.
Sect. 4. Of the fair weather in the latter end of Autumn. In
the foul weather the nights are often fair.
In the latter end of Autumn weather is commonly fair
again for some weekes together, in the same manner as in the
Spring, but not so long; which as it doth serve for to dry up,
and to get in the Corn and Hay, which till then hath remained
in the fields, the too much wet having hindered it from being
brought away sooner; so it giveth the opportunity of plowing
the ground, and sowing the Winter-corn; the which otherwise
would very hardly be done.
For that season being once past, you have very little dry
weather the rest of the autumn, and during all winter. And
although it doth seldom rain continually for many dayes
together, yet is the wetness very great, and few weekes do
pass, wherein are not two or three rainy dayes. And it is
to be observed, that ordinarily it raineth in Ireland much
more by day than by night; and that many times when it
doth rain two or three dayes together, the nights between are
very clear and fair; the which also many times falleth out in
other foul weather, and when all day long the Skie is overcast
with clouds and mists.
133
Sect. 5.
134
Chap. 21.
Irelands Naturall History.
Sect. 5. Some dry Summers in Ireland, but hardly ever
any too dry.
But although it is ordinarily thus in Ireland; yet the same
inconstancy and variableness of yeares and seasons, which is
observed in most other Countries, doth also here occur, and
that more in regard of the Summers and dry weather, than of
the Winters and cold. For it is marvellous seldom to have
there a hard winter and long frost; but Summers have been
which were full of very dry, and fair, and pleasant weather.
But as Winters cruelly cold, so likewise over-dry summers
do in this Iland hardly come once in an age; And it is a
common saying in Ireland, that the very dryest Summers
there never hurt the land: For although the corn and grass
upon the high and dry grounds may get harm, nevertheless
the country in generall gets more good than hurt by it: and
when any dearths fall out to be in Ireland, they are not
caused through immoderate heat and drought, as in most.
other countries, but through too much wet, and excessive
rain.
Sect. 6. Amendment of the wet Air in Ireland how to be
expected.
So that the Irish-air is greatly defectuous in this part, and
too much subject to wet and rainy weather; wherein if it
were of somewhat a better temperature, and as free from too
much wet, as it is from excessive cold, it would be one of the
sweetest and pleasantest in the whole world, and very few
countries could be named, that might be compared with
Ireland for agreeable temperateness. And although it is
unlikely, that any revolution of times will produce any con-
siderable alteration in this (the which indeed in some other
countries hath caused wonderfull changes) because that those
who many Ages ago have written of this Iland, do witness
the self same things of it in this particular, as we do find in
our time: There is nevertheless great probability that this
defect may in part be amended by the industry of men, if the
country being once inhabited throughout by a civill Nation,
134
care
Chap. 21.
135
Irelands Naturall History.
the
care were taken every where to diminish and take
away
superfluous and excessive wetness of the ground, in all the
watery and boggy places, whereby this too great moystness of
the Air is greatly increased, and partly also occasioned.
This opinion is not grounded upon some uncertain specu-
lation, but upon assured experience; for severall knowing and
credible persons have affirmed to me, that already some yeares
since good beginnings have been seen of it; and that in some
parts of the land well inhabited with English, and where great
extents of Bogs have been drained and reduced to dry land,
it hath been found by the observation of some yeares one after
another, that they have had a dryer air, and much less troubled
with rain than in former times.
Herewith agreeth that we read in that famous Writer Pliny,
in the fourth Chapter of the seventeenth Book of his Naturall
History, concerning that part of Macedonia, wherein the city
Philippi was seated; where the Air formerly having been very
rainie, was greatly amended by the altering the wetness of
the ground: His words are these, Circa Philippos cultura
siccata regio, mutavit cœli habitum: that is, word for word,
The Country about Philippi being dryed up through tillage,
hath altered the quality of the Air.
CHAP. XXII.
Of the Dew, Mist, Snow, Hail, Hoar-frost, Thunder and
Lightning, Earthquake and Winds.
THE
Sect. 1. Of the Dew.
HE Naturalists and Geographers do assure us, that it
deweth exceedingly in the hot and dry countries, and
that the less it useth to rain in a country, the dew doth fall
there the more abundantly; whereby it should seem to follow,
that in the wet climate it deweth very little, and consequently
that in Ireland, where it raineth so very much, the Dew must
be very scanty. But there is as much Dew there, as in other
Countries that are a great deal hotter and dryer. Only thus
135
much
136
Chap. 22.
Irelands Naturall History.
much experience doth shew in Ireland (and it may be as well
in other Countries, whereof I have not yet informed my self)
that when it is towards any great rain, little or no Dew doth
fall; so as in those times going forth early in the morning into
the green fields, you will find them altogether dry, and that
even in that season, wherein the Dew in Ireland, as in other
neighbouring Countries, useth to fall more abundantly, than
in any other time of the year, to wit in the moneths of May
and June: this is a certain sign to the inhabitants, that great
rain is to fall suddenly; and commonly after such a dry and
dewless night it useth to rain two or three days together. But
the preceding rain doth not hinder the Dew in that manner,
as that which is imminent; and it is found ordinarily, that in
a clear night following a rainy day (the which is very ordinary,
as we have sayd in the preceding Chapter) the Dew commeth
down as liberally as if it had not rained the day before.
Sect. 2. Of May-dew, and the manner of gathering, and
preserving it.
The English women, and Gentlewomen in Ireland, as in
England, did use in the beginning of the Summer to gather
good store of Dew, to keep it by them all the year after for
severall good uses both of physick and otherwise, wherein by
experience they have learnt it to be very available. Their man-
ner of collecting and keeping it was this. In the moneth of
May especially, and also in part of the moneth of June, they
would go forth betimes in the morning, and before Sun-rising,
into a green field, and there either with their hands strike off
the Dew from the tops of the herbs into a dish, or else throwing
clean linnen clothes upon the ground, take off the Dew from
the herbs into them, and afterwards wring it out into dishes;
and thus they continue their work untill they have got a
sufficient quantity of Dew according to their intentions. That
which is gotten from the grass will serve, but they chuse
rather to have it from the green corn, especially wheat, if they
can have the conveniency to do so, as being perswaded that
this Dew hath more vertues, and is better for all
purposes, than
that which hath been collected from the grass or other herbs.
136
The
Chap. 22.
Irelands Naturall History.
137
The Dew thus gathered they put into a glass bottle, and so
set it in a place where it may have the warm Sun-shine all
day long, keeping it there all the summer; after some dayes.
rest some dregs and dirt will settle to the bottom; the which
when they perceive, they pour off all the clear Dew into
another vessel, and fling away those settlings. This they do
often, because the Dew doth not purge it self perfectly in a
few dayes, but by degrees, so as new dregs (severed from the
purer parts by the working of the Dew, helped on by the Sun-
beams) do settle again; of the which as often as those good
women see any notable quantity, they still powre off the clear
Dew from them: doing this all summer long, untill it be clear
to the bottom.
The Dew thus thoroughly purified looketh whitish, and
keepeth good for a year or two after.
Sect. 3. Of the Mists and Fogs.
We have shewed how much Ireland is subject to rain, and
so it is likewise to dark weather, and overcasting of the air
even when it raineth not, which continueth sometimes many
dayes together, especially in Winter-time.
But as for the Fogs and Mists, Ireland is no more troubled
with them than other regions, especially in the plain countrie,
for in the mountains they are much more frequent, so that
oftentimes they are covered with them for a great way, the
space of some houres together, when at the same time there
is none in the neighbouring plain countrie; and in the high
mountains it commeth many times to pass that in a fair day
the top thereof for a long time together is covered over with a
thick Mist, when not only the adjacent countrie, but even the
lower part of those mountains do enjoy a clear Sun-shine.
And sometimes it befalleth the tops as well as the lower parts
being free from them, the middle parts are quite covered
there-with: as my brother in his travels hath many times ob-
served in severall parts, especially upon those high mountains
between Dundalke and Carlingford, as well in the midst of
the Summer, as at other times of the year.
And in many places it is found by experience, that the like
Fogs
137
138
Chap. 22.
Irelands Naturall History.
Fogs upon the tops of the mountains is a fore-runner of rain
in the next country: whereof all those who have lived any
time at Dublin, may have good knowledge. For seldom a
mist appeareth upon the top of the Wickloe-mountains,
situated some five or six miles to the South of Dublin, or of
the Head of Houth, without being followed with rain at
Dublin and the adjacent parts within 24 houres: wherein is
observable, that a Fog quite covering those mountains all
over is not so sure a signe of Rain, as when it is only upon the
top: and that those generall Mists upon the mountains are
often seen without any following Rain, the which very seldom
or never happeneth in the others.
There be two sorts of Mists or Fogs in Ireland: the one is
uniform and constant, quite filling the air of all sides, whereby
all manner of prospect is taken away, and continuing after
the same fashion, untill it vanish by degrees, either ascending
up into the Air, or falling to the ground; whereof here, as in
other countries, the first is commonly followed with rain, and
the second with fair weather.
In the other sort are great parcells or flakes of foggie
vapours scattered up and down the Air, with clear spaces
betwixt the which flakes do not keep one place, but fly to
and fro, according as they are driven by the wind, and that
sometimes very swiftly; this kind of Fog doth arise not only
upon the seaside, but also within the land, and upon the
mountains: oftentimes turning into a generall mist.
Sect 4. Of the Snow, Hail, and Hoar-frost.
For the most part there falleth no great store of Snow in
Ireland, and some yeares none at all, especially in the plain
countries. In the mountains there is commonly greater
plenty of snow, than in other parts, so that all kinds of cattle,
do all winter long remain there abroad, being seldom troubled
with very great frost or snow, and do feed in the fields night
and day, as we have related more amply above; yet it hath
happened that in a winter, one of many, abundance of Snow
hath fallen, instance that of the year 1635, where about the
latter end of January and the beginning of February great
138
store
Chap. 22.
139
Irelands Naturall History.
store of snow did fall to the great damage of the cattle, chiefly
in the Northern parts (where it did snow most exceedingly)
so as the People were put to hard shifts to bring their cattle
in safety to their folds and other covered places. One history
among the rest by reason of the strangeness of it, I thinke
will not be improper to relate as it hath been asserted to me
by very credible persons. A Gentleman living about Balla-
neah in the county of Cavan, took great pains to save his
sheep, yet missed eleven of them; some dayes after being come
forth to course, his man saw from afarre off upon a hill, in a
hollow place of a rock, part of it being covered with the top
hanging over it, something alive and stirring, they thought it
had been a Hare or a Fox, but comming neer they found it
was the lost sheep, the which had sheer eaten away all the
wool from one anothers back (being destitute of all other food,
all round about being covered with deep snow) and which is
more wonderfull one of them being dead, the rest did eat her
flesh, leaving nothing but the bar bones.
It doth also longer continue there: so as it is an ordinary
thing in those by Dublin, and all other high mountains
throughout the Land, to see the Snow lying upon the tops of
them many dayes, yea weekes, after that in the nether parts
and plain countrie, it is thawed and quite vanished.
It Haileth there but seldom, and in thinne short shoures,
the hail-stones also being very little.
As for the Hoar-frost, that is as common here, as in other
countries, and that not only in the coldest moneths, and during
the frost, but even in the Spring: so as commonly during all
the fair weather of that season, of some weekes together,
whereof we have spoke heretofore, every morning all the
green herbs of the gardens and fields are quite covered over
with it.
Sect. 5. Of the Thunder, Lightning, and Earthquakes.
Ireland is as little subject to Thunder and Lightning, as
any other countrie in the world, for it is a common thing, to
see whole yeares pass without them, and in those yeares,
where-in any are, one shall seldom have them above once or
139
twice
140
Chap. 22.
Irelands Naturall History.
$
twice in Summer, and that with so weak noise of the Thunder,
and so feeble a shining of the Lightning, that even the most
fearfull persons are hardly frightned at all there-by, much less
any harm done to men or beasts.
From Earthquakes this Iland is not altogether exempt; but
withall they are so seldom, that they hardly come once in an
age:
and it is so long agoe since the last of all was, that it is
as much as the most aged persons now alive can even remember.
Sect. 6. Of the Winds.
With Winds it is in this countrie almost as with Rain, Ire-
land not only having its share in them, as other countries,
but being very much subject to them, more than most other
parts of the world. For the Winds blow very much at all
times of the year, especially in the Winter moneths, when also
there are many stormes, which sometimes do continue severall
dayes together.
And it is worth the observation, that not only storm-winds,
but others also, do in Ireland much seldomer blow out of the
East, than out of the West, especially in the Winter; so that
commonly there is no need of a Wind to be wafted over into
England: where to the contrary, those, who out of England
will come over into Ireland, very ordinarily are constrained
to wait two or three weekes, and sometimes five or six weekes,
yea
it hath faln out so more than once, that in two whole
moneths, and longer, there hath not been so much East-wind,
as to carry ships out of England into Ireland: notable instances
whereof the history of the first conquest of Ireland, and that
of the Lord Mountjoy, subduer of Tirone's rebellion, doth
afford.
But in the Summer-time, and chiefly in the Spring, and in
the moneths of March, Aprill, and May, one is not so much
subject to that incommodity, as in the other times of the
year.
And as the West-winds are much more common in Ireland,
especially upon this coast lying over against Great-Britain,
than the East; so likewise the South winds are much more
ordinary there, than the North: which two winds there do
140
seldom
Chap. 23.
141
Irelands Naturall History.
seldom blow alone, but for the most part do accompany one
of the two other, especially the North-wind, the which also
doth oftner join it self with the East than with the West-
wind.
CHAP. XXIII.
Of the Healthfullness of Ireland, and what sicknesses it is
free from, and subject unto.
Sect. 1. Many Old and Healthful people in Ireland.
A
LTHOUGH Ireland is obnoxious to excessive wetness,
nevertheless it is very wholesome for the habitation
of Men, as clearly doth appear by that there are as few sickly
persons, and as many people live to a great age, as in any of
the neighbouring countries: for both men and women, setting
those aside who through idleness and intemperance do shorten
their dayes, attain here for the most part to a fair age, very
many living to be very old, and to pass not only the age of
fourscore, but of fourscore and ten; and severall there are
found at all times, who do very neer reach an hundred yeares,
some out-living and passing them. And the most part of
those aged persons are in very good disposition, injoying not
only their health, but also the use of their limbs, senses, and
understanding, even to their utmost yeares. Among the
women there are severall found, who do retain not only their
customary purgations, but even their fruitfulness, above the
age of fifty yeares, and some untill that of sixty: my Brother
hath known some, who being above three-score years old, have
not only conceived, and brought forth children, but nursed
them, and brought them up with their own milk, being won-
derfull rare and almost unheard-of in other countries.
Sect. 2. Ireland free from severall Diseases.
Ireland's healthfullness doth further appear by this particu-
lar, that severall diseases very common in other countries, are
here very rare, and partly altogether unknown. For the
Scurvy, an evill so generall in all other Northerly countries
confiding
141
142
Chap. 23.
Irelands Naturall History.
confining upon the Sea, is untill this day utterly unknown in
Ireland.
So is the Quartan Ague, the which is ordinary in England,
and in severall parts of it doth very much reign at all times.
As for the Tertian Ague, it was heretofore as little known
in Ireland as the Quartan: but some yeares since, I know not
through what secret change, it hath found access into this
Iland, so that at this time some are taken with it, but nothing
neer so ordinarily as in other countries.
The plague, which so often and so cruelly infected England,
to say nothing of remoter countries, is wonderfull rare in
Ireland, and hardly seen once in an age.
Sect. 3. The immunity from certain Diseases consisteth in the
Air, not in the bodies of the people.
It is observable concerning the fore-mentioned particular,
that this privilege, of being free from severall Diseases, doth
not consist in any peculiar quality of the bodies of men, but
proceedeth from some hidden property of the Land and the
Air it self. This is made manifest two manner of wayes,
first, in that strangers comming into Ireland do partake of
this same exemption; and as long as they continue there, are
as free of those evills, from which that climate is exempt, as
the Irish themselves. Secondly, in that the natives, born and
brought up in Ireland, comming into other countries, are
found to be subject unto those diseases as well as other people,
and I have known severall of them, who being come hither
into England, have fallen into the Quartan Ague, and have
as long and as badly been troubled with it, as ordinarily any
Englishman useth to be.
And credible persons have affirmed unto me the same of
Scotland, namely that the Quartan Ague never having been
seen there, the Scotchmen nevertheless in other countries are
as obnoxious to it, as people of any other Nation.
Sect. 4. The most part of all kind of Diseases are found in
Ireland us in other Countries.
True it is, notwithstanding that privilege of being exempt
from
142
Chap. 24.
143
Irelands Naturall History.
from certain evills, that the most part of diseases and infirmi-
ties, whereunto man's body is subject in other countries, are
also found in Ireland, as well outward as inward; and in the
number of the inward not only the suddain ones, and those
that in a few dayes or weekes come to an end, being called
Morbi acuti by the Physicians, as namely Feavers, Casting of
blood, Apoplexies, and others of that nature; but also those
of long continuance, as the Falling-sickness, the Palsy, all
sorts of Gout, Coughs, the Consumption of the Lungs, the
Stone of the Kidneys and of the Bladder, the Colick, the
Iaundis, the Dropsy, the grief of the Spleen, and severall
sorts of Loosenesses, with all which Evills it is here as in other
countries, some of them being very common here, and others
happening but seldom, and in few persons: the more parti-
cular relation whereof we will leave for the books of Physick,
and for those Observations which perhaps my Brother some
time or other will publish, of what he hath found concerning
these matters, in an ample and flourishing practice of eight
yeares, which he hath lived in Dublin.
CHAP. XXIV.
Of the Diseases reigning in Ireland, and whereunto that
country is peculiarly subject.
Sect. 1. Of the Irish Agues.
S Ireland is subject to most diseases in common with
A other countries, so there are some, whereunto it is
peculiarly obnoxious, being at all times so rife there, that they
may justly be reputed for Ireland's Endemii Morbi or reign-
ing Diseases, as indeed they are generally reputed for such.
Of this number is a certain sort of Malignant Feavers,
vulgarly in Ireland called Irish Agues, because that at all times
they are so common in Ireland, as well among the Inhabitants
and the natives, as among those who are newly come thither
from other countries. This feaver commonly accompanied
with a great pain in the head and in all the bones, great
143
J
weakness
144
Chap. 24.
Irelands Naturall History.
weakness, drought, losse of all manner of appetite, and want
of sleep, and for the most part idleness or raving, and restless-
ness or tossings, but no very great nor constant heat, is hard
to be cured, for those that understand the disease, and seek to
overcome it, do it not by purging, which cannot be used at
any time without great and present danger; for the fermenta-
tion of the humors which causeth the disease, is hereby
mightily increased, and the patient weakened; and hardly
with bleeding, which seldom is used with success otherwise
than in the very beginning; but with strengthning medicines
and good cordials: in which case, and if all necessary prescrip-
tions be well observed, very few persons do lose their lives;
except when some extraordinary and pestilent malignity
commeth to it, as it befalleth in some yeares, with so great
violence, that notwithstanding all good helps, some are
thereby carried to their graves; the same doth ordinarily
come to pass, that it proveth deadly, if the sick do fall into
unskilfull hands, or neglect all help, or do not observe good
directions; in which cases many do perish: and others, who
come off with their lives through robustiousness of nature, or
hidden causes, are forced to keep their beds a long time in
extreme weakness, being a great while before they can recover
their perfect health and strength.
Sect. 2. Of the Looseness.
The Looseness doth also greatly reign in Ireland, as well
among those of the countrie as among the strangers, wher-
fore the English inhabitants have given it the name of The
country disease. Many are a great while troubled with it,
and yet get no other harm: and those that betimes do make
use of good medicines, are without any great difficulty cured
of it. But they that let the looseness take its course, do com-
monly after some dayes get the bleeding with it, whereby the
disease doth not only grow much more troublesome and pain-
full, but a great deal harder to be cured; and at last it useth
to turn to the Bloody flux, the which in some persons, having
lasted a great while, leaveth them of it self; but in far the
greatest number is very dangerous, and killeth the most part
144
of
Chap. 24.
145
Irelands Naturall History.
of the sick, except they be carefully assisted with good
remedies.
That this disease, as also the other, viz., the Malignant
Feavers, are so rife in Ireland, doth partly come through the
peculiar disposition and excessive wetness of the air; but
partly also through the errours which people do commit in
eating and drinking, and other particulars: as manifestly doth
appear by that a very great number, not only of the Natives,
but also of the Strangers comming thither, who take carefull
heed to themselves in abstaining from hurtfull things, never
are troubled with either of these infirmities.
Sect. 3. Of the Rickets.
Among the reigning diseases of Ireland the Rickets also
may with good reason be reckoned, a disease peculiar to young
children, and so well known to every body in England, as it
is needless to give any description of it; and yet to this day
never any Physician, either English or of any other nation,
made any the least mention of it, no not in those works which
are expressly written of all manner of diseases and accidents
of little children.
In Ireland this disease is wonderfull rife now, but it hath
nothing neer been so long known there as in England, either
through the unskilfullness or neglect of the Physicians (the
most part whereof in both kingdomes to this day are ignorant
not only of the manner how to cure it, but even of the nature
and property thereof) or that really it is new there, and never
before having been in Ireland, hath got footing in it only
within these few yeares, through some strange revolution or
constellation, or Gods immediate sending: which kind of
changes severall times have befaln in divers Countries, and in
Ireland it self we have alreadie shewed some such matter in
another sickness, namely the Tertian Ague.
This evill being altogether incurable, when it is gone too
far, is hard enough to be cured even in the beginning, except
it be very carefully looked unto, and use made of the best
remedies; nevertheless this grief, as well as most others, hath
its peculiar medicines, the which being applied betimes, and
145
with
K
146
Chap. 24.
Irelands Naturall History.
with convenient care, do with Gods blessing for the most
part produce the effect desired.
Sect. 4. Of the Leprosie.
The Rickets are of late very rife in Ireland, where few
yeares agoe unknown; so on the contrary it hath been almost
quite freed from another disease, one of the very worst and
miserablest in the world, namely the Leprosie, which in former
times used to be very common there, especially in the Pro-
vince of Munster; the which therefore was filled with Hospi-
tals, expressly built for to receive and keep the Leprous persons.
But many yeares since Ireland hath been almost quite freed
from this horrible and loathsome disease, and as few Leprous
persons are now found there, as in any other countrie in the
world; so that the hospitals erected for their use, having stood
empty a long time, at length are quite decayed and come to
nothing. The cause of this change is not so obscure nor
unknown, as it is in most other changes of that nature. For
that this sickness was so generall in Ireland, did not come by
any peculiar defect in the Land or in the Air, but merely
through the fault and foul gluttony of the inhabitants, in the
excessive devouring of unwholesome Salmons. The common
report in Ireland is, that boiled Salmons eaten hot out of the
Kettle in great quantity, bring this disease, and used to be
the cause why it was so common: and some famous Authors
have not stuck to relate as much for a truth. But that is a
fable, and Salmons have not that evill quality, which way
soever they be eaten and prepared, but when they are out of
season, which is in the latter end of the year, after they have
cast their spawn: upon which they do not only grow very
weak and flaggie, but so unwholesome, that over their whole
body they break out in very filthy spots, just like a scalled
mans head, so as it would loath any man to see them; never-
theless the Irish, a nation extremely barbarous in all the parts
of their life, did use to take them in that very season, as well
as at any other time of the year, and to eat them in very
great abundance, as easily they might, every river and rivulet
in most parts being very full of them, and by that meanes that
horrible
146
Chap. 24.
Irelands Naturall History.
147
horrible disease came to be so common amongst them. But
the English having once gotten the command of the whole
Countrie into their hands, made very severe laws against the
taking of Salmons in that unwholesome season, and saw them
carefully observed; whereby hindering those barbarians against
their will to feed on that poysonous meat, they were the cause
that that woefull sickness, which used so mightily to reign
amongst them, hath in time been almost quite abolished; which
great benefit, with so many others, that hateful people hath
rewarded with seeking utterly to exterminate their benefactors.
Sect. 5. Of the Leaguer-Sicknesses.
In the English Armies, which since this bloody Rebellion
went over into Ireland to fight against that murdering Nation,
where not only the Looseness and the Malignant Feaver,
whereof we have spoken above as of Ireland's reigning diseases,
very common, but there-besides severall other infirmities, viz.
violent Coughs and of long continuance, Stopping of the
Breath, called in Latin Dispnoea, Lameness of the Thighs or
Sciatica, Painful Stranguries, all which griefes seized on so
many persons, that they might well have been taken for
sicknesses reigning in that land; as I have many times under-
stood of my Brother, who at that time not only dwelling and
practising at Dublin, but being Physician generall of the
English Forces, had but too much occasion to know that
perfectly.
But withall he hath assured me, that those diseases had
their originall not from any defect of the climate, but of the
cold, and other hardship, which the soldiers suffered in their
marches; for they many times going to the fields in cold and
foul weather, and sometimes marching whole dayes along, yea
severall dayes together, in very dirty and wet wayes, where
their feet and legs were continually cold and wet, besides
that they were sometimes constrained to pass through the
water up as high as the knees and waste, and after all that
hardship endured in the day-time, to lye in the night upon the
wet ground in the open air, this caused the aforenamed dis-
eases, and severall others amongst them, in so great number, it
being
K 2
147
148
Chap. 24.
Irelands Naturall History.
being to be wondered at, that many more did not fall into them.
And without doubt in any other countrie of the world, where all
the same causes did concurre, and where an Armie indured
the like hard-ship, the same effects, if not worse, would follow:
so that in this behalf the Land it self is not at all to be
blamed,
148
DE
HIBERNIA,
ET
Antiquitatibus ejus,
DISQUISITIONES.
1
V
JACOBI WAREI
Equitis Aurati
DE
HIBERNIA
Et Antiquitatibus ejus,
DISQUISITIONES.
EDITIO SECUNDA,
Emendatior
Et quarta parte auctior.
LONDIN1,
Typis E. TYLER, Impensis Jo. CROOK,
sub Signo Navis, in cœmeterio S. Pauli.
MDCLVIII.
Editionis Primæ
PRÆFATIO.

H
ABES, Lector, disquisitiones hasce, eo fine
editas, ut vel bono rei literariæ serviant, vel
saltem alios, melioribus auspiciis, certiora ex
antiquitatis tenebris eruere incitent. Perex-
iguam superesse notitiam rerum in Hibernia
gestarum, ante exortam ibi Euangelii auroram, liquidò con-
stat. Neq.; me latet, à viris nonnullis doctis, pleraque quæ
de antiquioribus illis temporibus, ante adventum S. Patricii
in Hiberniam, à scriptoribus traduntur, tanquàm figmenta
esse explosa. Notandum quidem descriptiones fermè omnium
quæ de illis temporibus (vetustioribus dico) extant, opera esse
posteriorum seculorum: idcircò in hac indagine, de iis, admo-
dùm parcè loquutus sum, nec usquàm nisi ubi rem aquâ (ut
potui) lance, pensitavi. In aliis etiam, ad recentiora tem-
pora spectantibus, interdum coactus sum, fateor) veritatis
studio, vel à viro aliquo erudito, vel à recepta opinione, dis-
sentire; sed in utroque casu, redditâ plerumque ratione.
Veruntamen, si in hoc tam dissitæ veritatis scrutinio sæpiùs
erraverim, haud mirum. Ardua res est (ait Plinius) vetustis
novitatem dare, obsoletis nitorem, obscuris lucem, dubiis
fidem. Etè Senatu doctorum quis idem non fatebitur?
Porrò, ut non negandum multa hic aptiùs disponi potuisse, si
id tanti mihi visum fuisset, ita fatendum non pauca etiam
addi potuisse, ex parte eâ schedarum mearum, quæ ad manum
non fuit, dum hæc molirer, licèt hunc defectum partim supple-
verint amicorum meorum Bibliothecæ, Londini et Westmonas-
terii. Utcúng; in his quæ nunc offero, præter ea quæ à viris
5
in
154
Editionis Primæ.
in hoc eruditionis genere versatissimis, ante me sunt observata,
multa etiam hactenus latentia, et scitu fortassè non indigna,
invenies patefacta, commentis quibus scatent scripta non-
nullorum, tùm veterum, tùm recentiorum, de Hibernia agentium,
vel consultò prætermissis, vel, quantum potui (è densis vetus-
tatis tenebris) detectis; at sine aliquâ morositate, ut ex iis
quæ posteà dicturus sum, (spero) liquebit. Veruntamen tum
ob rerum ipsarum obscuritatem, tum opinionum varietatem,
sæpè non ausus sum, fateor, quicquam certò statuere, sed
coactus multa, vel conjecturis venari et explicare, vel pleniori
aliorum indagini relinquere: quanquàm non negem conjec-
turas, ad magnam politioris literaturæ partem esse necessarias.
Nec dubito quin multa veterum ex conjecturis adhuc feliciter
illustrari possint, præter ea quæ à viris doctis antehac sunt
explicata, magno rei literariæ, atque adeò humanæ cognitionis
commodo.
Sed ne longè progrediar; ex hoc quocunq; labore, si
utilitatem aliquam percipias, me opere non poenitebit, imò
horas succisivas ità impensas, me benè collocâsse existimabo.
Vale. Londini, IV Nonas Maias, MDCLIV.
6
[ 155 ]
Editionis Secunda
Ansa et Institutum.
Prioris Editionis (quam ante annos jam IV in lucem emisi)
Consilium indicat præfatio prior. Cæterum tempus nuper
nactus opportunum, dum in Hibernia essem, è schedis et codi-
cibus meis MSS. non pauca selegi, quæ in jam dicta editione
deesse videbantur. Atque hinc sanè cùm in Anglia posteà
Bibliopolam, divenditis prioris editionis exemplaribus, novam
moliri accepissem, ansam arripui non solùm editionem primam
recognoscendi, sed multa etiam prætermissa interserendi, ac
cæteris postremò quatuor integra capitula adjiciendi. In
primo, de Basilicis agitur, sire ecclesiis cathedralibus, Hiber-
niæ, ubi id nunc Basilicis, quod anteà coenobiis præstiti. In
secundo, de priscorum Hibernorum servis, sive mancipiis,
deque illorum Villanis, sive Nativis, vel Betagiis, fundo quem
colebant adscriptis. In tertio, de priscis, apud Hibernos,
probationum sive purgationum generibus, post conversionem
gentis ad fidem Christianam. Ac in quarto denique, de
veterum Hibernorum et Ostmannorum in Hibernia funeribus
sepulturis et cryptis subterraneis.
Atque, de secunda hac editione, ista sunt quæ dicenda
habui. Londini, IX Kalendas Julias, Anno Dom MDCLVIII.
W
7
SYLLABUS CAPITUM.
CAP. I.
De variis nominibus quibus Hibernia veteribus innotuit: deque
Hiberniæ Etymo, .
CAP. II.
De Hibernorum origine: deque linguâ Hibernorum veterum;
an eadem fuerit cum Britannicâ,
CAP. III.
De Hiberniæ divisione et dimensione: ubi nonnulla etiam de
situ ejus,
CAP. IV.
De forma imperii apud veteres Hibernos: deque successione et
serie regum Hiberniæ, ab anno Christi ccccxxvIII, ad annum usque
MCLXXI, quo insula Anglici Juris facta est,
CAP. V.
De Druidibus eorúmque superstitionibus; ubi obiter nonnulla de
Diis, quos olim Hiberni, dum Ethnici, maximè colebant: deque
Bardis antiquis,
CAP. VI.
De variis nominibus quibus veteres Hiberni externos appellârunt,
præsertim vicinos,
CAP. VII.
De Hiberniæ ornamentis, commodis et privilegiis quibusdam
specialibus,
CAP. VIII.
De Tanistria, lege Brehonica et consuetudinibus dictis Gossipred,
Fostering, et Gavelkind,
CAP. IX.
De Hibernorum veterum cognominibus; et quandò cognomina
cœperint esse fixa et familiis annexa,
CAP. X.
Hiberniæ antiquæ populi et loca, de quibus fit mentio apud
Ptolemæum, qui floruit sub Antonino Pio, unà cum adjunctis nomi-
nibus recentioribus,
9
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161
165
170
172
182
•
186
·
188
189
•
•
192
193
САР.
158
Syllabus Capitum.
CAP. XI.
De Hibernorum veterum vestitu et ornatu,
CAP. XII.
De priscis equitibus et peditibus Hibernicis: sed potissimùm de
iis qui fuerunt mediorum temporum: deque eorum armis et cla-
more militari,
CAP. XIII.
De priscis exactionibus Hibernicis, dictis Bonaght, Sorohen,
Coshery, Cuddy, Shragh et Mart, deque tributis ab Anglis intro-
ductis, vice Bonaghti, vocatis Coyn et Libery,
CAP. XIV.
•
De mirabilibus nonnullis Hiberniæ: deque aliis adscriptitiis,
CAP. XV.
De Academiis sive Scholis insignioribus Hiberniæ: deque aliis,
apud exteras nationes, Hibernorum operâ excultis,
CAP. XVI.
De antiqua dispositione episcopatum Hiberniæ,
CAP. XVII.
•
De Corbis sive Corbanis, Erenuchis, Scribis, Colideis et Anacho-
retis Hiberniæ: deque igne dicto inextinguibili, à Monialibus
cœnobii S. Brigidæ Kildaræ, olim custodito, .
CAP. XVIII.
De veterum Hibernorum navigiis quibusdam coriis obtectis,
CAP. XIX.
De more antiquo creandi milites, apud Hibernos,
CAP. XX.
In quo ostenditur Hiberniam in Romanorum potestatem nunquàm
concessisse,
CAP. XXI.
De Cormaco Culinani filio rege simul et episcopo Casseliensi :
ubi obiter de aliis qui reges fuerunt simul et pontifices, vel sacer-
dotes: deque miro more tonsuræ ab Ædo, dicto Clerico Barboso,
introducto,
CAP. XXII.
De Hibernorum veterum domiciliis et ædificiis: deque eorum victu,
conviviis et musicis instrumentis,
10
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204
206
209
211
214
220
•
226
230
•
232
234
235
•
239
САР.
Syllabus Capitum.
159
CAP. XXIII.
De erroribus nonnullis et figmentis veterum aliquorum scripto-
rum, de Hibernia agentium: deque aliis scriptorum mediorum
temporum,
CAP. XXIV.
De Ostmannis, sive Danis et Norwegis; deque eorum rebus
gestis in Hibernia, ab anno Christi DCCXCV, usque ad Anglorum
ingressum, sub Henrico secundo, scil. per quatuor fermè centurias
annorum,
Page.
243
•
246
CAP. XXV.
De re nummaria, sive de nummis Hiberniæ antiquis, cùm ante
adventum Anglorum, sub Henrico II., tùm posteà, usque ad Henrici
VII. tempora,
CAP. XXVI.
Monasteriologia Hibernica, sive diatriba de Hiberniæ Cœnobiis,
in qua origines eorum et aliæ antiquitates aperiuntur,
CAP. XXVII.
267
•
277
De coloniis ex Anglia et Wallia in Hiberniam emissis, tempore
Henrici secundi: deque terris iis concessis,
CAP. XXVIII.
343
De insulis minoribus quæ per mare Hibernicum sparguntur,
353
CAP. XXIX.
Diatriba de Basilicis, sive ecclesiis Cathedralibus Hiberniæ; in
quâ, origines earum et aliæ antiquitates aperiuntur,
359
CAP. XXX.
De Hibernorum veterum servis, sive mancipiis, deque Villanis,
Nativis, sive Betagiis, fundo quem colebant adscriptis,
395
CAP. XXXI.
De priscis, apud Hibernos, probationum sive purgationum gene-
ribus, post gentis conversionem ad fidem Christianam,
•
397
CAP. XXXII.
De Hibernorum veterum et Ostmannorum in Hibernia funeribus,
sepulturis et cryptis subterraneis,
399
11

ESE SEASES
DE
HIBERNIA,
ET
Antiquitatibus ejus,
DISQUISITIONES.
CAP. I.
De variis nominibus quibus Hibernia, veteribus innotuit:
Deque Hiberniæ Etymo.
H
ÆC Insula, variis coloniis, è Britannia, Scythia, Iberia,
Germania et Gallia deductis, olim habitata, duobus
potissimùm nominibus Veteribus innotuit, Hiberniæ scil. sive
Iberniæ, et Scotia. Hibernia (ita vocant Cæsar, Plinius,
Solinus, Tacitus, Orosius, alii) Regio totius Europæ ad Occa-
sum remotissima, derivatur vel à voce Hiar, quæ apud
Hibernos, Occasum, sive plagam Occidentalem significat, uti
conjicit Camdenus, vel ab Iberis, qui hic olim habitabant:
unde fortasse et ipsa Insula, in Antonini Itinerario, Hiberione
appellatur, et in Epistola S. Patricii ad Coroticum, bis, Hi-
berione, semel, Hiberia. Ex alterutro fonte emanare viden-
tur Iërne, Hierna, Juverna, Iris, Bernia, Overnia, et vox
Hibernica, Eri: his enim nominibus Hibernia olim etiam
vocabatur. Ab Eri, Hibernus Erigena dicitur, et ita olim
Johannes Scotus, scriptor antiquus seculi noni, Erigena vulgò
appellabatur. Sunt qui ab Ebero Hispano, uno è Milesii
filiis, alii, qui ab Herimone Eberi fratre ducant. Sed viri
L
13
sanioris
162
Antiquitates
sanioris judicii has sententias rejecerunt, non minùs quam
istas aliorum, vel ab Irnalpho duce Hispanico, vel ab aquis,
hyberno tempore, ibi conglacientibus, vel ab Ibero Hispaniæ
fluvio, vel ab Iëra Regina, vel à Jurin, (i.) Judæorum terra,
deducentium. Neque hîc prætermittenda est Samuelis Bo-
charti Cadomensis conjectura, qui Geographiæ sacræ, lib. 1.
cap. 39, Hiberniam Phoenicibus, navigationibus, in oras remo-
tissimas, olim clarissimis, non fuisse ignotam, ex nomine con-
jicit, quod planè, ait, videtur fuisse Phoenicium, Hibernia
enim nonnullis Tërna, &c. Nihil aliud est quàm Ibernae,
Ultima habitatio, quia ultra Hiberniam, versus Occasum,
veteres nihil noverant, præter vastum mare. Ita ille ibi. Sed
(ut quod sentio dicam) inter has omnes, quæ de Hiberniæ
nomine invaluerunt, divinationes, mihi arridet opinio Isidori
et aliorum ab Iberia deducentium, tum ob fixas ibi quasdam
Iberorum sedes et colonias, de quibus posteà suis locis, tum
ob nominis affinitatem. Quò etiam spectasse videtur Johannes
Lelandus, in cygnea cantione, cum Hibernos Iberos vocarit,
Fractos undique pœnitudo Iberos
Sylvestres domuit, suave Legis
Ferre et perdocuit jugum Britannæ:
Quæ victoria comparanda magnis.
Sed de etymo, hæc est conjectura tantùm: veram nominis
rationem reddere quàm difficilimum existimo, nihil igitur pro
certo affirmo, quin potiùs rem totam in medio relinquo.
Ab aliis hæc insula Scotia (uti diximus) antiquitùs appella-
batur; atq; ita nominata videtur à coloniis quibusdam è Scy-
thia deductis. Ita Radulphus de Diceto, in Imaginibus His-
toriarum, ad annum MCLXXXV, E Regione ait quadam quæ
dicitur Scythia, dicitur Scita, Sciticus, Scoticus, Scotus,
Scotia. Ex eo, idem ferè habet Thomas Walsinghamius, in
Hypodigmate Neustriæ. Et rectè Reinerus Reinectius, in
Historia Juliæ prolegomenis, hodiè Scytharum nomen in
Scotis asserit esse reliquum. Scytharum nomen, apud anti-
quissimos scriptores, valdè generale fuisse docti nôrunt, ac
Scythas Europæos, sive Celto-Scythas colonias variis tempori-
bus in Hiberniam misisse, recepta est opinio solertissimorum
Antiquitatum
14
:
Hibernica.
163
De tempore
Antiquitatum Hibernicarum indagatorum.
adventus Scytharum in Hiberniam, sic Nennius sive Ninius
Britannus, qui floruit anno Domini DCCCL, Novissimè (inquit)
venerunt Scoti à partibus Hispania ad Hiberniam, &c.
Novissimè venit Clan-Hector, et ibi habitavit cum omni gente
sua usque hodiè. Nulla tamen certa Historia originis Sco-
torum reperitur. Si quis scire voluerit, quanto tempore fuit
inhabitabilis et deserta Hibernia, sic mihi peritissimi Scoto-
rum nunciaverunt, Scythæ in quarta ætate Mundi obtinuerunt
Hiberniam. Is verò sub initium libri, quartam ætatem Mundi
computat à Davide usque ad Danielem, sive ad Persicum
Imperium. Item Henricus Huntindoniensis Histor. lib. 1,
Britones, ait ille, in tertia Mundi ætate, in Britanniam,
Scoti in quarta, venerunt in Hiberniam. Propertius Getas
Scythiæ populos, (quos non alios fuisse quàm qui posteà Gothi
dicti fuerunt, plerique tenent,) hîc sedes fixisse innuit, lib. 4,
cleg. 3.
Hibernique Getæ, pictoque Britannia curru.
Et quamvis Hibernia à Plinio lib. 4. cap. 16. et ab Apuleio,
lib. de Mundo, inter Britannias numeretur, ac etiam à
Ptolemæo, Britannia parva appelletur et à Diodoro Siculo.
lib. 6, cap. 9. pars Britanniæ, quasi à Britannis olim
occupata, liquidò tamen constare videtur Scythas etiam (ut
de aliis hîc taceam) ibi habitâsse, unde inquam, verisimile
est Insulam eam, ab iis Scythiam primò nominatam, licèt
posteà corrupté Scotia diceretur. Sed, in hâc re, nihil definio.
Fingunt nonnulli Scotiam eam nominatam à voce σkóros, quasi
obscuritate fuerit involuta, alii à Scota Gaotheli uxore, filia.
Pharaonis Regis nescio cujus, item linguam Hibernicam, à
dicto Gaothelo (aliàs, Gaodelo) compositam fuisse, et Gaolic,
vulgò Gelic dictam, quasi ex cæteris linguis desumptam.
Sed à viris doctis explosa sunt ista figmenta. Hibernos ipsos.
cum Scotis, à Britannis, Guydhill appellatos, docet Hum-
fredus Lhuidus Cambro-Britannus, in Fragmento Britannica
descriptionis. Isidorus Hispalensis Originum lib. 9. cap. 2.
Scotos asserit propria lingua nomen habere à picto corpore,
eo quòd aculeis ferreis cum atramento, variarum figura-
rum stigmata annotentur. Atqui inde Pictos non Scotos
L 2
15
nomen
164
Antiquitates
nomen traduxisse certum; et Isidorus ipse lib. 19. cap. 23,
Pictos inde denominatos fatetur. Sunt denique qui Gaolic
à Gothis emanâsse volunt. Quære si non à Gallæcis His-
paniæ, vel à Gallis Veteribus. Venio jam ad Scriptorum
testimonia Nennio vetustiorum, quibus vel Hibernia Scotia
nomine innotuit, vel ejus incolæ nomine Scotorum. Nam
recentiorum testimonia libens hic prætermitto. Sic igitur
Claudianus, qui sub Honorio et Arcadio Impp. vixit, in Pa-
negyrico de quarto Honorii Consulatu.
Incaluit Pictorum sanguine Thule,
Scotorum cumulos flevit glacialis Iërne.
Et lib. 2, de laudibus Stilichonis,
Totam cùm Scotus Iernen
Movit, et infesto spumavit remige Tethys.
Post eum, ita Paulus Orosius, lib. 1, cap. 2, de Hibernia
loquens, Hæc propior, ait, Britanniæ, spatio terrarum angus-
tior, sed cœli solisque temperie, magis utilis, à Scotorum
Gentibus colitur. Ei astipulantur Gildas, Cogitosus, Beda,
aliique è Veteribus. Sed Insulam ipsam Scotiam olim dictam
disertè asserit supradictus Isidorus, qui floruit anno Christi
DCXXX, lib. 14 Originum, cap. 6, Scotia inquit, eadem et
Hibernia, proxima Britanniæ Insula, spatio terrarum an-
gustior, sed situ fœcundior. Hæc ab Africo in Boream por-
rigitur, cujus partes priores Iberiam et Cantabricum Oceanum
intendunt, unde et Ibernia dicta. Scotia autem, quòd à
Scotorum gentibus colitur, appellata. A Scotis his Hiberniæ,
genuinos Albaniæ Scotos originem traxisse, ex Beda, Gir.
Cambrensi, Johanne Majore (Scoto) et aliis, liquidò constat,
ipsarúmque linguarum communitas evincit.
Ad alia jam venimus nomina, antiquitùs etiam Hiberniæ
adscripta. Homerus et Hesiodus in partibus his occiduis,
Insulas Fortunatas sive Beatorum collocant. Sunt qui
Hiberniam eandem esse asserunt cum Plutarchi Ogygia,
quam ille ad Britanniæ occasum statuit, in libro de facie in
Orbe Lunæ: atqui hoc non patitur distantia Ogygiæ à Bri-
tannia, in Plutarcho memorata. Festus Avienus Insulam
sucram appellat, in libello cui titulus est, Ora Maritime.
16
Ibi
Hibernicæ.
165
Ibi enim postquàm de Ostrimidibus Insulis egisset, quæ hodiè
Silly dicuntur, de Hibernia ita canit,
Ast hinc duobus in SACRAM, sic insulam
Dixere Prisci, solibus cursus rati est
Hæc inter undas multum cespitem jacet.
Eámque latè gens Hibernorum colit.
Propinqua rursùs insula Albionum patet.
Neque desunt qui Hiberniam, ab Historicis patriis, olim
vocatam etiam volunt Insulam Nemorosam, Inisalgam sive
Insulam nobilem, Banuam, sive Beatam, quamvis alii Banuam,
et Fodlam (quo nomine etiam vocabatur) à Reginis nescio
quibus Thuathededanorum ita dictis, derivent: Item Inis-
faliam, à fatali saxo, Liafail dicto, ibi olim magna cura asser-
vato, Ethnicismi temporibus. Alii denique Culamuam vocant,
à qua voce (ut videtur) fluxit Cualemalac; nam linguam
Hibernicam sic olim dictam asserit Thaddeus Doulingus, in
Collectaneis suis Historicis. Sed ad alia transeamus.
CAP. II.
De Hibernorum Origine; deque Lingua Hibernorum Vete-
rum; an eadem fuerit cum Britannica.
D³ mi
E Cæsaræ Noachi neptis adventu in Hiberniam, cum Sect. 1.
colonia, paulò ante Diluvium, apud Giraldum Barrium
(Cambrensem vulgò dictum) et alios Scriptores fit mentio.
Anno itidem à Diluvio ccc, Bartholanum Seræ filium, de
stirpe Japheti, devictis Gigantibus nescio quibus, insulam
subjugâsse scribunt; sed peste posteà cum suis, Ruano excepto,
sublatum: inde Nemethum Scytham, cum quatuor filiis, ad
tempus incoluisse ac posteros ejus, à Gigantibus Fomoriis
dictis, tandem ejectos, partim in Scythiam, partim in Græciam
trajecisse, atque post 200 annos, quinque Delæ filios, Gandium,
Genandium, Sangandium, Rutheraigum, et Slanium, è Ne-
methi progenie, colonias novas in Hiberniam traduxisse
volunt, eamque postquàm expugnâssent, inter se in quinque
partes divisisse.
Slanium verò tandem Monarchiam obti-
17
nuisse.
166
Antiquitates
nuisse. Hanc Coloniam Scythicam Hiberni Firbolg vocant,
unde corruptè, apud Camdenum, Hibernia Tirvolac vocatur.
Addunt in posteris ejus, et posteà Nuadæ Thuathededanorum
Regis, Monarchiam durâsse, donec quatuor filii Milesii His-
pani, seculo XIV, ante Christum natum, cum nova colonia et
sexaginta navium classe, in Hiberniam appulerunt, eámque,
post prælia aliquot, cum incolis, subjugârunt. Duo eorum,
Iberus scil. (seu Hiberus) et Heremon Regnum inter se divi-
sisse dicuntur, ac Heremoni cessisse partem Australem, Hebero
sive Ebero Aquilonalem. Sed,
Nulla fides Regni sociis.
Ortâ demùm inter fratres discordiâ, post varios conflictus,
Eberum in Prælio ad Gessill, aliis, ad Argetros, ab Heremone
occisum tradunt, tumque Heremonem, tanquàm alterum
Romulum, factum Monarcham. Ita plerumque Giraldus
Cambrensis et qui eum sequuntur, ex historiis Hibernicis.
Neque hac occasione omittendus, licèt in quibusdam dissentiat,
Oengusus Celide, author antiquus, qui in libro dicto Psalter-
narran, de Milesii posteris sequentia tradit: Hibernia Insula,
inquit, inter duos filios principales Militis (vulgò dicti Mile-
sii,) Heremon et Eber in duas partes divisa est: Eber autem
australem partem Hiberniæ accepit, Heremon quidem Septen-
trionalem, cum Monarchia accepit. Heremon autem primus
de Scotis omnem Hiberniam regnavit, per 13 annos, et quinque
filios electos genuit, quatuor ex iis regnaverunt Hiberniam, per
3 annos, et Jarel Propheta, 10 annos. De semine ipsius,
Hiberniam 58 Reges dominaverunt, antequàm Patricius Hi-
berniensibus Passionem et Catholicam fidem regulámque Christi
narraret: et post Patricium, de prole ejus, 50 Reges domina-
verunt Hiberniam. Ab Ebero, originem duxisse dicuntur
(sed quàm verè nescio) O-Brieni, Mac-Cartai, O'Carolli,
O-Sullevani, Mac-Cohlani, O-Kennedæi, O-Hogani, O-Haræi,
O-Garæi, alii. Ab Heremone, O-Neali, O-Connori, O-Do-
nelli, O-Birni, O-Kellei, O-Flahertæi, O-Rourki, O-Relei,
O-Melachlini, &c. Et ab Jero alio fratre, O-Connori Kerriæ,
O-Feralli, Mac-Ranelli, Magenisii, et alii pauci. Pergo. Imi-
grationum Partholani, Nemethi, ac demum trium filiorum
Militis
18
Hibernicæ.
167
:
..
Militis Hispani cum cxx Ciulis (navibus ita dictus,) memi-
nit Nennius, sed Partholanum et suos peste asserit extinctos,
Nemethum in Hispaniam rediisse et Militis filios mansisse ibi
per spatium unius anni. Ex Nennio, rectè colligit doctissimus
Camdenus horum immigrationes, ex profunda illa antiquitate
quam fabulantur, in recentiora tempora retrahendas. Neque
est cur miremur; res etenim priscorum seculorum, velut quæ
magno ex intervallo loci vix cernuntur (ut rectè Livius) ve-
tustate nimiâ esse obscuras; etiam sæpè prorsùs ignotas, è
doctis quis nescit? Et ne longè digrediamur, constare videtur
penè omnia, quæ de vicinis rebus Britannicis, ante Cæsaris
tempora, à Galfrido Monumethensi traduntur, ne dicam fictitia
esse, certè spissis tenebris obducta. In his porrò quæ desumpta
sunt ex Historiis Hibernicis, de Gentis Origine, falsa veris
mixta, æquo lectori satis liquet. Ad primos verò Incolas
quod attinet, mihi placet eorum sententia, qui è Britanniâ
ducunt, ut pote ad veritatem propensior, tùm ob Britanniæ
vicinitatem, unde facilior est transitus in Hiberniam, tùm ob
linguam, mores et ritus Hibernorum veterum, Britannicis
persimiles. In hâc re, Taciti vestigia sequor, qui in vita Julii
Agricolæ, post similem disquisitionem, unde primùm deducta
coloniæ in Britanniam, an scil. ex Germania, vel ex Hispania,
probabilius tandem statuit, Gallos vicinum solum occupasse,
idque ex eorum sacris et superstitionum persuasione deprehendi.
Quàm vicina sit Hibernia Britanniæ satis notum, et Hiberniam
ipsam inter Britannias olim fuisse numeratam, testes sunt (ut
suprà diximus,) Plinius, Apuleius, Ptolemæus et Diodorus
Siculus. Verisimile etiam videtur Brigantes Hibernicos, quos
Ptolemæus locat prope Brigum flu. è Brigantibus Britanniæ
ortos. De moribus et ritibus Hibernorum veterum, ita jam
dictus Tacitus; Solum cælumque, inquit, cultus et ingenia
hominum haud multùm à Britannia differunt, et speciatim ut
Britanni, juxta Cæsarem (lib. 5. cap. 5.) barbam alebant in
superiori tantùm labro, et capillum habebant promissum, ita
Hiberni veteres barbam alebant, et comas (à recentioribus
Glibs vocatas,) ad terga usque demittebant. Druidæ porrò
et Bardi (de quibus posteà suo loco) ab utraque natione, eximio
honore habiti. Cæterùm ut veteres Hiberni non paucos pro-
19
cul
168
Antiquitates
cul dubiò mores accipiebant et ritus à Britannis, ita alios, à
Scythis, ut colligere est ex eorum moribus et ritibus antiquis,
in Juramentis, Nuptiis, Conviviis, Saltationibus et Funeribus,
collatis cum iis Scytharum, apud Herodotum, Solinum, Dio-
dorum, Lucianum, et alios è Veteribus. Porrò scuta eorum
viminea, atque arcus et sagittæ breves arma erant merè Scy-
thica. Cæterùm an Scytharum more Anthropophagi fuerint,
ut habet Strabo, lib. 4 Geograph. multùm dubito, siquidem
Strabo ipse fatetur, de ea re, se non habuisse dignos fide testes.
Neque prætermittere hîc possum nonnullos magni nominis
viros in Senatu literario suspicari utramque gentem à Sagit-
tandi peritiâ, hoc nomen obtinuisse. Hûc accedit, quòd
Belga Scythas et Scotos uno nomine Scutten appellant. More
denique Scythico, ante prælium, tum ad robur incitandum,
tum ad hostes perterrendos, clamore Martio utebantur, Farah,
Farah, acerrimè sæpè iterantes. Sic Græci olim ad prælium
euntes Eleleu (ut notant Plutarchus et Suidas) acclamare
solebant, vel, ut alii volunt, Alala. Atque vocem undique
Martiam, ante pugnam Romanis non fuisse inusitatam, testa-
tur Ammianus Marcellinus, lib. 31. ubi talem clamorem Bar-
ritum appellat; fortè quod imitabantur Elephantorum vocem,
qui (teste Pompeio Festo,) barrire dicuntur. Designare tem-
pus exactum, quo Hibernia primùm habitari cœperit, non est
cur quis à me expectet. Rerum antiquarum initia, nisi quæ
ex sacris Scripturis hausimus, plerúmque admodùm incerta
esse non ignotum. Cæterùm ut verisimile est et valdè pro-
babile, primos ejus incolas è Britannia appulisse, proximâ
nempe insulâ, et à tenuibus, ut fit, initiis, pedetentim novas
inde colonias, putà Brigantes, &c. Hiberniæ partes quasdam
Orientales (Britanniæ proximas) occupâsse; ita etiam non
negandum alias nationes colonias posteà in Hiberniam misisse,
licèt de exacto tempore nihil supersit. Speciatim (ut de Scy-
this jam tandem sileamus,) Cauci Hibernici à Caucis Germaniæ
orti videntur, Gangani et Luceni, à Concanis et Lucensiis
Iberia sive Hispaniæ, (que et demùm universam Insulam,
secundùm Isidorum, nomini suo fermè integrè adoptavit) et
Menapii, de Galliæ Belgica Menapiis, &c. Hactenùs de
Hibernorum Origine; secunda pars restat de eorum Lingua.
Priscam
20
Hibernica.
169
Priscam Hibernorum linguam fuisse Britannicam, viri Sect. 2.
aliqui eruditi censent, et ex magna vi verborum Britannico-
rum, quibus etiamnum, aut integris aut paulò mutatis, utun-
tur Hiberni, demonstrare nituntur. His ego quidem assentior:
sed ut existimo antiquissimam eorum linguam fuisse Britan-
nicam, cum primis scil. Coloniis Britannicis introductam,
ita non possum non asserere, linguam eorum propriam, partim
temporum revolutionibus fuisse mutatam (juxta Horatium, in
Arte Poetica)
Multa renascentur quae jam cecidere, cadentque
Quæ nunc sunt in honore rocabula, si volet usus,
Quem penes arbitrium est, et jus et norma loquendi.
partim aliarum coloniarum deductione interpolatam. Nobis
sunt exemplis Græci et Itali. Et quod hîc prætermittendum
non est, nonne constat linguam Britannicam in ipsa Britannia,
aliquot annis post Saxonum adventum, in Walliam et Cornu-
biam fuisse detrusam, et quasi in exilium pulsam, adeò ut in
cæteris Insulæ partibus, vix vola hodiè remaneat aut vestigium
prisci sermonis. Porrò ut Hiberni olim utebantur linguâ
antiquâ Britannicâ, ita etiam à priscis Britannis accipiebant
Alphabetum sive literas, uti fortè Saxones posteà ab Hibernis,
dum ad scholas Hibernicas, discendi gratiâ, confluerent.
Porrò præter characteres vulgares, utebantur etiam veteres
Hiberni variis occultis scribendi formulis, seu artificiis, Ogum
dictis, quibus secreta sua scribebant. His refertum habeo
libellum membraneum antiquum. Sed hoc obiter. Denique
ut, inter alia argumenta, ex linguæ cognatione, primi Hiber-
niæ incolæ existimantur coloniæ Britannorum, ita Scoti
Albaniæ, præsertim boreales, Hibernorum, Multiplici argu-
mento certum est, (ait Johannes Major) nos ab Hibernicis
originem traxisse. Hoc ex Beda Anglo didicimus, qui sui
Regni progeniem attenuare nolebat. Hoc idem loquela mani-
festat. Adhuc Scotia fermè medietas Hibernicè loquitur, et
à paucis retroactis diebus, plures Hibernicè loquuti sunt.
Hæc ille, lib. 1. Gestis Scotorum, çap. 9. Sed consule etiam
Bed. Eccles. histor. 1. 1. cap. 1.
21
CAP. III.
170
Antiquitates
Sect. 1.
CAP. III.
De Hiberniæ Divisione et Dimensione: ubi nonnulla
etiam de Situ ejus.
NTIQUISSIMA Hiberniæ Divisio fuit in Legh-Cuinam,
seu Leghcon, et Legh-moam, Legh-cuina, quæ pars fuit
Septentrionalis, limites habuit ab Ostio Lifii fluvii, qui Dub-
linium Hiberniæ Metropolim (Ptolemæo Eblanam) perfluit,
usque ad ostium fluvii, è Lacu Curb emissi, qui Galviam præ-
terfluit: residuum Insulæ, partem nempe australem, Legh-moa
complexa est. Hûc accedit quod Beda, lib. 3, cap. 4, Hiber-
niam dividit inter Scotos Septentrionales et Australes. Alia est
antiqua Hiberniæ divisio in quinque Provincias, Momoniam,
Lageniam, Conatiam, Ultoniam et Midiam. De hâc divi-
sione, sic codex MS. (ut putatur) Minoritarum Montis Fer-
nandi; Momonia continet Cantredas, 70. Lagenia, 31. Co-
natia, 30. Ultonia, 35. Midia, 18. Cantreda continet, 30
villatas terræ, quælibet villata potest sustinere 300 vaccas in
pascuis, et vacca, si dividantur in quatuor armenta, nullum
eorum approximabit reliquis. Quælibet villata continet octo
carucatas terræ. Liber, unde hanc divisionem desumpsimus,
descriptus est sub initium regni Edwardi primi, et extat
etiamnum in Bibliothecâ instructissimâ Usserianâ. Similis
divisio Hibernise habetur in Regesto Coenobii Duiskensis,
nisi quòd Conatia ibi dicitur continere Cantredas tantum 26.
Author hujus divisionis appellatur Fyntinus. Quando Fin-
tinus ille vixerit, non constat, neque possum affirmare eundem
fuisse cum S. Fintano qui decessit an. Domini DCIII. Ex priore
divisione (secundùm Librum Montis Fernandi, emergit numeris
184 Cantredarum, id est 5520 Villarum, sive 44160 caruca-
tarum terræ. Giraldus Cambrensis Topograph. Hiberniæ,
distinctione I. c. 6. habet divisionem Hiberniæ ab ea Fyntini
diversam. In quinque inquit portiones ferè æquales antiqui-
22
tùs
Hibernica.
171
tùs hæc regio divisa fuit, has scil.
Momoniam duplicem,
borealem et australem: Lageniam, Ultoniam, et Conatiam.
Et paulò posteà, Hic autem notandum videtur duas Momo-
nias, australes Hiberniæ partes obtinere, Ultoniam, boreales,
Lageniam, orientales, Conatiam, occidentales. Differt etiam
in quantitate cantreda: sic enim ille Itiner. Camb. lib. 2,
cap. 7.
Cantredus tanta est terræ portio, quanta centum
villas continere solet. Ita quantitas Cantredæ sive Centuriæ,
quæ eadem est cum Saxonico Hundredo, nusquam certa.
Quemadmodùm autem Cantredæ quantitas est incerta et
varia, ita etiam Carucatæ, quæ major aut minor pro soli
natura et qualitate, licèt vulgò accipiatur pro terræ portione,
quæ uno aratro coli potest per annum. Recentioribus tempori-
bus quatuor tantùm Provinciæ numerantur, Lagenia scil. Mo-
monia, Conatia et Ultonia. Nam Midia (quæ olim continebat
non modò Midiam, agrum inquam qui nunc ita dicitur, sed
West-Midiam etiam, sive Midiam Occidentalem, Longfor-
diam, Fercalliam et aliqua alia territoria) nunc pars censetur
Provinciæ Lageniæ. Sed de tempore quo ita cœperit censeri,
non constat. Nunc igitur hæ quatuor Provinciæ in Comita-
tus sive Regiones ita dividuntur. In Lagenia sunt Comitatus
12; Dublinium, Louth, Midia, West-Midia, Longfordia,
Kildaria, Comitatus Regis, Comitatus Reginæ, Catherlagh,
Kilkennia, Wexfordia, et Wicklo: In Momonia, VI, Water-
fordia, Corcagia, Kerria, Limericum, Tipperaria, (cui nuper
Crocea Tipperariæ annexa) et Clare, antiquitùs Tuomonia:
In Conatia, 5, Galvia, Mayo, Sligo, Roscoman, et Letrim:
In Ultonia, IX, Armagh, Dunum, Monaghan, Antrim, Done-
gall, Cavan, Fermanagh, Tir-oen et London-derry. De
urbibus illis hîc taceo, quæ comitatuum etiam privilegiis
gaudent, et suos habent distinctos vicecomites.
Ad Insulæ magnitudinem quod attinet, continet in longi- Sect. 2.
tudine, à Meridie ad Aquilonem, plusquam 200 Milliaria
Hibernica, et in latitudine, ab Oriente ad Occidentem, cen-
tum et viginti. Ab Ortu Angliam versus, mari, quod voca-
tur Hibernicum et nautis vulgò Canalis S. Georgii, alluitur,
ab Occasu, immenso Oceano, à Septentrione, Deucalidonio,
et ab Austro, Vergivio, quod mare à Britannis Morweridh
dictum
23
172
Antiquitates
dictum est, quasi Mare Hibernicum. Atque inde antiquum
vocabulum Vergivium derivatum putat Humfredus Lhuidus.
Camdenus autem, in Hiberniâ suâ, denominatum vult vel à
dicto Morweridh, vel à Farigi, quod Hibernis Mare significat.
Quàm malè conveniebant veteres de Hiberniæ dimensione,
ex Cæsare, Strabone, Plinio, Solino et Ptolemæo, inter se
collatis, liquet.
A
Sect. 1.
CAP. IV.
De Forma Imperii apud Veteres Hibernos: deque successione
et serie Regum Hiberniæ, ab Anno Christi 428, ad annum
usque 1171, quo Insula Anglici Juris facta est.
D
URANTE Pentarchiâ, qui Regum potentissimus, domi-
nium totius Insulæ sibi arripiebat; vulgò Rex Hiber-
niæ dicebatur, et à nonnullis Rex Regum: non eo tamen sensu
quo Agamemnon olim vocabatur Rex Regum, cùm reverà
esset duntaxat Dux ducum, sive Dux Belli, sed ut cui Imperii
summam, cæteri Reges vel potiùs Reguli permiserant, et Belli
tempore et Pacis. Prædicti verò Reges (verba sunt Giraldi
Cambrensis, Topographiæ Hiberniæ, distinct. 3. cap. 45.) non
alicujus coronationis solennitate, nec inunctionis sacramento,
nec etiam jure hæreditario, vel aliqua successionis proprietate,
sed vi tantùm et armis, totius Insulæ Monarchiam obtinuerunt,
et suo more Regni gubernacula susceperunt. Hæc paucis
mutatis, habet etiam liber niger Ecclesiæ S. Trinitatis Dub-
linii. Aliquando tamen duo erant simul Reges ejusdem
Regni, more Sparta, ut suo patebit loco. Quando cœperit
Pentarchia non liquet. Fuisse autem seculo quinto à Nati-
vitate Christi, certum. Neque hîc prætermittendum, paucos
fuisse illorum regum, ante Anglorum adventum in Hiberniam,
sub Henrico secundo, qui morte aliquâ violentâ non perierunt.
Atque, ut apud Romanos, Galbam sustulit Otho, Othonem,
Vitellius, et Vitellium Vespasianus, ita vicissim multos è
Regibus illis Hibernicis, qui prædecessorum cæde manus pol-
luerant, pœna talionis secuta est. Sed pergamus. Anti-
24
quioribus
Hibernica.
173
quioribus seculis, Temoria, sive Temra, quam hodie Tarah
dicimus, in Midia, Regia eorum erat præcipua: ibi festa
solennia et comitia, statis temporibus, olim tenebantur; de
his, frequenter fit mentio, in rerum Hibernicarum Annali-
bus, speciatim (ut de cæteris hîc taceam) ad annum Domini
CCCCLV, sub Lægario Rege, et ad annum CCCCLXVIII, sub Aililo
Molt. Mirum videatur et vix credibile, quod de barbaro
ritu, quo Tirconallenses olim sibi Regem creare solebant,
tradit Giraldus Cambrensis, Topograph. Hibern. distinct. 3.
cap. 25, Est igitur in boreali (ait ille) et ulteriori Ultoniæ
parte, scilicet apud Kenilcunil, gens quædam quæ barbaro
nimis et abominabili ritu, sibi Regem creare solet. Collecto
in unum universo terræ illius populo, in medio producitur
jumentum candidum, ad quod sublimandus ille, non in Frin-
cipem, sed in Belluam, non in Regem sed in Exlegem, coram
omnibus bestialiter accedens, non minùs impudenter quàm
imprudenter, se quoque Bestiam profitetur, et statim jumento
interfecto, et frustratim in aquâ decocto, in eadem aqua bal-
neum ei paratur, cui insidens, de carnibus illis sibi allatis,
circumstante populo suo et convescente comedit ipse: de jure
quoque quo lavatur, non vase aliquo, non manu, sed ore tantùm
circum quaque haurit et bibit. Quibus ita ritè non rectè com-
pletis, regnum illius et dominium est confirmatum. Sic ibi
ille. Neque prætermittenda hîc incondita ea ceremonia ante-
hac usitata, in electione O-Neali, per calcei jactum, trans electi
caput. Sed, de barbaris et inconditis ritibus satis superque.
Sunt tamen qui asserunt aliquos è familia O-Brienorum
admodùm solenniter Reges Hiberniæ fuisse creatos, ac coronâ
aureâ redimitos: speciatim in Historicis Hibernicis legimus
Donatum O-Brien anno Domini MLXV, peregrinationem
Romam usque suscepisse, et majorum suorum coronam Regiam
secum detulisse. Hactenùs diximus de Regibus Hibernicis,
qui vixerunt ante Anglorum ingressum sub Henrico secundo:
nonnullos verò quamvis subditos etiam post Anglorum adven-
tum Regio nomine gavisos et Reges fuisse appellatos, ab ipsis
Angliæ Regibus, liquidò constat: sic enim Hovedenus ad
annum Domini MCLXXV, Hic est finis et concordia quæ
facta fuit apud Windeshores, in Octavis Sancti Michaëlis
ANNO
25
174
Antiquitates
anno Gratiæ MCLXXV, inter Dominum Regem Anglia Hen-
ricum filium Matildis Imperatricis, et Rodericum Regem
Conactæ, per Catholicum Archiepiscopum Tuamensem, et
Abbatem Cantordem S. Brandani, et Magistrum Laurentium
Cancellarium Regis Conactæ, sci. quod Rex Angliæ concedit
prædicto Roderico, Ligeo suo, Regi Conactæ, quamdiù ei
fideliter serviet, ut sit Rex sub eo, paratus ad servitium suum,
ut homo suus, &c. Quo ordine, hi licèt Reges dicti, iis tem-
poribus ponebantur, innuere videtur Diploma Henrici secundi,
quo negotia sua Hibernica commisit Gulielmo filio Aldelmi
Dapifero suo, cujus hoc fuit initium, Henricus Dei gratia Rex
Angliæ, Dominus Hiberniæ, Dux Normannia, Aquitaniæ, et
Comes Andegaviæ, Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Regibus, Comi-
tibus, Baronibus, et omnibus fidelibus suis Hibernicis, Salutem.
Roderici successorem, dictum similitur Regem Conactæ liquet,
ex rotulo clauso anni sexti Johannis, membr. 3, in arce Lon-
dinensi. Item in Rotulo clauso ann. 5 Hen. 3, Diplomata
quædam Regis directa sunt, inter alios, K. Regi Conactiæ, et
O. Regi de Kinel-ean, annoque sequente idem Rex concessit
Regi Tosmond, terram Tosmond: sic enim rotulus chartarum
An. 6 Hen. III. memb. 2. Rex Regi Tosmond, Salutem, Con-
cessimus vobis terram Tosmond (i. Tuomond) quam priùs
tenuistis, per firmam centum et triginta Marcarum, tenendam
de nobis, usque ad ætatem nostram. De querela Fedlimidi
O-Conner, Londini exhibita, coram Henrico III, et Curia,
vide Matthæum Parisium, ad annum мCCXL, ubi illius partis
Hiberniæ Regulum eum appellat, que Cunnoch (i. Conatia)
nuncupatur. Et Fedlimidum ipsum Regis Conactiæ nomen
assumpsisse, ex Sigillo ejus liquet, cujus ectypon expressum
hîc exhibeo,
SEADLI

26
Eundem
Hibernica.
175
Eundem morem apud Romanos olim viguisse in regionibus
eorum Imperio subditis, docet Josephus, Antiquit. Judaic. lib.
18, cap. 11, et Tacitus in vita Agricolæ, veterem dicit ac jam
pridem receptam Populi Romani consuetudinem, ut haberet
instrumenta servitutis, et Reges. Sed de Regulis hisce no-
mine, reverà subditis, hîc satis. Nam ut rectè Martialis,
Qui Rex est Regem, Maxime, non habeat.
Plurium cupidus consulat Johannem Seldenum, in eximio suo
opere, de Titulis Europa Honorariis.
Sequitur jam Catalogus Regum Hiberniæ, à Logario filio
Nelli usque ad Henrici Secundi adventum, sub quo, ea Insula
Anglici Juris facta est, ex Historiis et Annalibus rerum
Hibernicarum desumptus. Ad Prædecessores Logarii quod
attinet, eos certè consultò omisi, quia pleraque, quæ de iis
traduntur (ut quod sentio dicam) vel fabulæ sunt, vel fabulis
et anachronismis mirè admixta. Cæterùm in serie quam hic
exhibemus, ne quis deesse putet Reges aliquos Hiberniæ, de
quibus fit mentio apud Scriptores, notandum Regulos, sive
Reges Provinciæ alicujus, vel particularis regionis in Hiber-
nia, apud eos, aliquando Reges Hiberniæ falsò dictos. Sic in
Chronico Caradoci Lhancarvanensis, circa annum Domini
905, Cormacus Culinani filius Rex et Episcopus Casseliensis ap-
pellatur Rex et Episcopus totius Hiberniæ: item, circa annum
958, Abloicus Rex Ostmannorum Dublinii dicitur ibi Rex
Hiberniæ, atque ita etiam vocatur Elermaen dicti Abloici
filius, qui occisus dicitur circa ann. 987. Sic porrò apud
Giraldum Cambrensem; fit mentio Fedlimidi tanquam Regis
Hiberniæ, De gente igitur ista, ab adventu Patricii, usque
ad Fedlimidi Regis tempora, XXXIII Reges per cccc annos
in Hibernia regnaverunt. Vid. Topograph. Hiberniæ dis-
tinct. 3, cap. 36. Atqui Fedlimidus ille, cujus tempore idem
Giraldus, (capite sequenti) asserit Norwegienses Hiberniam
expugnâsse, sub ductu Turgesii, fuit Rex Momoniæ (ut
vulgò creditur) non totius Hiberniæ. Denique, ut alios hîc
mittam, Jocelinus Furnessensis, quâ authoritate nescio, For-
chernum quendam Regem appellat Hiberniæ, tempore mortis
S. Patrici
27
176
Antiquitates
S. Patricii, anno sc. CCCCXCII. Cæterùm refragantur His-
torici Hibernici, quibus, in hâc successione Regum, fides
potiùs adhibenda. His præmissis, ad ea quæ dicenda viam
habemus planiorem.
Logarius filius Nelli Nigialac regnavit ann. 35. et à
Lageniensibus in prælio Campi Liffii, interfectus est, anno
CCCCLXIII. Sunt qui eodem anno occisum tradunt in prælio
ad Tooli-caisse, dùm tributum pecorum, quod jurejurando
Lageniensibus remiserat, armis extorquere conaretur.
Aililus Molt Nathii filius (è Rege Conatiæ Monarcha factus)
regnavit annos 20, tumque à Successore, in prælio dicto Cath-
Ocha, occisus est, anno Dom. CCCCLXXXIII.
Lugdathus aliàs Lugaidus Lægarii filius regnavit annos 25.
Periisse ferunt fulmine ictum anno DVIII, justo Dei judicio,
ob pertinaciam in Gentilium superstitionibus colendis.
Interregnum annorum 5.
Moriertacus filius Ercæ, (nomine à matre tracto) dùm vino
se ingurgitaret, miserè ebrius periit. Non desunt qui im-
mersum asserunt in dolio vini, anno DXXXIV, cum regnâsset
annos 21.
Tuathalus Mælgarb regnare cœpit anno Dom. DXXXIV.
Regnavit annos 10, à Mælmorda filio Airgetæ occisus, anno
DXLIV, apud Grellachelte, in Conatia. Homicida autem à
famulis dicti Regis captus, statim confossus est.
Dermitius Primus Cerbaili filius (qui successit) occisus est ab
Ædo sive Hugone Nigro filio Suibnei Rege Dalnaraidæ, anno
Dom. 565, in loco dicto Rath-beg. Stemma suum is duxit à
Conallo, de cujus posteris, vide prophetiam S. Patricii, apud
Jocelin. cap. 53.
Fergusius et Donaldus Primus filii Moriertachi nepotes
Ercæ successerunt anno 565. Sed Donaldo in prælio occiso
anno sequenti, imperium suscepit Amirachus.
Amirachus filius Setnai occisus est à Fergusio filio Nelli,
anno Domini 569. ob quod facinus, ipse Fergusius, ab Edano
Amirachi filio, anno sequenti confossus est.
Beotanus et Eochanus, hic filius, ille frater Moriertachi
occisi sunt, à Cronano filio Tigernaci, in prælio ad Glengevin,
cùm triennium regnâssent.
28
Edanus
Hibernicæ.
177
Edanus sivé Æd Primus aliàs Hugo filius Amirachi successit
anno 572. et à Brandubo Etaci filio Rege Lageniæ, in prælio
de Belachduin, aliis Duinbolg, occisus est, 4 Idus Januarii
anno 598, ætatis suæ 66.
Edanus II aliàs Ed Slane, et Colmannus Rex Temoriæ
regnaverunt simul annos 6, túmque Edanus interfectus est à
Conallo filio Suibnei, et Colmannus, à Locano Delman.
Edanus III cognomento Varidnac, filius Donaldi regnavit
annos 7. Obiit Temoriæ, anno 612.
Mælcobus filius Edani III regnavit annos 3. Occubuit in
prælio dicto Cath-toad, ubi Suibneus successor victor fuit.
Suibneus Mend filius Fiacri interfectus est à Congalo filio
Scanlani, anno 628, cùm regnâsset annos 13.
Donaldus II filius Edani sive Hugonis I Amirachi nepos
obiit sub exitum Januarii anno 642, regni sui 14, in loco dictò
Ardfothaig. De placida ejus morte, in senectute, Sanctum
Columbam prophetâsse asserit Adamnanus. Frater ejus
Mælcobus Episcopus fuit Clochorensis.
Cellacus et Conallus filii Mælcobi Regis regnârunt simul
annos 12. Conallus interfectus est anno 654, à Dermitio
filio Edani Slani. Cellacus supervixit et posteà regnavit 4
annos. Obiit 658.
Dermitius II et Blathmacus filii Edani Slani regnârunt
annis 7. Obierunt ex peste, quâ universa Hibernia miserè
fuit afflicta, anno 665.
Secnesacus filius Blathmaci regnavit annis 6, interfectus sub
initium hyemis anno 671, à Duibdino rege Coirpriæ.
Cænfeladus filius itidem Blathmaci regnare cœpit anno
671, et in prælio victus est et occisus à Finsa successore anno
675.
Finsa aliàs Finacta, filius Donati, Edani Slani nepos, reg-
navit annos 20, in prælio ad Grelachdollas occisus, unà cum
Bressailo filio, ab Hugone filio Luthaigi et Congelacho filio
Connaingi, an. Dom. 695. Is annuum tributum pecorum
Boruma dictum, Lageniensibus remisisse fertur, quod præde-
cessores sui Hiberniæ Reges ab iis recipere solebant.
Eodem anno successit Loingsecus Finsæ ex fratre Engusa
nepos. Regnavit is annos 8, et à Cellaco filio Ragalli rege
Conatiæ,
M
29
178
Antiquitates
Conatiæ, in prælio victus, cecidit, unà cum tribus filiis, Ard-
gallo, Consaco et Flano, anno Dom. 703.
Congallus cognomento Cenmaccair filius Fergusii Rex
Temoriæ successit, anno sequenti, et morte obiit repentinâ,
anno 710.
Fergallus filius Mæladuini (qui successit) in Prælio dicto
Cath-Almain occisus est, unà cum 160 è suis, à Murchardo
filio Brieni rege Lageniæ, 3 Idus Decembris, anno 722.
Fogertachus O-Cernaig regnavit unicum duntaxat annum,
in prælio de Cindelgin occisus, à Cinado successore, anno 724.
Cinædus filius Irgalli (qui successit) interfectus est in prælio
de Dromcorcain, à Flachertaco filio Loingseci anno 728.
Flachertacus ille regnavit annos 6. Mortem obiit Armachæ,
ubi monasticam amplexus est vitam.
Edanus IV cognomento Allain Fergalli filius, rex Temoriæ
cœpit regnare anno 734, et post novennium, in prælio occisus
est Kenanusiæ, à Donaldo successore.
Donaldus III filius Moriertachi cœpit regnare anno 743, et
regnavit annos 20. Obiit 12 Calend. Decembris anno 763, in
Jona Insula, quò peregrinationem susceperat.
Nellus Frassach sive Nimbosus, filius Fergalli, obiit anno
778. cùm regnâsset annos 15, et sepultus est in Jona Insula,
aliàs dicta Hu et Y-Columb-Kill, fortè sub tumula, in cœmeterio
Ecclesiæ ibidem, cui incisus est (secundùm Buchananum)
hic titulus,
TUMULUS REGUM HIBERNIÆ.
Donatus Primus, filius Donaldi, rex Temoriæ, regnavit
annos 19, tumque occisus est ab Edano Ornaid successore, in
prælio dicto Cath-Dromairg. Sunt verò qui febre sublatum
tradunt; ut fuerit, certum est duos Donati filios, paulò posteà,
ab Edano in prælio superatos fuisse et interfectos, dum de sum-
ina Imperii cum eo depugnarent. Atque ita demùm Edanus
regnum obtinuit, quod posteà tenuit, per annos plùs minùs 22.
Edanus V. aliàs Hugo cognomento Ornaid, filius Nelli
Frassach, obiit anno 819, vel ut alii habent 820, ætatis suæ 60,
ad vada de Athdaferta in Tirconallia. Sunt qui in prælio
Cathdroma dicto, occisum tradunt.
Concobarus aliàs Cornelius, filius Donati, obiit anno 832,
30.
cùm
Hibernica.
179
cùm regnâsset annos 12.
De Fedlimido (Crimthani filio)
rege Momoniæ, quem Giraldus regem appellat Hiberniæ, et
sub hoc tempore regnâsse asserit, vide quæ suprà diximus.
Fedlimidus ille fato functus est anno 847.
Nellus Cail, aliàs Gracilis filius Edani quinto successit
Concobaro anno 832, et submersus est Callinæ, anno 846,
ætatis suæ anno 55.
Melsechlinus Primus, unde gratiori sono Malachias effor-
matur, filius Mælruani regnavit annos 16. Obiit pridiè Calend.
Decembris, anno 862, et Clonmacnoisæ sepultus est.
Edanus VI, filius Nelli, dictus Finliat, rex Temoriæ successit,
et regnavit annos fermè 17. Obiit 12. Calend. Decembris anno
879, ad Druim-Inisclain in Tirconallia.
Flanus Melsechlini filius Rex Temoriæ regnavit annos 36,
menses 6 ac dies 5. Obiit Taltenæ, (ubi olim nundinæ fuerunt
totius Hiberniæ celeberrimæ) 8 Calend. Junii anno 916, ætatis
68.
Nellus Glundub, à Genu nigro ita cognominatus, filius Edani
6 regnavit vix annos 3, túmque à Danis sive Ostmannis, in
prælio prope Dublinium, occisus est.
Donatus II Flani filius regnavit annos 25, morte repentinâ
sublatus, interiit anno 944.
Congelacus filius Melmithi, qui successit, occisus est ab
Ostmannis Dubliniensibus, in prælio ad Tiguiran, anno Dom.
956, Caradoco Lhancarvanensi perperàm, 953.
Donaldus O-Neal successor ejus mortem obiit Armachæ
anno 980. Ejus tempore Edgarum, regem Angliæ, maximam
Hiberniæ partem subjugâsse docet Charta dicti Edgari, de
Oswalds-law, hoc est, de ejiciendis clericis uxoratis, et intro-
ducendis monachis, data Glocestriæ, anno Christi DCCCCLXIV,
Indictione VIII, Regni sui VI. Præfationem Chartæ visum
est integrè hîc transcribere. Altitonantis Dei largiflua
clementiâ, qui est Rex Regum et Dominus Dominantium;
Ego Edgarus Anglorum Basileus, omniúmque regum Insularum
Oceani, quæ Britanniam circumjacent, cunctarúmque nationum,
quæ infra eam includuntur Imperator et Dominus; gratias
ago ipsi Deo omnipotenti, Regi meo, qui meum Imperium sic
ampliavit, et exaltavit super regnum patrum meorum, qui
licèt
M 2
31
180
Antiquitates
licèt Monarchiam totius Angliæ adepti sint, à tempore Æthel-
stani, qui primus regum Anglorum omnes nationes, quæ
Britanniam incolunt, sibi armis subegit, nullus tamen eorum,
ultra ejus fines, Imperium suum dilatare aggressus est; mihi
autem concessit propitia Divinitas, cum Anglorum Imperio,
omnia regna Insularum Oceani, cum suis ferocissimis Regibus,
usque Norwegiam, maximamque partem Hiberniæ, cum sua
nobilissima Civitate Dublinio, Anglorum regno subjugare,
quos etiam omnes meis Imperiis colla subdere, Dei favente
gratiâ coëgi. Ita Præfatio Chartæ Edgari Regis.
Melsechlinus al. Malachias II filius Donaldi, patri defuncto
successit anno 980, is Danos præliis aliquot superavit. Sed cùm
regnâsset annos circiter 23, regnum cessit Brieno regi Momoniæ,
principi bellicosissimo. Occiso verò post 12 annos in prælio,
Brieno, regnum quasi postliminio repetiit. Obiit 4 nonas Sep-
tembris anno 1023, septuagenarius, ad Imislogh-hainin.
Brienus filius Cenedi Lorcani nepos cognomento Boruma
sive Boro rex Momoniæ, Princeps ob animi virtutes celeberri-
mus, postquàm Danos multis præliis vicisset, totius Hiberniæ
rex declaratus est anno 1002. Deindè exactis 12 annis ipse
(post cruentam pugnam) in prælio occisus est ad Clontarf,
propè Dublinium, die Parasceves, 23 die Aprilis 1014, ætatis
suæ 74, (manibus et mente, inquit Marianus Scotus, ad Deum
intentus) unà cum filio suo Murchardo et multis aliis, à Sitrico
rege Dublinii. Cæsi etiam, ex parte Sitrici, Mailmorda rex
Lageniæ et alii quamplurimi. Sunt qui asserunt corpus Brieni
ad Ecclesiam Sancti Maignani deportatum (Kil-mainam eam
nunc vulgò vocamus, quæ unico milliari à Dublinio distat)
ibidem sepulturæ fuisse traditum, non procul à cruce lapidea
circulo inclusa in summitate, quæ etiamnum visitur, intra
muros Prioratus (olim celeberrimi) militum Hospitalariorum.
Alii verò Brienum Armachæ sepultum volunt. Utcunque
fuerit, eo interfecto, Malachias (uti diximus) regnum recuper-
avit, et tenuit usque ad 2 Septemb. 1023, quo naturæ cessit.
Interregnum annorum (ut aliqui volunt) 20, Cuano O-Lach-
nan et Corcrano, clerico illustri, clavum interim gubernantibus.
Corcranum autem obiisse anno 1040. (qui nobis est 1041)
produnt Annales Ultonienses.
32
Dermitius
་
Hibernica.
181
Dermitius III, filius Mælnamboi, regnum adeptus est,
illudque tenuit annos plusquam 30, occisus tandem in prælio
(licèt copiis Ostmannicis adjutus) à Conochoro O-Melaghlin
rege Midiæ, 4 Idus Februarii anno 1073. Is idem videtur cum
eo quem Caradocus Lhancarvanensis appellat Dermitium
Maken-Anel, dignissimum et optimum Principem, qui unquam
in Hibernia regnavit, et trucidatum asserit, circa annum 1068.
Aliud Chronicon Walliæ annum habet 1070.
Tirdelvacus O-Brien, Brieni Borumæ è Thaddæo filio
nepos, rex Momoniæ successit, obiitque Kincora pridiè Idus
Julii anno 1086. al. 1087. ætatis an. 77. Kincora, urbs erat
iis temporibus (obiter adnoto) frequens et (ut annales Ulto-
nienses habent ad annum 1061) Regalis, nunc villula ad
Brassinogh fluvium, in Regione Mac-Coghlani, quæ pars est
agri Regii.
Paulò posteà regnum adeptus est Moriertachus O-Brien,
Tirdelvaci filius, qui, cùm multos regnâsset annos, decessit 6
Idus Martii anno 1120, et sepultus est in Ecclesia Cathedrali
Sancti Flannani Laonensi. Hunc Caradocus Lhancarvanensis
et (qui tum vixit) Gulielmus Malmesburiensis Murchardum
appellant. Eum et successores ejus (sic Malmesburiensis)
quorum fama non extulit, ita devotos habuit noster Henricus
(Primus) ut nihil nisi quod eum palparet, scriberent, nihil nisi
quod juberet, agerent, quamvis feratur Murchardum, nescio
quâ de causâ, paucis diebus inflatiùs in Anglos egisse, sed
mox, pro interdicto navigio et mercimonio navigantium,
tumorem pectoris sedâsse. Sunt qui interregnum 15 annorum.
subsequutum asserunt. Sed quàm verè, quærant alii.
Tirdelvacus, O-Conner rex Conatia Monarchiam adeptus,
eam tenuit usque ad annum 1157, quo mortem obiit, ætatis
suæ 68, sepultus Clonmacnoisæ, in ecclesia cathedrali, prope
summum altare S. Ciarani.
Mauritius aliàs Moriertachus, Nelli filius, Loghlini Nepos,
sed vulgò dictus Mauritius Mac-Loghlin, cognomento ab avo
ducto, regnavit annos plùs minùs 9, occisus à Donato O-Caroll
rege Ergalliæ, sive Urielis, an. 1166. Meminit, ad annum
MCXI, Henricus Marleburgensis, Concilii magni Episcoporum
et Magnatum Hiberniæ, à Mauritio Mac-Loghlin, rege Hiber-
33
nia
182
Antiquitates
niæ convocati.
Atqui is regnum non iniit ante annum 1157,
Unde sub Moriertacho O-Brien rege, de quo suprà, dictum
Concilium habitum fuisse constare videtur.
Rodericus (filius Tirdelvaci) O-Conner, rex Conatiæ suc-
cessit anno 1166, obiitque 1198, sepultus in Coenobio de Cong.
Ejus tempore Hibernia Anglici Juris facta est. Et quanquàm
Angliæ Reges olim Domini Hiberniæ dicti fuerint, donec
Henricus VIII in Parlamento Dublinii habito, anno Domini
MDXLI, Hiberniæ Rex declaratus est. Sub priore tamen
nomine, dicti Reges (uti verba sunt Statuti tunc editi) ha-
buerunt omnimodam Regiam Jurisdictionem, potestatem,
præeminentiam et authoritatem regalem, spectantem et perti-
nentem ad regalem statum et Majestatem Regis. Quandoquidem
Regia Majestas et nobilissimi sui Progenitores justè et rectè
fuerunt et de jure debuerunt esse Reges Hiberniæ, et ita repu-
tandi, accipiendi, nominandi, et vocandi. Ita Statutum.
Sect. 1.
CAP. V.
De Druidibus eorumque Superstitionibus; ubi obiter nonnulla
de Diis, quos olim Hiberni, dum Ethnici, maximè colebant:
deque Bardis antiquis.
DRUIDAS et Bardos, apud Gallos, Britannos et Hibernos
eximio fuisse olim in honore certissimum. Ad Druidas
quòd attinet, ii Flamines fuerunt, sive Sacerdotes, Philosophi,
Legislatores et Judices, uti testatur Cæsar, lib. 6 Commen-
tariorum; ubi de eorum, Ordine, Officio, Jurisdictione et
Doctrina, longam habemus narrationem. Porrò Magicarum
artium callentes fuerunt, ut è Plinio constat, locis sequentibus
inter se collatis, viz. lib. 26, cap. ultimo, ubi Druidas Gal-
lorum Magos appellat, lib. 24, cap. 11, ubi narratio est,
quâ superstitione legere soliti, manu dextrâ, herbam quæ ab
iis Selago nominata est, et sinistrâ, aliam quam Samolin dixe-
runt, contra morbos suum boumque, &c. et lib. 29, cap. 3, in
narratione de ovo anguino. Hinc Dri, apud Hibernos, pro
Mago accipitur. Sed Druidis ipsis nomen dedit Apus, id est,
quercus, arbor Jovi sacra, si non (quod alii asserunt) Deru,
34
VOX
Hibernica.
183
Vox Celtica, quæ idem sonat, sive quòd in Nemoribus et
Quercetis, superstitiones suas exercerent, unde Lucanus, lib. 1,
Nemora alta remotis
Incolitis lucis,——
sive quòd quercum, vel saltem viscum ejus, sacris suis adhi-
berent, unde Ovidius,
Ad viscum Druidæ, Druidæ clamare solebant.
De hac re, vide plura apud Apuleium, in Apologia priore.
Neque desunt qui Hiberniam ipsam, ob copiam roborum et
aliarum arborum, olim dictam asserunt Insulam nemorosam.
Sed instar omnium erit Plinius, qui lib. 16, cap. 44, ita loquitur.
Nihil habent Druide (ita Galli suos adpellant Magos) visco
et arbore in qua gignatur, si modo sit robur, sacratius. Jam
per se roborum eligunt lucos, nec ulla sacra sine ea facere
consueverunt, ut inde adpellati quoque interpretatione Græca
possint Druidæ videri. Quicquid adnascitur illis arboribus, è
cœlo missum putant, signumque esse à Deo electæ arboris.
Sacerdos candidâ veste cultus arborem scandit, viscum aureâ
falce demetit, candido id excipitur sago, omnia sanare credunt.
Horum doctrinâ Hibernî, dùm Ethnici, Jovem, Martem,
Mercurium, Apollinem, sive Solem, Dianam, sive Lunam, et
Ventum maximè colebant. Neque defuerunt Dii Montani
et Fluviatiles, quibus, Britannorum more, venerationem ex-
hibebant. Mulieres etiam Baccho sacra fecisse in Insulis
Britannicis, Dionysius Afer testatur. De duobus ex his, Sole
sc. et Vento, in Juramento Logarii filii Nelli Regis Hiberniæ,
mentionem faciunt Annales Ultonienses, ad Annum Dom.
CCCCLVIII. Et Scythas olim per Ventum et Acinacem ju-
râsse tradit Lucianus, in Toxari. Neque mirum videatur
Ethnicos Hibernos Ventum coluisse, cùm certum sit Augustum
Cæsarem, Circio vento templum condidisse in Gallia. Jocelinus
monachus Cistertiensis cœnobii Furnessensis apud Lancastri-
enses, in vita S. Patricii, cap. 56, jam dictum Lægarium ado-
râsse tradit Idolum quoddam dictum Ceancroithi, id est, caput
omnium Deorum, eo quod (inquit) responsa dare putabatur, à
populo stulto. An eo nomine Apollinem Hiberni intelligerint,
35
dubium.
184
Antiquitates
dubium. De alio Idolo quod sub eodem tempore Clochoræ, è
lapide aureo (unde urbi nomen) responsa dare solebat, fit
mentio in Regesto Clochorensi. Neque hic prætermittendum
Saxum illud fatale Liafail olim dictum, à Thuathededanis in
Hiberniam portatum, atque inde regnante Moriertacho Ercæ
filio, ad Fergusium fratrem in Argatheliam missum, sed à
Kenetho rege ligneâ cathedrâ posteà inclusum, Regibus
Scotorum consecrandis, in Monasterio Sconensi collocatum,
ac tandem à Rege Edwardo Primo Angliæ, Westmonasterium
translatum. De hoc Saxo mira feruntur; sed quàm verè
judicent alii: speciatim fama tenet, Ethnicismi temporibus,
ante Christum natum, eum duntaxat Hiberniæ Monarcham
approbatum, sub quo saxum illud collocatum, ingemiscebat, vel
(ut liber Houthensis nuper penes Thomam Staffordium equitem
habet,) loquebatur. De Orbis universi falsis Oraculis, nato
Christo, plerumque obmutescentibus, vide quæ habent Eusebius,
Præparationis Euangelicæ lib. 5, Suidas, in Augusto, et Nice-
phorus Callistus Ecclesiasticæ Historiæ lib. 1, cap. 17. Sed ad
rem. Hujus erant sectæ Magi illi quos adventum sancti
Patricii in Hiberniam, tribus annis antequàm veniret, præ-
dixisse, narrat jam dictus Jocelinus, in vita ejusdem Patricii,
quam descripsit, circa annum MCXC. Superstitio Druidum
in Hibernia permansit, usque ad admissam ibi religionem
Christianam. Sacerdotes Ægyptii scientiam suam Hiero-
glyphicis, vice literarum, obscurabant; unde Lucanus,
Volucrésque feræque
Sculptáque servabant magicas animalia formas.
Atqui Druides non fas esse duxerunt mysteria sua scriptis,
aliquo modo, communicare: sed ut per traditionem, à majori-
bus, per manum receperunt, ita posteris reliquerunt. Talem
traditionem Judæi Cabalam appellârunt, etiamsi reverà vana
eorum ars Cabalistica, nihil minus fuerit quàm Cabala, utpote
descripta (quasi ænigmatis) literarum numeris et transposi-
tionibus, vocum inversionibus, allusionibus, amphibologiis,
homonymiis. Druidibus opinionem de Pythagorica migratione
animæ post mortem, assignant Cesar et Diodorus Siculus.
Apud Lucanum fit mentio doctrinæ eorum, de aliâ longâ vitâ, et
36
alio
Hibernicæ.
185
alio Orbe; at de Pythagorico eo dogmate, de animæ migratione,
vel metempsychosi, altum est silentium; sic enim ille, lib. 1,
Vobis auctoribus umbræ,
Non tacitas Erebi sedes Ditisque profundi
Pallida regna petunt: regit idem spiritus artus
Orbe alio, longæ, canitis si cognita, vitæ,
Mors media est.
Cui consentiunt Pomponius Mela, lib. 3, cap. 2. et Ammianus
Marcellinus, lib. 15. Denique Druidæ tempora numerârunt,
non à Solis, sed Lunæ cursu, ut è Plinio liquet, lib, 17, cap.
ultimo. Sed de Druidis, satis.
Ad Bardos jam ventum est; illi Poëtæ erant, ut è Strabone Sect. 2.
liquet, lib. 4 Geographiæ. Bardus juxta Pompeium Festum,
Gallicè Cantorem significat, qui virorum fortium laudes canit.
Diodorus Siculus, lib. 5, Factorem cantionum appellat, et
Lucanus lib. 1, Poëtam sive vatem,
Vos quoque qui fortes animas belloque peremptos
Laudibus, in longum, Vates, dimittitis ævum,
Plurima securi fudistis carmina Bardi.
Hujus generis fuit Dubtachus Vulgairi filius, Poëta egre-
gius Hibernicus, qui ab Ethnicismo ad fidem Christianam
conversus, Carmina quæ quondam studio florente peregit, in
laudem falsorum Deorum, jam in usum meliorem mentem
mutans et linguam, Poëmata clariora composuit, in laudem
Omnipotentis Dei et sanctorum ejus Præconium. Ita Jocelinus,
in vit. Sancti Patricii, cap. 45. Cæterùm recentioribus
temporibus, inferioris notæ Poëtæ, vulgò dicti Rythmici
(Anglicè Rímers,) Bardi ibi appellabantur, hique Rythmos
plerùmque componebant, vel ad Juventutis corruptelam, vel
ad Seditionis incitamentum: qui abusus ansam præbebant
sanciendi Statuta quædam Parlamentaria contra eos eorúmque
receptores. In Wallia, Bardi juxta D. Povellum, custodiebant
etiam nobilium Insignia et Genealogias. De antiquioribus,
vide plura, in legibus Hoëlis Dha, i. boni. Denique non hîc
prætermittendum scriptores aliquos Latinos Bardum, pro
stolido et impolito accepisse, quia hujusmodi Poëtæ, barbari
37
iis
186
Antiquitates
iis videbantur. Ad carminum relatum quod attinet, Barditum
vocatum, Richardus Vitus, è Pseudo-Beroso, ita dictum vult à
Bardo Britannorum Rege 5. carminum et illius musicæ inven-
tore, et inde vocatos Bardos, Poëtas melodes, Sed à viris doctis
explosa est ea fabula, unà cum cæteris commentis Annii
Viterbiensis, qui primus supposititium illum Berosum mundo
obtrusit.
CAP. VI.
De variis nominibus quibus veteres Hiberni Externos appel-
lârunt, præsertim Vicinos.
H
IBERNI veteres, Externos, præsertim vicinos Europæos
cujuscunque fuerint nationis, non rarò Gallos promis-
cuè appellabant. Hinc Regiuncula prope Dublinium, versus
Septentrionem, à Norwegis olim occupata, vocabatur Fingall;
item Dermitius Murchardi filius rex Lageniæ dicebatur
Ni-gall, quasi Anglorum amicus, quòd ejus gratiâ, Angli,
regnante Henrico II, Hiberniam invaserant. Ita Judæi
aliquandò omnes extraneos, Græcos appellabant, ut colligere
est ex Epist. S. Pauli ad Romanos, cap 1, ver. 16. Atque, ut
ad nostra tempora veniamus, ita in Regionibus quibusdam
orientalibus, Europæi fermè omnes etiamnùm Franci appel-
lantur. Non negandum tamen Anglos ab Hibernis vulgò
dictos Saxones, item Danos et Norwegos, qui magnam Hiber-
niæ partem subjugârunt seculo IX, ac Dublinium, Waterford-
iam, Limericum, aliasque maritimas urbes usque ad ipsum
Anglorum adventum, sub jam dicto Henrico possesserunt,
quandóque appellatos Normannos, quasi viros Aquilonales,
quandoque Ostmannos sive viros Orientales. Hisque nomen
suum debet Aquilonale Dublinii suburbium, quod adhuc
Ostman-town dicitur, et corruptè Orman-town. Sunt qui Nor-
mannos hosce, sive Ostmannos, in Dub-gallos et Fin-gallos
dividunt, et per Dub-gallos, sive nigros exteros, Danos intelli-
gunt, per Fin-gallos, sive albos exteros, Norwegos. Neque
hâc occasione omittendi sunt Scoto-Britanni quos Hiberni
vulgò Albanos vocârunt, neque Cambri sive Walli quos
38
Brannas
Hibernica.
187
Brannas et Britannos appellârunt. Cæterùm ex his quæ dicta
sunt, (ut ad Gallos redeamus) superesse liquet vestigia quædam
Gallorum veterum, quos Edmundus Spenserus, in Dialogo
inter Eudoxum et Irenæum, de Statu Hiberniæ, australes
Hiberniæ partes olim occupâsse censet, ac conjecturam firmat,
à Menapiis Galliæ veteris populis, quos Ptolemæus inter incolas
Euro-australium Insulæ partium posuit. Huic conjecturæ
vigorem etiam adjiciunt arma quædam Hibernica, Gallicis.
antiquis similia, Jacula nimirùm peditum levis armaturæ
quos Kernos vocant, necnon Secures et Loricæ ferreæ peditum
illorum gravioris armaturæ, quos Gallo-glassios appellant.
Item, quia Hiberni veteres sylvestres comas suas intortas,
Glibbs vulgò dictas, alebant, more Gallorum et Britannorum
veterum. Scio Saxonem Grammaticum, lib. 5 Historiæ
Danicæ, asseruisse Hibernorum gentem novaculis olim comam
extenuâsse, et totum occipitii crinem obrasisse, ne fugiens capil-
litio teneatur. Atqui satis nota sunt ejus figmenta. De Brit-
annorum veterum capillitio, vide quæ suprà diximus, Cap. 2.
De Gallorum autem, consule Diodorum Siculum, Lib. 5,
Plinium, Lib. 3, cap. 20, et Dionem, Lib. 46, sub finem, ubi
Galliæ Transalpinæ partem alteram dictam asserit Comatam,
quòd incolæ comam gerebant promississimam, eóque à reliquis
dignoscebantur, Neque in comâ tantùm imitabantur Britan-
nos et Gallos veteres, sed etiam in barba, quàm alebant tantùm
(ut suprà diximus) in superiori labro. Ita Britannos olim
barbam aluisse testatur Cæsar, ita Gallos, jam dictus Diodorus.
Eundem morem apud Anglos in Hibernia, præsertim qui
Marchias habitârunt: posteà viguisse docet Statutum edi-
tum in Parlamento Trimmæ habito, anno MCCCCXLVI, coram
Johanne Talboto comite Salopiæ, Hiberniæ Locum-tenente, et
ut Angli ab Hibernis faciliùs distinguerentur, sub gravi poena
tunc prohibitum. Sed pergamus. Unde derivetur Donegallia
in Ultonia, an ut à Gallæcis Hispaniæ, vel à Gallis olim occu-
pata, quærant alii: mihi certè prorsùs ignotum. Externos
fermè omnes Europeos, ab Hibernis, sæpè Gallos olim appel-
latos, firmat (præter ea quæ suprà diximus,) Hibernici cujus-
dam dictum, à S. Bernardo; in vita Malachia Archiepiscopi
Armachani, memoratum, Scoti sumus non Galli.
39
CAP. VII.
188
Antiquitates
CAP. VII.
De Hiberniæ Ornamentis, Commodis et Privilegiis quibusdam
R
specialibus.
EGIONUM Ornamenta et Dotes quibus homines ad eas
possidendas ut plurimùm alliciuntur, sunt soli fertilitas,
aëris salubritas, sylvæ, planities, metallorum fodinæ, laotomiæ
nobiles, fluvii navigabiles et piscosi, portus tuti et ampli, maris
vicinitas ad mercaturam exercendam, et necessaria ad victum
humanum. In his omnibus (ut de urbibus et quæ hominum
arte et industriâ fiunt, hîc taceam,) admodùm felix est Hibernia.
Sed quod rarissimum est, et nulli ferè regioni habitabili præ-
tereà, per totum orbem, à Deo concessum, hæc insula (Hiber-
nia dico) nullum alit animal venenosum, nè quidem aliundè
invectum: habet quidem araneas et lacertas, sed eas non
venenatas. Terræ-motus ibi rarò aut nunquàm, vel quando
contingit, inter prodigia habetur, tonitru rarissimè, non ibi
rigor est nimius hyemis, neque ardor æstatis. Inter quadru-
pedes, notandi inprimis Equi, quos Hobinos, sive Hobbyes vocant
ob mollem gressum, magno in pretio habiti. Asturcones olim
dictos notat Johannes Major, utpote ab Asturibus Hispaniæ
in Hiberniam primò deductos. Ab hoc equi genere (ut id
obiter adnotemus) equites quidam levis armaturæ dicti sunt
Hobellarii. De 2000 Hobellariis, ex Hibernia contra Scotos,
per mandatum regis, mittendis, fit mentio in rotulo Patent. an.
15 Edwardi 2, par. 2, membr. 19, penes custodem Archivorum
arcis Londinensis; sed quot fuerint missi, non comperii.
In exercitu Edwardi 3 Caletum obsidentis, anno Dom.
MCCCXLVII, numerati sunt (inter alios milites) sub Mauritio
comite Kildariæ, Hobellarii 27, et sub Domino Fulcone de la
Freign Hiberno, Hobellarii 14. Ex hoc genere, 12 candoris
eximii, purpurâ et argenteis habenis exornatos, in Pompa
Summorum Pontificum, sessore vacuos, se duci vidisse testatur
Paulus Jovius. Neque hic prætermittendi sunt Canes illi
venatici, quos vulgò, à persequendis lupis, Canes luporum
vocant, robore, magnitudine, et elegantiâ eximiâ præditi.
Inter volucres, Aquila, Accipitres qui anseres capiunt, Anglicè,
Goshaukes,
40
Hibernicæ.
189
Goshaukes, aliis (ni fallor) Phasianophani dicti, Falcones,
Haliæti, sive Aquila Marinæ et Æsalones. Item Galli (ut
vulgò appellantur) sylvarum, iidem scil. cum iis quos Giraldus
Cambrensis, Distinct. 1, cap. 10 Topograph. Hiberniæ, Pavo-
nes sylvestres vocat, Pavonibus magnitudine æquales. Ibi
etiam inveniuntur Margaritæ, sed pleræque vel pallida
vel subfuscæ. His addendæ piscaturæ copiosæ Salmonum,
Halecum et Halecularum Pilchards vulgò dictarum, quæ
salitæ et doliis inclusæ, quotannis, magno mercatorum lucro,
in partes transmarinas exportantur. Neque possum non hic
memorare magnam navium multitudinem, quæ bobus, ovibus,
carne bovinâ, coriis, pellibus, lanâ, lino, plumbo; ferro,
stragulis, &c. onustæ, nostrâ ætate, solitæ fuerunt quotannis
ex Hibernia in partes transmarinas exportari. Item ad Hiber-
niæ Dignitatem, vide si placet argumentum Oratorum Henrici
quinti Regis Angliæ, in Concilio Constantiensi, inter Acta
ejusdem Concilii Mss. in Bibliotheca Cottoniana.
Restat ut aliquid hîc dicamus, de viris sanctis (maximis illis
insulæ ornamentis) qui Christi euangelium prædicârunt, primis
surgentis Ecclesiæ Hibernicæ temporibus, vel in ipsa Hiber-
nia, vel in partibus transmarinis. Acta eorum,
licèt compen-
dio descripta, justum requirunt tractatum. Satis videatur
hîc indicare Hiberniam, ob eorum multitudinem, meritò olim
dictam Insulam Sanctorum, et Sanctorum Patriam. Nuda
eorum nomina, etiam eorum quorum res gestæ descriptæ
extant, subjungere, supervacaneum videatur: veruntamen
eorum partem potiorem, unà cum temporibus quibus clarue-
runt et actis nonnullis, aptiùs petant posteà qui volunt, in
Diatriba nostra de Basilicis Hiberniæ.
CAP. VIII.
De Tanistria, Lege Brehonica et Consuetudinibus dictis
Gossipzed, Fostering, et Gavel-kind.
L
EGES et consuetudines Anglicanas, unà cum ipso An-
glorum adventu in Hiberniam, sub Henrico II, fuisse
introductas, deindè à Johanne Rege, firmiùs stabilitas et
41
Dublinii
190
Antiquitates
Dublinii in Scaccario, sub sigillo suo relictas, non negandum;
vim tamen et virtutem posteà, per aliquot annorum centurias,
non extendisse, ultra regiones ab Anglicâ gente habitatas liquet:
nam in cæteris Hiberniæ partibus, vigebat Tanistria, cum
lege Brehonica et Gaveleto; quæ etiam leges et consuetudines
inter Anglicos nonnullos, (etiam melioris notæ) paulatim irre-
pebant, ut è Statuto in Parlamento Kilkenniæ edito anno XL
Edwardi III, sub Leonello Duce Clarentiæ Hiberniæ Locum-
tenente, liquet, in quo Anglici, in omnibus controversiis,
gubernari jubentur, per communem Legem Angliæ, et qui se
submitteret Legibus vel Brehonorum, vel Marchiarum, prodi-
tor declaratur. Cæterùm Statuto eo non obstante, Leges et
consuetudines illæ Hibernicæ, à quamplurimis Anglica Gentis,
hîc et illic posteà erant receptæ. Neque ante pacem, sub
Jacobo Rege redditam, Leges Anglicanæ universim, per totam
Hiberniam, receptæ et agnitae. Lege Tanistriæ, (de qua nunc.
agimus) jus hæreditarium successionis, apud Magnates, seu
Regionum Dynastas, non observabatur, sed qui viribus et
clientela potentior, plerumque senior et dignissimus sanguinis
et cognominis defuncto Dynastæ succedebat, isque, postquàm
communibus populi suffragiis, vivente prædecessore, successor
designatus fuerat, Tanista tum dicebatur, quasi secundus;
quod nomen derivatum videtur à Thanis, viris apud Sax-
ones honoratis, è quibus, qui superioris erant classis, Thani
Regii, i.e. Regis Ministri appellabantur. Dynasta sive
Dominus factus, se suámque sequelam sustentabat, partim ex
terris quibusdam mensalibus, Loghty dictis, præsertim verò
ex tallagiis vocatis Gosherings, &c. ad libitum suum imposi-
tis, Ecclesiæ possessionibus et eorum quibus specialia concede-
bat privilegia, exceptis. Sic quot apud eos Domini, tot
Tyranni. Habebat is judices quosdam Brehonos dictos, qui
statis temporibus, sub dio, in colle aliquo plerumque, è sedi-
bus aggesto cespite constructis, jus dicebant vicinis, coram
iis litigantibus. Hi Juris Anglicani imperiti erant, sed in
rebus ad eorum judicium pertinentibus, aphorismis, partim
ex Jure Civili et Canonico desumptis, partim ex præscriptis
et consuetudinibus quibusdam Hibernicis, se dirigebant. Et
ut Brehonos habebat unius stirpis sive familiæ, ita etiam His-
toricos,
42
Hibernica.
191
toricos, Medicos, Chirurgos, Poëtas et Citharædos aliarum
peculiarium faniliarum, quibus singulis sua assignata sunt
prædia. Asserebat etiam sibi (si ex Dynastis potentioribus.
esset) potestatem belli vicinis indicendi, et cum iisdem pacis
ineundæ. Cæterùm, ut ad legem Brehonicam redeamus, eâ
lege homicidium, raptus et furtum mulctâ è peculio, Eric
dictâ, puniebantur. Mulctæ adjudicatæ Brehonus habebat
pro salario partem undecimam. Hoc mulctæ genus Scoti
Albanienses (quibus idem mos in usu olim erat) Cro appella-
bant. Vid. Spelman. in voce Cro. Latrocinium verò ex
finibus alienis importatum, tanquàm pro bono publico actum,
honestum atque laude et præmio dignum, more Spartæ et
veteris Galliæ, existimabatur.
Duæ aliæ erant Consuetudines dictæ Gossipzed sive com-
paternitas et Fostering sive liberorum educatio à nutritiis,
quæ per temporum corruptelam, multorum malorum erant
fontes; hinc enim profluebant (quod mireris) combinationes
et confœderationes partium, ortâ aliquâ discordiâ inter poten-
tiores, in omnibus rebus tàm licitis quàm illicitis. Atque
ita, ex his quæ dicta sunt, miserrima subditorum conditio, in
locis ubi istæ consuetudines vigebant, perspici potest.
Denique ut caput hoc claudamus, restat tantum ut aliquid
hîc dicatur de consuetudine Gaveleti, nos Gavel-kind dicimus.
Ad Etymon quod attinet, Lambardus ejusque sequaces ex-
ponunt esse fundum omnibus cognatione proximis datum, à
Sax. Gife-eal-cỳn; sed probabiliùs opinor Somnerus, in
Glossario, à Saxon. Gapel i. census, tributum, pensio, et cýnd,
natura, genus, conditio, sic Gravel-kind, fundum significat
censualem, vel tributarium, redditui annuo, cæterisque plebeio-
rum prædiorum servitutibus et oneribus obnoxium. De hoc
disquirant alii. Hâc consuetudine, apud Hibernos, hæreditas
defuncti, (infra Tanistæ gradum) divisa fuit æqualiter, inter
filios, tam nothos quàm legitimè natos, et iis deficientibus,
inter proximos hæredes masculos, feminis penitùs exclusis ab
hæreditate: in his contra morem prisci Gaveleti Anglo-Saxo-
nici, quo feminæ solebant adire hæreditatem, deficiente prole
masculâ, et nothi excludebantur ab hæreditate. Hinc quilibet
filiorum, licèt pudendâ pressus paupertate, generosum se
43
existimans,
192
Antiquitates
existimans, agriculturâ, mercaturâ, vel arte aliquâ mechanicâ
instrui dedignabatur. Neque est prætermittendum consuetu-
dinem eam Hibernicam Gaveleti, in Venedotia, sive Wallia
Boreali, etiam usitatam fuisse, usque ad annum 12 Edwardi
Primi, quo, per Statutum de Rutland, dicta consuetudo fuit
reformata, et ita remanebat, donec demùm anno 34 Henrici
VIII, per aliud Statutum, penitùs fuit abolita. Extant
etiamnùm, ut accepi, volumina nonnulla, in quibus conscriptæ
sunt Hibernicè Leges aliquorum Regum antiquorum Hiberniæ,
ante Anglorum ingressum, promulgatæ, quæ ad formam
Regiminis apud veteres Hibernos detegendam, procul dubiò
sunt perquam necessariæ, et plenum merentur scrutinium.
CAP. IX.
De Hibernorum veterum Cognominibus; et quando Cognomina
cœperint esse fixa et familiis annexa.
ROPRIIS Hibernorum veterum nominibus addita sunt
PRO
cognomina, vel à re gesta, vel ab animi qualitate, vel à
colore, vel à corporis sive notâ aliquâ, sive defectu, vel à casu,
vel ironicè. Sic Nellus Rex Hiberniæ dictus est Nigialac,
quòd à Regulis, novem obsides exegerat, eósque aliquamdiù,
compedibus vinctos, detinuerat, Brienus Rex, Boruma, quòd
tributum annuum ita dictum, à Lageniensibus recuperaverat,
Cænfela, Sapiens, S. Barrus, Finbarrus, sive Barrus albus, S.
Cominus, Fada, hoc est longus, et Ed Clericus barbosus, à
prælonga barba ita dictus, in impresso Mariano Scoto, ad an.
MLIII, malè Atdericus vocatus. Non secùs ac apud Græcos,
Seleucus III Rex Syriæ dictus est Ceraunus, i. Fulmen, ob
præcipitem naturam, Ptolemæus VII Rex Ægypti, Physcon,
sive ventricosus; ob ventris crassitudinem, et (ut cæteros
prætermittam) Ptolemæus penultimus, Auletes, ab insano tibi-
arum amore: vel ut, apud Romanos, M. Valerius dictus est
Corvus, et posteri ejus Corvini, quòd Gallum provocantem,
Corvi advolantis ope, duello interfecisset, alter Scipio, Afri-
canus, alter, Asiaticus, hic, ob partas victorias in Asia, ille, in
Africa; sic qui absente patre editus, Proculus vocatus, qui
44
defuncto,
Hibernica.
193
defuncto, Posthumus, et qui claudus, Claudius. Sed de cogno-
minibus Romanis, qui plura scire avet, consulat Plutarchum,
in vita C. Marcii Coriolani. Ad Hibernica jam redeo, atque
notandum hic quòd veteres Hiberni præter cognomina, de
quibus suprà fit mentio, nomina alia etiam, more illo antiquo,
è paterno nomine acceperunt, ut Dermitius filius Cormaci,
Cormacus filius Donaldi, Donaldus filius Tirdelvaci, &c.
Regnante tandem supradicto Brieno, Hibernorum Cogno-
mina, sive familiarum nomina cœperunt esse fixa posterisque
tradita, cum præposita vel aspiratione h, vel voce ua, quæ
posteà mutata est in vocalem [O] et significat unum è posteris
viri alicujus Primarii, ut O-Brien, O-Conner, &c. Non paucæ
tamen familiæ, per aliquot posteà annorum centurias (quod
fatendum) fixa cognomina non assumpserunt. Observant
alii circa annum Dom. Millesimum, (quo vixit Brienus) Cog-
nomina etiam fixa esse cœpisse, in Gallia, Anglia et Scotia,
primùm inter nobiliores, et pedetentim posteà, inter alios in-
ferioris notæ. Denique in Hibernia, nonnullis ex singulis
familiis Hibernicis, etiam postquàm cognomina essent fixa,
agnomina quædam fuerunt addita, ut Bane, i. albus, Boy, i.
flavus, Bacca, claudus, Moil, calvus, &c. Idemque mos sen-
sim inter aliquas Anglicæ prosapiæ familias irrepsit. De hoc
argumento plurium cupidus petat Paralipomena Anglica, sive
reliquias v. CL. Gulielmi Camdeni, ubi messem inveniet
uberem, præsertim de Origine Cognominum Anglicorum.
Ad alia jam transeamus, quæ ut difficiliora, ita fortè gratiora.
CAP. X.
Hibernia Antique Populi et Loca, de quibus fit mentio apud
Ptolemæum, qui floruit sub Antonino Pio: unà cum adjunc-
tis Nominibus recentioribus.
R
EM arduam hic aggredior, tantaque obscuritate passim.
involutam, ut hæreant sæpè qui acutissimi quicquam
certò statuere. Siquidem nomina antiqua, temporum revolu-
tionibus, ita mutata sunt, ut in hodiernis, sæpissimè vix vesti-
N
45
gia
L
194
Antiquitates
gia aliqua veterum remaneant, et, ut cum Seneca loquar, nova
Urbium fundamenta jaciuntur, nova Gentium nomina, extinc-
tis nominibus prioribus, aut in accessionem validioris conversis,
oriuntur. Idcirco tanquàm optimi duces habendi locorum situs,
prout à Ptolemæo, ex Marino Tyrio plerúmque descripti in-
veniuntur. Facem mihi in multis, quod libens fateor, prætulit
Camdenus; quam quàm non negem, in non paucis, me, verita-
tis studio, ab illo dissentire coactum. Neque deerunt (spero)
alii, qui plura invenient corrigenda. Interim hæc, qualia-
cunque sunt, ordine digesta Alphabetico, lectori hîc visum est
exhibere, unà cum Tabula Chorographica sequente Hiber-
niæ veteris, secundùm Ptolemæum, additis duntaxat Lucenis,
ex Orosio, qui claruit sub Theodosio Juniore. Ad notationem
graduum longitudinis et latitudinis quod attinet, vide Ptole-
mæi regulam, lib. 2, cap. 1, quæ et semper observanda, ad
sinceram lectionem cognoscendam.
A.
Argitæ flu. Ostium.
Ausona flu. al.
Ausoba.
Auteri populi.
B.
Boreum Promonto-
rium.
Brigantes pop.
Nunc portus seu lacus dictus Logh-
foil, in agro Londino-derensi, Camdeno,
Suilly lacus.
Fluvius è lacu Curb emissus, qui
Galviam perluit. Hic flu. idem est
opinor cum Galvia seu Galiva, cujus
meminerunt Annales Roscomanenses,
ad ann. 1177 et 1190. Flumen Galviam
Urbem nomini suo adoptâsse videtur.
Sed nominis rationem venentur alii.
Hi olim incolebant partes aliquas
regionum, quæ hodiè comitatus Galvien-
sis et Roscomanensis dicuntur. Autero-
rum nomen in se prodit Athenria urbe-
cula in pago Galviensi.
Hodiè Saint Helens head al. Telen,
in Donegallensi Comitatu.
Habitabant regiones quæ nunc appel-
lantur comitatus Catherlaghensis, Kil-
kenniensis et Reginalis.
46.
Hibernica.
195
cum
Prome
Robogdium
Ricina
Venienium pro

VENICNI &
ROBOGDİİ
Ravius flu
Nagnata
Vidua flu
DARNII vel
Argita flu
Libniusfle.
Raviusflu:
NAGNATÍ
ERDINI
Logia
DARİNİ
Vinderne flu
VOLUNTI
Linni
Aufona Fle
AVTERI
Rigia altera
Macolicum
GANGANİ
噔
​Servis flu
th
Rigia
to
EBLA
Laberus Nİ
Buninda flu.
Rheba
Dunum
CORIONDI
Daurona flu
lerius,
LVCENI &
VEL ABRI
Iuernis
to
UT
ERNI
VoDii
की
Ebland
CAVCI
Ovood flu
Madonus fla:
MENAPII
Menapid
Birgus flu
BRIGANTES
Edri
Hieron
prom:
Notium prm
W. Hollar, fecit.
HIBERNIA
VETERIS
Typus
inium prom
N 2
47
Antiquitates Hibernica.
197
Brigus flu al. Birgus.
Buuinda flu.
Cauci pop.
C.
Coriondi et Udiæ al.
Vodii pop.
D.
Darnii, vel Darini
pop.
Daurona flu.
Hodiè Barous dictus, qui Neoro auc-
tus, post aliquot milliaria, Suiro se con-
sociat. Hi tres fluvii è Bladinis mon-
tibus Hibernicè Sleu-bloom, profluunt,
et divisis alveis diù decurrentes, uno
tandem eodemq; ostio in mare se exo-
nerant, prope turriculam de Hook, in
agro Wexfordiensi, unde tres sorores
olim dictæ.
Qui, nomine non prorsùs deperdito,
Boinus hodiè dicitur, Nechamo, Boand
fluvius in Midia, à Boan dictione tam
Britannica quàm Hibernica, quæ velo-
cem significat, ita, ut opinantur, deno-
minatus.
Olim incolebant regiones quæ nobis
hodiè comitatus Wickloensis et Kildar-
ensis appellantur. Hi de Caucis Ger-
maniæ orti videntur. Vid. Ortelii
Thesaur. Geograph. in Chaucis.
Hi olim insidebant regiones quæ hodiè
dicuntur Com. Corcagiensis, Tippera-
riensis et Limericensis. Corcagia urbs
Coriondorum nomen in se prodere vide-
tur. An Coriondi hi à Coritanis Bri-
tanniæ in Hiberniam demigraverint,
dubium. Haud multùm sanè abludunt
nomina.
Incolebant eas regiones quæ nobis
hodiè vulgò appellantur Comitatus Lon-
don-dery, Antrim et Tir-oen. In Deria
(olim Daire-calgaic) nominis Darni-
orum nonnullæ supersunt reliquiæ uti
etiam in Dalriata, quo nomine ager
Antrimensis, vel magna ejus pars Routa
hodiè dicta, antiquitùs appellabatur.
Camdeno, Aumen quod Corcagiam
præfluit, Giraldo Cambrensi, (ut ille
habet)
49
198
Antiquitates
.
:
3
:
!
Dunum.
Dur. flu.
E.
D.
Eblana urbs.
Eblani pop. al. Blanii.
habet) Saverennus. Giraldus quidem
Topogr. Hiberniæ distinct. 1, cap. 6,
asserit Saverennum et Luvium per Cor-
cagiam (Provinciam scil. ita dictam,
nou urbem) manare. Fluvius verò qui
urbem eam circumfluit, hodiè Læus.
dicitur, et eundem esse censeo cum jam
dicto Luvio. Daurona autem nunc
(ni fallor) Aven-more, i. e. fluvius mag-
nus, qui Oceanum prope Yoghallam in-
greditur.
Dunamause, in Comitatu Reginæ, ut
situs loci apud Ptolemæum, à quo inter
urbes mediterraneas numeratur, indi-
care videtur. Ibi, ante aliquot secula,
Marchiæ comites castrum habuerunt
firmissimum, editiori colli impositum,
cujus cadaver etiamnùm visitur. Cam-
denus quasi sub alio sole locat, et Du-
num vult esse in agro Dunensi. Dunum
priscis Gallis, Britannis et Saxonibus,
montem seu collem denotabat, unde
Lugdunum in Gallia et Dunelmum,
Camalodunum Sorbiodunum, et similia
in Angliâ manârunt.
Dingliæ sinus, seu Mangi flu. ostium,
in agro Kerriensi, Camdeno, malè flu-
violus qui Traleiam præterfluit. Dur
Britannis aquam denotat, ut habet Hum-
fredus Lhuydus Cambro-britannus, et
ventos venari videtur qui aliam vocis
originem indagat.
Dublinium Hiberniæ Metropolis, Joce-
lino, Atheliath, aliis, Ballecliath, id est,
Oppidum super crates, utpote subjectis
olim in palustri loco cratibus, conditum.
Incolebant regionem prope Dubli-
nium quæ nunc ager Dubliniensis appel-
50
latur,
1
Hibernica.
199
Edri Insula.
Erdini pop.
G
Gangani pop.
H.
Hieron, id est, sacrum
Prom.
Iernus flu.
I.
Isamnium Prom.
Juernis.
L.
Laberus.
latur, nec non Midiam, vel majorem ejus
partem.
Plinio, Andros. Hæc Insula à Ptole-
mæo, inter eas ponitur quæ orientali
parti Hiberniæ adjacent. Et eadem est,
uti conjicio, cum Beg-Eri, id est, parva
Hibernia, Insula sub ostium Slani flu.
in agro Wexfordiensi. Camdenus Berd-
sey al. Enbly vult esse, quæ ad Caer-
narvonensem agrum in Wallia spectat.
Sed perperam opinor.
Hi olim habitabant regiones quæ
sunt prope lacum et flu. Ern, speciatim
utramque Breniam et regionem quæ
hodiè appellatur com. Fermanaghensis.
In Erno, nominis Erdinorum reliquiæ
supersunt.
Incolebant Tuomoniam et australes
aliquas partes agri Galviensis. Cainde-
nus ortos putat à Concanis Hispaniæ,
à Scythis procreatis.
Grenore, non longè à portu Wexford-
iensi. Sunt qui locum, Salangam, et
posteà montem Domini dictum volunt,
vel montem S. Dominici (Ossoriensis
sc.) de quo loquitur Giraldus Cambren-
sis, Topograph. Hiberniæ dist. 1, c. 5.
Kilmar flu. in agro Kerriensi, ubi
portus est nobilis.
Nautis dictum Saint Johns foreland,
in agro Dunensi.
Dunkeran esse censuit Camdenus ad
Tërnum flu. Quid judicem nescio: in
hâc re me cæcutire fateor.
Fortè Cenanus, vel Canenus, tem-
poris progressu nunc vulgò Kells in
Midia, antiquitùs inter insigniores urbes
numerata, Jos. Moletio, Ampreston
nescio
51
200
Antiquitates
Libnius, al. Liboeus
Au.
Limni Insula.
Logia. flu.
M.
Macolicum.
Menapia.
Menapii pop.
nescio quæ, Camdeno, Killair in Midia
Occidentali. Sed in hâc urbe indagandâ,
desudent alii.
Sligous flu. quem Slichneium vocat
Giraldus Cambrensis, et situs apud
Ptolemæum Sligoæ sinum indicat.
Camdenus malè eundem vult cum Liffio
flu. qui Dublinium perfluit.
Nunc Lambey, Insula litori vicina,
ad agrum Dubliniensem spectans, idque
tùm nomen indicare videtur, tum situs
apud Ptolemæum, Camdeno, Ramsey,
apud Penbrochienses, in Wallia. Lam-
beia exponitur insula agnorum, sicuti
jam dicta Ramseia, insula arietum, et
Shepeia in Cantio, insula ovium.
Bannus flu. (ex Lacu Logh-eagh am-
plissimo emissus) in limite Orientali a-
gri Londinoderensis, opimâ Salmonum
piscatione celebris, Villanovano, cor-
ruptè Bone, Camdeno, lacus Logh-foil.
Mercator et Camdenus hunc locum
Male vocant. Sed ubi locum sic dic-
tum inveniam, planè nescio, ego ex-
istimo Milick esse, quam Shenanus
alluit, in agro Galviensi: nec multum
absonant nomina.
Situs apud Ptolemæum, Wexfordiam
indicat. Sunt verò qui eandem cum
Waterfordiâ putant, Hibernis et Cam-
bris Port-largi dicta. Vox Ford in pos-
teriore parte utriusq; nominis, exoticam
sapit originem; Anglis et Germanis
vadum significat vel trajectum, sic
Oxford in Anglia, utraque Francofordia
in Germania, à vadis vel trajectibus
nomina sua deducunt.
Incolebant regiones quæ nunc Comit.
Wexfordiensis
52
Hibernica.
201
Modonus flu.
N.
Nagnata. al.
Magnata.
Nagnate pop. al.
Magnati.
Notium, sive australe
prom.
O.
Wexfordiensis et Waterfordiensis ap-
pellantur. An ex his, vel è Galliæ
Belgica Menapiis, Carausius ille fuerit,
qui purpuram in Britannia assumpsit,
Diocletiano et Maximiano imperantibus,
non facilè quis dicat. Videtur tamen
fuisse ex Menapiis Hiberniæ, nam Me-
napiæ civem, eum disertè appellat
Sextus Aurelius Victor. Et Menapia
Urbs (ut rectè notat Camdenus) Non in
Belgica, sed in Hibernia à Ptolemæo
ponitur, licèt Menapiorum populus
utrobique ab eodem statuatur.
Nunc (antiquato priore nomine,) Sla-
nus vocatur, in agro Wexfordiensi, ut
situs apud Ptolemæum innuit.
Hanc urbem insignem appellat Ptole-
mæus. Situs loci apud eum, locum
aliquem denotare videtur non procul à
Sligoa. Atqui in eo tractu, nulla (quod
sciam) vestigia supersunt urbis sic dictæ,
ita omnia delet temporis vetustas. Sunt
quidem nominis antiqui reliquiæ, in
Magio hodiè Maio, (cujus meminit
Beda) nota proximi (ad austrum) comi-
tatus villa, Ptolemæi tamen Magnatam
fuisse, repugnat situs distantia, Fortè
suspicentur aliqui urbem loco suo apud
eum paulùm exturbatum. Sed hæc
viderint alii.
Nagnatæ, vel, pro exemplarium vari-
etate, Magnati incolebant regionem quæ
hodiè dicitur ager Sligoensis, fortasse
etiam pagum Maionensem.
Nautis Bissen-head in comitatu Cor-
cagiensi.
Aven-more, vel Owen-more ut vulgò
Ovoca al. Oboca. flu. appellatur, id est, fluvius magnus, qui
53
Arkloam
202
Antiquitates
R.
Ravius flu.
Rheba.
Ricina Insula.
Rigia al. Regia.
Rigia al. Regia
altera.
Arkloam præterfluit in agro Wicklo-
ensi, Josepho Moletio, perperam, Arcel-
lius dictus.
Ernus fluvius ex Erno lacu emissus,
in agro Donegallensi, à Giraldo Cam-
brensi Samarius dictus, à Camdeno,
Mercatore et Spensero malè Trowis.
Rheban ad Baroum flu. in agro Kil-
darensi, nunc solùm castello nota, olim
urbe.
Insula Recran, vulgò Rachlin, Plinio,
Ricnea, quæ hodiè pars censetur agri
Antrimensis.
Gerardo Mercatore, Limericum, Gu-
lielmo Camdeno, è nomine et situ pro-
babilius, locus aliquis non procul à
Loghrie lacu insuloso et amplo, in quem
Shenanus flu. se refundit.
Camdeno Reglis in Insula (petrosâ)
Lacus Derg, ubi S. Patricii Purgatori-
um. Atqui refragatur tum situs apud
Ptolemæum, tum ipsius Insulæ exigui-
tas, quæ continet vix tres quartas partes
unius acræ ordinaria Hibernicæ. Ego
censeo Athnery, seu Athenriam esse, in
Comitatu Galviensi.
Robogdii,al.Rhobogdii, Incolebant regionem quæ hodiè ap-
et Vennicnii, pop.
Rhobogdium Prom.
Senus flu.
S.
V.
Udiæ, vel Vodii, vid.
Coriondi.
pellatur ager Donegallensis, necnon
partem agri Londino-derensis.
Extremum totius Hiberniæ Promon-
torium quod Oceano Deucalidonio in-
cumbit, in Pen-insula de Inis-Oen.
Shenanus, Orosio Scena, fluvius to-
tius Hiberniæ celeberrimus, è monte
Slew-neren (ita dicto à ferri venis quibus
abundat) in agro Leytrimensi effusus.
54
Incolebant
Hibernica.
203
Velabri pop. nonnul-
Incolebant partes Kerria Boreales,
lis exemplaribus Velli- An ab Iberis ita nominati, dubium.
His Lucenos vicinos facit Orosius, ad
Scena fluminis ostium.
bori.
Vennicnii pop. vid.
Rhobogdii.
Vennicnium Prom.
Viduæ fluvii Ostium.
Vinderii flu. Ostium.
Voluntii pop. al.
Uluntii.
Uterni pop.
Nautis Rams-head, aliis Horn-head,
quod in cornu tenuatur, in agro Done-
gallensi.
Lacus Suilly, in eodem comitatu.
Carigfergusii sinus, sive Laganus flu,
qui ibi in mare se exonerat.
Incolebant regionem olim dictam
Ullagh, sive Ulidiam, ubi hodiè comita-
tus Dunensis. His fortè Ultonienses
nomen suum debent, si non, quod alii
asserunt, Ollomaino regi antiquo ethnico
Hiberniæ.
Vel, pro exemplarium varietate, Iber-
ni, Iberi and Juërni incolebant austra-
liores Desmoniæ partes. Forsan coloniæ
fuerunt Iberorum: e nomine et positu
contra Hispaniam, hoc conjectare licet.
Hæc, ordine alphabetico digessimus. Cæterùm non alienum
erit, quantulumcunque sit, hîc etiam annotare Ptolemæum,
in Geographiâ suâ, Septentrionale Hiberniæ latus primùm
descripsisse, posteà Occidentale, deindè Australe, ac demùm
Orientale; túmque, post latera, civitates mediterraneas, ac
postremò Insulas Hiberniæ adjacentes. Ex iis verò plurimæ
hodiè inter Insulas magnæ Britanniæ cui propriores, nume-
rantur, Ebudæ sci. Maleos, Epidium, Mona-æda Mona,
quas ideò in hâc disquisitione prætermissimus. Denique cùm
de antiqua Hibernia hic agatur, non tacendum est, quod de
ea Marcianus Heracleota, in Periplo suo, tradit, Habet (Hi-
bernia) Gentes seu Provincias XVI, Urbes insignes XV, Pro-
montoria insignia V, Insulas insignes VI. De Hiberniæ
veteris descriptione, hoc dixisse sufficiat.
55
CAP. XI.
204
Antiquitates
Sect. 1.
S
CAP. XI.
De Hibernorum veterum Vestitu et Ornatu.
AGUM villosum cum limbo jubato vestis est Hibernica
exterior, ad talos usque fermè demissa, in vita S. Cadoci
Cambrensis, Coccula dicitur; ubi et describitur quoddam genus
indumenti quo Hibernienses utuntur deforis plenum prominen-
tibus jubis, seu villis, in modum crinium contextis. Spenserus,
in Dialogo inter Eudoxum et Irenæum, hanc vestem latinè
dictam vult Mantile. Sed malè proculdubiò. Nam Mantile
linteolum est ad manus tergendas factum, ut è Virgilio liquet.
Æneid. 1. 1, Ubi de Enea à Didone hospitio excepto, ita canit,
Jam pater Æneas, et jam Trojana Juventus
Conveniunt, stratoque super discumbitur ostro;
Dant famuli manibus lymphas, Cereremque canistris
Expediunt, tonsisque ferunt mantilia villis.
Et Georgic. lib 4,
Manibus liquidos dant ordine fontes
Germanæ, tonsisque ferunt mantilia villis.
Cæterùm Isidorus lintea pro operiendis mensis suo tempore
Mantilia dicta notat. Angli quidem hanc vestem a Mantell
vocant, et in eodem sensu, Radulphus de Diceto et Johannes.
Bromtonus Mantillum habent, quod nomen à Gallico Manteau
derivatur, pro pallio nunc usurpato. Atque ut Pallia Græ-
corum propriæ erant vestes, et Togæ Romanorum, unde Vir-
gilius Æneid. 1. 1,
Consilia in melius referet, mecúmque fovebit
Romanos, rerum Dominos, gentemque togatam.
Ita saga Hibernorum veterum. Hac veste utebantur etiam
fœminæ Hibernicæ, talari quam gerebant tunicæ superindutâ.
Neque inusitatum est idem vestimenti genus fœminis Maclo-
vianis in Gallia, id quod notabam, dum ibi essem anno
MDCXLIX. Porrò ut quod sentio dicam, valdè probabile
videtur
56
Hibernica.
205
videtur Hibernos hanc vestem laneam à Gallis veteribus mu-
tuatos. Nam sagum Gallicum esse nomen asserit Isidorus,
et saga propria fuisse Gallorum vestimenta tradit Varro, 1. 4,
de lingua Latina, ubi de vestium generibus agens, In his
(inquit) multa peregrina, ut sagum, Rheno, Gallica, Gauna-
cum, majus sagum et Amphimallon Græca. Idem docet Strabo,
lib. 4. Geographiæ. Hinc Galli sæpè Sagati olim dicti. Hacte-
nùs de veste exteriori Hibernica. De aliis Hibernorum vesti-
bus, tunicellis sc. et femoralibus illis arctissimis, Trowses
vulgò dictis; vix habeo quod dicam memoratu dignum. Ad
Etymologiam verbi Trowse quod attinet, fortè petenda à
Gallico Trousser, connectere. Gir. Cambrensis braccas cali-
gatas, seu caligas braccatas vocat, Topograph. Hiberniæ
distinct. 3. cap. 10. Braccas vestes fuisse varii coloris tradit
Diodorus Siculus. Pannus autem levidensis varii coloris, ex
quo sæpè facta sunt ea femoralia, ab Hibernis Braccan appel-
latur. A talis vestimenti usu, dimidia pars Galliæ Transal-
pinæ olim dicta est Braccata, sicut altera pars, Comata, ob
incolarum comas promissas, Gallos ita vestitos, secum Romam
duxit Julius Cæsar, sed ibi in triumpho suo Gallico, vestibus
decentioribus amictos, eos populo ostendit, unde illa, ait Sue-
tonius, vulgò canebantur,
Gallos Cæsar in triumphum ducit: iidem in Curia
Galli braccas deposuerunt, latum clavum sumpserunt.
Et Britannos olim iisdem usos fuisse vestimentis, ostendit
Martialis,
Quàm veteres bracca Britonis pauperis.
Uxores Hibernica (pro more veterrimo) velato capite in-
cedebant, virgines nudo, demissis interdùm à tergo crinibus.
De Hibernorum veterum ornatu; admodùm pauca mihi
legenti occurrunt. Aliquos è regibus coronâ aureâ redimitos
fuisse suprà diximus; et reges margaritis in auribus suis usos,
prodit Nennius. De torque aureo quo collum suum ornare
solebat Dermitius filius Cerbailli Rex Hiberniæ, vid. Scriptor.
vitæ S. Brendani. Nobiles prætereà annulos aureos in digitis.
olim gestâsse constat.
57
CAP. XII.
206
Antiquitates
Sect. 1.
CAP. XII.
De priscis equitibus et peditibus Hibernicis, sed potissimùm
de iis qui fuerunt mediorum temporum: déque eorum armis
et clamore militari.
NTIQUIORIBUS seculis, equites Hibernici equos
nudos, absque ephippiis ascendebant; posteà sellis
utebantur, sed absque stapede sive scala ea equestri, quâ hodiè
utimur, ut in equos nos collocemus. Hique Equites, vel hastis,
vel sagittis dimicabant. Aliqui prætereà (mediis seculis) loricis
ferreis erant armati. Neque mos ille equitandi inusitatus erat
olim ipsis Anglis, ut testantur tam sigilla nonnulla antiqua
quæ expressam ostendunt equitis Anglici imaginem, quàm
Statutum Parlamenti Pontanæ inchoati anno decimo Henrici
VII. Ita porrò Britanni olim, ita Galli, et ita Romani equita-
bant. Murchardidem unum è potentioribus Dynastis Hiber-
nicis absque ephippio equitantem exprimit Gallus quidam qui
expeditionem secundam Richardi 2 in Hiberniam metro Gal-
lico descripsit; equum verò ejus generosissimum (attende
pretium) emptum asserit vaccis 400. Equitibus Hibernicis
servi quidam erant à pedibus: Daltini vulgò dicti, jaculis
amentatis tantùm armati, qui eorum equos curabant. De
Equitibus vocatis Hobellariis, suprà à nobis dictum, cap. vII,
nec hic repetendum. 'Ios equum significat, atque inde
fortè vox Hobby.
Hiberni mediorum seculorum Peditibus duplicis generis
utebantur, Quidam Gallo-glassii dicti, casside ferrea et lorica
ferreis annulis confecta, erant armati, gladióque longo cincti;
item alterâ manu securim acutissimam gestabant, more Gallo-
rum illorum veterum, de quibus loquitur Marcellinus, lib. 19.
Alii levioris armaturæ, Henrico Marleburgensi Turbiculi,
quibusdam Turbarii, vulgò, Kerni dicti, jaculis amentatis,
machæris, et cultris sive sicis, Skegnes vocatis, dimicabant.
An tales fuerint cultri illi Seaxes dicti, quibus olim accinge-
bantur Saxones, quærant alii. In rotulo clauso ann. v.
Edwardi III, memb. 25, inter articulos in Hibernia observan-
dos, sextus est, contra sustentatores et ductores Kernorum et
58
gentis
Hibernica.
207
1
gentis vocatæ Edle-men, nisi in Marchiis (sive confiniis) suas
proprias ad custas. Ita Archivum arcis Londinensis. In
bello, pro tympano, tibia utricularis in usu erat. Sic Lacedæ-
monios olim, non cornuum tubarúmve signis, sed tibiarum
modulis, in prælis usos testatur A. Gellius, lib. 1. cap. 11.
Ad Hibernorum antiquiorum arma quod attinet, eos armis Sect. 2.
aheneis fuisse usos constat, sic Græcos olim, sic Britannos ar-
matos certum. Est mihi æs securis militaris, rudi quidem
sed admodùm antiquo opere, jampridem è loco uliginoso in
agro Letrimensi, effossum. Hibernis præcipuam fuisse gloriam
in armorum nitela, asserit Solinus, cap. 25, et speciatim tra-
dit eos, qui studebant cultui, dentibus marinantium belluarum
insigniisse ensium capulos, et candicâsse ad eburneam clarita-
tem. Labracum Loinsec regem Hiberniæ, quoddam hastæ
genus dictum Lagenib, ex partibus transmarinis, secum in
Hiberniam portâsse anno Mundi 3670, tradunt (quàm verè
nescio) historici Hibernici: atque inde orientalem Hiberniæ
Provinciam, Lageniam dictam volunt, cùm anteà vocaretur
Coigidugarian. In Annalibus Roscomanensibus, ad annun.
MCXC, fit mentio capitis haste, ad longitudinem unius cubiti,
reperti in fluvio Gallivensi tùm desiccato. De Hibernorum
armis, tempore adventus Anglorum, sub Henrico 11, sic Giral-
dus Cambrensis, Topograph. Hiberniæ, distinct. 3. cap. 10,
Tribus utuntur armorum generibus, lanceis non longis, et
jaculis binis in quibus et Basdensium morem sunt imitati,
securibus quoque amplis, fabrili diligentia optimè calibatis,
quas à Norwagiensibus et Oustmannis, (de quibus post dicetur)
sunt mutuati. Una tantùm manu et non ambabus securi per-
cutiunt, pollice desuper manubrium in longum extenso ictumque
regente, à quo nec galea caput in conum erecta, nec reliquum
corpus ferrea loricæ tricatura tuetur. Unde et in nostris con-
tigit temporibus, totam militis coxam ferro utcunque fideliter
vestitam, uno securis ictu, præcisam fuisse, ex una equi parte
coxa cum tibia, er alterâ verò, corpore cadente moribundo:
lapides quoque pugillares, cùm alia defecerint, hostibus in
conflictu damnosissimos, præ alia gente, promptiùs, et expedi-
tiùs, ad manum habent. De scutis eorum, nec non arcubus
et sagittis suprà diximus, cap. 2. Gladius iis ingens erat et
prælongus,
59
208
Antiquitates
prælongus, unâ tantùm parte acutus, quo cæsim non punctim
pugnabant. Apud aliquos in usu fuit Cudo sive Galea fera-
rum tergoribus inducta, uti habet in Nomenclatore suo, Hadri-
anus Junius. Ocrearum usum ab Anglis tandem acceperunt,
necnon armorum diversa genera, quæ ad recentiora tempora
spectant, ideóque hic prætermittenda. In prælia ituri, cùm
ita propè essent hostes, ut ab iis exaudiri possent, clamore
quodam Martio utebantur (uti suprà diximus) Farah, Farah,
sæpiùs iterantes. Scythas, Germanos, et ipsos Græcos et Ro-
manos tali olim usos fuisse clamore, ante pugnam constat.
An verò à clamore illo Eleleu quo Græci (uti suprà diximus
cap. 2) ad prælium euntes utebantur, vox Aleleu fluxerit, quam
iterare solebant mulieres merè, Hibernicæ, in ululatibus et
palmarum complosionibus, dum amicorum funera proseque-
rentur, non definio: nam de Græcorum habitatione in Hiber-
nia, parum aut nihil mihi legenti occurrit: superesse quidem
vestigia nonnulla veterum Græcorum in Hibernia, innuit Ec-
clesia quædam Trimmæ in Midia, dicta Græcorum Ecclesia.
De Dobda Episcopo, Græco, qui S. Virgilium ex Hibernia
secutus est, vid. Wiguleum Hundium, in Juvaviensium sive
Salisburgensium Episcoporum catalogo, et vitæ ejusdem Vir-
gilii descriptorem Eberhardi Salisburgensis Episcopi Discipu-
lum. Vid. porrò quæ suprà diximus, de Nemethi progenie.
Pan militaris illius barritus dicitur inventor, et à tali stratage-
mate noctu, cùm in Indica Bacchi expeditione, subitò hostes
in fugam essent versi, ortum proverbium Terror Panicus.
Sed hoc extra oleas. Hactenùs de prisco milite Hibernico
ejusque armis et clamore militari, nunc iconem ejus Lectori
visum exhibere.

་་་
60
An
Hibernica.
209
An Hiberni habuerint currus militares Esseda olim dictos,
more Gallorum et Britannorum veterum, non certò constat.
Sed verisimile est habuisse, præsertim si credamus anonymo
vitæ S. Columbæ scriptori antiquo poëticè magis quàm histo-
ricè prælium Culedrebnense, anno 561 gestum, describenti.
Habuisse currus illos quos Galli olim Bennas vocabant, ad
usum sc. viatorum, et alios, linguâ Gallicâ Carros dictos, qui-
bus sarcinæ eorum vehebantur, certissimum. Nescio an
operæ pretium sit hic memorare certamina Ludicra (militiam
quidem redolentia) equitum Hibernicorum, qui jaculis ferro non
munitis, lusus et spectatores oblectandi gratiâ dimicare sole-
bant, necnon eorum ardorem in ferarum, Luporum putà et
Cervorum, venationibus. Venatio quidem non parvam habet
cum militia affinitatem, et si Xenophonti in Cyropædia credi-
mus, ad fortitudinem adsequendam est omninò necessaria.
Beda (Eccles. Histor. lib. 1, cap. 1,) Hiberniam Insulam vocat
Cervorum venatu insignem. Sed hæc Corollarii loco.
CAP. XIII.
De priscis Exactionibus Hibernicis, dictis Bonaght, Sorohen,
Coshery, Cuddy, Shragh et Mart: deque Tributis ab Anglis
introductis, vice Bonaghti, vocatis Cogne et Livery.
Bo
ONAGHT Exactio erat pro Domini libito imposita, ad Sect. 1.
alendos Equites, triarios quos Gallo-glassios appella-
bant et alios pedites levioris armaturæ, quos Kernos vocabant.
Istique milites ita sustentati, aliquandò promiscuè Bonaghti
dicebantur.
Sorohen Taxatio erat quater in anno imposita liberè tenenti-
bus, (sive iis qui prædia habebant, ad hæredes transmittenda)
pro victu, hospitio et stipendiis dictorum militum.
Coshery exactio erat Dynasta Hibernici, quando ab incolis
sub ejus potestate et clientela, victum et hospitium capiebat,
pro seipso suaque sequela.
Aliæ erant Exactiones dictæ Cuddies, sive cœnæ nocturnæ:
item aliæ (præsertim in Momonia) vocatæ Shragh et Mart,
partim in nummis, partem vel in pecore vel in cibo, plerumque
61
pro
210
Antiquitates
Sect. 2.
pro Domini libito, impositae. Hisq; direptionibus nec non
tasciis quibusdam, Anglicè Cuttings dictis, vel quando Domi-
nus iter ingrediebatur, vel epulo aliquem excipiebat, vel è
simili occasione, impositis, prisca plebis Hibernicæ conditio
penè servilis perspici potest.
Hibernorum vestigia premens Mauritius filius Thomæ posteà
Comes Desmoniæ, Anglorum (uti fertur) fuit primus qui sub-
ditis imposuit tributa illa gravissima, Copn et Libery dicta,
nummos scil. cibum et hospitium pro militibus, et pabulum pro
equis. Hæc introduxisse fertur tempore Edwardi 11 Regis,
Angliæ, ad sustentationem exercitus Regis, contra Scotos in
Hibernia tum longè latéque grassantes, sub ductu Edwardi
Brusei, qui se Regem Hiberniæ declaraverat. Ut ut fuerit,
sive is primus, sive non, Scotis posteà devictis, ac pace resti-
tutâ, Tributa illa,
-per longas invaluere moras :
Nam in plurimis Hiberniæ locis, per multos posteà annos,
imposita, misellum populum graviter afflixerunt, etiam non ob-
stantibus Statutis quibusdam Parlamentariis, quibus istæ direp-
tiones et expilationes prohibitæ fuerunt, sub pœna proditionis.
Sed plus valent boni mores (ut rectè Tacitus) quàm bonæ leges.
De Comitis illius Seneschallo Johanne Cotterell, morte mulc-
tato, Radulphi de Ufford Hiberniæ Justitiarii mandato, quòd
multas graves, extraneas et intollerabiles leges exercuisset,
tenuisset, et invenisset, vid. Joh. Clynni Annales, ad annum
1345. Notant aliqui hoc ipsum exactionum genus, uni ex jam
dicti Mauritii posteris fuisse exitiale: nam Thomas Comes
Desmoniæ, ob similia tributa, quæ subditis imposuerat, capite
plexus est Pontanæ, (quam Droghedam et vulgò Tredagh
vocamus) Februarii 15, anno Domini MCCCCLXVII, jussu
Johannis Tiptofti Wigorniæ comitis Hiberniæque Deputati.
Atqui Thomas Russellus in Historia Geraldinorum, quo au-
thore nescio, Desmonium sublatum asserit, machinationibus
Elizabethæ Uxoris Edwardi Iv, in ultionem verborum quæ
contra eam, ad Regem loquutus fuerat. Ad voces ipsas quod
attinet; Copn verbum est Anglicum, quod pecuniam signi-
ficat, et Libery, in mitiori sensu, res necessarias, quæ vel ex
62
debito
Hibernica.
211
debito, vel honoris causâ (ut ait Spelmannus) Magistratui,
hospitibus, seu peregrinantibus ministrantur. Cterùm in
Hiberniâ, exactiones istæ tanto rigore et insolentiâ fuerunt
impositæ, neque porrò certis temporibus, neque locis limitatæ,
ut inde profluxerint depopulatio, exilium et extirpatio multo-
rum è primariis subditis; aliique otiosi facti, miseriarum et
malorum temporum eventum expectârint. Sic ferè Jo. Davi-
sius Eques aur. Jacobi Regis, ad tempus, Procurator in Hiber-
nia. Quibus miseriis addi possunt (ex Statuto anni x Henrici
VII) homicidia, raptus et latrocinia, ab ipsis militibus, quos
exactiones istæ sustentabant, frequenter perpetrata. Denique,
invaluerunt etiam paulatim, apud Anglos nonnullos eminen-
tioris loci, speciatim apud Comites Desmoniæ, exactiones
Hibernicæ suprà memoratæ, vel saltem earum pars maxima.
Cæterùm, clauso tandem Jani templo, altæ Pacis beneficio,
sub Jacobo rege, Leges terræ universim receptæ sunt, túmque
tributa illa gravissima et direptiones evanuerunt. Ad alia
jam festinamus: siquidem de exactionibus, satis superque
dictum.
DE
CAP. XIV.
De Mirabilibus nonnullis Hiberniæ; deque aliis ascriptitiis.
E Mirabilibus Hiberniæ, multa scripsit Giraldus Cam-
brensis, sed fabulis mirè admixta: nonnulla etiam
habet Nennius Britannus, seculis aliquot Giraldo antiquior,
quæ, quia Author est adhuc ineditus, visum est transcribere.
Sic igitur ille, in fine Historiæ suæ, De prima Inhabitatione
Britonum Britannia Insula, sub titulo, De Mirabilibus
Hibernia. Sed aliqua exemplaria Gildæ nomen (ut hoc obiter
annotemus) falsò præferunt.
Est ibi Stagnum (inquit Nennius) quod vocatur Luch-lein;
(hodiè Logh-lein in Kerria) quatuor circulis ambitur, primo
circulo, Gronnâ (sive venâ *vel fodinâ) Stanni ambitur, se-
cundo circulo, Gronná plumbi ambitur, tertio circulo, gronná
ferri ambitur. Et in eo stagno margaritæ multæ reperiuntur,
quas ponunt Reges in auribus suis.
vocant.
* Asserius autem et Flor. Wigorn. loca palustria et aquis obducta gronnas
02
63
Est
212
Antiquitates
Est aliud Stagnum quod facit ligna dùrescere in lapides.
Homines autem findunt ligna, et postquàm formaverunt, pro-
jiciunt in stugnum, et manent in eo, usque ad caput anni, et
in capite anni lapis invenitur, et vocatur stagnum (vel ingens
lacus potius) Luch-echac. Hodiè vulgò Logh-each, in Ultonia.
Est aliud miraculum in regione quæ vocatur Cereticum;
est ibi Mons qui cognominatur Crucmaur, et est sepulchrum
in cacumine illius, et omnis homo quicunque venerit ad sepul
chrum, et extenderit se juxta illud, quamvis brevis fuerit homo et
parvus, similiter longitudo sepulchri juxta staturam hominis
invenitur; et si fuerit longus et procerus, etiamsi fuerit in
longitudine quatuor cubitorum, juxta staturam unius cujusque
hominis, sic tumulus invenitur. Et omnis peregrinus tædiosus,
qui tres flectiones flectaverit, juxta illud, non erit tædium super
eum, usque ad diem mortis suæ, et non gravabitur ullo iterùm
tædio, quamvis habitasset solus in extremis finibus cosmi. Hoc
postremum in quibusdam exemplaribus, rectiùs ponitur inter
Mirabilia Britanniæ, in quâ certè est Cereticum sive Ceretica,
quæ nunc nobis Cardigan-shire appellatur. Sed ut quod sentio
dicam, de miraculo ipso, commentum est notissimum: in
duobus verò prioribus, Nennius miscet vera falsis, de aliis
ejusdem farinæ mirabilibus, apud historicos nonnullos fit
mentio, quæ sciens hîc prætereo. De Bernacle sive Brantæ
prodigiosa generatione, ex ligno in salo, tractu temporis.
putrefacto, vid. Giraldum Cambrensem, Topograph. Hiber-
niæ distinct. 1, cap. 11. Bernacla anserini est generis, fero
ansere paulò minor, pectore subnigro, cætero cinereo, et anse-
rum ferorum more volat, strepit, paludes frequentat, et segetem
destruit. Caro autem paulò insuavior est et divitibus minùs
appetita. Hæc ferè Gulielmus Turnerus. Vidi ego ligni
putrefacti fragmentum, ex quo erumpebant minuta quædam
corpuscula, testis inclusa, ex quo genere, uti recepta est opinio
eorum qui prope litora habitant, à Bernaclis frequentata, tam
in Hibernia quàm in Scotia, Bernaclæ originem sumere solent.
Porrò hæc Bernacle generatio non usque adeò prodigiosa illis
videbitur (inquit jam dictus Turnerus) qui quod Aristoteles de
volucre Ephemero scripsit, legerint, quòd in Hypani fluvio, ex
folliculis quibusdam erumpat. Ad hanc opinionem firmandam
64
vid
Hibernica.
213
vid. porrò quæ habet Jo. Gerardus, ad finem historiæ suæ
Plantarum. Quid è contra objicitur, petendum ex Pontani
Rerum Amstelodam. Histor. lib. 2, cap. 22, et ex Fabii Co-
lumnæ Piscium aliquot historiâ, Neapoli editâ 1592. Utcun-
que, in re quæ plenius scrutinium mereri videatur, nihil
definio. Sed (ut caput hoc claudamus) inter verè miranda
non omittendum, licèt suprà dictum, cap. vII, Hiberniam non
gignere venenatum quicquam, nec alere aliundè invectum,
habere tamen araneas et lacertas, sed eas non venenatas.
Unde Hiberniam de se suisque dotibus, ita loquentem intro-
ducit Hadr. Junius,
Cui Deus et melior rerum nascentium origo
Jus commune dedit cum Creta altrice tonantis,
Noxia ne nostris diffundant sibila in oris
Terrifici creti tabo Phorcynidos angues;
Et fortè illati compressis faucibus atris
Viroso pariter vitam cum sanguine ponant.
Cæterùm an lignum Hibernicum valeat contra venenata,
quod aliqui asserunt, non indignum est indagine penitiore,
eóque studiosiùs quia venerabilis Beda Eccles. Histor. lib. 1,
cap. 1, asserit omnia penè quæ de eadem insula (Hibernia sc.)
sunt, contra venenum valere. Denique vidimus (sic porrò ille)
quibusdam à serpente percussis, rasa folia codicum, qui de
Hibernia fuerunt, et ipsam rasuram aquæ immissam, ac potui
datam, talibus protinùs totam vim veneni grassantis, totum
inflati corporis absumpsisse ac sedâsse tumorem. Interim
corrigendus est Cardani error, qui lib. 10, de Subtilitate, pro
Hibernia Britanniam asserit carere Serpentibus. Hæc ejus
assertio in eundem errorem duxit Jul. Cæs. Scaligerum, licèt
ille immunitatis causas à Cardano assignatas, meritò confutet,
Exercitatione 200.
65
CAP. XV.
214
Antiquitates
CAP. XV.
De Academiis, sive Scholis insignioribus Hiberniæ. Degue
aliis, apud exteras nationes, Hibernorum operâ excultis.
F
UISSE olim in Hibernia Scholas insigniores, sive ut nunc
appellamus, Academias, ad quas Hiberni et Britones,
ac demùm Galli ac Saxones, tanquàm ad bonarum literarum
Emporia confluxerunt, ex antiquis scriptoribus, fide dignis,
liquidò constat. De hac re, vid. Bed. lib. 3. Histor. Eccles.
gentis Anglorum cap. 7, et 27, et lib. 4, cap. 26. Item Al-
cuin. in prosaicâ S. Willibrordi vitâ, cap. 4, et lib. 2, de vitâ
ejus, carmine, cap. 1, et 33, Eric. Autissiodorens. Monach.
lib. 1, cap. ultim. de miraculis S. Germani, et Sulgeni vitam,
à filio ejus Johanne, (qui claruit anno Dom. MLXXXIX) carmine
descriptam. Inter scholas eas, ut antiquissima, ita olim
eminebat Armachana; de qua, ita scriptor vitæ S. Patricii,
qui eam tribus libris complexus est, diù ante Anglorum ad-
ventum in Hiberniam. Ibi B. Patricius civitatem, quæ dicitur
Armacha, instituit, in qua est omnis Archiepiscopatus Hiberniæ,
quam valdè dilexit S. Patricius vivens, et in qua summum
constituit suum honorem secula. In ipsa jam civitate, scil.
Armacha, Summum Studium literale manet semper. Gildam
Albanium ibi ad tempus Studium rexisse tradit Carodocus
Lhancarvanensis. Supersunt porrò etiamnùm nomina Prælec-
torum quorundam ibidem, sub ipsis Norwegorum in Hibernia
sævientium temporibus, tanquàm antiqui splendoris reliquiæ:
atque si Florentio Cartao credamus, ex MS. nescio quo Ox-
oniensi, census studiosorum ejusdem Academiæ, uno eodem-
que tempore olim septem millium numerum excessit. Sed
hoc transeat. Author Annalium Ultoniensium ad annum
1020 (qui nobis est 1021) Armacham universam tunc com-
bustam asserit, eodemque incendio periisse (inter alia ibi
memorata) antiquam Cathedram Præceptorum: ad annum
itidem 1162 vel 1163, Synodum 26 episcoporum coactam
asserit in loco dicto Cleonad, præsidente Gelasio Armachano
Archiepiscopo, in qua decretum est, ut nullus deinceps ad
66
Theologiam
Hibernicæ.
215
Theologiam publicè prælegendam admitteretur, nisi qui Aca-
demiæ Armachanæ fuerat Alumnus. De Schola Clonardensi,
ad Boinum flu. in Midia, hæc habemus in vita S. Finiani
fundatoris, qui claruit anno Dom. DXXX, In loco qui Cluan-
araird dicitur, velut Sol in medio coeli, Finianus radios
virtutum et salutaris doctrinæ atque miraculorum illustrando
mundum, emisit. Fama enim bonorum operum ejus, ex diver-
sis terræ partibus, viros illustres, partim ad scripturam sacram
addiscendam, partim ad Ecclesiasticam institutionem per-
cipiendam, quasi ad quoddam totius sapientiæ Sacrarium,
attraxit: quorum nomina sunt, duo Kierani, (Kieranus
filius Artificis, qui Mac-Itæir dicitur et Kieranus Saigre)
Columba-Kill et Columba filius Crimthaind, duo Brandani
(Brandanus filius Findloga, et Brandanus Birra, qui Pro-
pheta in Scholis illis et sanctorum Hibernensium habebatur)
et Laserianus filius Nathfraith, et Sinel filius Maënaci, et
Cainecus filius Nepotis Daland, et Ruadan Lothra, et
Nannyd Lamdere, et Mugenoc Killicumuli, et Episcopus
Sennach. Et in vita S. Moluæ, Venit ad sanctam Scholam
S. Finiani, in sua Civitate quæ est in confinio Laginensium,
et nepotum Neill: in qua Schola, multitudo Sanctorum Hi-
berniæ Divinitatem apud S. Finianum scrutabuntur. Scho-
lam ibi Academiam vel Gymnasium significare res ipsa lo-
quitur. Scholam etiam eandem Ciceronis ætate habuisse sig-
nificationem, ubi vox grammaticalis non adjuncta fuit, è
Cicerone rectè colligit Johannes Caius, de Antiquitate Canta-
brigiensis Academiæ, lib. 1, pag. 177. Neque dubitandum est,
Studium de quò suprà, idem olim denotâsse: atque ita
eodem sensu D. Hieronymus ad Rusticum Monachum scri-
bens, vocat Studia Galliarum florentissima. Fuit et aliud
bonarum literarum Domicilium Rossæ in Carbria, antiquitùs
Ross-ailithri dictæ, à S. Fachnano, seculo sexto erectum; de
quo ita scriptor vitæ S. Mocoëmogi, Habitavit S. Fachnanus
in australi Hiberniæ parte, juxta mare, in suo monasterio
quod ipse fundavit. Ibi crevit civitas, in qua semper mansit
magnum studium scholarium, quæ dicitur Ross-ailithry. Sanc-
tum Brendanum ibi artes liberales prælegisse asserit, quâ
authoritate nescio, in Chronico suo Hiberniæ, Meredythus
Hanmerus.
67
216
Antiquitates
Hanmerus. Inter Academias itidem numerandæ sunt fortassè
Beg-Eri, sub S. Ibaro, Clonferta, sub S. Brendano, Bangora,
sub S. Congallo, Rathena (in Fercallia) et Lismora, sub S.
Carthago, et Leghlina, sub S. Laseriano, Mirum est sanè,
quod de magnis monachorum agminibus, sub eorum tutelis, à
scriptoribus traditum. De aliis antiquis Musarum sedibus in
Hibernia, Casseliensi sc. et Dunensi, fit nuda mentio in Epis-
tola quadam Florentii Cartai supradicti, ad Donatum non ita.
pridem comitem Thomoniæ. Sed, de iis, nihil prætereà tra-
ditum reperii. De hac re, qui plura scire avet, consulat pro-
fundæ eruditionis virun D. Jacobum Usserium Armachanum,
in Britannicarum Ecclesiarum Antiquitatibus.
Venio jam ad recentiorum temporum Academias; et hîc
primò se nobis offert Academia Dubliniensis, Johannem
Lechum, Archiepiscopum Dubliniensem, à Clemente v, Bul-
lam procurâsse fundationis Universitatis Scholarium Dub-
linii, datam 3 Idus Julii, Pontificatus anno 7, certò constat.
Sed per Archiepiscopi mortem, quæ secuta est 10. Augusti,
anno Dom. MCCCXIII, irrito successu. Anno verò MCCCXX,
Alexander de Bicknor successor ejus in Archiepiscopatu
Academiam de novo fundavit, et Johannis XXII authoritate
confirmari curavit. De regulis in ea observandis, en tibi
ipsissima instrumenti verba, In Dei nomine, Amen. Nos
Alexander de Bicknore permissione divina Dubliniensis Arch-
iepiscopus, volumus concedimus et ordinamus, de consensu et
assensu Capitulorum nostrorum S. Trinitatis et S. Patricii
Dublin. Magistris et Scholaribus Universitatis nostræ Dub-
lin. quòd Magistri actu regentes dicte Universitatis possint
eligere Cancellarium, Doctorem in sacra pagina, seu jure
Canonico. Ita quòd si in altera Ecclesiarum nostrarum S.
Trinitatis vel S. Patricii ejusdem loci, in dictis scientiis fuerit
aliquis in iisdem facultatibus adeptus, in Cancellarium præ
omnibus cæteris, per eosdem eligatur. Et si, quod absit, in
electione ejusdem Cancellarii fuerit discordia, quòd tunc stetur
electioni majoris partis dictorum regentium in numero dun-
taxat. Et Cancellario dicta Universitatis cedente vel dece-
dente, alius infra xv dies eligatur, et idem electus nobis et
successoribus nostris præsentibus, seu Vicariis nobis vel illis
68
in
Hibernica.
217
in remotis agentibus, Sede Dubliniensi plenâ, et Sede vacante,
Custodi Spiritualitatis ejusdem, pro confirmatione obtinenda,
infra quindecim dies, à tempore electionis præsentetur, pro
confirmatione sua petenda et obtinenda. Volumus ad hæc,
quòd duo Procuratores actu regentes, cùm fuerit copia magistro-
rum regentium, simili modo ut priùs eligantur; et quòd iidem
Procuratores, cùm Universitas prædicta Cancellario caruerit,
vices suppleant ejusdem Cancellarii. Et si electio Cancel-
larii infra quindecim dies celebrata non fuerit, extunc devolvat
Jurisdictio ad Officialem curiæ Dublin. Sede plena, vel Sede
vacante, ad Custodem Spiritualitatis, quousq; Cancellarius
electus fuerit et confirmatus, vel saltem aliquid non obsistat
canonicum, quo minùs debeat confirmari. Concedimus etiam
quòd dominus Cancellarius habeat Jurisdictionem spiritualem in
Magistros et Scholares, ubi actor et reus sunt de Universitate præ-
dicta, et in eorum familiares, et approbationem et reprobationem
testamentorum eorum Magistrorum, Scholarium, et familia-
rium, ac dispositiones bonorum eorum, si intestati decesserint.
Ita tamen quod mulctæ ipsis delinquentibus indicendæ, et
emolumenta inde, et ex quacunque alia causa, de Jurisdictione
prædicta provenientia, in cista quadam Universitatis prædictæ
reponantur, convertenda in utilitatem dicte Universitatis com-
munem, secundùm dispositionem Cancellarii et Magistrorum;
et quòd duas claves cista habeant Procuratores, et tertiam
nominatus per Cancellarium; et inde dicti Procuratores bis
in anno, coram Cancellario et Magistris regentibus, computum
reddere teneantur, vel coram Deputatis seu Deputandis ab
iisdem. Jurisdictionem verò nostram et Decani nostri S.
Patricii prædicti, in familiares nostros et Canonicos Ecclesi-
arum prædictarum, et ad eorum familiares, et super gleba
præbendarum existentes nullatenùs à nobis seu ab ipso Decano
abdicantes. Provisò tamen quòd pro officio Cancellarii et
ejus oneribus supportandis, pro loco et tempore, secundùm
Universitatis facultates honorificè ordinetur. Si verò Can-
cellarius prædictus vices suas aliquibus, vel alicui committere
voluerit, in causis specialiter et universaliter cognoscendis,
facultatem eidem concedimus per præsentes. Et si ab iisdem
Commissariis appelletur, primò ad eundem Cancellarium et
Regentes
69
218
Antiquitates
Regentes appelletur, qui per se in dicta causa appellationis
cognoscent, vel per alios illa vice; à quibus si secundò appel-
letur, ad nos vel officialem curiæ nostræ, seu Custodem, ut
præmittitur, ipsa appellatio interponatur. Licentiandi insuper
Baccalaurii, in facultate quacunque, præsententur Cancellario
prædicto, et Magistris regentibus, qui si sufficientem numerum,
pro tempore per ipsos ordinando, obtinuerint Magistrorum in
eadem facultate, pro literatura, et quoad illos et alios aliarum
facultatum, pro moribus, deponentium, quibus credi volumus,
si jurati de credulitate deponantur, non obstante minoris par-
tis numero Magistrorum contradictione, licentientur, alio quin
per gratiam transeant Universitatis. Et si quis contrà licen-
tiandus in quacunque facultate, aliquid objecerit, et illud in
forma Juris non probaverit, eo ipso habeatur pro malitiosè
opponente, et propter refusionem damnorum et expensarum
parti faciendarum, Universitatis privilegio privetur ad tem-
pus, vel ad perpetuum, prout Cancellario et regentibus visum
fuerit, habitâ consideratione ad qualitatem rei objecte et con-
ditionem utriusque persona.
Concedimus etiam, pro nobis et
successoribus nostris, quòd Cancellarius, de consilio Magistro-
rum regentium et non regentium, si necesse fuerit, Statuta
condere possit, ad honorem et pacem Universitatis, et ad
scandala dirimenda, quæ contingere poterint, in eventu; et
illa Statuta debent nobis et successoribus nostris præsentari,
et per nos et eosdem successores confirmari. Ordinamus etiam
quòd nos et successores nostri eligere possimus secularem in
Theologia regentem, vel de quacunque religione, qui in Eccle-
sia nostra S. Patricii præfata actualiter legat in sacra pa-
gina, sine alicujus contradictione vel calumnia, perpetuis
temporibus in futurum. Ac nobis vel illis successoribus nos-
tris agentibus in remotis, quòd Cancellarius hoc faciat vice
nostra et eorundem successorum. (Eo non obstante quòd
Scholas fratrum Prædicatorum ac Minorum duximus canoni-
zandas.) Et quòd Cancellarius electus, et à nobis et succes-
soribus nostris confirmandus Juramentum nobis et successori-
bus nostris præstet fidelitatis. In cujus rei testimonium,
Sigillum nostrum, unà cum Sigillis Capitulorum nostrorum
S. Trinitatis et S. Patricii Dublin. prædictorum, præsentibus
70
est
Hibernicæ.
219
est appensum. Datum Dublinii, decimo die Februarii anno
Dom. мcccxx, et Consecrationis nostræ quarto. Túmque S.
Theologiæ Doctores creati sunt ibidem Gulielmus de Hardite
ordinis Prædicatorum, Henricus Cogry ordinis Minorum et
Edmundus de Karmardin ordinis Prædicatorum. Item ad
gradum Doctoratus in Jure Canonico, promotus est Gulielmus
Rodiart Decanus Ecclesiæ S. Patricii Dublin. Qui constitu-
tus est etiam primus Academiæ Cancellarius. Lecturam
Theologicam, ab Edwardo III, ibi posteà institutam docet
Regestum Johannis Alani Archiepiscopi Dublin. Cæterùm
deficientibus facultatibus, quibus alumni alerentur, Academia
ipsa paulatim defecit. Remanebant quidem vestigia aliqua
Academiæ, tempore Henrici vII, Nam in Concilio Provin-
ciali Dublinii habito, in Ecclesia S. Trinitatis, coram Waltero
Fitz-Simons tunc Archiepiscopo Dubliniensi, concessa sunt,
ad septennium, Lectoribus Universitatis, stipendia quædam,
ab Archiepiscopo, Suffraganeis et Clero Provinciæ Dublinien-
sis, annuatim solvenda. Tandem verò Elizabetha Regina,
Dublinio Academiæ honorem restituit: nam Collegium SS.
Trinitatis nomini consecratum, posuit (in loco ubi olim Der-
mitius filius Murchardi rex Lageniæ, coenobium omnium
Sanctorum, vulgò dictum Al-Hallows, Canonicis ord. Aroa-
censis construxerat) prædiis ditavit et Academicis ornavit
Privilegiis. Primum lapidem posuit Thomas Smithus Prætor
Dubliniensis, 13 Martii anno MDXCI, stylo Anglicano, et 9
Januarii MDXCIII, studiosi primùm admissi.
Eidem posteà
Collegio rex Jacobus præter annuam 388 librarum et 15 soli-
dorum Monetæ anglicæ, è fisco, pensionem, amplissimas in
Ultonia possessiones elargitus est. Atque hæc unica nunc
est Hiberniæ Academia, Athenæ nostræ. Neque silentio
prætermittenda est Academia *Pontanæ erecta, authoritate
Parlamenti ibi habiti, Mense Novembri MCCCCLXV, coram
Thoma Comite Desmoniæ, Deputato Georgii Ducis Clarentiæ,
Hiberniæque Locum-tenentis, et Academiæ Oxoniensis Privi-
legiis adornata. Cæterùm ea Academia, ex defectu proventus,
brevi evanuit.
* Al. Droghedæ.
71
Fundationis
2
220
Antiquitates
Sect. 2.
Fundationis Statutum ipsum (Gallicè, pro more illorum
temporum) typis antehac non excusum, lectori integrum hîc
visum est exhibere, ex Archivo Cancellariæ Hiberniæ, anni
v Edwardi IV, cap. 46.
Item a la requisition des Communes, Que pource que la
terre d' Irland a nulle Université, ni Estude generale, dans
la mesme, laquelle œuure voudroit cause si bien l'encresse du
science, richesse et bonne governance, comme l' avoidance du
riot, male governance et extorsion dans la dite terre. Ordonné
est et establié et granté par authorite du dit Parlement, que
soit une Université, à la ville de Drogheda, en laquelle Uni-
versité, pouuoient estre faits Bacheluers, Maistres et Docteurs
en toutes sciences et facultez, si comme ils sont en l'Université
de Oxenford, et aussi d' auvoir, occupier et enioier toutes
maniers, libertes, privileges, et loix, et laudables coustumes,
que la dite Université d' Oxenford a occupié et enioié. Pe-
rainsi qu' elle ne soit prejudiciable au Maire, vicomité, ni
communauté de la ville de Drogheda. Ita Statutum.
De Academiis apud exteras nationes ab Hibernis excultis,
Parisiensi nimirum in Gallia, et Ticinensi, sive Papiensi, in
Italia, vid. quæ habet Notkerus Balbulus, vetustus cœnobii
Sangallensis Monachus, lib. de Gestis Caroli Magni, quem ex
MS. codice Bavarico, edidit Henricus Canisius, tomo I anti-
quæ Lectionis, anno Dom. MDCI. Consule etiam D. Rothæum,
in Brigidâ Thaumaturgâ, et Hiberniâ resurgente.
CAP. XVI.
De antiqua Dispositione Episcopatuum Hiberniæ.
ARNASSUM Hibernicum obambulavimus: nunc Sedes
P Episcopales videamus. Johannes Paparo Presbyter
Cardinalis tituli S. Laurentii in Damaso, Legatus ab Eugenio
III, in Hiberniam missus quatuor Pallia secum detulit, quæ
(ut aliàs diximus) in Synodo habitâ Mense Martio, anno
MCLII, quatuor Archiepiscopis tradidit, Armachano scil.
Dubliniensi, Casseliensi et Tuamensi. De loco Synodi variant
scriptores; nam aliqui in cœnobio Mellifontis, alii Kenanusæ
72
sive
Hibernica.
221
sive Kenlisæ, (quam hodiè contractè Kells dicimus) in Midia
habitam volunt. In ea Synodo cuilibet Archiepiscopo certus
Suffraganeorum numerus subjectus est et assignatus. Horum
Dispositio, in codice Censuum cameralium Centii Camerarii,
qui fuit posteà Honorius III, ita exhibetur.
Sub Archiepiscopo Armachano.
[ Conner.
Dun-daleghlas.
Lugud.
| Cluainiard.
Connanas.
}
Sive recen-
Episco-
tioribus no-
patus de
minibus,
Ardachad.
Episcop.
Rathboth.
Rathlurig.
Damliag.
Darrich.
r
Conorensis.
Dunensis.
Ludunensis,
al. Louthensis.
Clonardensis.
Kenanensis,
al. Kellensis.
Ardachadensis.
Rapotensis.
Rathluriensis.
Damliagensis,
al. Dulekensis.
i Derensis.
De hac Distributione, non pauca hîc notanda: nam si ad
recentiora tempora veniamus, Sedes Clonardensis, Kenanensis,
et Damliagensis, non diù post Anglorum adventum in Hiber-
niam, coaluerunt; ideóque Episcopi jam inde, à Midia, in qua
dictæ sedes sitæ, stylum mutuati, Episcopi Midenses sunt
appellati. Item Sedes Rathluriensis adjecta est Cathedræ
Derensi. Ad Lugudunensem quod attinet; illius Sedis Epis-
copus quandoque Ludunensis sive Lugudunensis, quandoque
Clochorensis dicebatur. Nam licèt illæ duæ Sedes (Ludun-
ensis et Clochorensis) originitùs fuerint distinctæ, tandem
tamen coaluerunt et unitæ manserunt, usque ad tempus
Davidis O-Bragan Episcopi Clochorensis (qui vixit sub Henrico
III,) Tùm verò omnes Ergalliæ sive Urielis Decanatus, qui
olim suberant Episcopo Ludunensi sive Clochorensi, unà cùm
ipsa Ecclesia Ludunensi, ab eo abstracti fuerunt, et Diœcesi
Armachanæ adjecti. Qua de re extat jam dicti Davidis.
Actio, data Perusii, Id. Augusti anno MCCLII, contra Rein-
erum Archiepiscopum Armachanum, licèt irrito successu.
Denique
73
222
Antiquitates
Denique in hac Distributione, (quod hic non prætermitten-
dum) desunt Sedes Dromorensis, Clonmacnoisensis et Tribur-
nensis, quæ postrema, vetusto eo nomine tandem deposito,
nomen accepit Sedis Kilmorensis, ex quo Andreas, (Bradæus
ni fallor) loci Episcopus circa annum MCCCCLIII, Ecclesiam
parochialem S. Felimei de Kilmore, Nicolai quinti Papæ
assensu, in Ecclesiam erexit Cathedralem. Ad sedendi ordi-
nem quod attinet, inter Episcopos Suffraganeos Hiberniæ, in
Conciliis et alibi, Episcopus Midensis primum habuit locum;
Secundum sibi asseruit Episcopus Darensis, cæteri secundùm
tempora ordinationum sederunt.
Sub Archiepiscopo Dubliniensi.
Clendelachi.
Fern.
Episco-
patus de
Cainic.
| Glendelacensis.
Posteà
Fernensis.
dicti
Ossoriensis.
Leghlin.
| Childar.
Episcop. Lechlinensis.
Darensis.
Sedes Glendelacensis quæ (in Bulla Lucii Papæ 11, data
1182, à Johanne Comino Archiepiscopo Dublin. impetrata)
dicta est Episcopatus Insularum, unita fuit posteà et annexa
cathedræ Dubliniensi, tempore Henrici Loundres Archiepis-
copi Dubliniensis. Non defuerunt qui tradidere Sedem
Fernensem olim subfuisse Cathedræ Menevensi in Wallia;
sed transeant conceptus isti imaginarii.
Sub Archiepiscopo Casseliensi.
Cendalnan.
Laonensis, al.
Killalow.
Limerich.
Insula Gathay.
Limericensis.
Iniscattiensis.
Cellumabrach.
Fenaborensis, al.
Posteà
Kilfenoragh.
Epis-
copa-
tus de
Ole-imlech.
dicti
Imelacensis.
Roscreen.
Episco-
Roscræensis.
patus
Waterfordiensis.
Waltifordian.
| Lismor.
Cluain vanian.
Corcaia.
Ros-ailither.
Ardfert.
Lismorensis.
Clonensis.
Corcagiensis.
Rossensis.
Ardfertensis.
74
Ex
Hibernica.
223
Ex his, Sedes Iniscattiensis, post Anglorum ingressum,
adjecta est Cathedræ Limericensi, et Roscræensis, Laonensi.
Item adunatæ sunt sedes Waterfordiensis et Lismorensis,
deinde Corcagiensis et Clonensis, atque demùm Imelacensis
adjuncta est Casseliensi.
Sub Archiepiscopo Tuamensi.
[ Magionensis.
Alladensis, vul-
gò Kill-alla
Roscomanensis.
Clonfertensis.
[ Mageo.
Cell-alaid.
Roscoman.
Posteà
Epis-
Cluanfert.
dicti
copa-
Achad.
Episco-
Achadensis,
tus de
patus
vulgò Achonry
Cinani.
Cluanensis.
Celmun-duac.
Duacensis vul-
L gò Kilmacogh.
Ex his, sedes Episcopalis Magionensis posteà adjuncta est
Cathedræ Tuamensi, sicut, quæ in dicta distributione omissa,
Enaghdunensis. Porrò Roscomanensis Elphiniam posteà
translata est, et Cluanensis Provinciæ Armachanæ adjecta,
post longam nimirùm ea de re contentionem Romæ agitatam,
inter Archiepiscopos Armachanum et Tuamensem. Nam
non possum non suspicari Cinani corruptè ibi legi pro Cluana
(vulgò Clonmacnoisa), tum ob nominis affinitatem, tum ob
sedis illius propinquitatem, ut quæ à provincia Tuamensi
Shenano flumine tantùm disterminatur.
Nomina Episcoporum qui Synodo interfuerunt, in qua
facta fuit dicta distributio, ex antiquo codice MS. visum est
hîc apponere; quia huic rei lucem aliquam præbent,
Giola-Christ (sive Christianus) O Conarchi Episcopus Lis-
morensis Legatus, Giolla mac-liah (al. Gelasius) Primas
Hiberniæ, Domnaldus O Lonargain Archiepiscopus Momo-
niensium, i. Casseliensis, Æda O Hossin Archiepiscopus Con-
naghtensium, i. Tuamensis, Greri (sive Gregorius) Episcopus
Athacliath, i. Dubliniensis, Giolla-na-namh Episcopus Glen-
delacensis, Dungallus O-Cellaid Episcopus Lechlinensis.
75
Tuistius
224
Antiquitates
Tuistius Episcopus Waterfordiensis. Domnaldus O-Fogartaic
Episcopus Ossoriensis, Find mac Tiarcain Episcopus Kil-
darensis, Giolla-anchomdheh (sive Deicola) O-Ardmail Epis-
copus Imelacensis; Giolla-Eda O-Maigin Episcopus Cor-
cagensis, Macronan Episcopus Kierensis, i. Ardfertensis,
Torgesius Episcopus Limericensis, Muirchertachus O-Meli-
der Episcopus Cluainmicnois, Mæliosa O-Conachtain Epis-
copus Airthir-conacht,
O-Ruadan Episcopus Luigni,
i. Achadensis, Macraith O-Morain Episcopus Conmacne, i.
Ardachadensis, Ethru O-Miadachain Episcopus Cluanair-
ardensis, Tuathal O-Connachtaig Episcopus Huambruin, i.
Enachdunensis, Muiridheach O-Cobthaig Episcopus Ceanla-
Eogain, i. Derensis, Mal-Patricius O-Bainan Episcopus Daila-
raid, i. Connorensis, Maliosa Mac-Inclericuir Episcopus
Ullagh, i. Dunensis, cæteris, quorum tituli, à regionibus, in-
quibus Sedes eorum sitæ, quandoque mutuabantur, suprà re-
centiora nomina adjecimus. Huic distributioni sic absolutæ
visum est adjicere Insignia jam dictarum Iv Sedium Archie-
piscopalium.
Fuerunt et aliæ sedes Episcopales in Hibernia, ante Papa-
ronis adventum, de quibus fit mentio apud Scriptores Hiber-
nicos, Trimmensis nimirùm, Sleptensis, Luscensis, Ardmo-
rensis Ardsrathensis, Slanensis et (ut cæteras hic prætermit-
tamus) Saigerensis. Sed illæ partim in Synodo suprà memo-
rata, partim anteà, et partim brevi posteà aliis cathedris
adjunctæ fuerunt et annexæ. Denique si prima surgentis
Ecclesiæ Hibernicæ tempora spectemus; Jocelinus Furnes-
sensis in vita S. Patricii cap. 186, affirmat eum CCCL (Nen-
nius habet CCCLXV,) Episcopos manu suâ consecrâsse. Ut ut
fuerit, Sedes illius ævi Episcoporum, in villis exiguis ple-
rúmque sitas, non diu posteà, ad longè minorem numerum
fuisse redactas, certò constat. Sed hæc pleniorem requirunt
disquisitionem; nos aliò festinamus.
76
INSIGNIA
Hibernicæ.
225
INSIGNIA
Sedium Archiepiscopalium
Hiberniæ.
Sed. Armach.
Sed. Cassel.
251
Sed Dublin.


Sed. Tuam.
WWW


P
77
226
Antiquitates
Sect. 1.
Sect. 2.
CAP. XVII.
De Corbis sive Corbanis, Erenachis sive Herenachis, Scribis,
Colideis et Anachoretis Hiberniæ: deque Igne dicto inex-
tinguibili, à Monialibus Kildariensibus, olim custodito.
DE
E ordinibus hîc agimus in Ecclesia Hibernica olim re-
pertis, è quibus nomina aliqua rarò alibi audita. Corba
sive Comorba, Corbanus sive Comorbanus, (nam variè legitur)
significat, secundùm aliquos Chorepiscopum, unde nomen (ut
putant) barbara contractione sortitum; alii volunt Comfurbach
Hibernis significare comprædianum, sive ejusdem prædii vel
patrimonii possessorem. Passim verò (ut rectè Colganus)
usurpatur, apud priscos nostros scriptores, pro successore in
Prælatura, vel dignitate Ecclesiastica. Et hoc sensu in An-
nalibus et Historicis Hibernicis sæpè occurrit mentio Comor-
banorum Patricii, Albei, Jarlathi, Columbæ, Fechini, aliorum.
Cæterùm hoc loco, loquimur tantùm de Comorbanis qui laici
fuerunt, et plerúmque uxorati, licèt ex iis aliqui impropriè
olim appellabantur Abbates, et alii, Priores. Illis, eorúmque
familiis assignatæ sunt terræ quædam liberæ, vulgò Termon-
lands dictæ, de quibus plura posteà in Erenacho. Neque
Wallis olim (ut opinor) ignotus fuit hic ordo, licèt alio vocatus
nomine. Nam Comorbanum denotare videtur Giraldus Cam-
brensis, Itinerarii Cambriæ lib. 2, cap. 4, nomine Abbatis laici.
Sic enim ille. Notandum autem quod hæc Ecclesia (de Lhan-
Padern-Vaur, sive Ecclesia Paterni magni loquitur) sicut et
aliæ per Hiberniam et Walliam plures, Abbatem laicum habet.
Usus enim inolevit et prava consuetudo, ut viri in Parochia
potentes, primò tanquam Oeconomi, seu potiùs Ecclesiarum
Patroni et Defensores, à clero constituti: posteà processu tem-
poris, auctâ cupidine totum sibi jus usurparent, et terras omnes
cum exteriore possessione, sibi impudenter appropriarent:
solùm altaria cum decimis et obventibus clero relinquentibus,
et hæc ipsa filiis suis et cognatis assignantes. Sed pergamus.
Ad Erenachum sive Herenachum jam ventum est: is Archi-
diaconi munere functus, unde nomen accepit, non autem supe-
78
rioris
Hibernica.
227
.
J
rioris generis (ut in Dom. Henrici Spelmanni Archæologo, ex
observationibus D. Jacobi Usserii Armachani legimus) qui
hodiè sub Episcopo, Jurisdictione fruitur, sed antiqui illius,
qui Presbytero inferior, pauperes et Xenodochia (diaconias
inde appellata) curabat. Illi porrò ejusque stirpi assignatæ
sunt olim terræ dictæ Termon-lands, utpote liberæ et immunes
à secularibus impositionibus, sed pensionibus quibusdam et
refectionibus, annuatim Episcopo in cujus Diocesi fuerunt,
pendendis, oneratæ. Verbum Termon mutuatum videtur à
Termino Deo, cui Ethnici olim templa construebant, quòd
rusticorum lites, in dividendis agris, eum sustulisse crederent.
Ita Termon fuit quasi terminus., sive prædium limitatum et
distinctum à prædiis Laicorum, unde et dici cœpit pro Sanc-
tuario. Sed ad Erenachum redeamus. Mortuo aliquo Eren-
acho, cæteri ejusdem stirpis, qui terras eas possederunt, talem
è suâ familiâ, ad hoc munus suscipiendum elegerunt, qualem
ob ætatem et mores, idoneum judicârunt. Is, uxoratus ple-
rúmque, sed qui primam habuit tonsuram, Episcopo præsen-
tatus, ab eo admissus est et confirmatus, ac sub introitu, sub-
sidium Episcopo solvit; sin ob justas aliquas rationes rejectus,
alium in ejus locum elegerunt. Si discreparet de electione
familia, tunc ab Episcopo et clero electus est Erenachus, at ex
eadem stirpe. Si porrò stirps ea deficeret, tunc ab Episcopo
et clero, ad munus illud subeundum, alia electa est familia,
sub conditionibus olim usitatis. Sunt qui Herenachum à
verbo hæreo ducunt, quòd gremio Ecclesiæ quasi hærebat, et
alii, qui per Termon, Terram Monachorum intelligunt. Sed
ego priores deductiones magis probo.
Scribe apud Judæos, lectores erant et doctores sive inter- Sect. 3.
pretes Legis. Ad veteres Hibernorum Scribas quod attinet,
non possum non per eos intelligere Theologiæ Lectores. Ita
olim vocabantur viri eruditione clari, Suibneus Clonmacnoi-
sensis, qui obiit anno Dom. DCCCXCI, Cormacus Culiani filius,
Rex et Episcopus Casseliensis, in prælio occisus anno Dom.
DCCCCVIII, et (ut alios hîc prætermittamus) Cele Comorbanus
S. Comgalli qui ex hâc vitâ migravit an. Dom. DCCCCXXVIII.
Lectoris nomen longè frequentiùs (fateor) apud historicos
Hibernicos invenitur. Non desunt tamen (ne quid lectorem
celemus)
P 2
79
228
Antiquitates
Sect. 4.
Sect. 5.
celemus) qui per veteres Hibernorum Scribas, Scriptores in-
telligunt. Quære.
Erant porrò apud Hibernos, Presbyteri nonnulli, Colidei,
sive Culdei, i.e. cultores Dei appellati. Ita in Insula Viven-
tium, Hibernicè Inchinemeo, apud Tipperarienses in Momonia,
erat Capella, cui (ut Giraldus Cambrensis testatur, Topograph.
Hiberniæ distinct. 2, cap. 4,) pauci calibes, quos Calicolas vel
Colideos vocant, devotè deserviebant. Ibi certè cœnobium erat
olim Canonicorum regularium. Quære an dicti Colidei ejus
fuerint ordinis. Monachos quosdam ita dictos in Enhly (sive
Berdseia) insula, apud Cambros, disertè asserit dictus Giraldus,
Itinerar. Cambr. lib. 2, cap. 6. Erant porrò Presbyteri qui-
dam seculares, choro inservientes in Ecclesiâ Cathedrali Arma-
chanâ qui Colidei appellabantur, et eorum Præses, Prior col-
legii Colideorum, eratque loco Præcentoris dictæ Ecclesiæ.
Hunc, vacante Prioratu, eligebant Colidei, et sic electum con-
firmabat Archiepiscopus Armachanus. Erat item Prior Coli-
deorum apud Cluain-Inis in agro Monaghanensi. Item alius,
apud Devenish in agro Fermanachano, uti testatur Regestum
Johannis Kyte, sub Henrico VIII, Archiepiscopi primùm
Armachani, deinde Thebani, ac demùm Episcopi Carleolensis
in Anglia. Monachos porrò et Sacerdotes apud Scotos Al-
baniensis, Culdeos olim dictos, notat Hector Boëthius, Histor.
Scotia lib. 6. Denique non ignotum erat hoc nomen, apud
ipsos Anglos: nam Regestum chartarum Hospitalis S. Leon-
ardi Eboraci (quod in Bibliotheca instructissima D. Thomæ
Cottoni Baronetti asservatur) docet Ministros Ecclesiæ Cathe-
dralis S. Petri Eboracensis, tempore Ethelstani regis Angliæ,
dictos fuisse Colideos, ac ejusdem ecclesiæ Colideos, sub Guli-
elmo Victore, fundâsse Hospitale S. Petri Eboraci, pauperibus
ad ipsam civitatem confluentibus, sed à Gulielmo Rufo rege
posteà translatum ad locum Regium; et jam inde à Stephano
rege, qui ecclesiam ibidem, in honorem S. Leonardi, con-
struxit, dictum Hospitale S. Leonardi.
Neque deerant Anachoretæ, qui cellas suas habebant Fouræ,
Lismoræ, Kilkenniæ, ad S. Dulachi, et alibi in Hibernia. Hi
alio nomine dicebantur Inclusi, quod in cellis sive Anacho-
retagiis se includerent. Atqui mos ille non tam strictè ob-
80
servabatur,
Hibernica.
229
servabatur, quin qui semel inclusus, aliquandò dispensatione
aliò migraret. Sic in annalibus Ultoniensibus, ad annum
928, ita legimus, Cele Comorbanus Comgalli Scriba, Ana-
choreta et Apostolicus Doctor totius Hiberniæ, anno 59 ætatis
suæ, 18 Calendas Octobres, in peregrinatione, feliciter Romæ
quievit. Et Marianus Scotus, in Chronico suo, ad annum
1069, Ego miser Marianus, jussu Episcopi Moguntinensis et
Abbatis Fuldensis, feria sexta ante Palmas, 3 nonas Aprilis,
post annos decem meæ inclusionis, solutus de clusa in Fulda,
ad Moguntiam veni, et in festivitate septem fratrum secundò
includor. Sic ille de seipso. Regula vitæ Anachoretica
extat in libro MS. olim pertinente ad cœnobium S. Thomæ
juxta Dublin. cum adjunctâ epistolâ Roberti cujusdam Pres-
byteri, ad Hugonem Anachoretam, de eodem argumento,
scriptâ (ut conjicio) circa tempora Henrici 11. Sed eorum
varias olim fuisse regulas certò liquet. In Regesto Octaviani
de Palatio, Florentini, Archiepiscopi Armachani, fit mentio
Meileri Bratnagh, Ordinis Minorum de Observantiâ, qui ocu-
lorum lumine orbatus admissus est per dictum Archiepiscopum,
10 Julii MDVIII, Anachoriticam ducere vitam, juxta Ecclesiam
Cathedralem Casseliensem, ubi sibi locum in pariete con-
struxerat. De Inclusis, vid. plura apud Marianum Scotum
et Florentium Wigorniensem, ad ann. MXLIII et MLVIII. De
alio Anachoretarum genere, vid, vitas Patrum, lib. 4, cap. 8.
Seniores hic prætermitto, à Scriptoribus antiquis Hibernicis
ita nempè appellatos, quòd Senior, dignitatis, apud eos, non
Ordinis alicujus specialis neque Officii fuerit nomen. Præ-
tereo itidem regulas monasticas, Sanctis Albeo, Columbæ,
Congallo, Columbano, et Comano adscriptas, ut quæ ad præ-
sens institutum non pertinent.
De igne dicto inextinguibili, à Monialibus cœnobii, S. Sect. 6.
Brigidæ Kildaræ, olim custodito, ita Giraldus Cambrensis,
Topograph. Hiberniæ distinct. 2, cap. 34, Apud Kildariam,
quam gloriosa Brigida reddit illustrem, digna sunt memoratu,
miracula multa; inter quæ primùm occurrit ignis Brigidæ,
quem inextinguibilem dicunt, non quòd extingui non possit,
sed quòd tam solicitè tam accuratè Moniales et sanctæ mulieres
ignem, suppetente materia, forent et nutriunt, ut à tempore
81
Virginis,
230
Antiquitates
Virginis, per tot annorum curricula semper manserit inex-
tinctus, et cùm tanta lignorum strues, tanto in tempore sit hic
consumpta, nunquàm tamen cinis excrevit.
Hinc ipsum
Monalium cœnobium, the fire house sive domus ignis vulgò
vocabatur. Cæterùm extinctum fuisse hunc ignem Kildariæ,
per (Henricum Loundres) Archiepiscopum Dubliniensem,
anno Dom. MCCxx, tradit author quidam anonymus ordinis (ni
fallor) Prædicatorum, qui Annales rerum Hibernicarum bre-
viter descripsit, ab anno Dom. 1163, ad annum usque 1314,
Hoc ideò fortè factum est ab Archiepiscopo,
quo vixit.
quòd mos ille alibi inusitatus originem suam traxisse videretur
ab imitatione Virginum Vestalium, quas Numa Pompilius pri-
mùm instituerat, Vestæque sacris ac perpetuæ ignis custodia
dicârat. Focum Vestæ virginibus, ait Lucius Florus, de
Numa loquens, colendum dedit, ut ad similitudinem coelestium
Syderum, custos Imperii flamma vigilaret. Vestam porrò pro
igne perenni aliquando usurpari, docet Ovidius, Fastor. 6,
Nec tu aliud Vestam quàm vivam intellige flammam.
Sed hoc obiter. Ut ut fuerit, morem ignis fovendi in jam
dicto cœnobio à Monialibus S. Brigidæ usitatum durâsse
posteà (pro pauperibus, ut dicitur, et hospitibus refocillandis,)
ad tempus usque suppressionis cœnobiorum sub Henrico VIII,
certò constat. De hoc igne, si plura velis, Giraldum Cam-
brensem consulas, Topographia Hiberniæ distinct. 2, cap. 35
et 36. Hæc sufficient hîc.
CAP. XVIII.
De veterum Hibernorum navigiis quibusdam, coriis intectis.
H'
IBERNI veteres, navigiis vimineis, coriis vaccinis in-
tectis, usi sunt, nec in fluviis tantùm, sed interdum
etium in ipso Oceano. Naviculæ illæ, vel cymbæ potiùs,
Hibernis Corraghs appellantur, à Britan. ut videtur Corwg,
quod cymbam sonat corio contectam vid. Guliel. Somneri
Glossarium, ubi nomina etiam invenies docturum quorundam
virorum, qui de naviculis hujusmodi scripserunt. S. Corma-
82
cum
Hibernica.
231
cum tali usum fuisse naviculâ, cum pelliceo tecto, in tertia sua
navigatione, docet Adamnanus, vit. S. Columbæ lib. 2, cap.
29. Item Probus, lib. 2, vitæ S. Patricii, de Mac-fil sive
Mac-Cuil episcopo Manniensi loquens, Cùm esset (inquit)
super mare, in navi pelleâ aspirante aquilone, projectus est
in insulam Euboniam nomine, &c. Meminit porrò hujus
generis navigii Florentius Wigorniensis, in Chronico suo, ad
annum Dom. (secundùm Dionysium) DCCCXCII, Tres (ait ille)
Scotici viri Dufslanus, Macbethus, Magulmumenus, peregrinam
ducere vitam pro Domino cupientes, assumpto secum unius
hebdomada viatico, occultè de Hibernia fugerunt, carabumq;
qui ex duobus tantùm coriis et dimidio factus erat, intrave-
runt, mirumq; in modum, sine velo et armamentis, post sep-
tem dies, in Cornubia applicuerunt, et postmodùm Regem
Alfredum adierunt. Hæc ille, ex Mariano Scoto. Item
Gildas, in epistolâ suâ, de Britanniæ excidio, Emergunt cer-
tatim de Carruchis (sive carrabis) quibus sunt trans Scythi-
cam vallem evecti, &c. tetri Scotorum Pictorúmque greges. Sed
classis Hibernice in Britanniam appulsum sub Honorio et
Arcadio Impp. intelligere videtur Claudianus, cùm lib. 2, de
laudibus Stilichonis, Britanniam ita loquentem inducat,
Me quoque vicinis pereuntem gentibus, inquit,
Munivit Stilicho, totam quùm Scotus Iërnen
Movit, et infesto spumavit remige Tethys.
Sed ut cœpta persequamur; Isidorus, Originum lib. 19, cap.
1, Carabum exponit esse parvam scapham, ex vimine factam,
crudoque corio contectam. Tales naviculas habuisse olim
Britannos testatur Plinius, lib. 4, cap. 16, et lib. 7, cap. 56.
Item Lucanus, lib. 4,
Primùm cana salix madefacto vimine, parvam
Texitur in puppim, cæsoque inducta juvenco
Vectoris patiens tumidum supereminet amnem.
Sic Venetus, stagnante Pado, fusoque Britannus
Navigat Oceano.
Et Solinus Polyhistor, cap. 35, Mare quod inter eam
(Hiberniam sci.) et Britanniam interfluit undosum inquiet-
umque,
83
232
Antiquitates
umque, &c. Navigant autem vimineis alveis, quos circumdant
ambitione tergorum bubalorum. Eodem modo et Saxonicos
Piratas olim navigâsse docet Apollinaris Sidonius, carm. 7,
Quin et Aremoricus piratam Saxona tractus
* Sperabat cui pelle salum sulcare Britannum
Ludus, et assueto glaucum mare findere lembo.
Sed idem navigii genus olim apud alias gentes in usu
fuisse, è Seneca, Solino, Orosio et aliis è veteribus intelligimus.
Non negandum tamen Anglo-Saxones antiquos, (ut de Phœni-
cibus, Græcis, Romanis, &c., hîc taceamus) præter naviculas
eas prædatorias, naves etiam habuisse præsidiarias. De remo-
rum numero quibus agebantur naves Alfredi Regis Angliæ,
ita Henricus Huntindoniensis, Rex Alfredus naves longas sc.
40 remorum vel plurium fecit parari, contra puppes Dacorum.
De Edgari Regis ingenti classe, vid. Florentium Wigorniens.
ad an. DCCCCLXXIII, et Florilegum ad annum DCCCCLXXV.
si ad recentiora tempora veniamus, non sumus nescii quantum
honorem Anglicæ genti addiderunt copiæ maritimæ, naves
instructissimæ, Muri illi lignei Angliæ, (ut eas appellat D.
Walterus Raleghus equ. aur.) et nautarum exquisita peritia
in re nautica, cum adjuncta indefatigabili industria in naviga-
tionibus ad oras remotissimas. Non abs re erit forsan hîc
etiam annotare Hibernos veteres alio cymbæ genere, in fluviis
et lacubus fuisse usos, è quercu cavata, quod aliquibus in locis
etiamnum in usu est, et Hibernicè Cotti Anglicè a Cot dicitur.
CAP. XIX.
De more antiquo creandi milites, apud Hibernos.
PRIM
Et
RIMUS (quod sciam) qui de hac re literis quicquam
commissit, fuit Johannes Froissardus Gallus, in historiâ
suâ. Narrationem is habet (vol. 4, cap. 63,) de 4 regibus (vel
dynastis potiùs) Hibernicis, qui licèt more patrio, ordinem
militarem suscepissent, iterùm tamen à Richardo 11 rege
Angliæ, dum Dublinii esset, in prima sua expeditione Hiber-
nica, milites creati fuerunt, more Anglicano. Rem verò ita
* Sperabat; i. timebat.
84
ille
"
Hibernica.
233
ille aperit.
Hi reges, post submissiones et agnitas Regi
Richardo fidelitates, committebantur curæ Henrici Castilii
Angli, qui linguam Hibernicam callebat, mandatum is à rege
acceperat, de iis informandis et instruendis in moribus Angli-
canis, et speciatim de iis inducendis ad ordinem militarem
suscipiendum, more Anglicano. In hac re, ita se gessit Castilius,
ut ejus suasu et rationibus evicti reges, manus dederint.
Dicebant tamen se à patribus suis, diù anteà, nimirum cùm
annos nati essent septem, creatos fuisse milites, more antiquo,
quo singuli reges Hibernici solebant creare filios milites, et
(quod ad ceremonias attinet) quemq; tyronem, tempore crea-
tionis, hastam tenuem, tam puerili ætati aptatam, in clipeum,
palo in medio prati affixum, cursu impingere solitum, deinde
pro numero hastarum ibi fractarum, magìs aut minùs honora-
tum. Addit Froissardus reges illos pleniùs, ab Ormoniæ
comite instructos, et Richardi regis jussu, pro dignitate, vesti-
tos, admodùm solenniter Dublinii in Ecclesia Cathedrali,
vigiliis peractis et missâ auditâ, iterùm manu Regis, milites
fuisse creatos, eodemque tempore alios itidem eundem susce-
pisse ordinem. Hæc ferè Froissardus. Atqui de puero creato
milite, longè antiquius habemus exemplum, apud Guliel.
Malmesbur. de gestis Regum Angliæ, lib. 2, cap. 6, in crea-
tione Athelstani, qui posteà rex fuit Angliæ, Nam et avus ejus
Alfredus (verba sunt Gulielmi Malmesburiensis) prosperum
ei regnum olim imprecatus fuerat, videns et gratiosè com-
plexus speciei spectate puerum, et gestuum elegantiam, quem
etiam præmaturè militem fecerat, donatum chlamide coccinea,
gemmato baltheo, ense Saxonico, cum vagina aurea.
obiter (ex Archivo fiscali Angliæ, an. 18 Richardi 2) observare
liceat Dynastarum Hibernicorum submissiones factas fuisse
Pontanæ in domo fratrum Prædicatorum, rege ipso coram,
16 die Martii 1394, stylo Anglicano unà cum ritu insequenti;
quilibet ante verba submissionis, zonam cum cultello, et ca-
pitium ipsius à se amovens, genibus flexis, ad pedes dicti Dom.
Regis procidit, et ambas manus suas, palmis ad invicem junctis
erigens, inter manus dicti Domini Regis erectas, tenuit.
Atque hæc gesta sunt paulò ante militum creationem à
Froissardo memoratam. Videamus jam alia.
85
Hic
CAP. XX.
(
234
Antiquitates
CAP. XX.
In quo ostenditur Hiberniam in Romanorum potestatem
nunquam concessisse.
R
OMANOS olim in Hibernia subjuganda aliquid tentâsse
credunt nonnulli, et ægrè colligunt (ut ait Camdenus)
ex illo Juvenalis,
-Arma quid ultra
Litora Juvernæ promovimus, et modo captas
Orcadas, et minimâ contentos nocte Britannos.
In
Aliqua exemplaria Chronici Eusebii Galbam in Hibernia
imperium arripuisse habent, sed Hiberia legendum.
Hispaniâ enim (quæ et Hiberia dicta) hoc factum, è Suetonio
liquet, uti rectè notat Ortelius. Innuit etiam Panegyricus
Constantio Chloro Augusto dictus, Hiberniam sub ejus fuisse
nutu, Britannia (inquit) ita recuperata est, ut illæ quoque
nationes terminis ejusdem insulæ cohærentes, vestris nutibus
obsequantur. Et in recentiorum Chronicis (ut jam dictus
Camdenus notat) Hiberniam cum Britannia et Thule Con-
stantino Constantini Maximi filio, in Imperii divisione
obvenisse scribitur. Veruntamen, de expeditione aliquâ Ro-
manorum in Hiberniam, vel insulæ illius expugnatione ab iis,
tam apud Historicos Hibernicos, quàm ipsos Romanos, altum
est silentium. Et ego quidem Camdeno assentior, quod felix
faustumque Hiberniæ fuisset, si in Romanorum potestatem con-
cessisset, nam citiùs tunc barbariem exuisset. Julio Agricolæ
animus quidem fuit Hiberniam invadere, cùm regulum quen-
dam Hibernicum seditione expulsum, specie amicitiæ, retinu-
erit: nihil tamen in ea subjuganda tentavit. Sed audiamus
jam quid de hac re scripsit Tacitus, in Agricolæ vita. Quinto
expeditionum anno (inquit) nave prima transgressus, ignotas
ad tempus gentes, crebris simul et prosperis præliis domuit,
eamq; partem Britanniæ, quæ Hiberniam aspicit, copiis
instruxit, in spem magis quàm ob formidinem: siquidem
Hibernia medio inter Britanniam atque Hispaniam sita, et
Gallico quoque mari opportuna, valentissimam Imperii par-
86
tem
Hibernicæ.
235
tem, magnis invicem usibus miscuerit.
Spatium ejus, si
Britanniæ comparetur, angustius, nostri maris insulas supe-
rat. Solum cælumque et ingenia cultúsque hominum haud
multùm à Britannia differunt, meliùs aditus portúsq; per
commercia et negotiatores cogniti. Agricola expulsum sedi-
tione domestica unum ex regulis gentis exceperat, ac specie
amicitiæ in occasionem retinebat. Sæpè ex eo audivi, legione
una et modicis auxiliis, debellari obtinerique Hiberniam posse,
idque adversus Britanniam profuturum, si Romana ubique
arma, et velut è conspectu libertas tolleretur. Sic Tacitus. Ex
ejus verbis, colligit Camdenus multos ex Hispania, Gallia, et
Britannia, in Hiberniam se recepisse, ut Romanorum jugo
colla subducerent. Sed hoc alii excutiant: in re obscura
variæ (scio) oriuntur opiniones.
Denique, (ut hoc etiam notemus) reperiuntur in Anglia, Gal-
lia et aliis regionibus, ubi Romani victores fuerunt, præter num-
mos antiquos Romanos, multæ aræ, statuæ, urnæ, columnæ et
inscriptiones marmoreæ, (quasi tot antiqui operis miracula) à
veteribus Romanis relicta, at in Hibernia nullæ, ne quidem
nummi Romani, nisi aliundè invecti. Hinc cum Gulielmo
Neubrigensi (Rerum Anglicarum l. 2, c. 26,) concludimus,
Hiberniam Romanis, etiam Orcadum Insularum dominium
tenentibus inaccessam.
CAP. XXI.
De Cormaco Culinani filio, Rege simul et Episcopo Casseliensi:
ubi obiter de aliis qui Reges fuerunt simul et Pontifices, vel
Sacerdotes. Deque miro more tonsure ab Edo (dicto Cle-
rico barboso) introducto.
DR
E Regibus aliquot, qui, regnis renunciatis, vel Monachi Sect. 1.
facti fuerunt vel Episcopi, apud Historicos, crebra fit
mentio: sic in Hibernia, Cormacus rex Lageniæ, regno suo
renunciato, monasticam amplexus est vitam in cœnobio Ban-
chorensi, sub S. Congallo. Sic Aidus Niger rex itidem
Lageniæ ex rege factus est Monachus, Abbas et Episcopus
Kildariensis,
87
236
Antiquitates
Kildariensis, ut Jo. Colganus habet, et obiit 10 Maii anno
DCXXXVIII. Atque ita (ut alios hîc omittamus) in Anglia,
Sigebertus Rex orientalium Saxonum, pompâ regiâ resignatâ,
Fursæi Hiberni suasu, monasticam amplexus est vitam, in
cœnobio de Cnobersburg, hodiè Burgh Castle, in Suffolcia.
Atqui Cormacus Culinani filius, de quo nunc loquimur, et
rex fuit simul et episcopus Casseliensis. Is stemma suum
duxit (uti alibi diximus) ab Engusa Nafrachi filio Casselien-
sium regum primo, qui Christianam religionem amplexus
est. Regnum iniit Cormacus an. Dom. DCCCCI, et (quod
mireris) Episcopi etiam munus obivit. Morem eum, apud
Hibernos, illo ævo viguisse, scriptores patrii luculenter osten-
dunt. Speciatim inter Cormaci prædecessores, Olchobarus,
qui obiit anno 851, et Cenfeladus, qui anno decessit 872,
simul reges fuerunt Casselienses et antistites Imelacenses.
At non sine exemplo: nam inter Judæos, Jonathan, Simon
et Johannes Hyrcanus, tàm Ethnarchiâ, (seu populi princi-
patu) quàm pontificatu, simul gavisi sunt: et qui regiis
diadematibus inter eos ornati fuerunt, Aristobulus nempe,
Alexander Jannæus et alii, uno etiam eodemque tempore,
summi fuerunt Pontifices. Si de antiquis ethnicis loquamur,
habemus ipsos Imperatores Romanos, Pontifices simul Maxi-
mos; inter Reges itidem, Anium regem Deli, de quo Virgi-
lius, Æneid 3,
Rex Anius, Rex idem hominum, Phoebiq; sacerdos.
Et Ovidius, Metamorph. 13,
Hunc Anius, quo Rege homines, Antistite Phoebus
Ritè colebatur, temploque domoque recepit.
Item Mercurium Trismegistum sive ter-maximum, qui (si Alex.
ab Alexandro credamus, Genialium dierum lib. 2, cap. 8,)
inde nomen tulit, quòd philosophus maximus, sacerdos ac rex
maximus esset. De hac re, vid. plura apud Platonem in Poli-
ticis. Sed ad nostra jam redeamus. Meminit Cormaci hujus,
Caradocus Lhancarvanensis, in Chronico suo Cambriæ, ceu
viri pii, sed Carmotum filium Cukemani regem et episcopum
Hiberniæ, sive is, sive qui Anglicè edidit, perperàm appellat.
88
An.
Hibernica.
237
An. DCCCCVI Flanus Melsechlini filius rex Hiberniæ, coacto
exercitu, in Momoniam irruit, eamque provinciam, ad Limeri-
cum (al. Lumniacum) usque, diripuit et vastavit. Cæterùm
Cormacus, qui tempori cedens, fugâ evaserat, hâc injuriâ
irritatus, anno insequente, Midiam cum copiis ingressus,
Flanum prælio fudit, eumque ad conditiones quasdam obser-
uandas, sibi obsides tradere coëgit iisq; acceptis, Casseliam
reversus est. Anno verò DCCCCVIII (al. DCCCCVII) Flanus,
ut cladem nuper acceptam ulcisceretur, pactis et obsidibus.
traditis non obstantibus, cum Lageniensi et Conatiensi regibus
egit, ut conjunctis viribus Momonienses adorirentur, eóque
successu, ut maximis copiis instructus, signa adversus Corma-
cum extulerit: Momoniensium exercitui in loco dicto Moy-
albe, obviam factus est, ubi Augusti die XVI, post longam et
cruentam pugnam, cessit ei victoria, Cormaco rege ibidem
occiso. Cæsi etiam cum eo feruntur duces ferè omnes pri-
marii, seu mavis, reguli, inter quos nominatur Fogertachus
Kerriensis et Kellachus Ossoriensis. Sic Annales Hibernici.
Cæterùm Caradocus Lhancarvanensis, Cormacum sub hoc
tempore, à Danis in prælio occisum tradit. Memini etiam me
legisse in codice quodam MS. bibliothecæ Cottonianæ, eum à
bubulco quodam occisum, ad Beanree prope Leghlinam, dum
ibidem, pro exercitu suo tunc pugnante, ad Deum preces fun-
dens, in genua procumberet. Tanta est de ejus cæde dis-
crepantia. Ego verò non possum non assentiri, tam Annalibus
Ultoniensibus, quàm iis cœnobii Canonicorum Inis-fallanæ in
agro Kerriano, qui à dicto Flani exercitu, victum eum et
occisum tradunt. Corpus ejus Casseliam delatum ibidem
tumulo conditum est. Vir fuit eruditus et Antiquitatum
Hibernicarum scientissimus. Scripsit linguâ suâ patriâ, his-
toriam Psalter-Cashell vulgò dictam, quæ etiamnùm extat, et
magno habetur in pretio. Excerpta quædam ex dicta His-
toria, in vetusto habeo codice membraneo, Psalter-na ran
appellato, ante annos plusquàm 300 exarato, ut ex characteris
antiquitate liquet. In eodem codice sunt multa miscellanea
de rebus Hibernicis, partim Latinè, partim Hibernicè, collecta
per Oengusium Celide, inter quæ, catalogum habemus nudum
(solùm nimirùm nomina) regum Hiberniæ, ab Heremone ad
89
Brienum
238
Antiquitates
Sect. 2.
Brienum filium Cinedi, cognomento Boro, de quo suprà, cap. 4.
Notandum hic coronidis loco, Casseliam sedem fuisse olim
præcipuam Regum Momoniæ, et unam è primis Hiberniæ
Synodis, à S S. Patricio, Albeo, et Declano, ibi habitam, tem-
pore Engusæ Regis, de quo suprà.
Liceat his adjicere, utpote rem inusitatam, mirum tonsuræ
morem, ab Ædo Hiberno introductum. Is (à barba promissa
vulgò Ed clericus barbosus dictus) magnam eruditionis et
sanctitatis opinionem consecutus fuerat; cæterùm anno 1053,
vel 1054, in exilium pulsus est, quòd in schola sua, in qua
clericorum, puellarum et laicorum magnum habuit numerum,
Puellas MORE CLERICORUM tonderet, ut ex Mariano Scoto
et Florentio Wigorniensi liquet. Hic animo conceperam
ansam arripere describendi varias tonsuræ formulas, à veteri-
bus, tam clericis (sive Presbyteris secularibus) quàm monachis,
olim usitatas, earùmque origines, dum alii in vertice, tonsurâ
uterentur, in modum coronæ spineæ Domini, formâ sequenti,
alii, in anteriore tantùm capitis parte, rotundâ quidem tonsurâ,
sed imperfecto orbe, ab aure ad aurem circumducto; alii,
modico circulo in vertice, aliique in toto ferè capite, relictis
tamen inferiùs, in modum coronæ, capillis. Cùm verò obser-
vârim hæc omnia, aliaque multa ad hanc rem pertinentia, ex
intima antiquitate antehac tractata fuisse, ab eruditissimo
nuper Archiepiscopo Armachano, in Ecclesiarum Britanni-
carum Antiquitatibus, et à Prospero Stellartio, in libris de
Coronis et Tonsuris Paganorum, Judæorum, Christianorum,
mihi satis erit hic subindicâsse. Plurium cupidus petat libros
suprà citatos.
90
CAP. XXII.
Hibernica.
239
CAP. XXII.
De Hibernorum veterum domiciliis et ædificiis; deque eorum
victu, conviviis et musicis instrumentis.
HIB
IBERNIS veteribus nullam fuisse curam condendarum Sect. 1.
urbium munitarum certò constat. Fuerunt quidem
in Hibernia urbes, illæque munitæ, ante Anglorum adventum
in Hiberniam, ut Dublinium, Limericum, Waterfordia, Wex-
fordia et Corcagia, sed ab Ostmannis constructæ. Hic verò
agimus duntaxat de Hibernorum veterum domibus, quæ ut
neque marmoreæ erant, neque latericiæ, sic (nisi rarissimè)
neque specus subterranei, neque antra, ut erant veterum Ger-
manorum, apud Tacitum, in sua Germania, sed cratitiæ et
stramine vel arundinibus tectæ, de ligno solido rarò. Hæque
fuerunt aut amplæ, aut parvæ, pro habitatoris dignitate, aut
qualitate, in sylvis et fluviorum ripis plerumque ædificatæ.
Neque aliter erat (ut videtur) apud priscos Cambros. De
Penbrochiæ castro, ex virgis et cespite tenui, ab Arnulpho de
Mountgomery, sub Henrico Primo extructo, vid. Girald.
Cambrens. Itin. Camb. lib. 1, cap. 12. Et de ipsis oppidis
Britannicis antiquissimis, quidni adjiciamus verba Cæsaris, in
Bell. Gall. lib. 5, Oppidum vocant Britanni, cùm sylvas impe-
ditas vallo atque fossa munierunt. Sed redeo. A tenui hoc
et exili ædificandi modo, apud Hibernos veteres, evenit, ut tam
pauca vestigia ostendi possint domorum vel castrorum, ab
ipsis regibus Hiberniæ extructorum, ante Anglorum ingres-
sum. Hinc cùm Rodericus ô Conner rex Conatiæ castrum
lapideum Tuamæ construxisset, an. MCLXI, illud tanquàm
novum et inusitatum apud Hibernos Castri mirifici nomine,
iis temporibus, innotuit. Sed instar omnium erit Temoria,
(quam Taragh nunc vocamus) in Midia, quæ, ut suprà diximus,
cap. 4, eorum regia erat præcipua, ubi etiam festa regum
solennia et comitia, statis temporibus, olim tenebantur; ve-
runtamen nulla hodiè supersunt ibi rudera, nulla vestigia
alicujus ædificii antiqui. Hibernorum primus, vel saltem inter
primos, qui ædificare cœpit è saxo et cæmento fuit Malachias
O-Morgair
91
240
Antiquitates
Sect. 2.
O-Morgair Archiepiscopus Armachanus. Qua de re, in vitâ
ejus, ita S. Bernardus, ejus æqualis; Visum est Malachia
debere construi in Benchor Oratorium lapideum, instar illorum
quæ in aliis regionibus extructa conspexerat. Et cùm cæpisset
jacere fundamenta, indigenæ quidam mirati sunt, quòd in terra
illa, necdum ejusmodi ædificia invenirentur. Et post pauca,
malevolum quendam ita loquentem introducit, O bone vir;
quid tibi visum est nostris hanc inducere regionibus novitatem?
Scoti sumus non Galli. Quænam lævitas hæc? Quid opus
erat opere tam superfluo, tam superbo? Unde tibi pauperi
sumptus ad perficiendum? Quis perfectum videbit? &c. Ex
Bernardo porrò intelligimus Malachiam hunc, oratorium ibi,
aliquot annos anteà construxisse, de lignis quidem levigatis,
sed aptè firmitérque contextum, opus Scoticum pulchrum satis.
Neque abs re erit hîc memorare Henricum secundum regem
Angliæ, dum Dublinii esset anno 1171, fecisse sibi construi
juxta Ecclesiam S. Andreæ extra civitatem, Palatium regium,
miro artificio, de virgis levigatis, ad modum patriæ illius, ex-
tructum, in quo ipse, cum regibus et principibus Hiberniæ,
festum solenne tenuit, die Natalis Domini; ut ex Hovedeno
intelligimus.
Ad victum veterum Hibernorum quod attinet, vulgi
victum quotidianum olim valdè tenuem fuisse certum est,
plerúmque ex lacte, butyro et herbis; unde Strabonis Epi-
tome Hibernos vocat, Herbis vescentes. Ex herbis, uteban-
tur præcipuè trifolio pratensi, nasturtio aquatico, oxale et
cochlearia, nostris Scurvy Grasse, quam Medicorum nonnulli
eandem esse putant cum Plinii Britannicâ, de quâ ita ille,
In Germania trans Rhenum: castris à Germanico Cæsare
promotis, maritimo tractu fons erat aquæ dulcis, solus qua
pota, intra biennium dentes deciderent, compagésque in geni-
bus solverentur. Stomacacem medici vocabant et Sceletyrben
ea mala. Reperta auxilio est herba quæ vocatur Britannica,
non nervis modò et oris malis salutaris, sed contra anginas
quoque et serpentes, &c. Ad convivium ordinarium quando
conveniebant, super juncis vel toris gramineis, scamnorum
aut cubilium vice, in orbem considebant, iisque ita considen-
tibus, mensæ ligneæ tripedes cibis instructæ, more Gallorum
92
veterum,
Hibernica.
241
veterum, apponebantur, pane nempe escarite, vel subcinericio,
lacticiniis, carnibus et piscibus tam assis quàm elixis: pocil-
latoribus interim potum in poculis ligneis et corneis inter-
dúmque æneis, circumferentibus. Priscus et peculiaris Hiber-
norum sicut et Britannorum potus fuit cervisia. Hujus
potus meminit Dioscorides, lib. 2, cap. 110, cùm Britannos et
Hibernos (quos Hiberos ibi vocat) usos dicat pro vino,
Curmi potu, ex hordeo confecto. Sed Curmi perperam ibi
legitur pro antiquo verbo Britannico Cure, quod cervisiam
significat, uti notat Camdenus. Hibernis porrò olim in usu
fuit Hydromelon, sive mistura aquæ cum melle (nos hodiè
Head dicimus) ut tam è vita S. Berachi, qui claruit Seculo
VII, quàm ex Annalibus Ultoniensibus, ad annum 1107, in-
telligimus. De optima eorum Aqua vite, sive Uske-bah, ut
vocant, quæ multò minùs quàm Anglica inflammat, et magis
tamen insiccat, non est hîc dicendi locus, quia ejus confectio
(uti creditur) ad posteriora tempora pertinet.
Transeo ad convivandi tempus: erat id olim plerúmque sub
vesperam; unde epulum illud solenne quo regni Ordines,
Temoriæ sive Temre excepit Logarius Rex Hiberniæ anno
Dom. 455, in jam dictus Annalibus appellatur Cona Temra.
Et ab hac cœna, inchoabant Historici (quod mireris) posterio-
rum administrationis ejus temporum calculum. Idem convi-
vandi tempus observabant olim Cambro-Britanni, ìd quod
colligimus è legibus Regis Hoëlis Dha, cap. De Cena Regali
et ejus mensura.
Ad prisca Hibernorum Musica instrumenta jam ventum: Sect. 3.
atque ea Citharam fuisse cum chordis æneis, et Tympanum,
tradit Giraldus Barrius Cambrensis, Topograph. Hiberniæ,
Distinctione 3, cap. 11, in quibus eos etiam præ omni natione
quam vidit incomparabiliter instructos asserit. An verò
instrumentum illud Musicum Hibernicè Clampreach, Anglicè
a Harp dictum Antiquorum cithara fuerit, vel lyra, (quam-
vis Grammaticorum plerique hæc duo instrumenta confundant)
inter doctos controvertitur. Venantius Fortunatus, lib. 7,
carm. 8, lyram à Harpa distinguere videtur,
Romanusque Lyrâ plaudat tibi, Barbarus Harpû,
Græcus Achilliacâ, Crotta Britanna canat.
Q
93
Nec
242
Antiquitates
Nec mira videatur differentia: nam ipsam Antiquorum
Lyram, ab ipsis tam formâ quàm variâ chordarum accessione,
mutatam certò constat. Janus Gruterus in Inscriptionibus,
p. 38, n. 10, figuram exhibet lyræ antiquæ, Romæ in hortis
Cardinalis Cœsii, in manu nempè statuæ Apollinis, visendæ.
Item Philippus Cluverius, in Sicilia sua antiqua, p. 93, ectypon
ostendit nummi antiqui Græci, cujus una pars exprimit
Apollinem Archagetum, altera, lyram ejus, sed à priore paulò
diversam. Operæ est pretium fortasse ipsa ectypa tam ve-
teris lyre Apollinis, quàm hodiernæ Citharæ sive (ut aliis
placet) lyræ Hibernice subjungere, ut lector inde de diffe-
rentia faciliùs judicet.
Lyra Apollinis,
apud Gruterum.
Lyra Apollinis,
apud Cluverium.


Cithara seu Lyra
Hibernica.

De OrpheiLyra, quam aliqui tetrachordem fuisse contendunt,
alii, septichordem, consule Seldenum, in notis ad Marmora
Arundeliana, pag. 87.
94
De
Hibernicæ.
243
2
De lyræ et cytharæ differentia, vide Had. Junii Nomen-
clatorem. Neque hac occasione prætermittendum propria
Hiberniæ Insignia, vel saltem per secula aliquot ei attributa,
esse in campocæruleo citharam seu lyram Hibernicam auream,
cum chordis argenteis. Cæterùm, si Ulissi Aldrovando cre-
dimus, Ornithologiæ lib. 1, antiquiora Hiberniæ Insignia
fuerunt, ex una scuti parte aurea, brachium gladio armatum,
ex altera, in argenteo campo, Semi-Aquila. Sed hoc obiter.
Quàm profunda fuit citharæ antiquitas, è Geneseos cap. IV,
docemur, ubi inventio ejus Jubali tribuitur.
Item tym-
Mitto
pani usus vetustissimum est exemplum in Exodi xv.
recentiora instrumenta Musica, post Anglorum ingressum
introducta, ut quæ ad nostrum institutum non pertinent.
CAP. XXIII.
De erroribus nonnullis et figmentis veterum aliquorum Scrip-
torum, de Hibernia agentium; deque aliis scriptorum
mediorum temporum.
D
t.
E Hiberniæ ornamentis et dotibus specialibus, suprà
compendio diximus, cap. 7. Videamus jam quæ de eâ,
à scriptoribus creduntur. Solinus arem ibi raram asserit.
Porrò addit posteà, ibi apes nusquàm, et advectum inde pul-
verem seu lapillos, si quis sparserit inter alvearia, examina
favos deferere. Item mare quod inter eam et Britanniam inter-
fuit, undosum inquietúmque, toto in anno, nisi pauculis diebus
non esse navigabile. Cùm tamen avibus et apibus abundet. Et
ad mare quod attinet, navigabile esse in ipsa summa hyeme,
frequentes navigationes ex Anglia Gallia, Hispania, &c. in
Hiberniam, et ex ea, in externas regiones, sufficienter demon-
strârunt.
Prima ejus assertio, de avibus et apibus, in eundem errorem
duxit Isidorum Hispalensem, qui iisdem ferè utitur verbis.
Illic (de Hibernia loquens) avis rara, apis nulla; adeò, ut
adrectos inde pulveres, seu lapillos, si quis alibi sparserit inter
alvearia, examina faros deserant, Originum lib. 14, cap. 6.
Q 2
95
Item
·
244
Antiquitates
Item Barthol. Cassanæum, in Catalogo Gloria Mundi, part. 12,
consid. 57, Ibi (ait) avis rara, ac apis nulla. Neque defue-
runt, qui Solinum sequuti sunt, in secunda sua assertione, de
æstu maris Hibernici, interque eos Cornelius à Judæis Geo-
graphus. Veniamus jam ad climatis dispositionem. Strabo,
qui sub Tiberio Cæsare floruit, Geographiæ lib. 2, ex versione
Gulielmi Xylandri, ita loquitur, Extrema navigatio à Celtica
versus septentrionem, nostra ætate, dicitur esse in Hiberniam:
(Iërnen vocat) quæ ultra Britanniam sita, ægrè ob frigus
incolitur, ita ut quæ ulterius sunt, habitari non posse existi-
mentur. Deinde, Pomponius Mela, qui sub Claudio vixit,
Cosmographiæ lib. 3, cœlum Hiberniæ ad maturanda semina
iniquum esse asserit. Speciatim ita Giraldus Cambrensis,
Topographiæ Hiberniæ distinct. 1, cap. 4, multam ait fruges
in herba, plurimam in culmis, minorem in granis, spem promit-
tunt. Tritici namque grana contracta sunt et minuta, et vix
alicujus vanni beneficio purganda.
Audiamus etiam quid è contra scripserunt aliqui è veteribus,
Ita igitur Orosius, Hæc (Hibernia scil.) propior Britanniæ,
•spatio terrarum angustior, sed cœli *solisque temperie magis
utilis, Scotorum Gentibus colitur. Item Isidorus, loco suprà
citato, Scotia eadem et Hibernia, proxima Britannia Insula
spatio terrarum angustior, sed situ foecundior. Et Beda, lib.
1, cap. 1, Hiberniam tam aëris salubritate quàm serenitate,
multùm Britanniæ præstare, asserit. Cæterùm (ut quod
sentio dicam) si ha comparationes ad australem Britanniæ
partem, quam Angliam dicimus, referantur, sunt prorsùs
rejiciendæ non negandum tamen Hiberniam, aëris esse adeò
temperati, ut prata ibi et campos, in summâ hieme virere
videamus, et ad pascua pecudes quotidiè duci, nisi quod rarò
accidit, nix biduana vel triduana impediat; locis prætereà
uliginosis et palustribus culturâ siccatis, (quod de regione
circa Philippos scribit Plinius) emendatam aëris temperiem.
Ad tritici grana quod attinet, non contracta sunt vel minuta
universim, ut Giraldus Cambrensis ejúsque sequaces habent;
nam rarò in vicinis Hiberniæ regionibus, seu majora, seu
graviora, quàm in plurimis partibus Hiberniæ inveniri possunt.
*Solique meliùs.
96
Neque
Hibernica.
245
Neque audiendus est Raphael Maffeus Volaterranus, qui
Commentariorum Urbanorum lib. 3, de Hibernia loquens,
Tellus (inquit) nihil omninò fert, præter frumentum et equos
præstantissimos quos Ubinos (Hobinos) vocant, &c. Corri-
gendus est itidem error Ranulphi Higdeni, qui in Polychron.
lib. 1, cap. 32, asserit ibi deesse Perdices, Phasianos, Damas et
Hericios; Hiberniam etiam (quod è jam dicto Giraldo et Johanne
Bromtono addit) ab austro in boream extensam, à Brandani-
cis scil. montibus usque ad *Columbinam Insulam continere
octo dierum dietas, quarum quælibet 40 milliarum existit, et
à Dublinio usque ad Patricii colles Connacticúmque mare, in
latum quatuor dierum excursum tenere. Sed de Hiberniæ
Dimensione, vid. quæ suprà diximus cap. III. Porrò multa
hîc observari possent fabulosa, quæ de Hibernia accumulavit
Giraldus Cambrensis, in Topograph. Hiberniæ; sed aliis ea
discutienda relinquimus, siquidem exacta eorum discussio
justum requirit tractatum. Admonendus est interim lector
Topographiam eam cautè legendam, id quod ipse Giraldus
quodammodò fatetur, in Apologia quam habemus in prima sua
præfatione in librum Expugnationis Hibernicæ cùm ob fabu-
losa, jam dictæ Topographiæ inserta, insimularetur; cui hanc
etiam admonitionem, è Retractionum suarum tractatu, hic ad-
jicere visum, De Topographia Hibernica, labore sci. nostro
primavo ferè nec ignobili, ubi multa nova, aliisque regionibus
prorsùs incognita (ideoque magis admiranda) scribuntur, hoc
pro certo sciendum; quod quorundam, quinimò et quàm plurium
perdiligentem et certam indagationem, à magnis terræ illius et
authenticis viris notitiam elicuimus; de cæterisque, totius terræ
famam potiùs secuti fuimus. De quibus omnibus, cum Augus-
tino sentimus: qui in libro de Civitate Dei, de talibus, quæ
solùm fama celebrat, nec certâ veritate fulciuntur, loquens, nec
ea affirmando plurimùm, nec prorsùs abneganda decrevit. Sic
ipse Giraldus. Atqui non possum non mirari viros aliquos
hujus seculi, alioqui graves et doctos, figmenta ea Giraldi,
mundo iterùm pro veris, obtrusisse. Plurima addi possent ex
aliis authoribus, quæ aliorum etiam industriis relinquimus.
* al. Torre.
97
CAP. XXIV.
246
Antiquitates
CAP. XXIV.
De Ostmannis, sice Danis et Norwegis; deque eorum rebus
gestis in Hibernia, ab anno Christi DCCXCv, usque ad
Anglorum ingressum, sub Henrico II, sc. per quatuor fermè
annorum centurias.
OST
STMANNOS magnam Hiberniæ partem olim subjugâsse,
et post plurima prælia cum Hibernis, variante successu,
per multos annos, acriter commissa, præcipuas ibi urbes mari-
timas, ad Anglorum usque adventum in Hiberniam occupâsse
certò constat. De eorum nomine et regione unde venerunt,
ita eruditissimus Jacobus Usserius nuper Archiepiscopus.
Armachanus, in sua veterum Epist. Hibernicarum recensione;
Livonia ad eoum maris Baltici litus porrecta, in tres partes,
locis et linguis distinctas, Estiam, Lettiam et Curlandiam dis-
tribuitur: Estiæ sive (ut Crantzius appellat) Estonia provin-
ciam ii incoluisse videntur, qui à veteribus Græcis, Ostiai et
Ostiones, à Tacito in Germania sua, Estii, ab Eginhardo in
Caroli Magni vita, Aisti, à Saxone Grammatico, Estones, à
nostris, Ostmanni appellantur. Ad Ostmannos Hiberniæ
quod attinet, hi aliis nominibus vocabantur etiam Dani, Nor-
wegi, et Normanni, quod et mediis temporibus (verba sunt
iterùm jam dicti Usserii) omnibus Dania, Norwagie, Livonice
et reliquarum Borealium gentium commune nomen fuisse docti
nôrunt. Ut omittam quod à Scriptore vitæ Griffithi filii
Conani est traditum, unum è tribus illis fratribus qui in
Hiberniam venerunt, cum Norwagiensibus suis in Galliam con-
cessisse, et Francis devictis, sedes in Normannia fixisse. Hunc
Rodulphum ille vocat, quem alii Rollonem; à quo Gulielmus
et alii Normanni qui in Anglia regnaverunt, genus deducunt
suum.
Danos et Normannos, vel Ostmannos anno Christi DCCXCV,
Hibernica et Albanica litora primùm infestâsse et speciatim
Recran Insulam spoliâsse produnt Annales Hibernici. Sub
eodem tempore vel paulò seriùs S. Findanum, Principis Lage-
98
niæ
Hibernica.
247
niæ filium, à Danis captivum ductum, sed mirabili modo
elapsum, tradit in vita ejus, anonymus Hibernus, (qui et ejus
socius) à Melchiore Goldasto editus, Tom. I Rerum Alaman-
nicarum, pag. 318. Meminit illarum deprædationum Nor-
mannicarum, Dicuil Hibernus, qui tum vixit, in libro de
mensura Provinciarum Orbis terræ, secundùm illorum authori-
tatem (ut ipse loquitur) quos S. Theodosius Imperator ad Pro-
vincias prædictas mensurandas miserat. Sic enim ille, Circum
nostram Insulam Hiberniam, sunt insula, sed alice parræ, atque
aliæ minimæ. Et post pauca, Sed sicut à principio mundi
desertæ semper fuerunt, ita nunc causâ latronum Nortmanno-
rum vacuœ Anachoritis, &c. Triennio posteà, anno nempè
DCCXCVIII, Normanni iterùm Ultoniam, et Hebrides piraticâ
infestârunt. Siquidem antiquitùs apud Danos (ut habet Olaus
Wormius) Piratica honesta ac licita erat, atque in ea se crebrò
reges ipsi, aut eorum liberi exercebant, ascitis famosioribus
et fortissimis athletis. Sed missis hisce Danorum piraticis,
veniamus jam ad copias quas in Hiberniam miserunt, ad eam
subjugandam, et, secundùm temporum seriem, ad alia eorum
acta ibidem, ad Anglorum usque ingressum.
Anno 807, Dani et Norwegi in Hiberniam appulerunt, et
Roscomaniam, regionemque adjacentem ferro flammáque
vastârunt. Eodem tempore Cellacus Abbas cœnobii S. Co-
lumbæ Huensis, multis è suis, Norwegorum crudelitate, inter-
fectis, in Hiberniam profugit, et Kenanusæ, aliàs Kenlisæ in
Midia, monasterium in honorem S. Columbæ sive condidit,
sive restauravit. Cùm verò annos circiter 7 ibi præfuisset
Abbas, Dermitio quodam in dicto cœnobio Abbate relicto, in
Jonam sive insulam Huensem reversus est, ubi, post annum
unum vel alterum, mortem obiit. Nescio an in laniena præ-
dicta, vel posteriore aliqua, trucidatus fuerit Blaithmacus
reguli Hibernici filius. Eum, sub his temporibus, à Danis sive
Norwegis ethnicis in Jona insula cæsum, ex vita ejus, à Wal-
lafrido Strabone carmine descripta, liquet. Omitto hîc com-
menta Saxonis Grammatici, qui (more suo) Fridelithum,
Frothonem 3, et Haconem, Danos, multis annorum centuriis,
ante hæc tempora, Hiberniam infestâsse fingit.
Anno 812, Classis Normannorum Hiberniam insulam
aggressa,
99
248
Antiquitates
aggressa, (inquit Rhegino in Chronico) commissoque cum Scotis
prælio, multi ex iis interfecti, cæteri fugâ lapsi sunt. Et, ad
eundem annum, Hermannus Contractus, Classis Danorum
Hiberniam invadens, à Scotis victa est. Item Historici
Hibernici Danos sub eodem tempore duobus præliis ab Hiber-
nis profligatos asserunt.
Circa annum 815, aliis 818, Turgesius, Norwegus Hiber-
niam primùm invasit.
Anno 835, Norwegi, majoribus instructi copiis, magnâ
classe appulerunt, sub ductu Turgesii, et Conatiam fermè
universam, unà cum quibusdam Lagenia et Midiæ partibus,
devastârunt. Intra triennium deinde posteà, non parvâ Ul-
toniæ parte subjugatâ, ubique fermè templa demoliti sunt, et
in Christianæ religionis professores (cujus tunc hostes erant)
magnâ crudelitate grassati. Qua de re, vid. Jocel. Furnes-
sens. in vitâ S. Patricii, cap. 175. Speciatim Turgesium Ar-
macham occupâsse et inde Farananum Archiepiscopum loci
expulisse, unà cum omnibus religiosis et studiosis tradunt
Historici Hibernici. Asserit porrò Colganus (in Triade
Thaumaturga) ex Annalibus 4 Magistrorum, Anno 838,
classe sexaginta navium Nortmannos ingressos esse ostia Bo-
andi fluminis, et aliâ 60 navium, ostia Liffii flu. in Lagenia.
A Turgesio (quòd obiter adnoto) multa fossatorum illorum
rotundorum, sive militarium vallorum, vulgò Danes Rathes
dictorum, facta dicuntur, quæ in plurimis Hiberniæ regionibus,
etianmùm supersunt. Atque talia fortassè fuerunt castella
Brigantum veterum, de quibus ita Juvenalis, Satyr. 14,
Dirue Maurorum attegias, castella Brigantum.
Sunt porrò qui credunt Danos et Norwegos extruxisse mul-
tos è collibus illis rotundis quos sine fossis, passim in Hibernia
cernimus, quasi sepulchra magnatibus et ducibus suis.
Eundem morem in Dania olim viguisse, ex supradicto Olao
Wormio liquet, in libro de Danicis Monumentis, Hafniæ edito,
Anno MDCXLIII. Speciatim (in Hibernia) è tali colle in orien-
tali suburbio civitatis Dublinii, prope Collegium S. Trinitatis,
effossum est anno MDCXLVI monumentum quod ossa hominis
100
combusta
Hibernica.
249
combusta texit: opus uti creditur Ostmannicum, de quo
fusiùs posteà.
An Saxa illa ingentia et rudia quæ in planitie non longè à
Naasa in agro Kildariensi et alibi visuntur, (victoriarum putà
monumenta) à Danis erecta fuerint, non possum pro certo
affirmare. Sed ut ad nostrum institutum revertamur.
Anno 845, Norwegi diripuerunt et incenderunt Clonmac-
noisam, Clonfertam, Loghram, et Tirdaglassam. Porrò circa
eundem annum, Turgesius Melachlini seu Melsechlini Regis
Midis filiam deperiisse fertur: Atqui Rex ille (Giraldum
Cambrensem audis) virus sub pectore versans, filiam suam illi
concedens, ad insulam quandam Media, scil. de Loch-vair,
illam cum 15 puellis egregiis ei missurum se spospondit. Quibus
et Turgesius gavisus, cum totidem nobilioribus gentis suæ,
statuto die et loco, obviam venit, et invenit in Insula 15 adole-
scentes imberbes, animosos, et ad hoc electos, sub habitu puellari,
dolum palliantes, cultellis, quos occultè secum attulerunt.
Statim inter amplexus, Turgesius cum suis occubuit. Sic ille,
Topograph. Hiberniæ distinct. 3, cap. 4. Cæterùm author
Annalium Ultoniensium, de dolo eo tacens, Turgesium à
Melachlino rege captum fuisse et in dicto lacu submersum,
tradit. Famâ tùm pernicibus alis (sic iterùm Cambrensis, cap.
41,) totam statim insulam pervolante, et rei eventum, ut assolet
divulgante, Norwegienses ubique truncantur, et in brevi, om-
nes omninò, seu vi, seu dolo, vel morti traduntur, vel iterùm
Norwegiam et insulas unde venerant, navigio adire compel-
luntur. Deinde cap. 42, Quæsiverat autem à Turgesio præ-
dictus Midensium rex, et in dolo (nequitia jam animo con-
cepta) quonam tenore vel arte, aves quædam in regnum nuper
advectæ, terræ toti patriæque pestiferæ, destrui possent et deleri.
Cúmque responsum accepisset, nidos eorum ubique destruendos,
si jam fortè nidificassent, (de castellis Norwegiensium hoc
interpretantes) mortuo Turgesio, in eorum destructione Hiber-
nienses per totam Insulam, unanimiter insurrexerunt. Annos
igitur circiter 30 Norwegiensium pompa et Turgesii tyrannis
in Hibernia perduravit, et deinde gens Hibernica servitute
depulsá, et pristinam libertatem recuperavit, et ad regni guber-
nácula denuò successit. Hactenùs Giraldus. Hibernos quidem
101
hoc
250
Antiquitates
hoc tempore Norwegorum vires multum fregisse certum est.
Attamen auxiliares copiæ, novis è Dania et Norwegia classi-
bus, indies confluentes Hiberniam per plurimos posteà annos,
gravissimè afflixerunt, ut infrà patebit.
Anno 848, Prælium inter Melachlinum (de quo suprà) tum
regem Hiberniæ et Danos Fouræ commissum est, in quo 700
Danis occisis, victoria Melachlino cessit. In prælio itidem ad
Scia-naght, ab Olcobaro rege Casseliæ (quem Abbatem etiam
Imelacensem appellat Liber meus cœnobii Inis fallensis) et
Lorcano filio Kellachi, rege (ni fallor) Lageniæ, cæsi sunt è
Danis 1200, ac in duabus aliis pugnis, ante finem anni, ceci-
derunt circiter 1700. Ita hic annus Danis in Hibernia fuit
luctuosissimus, unde Melachlinus Rex ob partas victorias, ad
Carolum Calvum Francorum Regem pacis et amicitiæ gratia,
legatos cum muneribus misit, viam sibi petendi Romam con-
cedi deposcens. Sic Chronic. Norman.
Anno 849, auxiliares copiæ, è Dania et Norwegia 140
navibus, in Hiberniam appellentes, bellum, magno Hiberno-
rum damno, redintegrârunt.
Anno 850, Melachlinus rex, jam bello civili implicatus,
pace, ad tempus, Danis stabilitâ, eorum auxilio, hostes magnâ
strage profligavit.
Ante annum 851, Danos, Dublinio et regiuncula vicina
quam Fingalliam vocamus, potitos esse, ex Historicis Hiber-
nicis liquet. Inter hos et alios ejusdem gentis, hoc anno, atrox
commissum est prælium, in quo Dani Dublinienses profligati
sunt, et Dublinium à victoribus direptum. Atqui fugâ non
pauci elapsi, in patriam confugerunt, unde anno insequente,
auxiliaribus copiis reversi, hostibus victis, Dublinium recu-
perârunt et restaurârunt. Danos sive Ostmannos Dublini-
enses intelligit proculdubiò vitæ S. Coëmgeni sive Keivini
scriptor, cùm de Dublinio et ejus civibus ita loquatur, Civitas
Ath-cliath est in aquilonali Laginiensium plaga, super fretum
maris posita; et id Scoticè dicitur Dub-lein, quod sonat Latinè
nigra therma: et ipsa civitas potens et belligera est, in qua sem-
per habitant viri asperrimi in præliis, et peritissimi in classibus.
Anno 852, Armacha, ipso Paschatis die, à Danis devastata
est. Ac paulò pòst, Dermitius loci Episcopus, quem Annales
Hibernici
102
Hibernica.
251
Hibernici Sapientissimum omnium Doctorum Europe appel-
lant, sive morore, sive morbo, extinctus est.
Anno 853, Amlavus aliis Amelaus magnâ Danorum et
Norwegorum classe, hûc appulit, eique omnes Dani, in Hi-
bernia tum degentes, se submiserunt. Hic Amelaus (opinor)
ille fuit, et hæc Norwegorum ea classis, de quibus hæc habet
Giraldus Cambrensis, Topograph. Hiberniæ 1. 3, c. 43, Non
multo verò pòst tempore (post mortem sci. Turgesii) iterùm de
Norwagia et insularum Borealium partibus, quasi de reli-
quiis gentis prioris, et quia vel occulata fide, vel parentum
relatione, terram optimam noverant, non in bellica classe, sed
sub pacis obtentu, et quasi mercaturæ exercendæ prætextu, in
insulam quidam advenerunt, qui et maritimos Hiberniæ por-
tus, statim occupantes, tandem de assensu principum terræ,
civitates in ipsis varias construxerunt. Quoniam enim in-
natæ ociositatis vitio, gens Hibernica, ut diximus, nec maria
lustrare, nec mercaturæ indulgere aliquatenùs voluerat, de
communi totius regni consilio, perutile videbatur, ut gens ali-
qua, cujus operâ, aliarum regionum commercia, quibus hæc
terra caruerat, hûc adrehi possent, in aliquibus regni partibus
admitterentur. Fuerunt autem Duces eorum tres fratres,
Amelaus sci. Sytarachus, et Yvorus. Constructis itaque
primò civitatibus tribus; Dublinia, Guaterfordia, Limerico;
Dublinie principatus cessit Amelao, Guaterfordiæ, Sytaraco,
Limerici, Yvoro; et ex iis paulatim ad alias Hiberniæ civi-
tates construendas processu temporis, sunt derivati. Gens
igitur hæc quæ nunc Ostmannica gens vocatur, inprimis, istius
regibus satis tractabiles fuerunt et pacifici: sed ex quo in
immensum, generis numerositate jam excreverant, et civitates
fossatis et muris optimè cinxerant; antiquas inimicitias altâ
mente repositas, nonnunquàm renovare, et acriter rebellare
solebant. Dicti sunt autem Ostmanni, linguâ ipsorum, cor-
rupto quodam Saxonico, quasi Orientales homines: respectu
namque terræ istius, ab Orientalibus hic partibus undecunque
advecti sunt. Ita Giraldus; è quo eadem hausisse videtur
Ranulphus Monachus Cestriensis, in Polychronico. Cæte-
rùm, ut de hac narratione, quod sentio dicam, constabit (opi-
nor) Ostmannos sedes eas maritimas, non mercaturæ prætextu,
103
nec
252
Antiquitates
nec Hibernorum assensu, sed vi et armis obtinuisse, si con-
sideremus quantâ immanitate, à primo eorum ingressu, imò
hoc ipso tempore, de quo nunc loquimur, et diù posteà, per
Hiberniam grassabantur. Certè ex optimis Historicis liquet
Amlavum hunc, post prælium unum aut alterum, prospero
contra Hibernos eventu, tanto fuisse iis terrori, ut annuo
quodam tributo, pacem, ad tempus redimere coacti fuerint.
Anno 856, inter Melachlinum regem et Danos atrox ortum
est bellum, quo multi utrinque ceciderunt.
Anno 857, Cathaldus Albus, dum res novas moliretur, ab
Amlavo et Ivaro, prælio profligatus est in Momonia.
Anno 859, Amlavus et Ivarus cum magno exercitu in Mi-
diam profecti sunt. De successu, tacent Annales Hibernici;
sub eo verò tempore (ut videtur) induciæ inter Melachlinum
et Danos sunt pactæ.
Anno 862, defuncto Melachlino rege Hiberniæ, Lorcanus,
filius Cathaldi et Cornelius filius Dermitii, regnum Midiæ in-
ter se partiti sunt. Iis verò ab Edano cognomento Finliat,
Danorum auxilio, posteà captis, Edanus Rex Hiberniæ salu-
tatus est. Lorcanum ab Edano tunc oculis orbatum, et Corne-
lium, ab Amlavo, Clonardæ submersum ferunt.
Anno 869, Amlavus Armacham diripuit, et incendit, post-
quàm mille homines ibi prælio interfecisset.
Anno 870, Amlavus et Ivarus, cum classe 200 navium in
Britanniam solverunt, in auxilium Hinguari et Hubba Dano-
De quibus Florilegum petas et alios rerum Anglicarum
scriptores. Anno sequenti, cum ingenti præda, multisque
captivis, Dublinium reversi sunt. Sed brevi posteà Amlavus
rum.
naturæ cessit.
Anno 871, Ailillus Rex Lageniæ à Danis occisus est.
Anno 872, fato functus est Ivarus, quem Annales Hiber-
nici regem Normannorum totius Hiberniæ appellant.
Anno 875, Ostinus Amlavi filius, postquàm Pictos magna
strage profligaverat, Danorum sive Ostmannorum dolo, occi-
Túmque imperium suscepisse videtur Godfridus
sus est.
Ivari filius.
Anno 888, atrox prælium inter Flanum regem Hiberniæ
et Danos commissum est, quo multi utrinque ceciderunt, et
104
inter
Hibernica.
253
inter alios ex parte Flani, Edanus filius Cornelii rex Conatiæ
cæsus est. Paulò posteà, Godfridus filius Ivari Danorum prîn-
ceps, per Sitrici fratris sui malas artes, interemptus est.
Anno 892, simultas inter Sitricum filium Ivari, et Galfri-
dum quendam Merlum cognominatum, tunc temporis virum
magni nominis apud Dublinienses, eo úsque in apertam inimi-
citiam erupit, ut inter eos, urbs quasi divisa fuerit, dùm una
pars Sitricum, altera, Galfridum sequeretur.
Anno 895, Ostmanni Dublinienses in Ultoniam profecti
Armacham diripuerunt.
Anno 896, Sitricus filius Ivari, qui fratrem (uti diximus)
occiderat, pœnâ licèt claudâ reum assequente, à suis occisus
est. Prælium inter Amlavum filium Ivari et Ultonienses,
in Tirconalia, commissum est, in quo Amlavus victus est et
occisus.
Anno 902, Dani novâ classe appellentes, à Lageniensibus
prope Dublinium, magnâ strage profligantur.
Anno 914, acris pugna navalis prope Manniam Insulam,
inter Barredum et Reginaldum O-Hirar Danos, commissum
est, in quâ Reginaldus, Barredo et suis occisis, victoriam re-
portavit.
Anno 915, Dani magnâ classe appellentes Momoniæ partem
devastant.
Anno 916, Dani sive Ostmanni, in Momonia, præliis aliquot
superati sunt cæterùm in Lagenia, meliori successu pugnâ-
runt. Nam, sub ductu Sitrici, Angarrus, filius Aililli, rex
Lageniæ prælio occisus est, et cum eo ceciderunt multi` La-
genix proceres. Sub eodem tempore, Dani sive Ostmanni
Dublinie Monam, sive Angleseiam in Cambria vastârunt, ut
Caradoco Lhancarvanensi intelligimus.
Anno 918. Dani Momoniæ Albaniam, hodiè Scotiam, infes-
târunt.
Anno 919, prælium atrox inter Nellum Glundub Regem
Hiberniæ et Ostmannos commissum est Septembris 15, prope
Dublinium, quo rex ipse, unà cum multis proceribus, periit.
Nello occiso, imperium suscepit Donatus, Flani filius, qui,
anno sequenti, Ostmannos magnâ strage profligavit.
Anno 921, Reginaldo regulo Ostmannorum Dublinii de-
105
functo
254
Antiquitates
functo, successit Godfridus, qui eodem anno, contracto exer-
citu, in Ultoniam profectus est, ubi mense Novembr, Arma-
cham diripuit.
Anno 924, Godfridus in expeditione Limericum versùs,
magnam exercitus sui partem amisit.
Anno 926, Godfridus copias in Ultoniam misit, sub ductu
Aulafi filii sui, qui ab Ultoniensibus, bis in fugam conjectus,
ægrè tandem à patre, qui eum, novis è Dublinio auxiliis
secutus est, liberatus.
Anno 934, Godfridus obiit, ob crudelitatem infamis, suc-
cessit filius Aulafus, aliàs Aulavus, idem opinor cum Anlapho
illo qui in prælio ad Bruneburgum in Northumbria, ab Athel-
stano, Anglorum rege victus est, anno 937. De quo vid. In-
gulph. et Hen. Huntindon.
Anno 941, Aulafus morte repentinâ sublatus interìit. Hunc
Caradocus Lhancarvanensis Abloicum præcipuum Hiberniæ
regem appellat, et obiisse asserit anno 939. Liber Marganen-
sis an. habet 940.
Anno 942, Dunum, Clonarda et Kildara, regionésque ad-
jacentes variis Ostmannorum exercitibus, vastantur.
Anno 943, Dani in Lecalia degentes, sedibus suis, ab Ul-
toniensibus ejiciuntur; eodem verò anno Murtachum Ailecha
regulum; prælio interficiunt 26 Febr. et die sequenti, Ar-
macham diripiunt.
Anno 944, Donato rege Hiberniæ morte repentina sublato.
Congelachus filius Mælmithi imperium suscepit, qui eodem
anno Brienni regis Lageniæ auxilio, Dublinium vi cepit et
diripuit, Ostmannis ibidem partim occisis, partim in fugam
conversis.
Anno 945, Blacarus Ostmannus, Aulafi frater, copiis auxi-
liaribus, Dublinium recuperavit et restauravit.
Anno 946, Ostmanni Dublinienses, ut cladem nuper ac-
ceptam ulciscerentur, hoc anno non parvam Midiæ partem
devastârunt.
Anno 947, Ostmanni Dublinienses à Congelacho rege, præ-
lio profligantur.
Anno 948, bellum redintegrârunt Dublinienses, sed à Con-
gelacho rege iterùm superati sunt, ipso Blacaro rege, et è suis
106
fermè
Hibernica.
255
fermè 1600 in prælio occisis. Blacaro successit Godfridus,
Sitrici filius. Circa hæc tempora Ostmanni Hibernici ad
religionem Christianam conversi sunt. Neque desunt qui,
hoc ipso anno, Ostmannos cœnobium B. Mariæ Virginis juxta
Dublin. Monachis Benedictinis posuisse tradunt, quamvis
alii, diù anteà fundatum asserunt, à Melachlino al. Malachia
rege Hiberniæ (qui obiit 862) Gillemoholmoc nescio quo et
Roisia uxore ejus, et alii, à Donaldo Gillemoholmoc. Ut ut
fuerit, monachos ibidem Ordinis Cistertiensis institutionibus
se submisisse anno 1139 imitantes patrem suum Abbatem Sa-
viniacensem docent ejusdem coenobii Annales. Jacobum Ab-
batem primum obiisse 5 nonas Martii prodit loci codex anti-
quus MS. penes Rogerum Twysdenum equ. et Baronettum.
De anno silet, sed Everardum Abbatem quartum obiisse tradit
4 Idus Aprilis 1131, quæ si vera sint, vel plerique eorum
Macrobii fuerunt, vel coenobium diù Abbate fuit viduatum.
Anno 950, Ostmanni Dublinienses Slanam in Midia diripue-
runt et incendio deformârunt. Eo incendio, Cinaum virum
doctum et loci Prælectorem, multósque alios in Ecclesia con-
gregatos periisse ferunt. Cæterùm anno sequenti, postquàm
magnam Midiæ partem, sub ductu Godfridi devastâssent,
ingenti præda onusti, in reditu Dublinium versus, ab Hibernis
interceptì sunt et magnâ strage profligati.
Anno 956, prælium atrox inter Congelachum regem Hiber-
niæ, et Ostmannos Dublinienses, ad Tiguiran, in Lagenia,
commissum est, ubi Congelachus fusus est et occisus. Eo
cæso, Hibernorum imperium arripuit Donaldus Nellus.
Anno 959, Aulafus Dublinii regulus à Caradoco Lhancar-
vanensi, Abloicus rex Hiberniæ appellatus, Promontorium
sacrum (quod nos Holy-head, incolæ Caer-gubi vocant) in
Mona sive Angleseia insula, deinde regiunculam Lhinnensem,
classe sua diripuit. Atqui liber Marganæ sive lib. Hergesti
hanc deprædationem ascribit Abloici filiis.
Anno 962, mortem obiit Godfridus Ostmannus, Aulafi filius.
Circa hæc tempora (ut videtur) Eadgarus, Rex Angliæ, mag-
nam Hiberniæ partem subegit, et speciatim Dublinium urbem.
Qua de re, vid. quæ suprà dicta sunt cap. 4, ex præfatione
Chartæ Eadgari.
107
Anno
256
Antiquitates
Anno 970, pugna Kilmonæ commissa est, inter Donaldum
regem Hiberniæ et Donaldum Congelachi filium, Aulafi Ost-
manni copiis adjutum. In eo prælio multi utrinque cecide-
runt; sed plures ex parte Donaldi regis.
Anno 977, Aulafus Sitrici filius prælio vicit et interfecit
Murtachum et Congelachum, Donaldi regis filios.
Anno 980, Donaldo regi defuncto successit Melachlinus,
aliàs Malachias filius ejus, qui eodem anno, Temoriæ, prælio
memorabili, Ostmannorum vires fregit et quodammodò pes-
sumdedit: nam in eo prælio, præter millia aliquot militum
gregariorum, primarii Ostmannorum duces fermè omnes cæsi
sunt, inter quos numeratur Reginaldus, Aulafi filius; ob cujus
interitum et maximam eam Ostmannorum cladem, Aulafus
ipse, anno insequente, peregrinatione ad insulam Huensem
susceptâ, ibidem (ut ex Annalibus coenobii Insulæ omnium
Sanctorum in occiduo limite agri Longfordiensis intelligimus,)
poenitentiâ peractâ, vi mororis obiit. Successit ei filius Glu-
niarandus. Pugnâ Temoriensi finitâ, Melachlinus in Fingal-
liam, ditionis Ostmannicæ regiunculam profectus, eam igne et
ferro devastavit, eodemque tempore Hibernos omnes, quos
Ostmanni captivos tenuerunt, in libertatem asseruisse fertur.
Cæterùm pace tandem inter Melachlinum regem et Ostman-
nos Dublinii certis conditionibus factâ, ii, ut priorem jacturam,
aliquo modo, resarcire viderentur, auxiliaribus copiis contrac-
tis, in Brieni, filii Murchardi, Regis Lageniæ territoria irrupe-
runt, quæ dum Brienus tueri conaretur, ipse, ab iis captus est
et paulò pòst occisus.
Anno 983, Melachlinus Rex, ab Ostmannis Dubliniensibus
adjutus, Donaldum Clan Lorcani filium regem Lageniæ,
prælio fudit. In ea pugna, inter alios melioris notæ, cecidit
Patricius Ivari reguli Waterfordiensis filius.
Anno 989, Gluniarandus, al. Glumainus, Aulafi filius rex
Ostmannorum Dublinii, à famulo suo interremptus est. Suc-
cessit frater ejus Sitricus. Circa idem tempus, Elirmannum,
filium Abloici, occisum asserit Caradocus Lhancarvanensis,
quem regem Hiberniæ appellat: et nomine et titulo deceptus.
Eodem anno Godfridus Haraldi filius Hebridum insularum
regulus à Dalriadinis occisus est; cui successit filius Reginaldus.
Anno
108
Hibernica.
257
Anno 994, Sitricus Aulafi filius, ab Ostmannis Dublinii, in
exilium pulsus, ante annum circumactum revocatus est, regnó-
que restitutus.
Ante
Anno 999, Marianus aliàs Mælmurrius Murchardi filius à
jam dicto Sitrico adjutus Lageniæ regnum obtinuit, Donato
prædecessore ejus in prælio capto et abdicare coacto.
finem ejusdem anni Brienus Borous rex Momoniæ Ostman-
nos Dublinienses in prælio ad Glenananin fudit, ac Dublinium
vi cepit et diripuit.
Anno 1000, Ostmanni (obsidibus Brieno traditis) Dublinium
restaurârunt et firmârunt. Eodem anno, Ivarus Ostman-
norum Waterfordiæ regulus obiit, successit ei filius Regi-
naldus.
Anno 1013, Lagenia, primùm à Murchardo filio Brieni
Boroi tum regis Hiberniæ, deinde à Brieno ipso, ad muros,
usque Dublinii, miserè direpta est: Lageniensibus interim et
Ostmannis, pace inter se factâ, conjunctis copiis, se suaque
frustrâ tueri nitentibus.
Sub initium anni 1014, vel paulò ante, Brienus Borous rex
cum plurimis Hiberniæ regulis egit, ut conjunctis viribus,
Sitricum, omnesque Ostmannos Dublinii, utpote publicos regni
hostes, ex Hibernia expellere conarentur. Sitricus contrà,
certior factus, quid Brienus moliebatur, nullum non movit
lapidem, ut se suosque propugnaret: pace igitur (ut anteà
diximus) cum Mælmurrio Murchardi filio rege Lageniæ facta,
suppetias, tam ab eo, quàm â Danis, sive Norwegis, qui Man-
niam et Hebrides, (Hibernis Inche-gall) incolebant, obtinuit.
Magnis copiis sic utrinque coactis, concurritur tandem Clon-
tarfæ prope Dublinium, Aprilis 23, ubi post longam acerri-
mamque pugnam, victoria (sic plerique habent) cessit Brieno
qui tamen ex vulnere, quod in prælio acceperat, mortifero,
mox expiravit. Sunt contrà qui asserunt Danos sive Ostman-
nos, cùm eorum acies nutare cœperit, Brieno occiso, redinte-
gratis viribus, in Hibernos irruisse, eosque magna strage pro-
fligâsse. Qui hanc sententiam tenent, addunt etiam Brieni
temeritatem magno fuisse Danis commodo: ille enim (ut
fertur) auxilia cum filio ejus Donato intra triduum ventura,
non præstolans, ne priorum actorum gloriam obscurare vide-
109
retur,
R
258
Antiquitates
retur, cum hostibus congredi facilè persuasus est, id quod sibi
suisque postea fuit exitio. In exercitu suo, Melachlinum por-
rò habuit, tunc Midia, anteà Hiberniæ regem, qui in prælio,
ob priores injurias, alienati in eum animi indicia dedisse fertur.
Cum Brieno ceciderunt, filius ejus Murchardus et Murchardi
filius Tirdelvacus, magnus etiam procerum numerus, et cæter-
orum 7000, vel ut aliqui habent, 11000. Ex Danis sive Ost-
mannis et Lageniensibus, plurimi etiam perierunt, sed numerus
incertus est. Inter eos primarii numerantur Dubgallus Aulafi
filius, Bruodarus classis Danicæ præfectus, qui Brienum occi-
derat, Mælmurrius rex Lageniæ, Donaldus dux Fortuallen-
sium, et alii quos prætereo. Sunt qui tradunt cadavera Brieni
et filii ejus Murchardi, necnon Donati O-Kelli, Doulani
O-Hartegan, et Gille-Barmedi, ad Kill-mainan, villam unico
milliari à Dublinio distantem, juxta antiquam crucem lapideam,
ab Hibernis sepulta esse. Alii verò asserunt corpora Brieni
et Murchardi filii, Swordam, (villa est ad 6 à Dublinio lapi-
dem) delata, inde à Mælmurrio, Eochæ filio, Archiepiscopo
Armachano, (quem Annales Hibernici S. Patricii Comorbanum
appellant) Clero comitante, Armacham deportata, in ecclesia
Cathedrali ibidem, cui benefactor fuerat Brienus, fuisse condita.
Prælio finito, Sitricus, cum Ostmannorum reliquiis, Dublinium
se recepit, ac Melachlinus rex Midiæ, à popularibus, rex
maximus Hiberniæ denuò declaratus est.
Anno 1018, jam dictus Melachlinus copias Lagenienses
Ostmannicas, in prælio ad Fodvay, fudit.
Anno 1019, Brienus, Mælmurrii filius, rex Lageniæ oculis
orbatus est Dublinii, à Sitrico rege.
Anno 1020, Reginaldus, Ivari filius, regulus Ostmannorum,
Waterfordiæ improles obiit. Successit ei Sitricus frater.
Anno 1022, Ugairus rex Lageniæ in conflictu ad Delgne,
Sitricum regem Dublinii fugavit.
Anno 1023, Sitricus Ostmannorum Waterfordiæ regulus,
ab Ossoriensibus, occisus est. Successit ei Reginaldus
O-Hivar.
Anno 1029, Sitricus rex Ostmannorum Dublinii, peregrina-
tione Romam usq; susceptâ, in via defunctus est. Successit ei
filius Aulavus sive Auloedus, qui anno sequente, à Matthæo
110
aliàs
Hibernica.
259
aliàs Mathgauno O-Riagan captus, pro lytro solvit 200 vaccas,
80 equos Britannicos, tres uncias auri et gladium quendam
vulgò dictum Caroli gladium.
Anno 1035, Aulavus filius Sitrici rex Dublinii Romam pro-
fecturus, in Anglia occisus est. Successit ei filius Sitricus.
Anno 1036, Reginaldus O-Hivar Waterfordiæ regulus
occisus est Dublinii, à Sitrico rege.
Anno 1038, Commuanus O-Raban regulus Waterfordiæ
domesticis insidiis periit. Eodem anno Waterfordia à Der-
mitio rege Lageniæ direpta est et incensa.
Anno 1042, (aliis 1041) Sitricus, Aulavi filius, rex Ostman-
norum Dublinii decessit. Hic fuit (ut reor) Sitricus ille, quem
liber niger Ecclesiæ S. Trinitatis Dublinii Sitricum filium
Ableb appellat, de quo ibidem hæc legimus, Sitricus rex
Dublin. filius Ableb Comitis Dublin. dedit Sanctæ Trinitati
et Donato primo Episcopo Dublin. locum ad ædificandam
Ecclesiam S. Trinitati, ubi fornices sive voltæ sunt, cum terris
subsequentibus, viz. Bealdulek, Rechen, Portrahern, cum vil-
lanis et vaccis et bladis, nec non aurum et argentum, suffici-
enter ad ædificandam Ecclesiam, cum tota curia, contulit.
Sitrico successit Aulavus sive Auloedus, quem Caradocus
Lhancarvanensis Alphredum perperam appellat. Sub eodem
tempore Conanus ap Jago, Aulavi gener, copiis Dublinii
collectis, in Walliam trajecit, contra Gruffinum ap Lhewellin
regulum, qui Venedotiam Conano profugo debitam, usurpârat:
Gruffinum ibi dolo cepit, sed dum captivum, naves versùs,
secum duceret, Walli, de ea re certiores facti, tanto numero
confluxerunt, ut facilè Gruffinum liberaverint, et Conanum
ad naves repulerint.
Anno 1050, Conanus cum alia classe, è Dublinio Walliam
versùs solvit, spe plenus, Venedotiam, hæreditario jure sibi
debitam, recuperandi: sed operam denuò lusit; nam maximâ
classis parte tempestate amissâ, ipse ad litora Hibernica rejec-
tus est.
Anno 1066, Godredus sive Gothricus cognomento Crovan
rex Manniæ (ut è Chronico Regum Manniæ intelligimus)
subjugavit sibi Dublinium et magnam partem de Laynester,
Scotos verò ita perdomuit, ut nullus qui fabricaret navem vel
scapham,
R 2
111
260
Antiquitates
scapham, ausus esset plusquam tres clavos inserere. Eum
regem Hiberniæ appellat Lanfrancus Archiepiscopus Cantua-
riensis, in epistola quadam, cujus exemplar habetur in tomo
undecimo Annalium Cardinalis Baronii.
Anno 1071, Murchardus, filius Dermitii, rex Lageniæ, mor-
tem obiit, et Dublinii ab Ostmannis sepultus est.
Anno 1074, Maii 6, è vita migravit Donatus al. Dunanus
Ostmannorum primus Episcopus Dubliniensis, et in Ecclesia
sua Cathedrali, prope summum altare, sepultus est. Túmque
Patricius quidam, Ostmannus itidem, Godredo rege petente,
successor electus à Dubliniensibus, in Angliam missus est, à
Lanfranco Cantuariensi Archiepiscopo consecrandus, cum
epistola sequente, Venerando S. Cantuariensis ecclesiæ Metro-
politano Lanfranco, clerus et populus Ecclesia Dubliniensis
debitam subjectionem. Vestræ Paternitati est cognitum,
quòd Ecclesia Dubliniensis, quæ Hiberniæ Insula Metropolis
est, suo sit viduata Pastore, ac destituta Rectore. Proptereà
elegimus Presbyterum, nomine Patricium, nobis sufficientissimè
cognitum, natalibus et moribus nobilem, Apostolica et Eccle-
siastica disciplina imbutum, fide Catholicum, in scripturarum
sensibus cautum, in dogmatibus Ecclesiasticis exercitatum,
quem nobis quantociùs petimus ordinari episcopum, quatenùs
authore Deo, regulariter nobis præesse valeat, et prodesse, et
nos sub ejus regimine salubriter militare possimus, quia integ-
ritas Præsidentium salus est subditorum, et ubi est incolumitas,
ibi est forma Doctrine. Ante finem ejusdem anni, Patricius
ille Londini, in Ecclesia S. Pauli, à dicto Lanfranco conse-
cratus est, obedientiæ professione sequenti præstitâ, Quisquis
aliis præsidet, si et ipse aliis subjaceat, dedignari non debet,
sed potiùs obedientiam, quam à subditis suis desiderat habere
propter Deum, studeat prælatis sibi per omnia humiliter ex-
hibere. Proptereà ego Patricius ad regendam Dubliniam
Metropolim Hiberniæ electus Antistes, tibi, venerande pater
Lanfrance Britanniarum Primas, et Sanctæ Doroborniensis
ecclesia Archiepiscope, professionis meæ chartam porrigo,
meque tibi tuisque successoribus, in omnibus, quæ ad Chris-
tianam religionem pertinent, obtemperaturum esse promitto.
Hæc ex vetusto codice MS. bibliothecæ Cottonianæ, unà cum
112
aliis
i
Hibernica.
261
aliis Episcoporum Ostmannicorum professionibus, in lucem
emisit, inter veteres Epistolas Hibernicas, eruditissimus Jaco-
bus Usserius Armachanus, anno 1632.
Anno 1076, Godredus Crovan rex Dublinii, necnon Manniæ.
et Hebridum Insularum obiit in Ila insula, Ptolemæi Epidio.
Successit ei, in regimine Manniæ et Hebridum, filius ejus
Lagmannus cæterùm à Dubliniensibus, in regem electus est
(ni fallor) Godfridus cognomento Meranagh.
Octobris 10, 1084, Patricius Dubliniensis Episcopus, in
Oceano Britannico, naufragio periit, Episcopatus sui anno 10.
Anno 1085, Donatus (alias Dongus) O-Haingly Ostmannus,
Dublinii natus, sed Cantuariæ in Angliâ educatus, ubi mona-
chus factus est Benedictinus, Tirdelvaci regis cleríque Dub-
liniensis consensu, Cantuariæ, à Lanfranco Archiepiscopo.
Cantuariensi, professione consueta præstita, consecratus est
Episcopus Dubliniensis, ac in patriam reversus, libros non-
nullos, et ecclesiastica ornamenta, quæ Lanfrancus Ecclesiæ
S. Trinitatis Dublinii dederat, secum reportavit.
Anno 1088 (aliis 1087), Waterfordia vi capta est et com-
busta, ab Ostmannis Dublinii.
Anno 1089, Ostmanni Dublinii, Waterfordiæ et Wickloæ
dum conjunctis viribus, Corcagiam diripere intenderent, ab
Oneaghensibus, in prælio fusi sunt et profligati.
Anno 1095, Moriertachus O-Brien rex Hiberniæ, Dub.
linium, cum exercitu pervenit, ac inde expulit Godfridum
Meranagh regulum. Eodem anno mortem obiit Donatus
O-Haingly Episcopus Dubliniensis, cui successit ejus nepos
Samuel O-Haingly, coenobii S. Albani monachus Benedictinus.
De quo vid. plura apud Eadmerum, in Historia Novorum.
Sub eodem tempore Godfredus Meranagh moerore confectus.
è vivis excessit.
Anno 1096, sedes Episcopalis Waterfordiæ instituta est,
et primus ibi Episcopus electus est Malchus quidam, in
Hibernia natus, sed educatione Monachus Ecclesia Wintoni-
ensis in Anglia. Is consecrationem obtinuit Cantuariæ 5 Kal.
Januarii, ab Anselmo Archiepiscopo Cantuariensi, assistentibus
Radulpho Cicestriensi et Gundulpho Roffensi, episcopis, pro-
fessione sequenti præstitâ; Ego Malchus ecclesia Water-
fordie
113
262
Antiquitates
fordiæ electus, et à te, reverende pater Anselme, sanctæ Can-
tuariensis Ecclesiæ Archiepiscope, et totius Britanniæ Primas,
Antistes consecrandus, tibi et omnibus successoribus tuis,
canonicam obedientiam me per omnia servaturum promitto.
Literarum in ejus gratiam conscriptarum exemplar habes apud
Eadmerum, à doctissimo Seldeno, in lucem editum, anno
1623, cum notis et spicilegio. Sub exitum hujus seculi x1,
Ecclesia cathedralis S. Trinitatis Waterfordiæ ab Ostmannis
constructa est.
Anno 1103, Magnus rex Norwegiæ, Manniâ et Orcadis ex-
pugnatis, fœdus temporarium percussit cum Moriertacho
O-Brien rege Hiberniæ, sed anno sequenti (dum in Ultonia
exploratorem egit) ab Ultoniensibus improvisò interceptus
interiit. De hac re, si non pigeat legere, en tibi verba Chro-
nici Regum Manniæ, Magnus Murecardo (rectiùs Murier-
tacho) regi Hiberniæ misit calceamenta sua, præcipiens ei
ut ea super humeros suos in die Natalis Domini, per medium
domus suæ portaret, in conspectu nunciorum ejus, ut inde intel-
ligeret se subjectum esse Magno regi. Quod audientes Hiber-
nienses, ægrè ferebant et indignati sunt nimis: sed Rex
saniori consilio usus, non solùm, inquit, calceamenta ejus
portare, verúmque manducare mallem, quàm Magnus Rex
unam provinciam in Hibernia destrueret. Itaque complevit
præceptum, et nuncios honoravit. Multa quoque munera per
eos Magno regi transmissit, et fœdus composuit. Nuncii verò
redeuntes ad Dominum suum, narraverunt ei de situ Hiberniæ
et amœnitate, de frugum fertilitate et aëris salubritate.
Magnus verò hæc audiens, nihil cogitabat quàm totam Hiber-
niam sibi subjugare. Itaque præcepit classem congregare.
Ipse verò cum sedecem navibus procedens, explorare volens
terram, cùm incautè è navibus discessisset, subitò à Hibernien-
sibus circumvallatus interiit, cum omnibus ferè qui secum
erant. Sepultus est autem juxta ecclesiam S. Patricii in
Duno. Regnavit sex annis, sc. in Mannia. Exordiis illis.
quàm dispar exitus.
Anno 1106, Donaldus Archiepiscopus Armachanus Dub-
linium profectus, ut pacem inter Moriertachum regem Hiber-
niæ et Donaldum O-Loghlin procuraret, in ægritudinem
incidit,
114
*
Hibernica.
263
incidit, quâ Dulekæ in reditu Armacham versus, ætatis suæ
anno 58, consecrationis 15, sublatus est.
Anno 1109, Limericum incendio (maximo Ostmannorum
damno) deflagravit.
Anno 1121, 4 nonas Julii, obiit Samuel O-Haingly, Ost-
mannorum quartus Episcopus Dubliniensis. Successit ei
Gregorius, Lamethæ consecratus, 2 insequentis Octobris, à
Radulpho Archiepiscopo Cantuariensi.
Anno 1125, Torfinus, filius Torcalli, Ostmannorum Dub-
linii regulus, in ipso juventutis flore, morte repentinâ obiit.
Anno 1131, defuncto Everardo Ostmanno Abbati cœnobii
B. Mariæ juxta Dublin. successit Andreas.
Anno 1134, Cornelius filius Murchardi regis Midiæ, in
conflictu, à Donaldo filio Gillemoholmoc et Ostmannis Dub-
linii, occisus est: sed Donaldo eo, subitâ rotæ conversione,
in alio conflictu occiso, et Dubliniensibus fugatis, Midenses in
Fingalliam irruunt, eámque ferro et flammâ devastant.
Anno 1136, Mælisa O-Hammire Episcopus Ostmannorum
Waterfordiæ ex hac vita migravit, successit Tuistius, aliàs
Tostius Ostmannus.
Anno 1140, Mortuo Gille sive Gilleberto episcopo Limeri-
censi, vel saltem resignante, Patricius quidam, ab Ostmannis
Limerici Episcopus electus, in Angliam trajecit, ubi à Theo-
baldo Archiepiscopo Cantuariensi consecrationem obtinuit,
professione sequenti præstitâ, Ego Patricius ad regimen Ec-
clesiæ Limericensis electus, et à te, reverende pater Theobalde
Sanctæ Cantuariensis ecclesia Archiepiscope et totius Britan
niæ Primas, per gratiam Dei Antistes consecrandus, tibi et
omnibus successoribus tuis, tibi canonicè succedentibus, de-
bitam subjectionem, et canonicam obedientiam, per omnia me
exhibiturum fore promitto.
Anno 1142, vel circiter, Cadwaladrus à fratre suo Oweno
Gwineth Venedotiæ principe, deficiens in Hiberniam profugit,
ac Ostmannis duo millia marcarum pollicetur, si justo exer-
citu bellum contra fratrem moverent. Annuunt Ostmanni,
ac copiis collectis, partim è suis, partim ex Hibernis exercitum
(Octero filiisque Torcalli et Cherulphi ducibus) in Walliam
mittunt. Cæterùm paulò post eorum appulsum pacem inter
115
fratres
264
Antiquitates
fratres factam audientes, Cadwaladrum captivum detinent,
donec pro 2000 marcarum, 2000 pecudum acceperant. Tum
verò Owenus in Ostmannos et eorum socios sic onustos, im-
provisò irruens, antequàm naves conscenderent, eorum nume-1
rum permagnum interfecit, et cum spoliis reversus est, cæ-
teri fugâ ad naves evaserunt. Sic, paucis mutatis, Caradocus
Lhancarvanensis.
Anno 1147, Reginaldo, Torcalli filio, Dublinii regulo, in
acie occiso à Midensibus, Godfredus filius Olavi, rex Manniæ,
(si fides sit adhibenda Chronico Manniæ) ab Ostmannis Dub-
linii, rex salutatus est: atqui in Annalibus Hibernicis Oiterus
(aliàs Octerus) Reginaldo successisse dicitur, fortè tamen
Godredi imperio subjectus; utcunque, Octero biennio pòst
occiso, Dublinii principatum obtinuit Brodarus Reginaldi
frater.
Anno 1151, obiit Haraldus Ostmannus episcopus Limeri-
censis, successit popularis ejus Torgesius.
Anno 1161, Brodaro Torcalli filio Ostmannorum Dublinii
regulo, à Midensibus, in prælio, occiso, successit frater ejus
Asculphus. Eodem anno (Octobris 8) decessit Gregorius
primus Archiepiscopus Dubliniensis, cui successit Laurentius
(indigenis Lorcanus) O-Toole, Abbas Glendelacensis, à Ge-
lasio Archiepiscopo Armachano, Dublinii consecratus, in
Ecclesiâ cathedrali S. Trinitatis anno insequenti.
Anno 1167, Rodericus O-Conner, rex Hiberniæ, Lageniam
cum copiis ingressus, Dermitio filio Murchardi rege Lageniæ
in fugam conjecto, Lagenienses et speciatim Ostmannos Dub-
linienses sibi obsides tradere coegit.
Anno 1169, e Wallia, cum copiis, sub initium Maii, in
Hiberniam appulerunt Robertus filius Stephani, Meilerus filius
Henrici, Milo filius Davidis Menevensis et Hervæus de Mon-
te-marisco. Primi appulsus locus, bono omine, dicebatur
Banna, sive Beatus, vulgò Bag et Bun prope Fethardam, in
agro Wexfordiensi, quem aliqui (perperàm opinor) eundem
esse existimant cum Ptolemæi Sacro Promontorio. Postridiè
eos sequutus est Mauritius de Prendergast, cum 10 militibus
et 60 sagittariis. Dermitius Murchardi filius, de eorum ad-
ventu certior factus, Bannam quantâ potuit celeritate conten-
116
dit,
*
↓
Hibernica.
265
:
dit, eosque lætissimo excepit animo. Die sequente, Wex-
fordiam versus movent, quæ postquàm obsidionem paulisper
sustinuisset, Dermitio in manus tradita est. Wexfordia sic
captâ, et Mauritio Giraldi filio, cum novis copiis ibi appulso,
(nam quæ ad res Ostmannicas non pertinent hîc prætermit-
timus) iis rex Dermitius ex pacto, suas etiam copias adjunxit.
De armis tùm in Ostmannos Dublinii convertendis, initur
consilium, quod cùm omnibus placuisset, Dublinium, quantâ
possunt celeritate, contendunt, urbemque deditione capiunt.
Sed, obsidibus acceptis, protinùs Asculpho Torcalli filio (de
quo suprà) restituunt.
Anno 1170, rex Dermitius ad Richardum cognomento
Strong-bow, Penbrochiæ vel (ut Giraldus Cambrensis eum
appellat) Striguliæ comitem, literas perscripsit, quibus ve-
hementer ab eo petiit auxiliares eas copias quas promiserat.
Comes his literis acceptis, à rege Henrico II, licentiâ ironicâ
potiùs quàm verá (ait dictus Giraldus) impetratâ, Reimundum
Crassum, sub initium Maii, 10 viris equestris ordinis et 70
sagittariis stipatum, in Hiberniam præmisit, ipse brevi posteà
secuturus. Reimundus exscentionem fecit ad Dundenil, ad
quartum à Waterfordia lapidem. De Anglorum appulsu,
Ostmanni Waterfordienses facti certiores, eos antequàm auxi-
liis firmarentur, aggredi statuunt: túmque à Malachia
O-Felan Desiensi et O-Riano Idronensi adjuti, exercitum
conscribunt, in quo 3000 erant equitum et peditum. Hi in
Anglos impetum facientes, ab illis, paucis duntaxat adjutis,
sub ductu Hervæi de Monte-marisco, (qui illuc fortè Rei-
mundum visendi gratiâ venerat) fortiter excepti sunt, et post
aliquot horarum pugnam, profligati. In eo prælio, ex Ost-
mannis Waterfordiæ et Hibernis, plùs minùs mille cæsi occu-
buerunt. Capti sunt prætereà 70, qui omnes, Reimundo pro-
curante, in vindictam interitus amici sui de Buein, qui in
prælio ceciderat, occisi sunt. Sic Mauritius Reganus. At
Giraldus Cambrensis eos, Hervæi suasu, adversante Reimundo,
è rupibus in mare præcipitatos asserit. Hæc mense Maio.
Augusto sequente, Richardus Comes Penbrochiæ, è Milfordia
solvit, ventoque secundo in portum Waterfordiæ invectus,
exercitum exposuit, in quo fuerunt 200 milites primarii, præ-
117
ter,
266
Antiquitates
ter mille ordinis inferioris. Post diem unum vel alterum,
Waterfordiam contendit, quam Augusti 25 vi cepit, ac in ea
Reginaldum Ostmannorum Waterfordiæ principem et Mala-
chiam O-Felan, de quo suprà. Illi ad mortem damnati, inter-
cessione Dermitii Regis, (qui unà cum Stephanide, multisque
Anglis et Wallis, post victoriam partam, Waterfordiam venerat)
servati sunt. Nuptiis tunc inter Richardum Comitem et
Evam Dermitii regis filiam ibidem celebratis, Comes ejusque
uxor Dermitii hæredes publicè sunt declarati. Paulò post,
Dermitius et gener, præsidio Waterfordiæ relicto, conjunctis
copiis Dublinium contendunt, urbemque (Roderico rege viam
frustrà obstruere nitente) obsident. Asculphus Ostmannorum
princeps, cùm resistere (quod viribus impar) sibi non tutum
putaret, Laurentii Archiepiscopi Dubliniensis intercessione,
de deditione citò agere cœpit. Cæterùm Reimundus et Milo
de Cogan, durante intercessionis tempore, selectâ manu urbem
invadentes, eâ primo impetu, 21 die Septembris (qui S. Mat-
thæo sacer) potiti sunt. Asculphus tamen et civium plerique
naviculis et cymbis, eo tempore in portu conscensis, evaserunt.
Anno 1171, Circa festum Pentecostes, Asculphus à Johanne
quodam (quem Orcadiensem appellant Annales Ultonienses)
et copiis suæ gentis auxiliaribus, è Mannia, adjutus, cum 60
navium classe, portum Dubliniensem ingressus est, et militi-
bus expositis, in urbis partem orientalem irrumpere tentavit,
ubi, dùm Milo Coganus, qui urbi præerat, præsidio haud satis
firmatus, urbem propugnare conaretur, Richardus frater ejus,
è porta S. Pauli australi, cum parva manu, egressus, hostes
(qui auxiliares copias Cogano advenisse putârant) in fugam
facilè conjecit. Partim in prælio, partim in fuga, multi eorum
cæsi feruntur, et, inter eos, dictus Johannes Orcadiensis. As-
culphus etiam ipse captus est, et quòd linguæ frænum intem-
perantiùs laxâsset, ultimo supplicio posteà affectus. De
adventu Henrici II in Hiberniam, et de aliis licèt magni
momenti rebus hoc anno in Hibernia gestis, non est hîc
dicendi locus, ut quæ ad rem, de qua nunc agimus, non per-
tinent. Denique satis erit hîc indicare, captis, intra paucos
annos posteâ, urbibus Limerico et Corcagia ab Ostmannis
plerumque possessis, penitùs fractas fuisse eorum vires, post-
quàm
118
Hibernicæ.
267
quàm (ut ex iis quæ suprà dicta sunt liquet) in Hibernia, per
aliquot annorum centurias, sedes fixerant. Veruntamen, re-
mansisse ibi aliquas Ostmannorum familias diù posteà, ex ar-
chivis, in promptu colligere est; speciatim ex Rotulo Placi-
torum anni 4 Edwardi Secundi. Huc etiam facit, (si ad anti-
quiora recurramus tempora) Recognitio facta (anno Dom.
1201) per Sacramentum 12 Anglorum, et 12 Ostmannorum,
et 12 Hiberniensium, de terris, Ecclesis et cæteris pertinentiis,
ad Limericensem Ecclesiam spectantibus. Recognitio ea
habetur in Regesto Decani Limericensis. Atque ita res ab
Ostmannis in Hibernia gestas maximè memorabiles, paucis
perstrinxi.
CAP. XXV.
De re nummaria, sive de nummis Hiberniæ antiquis, cùm
ante adventum Anglorum, sub Henrico II, tùm posteà, usque
ad Henrico VII tempora.
O
PULENTIÆ Hibernorum pars maxima in pecorum
multitudine (Germanorum more, de quo vide Tacı-
tum) olim consistebat. Neque aliter erat apud veteres Ro-
manos, unde Varro, lib. 4, de lingua Latina, à pecude pecu-
niam derivat. Et de Hispanis veteribus, Justinus, Armenta
Gerionis, quæ illis temporibus habebantur sola opes.
Hiber-
niam porrò metallorum venis esse divitem quotidiana experi-
entia docet: speciatim sunt ibidem aliquæ plumbi fodinæ,
quæ mixtam habent lucrosam argenti quantitatem. Hadri-
anus Junius, inter alia, in Hiberniæ laudem, fodinas hasce puri
argenti venas poëticè appellat,
Et puri argenti venas, quas terra refossis
Visceribus manes imos visura recludit
Sed hæc obiter. Ad rem veniendum est, ac primò quæren-
dum, an Hiberni ante Anglorum adventum, nummis usi fue-
rint, vel auro duntaxat, argento, ære, aut annulis, ad certum.
pondus examinatis. Saxo Grammaticus, lib. 6, Historia Danicæ
narrat Hugletem regem Hiberniæ, divitem sed avarum, ab
Hacone
119
268
Antiquitates
Hacone Dano, in prælio victum et occisum, magnam deinde
pecuniæ summam in ærario ejus, Dufline, sive Dublinii, à
Danis repertam. Sed Saxonis notissimæ sunt fabulæ. Spe-
ciatim, tota hæc narratio ab antiquitatum Hibernicarum sci-
entissimis rejicitur. Apud historicos nostros, dum de rebus
antiquis Hibernicis loquuntur, occurrit quandoque auri mentio,
quandoque argenti, variis occasionibus dati, interdùm etiam
ponderis. Sic in Annalibus Ultoniensibus, ad annum Dom.
1004, Brienus Boruma sive Borous rex Hiberniæ, maximâ
procerum multitudine comitatus, Armacham pervenisse dici-
tur, et inde cum obsidibus ei traditis, in Momoniam rediisse,
postquàm 20 uncias auri, in Ecclesia cathedrali Armachana,
super altare S. Patricii, obtulisset. Item anno 1152 (ut ex
iisdem Annalibus intelligimus) Tirdelvacus O-Conner rex
Hiberniæ à Dermitio Lageniæ, Melachlino Midiæ, et Tiger-
nacho Brethniæ, regibus adjutus, signa adversùs Momonienses
tùm rebellantes, extulit. Pugnatum est ad Monimore, aliàs
Monadmore, ubi Momonienses magnâ strage profligati, eorum-
que dux Limericum profugere coactus, pro lytro dedit Tir-
delvaco 60 uncias auri, 60 monilia et scyphum aureum, Brieni
Boroi scyphum dictum. Item anno 1157, vel 1158, Mauri-
tius O Loghlin tùm rex Hiberniæ, finitâ dedicatione Ecclesiæ
cœnobii Mellifontis, (à Gelasio Archiepiscopo Armachano)
monachis ibidem, inter alia donaria; dedit 60 uncias auri,
Itidem Donatus O-Carollus (Ergalliæ regulus et loci fundator)
alias 60 uncias, totidemque alias, Dervorgilla uxor Tigernaci
O-Ruark. Anno item 1161, vel 1162, 420 uncias puri argenti,
ab Ossoriensibus collectas fuisse, ad usum Flachertachi
O-Brolehan Comorbani Columb-Kill, produnt jam dicti
Annales Ultonienses. Ad hanc rem, vid. porrò quæ suprà
dicta sunt, c. 24, ad ann. 1029 et 1042. Sunt et alia multa
hujus generis exempla, sed singula hîc enumerare, instituti
non est mei. An verò aurum vel argentum ita donatum, per-
cussum fuerit necne, non liquet. Audiamus jam, quid de hâc
re, habet Giraldus Cambr. Topographiæ Hiberniæ Distinct. 3,
cap. 10, Metallorum quoq; diversorum (inquit) genera, quibus
venæ scaturiunt inferiores, ejusdem ociositatis vitio, nec ad
usum prodeunt, nec proficiunt; aurum enim quo et abundare
120
quærunt,
Hibernica.
269
quærunt, et quod adhuc Hispanico more sitiunt, commerciorum
gratiâ, scrutantes Oceanum, mercatores Ostmannic iadvectant.
Ostmannos, et ipsos veteres Hibernos nummos habuisse, ante
Anglorum adventum, non est cur quis dubitet. Hoc constat
ex Epistola Lanfranci Archiep. Cantuariensis, ad Tirdelvacum
regem Hiberniæ, anno 1074 perscripta, in qua inter alia eum
rogat corrigere pravam eam consuetudinem (apud Hibernos.
usitatam) conferendi sacros ordines per pecuniam ab Episcopis.
An verò nummi illi fuerint in Hibernia cusi, vel aliundè
invecti, viri nonnulli docti dubitârunt. Ad hujus rei notitiam
quod attinet, fatendum est nobis, eam perquàm exilem super-
esse. Cæterùm ad veteres Ostmannos quod attinet, eos in
Hibernia nummos cudisse, satis est argumento nummus
argenteus Aulafi sive Anlaphi Regis Dubliniensis, nonnullis
regis Hiberniæ dicti, cujus figuram subjungimus :

FAN
AR
HONE
RH
Restat de Hibernorum veterum nummis scrupulus: atque
hic non possum (fateor) non memorare, rusticos quosdam,
mense Decembri, anno Dom. 1639, incidisse in magnam vim
veterum numismatum Hibernicorum, prope Glendelacham, in
agro Wickloensi, è quibus aliqua ad manus meas pervenerunt,
quorum ectypa hic exhibere operæ pretium duxi,
121
Aversa
270
Antiquitates

AR
AR
AR
AR
AR
AR
Aversa pars nummi tertii annum videtur designare 1115,
quod si certum sit, non est cur quis ulteriùs, de hâc re, operam
insumeret. De cæteris, cùm sine aliqua literarum luce, non
habeo quod pro certo affirmem; antiquitatis speciem præ se
ferunt, et procusi videntur ante Anglorum ingressum. Atque
tales (opinor) fuerunt minores illi denarii (quasi oboli) cujus-
dam veteris monetæ et incognitæ reperti in quodam campo juxta
Kilcolyn, de quibus fit mentio in Archivo fiscali an. 33
Edwardi I.
Sequuntur jam tempora, post Anglorum adventum in
Hiberniam, à quibus, nummos frequenter ibi cusos constat.
De nummis in Hiberniâ procusis tempore Johannis regis, ita
Rogerus de Wendover, et ex eo Matthæus Parisius, ad annum
Dom. 1210, Præfecerat autem (Johannes Rex) ibidem Johan-
nem de Grey Episcopum Norwicensem Justitiarium, qui
denarium terræ illius, ad pondus numismatis Angliæ fecerat
fabricari; et tàm obolum quàm quadrantem rotundum fieri
præcepit.
122
Hibernica.
271
præcepit. Jussit quoque rex, ut illius monetæ usus, tàm in
Anglia, quàm in Hibernia, communis ab omnibus haberetur, et
utriusque regni denarius in thesauris suis indifferenter pone-
retur. Hinc constare videtur, nummos in Hibernia anteà
percussos fuisse, sed tunc, regis jussu, DENARIUM TERRÆ
ILLIUS ad pondus numismatis Angliæ primò fuisse fabricatum.
Henricum III (Johannis filium) anno regni 35, hoc est anno
Dom. 1251, novam monetam in Hibernia fabricari mandâsse,
ex archivis, quæ in arce Londinensi asservantur, liquet.
Meminit ad annum sequentem, ejusdem Nova monetæ, Regis
mandato, in Hibernia percussæ, unà cum veteris abolitione,
author anonymus Annalium cœnobii Canonicorum Præmon-
stratensium S. Trinitatis de Loghkea, in agro Roscomanensi.
Sed ecce figuram nummi ejus nuper Dublinii reperti, et
ibidem (ni fallor) procusi, cujus prior pars exprimit effigiem
Regis, cum hac inscriptione, Henricus Rex III, aversa verò,
crucem et cusorum nomina,

HENRI
A
RIO
De pondere et valore, nihil traditum reperi. De novo etiam
Monetæ genere, quod sub Edwardo primo, percuti curavit.
Stephanus de Fulburn, dùm episcopus esset Waterfordiensis.
et Hiberniæ Justitiarius, sic Pembrigius, in Hiberniæ Annali-
bus à Camdeno editis, ad calcem Britanniæ suæ, Anno 1279,
Dom. Robertus de Ufford (Hiberniæ Justitiarius), intravit
Angliam, et constituit loco suo fratrem Robertum (lege Ste-
phanum) de Fulburn Episcopum Waterfordiensem; cujus tem-
pore mutata est moneta. Hoc factum est jussu Regis
Edwardi Primi, qui monetæ regulam fixam, sive Standardum
ut vocant) et pondere et puritate, ad perpetuum ejus honorem,
emendavit in Anglia, secundùm quam regulam, officinæ etiam
123
monetariæ
#
272
Antiquitates
monetariæ in Hibernia fuerunt moderatæ, ut è computis
Donati et Andreæ de Sperdsholt Magistrorum Cambii Dub-
linii liquet. Anno deinde 1300, dicti Regis Edicto, nummi
dicti Polards et Croccards, tam in Anglia, quàm in Hibernia,
sunt prohibiti. Edictum quod de hac re edidit, in Hiberniam
transmissum conscriptum extat in Libro rubro Scaccarii
Dublinii. Ad eundem annum Pembrigius, Anno 1300, nu-
misma Pollardorum prohibetur in Anglia et Hibernia; Vid.
porrò Walsingham. Histor. ad annum 1301. Pollardi
illi valebant medietatem nummorum sterlingorum. No-
tandum autem nummum propriè olim dictum Sterlingum
vel Esterlingum fuisse Denarium Anglicum, ut ex ordina-
tione quæ dicta est Compositio Mensurarum facta tempore
Edwardi Primi liquet, in qua invenimus quod Denarius An-
gliæ, qui nominatur Sterlingus, rotundus, sine tonsura, pon-
derabit 32 grana frumenti, in medio spicæ. Atque hinc
cæteri nummi per Sterlingos fuerunt mensurati. Sic solidus
valebat 12 Sterlingos, Marca, secundùm Matthæum Parisium,
13 solidos et 4 Sterlingos, sive denarios, obolus, dimidiam
partem Sterlingi, et quadrans (nos a Farthing dicimus) quar-
tam partem Sterlingi. Ad nomen quod attinet, ita Camdenus,
in Scotia sua, Quòd quidam monetam probam Angliæ, quæ
Sterling money dicitur, hinc (nempè à castro Sterlingæ) deno-
minatam volunt, frustrà sunt; à Germanis enim quos Angli
Esterlíngs, ab orientali situ, vocârunt, facta est appellatio, quos
Johannes rex ad argentum in suam puritatem redigendum,
primus evocarit: et ejusmodi nummi Esterlingi in antiquis
scripturis semper reperiuntur. Cæterùm tempus quo dicta
moneta primùm procudi et ita appellari cœpit, incertum est:
nam apud Rogerum Hovedenum in Historia Richardi Primi,
Johannis prædecessoris, ejusdem monetæ his verbis fit mentio.
Videns igitur Galfridus Eboracensis electus, quòd nisi medi-
ante pecunia, amorem Regis fratris sui nullatenus habere pos-
sit, promisit ei tria millia librarum Sterlingorum, pro amore
ejus habendo. Et in Regesto antiquiori coenobii S. Thomæ
juxta Dublin, (penes me) habetur exemplar Chartæ Civium
Dublin. factæ circa idem tempus, ad cujus finem ita legimus,
Pro donatione ista nobis dedit præfatus Rogerus unciam auri,
124
CAUSSA
Hibernice.
273
caussa emendandi murum villæ, et 20 solidos sterlingorum,
quando transmisimus nuncios ad Dom. Comitem Johannem
pro negotio civitatis. Sed tempora antiquiora etiam specte-
mus, vid. Orderic. Vital. Histor. ecclesiastic. ubi sæpiùs fit
mentio nummi Sterilensis, ipsis Gulielmi Victoris temporibus,
et speciatim in charta quadam ipsius, coenobio Uticensi con-
cessa. Polydorus Virgilius, et ex eo alii, nummum Sterlingum
dictum volunt, ab effigie sturni avis, Anglicè a Sterling, quasi
interdùm in alterâ parte nummi impressâ: atqui Polydorus
is Italus fuit et in rebus nostris non benè versatus, specialiter
effigies ea columbæ est, non sturni, ut alii rectiùs observant.
Pergo. Sub exitum seculi XIII, vel initium insequentis, Ed-
wardus primus constituit Dublinii novam officinam mone-
tariam, et Alexandrum Normannum de Luic cusorum præ-
fectum. Anno deinde 1304, (ut è libro rubro Scaccarii Dub-
linii intelligimus) Magister Gulielmus de Wimundham custos
Cambiorum Domini Regis in Anglia, de præcepto venerabilis
patris Bathoniensis et Wellensis episcopi, thesaurarii ejusdem
Domini Regis, misit Domino Gulielmo de Essenden thesau-
rario in Hibernia, 24 pecias cuneorum, pro moneta ibi facienda,
viz. tres pilas cum sex crucellis, pro denariis, tres pilas cum
sex crucellis, pro obolis, et duas pilas cum quatuor crucellis,
pro ferlingis, per Johannem le Minor, Thomam Dowle et
Johannem de Shordich clericos, de societate operariorum et
monetariorum London. per eosdem, ad monetam prædictam
operandam et monetandam. Sed ut tempora Edwardi primi
jam concludamus, notandum, ut in Anglia, sic etiam in Hi-
bernia, nomina urbium, in quibus nummi cudebantur, in
aversis nummorum partibus, tunc fuisse inscripta, juxta illud
Roberti le Brun, poëtæ antiqui Anglici, à Johanne Stowo
Chronographo citatum,
Edward did smite round penny, halfe penny, farthing.
Et posteà,
On the Kings side was his Head, and his name written,
On the Crosse side, the City where it was smitten.
S
Τη
125
Hûc
274
Antiquitates
Hûc spectat nummulus argenteus hujus Edwardi, Dublinii
percussus, quem expressum hîc tibi exhibemus,

EDW.R
IHSH
NS
THGLD
•
Duos alios habeo, tempore ejusdem Edwardi in Hibernia
cusos, alterum Waterfordiæ, alterum Pontanæ sive Droghedæ,
ut ex inscriptionibus eorum liquet. Asservatur etiam (ut
accepi) inter cimelia D. Simon. D'ews, nummus antiquus
argenteus, Clonardæ in Midia procusus, cum hac inscrip-
tione in aversa parte, CIVITAS DE CLUNARD, sed cujus fuerit
temporis adhuc ignoro. Atque ita olim apud veteres Ro-
manos in Britannia pecunia interdùm percuti solebat; de
nummis in memoriam Constantini Junioris, post excessum
ejus procusis, cum literis P. LON. inscriptis, utpote Londini
signatis, vid. Camdenum: atque ut apud veteres eos Romanos,
ita apud nostros majores (ut idem Camdenus in Wiltonia notat)
pecunia et appendi et numerari solebat. Sed pergamus.
Ab ultimis temporibus Edwardi primi, usque ad annum 10
Edwardi tertii, de hac re nihil traditum reperi. Tum verò
(ut è rotulo Finium illius temporis liquet) de obolis et quad-
rantibus, in Hibernia cudendis, prodiit edictum regis et
concilii sui, Que la liure des mailles, par poids de l'estandard
de la change, contiendra 21 sols par compt: et la liure des
ferlings 21 sols et 11 deniers: et que la liure sudite tiendra
dix onces de fin argent, c'est à scavoir trois sols et quater deniers.
Sic viginti denarii temperati ut suprà faciebant unciam, et 12
unciæ, libram (quam vocant) Trojanam. Juxta eam propor-
tionem, usque ad 18 annum ejusdem regis, id est 1344,
omnes coronæ reditus, et pondere et numero, fisco illati sunt:
cùm (ut rectè notat, D. Robertus Cottonus equ. et Baronettus)
{
126
ex
Hibernica.
275
ex variis Standardi mutationibus, factis temporibus subse-
quentibus, in qualibet uncia jam numerentur quinque solidi.
Neque mirum igitur, si omnium rerum venalium pretia hodiè
ter auctiora reddantur, quàm quæ tempore Edwardi primi,
pro mercibus consimilibus, pendebantur. Ad statum verò
fisci Hibernici, tempore Edwardi tertii, quod attinet, non
posuimus non hîc obiter annotare crassum Walsinghami erro-
rem, qui in historia Richardi secundi (ad annum 1394) Ed-
wardum 3, ex Hibernia annuatim percepisse asserit, ad re-
galem fiscum, triginta millia librarum: siquidem ex ipsis
illorum temporum archivis, quæ etiamnùm extant, liquidò
constat, nè tertiam quidem ejus summæ partem annuatim in
fiscum fuisse solutam.
Anno 3 Richardi secundi, hoc est, 1379, authoritate Par-
lamentariâ, singulis in Hibernia concessa est licentia effodi-
endi è venis auri vel argenti, in terris suis propriis, per sex-
ennii spatium, nonâ parte auri vel argenti sic effossi, regi
reservatâ, et residuum, ad placitum eorum, vel in vasa con-
vertendi, vel in nummos, in officina monetaria Dublinii, cum
prohibitione tamen exportationis auri, argenti vel massæ sive
billionis, in aliquam aliam regionem, præterquàm in Angliam,
sub pœna confiscationis.
De temporibus Henrici 4 et Henrici 5, ad hanc rem, non
habeo quod dicam. Constat verò sub initium regni Henrici
6, circiter 32 denarios fecisse unciam argenti. Sic Linwodus
(qui tunc scripsit) De Testamentis, cap. Item quia Verb.
Centum solidos. Hic solidus (ait ille) sumitur pro duodecim
denariis Anglicanis: horum viginti sex ponderabant unciam,
cùm tamen jam 32 denarii vix faciant unciam. Sed videa-
mus jam quid de re nummaria temporum sequentium pro-
dunt tabulæ publicæ Hiberniæ.
In Parlamento Trimmæ habito, coram Johanne Talboto
comite Salopiæ, Wexfordiæ et Waterfordiæ, Locum-tenente
Hiberniæ, mense Januario anno 1446, lata est lex ad co-
ërcendam receptionem monetæ detonsæ, monetæ dictæ
✪ Relyes money, aliorúmque illicitorum et reprobatorum num-
morum: vectigal etiam 12 denariorum impositum est cuilibet
unciæ vasorum argenteorum, argenti fracti, et massæ argenti,
exportandæ
s 2
127
276
Antiquitates
exportandæ, exceptis vasis argenteis Nobilium et Nunciorum:
in Angliam transfretantium, circa ardua Hiberniæ negotia.
Mense Februario 1459, officinæ monetariæ stabilitæ sunt in
castris Dublinii et Trimmæ, ac sub eodem tempore, regis
mandato cusi sunt non solùm nummi argentei, sed etiam
ærei. De valore eorum, vid. Rot. patent. an. 39 Hen. 6, nam
deest valor in excerptis meis.
Anno 5 Edwardi 4, hoc est 1465, in Parlamento Trimmæ
inchoato coram Thoma comite Desmoniæ, Deputato Georgii
Ducis Clarentiæ, Hiberniæ Locum-tenentis auctus est valor
nummorum aureorum, ab initio regni Edwardi 11, usq; ad
exitum Henrici vi, cusorum, Nobilis scil. ad decem solidos,
cùm anteà non valeret nisi sex solidos et octo denarios, et sic
aliarum summarum, juxta eandem regulam et proportionem.
Jam inde moneta (inquit Johannes Davisius equ. aur. in
relationibus suis) tùm in Hibernia, tum pro Hibernicâ cusa,
minoris fuit valoris quàm moneta Angliæ, plerumque ex quarta
parte, ita ut deinceps solidus Hiberniæ valeret tantùm 9
denarios moneta Anglica. Sed hæc res plenius meretur
scrutinium: nam quartæ illius partis differentia ad recentiora
tempora est referenda, ut infrà patebit.
Anno 1467, Parlamentariâ item authoritate, data est cusori-
bus potestas signandi pecuniam in civitatibus Waterfordiensi
et Limericensi, in oppidis Pontanensi, Galviensi et Carling-
fordiensi, necnon in castris Dubliniensi et Trimmensi.
Octavo anno posteà, mense nimirùm Julio 1475, in Parla-
mento Dublinii coacto, coram Gulielmo Shyrwood Episcopo
Midensi, Deputato jam dicti Locum-tenentis, lata est lex, quâ
auctus est argenti valor, ita ut nummus argenteus (non
detonsus) quatuor denariorum, temporibus regum suprà
memoratorum signatus deinceps valeret sex denarios, et ut
secundùm eam regulam, minores etiam argenti summæ reci-
perentur. Eadémque lege officinæ monetaria stabilitæ fue-
runt Dublinii, Pontanæ et Waterfordiæ, et pecuniam cudendi
potestas aliis urbibus prohibita. Tunc porrò lege cautum
erat, ne quis monetam vel metallum in officinam monetariam
inferret, sine permissione Præfecti cusorum, sub pœna amis-
sionis monetæ vel metalli, sic sine permissu illati.
128
Anno
1
1.
'
Hibernica.
277
:
1
Anno sequenti, in alio Parlamento, coram eodem Deputato
habito, lata est lex ut nummus aureus dictus Regalis valeret
13 solidos et 4 denarios, et antiquus Nobilis aureus, 12
solidos.
Biennio posteà (anno sc. 18 Edwardi Iv) in comitiis, coram
Giraldo comite Kildariæ, Hiberniæ Justitiario, habitis, data
est potestas cusorum Præfecto cudendi nummos trium dena-
riorum, duorum denariorum et unius denarii. De Pondere
aut Standardo, nihil traditum reperi. Notandum verò in
nummis, illis temporibus procusis, expressas fuisse tres coronas,
tria regna denotantes, Angliam, Franciam et Hiberniam,
ipsamque monetam probam illis ipsis temporibus in Hibernia
procusam, minoris adhuc fuisse valoris, ex tertia parte, quàm
moneta Anglica.
Sub exitum anni 1483, in Parlamento Dublinii incœpto,
coram dicto Giraldo comite Kildariæ, Deputato Edwardi, filii
Richardi tertii, Hiberniæ Locum-tenentis lata est lex de num-
mis adulteratis frangendis: contrà quos nummos, prodiit
etiam edictum Henrici 7, Aprilis die 15, An. 1491. Atque
hæc, de re nummaria, dicta sufficiant.
Ad veterum Hibernorum mensuras et pondera quod attinet,
ea aliis, necessariis ad opus subsidiis, instructioribus, relin-
quimus. Pergamus nunc ad alia.
CAP. XXVI.
Monasteriologia Hibernica, sive diatriba de Hiberniæ cœno-
biis, in qua origines eorum et alice antiquitates aperiuntur.
DE
E sedibus Episcopalibus Hiberniæ, suprà diximus, capite
16. Sequitur jam cœnobiorum ejusdem insulæ cata-
logus, in quo non pauca ad rem historicam et antiquariam
pertinentia describuntur. Ea tamen cœnobia consultò præ-
termisimus, quæ in primis surgentis Hibernicæ ecclesiæ tem-
poribus erecta in ecclesias parochiales erant posterioribus
seculis conversa. Hic præmonendus est L. Lector, M. Monas-
terium significare, P. Prioratum, H. Hospitalium, Pr. Præ-
ceptoriam, C. Cellam, MC. Monalium cœnobium, et FC.
Fratrum mendicantium cœnobium.
129
PROVINCIA
278
Antiquitates
PROVINCIA LAGENIE.
Loca et tituli dedi-
cationum.
Dublin. P. et Eccle-
sia cathedralis
S. Trinitatis.
Juxta Dublin. M.
B. Mariæ Virginis.
DUBLIN.
Fundatores, ordines et aliæ
antiquitates.
Sitricus, filius Amblavi, rex Ostman-
norum Dublinii et Donatus Episcopus
Dubliniensis Canonicis secularibus insti-
tuerunt, circa annum Dom. 1038. Hos
Laurentius Archiepiscopus Dubliniensis
in Canonicos mutavit regulares Ordinis
Aroacensis, circa ann. 1163. Tandem
verò rex Henricus 8 Priorem et Con-
ventum, in decanum et capitulum mu-
tavit, anno 1541, et Robertum Castel-
lum al. Painswick ultimum loci Priorem,
primum instituit decanum. Hæc ædes
sacra vulgò Ecclesia Christi dicitur.
Hujus cœnobii Regestum majus nar-
rationem habet parùm fidam, de funda-
tione à Malachia aliàs Melachlino rege
et quodam Gille-moholmoc, quam è libro
Hibernicè scripto, publicè legisse fertur
Prior S. Johannis de Randoun Elphi-
nensis dioecesis. Sunt qui à Danis sive
Ostmannis fundatum volunt anno 948,
et alii, qui à Donaldo Gille-moholmoc
vel erectum vel restauratum. Abbas et
Monachi hujus coenobii, ex Tyronen-
sibus facti sunt Cistertienses an. 1139.
Ecclesiam ibidem plumbo obduxit Felix
O-Ruadan Archiepiscopus Tuamensis,
in qua ipse sepultus est anno 1238, ad
gradum altaris, in sinistra parte, trien-
nio postquàm Archiepiscopatum abdi-
câsset. De jure filiationis hujus cœnobii,
magna olim erat contentio inter Abba-
tem Saviniaceñsem in Gallia, et Abba-
130
tem
1
1
Hibernicæ.
279
:
Juxta Dublin. MC.
B. Mariæ de Hoggis.
Juxta Dublin. P.
omnium Sanctorum.
Juxta Dublin. M.
S. Thomæ Martyris.
Juxta Dublin. extra
tem Bildewasensem in Anglia, sed anno
1301, in capitulo generali, operâ Guli-
elmi de Ashburn tùm monachi, et pro-
curatoris cœnobii de Bildewas, posteà
Abbatis cœnobii B. Mariæ juxta Dublin,
jus filiationis adjudicatum est cœnobio
Bildewasensi.
Dermitius Murchardi filius, rex La-
geniæ, fundavit ibi coenobium Monialium
ordinis Aroacensis, circa an. Dom. 1146.
Cui supposuit (anno 1151,) cellas duas,
unam juxta Waterford, (Kilclehin dic-
tam) Ossoriensis diocesis, alteram dic-
tam Athadah, fortè Leghlinensis Dio-
cesis. Sic Regestum Johannis Alani
Archiepiscopi Dubliniensis, sub Hen. 8.
Idem Dermitius canonicis ordinis
Aroacensis posuit, circa ann. 1166. Ibi
demùm Elizabetha Regina Collegium
erexit, anno Dom. 1591, SS. Trinitati
dedicatum, et Academicis ornavit privi-
legiis.
Gulielmus filius Aldelmi, vice et man-
dato Henrici secundi regis Angliæ,
coenobium ibi fundavit Canonicis ordinis
Victoriensis, præsentibus Viviano tituli
S. Stephani in Coelio monte presby-
tero cardinale, Laurentio Dubliniensi
Archiepiscopo, &c. Anno Dom. 1177.
Deinde amplissimis redditibus alii locu-
pletârunt.
Aluredus le Palmer Ostmannus fun-
novam portam, P. dator fuit et primus Prior circa annum
S. Johannis Baptista. 1188. Alii redditibus et latifundiis di-
târunt. Hic Prioratus fuit etiam Hos-
pitale infirmorum, quod, regnante Ed-
wardo 3, 155 infirmos et pauperes simul
sustentabat, præter Capellanos et Con-
131
versos,
280
Antiquitates
Juxta Dublin. FC.
S. Salvatoris.
Juxta Dublin. FC.
Juxta Dublin. FC.
Juxta Dublin. FC.
B. Mariæ.
Clontarf. Pr.
S. Congalli.
Grace-dieu, al. de
Gratia Dei, MC. B.
Maria,
versos, ut ex Archivis liquet. Quando
primùm Cruciferi (sub regula S. Augus-
tini) ibi fuerint locati, me latet.
Conventus Dominicanorum introduc-
tus est anno 1224. Ecclesiam eorum
(S. Salvatori dicatam) kalendis Maii
1238 fundatam produnt annales cœnobii
B. Mariæ juxta Dublin.
Coenobium ordinis Minorum extructum
est circa annum 1236, Henrico 3 rege
Angliæ structuram promovente. Aream
domus contulit Radulphus le Porter.
Sedem hîc primò fixerunt fratres ordi-
nis Eremitarum S. Augustini, circa an-
num 1259. Hujus ordinis quampluri-
mos, Dublinii doctrinâ præfulgisse notat
Johannes Alanus Archiepiscopus Dub-
liniensis in Regesto suo.
Robertus Bagot, equ. aur. erexit fra-
tribus ordinis B. Mariæ de monte Car-
mel, anno 1274, in fundo quem à cœno-
bio Vallis Salutis comparaverat.
Primùm sedes fuit Militum Templa-
riorum, aliàs fratrum militiæ Templi,
sub Henrico 2. Sed ejectis demùm
Templariis, sub Edwardo secundo anno
1313, facta est Præceptoria Militum
Hospitalariorum. Sedet ad Liffii æstua-
rium. Hujus loci Henricus VIII, Junii
20, 1541, Vicecomitem creavit (durante
vita) Johannem Rausonum Priorem
Hospitalis S. Johannis Hierosolymitani,
in Hibernia, eique concessit annuam
500 marcarum pensionem ex prædiis et
reditibus dicti Prioratus solvendam.
Johannes Cominus Archiepiscopus
Dubliniensis monialibus fundavit et
prædiis ditavit circa annum 1190.
132
Sitricus
Hibernica.
281
Holm. Patric, al. de
Insula S. Patricii, P.
Kilmainan, ad Lif-
Alum flu. P. S. Jo-
hannis Baptistæ.
E regione Saltus
Salmonum, P.
S. Catharinæ.
Sitricus filius Murchardi construxit
Canonicis Augustinianis, ante Anglorum
ingressum. Henricus Loundres Archie-
piscopus Dubliniensis ad locum commo-
diorem transtulit ann. 1220.
Hunc Prioratum fundavit Militibus
ordinis S. Johannis Baptistæ de Hieru-
salem vulgò dictis Militibus Hospita-
lariis, Richardus cognomento Strong-
bow, comes Penbrochiæ, vel Striguliæ,
circa annum 1174. Dotationem confir-
mavit Henricus secundus. Ex aliorum
posteà donis, mirum in modum hic ordo
crevit et floruit: at præcipuè ex quo
sub Edwardo secundo, possessiones or-
dinis Militum Templariorum (tùm nuper
damnati) huic ordini concessæ fuerunt,
Waltero del Ewe sive de Aquâ, tunc
Militum Hospitalariorum Priore. Hic
Prioratus erat etiam Hospitale sive
Xenodochium, pro peregrinis et hospi-
tibus recipiendis. Locus nomen habet.
à S. Maignano Episcopo, qui ibi vixit
sub initium seculi 7, et cujus festum
agitur 18 Decembris.
Warisius de Pech fundavit ibi cœno-
bium Canonicis Regularibus anno 1219.
Alexander Bicknorus Archiepiscopus
Dubliniensis, consensu Gulielmi Hau-
sted loci patroni, annexuit cœnobio S.
Thomæ juxta Dublin. anno 1327.
COMITATUS KILDARENSIS.
Loca et tituli dedi-
cationum.
Kildaræ, MC.
S. Brigida.
Fundatores, ordines et aliæ
antiquitates.
S. Brigida virgo monialibus posuit
circa annum Domini 480, ubi ipsa Ab-
133
batissa
1.
282
Antiquitates
Kildaræ, FC.
Kildaræ, FC.
B. Mariæ.
Athyæ, ad Baroum
Au. FC.
Juxta Athyam, P.
S. Johannis, aliis,
S. Thomæ.
Clance, ad Liffium
Alu. FC.
Cloncurry, FC.
B. Mariæ.
Conal, ad Liffium
flu. P. B. Mariæ.
batissa præfuit. Kildara Cellam Roboris
sonat.
Conventum ordinis fratrum. Mino-
rum posuit Geraldus filius Mauritii,
circa annum 1260. Alii Gulielmum de
Vescy fundatorem asserunt.
Dictus Gulielmus de Vescy coenobium
ordinis Carmelitarum ibidem extruxit.
Sedem hic (cis pontem) primò fixe-
runt Dominicani, anno 1257, ubi etiam
capitula illius ordinis habita sunt annis
1288, 1295 et 1305.
Hoc cœnobium (ultra pontem) ex-
truxit Cruciferis, Richardus de S. Mi-
chaele Rhebanæ dominus, regnante
Johanne.
In cœnobio ordinis Minorum ibidem
(secundùm annales coenobii Hailesensis)
sepultus est anno 1287 Geraldus filius
Mauritii, fortè loci fundator. Alii se-
pultum volunt in cœnobio fratrum mino-
rum Kildaræ. Hi fratres, à panno co-
loris Grisei seu cineritii, quo vestiti, (ut
hoc semel obiter adnotem) nobis vulgò
Grey-fryers dicti.
Johannes Roch Carmelitis conventum
ibi fundavit anno 1347, licentia Edwardi
3 impetrata; et hi à veste alba, White-
frgers vocati, uti Dominicani, sive fra-
tres Prædicatores, à veste nigra, Black-
fryers.
Milerus, filius Henrici, Hiberniæ Jus-
titiarius fundavit an. 1202, et Canonicis
Regularibus ordinis S. Augustini im-
plevit, ex cœnobio Lhanthoniensi. Hic
ille tumulatus est an. 1220. Patrem
habuit Henricum filium nothum Henrici
primi, regis Angliæ.
134
Gualterus
}
辈
​Hibernica.
283
!
Graney, MC.
B. Mariæ.
Juxta pontem de
Kilcullen, vulgò
New Abbey, FC.
Killbegs, Kilheel,
Tully, Pr.
Kilrush, C.
Monaster-Evin, al.
Rosglas, et de Roseâ
valle, M. B. Mariæ.
Nasa FC.
Juxta Nasam, P.
S. Joh. Baptistæ.
Juxta Nasam, FC,
Timolinbeg, MC.
B. Marice.
Gualterus de Ridelesford monialibus
ordinis S. Augustini ædificavit, circa
annum Dom. 1200. Possessiones con-
firmavit Johannes rex Angliæ.
Hunc conventum ord. Minorum de
observantia, an. 1486, Dominus Rolandus
Fitz Eustace Baro de Portlester et sum-
mus Hiberniæ Quæstor fundavit ad
Liffium flu. prope dictum pontem. Ibi ille
tumulatus est anno 1496. Monumentum
tamen speciosum sibi et Margaretæ
Jenico uxori suæ extruxerat Dublinii,
in ecclesia S. Audoëni, in capella nempè
B. Mariæ.
Tres Præceptoriæ Equitum Hospita-
lariorum, è quibus penultima donum
fuit Mauritii filii Geraldi.
Gulielmus Marescallus, comes Pen-
brochiæ, Canonicis Regularibus fundavit,
et cellam fecit Prioratus de Carthmel,
apud Lancastrienses, in Anglia.
Dermitius Demsæus, Ofaliæ Dynasta,
monachis Cistertiensibus fundavit, anno
1178, aliis 1189. Hoc coenobium nomen
habet à S. Evino qui claruit sub initium
seculi 7, in monasterio suo de Ros-mac-
Treom. Sedet ad Baroum flu.
Fratres ordinis Eremitarum S. Au-
gustini.
Fundatur à Nasa Barone, Canonicis
Augustiniansis.
Fundatur fratribus ordinis Prædica-
torum, ad collis rotundi radicem, circa
annum 1356, licentiâ regis Edwardi 3
impetrata. Eustacii patroni fuerunt.
Robertus, filius Richardi, Norracha
Dominus velatis virginibus ord. Aroa-
censis, monasterium posuit, et ibi Lece-
135
linam
284
Antiquitates
Tristle-dermot, vulgò
Castle-dermot, P. et
H.S. Johannis Bap-
tistæ.
Tristle-dermot, al.
Castle-dermot, FC.
linam neptim abdidit, sub initium regni
Johannis.
Gualterus de Ridelesford loci Domi-
nus fratribus Cruciferis posuit, regnante
Johanne. Oppidum nomen habet à S.
Diarmitio, qui vitam illic solitariam egit,
unde olim Desertum Diarmitii appella-
batur.
Sedem ibi fixerunt fratres ordinis
Minorum, regnante Edwardo primo.
S.WolstaniPrioratus. Richardus, primus loci Prior et Adamus
de Hereford hoc cœnobium fundârunt
Canonicis ordinis Victoriensis, circa
annum Dom. 1205, in memoriam Wol-
stani Episcopi Wigorniensis, tum nuper
ab Innocentio 3, inter sanctos relati.
Prima pars structuræ ibidem vulgò
appellabatur Scala Cali. Sedet amœ-
nissimè ad dextram ripam Liffii fluvii.
}
Loca et tituli dedica-
tionum.
Wickloæ, FC.
Arckloa, Hibernis
Iniver-more, FC.
COMITATUS WICKLO.
Fundatores, ordines et aliæ
antiquitates.
Conventus ordinis Minorum ibi fun-
datur, regnante Henrico 3, ad Devum
sive De flu. Wickloa Hibernis Kilman-
tan vocatur, sed Wickloa (ab Ostman-
nis olim possessa) exoticam sapit origi-
nem : nam Wick Germanicè fluminis
sinum significat, vel ut Hadrianus Junius
habet, stationem securam, ubi conjunc-
tioribus ædificiis habitatur.
Theobaldus Pincerna anno Dom. 1264
conventum ibi posuit fratribus ordinis
Prædicatorum. In ecclesia ibidem ipse
sepultus
136
Hibernice.
285
Baltinglas, al. de
Valle Salutis, M.
B. Mariæ.
sepultus est cum statua superimposita.
Arckloa recentius est nomen, ab Ost-
mannis impositum.
Dermitius Murchardi filius rex La-
geniæ, anno 1148, aliis 1151, monachis
ordinis Cistertiensis construxit et præ-
diis dotavit. Slano fluvio adsidet.
Loca et tituli dedi-
cationum.
COMITATUS WEXFORD.
Wexfordic, Hibernis
Fundatores, ordines et aliæ
antiquitates.
Gulielmus Marescallus Comes Pen-
Logh-Garmon, P. S. brochia Hospitalariis Militibus con-
Johannis et S.Brigidæ. struxit.
Wexfordic, FC.
Sedem ibi fixerunt Minorita, regnante
Henrico 3. In hoc cœnobio Mauritium
Geraldi filium (à quo stemma ducit
Geraldinorum familia) sepultum asserit
Joh. Hookerus, at falsò proculdubio:
nam Mauritius ille obiit 1177, diù ante
institutionem ordinis fratrum Minorum.
Juxta Wexford, P.
Ibi Canonici fuerunt Regulares ord.
SS. Petri et Pauli de S. Augustini. Rochei patroni fuerunt,
Selsker.
sed quis primus fuerit conditor, non
comperi. Fama tenet Ostmannos fun-
dâsse.
Clomin, FC.
Donbrody, al. de
Portu S. Mariæ, M.
Sedes ibi fuit fratrum ord. Eremita-
rum S. Augustini, quam Nicolaus filius
Nicolai Clericus auxit et ornavit an.
1385. Sunt qui asserunt sedem posteà
factam fratrum Prædicatorum. Vid.
Inquis. Scaccarii, anno 31 Hen. 8.
Hervæus de monte Marisco Mares-
callus Dom. Regis (Hen. 2) et Senes-
callus de tota terra Richardi comitis
Penbrochia
137
286
Antiquitates
Dunum. M.
Penbrochiæ dedit Ardfithen,Crosgormoc,
&c., Deo et S. Mariæ et S. Benedicto, et
monachis de Bildewas, apud Salopien-
ses in Anglia, ad Abbatiam construen-
dam de ordine Cistertii, circa annum
1175. Cæterùm ipsum cœnobium Don-
brodiense non fundatum fuit ante an.
1182, quo Abbas et conventus domus
Beatæ Mariæ de Bildewas concesserunt
Abbati et conventui Domus B. Mariæ
juxta Dublin. totum jus et clameum quæ
habuerunt in terris, et tenementis præ-
dictis: ut è Regesto dicti cœnobii B.
Mariæ juxta Dublin. intelligimus. Paulò
posteà, Hervæus fundator cucullum
induit Cantuariæ, in Ecclesia Christi.
In hoc cœnobio sepultus est anno 1217,
Herlewinus Episcopus Leghlinensis, cu-
jus ecclesiæ magnam partem construx-
erat. Sedet prope confluentes Baroi et
Suiri.
Hoc cœnobium Canonicorum ord. S.
Augustini, ante adventum Anglorum
in Hiberniam fundatum, sedet ad Der-
rihy amniculum qui non procul hinc
Slano consociatur.
Fernæ, M. B. Mariæ. Dermitius, filius Murchardi, rex La-
Glascarig, aliàs, de
Viridi rupe, P.
B. Mariæ.
geniæ, fundavit ibi coenobium Canoni-
cis Augustinianis, circa annum 1158, ad
Bannium fluviolum, qui ad tertium hinc
milliare Slano se committit.
Griffinus Condon, David Roch aliàs
de Rupe, et alii hoc cœnobium monachis
Benedictinis posuerunt, ad oram mariti-
mam, prædiis dotârunt, et cellam fece-
runt cœnobii S. Dogmaëlis apud Pen-
brochienses in Wallia.
138
Fundatur
Hibernica.
287
3
7
Horton parva, FC.
B. Mariæ.
Iniscorthy, FC.
Juxta Iniscorthy, ad
Slanum flu. P.
S. Johannis Euan-
gelistæ.
Kiclogan, Pr.
Rossa, al. Ross-
Pontis, FC.
Rossæ, FC.
Tintern, al. de Voto,
M. B. Mariæ.
Fundatur Carmelitis à familia Fur-
longorum.
Donaldus cognomento Fuscus posuit
ibi cœnobium ord. Fratrum Minorum
de observantia anno 1460.
Giraldus de Prendergast loci patronus
et Johannes de S. Johanne episcopus
Fernensis cellam fecerunt cœnobii
Canonicorum S. Thomæ juxta Dublin.
circa annum Dom. 1240, ut ex chartis
eorum liquet, Regesto dicti cœnobii S.
Thomæ insertis.
Templarii milites hîc sedem fixerunt,
circa tempus Johannis regis, sed sup-
pressis Templariis, sub Edwardo 2, facta
est Præceptoria militum Hospitalari-
orum. Sedet non procul à Surio flu. à
cujus ostio vix 2 milliaribus abest.
Johannes Devereux miles fundavit
conventum ord. Minorum in loco ubi
aliquando domus erat Cruciferorum, ad
Baroi flu. ripam, regnante Edwardo
primo.
Conventus ord. Eremitarum S. Au-
gustini fundatur ibidem regnante Ed-
wardo 3.
Gulielmus Marescallus senior comes
Penbrochiæ an. Dom. 1200, cùm effer-
atam tempestatem evasisset, ex voto hoc
cœnobium construxit, sinuoso in litore,
prædiis ditavit et monachis implevit
Cistertiensibus, ex concbio Tinternensi,
apud Monumethenses in Wallia, quibus
Abbatem præfecit Johannem Torrell.
Hoc cœnobium, à Chrysostomo Henri-
ques, in fasciculo Sanctorum ordinis
Cistertiensis, appellatur Minor Tinterna.
139
KILKENNY
1
288
Antiquitates
7
}
Loca et tituli dedica-
tionum.
Kilkenniæ P.seu H. S.
Johannis Euange-
listæ.
Kilkennia, FC.
Kilkennice, FC.
Calana, FC.
Dousk al. M. de
Valle S. Salvatoris.
KILKENNY.
Fundatores, ordines et aliæ
antiquitates.
Gulielmus Marescallus senior comes
Penbrochiæ Canonicis Augustinianis po-
suit an. 1211, ad ortum urbis, quam à S.
Canico, cujus nomen fert, Canicopolim
vocare licet.
Gulielmus Marescallus junior comes
Penbrochiæ fratribus ordinis Prædica-
torum excitavit anno 1225.
Conventus fratrum Minorum con-
struitur Kilkenniæ, circa an. 1240, si
non quod aliqui tradunt ante an. 1234,
juxta ripam Neori flu.
Coenobium ibi Fratribus ordinis.
Eremitarum S. Augustini construxit
Jacobus Butlerus, in cujus ecclesia ipse
sepultus est anno 1487. Is pater fuit
Petri comitis Ormoniæ, sub Henrico 8.
Sunt qui fundationem ascribunt Hugoni
de Mapilton episcopo Ossoriensi, reg-
nante Henr. 3. Sed perperam opinor.
Gulielmus Marescallus senior comes
Penbrochiæ construxit an. 1207, aliis
1204, et monachis Cistertiensibus re-
plevit, ex cœnobio de Stanleia, apud
Wiltonienses in Anglia. Monachos
verò post eorum adventum in Hiber-
niam sedem sæpè mutâsse, antequàm
Douskæ fixerunt, docet loci Regestum.
Monasterium de Killenny, aliàs de Valle
Dei (quod Dermitius O-Rian fundaverat,
assensu Dermitii, Murchardi filii, regis
Lageniæ) huic coenobio conjunctum est
anno 1227.
140
Canonici
+
1
Hibernica.
289
Fert-ne-gerah, P.
S. Kiarani.
Jeripont, al. Geripont,
M. B. Mariæ.
Inistiock, P.
S. Columbæ.
Kenlis, al. Kells,
P. B. Mariæ.
Kilclehin, al. de Bello
portu. MC. S. Kil-
kinni.
Canonici ordinis S. Augustini.
Hoc coenobium monachis Cistertiensi-
bus posuit, vel ab alio loco, in Ossoria,
hûc transtulit Donaldus, regulus Ossoriæ,
anno Dom. 1180. Inter sepulchra ec-
clesiæ ibidem, memoranda inprimis sunt.
ea Donaldi conditoris et Felicis O-Dul-
lani episcopi Ossoriensis, qui Aghavoa
relicta, cathedram episcopalem Kilken-
niam transtulit, circa finem seculi 12.
Thomas, filius Antonii, Senescallus
Lageniæ Canonicis Augustinianis con-
struxit, circa annum 1206, suasu Hu-
gonis Rufi, aliàs le Rou, episcopi Osso-
riensis.
Galfridus, filius Roberti, (Lageniæ
Senescallus ante jam dictum Thomam)
fundavit hoc coenobium, regnante Rich-
ardo primo, ac in eo collocavit 4 Canoni-
cos ordinis S. Augustini, ex cœnobio
Bodminensi, apud Cornubienses in
Anglia, deductos, nimirùm Reginaldum
de Acland, primum loci Priorem, Hu-
gonem Rufum, Reginaldi successorem
in Prioratu et demùm episcopum Osso-
riensem, Aluredum, factum posteà pri-
mum cœnobii Inistiokensis Priorem, et
Algarum, qui Romam posteà missus, ob
cœnobii sui negotia, episcopatum quen-
dam obtinuisse fertur in Lombardia.
Huic cœnobio annexus est posteà Prio-
ratus de Tullales, quem in agro Corca-
giensi extruxerat Matthæus filius Griffini.
Dermitius, Murchardi filius, rex Lage-
niæ cellam fecit monialium B. Mariæ de
Hoggis juxta Dublin, anno Dom. 1151.
Prædiis post adventum Anglorum ditâ-
runt
T
141
290
Antiquitates
Knocktogher. FC.
B. Mariæ.
Ross-Ibercan, FC.
runt Johannes comes Moretoni Dom.
Hiberniæ et David filius Milonis. Sedet
ad Surium flu. è regione Waterfordiæ.
Jacobus, secundus comes Ormoniæ,
Carmelitis posuit, anno Dom. 1356.
Conventus fratrum ord. Prædicato-
rum introductus est anno 1267, 13 Ka-
lend. Nov. Sedet ad Baroum flu. è re-
gione Ross-pontis.
Loca et tituli dedi-
cationum.
Leghline. P.
S. Stephani.
COMITATUS CATHERLAGH.
Juxta pontem Leghlin,
FC. B. Mariæ.
Fundatores, ordines et aliæ
antiquitates.
De ordine, nihil traditum reperi, Prio-
ratum vero dissolutum fuisse Eugenii 4
Papæ authoritate, an. 1432, et terras
Decanatui Leghlinensi tunc annexas, ad
rogatum Nicolai Cloal Decani, prodit in
annalibus suis Thaddeus Doulingus, qui
porrò asserit Burchardum, quendam Nor-
wegum, Gurmundi filium, Prioratum
fundâsse, vel potiùs dotâsse, eúmque in
choro ecclesiæ Cathedralis Leghlinensis,
sub marmore conditum, cum statua ejus
superimposita, et epitaphio sequenti,
HIC JACE T HUMATUS DUX
FUNDATOR LENIE, EN GO R
MONDI BUR CAR DUS,
GRATUS ECCLES I EÆ.
VIR
Coenobium hoc Carmelitis extructum
est ad orientalem Baroi ripam, sub ex-
itum Henrici 3 regis. Carewum quen-
dam fundatorem fuisse tradit Johannes
Hookerus in Scholiis ad cap. 23 lib. 2
Giraldi
142
Hibernica.
291
Athaddy, MC.
Killergy. Pr. S. Jo-
hannis Baptistæ.
Tulli-Felim, al. Fe-
lagh, FC.
Giraldi Cambrensis, de expugnatione
Hiberniæ. Sed perperam ibi conventum
appellat fratrum Minorum.
Dermitius, filius Murchardi, rex Lage-
niæ cellam fecit domus monialium B. Ma-
riæ de Hoggis juxta Dublin. Hanc Præ-
ceptoriam, regnante Johanne, Militibus
Templariis condidit Gilbertus de Borard
Sed sub Edwardo 2, equitibus Hospita-
lariis assignata est.
Simon Lumbard et Hugo Talun
fratribus ord. Eremitar. S. Augustini
fundaverunt an. 1414, ad ripam Slani flu.
Loca et tituli dedi-
cationum.
Durrogh, antiquitùs
Dermagh, seu Cam-
pus Roboris. M. B.
Mariæ et S. Columbæ.
T 2
COMITATUS REGIS.
Fundatores, ordines et aliæ
antiquitates.
Sanctus Columba fundavit circa an-
num 550. Vid. Bed. Ecclesiastic. His-
toriæ gentis Anglorum lib. 3, cap. 4, et
Adamnan. vit. Columbæ lib. 1, cap. 3.
Extat etiamnum, (qui asservabatur olim
in hoc cœnobio) liber 4 Euangeliorum,
ex versione D. Hieronymi, laminis argen-
teis ornatus, quem, inscriptio præfixa,
manu S. Columbæ, per 12 dierum spa-
tium exaratum refert. Canonicos hujus
cœnobii, tempore suppressionis et diù
anteà, ordinis fuisse Augustiniani con-
stat, quanquam confitendum etiam S.
Columbam monachis suis, ibi primò dis-
positis, propriam condidisse regulam.
Consimilem habuerunt eventum (obiter
adnoto) regulæ à SS. Brendano, Con-
gallo, &c. institutæ, ut infrà patebit.
S. Canocus
143
292
Antiquitates
Gallen al Galin. P.
Killeighæ, in Ofalia,
P. S. Crucis.
Killeigha, FC.
Killeigha M.C.
Kilcarmic, FC.
B. Mariæ.
Monaster-Feoris, al.
Totmoy, FC.
Seir, ul. Saiger-
Kiaran.P.S. Kiarani.
S. Canocus al. Mochonocus Abbas
Canonicis Augustinianis construxit, circa
annum 492. Consul. Joh. Colgani Acta
Sanctorum Hiberniæ, ad 11 Februarii.
Sedet ad Brassinogh flu. in regiuncula
Mac-Coghlani, quæ pars est Comitatus
Regis.
S. Sincellum Mac Cenenain Abbatem
Killeach obiisse ann. 548, produnt An-
nales Ultonienses. Fortè primus fuit
Abbas et fundator loci de quo hîc agi-
Hic Canonici fuerunt Augusti-
mus.
niani.
Fundatur Minoritis, regnante Ed-
wardo primo.
Moniales ordinis S. Augustini,
Coenobium Carmelitis hîc construxit
ad Brassinogh flu. Odo filius Nellani
Mulloy, in cujus ecclesiâ ipse sepultus
est anno 1454.
Johannes de Bermingham, comes Lo-
vidiæ, cœnobium illud Minoritis posuit,
anno 1325, in ea parte hujus agri quæ
Ofalia dicitur.
Sanctus Kiaranus vel Ciaranus senior
construxit ibi cœnobium in primâ eccle-
siæ Hibernicæ infantia, quod magno olim
honore floruit. Situm est in ea parte
Comitatus Regis, quæ appellatur Elia
Carolina. Canonici hujus cœnobii or-
dinis fuerunt S. Augustini.
Loca et tituli dedica-
tionum.
Aghavoc, in Ossoria
superiore, FC.
COMITATUS REGINA.
Fundatores, ordines et alia
antiquitates.
Coenobium ibi Dominicanis construx-
erunt majores Baronis superioris Os-
144
soriæ
Hibernica.
293
Aghmacart, P.
S. Tigernaci.
soriæ. Atqui Aghavoa (i.e. si inter-
preteris, Campus Bovis, sicut Boëtia
Græciæ à Bobus) olim celebris inprimis
erat, ob S. Canicum Abbatem, qui obiit
ibidem 5 Idus Octobris anno 600.
Ord. Canonicorum Augustinianorum.
Leix. al. de Lege Dei, Fundatum anno Dom. 1183, et mo-
M. B. Mariæ. nachis impletum Cistertiensibus, ex
cœnobio Baltinglassensi. Thaddeus
Doulingus erectum asserit à Cochegerio
O-Moro, ibique eum posteà tumulatum.
Situm est ad Neorum flu. in ea parte
comitatus Reginæ, quæ Leasia, vulgò
appellatur.
Stradbally, in Leasia, Fundatur Minoritis ab O-Moro.
FC.
Hunc conventum eundem esse existimo
cum eo cujus meminit Pisanus, sub
nomine Luasiæ.
MIDIA, SIVE MIDIA ORIENTALIS.
Loca et tituli dedica-
tionum.
Trimmæ, M.
B. Mariæ.
Trimmæ, FC.
Fundatores, ordines et aliæ
antiquitates.
De primo fundatore hujus coœnobii,
non habeo quod dicam. Extructum
fuisse diù ante Anglorum adventum
liquet. In Annalibus Ultoniensibus ad
an. 820, vel 821, fit mentio mortis Cen-
fealæ, filii Rumaini, scribæ, episcopi,
anachoretæ et abbatis Trimmensis.
Lacæi vel restaurârunt, vel de novo
extruxerunt. Hic Canonici fuerunt
Regulares ord. S. Augustini.
Conventus Dominicanorum introduc-
tus est an. 1263. In hoc conventu
habitum ordinis Prædicatorum suscepit
an. 1308,
145
294
Antiquitates
Trimmæ, FC.
Juxta, Trim. P.
SS. Petri et Pauli
de Newton.
Juxta Trim, P. seu
H.S. Joh. Baptista
de Newton.
Athboyæ, FC.
B. Mariæ.
Ballibogan, al. de
Laude Dei, P.
S. Trinitatis.
Beaubec, seu de Bello
becco, C. B. Mariæ.
Bectif, al de Beatitu-
dine, M. B. Mariæ.
an. 1308, Galfridus de Genevil Midiæ
Dominus.
Ord. Minorum.
Simon de Rupe-forti episcopus Mi-
densis fundavit Canonicis Augustinianis
circa annum 1286, et Clonardâ relictâ,
hûc cathedram episcopalem transtulit.
Mortem obiit 1224, et in ecclesia ibidem
sepultus est.
Ord. Cruciferorum.
Episcopi Mi-
denses vel Fundatores fuerunt vel
benefactores.
Gulielmus de Loundres loci Dominus
ann. 1317 fundavit ibi conventum fr.
Carmelitarum Capitulum illius ord. ibi
habitum est anno 1467.
Ord. Canonicorum Regularium. De
vetustate hujus coenobii, quod dicam.
nihil certi occurrit. Fama tenet Jor-
danum Comin fundâsse. Sedet ad Boi-
num flu.
Cella fuit monasterii B. Mariæ de
Becco in Normannia, ordinis S. Bene-
dicti, ex dono Walteri de Lacy, Midiæ
Domini, sub Johanne rege. Atqui
posteà cella facta est cœnobii Furnes-
sensis, apud Lancastrienses in Anglia,
ord. Cistertiensis. Nam Abbas Bec-
censis, impetratâ vendendi licentiâ ab
Edwardo 3 rege Angliæ, cellam eam
vendidit Abbati Furnesii. Bec Gallis
significat et avis rostrum, et terræ ex-
tremitatem ubi duo confluunt flumina.
Ord Cistertiensis. De tempore fun-
dationis hujus cœnobii variant Chrono-
graphi ordinis Cistertiensis: sunt qui
fundatum tradunt anno 1146 14 Jan-
uarii, alii, anno 1148, et alii anno 1151.
146
Sed
Hibernica.
295
Clonarda antiquitùs
Cluainirard, P.
S. Petri.
Clonarda MC.
B Mariæ.
Colp. C.
Duleka, olim Dam-
liag, M. B. Mariæ.
Duleka, C. S. Cia-
nani.
Sed non magna est differentia. Sedet ad
Boinum flu. Fundavit et dotavit Mur-
chardus O-Melaghlin Midiæ regulus.
Ord. Canonicorum S. Augustini, S.
Finianum Clonardæ splendorem singu-
larem cœnobium ibi construxisse non
diù post seculi sexti initium constat.
Atqui cœnobium, de quo jam loquimur
(nescio an antiquioris proles) à Lacæis
fundatum est, in S. Petri memoriam.
Sedet ad sinistram ripam Boini flu.
Moniales ord. S. Augustini. O-Me-
laghlin Midiæ regulus dotavit ante An-
glorum adventum. Cœlestinus 3 con-
firmavit possessiones an. Dom. 1195.
Atqui hæc domus ad tantam posteà
redacta est paupertatem, ut facta fuerit
demùm cella coenobii Monialium S.
Brigidæ de Odra, vulgò Odder.
Ord. Canonicorum Regularium S.
Augustini. Hugo de Lacy, Dominus
Midiæ, cellam fecit Prioratus Lanthoniæ
primæ apud Monumethenses in Wallia,
circa annum 1182.
Ord. Canonicorum Augustinianorum.
Hoc cœnobium à Kellæo quodam diù
ante Anglorum adventum in Hiberniam,
fundatum fuisse, ex Rotulo clauso anni
29 Edw. 3, intelligimus.
Ord. Canonicorum S. Augustini.
Hugo de Lacy, Dominus Midiæ, cellam
fecit Prioratus Lanthoniæ juxta Gloces-
triam in Anglia, circa annum 1180, cele-
bris ibi olim memoria S. Cianani (vulgò
Kenani) qui obiit anno 489, vel 488, ad
quem. An sic Annales Ulton. Quies S.
Cianani, cui S. Patricius Euangelium
largitus est.
147
S. Columba
1
296
Antiquitates
Kenlisæ, vulgò Kells,
antiquitùs, Cenanus,
seu Kenanus, M.
B. Mariæ.
Juxta Kenlisam, P.
seu H. S. Johannis
Baptistæ.
Kilmainan-beg, juxta
Nobir. Pr.
Kilmainan-wood, Pr.
Lismullen, MC.
S. Trinitatis.
S. Columba fundavit ibi insigne olim
monasterium, circa an. 550. Locum
donavit Dermitius, filius Cerballi, rex
Hiberniæ. Restauravit posteà Cellacus
Abbas Jonæ sive Hu insulæ anno 806.
Qua de re, vide Annales Ultonienses, ad
ann. 806 et 813. Oppidum Aquæ nigræ
al. Manæ fluvio adsidet, non obscuræ olim
famæ, inter alia, S. Cuthberti natalibus
nobilitatum.
Ordinis Cruciferorum, ex fundatione
Walteri de Lacy Midiæ Domini.
Hanc præceptoriam dictus Walterus
de Lacy Dominus Midiæ, regnante
Richardo primo, equitibus Hospitalariis
concessit. Kilmainan-beg significat ec-
clesiam sive cellam parvam Maignani.
Ord. Militum Hospitalariorum.
Avicia de la Corner, soror Richardi de
la Corner, episcopi Midensis Monialibus
ord. S. Augustini fundavit circa an-
num 1240. Huic coenobio Richardus
ille concessit manneria de Dunsink et
Bally-godman.
Navana, M.B. Maria. Ord. Canonicorum Augustinianorum,
sub exitum seculi 12, à Jocelino Nan-
gle, aliàs de Angulo fundatum vel res-
tauratum. Inter Abbates eminuit Jo-
hannes Bole, qui mense Junio 1457 con-
secratus est Archiepiscopus Armachanus.
Sedet ad confluentes Aquæ nigræ et
Boini.
Odder, MC. S. Bri-
gida.
Possessiones confirmavit Coelestinus 3
anno 1195. Huic cœnobio annexæ sunt
posteà cellulæ aliquot monialium in
Midia.
148
Franciscus
Hibernica.
297
:
}
Scrinæ, FC.
FC.
Franciscus de Feipo, loci Dominus,
regnante Edwardo 3, conventum ibi
posuit fratribus ord. Eremitarum S.
Augustini.
Slance, ad Boinum flu. Christophorus Flemingus, Baro de
Slane et Elizabetha Stukleia uxor ejus
fratribus tertii ord. S. Francisci fundâ-
runt anno 1512, in loco Hermitorii S.
Erci, ut ex chartâ fundationis intelligi-
mus. Christophorus ille anno sequenti
(obiter adnoto) ab Henrico 8, Summus
Hiberniæ Quæstor constitutus est.
MIDIA OCCIDENTALIS.
Loca et tituli dedi-
cationum.
Molingara, P.
B. Mariæ.
Molingaræ, FC.
Ardnecran, FC.
In ea parte Athlona
quæ agri censetur
Westmidensis, FC.
Ballymore Loghseudy,
al. Plary, M. B.
Mariæ.
Fundatores, ordines et alice
antiquitates.
Ord. Canonicorum Regularium. Ra-
dulphus Parvus aliàs Petit episcopus
Midensis, fundavit circa annum 1227.
Hic Prioratus olim vulgò nomine Domus
Dei de Molingare innotuit.
Conventus fratrum ord. Prædicato-·
rum introductus est anno 1237. Posteà
annis 1278, 1292, 1308 et 1310, capitula
illius ordinis ibi sunt habita.
Ord B. Mariæ de monte Carmel.
Conventus fratrum ord. Minorum ibi
collocatus dicitur à quodam è familia
Dillonorum. Albertus patriâ Coloni-
ensis Archiepiscopus Armachanus eccle-
siam eorum consecravit anno 1242.
Sedet ad sinistram ripam Shenani fluvii.
Hoc cœnobium in antiquo codice Sta-
tutorum, &c., ordinis Cistertiensis in
Hibernia, inter illius ordinis cœnobia
numeratur. Atqui ordinis fuit (ut
puto)
149
298
Antiquitates
Fouræ, al. Favorice,
puto) Gilbertini sive de Sempringham
in quo Canonici fuerunt ordinis Præ-
monstratensis, et moniales ord. Cister-
tiensis, separatis tamen ædificiis utrique
gregi assignatis. Lacæos fundatores
agnoscit.
Hic S. Fechinus cœnobium instituit
P. SS. Taurini et Canonicorum Regularium, cui ipse præ-
Fechini.
fuit Abbas, usque ad annum 665, quo
mortem obiit. Anno verò 1218, Wal-
terus de Lacy, Dominus Midiæ, cellam
fecit cœnobii S. Taurini Ebroici (vulgò
dicti Evereux) in Normannia, unde mo-
nachis Benedictinis replevit. An demùm
27 Henrica IV, Parlamentariâ authori-
tate, abrogatum est jus Abbatis S.
Taurini Ebroicensis, et data est mona-
chis Fourensibus potestas suum dein-
ceps Priorem eligendi. Hic locus (sicut
Kiriath-sepher apud Judæis) olim etiam
Hibernicè appellabatur Balle-leabair, id
est, Urbs Librorum.
Kilbegain, al. de Flu- Fundatum anno 1200 et monachis
Cistertiensibus impletum è cœnobio
Mellifontis.
mine Dei, M.
Kilkenny-west, P. seu
H. S. Joh. Bap.
Kilmachael, FC.
Multifernan, FC.
Tristernagh, P.
B. Mariæ.
Ord. Cruciferorum, ni fallor.
FF. Tertii ord. S. Francisci.
Fundatur à Gulielmo Delamaro, sub
Henrico 3. vid. Luc Waddingi tom.
1. Annalium Minorum, ubi etiam con-
ventus translatus dicitur à patribus con-
ventualibus, ad observantiæ regularis
professores, anno 1460.
Dominus Galfridus de Constantin
fundavit ordini Canonicorum Augusti-
nianorum, et dotavit, circa annum,
1200, ut ex Regesto loci intelligimus.
150
LONGFORD
Hibernica.
299
Loca et tituli dedica-
tionum.
Longfordæ, FC.
Balline-sagard, FC.
Derg, P. S. Petri.
Granard, al. Lerha
B. Mariæ.
LONGFORD.
Fundatores, ordines et aliæ
antiquitates.
In hoc cœnobio Dominicanorum se-
pultus est anno 1424 Cornelius O'Fer-
rall episcopus Ardachadensis, vir ob
liberalitatem erga pauperes celebratus,
nescio an fundator domus.
FF. Tertii ord. S. Francisci.
Ord Canonicorum Augustinianorum.
Sunt qui fundatum asserunt (quàm verè
nescio) à Gormgallo O-Quin, regnante
Johanne. In hoc cœnobio sepultus est
Brendanus Magodaig episcopus Ardach-
adensis, anno 1255.
Richardus Tuit miles, loci Dominus
juxta Granard, M. fundavit circa annum 1210, et Cister-
tiensibus monachis implevit, è cœnobio
B. Mariæ juxta Dublin. Is anno sequente
Athlonæ turre cadente obrutus periit.
S. Columba ibi fundavit cœnobiolum
Canonicis Regularibus, sub medium
seculi quinti.
Inis-more, in lacu
Gawna, P.
Inis-bo-find, in She-
nani flu. lacu Lough-
Rie dicto, M.
Inis-Cloghran, in
eodem lacu, M.
Insula omnium Sanc-
In hac insula amnica, S. Riochus
Abbas S. Patricii è Darerca sorore nepos
Canonicis cœnobium fundavit. Sunt et
duæ insulæ ejusdem nominis mari cir-
cumfluæ, altera in agra Maionensi, in
qua diù posteà vixit S. Colmannus epis-
copus aliquando Lindisfarnensis, altera
in Tirconallia.
S. Diarmitius Abbas fuit et fundator
cœnobii Canonicorum ibidem, in primis
surgentis ecclesiæ Hibernicæ tempo-
ribus.
S. Kiaranus cœnobium Canonicorum
Regularium
151
300
Antiquitates
in dicto lacu, P.
torum, al. Insula sacra, Regularium condidit in insula quadam
lacus Riensis dicta Inis-Aingen, aliàs
Oilean Aingin. Aut me fallo, aut idem
est cum eo de quo nunc loquimur. Sed
de hac re quærant alii.
Shrowl, ad Enium flu. Chronographi ord. Cistertiensis Mo-
M. B. Mariæ.
nasterium de Benedictione Dei fun-
datum tradunt anno 1150, vel 1152.
Fortè idem cum eo de quo loquimur:
sed de hac re quærant etiam alii.
COMITATUS LOUTH, ANTIQUITUS PARS URIELIS, SIVE
Loca et tituli dedica-
tionum.
Drogheda, sive Pon-
tana, FC.
Drogheda, FC.
Drogheda, FC.
Juxta Droghedam, P.
sive H. S. Maria, de
Urso.
Juxta Droghedam, P.
ERGALLIÆ.
Fundatores, ordines et alia
antiquitates.
Ibi Lucas de Nettervil Archiepiscopus
Armachanus coenobium ord. Prædica-
torum fundavit an. 1224. In hoc cœno-
bio sepultus est anno 1270, Patricius
O-Scanlain ejusdem ecclesiæ Arma-
chanæ Archiepiscopus.
Conventus ord. Minorum Pontanæ
initium sumpsit circa annum 1240, juxta
ripam borealem flu. Boini.
Conventus fratrum ordinis Eremita-
rum S. Augustini introductus est, sub
Edwardo primo.
Ursus de Suamel posuit extra portam
occidentalem, circa annum Dom. 1206,
ad sustentationem Hospitalitatis miser-
orum et infirmorum languentium, &c.
Quandò posteà introducti fuerint fratres
Cruciferi, sub regula S. Augustini, non
reperi. primus loci præfectus, à fun-
datore dicebatur Custos, non Prior.
Ord. (ni fallor) Cruciferorum. Præ-
152
tor
Hibernicæ.
301
S. Laurentii.
Juxta Droghedam,
FC. B. Mariæ.
tor et oppidani Pontanæ fundârunt, ut
ex Inquisitione Scaccarii intelligimus.
Conventus Carmelitarum Pontanæ.
initium sumpsit, Edwardo primo reg-
nante, ex largitione oppidanorum.
Juxta Droghedam, P.
Ord. Cruciferorum, Walterus de
sive H. S. Johannis Lacy, si non fundator, saltem primarius
Baptista.
fuit benefactor, sub Johanne rege.
Admonendus est lector Droghedam partim in agro Louth-
ensi positam esse, partim in Midensi, neutrius tamen censen-
dam, quòd Comitatus sit distinctus et per se incorporatus, item
omnia dicta cœnobia sita esse in ea parte urbis (ultra pontem)
quæ olim ad Louthensem comitatum spectabat, exceptis Hos-
pitali S. Johannis Baptistæ et cœnobio fratrum B. Mariæ de
Monte Carmel, quæ (cis Pontem) ad Midiam olim spectabant,
Oppidum nomen habet à ponte et vado: pontem enim Droched,
vadum Ah nuncupant Hiberni.
Atherdea, al. de
Atrio Dei, P.
Ord. Cruciferorum, sub regula S.
Augustini, Rogerus Pipard, loci Dom-
S. Johannis Baptiste. inus posuit, circa annum 1207.
Atherdea, FC.
B. Mariæ.
Carlingfordiæ, FC.
Dundalka, FC.
Juxta Dundalkam,
P.S. Leonardi.
Ordinis Carmelitarum. Radulphus
Pipard construxi tregnante Edwardo
primo.
Ordinis Prædicatorum. Comites Ul-
toniæ patroni fuerunt.
Ad ortum oppidi, coenobium erat
fratrum Minorum, à Domino Johanne de
Verdon, sub Henrico 3, extructum Fen-
estra ejus orientalis, ob opus eximium,
per universam Hiberniam, magno olim
habebatur in pretio.
Ordinis Cruciferorum, sub regula S.
Augustini. Bertramus de Verdon, loci
dominus, fundavit sub exitum Henrici II.
Oppidum, Richardi filii Radulphi, Arma-
chani Archiepiscopi natalibus illustratum,
qui inde dictus est vulgò S. Richardus
de Dundalk.
153
Primùm
302
Antiquitates
Kilsaran, Pr.
Loutha, P.C. Mariæ,
Primùm sedes fuit Militum Templa-
riorum, ex largitione Matildæ de Lacy,
posteà sub Edwardo 2, Præceptoria
Equitum Hospitalariorum.
Monasterium Louthæ, (antiquitùs
Lughæ) à S. Moctao primo ibi epis-
copo, vivente S. Patricio, constructum
tradit scriptor vitæ ejus, à Johanne Col-
gano editus, è codice Salmanticensi,
anno 1645. Quàm diù illud cœnobium
duraverit non reperi. Cæterùm Do-
natus O-Caroll rex Ergalliæ et Edanus
O-Kelly episcopus Clochorensis novum
fundârunt cœnobium Canonicorum Regu-
larium Louthæ, anno 1148, in quo ipse
Edanus sepultus est anno 1182, eùm sedi
Clochorensi præfuisset annos circiter 42.
Knock juxtaLoutham
Hoc cœnobium Canonicis Augusti-
al. M. de Monte Apos- nianis fundavit jam dictus Donatus
tolorum SS. Petri et O-Caroll. Possessionibus deinde dotavit
Pauli.
Edanus O-Kelly, de quo suprà, quas sibi
contulerat Donatus, ut è Regesto Cloch-
orensi liquet. Locus olim appellabatur
Knock-na-sengan, i.e. Collis formicarum.
Mellifons, filia Cla-
rævallis,M.B. Mariæ.
Mellifons insigne olim monasterium
ordinis Cistertiensis (è quo educta sunt
plurima ejusdem ordinis cœnobia, per
universam Hiberniam) fundatur à Don-
ato O-Caroll regulo Ergalliæ sive Uri-
elis, anno 1142. Monachis illud im-
plevit Divus Bernardus, è coenobio suo
Clarævallensi in Gallia, Abbate illis præ-
posito Christiano O-Conarchy, posteà
Lismorensi episcopo. In ecclesia ibi-
dem plura fuerunt sepulchra, episco-
porum et aliorum, memoranda tamen
inprimis videntur illa Donati conditoris,
necnon Thomæ O-Conner et Lucæ Net-
tervil
154
}
303
Hibernica.
'
Termon-Fechan
MC. B. Mariæ.
tervil ecclesiæ Armachanæ Archiepis-
coporum. Situm loci valdè assimilem
ferunt Clarævallensi.
Ord. S. Augustini. Coelestinus 3 pos-
sessiones hujus coenobii monialium con-
firmavit 4 Calend. Martii 1195. Sed
quàm diù anteà erectum fuerit, non
reperi.
PROVINCIA ULTONIÆ.
Loca et tituli dedica-
tionum.
Armachæ, M.
SS. Petri et Pauli.
Armachæ, FC.
Armachæ, MC.
Kilsleve, al. Kilsleve-
cuilin, MC.
ARMACH.
Fundatores, ordines et aliæ
antiquitates.
S. Patricius primus dicitur fundator,
secundus Imarus O-Hedagain Præcep-
tor Malachia O-Morgair posteà Archie-
piscopi Armachani. Canonici hujus
cœnobii ordinis fuerunt S. Augustini.
Patricius O-Scanlain (ex ordine Præ-
dicatorum) Archiepiscopus Armachanus
Minoritis cœnobium extruxit ibidem
anno 1263 vel 1264.
Hîc porrò duo extructa fuerunt cœ-
nobiola monialium, alterum dictum Tem-
plum Brigidæ, alterum Temple-na-ferta,
sive Templum miraculorum, in quo S
Lupita S. Patricii soror sepulta est. De
primo conditore non possum aliquid pro
certo affirmare. Jocelinus in vit S. Pa-
tricii cap. 165, fundata innuit à S. Pa-
tricio. Ad hanc rem vid. porrò vit. S.
Patricii, quam ex codice, MS. cœnobii
Alnensis, edidit Johannes Colganus.
Darerca, quæ et Moninne monialibus
construxit, ubi ipsa Abbatissa præfuit,
et decessit 6 Julii anno 518.
155
DOWN
304
Antiquitates
Loca et tituli dedica-
tionum.
Duni, vulgò Down,
Hibernicè Dunda-
sia cathedralis
S. Patricii.
DOWN.
Fundatores, ordines et alia
antiquitates.
Johannes de Curcy Ultoniæ expug-
nator, secularibus Canonicis expulsis,
lethglas, P. et Eccle- Monachis Benedictinis implevit ex cœ-
nobio S. Werburgæ Cestriæ, anno 1183,
è quibus Gulielmus de Etleshall factus
est primus Prior loci: et sub eodem
tempore, Curcæi suasu, ecclesia ea ca-
thedralis, quamquam anteâ S. Trini-
tatis nomini consecrata, in honorem S.
Patricii dicata est. Priori et monachis
ibidem paulò posteà Malachias, ejus no-
minis tertius episcopus Dunensis, multa
prædia contulit, reservato sibi Custodis
et Abbatis titulo, sicut fit (uti verba
sunt Chartæ) in ecclesia Wintoniensi,
vel Coventrensi. Retenta etiam ad hono-
rem et reverentiam episcopatus sui, me-
dietate oblationum in his quinque festis
anni et non ampliùs, sc. in Natali
Domini, in Purificatione S. Mariæ, in
festo S. Patricii, in Pascha et Pente-
Duni, P. S. Johannis
coste.
Ord. Cruciferorum, sub regula S. Au-
Baptiste Anglicorum. gustini. Jam dictus Johannes de Curci
Duni, P. S. Johannis
fundavit.
Malachias O-Morgair, episcopus Du-
Baptista Hibernico- nensis, Canonicis Augustinianis posuit
rum.
Duni, MC.
Duni, FC.
anno 1138.
Ord. Cistertiensis.
Hugo de Lacy, comes Ultoniæ, fun-
davit conventum ord. Minorum circa
annum 1240. Is dignitatem eam comi-
tis à Johanne rege (obiter adnoto) obti-
nuit
156
Hibernica.
305
Prioratus niger
S. Andreæ, in terri-
torio de Ardes.
Pr. S. Joh. Bapt. in
dicto territorio de
Ardes.
Ardicnise, FC.
Bangor, al. Vallis
Angelorum, M.
U
nuit anno 1209, cum ceremonia cinc-
turæ gladii, ut ex archivis turris Lon-
dinensis liquet.
Dictus Hugo de Lacy cellam fecit
coenobii de Lonley (dioecesis Cenoma-
nensis) in Gallia, circa annum 1218,
monachísque replevit Benedictinis. Sed
primus hujus coenobii fundator fuit
Johannes Curcæus, qui in charta fun-
dationis, monasterium appellat S. An-
drea de Stokes. Is prædiis etiam ditavit,
decem nimirum carucatis terræ, cum
omnibus pertinentiis suis, in terra del
Art, sc. in terra Mac Colloqua, &c.
Hoc cœnobium annexum fuit posteà
Archiepiscopatui Armachano, sub Ed-
wardo 3 rege Angliæ, Richardo filio
Radulphi Archiepiscopo illius sedis sol-
vente. Abbati et conventui Lonleyensi
200 libras sterlingorum, pro confirma-
tione. Non desunt tamen qui Archi-
episcopatui non plenè annexum asse-
runt, ante tempora Richardi 2, dùm
Johan. Colton esset Archiepiscopus.
Fundatur militibus Hospitalariis, à
jam dicto Hugone de Lacy.
Ordinis Minorum.
S. Congallus anno 555 cœnobium ibi
instituit Canonicis regularibus, cui ipse
præfuit Abbas. Hoc (Danicâ posteà
dilaceratum rabie) Malachias O-Mor-
gair, ante insulas susceptas, restauravit
anno 1120. Nomen habet à pulchro
choro. Situm est in territorio quod
olim appellabatur (ut in vita S. Con-
galli legimus) Altitudo Ultorum, juxta
mare Orientale, nunc vulgò The Ardes.
155
Fundatum
306
Antiquitates
Comerer, al. Comber,
M. B. Mariæ.
Holy-wood, al. de S.
bosco, FC.
Inis, M. B. Mariæ.
Leigh, al. de Jugo Dei,
Fundatum anno 1199, et monachis
repletum Cistertiensibus, è cœnobio de
Alba Landa.
FF. Tertii ord. S. Francisci.
Johannes de Curcy fundavit anno
1188, aliis 1180, prædiis cœnobii de
Carig ordinis Turonensis (à se diruti)
ditavit, et monachis Cistertiensibus re-
plevit ex cœnobio Furnessensi, apud
Lancastrienses in Anglia. Inis verò
(ut semel adnotem) Britannis et Hiber-
nis insulam significat.
Africa uxor Johannis de Curcy et
vulgò Grey Abbey, M. filia Godredi regis Manniæ posuit 8
B. Mariæ.
Kalend. Septembris an. 1193, ac mona-
chis implevit Cistertiensibus, ex cœnobio
de Holmcultrain in Cumbria. In hoc
cœnobio ipsa Africa sepulta est, ut è
chronico Manniæ constat.
Movilla, al. Maigevile, S. Finianus Abbas Canonicis Augus-
M. S. Finiani. tinianis posuit circa annum Dom. 550.
Hunc eundem fuisse cum Fridiano epis-
copo Lucensi in Italia, asserit Johannes
Colganus, vir doctus et industrius, in
Actis Sanctorum Hiberniæ, ad 18
Martii.
Neddrum, P. seu C.
Newry, al. de Viridi
ligno, M. B. Mariæ,
et S. Patricii.
Johannes de Curcy monachis Bene-
dictinis fundavit an. 1183, et cellam
fecit cœnobii S. Begæ in Cumbria. Sed
non diurnavit, neque causam reperi.
Mauritius Mac-Loghlin, rex Hiber-
niæ, fundavit monachis Cistertiensibus,
ut ex charta fundationis intelligimus.
Chronographi ordinis Cistertiensis fun-
datum asserunt anno 1153, quinquennio
sc. post obitum Malachiæ episcopi Du-
nensis, quem aliqui malè fundatorem
156
statuunt.
Hibernica.
307
་
Newton, FC.
statuunt. Dotationem confirmavit Hugo
de Lacy comes Ultoniæ, anno 1237.
Conventus ord. Prædicatorum intro-
ductus est anno 1244 et capitula ejusdem
ordinis ibi habita sunt annis 1298, et
1312. Sedet in territorio de Ardes,
prope litus maris.
Saballum, vulgò Saul, Sanctus Patricius construxit hoc
M. S. Patricii.
cœnobium Canonicis regularibus, eique
præfecit Abbatem S. Dunnium: eccle-
siam verò adjecit, (juxta Jocelinum
Furnessensem) contra morem receptum,
non ab occidente in orientem, sed à
septentrione in austrum protensam,
Malachias O-Morgair Episcopus Du-
nensis restauravit. Situm habet in ea
parte hujus agri, quæ Lecalia appellatur.
ANTRIM, ANTIQUITUS ÆNDRUM.
Loca et tituli dedica-
tionum.
Carrigfergus, al.
Knockfergus, FC.
Good-born, al. Wood-
born, P. S. Crucis.
Inver, FC.
U 2
Fundatores, ordines et aliæ
antiquitates.
Hugo de Lacy comes Ultoniæ cœ-
nobium hîc posuit Minoritis circa annum
1232, in cujus ecclesia ipse sepultus est.
1242. Introducti sunt fratres Minores
de Observantia anno 1497.
Ord. Canonicorum Præmonstraten-
sium. Hoc cœnobium filia fuit mon-
asterii de Driebourc in Scotia, à Scotis
ut videtur extructum. Alanum de
Galwia, Duncanum de Carrig et Bi-
settos è Scotia nobiles, terras in hoc
tractu, Henrici 3 regis beneficio accepisse
liquet. Prioratus non multùm abest à
Carrig-fergus, sive Rupe Fergusii.
Ibi, necnon apud Bunamargy, Mas-
serin
157
308
Antiquitates
Kells, al. Disert,
P. B. Mariæ.
Muckmor, P. B. Ma-
riæ et S. Colmanelli.
serin et Limbeg, extructa sunt cœno-
biola fratribus 3 ordinis S. Francisci
de pœnitentia, seculo 15.
Ord. Canonicorum regularium S.
Augustini.
S. Colmanellus al. Colmanus Ella
Canonicis regularibus fundavit circa
annum Dom. 580 Prædiis, post ad-
ventum Anglorum, ditârunt Gulielmus
Mataland, Stephanus de Sandall, Rober-
tus de Sandall et Gilbertus de Croft, ut ex
Regestulo (quod habeo) loci constat. De
hoc cœnobio et S. Colmanello fundatore,
vid. prophetiam S. Patricii, apud Joce-
linum Furnessensem, cap. 96.
Loca et tituli dedica-
tionum.
Deriæ, al. London-
derry, antiquitùs
Dairecargac, M.
S. Columbæ.
Deriæ, FC.
Deria, MC.
LONDON-DERRY.
Fundatores, ordines et alia
antiquitates.
S. Columba Canonicis regularibus
fundavit anno 545. Hoc cœnobium
olim vulgò appellabatur Cella nigra,
et Locus erat filialis Monasterii SS.
Petri et Pauli de Armach, ut è Regesto
Johannis Bole aliquandò Archiepiscopi
Armachani liquet.
Sedes fratribus Prædicatoribus assig
nata est anno 1274, ex parte aquilonari
urbis.
Regestum Honoris Richmondiæ cœ-
nobium de Dere in Hibernia, ord. Cis-
tertiensis fundatum docet 6 Kalend.
Martii 1218. Aut idem fuit cum cœ-
nobio hoc monialium, aut cum cœnobio
Moycoscanensi, de quo posteà.
Juxta Colranam, FC. Sedem ibi primò fixerunt Dominicani
158
an. 1274,
.
Hibernica.
309
Dungevin, P.
Moycoscain, al. de
Claro fonte, M.
B. Mariæ.
an. 1274, ad Bannium flu. unde in an-
tiquo cœnobiorum illius ordinis Catalogo,
appellatur Conventus de Bannin.
Paulum O-Murey Priorem cœnobii
Canonicorum Regularium de Dungevin
obiisse anno 1215, produnt Annales.
Ultonienses. Sed quàm diù ante erec-
tum fuerit nondùm comperi.
Catalogus antiquus cœnobiorum Cis-
tertiensium Hiberniæ cœnobium Clari-
fontis fundatum asserit anno 1218. Re-
gestum Honoris Richmondiæ ann. habet
1223.
Loca et tituli dedica-
tionum.
Dunagalla, FC.
DONAGALL.
Fundatores, ordines et aliæ
antiquitates.
Ord. Minorum de Observantiâ. Odo
cognomento Rufus O-Donell fundare
cœpit an. 1473. Hic conventus ob
bibliothecam instructissimam olim cele-
bris erat.
Ashro, al. Esarua, al. Hoc cœnobium fundatum est et mon-
de Samario, M.
B. Mariæ.
Kilmacrenan, FC.
achis Cistertiensibus repletum anno
1179, aliis, 1184, à Roderico O-Ca-
nanan Tirconalliæ Dynasta,qui à Flacher-
taco successore occisus est 1188. Sunt
qui fundatum asserunt à dicto Flacher-
tacho. Sedet non procul ab Ostio Erni
flu. quem Ptolemæus Ravium vocat,
Giraldus Cambrensis, Samarium.
Ordini Minorum ibi extructum est
cœnobiolum ab O-Donello, eidemque
ordini constructi sunt etiam Conventus
de Bellaghan et Balli-mac-suine juxta Doe
castrum, è quibus postremus Mac Sui-
neum fundatorem agnoscit.
159
O-Donnellus
310
Antiquitates
Magheri-beg. i.e.
Planities parva, FC.
Rathmullian, FC. B.
Maria.
Loca et tituli dedica-
tionum.
Clochora, M. B.
Maria.
Dunganon, FC.
Loca et tituli dedica-
tionum.
Dam-Inis, sive Insula
O-Donnellus extruxit ibi coenobium
fratribus tertii ordinis S. Francisci; cui
ordini extructa sunt etiam cœnobiola
apud Calebeg, Kil-O-Donel et Fane-
garah.
Coenobiolum ibi erectum est ordini
fratrum B. Mariæ de Monte Carmel,
à Mac-Suineo Fanagh
TIR-OEN.
Fundatores, ordines et aliæ
antiquitates.
Ord. Canonicorum Regularium S.
Augustini. S. Macartinus episcopus
Clochorensis coenobium ibi jussu S. Pa-
tricii construxit, in platea (nempe) ante
regalem sedem Ergalliensem, ut intel-
ligimus ex Regesto Patricii Culin, or-
dinis Eremitarum S. Augustini episcopi
Clochorensis, sub Henrico 8.
Ad austrum villæ de Dunganon,
cœnobiolum fratribus tertii ordinis S.
Francisci construxit Conus O-Neal, reg-
nante Henrico 7. Cui ordini extructi
sunt etiam, variis temporibus, in eodem
comitatu, Conventus de Ballinesagart,
Corock, Gervagh-Kerin, Puble et Omey.
FERMANAGH.
Fundatores, ordines et aliæ
antiquitates.
S. Laserianus, qui et Molasse, Abbas
Bovium, vulgò Deven- et fundator cœnobii de Dam-Inis in lacu
ish, P. B. Mariæ.
Erneo, obiit ibidem anno 571, Septem-
bris 12. Propriam eum condidisse re-
gulam ferunt, constat tamen successores
ejus tandem normam suscepisse S. Au-
gustini.
160
Hibernica.
311
Lisgavail, vulgò Lis-
gool, M. B. Mariæ.
Lisgavail, FC.
gustini. In interpolationibus Annalium
Ultoniensium, ad annum 1130, ita legi-
mus, Hoc anno fundatur Monasterium
de Dam-Inis. Intelligit author vel hujus
cœnobii restaurationem, vel fundationem
alterius Prioratus, in eadem insula, qui
fuit Colideorum, sive Presbyterorum se-
cularium; de quo ordine, suprà diximus,
cap. 17.
Ord. Canonicorum Regularium. Fun-
datur (ut in supradictis interpolationi-
bus legimus) anno 1106. Sedet ad dic-
tum lacum Erneum.
Fundatur anno 1530, ord. S. Fran-
cisci.
Insula S. Dabeoci, al. Hoc cœnobium Canonicorum Augus-
Avogi, in lacu rubro,
rulgò, Logh-derg,
aliis Logh-gerg. P.
tinianorum in Regesto Johannis Bole
quondam Archiepiscopi Armachani ap-
pellatur Locus filialis monasterii Apos-
tolorum Petri et Pauli Armachæ. S.
Dabeocum fundâsse ferunt seculo 5, vivente S. Patricio.
Alii S. Patricium fundatorem volunt. Prior loci olim ap-
pellabatur Prior Purgatorii S. Patricii; sed antrum ipsum,
vulgò Purgatorium dictum, cujus inventio à quibusdam ad
Patricium Abbatem, qui floruit anno 850, ab aliis, ad S.
Patricium refertur, in alia situm est insula ejusdem lacus, in
qua plerumque unus duntaxat vel alius Canonicus cœnobii
S. Dabeoci mansit, ad usum ecclesiæ et peregrinantium.
De hoc antro, mira fidem superantia narrantur. Dirutum
fuisse, utpotè supposititium, ipso die S. Patricii, anno Dom.
1497, Alexandri 6 Papæ authoritate, à Gardiano domus fra-
trum Minorum de Donegall et aliis, prodit ad eum annum,
qui tum vixit, author Annalium Ultoniensium. Attamen res-
tauratum posteà, et peregrinationibus denuò frequentatum
constat. Sunt qui ridiculè somniant Ulissem primùm hunc
effodisse specum, cùm Inferos affaretur. Ulissem verò (quod
obiter notare liceat) ab Homero vel historicè dictum vel poët-
icè fictum, Hiberniam, unam è Britannicis insulis, vel saltem
Britanniam
161
312
Antiquitates
Britanniam ipsam adiisse, facilè inducor persuaderi. Hoc in-
nuit Circe (apud Homerum) dùm Ulissem, in profectione ad
Inferos, doceret, quis ventus secundus, quis cursus per Ocea-
num tenendus. Atque hûc spectare videtur Claudianus, in
Rufinum, lib. 1,
Est locus extremum pandit quà Gallia litus,
Oceani prætentus aquis, quò fertur Ulisses
Sanguine libato populum movisse silentûm.
Illic Umbrarum tenui stridore volantûm
Flebilis auditur questus, simulacra coloni
Pallida, defunctasque vident migrare figuras.
Hinc Dea prosiluit, Phœbique egressa serenos
Infecit radios, ululatuque æthera rupit
Terrifico, sensit ferale Britannia murmur,
Et Senonum quatit arva fragor, revolutaq; Tethys
Substitit, et Rhenus projecta torpuit unda.
Quibus tetrastichon adjicimus, ex Johannis Garlandii lib. 3,
de Triumphis Ecclesiæ, ubi de Johanne rege Angliæ loquens,
ita canit,
Evertit nemora variis Hibernica bellis,
Ad Stygis introitus Patriciique lacus-
Purgant (ut dicunt) hîc Purgatoria vivos,
Si sint constanti pectora fixa fide.
Liber MS. extat in Bibliotheca Cottoniana. Sed ne nimìs
excurrat oratio, pro coronide habe Iconismum insulæ Purga-
torii (ut vocant) S. Patricii, cum adjunctis annotationibus qui-
busdam.
162
Notandum
Hibernica.
313

Regles
Caverna Purgatory'
Lectus vel Circulus
S. Brendani
Lacus
•Loctus vel Circus
lus S. Brigida
Lectus vel Circulus
S. Katharine
O
Lectus vel Circulus.
SS. Abogi et Molaifri
Lecius vel
Circulus Columbæ
Infula Purgatori
S. PATRICII
Defcriptio,
Lectus vel Circu
lus S. Patricy
Derg
Seputehra
ex acer
vis lapidum.
Hollar fec.
Antiquitates Hibernica.
315
Notandum circulos suprà memoratos vulgò dictos lectos,
muris lapideis vix tres pedes altis cinctos, loca fuisse pœnis et
pœnitentiis peregrinantium attributa. Ad antrum ipsum quod
attinet, è saxo vivo constructum est, saxísque latis obtectum
cum terra superimposita gramine vestita. Clauso ostio, lu-
cem aliquam præbet unica fenestella, in angulo recurvitatis.
Continet in longitudine intra muros 16 pedes et dimidium, in
latitudine plerunque duos, et pollicem unum vel alterum.
Atque ut specus est exigua, ita etiam et insula, quæ (uti suprà
diximus Cap. X) vix continet tres quartas partes unius acræ
Hibernicæ. Ecclesiam hujus insulæ olim Regles vocatam tra-
dunt Historia Jorvallensis, Henricus de Knighton et alii. An
verò à reliquiis ibi olim asservatis ita dicta fuerit, vel quòd à
Canonicis regularibus occupata, velim ut alii paulò diligentiùs
secum perpendant.
Loca et tituli dedica-
tionum.
Monachan, FC.
Cluain-eois, vulgò
MONACHAN.
Fundatores, ordines et aliæ
antiquitates.
Felimus Mahonides ordini Minorum
conventum posuit anno 1462.
Ord. Canonicorum S. Augustini. S.
Clunes, M. SS. Petri Tigernacus Episcopus et fundator coeno-
et Pauli.
bii obiit anno 550 Aprilis.
Loca et tituli dedica-
tionum.
Cavan, FC.
CAVAN.
Fundatores, ordines et alia
antiquitates.
Gelasius Rufus O-Rely fratribus Mi-
noribus construxit ibi conventum anno
1300. Hunc locum Johannes Clynnus
Brefiniam appellat. Conventus transiit
ad fratres Minores de Observantia, anno
165
Ord.
1502.
316
Antiquitates
Drumlahan, P. B.
Mariæ.
In Insula S. Trini-
tatis de Lough-ough-
Ord. Canonicorum Augustinianorum.
Fundatur vel saltem restauratur à S.
Edano, vulgò dicto Maidoco Archiepis-
copo Fernensi, circa finem seculi 6.
Subjiciebatur tandem cœnobio B. Mariæ
de Kenlis in Midia.
Clarus Mac-Mailin aliquandò Archi-
diaconus Elphinensis cœnobium ibi con-
ter, M. S. Trinitatis. struxit ordini Canonicorum Præmonstra-
tensium, anno Dom. 1249, quod Carolus.
O-Rely dotavit. Vel hoc cœnobium,
vel cœnobium B. Mariæ de Ballimore,
(de quo suprà dixi in Midia occidentali)
idem est cum eo quod Johannes Le Paige,
in Bibliotheca ordinis Præmonstratensis,
edita Parisiis anno 1633, monasterium
Ballimenualense in provincia Armachana
appellat.
PROVINCIA MOMONIÆ.
Loca et tituli dedica-
tionum.
Juxta Waterfordiam,
P. S. Catharinæ.
gelistæ.
WATERFORD.
Fundatores, ordines et aliæ
antiquitates.
Prædiis ditavit Elias filius Normanni.
Innocentius III. confirmavit possessiones
anno 1210. Canonici hujus cœnobii.
Ordinis fuerunt Victoriensis. Ostmanni
fundatores existimantur.
Juxta Waterfordiam, Johannes Comes Moretoniæ posteà
P. S.Johannis Evan- rex Angliæ fundavit, monachis Bene-
dictinis replevit, et cellam fecit cœnobii
SS. Petri et Pauli Bathoniæ in Anglia.
Hoc cœnobium in chartis fuis ille Domum
appellat Eleemosyna suæ. Inter benefac-
166
tores
Hibernica.
317
Waterfordiæ, FC.
Waterfordia, FC.
Carrig Parva, FC.
Dungarvana, FC
Kilbarry,
Killure,
Crooke,
Pr.
Molanna, al. Insula
S. Molanfidi, M.
tores primarios numeratur Petrus de
Fonte.
Fratres Prædicatores introducti sunt
anno 1226, et novennio posteà cœnobium
iis à civibus fundari coeptum.
Ord. Minorum. Hugo Purcellus
eques fundavit circa annum Dom. 1240,
et in ecclesia ejusdem Conventus sepul-
tus est. Vid. plura in Luca Waddingi
tomo 1 Annalium Minorum.
Jacobus I Comes Ormoniæ Minoritis
posuit anno 1336. Primus ibi fratrum
ingressus fuit in festo Apostolorum Petri
et Pauli, uti Johan. Clynnus habet,
qui primus fuit loci Gardianus, sive
custos.
Ord. Eremitarum S. Augustini. Hic
conventus olim patronos agnoscebat Co-
mites Desmoniæ.
Sedes primùm Equitum Templario-
rum, posteà Hospitalariorum.
Hoc cœnobium Canonicorum Regula-
rium Dar-inis olim dictum, S. Molanfi-
dus primus ibidem Abbas fundavit,
seculo 6. Præfuit ibi posteà S. Fach-
nanus cognomento Mongach i. Crinitus,
quia cum cæsarie natus. Consule Jo-
hannis Colgani Acta Sanctorum Hiber-
niæ, ad 13 Martii. In hoc cœnobio se-
pultus dicitur Reimundus Crassus (sive
le Gros) vir magni nominis sub Henrico
2, qui in expugnanda Hibernia operam
navavit egregiam.
Mothil, M. SS. Coani Coenobium Mothilense originem suam
et Brogani.
debet S. Brogano, cui (ni fallor) suc-
cessit in præfectura cœnobii, S. Coanus
vel Cuanus, seculo Christi 6. Sunt qui
dicunt
167
318
Antiquitates
dicunt (qua authoritate nescio) hoc cœno-
bium tandem ordinis fuisse Cistertiensis:
mihi arridet eorum opinio qui ordinis
fuisse Augustiniani asserunt, usque ad
ipsum tempus suppressionis, sub Hen. 8.
Loca et tituli dedica-
tionum.
CORK.
Fundatores, ordines et aliæ
antiquitates.
Juxta Corcagiam, M. Cormacus, rex Momoniæ, allis Des-
S. Barri, al. Finbarri. moniæ construxit Canonicis regularibus
Juxta Corcagiam,
FC.
Juxta Corcagiam,
FC.
Ord. S. Augustini, circa annum 1134,
in honorem S. Johannis Baptistæ. Est-
que (ni fallor) monasterium illud Ibra-
cense, à Cormaco rege extructum, de
quo loquitur S. Bernardus in vita Mala-
chiæ. Possessionibus ditavit (quiCormaco
successit) filius ejus Dermitius, circa ann.
1173. Hoc cœnobium, à multis annis,
antiquitato priori nomine, Monasterium
de Antro S. Finbarri et vulgò Eille-Abbey
dicitur, à Gil-Æda nimirùm magni ibi
nominis Abbate, et posteà Episcopo Cor-
cagiensi, qui obiit anno Dom. 1173.
Sedem hîc fixerunt fratres Dominicani
anno 1229, ex dono Dom. Philippi Bar-
rii. Statua ænea effigiem ejus equitantis
præferens, in gratitudinis testimonium,
pensilis olim asservabatur in ecclesia
ibidem.
Ord. Minorum. Dom. Philippus Prin-
dergast fundavit, circa annum 1240.
Sunt qui fundationem ascribunt Mau-
ritio Prindergast, sed perperam.
168
Conventus
1
Hibernica.
319
Juxta Corcagiam,
FC.
Juxta Corcagiam,
P.S. Johannis Evan-
gelista.
Ballibeg, juxta Buta-
vant, P. S. Thoma.
Balle-mac Edan,
MC. aliis FC.
Bantre, FC.
Butavant, Clynno,
Botonia, FC.
Castle-lehan, al. Cas-
tle-lyon, FC.
Chore, al. de Choro
S. Benedicti, M. B.
Mariæ.
Fermoy, al. de Castro
Dei, M. B. Mariæ.
Villa pontis Fer-
moia, al. Ballin-
Conventus ord. Eremitarum S. Au-
gustini introductus est regnante Ed-
wardo primo.
Johannes Dominus Hiberniæ, et comes
Moretoniæ monachis Benedictinis posuit,
et cellam fecit cœnobii SS. Petri et
Pauli Bathoniæ in Anglia.
Hoc cœnobium Gulielmus de Barry
Canonicis posuit Augustinianis. David
filius ejus possessionibus auxit anno
1237.
Dermitius Sulivanus Minoritis cœno-
bium ibi ædificavit circa annum 1460,
juxta litus maris.
Hoc cœnobium ord. Minorum fun-
davit David Barrius loci Dominus sub
Edwardo primo, ibique in chori medio
tumulatus est. Oppidum olim appella-
batur Kilnemallagh.
Minoritis cœnobium ibi construxit
Johannes Barrius, anno 1307.
Fundatum anno Dom. 1180, et mona-
chis repletum Cistertiensibus ex cœno-
bio de Nenay, aliàs Magio, apud Lime-
ricenses.
Fundatum an. Dom.
Fundatum an. Dom. 1170, mona-
chisque Cistertiensibus primò impletum
è cœnobio Suriensi, posteà verò novâ
monachorum coloniâ, ex coenobio Fur-
nessensi, apud Lancastrienses in Anglia.
Situm habet ad Aven-more flu.
Alexander filius Hugonis regnante
Johanne fundavit, et prædiis ditavit,
droghed, P.B.Maria. ut ex charta fundationis liquet. Canon-
icis is replevit ex cœnobio S. Thomæ
juxta Dublin.
169
Ord.
320
Antiquitates
Glanore, FC.
Inishircan, FC.
Kilcre, FC.
Kinsale, FC.
B. Mariæ.
Maur, al. de Fonte
vivo. M. B. Mariæ.
Morn, al. Mora, al.
Ord. Prædicatorum. Fundatur à fa-
milia de Rupe.
Insula est maris (in sinu Baltimo-
rensi) duobus milliaribus à litore dis-
tans, in qua Florentius O-Driscoll cœno-
biolum Fratribus Minoribus de Obser-
vantia posuit 1460. Sunt qui à Dermitio
O-Driscoll fundatum asserunt anno 1470.
Hæc ora (obiter adnoto) copiosâ hale-
cularum (quas Pilchards vocant) pisca-
turâ admodùm celebris est, unde in
Hispaniam exportantur.
Cormacus filius Thaddæi mac Carty
conventum ord. Minorum fundavit an.
1478, aliis 1465, ac in ecclesia ibidem
ipse tumulatus est 1494.
Robertus filius Richardi Balrain cœ-
nobium Carmelitis ibi posuit, regnante
Edwardo 3.
Fundatum ann. Dom. 1172, et mona-
chis Cistertiensibus repletum ex cœno-
bio Baltinglassensi. Dermitium Cor-
maci filium (de quo suprà fit mentio)
fundatorem ferunt. Chrysostomus Hen-
riques cœnobium de Re in Hibernia,
inter cœnobia Cistertiensia enumerat.
Inch-Rie opinor intelligit, quæ posteà
cella fuit cœnobii Maurensis.
Ord. Militum Hospitalariorum. Alex-
and. de Sancta Helena vel fundator fuit
S. Johannis Baptista. vel primarius benefactor, regnante Jo-
Balline-mony, Pr.
Ross, al. Ross-Car-
bry, P.
hanne.
Ord. Canonicorum Augustinianorum.
S. Fachnanus (de quo suprà diximus)
primus fuit Abbas et fundator cœnobii
ibidem, sub finem seculi 6. Locus
antiquitùs appellabatur Rossailitbri, et
magno florebat honore, ob antiquam ibi
Musarum
170
Hibernica.
321
Temolagi, FC.
Tracton, al. de Albo
Musarum sedem.
Ad austrum, mare
Vergivium propinquum cernitur.
Fundatur Minoritis à Dom. Gulielmo
Barrio, sub Edwardo secundo, vel, ut alii
habent, à Cartais. Conventum à Cregana
hûc translatum ferunt. Bibliothecam
loci, Campanile, Dormitorium et Noso-
comium construxit Edmundus Cursæus
episcopus Rossensis, qui obiit 10 Martii
1518, et in ecclesia hujus cœnobii se-
pultus est.
Fundatum anno Dom. 1224, et mona-
tractu, M. B. Mariæ. chis Cistertiensibus repletum ex cœnobio
de Alba Landa, apud Maridunenses in
Wallia. Possessiones confirmavit Ed-
wardus III.
Juxta Youghal-lam,
FC.
Juxta Youghal-lam,
FC.
Mauritius filius Geraldi Minoritis
cœnobium ad austrum oppidi extruxit,
circa annum Dom. 1231. Obiit is 8
Maii 1257, habitu fratris Minoris sus-
cepto, et in ecclesiâ ejusdem cœnobii
tumulatus est. Is primus dicitur qui
hunc ordinem in Hiberniam duxit.
Sedem hic fixerunt Fratres Prædica-
tores ann. 1268, vel, secundùm Clyn-
num, 5 Calend. Augusti 1271. Thomam
filium Mauritii fundatorem ferunt.
LIMERICK.
Loca et tituli dedica-
tionum.
Limerici, P. B. Mariæ
et S. Edwardi regis.
X
Fundatores, ordines et alie
antiquitates.
Simon Minor civis Limericensis Ca-
nonicis, ni fallor, Augustinianis posuit,
regnante Johanne. Hujus loci Prior
primam habuit vocem in electione annua
Prætoris Limericensis.
171
Donatus
322
Antiquitates
Limerici, FC.
Limerici, FC.
Limerici, MC.
S. Petri.
Any, Pr. S. Johannis
Baptista.
Any, FC.
Athdara, al. Adara.
M. S. Trinitatis.
Athdara, FC.
Athdara, FC.
Asketina, FC.
Donatus cognomento Carbrac O-
Brien Fratribus ord. Prædicatorum
fundavit anno 1227. In ecclesia ibi-
dem ipse tumulo conditus est an. 1241,
cum statuâ ejus superimpositâ.
Ord. Minorum. Fundatur à quodam
è familia de Burgo, regnante Henrico
3. Hic sepultus est anno 1287, Dom.
Thomas de Clare è Comitum Glover-
niæ stirpe. Item filius ejus Richardus,
anno 1318.
Donaldus O-Brien, rex Limericensis,
sub adventum Anglorum, construxit
monialibus nigri ordinis S. Augustini.
Galfridus de Mariscis fundavit, reg-
nante Johanne, Militibus Hospitalariis.
Æneas O-Hernan ultimus hujus loci
Præceptor, ab Henrico 8 designatus est
episcopus Imelacensis, anno 1543.
Ord. Eremitarum S. Augustini. Fun-
datur sub Edwardo 2, à Johanne filio
Roberti et aliis.
Hoc cœnobium constructum est fra-
tribus ordinis sanctæ Trinitatis de re-
demptione captivorum, pro fide Chris-
tiana, à Paganis incarceratorum, reg-
nante Edwardo primo. Sedet ad Ma-
gium flu.
Johannes, filius Thomæ, primus comes
Kildarensis, sub Edwardo secundo, fun-
davit, cœnobium ibidem ord. Eremi-
tarum S. Augustini.
Thomas comes Kildarensis et Johan.
uxor ejus, anno 1464, regnante Ed-
wardo 4, excitârunt conventum ord.
Minorum de Observantia, ad ortum
villæ.
Jacobus comes Desmoniæ Minoritis
172
construxit
Hibernica.
323
Ballinebraher, FC.
construxit an. 1420, (ad Delum flu.)
prope castrum suum de Asketin.
Ord. S. Francisci.
Ord. Prædicatorum, ex fundatione (uti
ferunt) familia de Rupe.
Ballinegall, FC.
Inis-catte, al. Inis-
cathaig, Insula She- ibi
Sanctus Senanus episcopus cœnobium
construxit Canonicis Regularibus,
nanifu. P. S. Senani. sub finem seculi 5. In eadem insula
erat etiam olim sedes episcopalis, quæ
post adventum Anglorum cathedræ
Limericensi unita est, ut suprà diximus,
cap. 16.
Spectabat nuper hæc insula
ad Tuemoniam, sive agrum Clarensem,
sed nunc pars censetur Limerici.
Killociæ, al Kilmal-
lock, FC.
Kilshane, FC.
Monaster-ne-Gallioch,
Sedem ibi fixerunt fratres Prædica-
tores, an. Dom. 1291.
Ord. Minorum, vel, ut alii, tertii
ord. S. Francisci.
Hoc coenobium constructum est mo-
M. C. S. Catharina. nialibus ordinis S. Augustini juxta
lacum dictum Loughgir.
Nenay, al. de Magio,
M. B. Mariæ.
Rathkele, P.B. Mariæ.
Woney, al. Wetheny,
M. B. Mariæ.
x 2
Fundatum anno 1148, aliis 1151,
(ab O-Brieno ut putatur) ad Magium
flu. et monachis repletum Cistertiensibus
ex cœnobio Mellifontis. Possessiones
confirmavit Johannes rex Angliæ. Huic
cœnobio annexa est cella Fealensis, ad
Fealum flu. in hujus et Kerriensis agri
collimitio.
Ord. Canonicorum Aroacensium.
Theobaldus Walter Hiberniæ Pin-
cerna fundavit, paulò ante exitum
seculi XII, et monachis Cistertiensibus
implevit ex coenobio Saviniacensi in
Gallia. Regestum Honoris Richmon-
diæ in Bibliotheca Cottoniana (sub
Faustina, B. 7.) fundatum vult 11.
Kalend. April. 1205.
173
TIPPERARY.
324
Antiquitates
Loca et tituli dedica-
tionum.
Juxta Casseliam,
M. B. Mariæ.
Casseliæ, FC.
Casselia, FC.
Ardfinan, FC.
Athassel, P. S.
Edmundi regis et
martyris.
Cahir, al. Cahirdu-
nesk, P. B. Mariæ.
Carriga, P. seu H.
TIPPERARY.
Fundatores, ordines et alia
antiquitates.
Hoc cœnobium Hoze Abbey vulgò
dictum Cistertiensibus posuit David
Mac-Carwill Archiepiscopus Casseli-
ensis, an. 1272, et Benedictinorum præ-
diis, quos è cœnobio de Rupe Cassel
(sito prope ecclesiam cathedralem S.
Patricii Casseliæ) expulerat, ditavit.
Ptocotrophium porrò, quod David le
Latimer Miles leprosis Casseliæ con-
struxerat, eidem cœnobio conjunxit.
David Mac-Kelly Archiepiscopus
Casseliensis fundavit Conventum ord.
Prædicatorum anno 1243, Johannes
Cantwell Archiepiscopus itidem Casse-
liensis, sub Henrico 6, restauravit.
Coenobium ord. Minorum Casselia
vulgò appellatur IIacketi coenobium,
utpotè à Dom. Gulielmo Hacketo fun-
datum, regnante Henrico 3.
Ord. S. Francisci,
Prioratum (circa annum 1200) canon-
icis Augustinianis extruxit Gulielmus
de Burgo, è cujus posteris ibi sepulti
sunt Walterus de Burgo, comes Ultoniæ
et Walteri, filius Richardus, vulgò dictus
Comes Rufus. Hic, anno 1326, ille,
1271. Johannes rex confirmavit posses-
siones 20 Aprilis 1205. Inter Priores
clarus fuit Hubertus de Burgo, qui
episcopus evasit Limericensis anno 1223.
Galfridus de Camvil fundavit Canon-
icis Augustinianis, regnante Johanne.
Gulielmus de Cantelo et Dyonisia
174
uxor
Hibernica.
325
listæ.
S. Johannis Evange- uxor ejus filia Thomæ filii Antonii fun-
dârunt Canonicis. Subjecta est posteà
hæc domus Hospitali S. Thomæ de Acon
Londini, ut ex Regesto dicti Hospitalis,
in Bibliotheca Cottoniana, sub effigie
Tiberii, C. V. intelligimus.
Clonaul, Pr.
Clonmellæ, FC.
M. S. Crucis, ad
Surium flu. filiu
Magii.
Fetherda. FC.
Galbally, FC.
Inchinemeo, al.
Insula Viventium.
P. S. Hilarii, aliis,
B. Mariæ.
Primùm sedes Militum Templariorum,
posteà Hospitalariorum.
Sedem ibi fixerunt Minoricæ anno
1269. Sunt qui Othonem de Grandisono
hujus conventus fundatorem asserunt,
Alii qui fundationem ascribunt Oppi-
danis, et alii, qui Geraldinis.
Hoc cœnobium, in S. Crucis, honorem,
monachis Cistertiensibus posuit Donal-
dus O-Brien, rex Limericensis, circa
annum 1169, vel ut alii habent, 1181.
Possessiones confirmavit Johannes Do-
minus Hiberniæ et comes Moretoniæ,
posteà rex Angliæ. Hoc cœnobium
subjectum est posteà in capitulo gene-
rali, per Abbatem Clarevallensem, cœ-
nobio Furnessensi in Anglia.
Walterus Mulcot fundavit ibi con-
ventum ord. Eremitarum S. Augustini,
assensu Mauritii Mac-Carwill Archie-
piscopi Casseliensis, an. 1306.
Ord. Minorum, O-Brien fundavit, in
hujus et Limericensis agri collimitio.
Prior et conventus loci sedem tandem
fixerunt Corballiæ, quæ non longè di-
stat à dicta Insula Viventium. Fuisse
olim in ea insula, capellam cui pauci
cœlibes, quos Calicolas vel Colideos vo-
cant devotè deserviebant, tradit Giraldus
Cambr. Topograph. Hiberniæ distinct 2,
cap. 4.
Sed posteà sedes fuit Canoni-
corum Regularium.
175
Liber
326
Antiquitates
Inisslaunaght, al. de
Surio, Filia Magii,
M. B. Mariæ.
Kilcoul, al. de Arvi-
campo, filia Jeripon-
tis, M. B. Mariæ.
Kilcumin, P. seu C.
SS. Philippi et Ja-
Liber Statutorum ordinis Cistertien-
sium Hiberniæ monasterium de Surio
fundatum asserit anno 1159, cui asti-
pulatur antiquus cœnobiorum illius or-
dinis Catalogus. Sunt tamen qui diù
posteà monachis Cistertiensibus erectum
volunt à Donaldo O-Brien rege Limeri-
censi, ac ab eo et Malachia O-Felan
Desiæ Dynasta prædiis ditatum. At-
qui probabilius videtur monachos Su-
rienses, ab alia nescio qua sede eidem
Surio fluvio apposita, hûc migrâsse, quàm
sedem hîc primò fixisse: nam in vitâ S.
Malachiæ à Divo Bernardo (qui obiit
anno 1153) descriptâ, monasterii Su-
riensis fit mentio. Hoc coenobium novâ
monachorum coloniâ, è coenobio Fur-
nessensi, in Lancastriâ, repletum est
anno 1249.
Exemplar chartæ Henrici 3, qua con-
firmavit possessiones hujus coenobii, Do-
naldum O-Brien monachis Cistertien-
sibus fundâsse prodit. Donaldum illum
fortasse intelligit, de quo suprà fit
mentio, et quem obiisse anno 1194
produnt Annales Hibernici. Contrà
autem, jam dictus liber Statutorum
ord. Cistertiensis hoc cœnobium fun-
datum tradit anno 1200, sexennio scil.
post mortem Donaldi, et Regestum
Honoris Richmondiæ ann. habet
1209. De hac re, quid judicem nescio.
Fortè quis suspicetur Donaldum, pro
Donato ejus filio, qui floruit annis
1200 et 1209, transcriptoris incuriâ
irrepsisse.
Philippus de Wigornia Benedictinis
fundavit et cellam fecit monasterii Gla-
stoniensis
176
Hibernicæ.
327
cobi, et S. Cumini.
Killinenallah, FC.
Lurchoa, al. Lothræ,
P. S. Ruadani.
Lurchow, FC.
Moylagh, MC.
S. Brigidæ.
Nenaghæ, FC.
Juxta Nenagham, P.
seu H. S. Johannis
Baptistæ.
Roscrea, FC.
Thome, P. S. Donani,
aliis, B. Mariæ.
Tipperaria, FC.
Thurles, FC.
stoniensis in Anglia. Sed prædiis à
vicinis spoliatis non diurnavit.
Conventus ord. Minorum introductus
est regnante Henrico 6.
Ord. Canonicorum Augustinianorum.
S. Ruadanus primus Abbas et fundator
loci obiit ibidem an. 584. Sunt qui
asserunt manum ejus Cantuariæ, in ec-
clesia cathedrali, theca argentea deau-
rata asservatam fuisse, usq; ad tempora
Hen. 8.
Walterus de Burgo comes Ultoniæ
fratribus Prædicatoribus coenobium ibi
instituit anno 1269.
Moniales nigræ ordinis S. Augustini.
Ord. Minorum. Fundator regnante
Henrico 3, à Kennedæis, vel (ut alii
putant) à Pincernis. Capitulum Provin-
ciale ibi habitum est anno 1344.
Theobaldus Walter Hiberniæ Pin-
cerna fundavit et dotavit, circa annum
1200, ad sustentationem Canonicorum
(Augustinianorum) et Infirmorum ibi-
dem Deo servientium, Hoc cœnobium
à nomine S. Johannis cui dicatum vulgò
appellatur Teach-eon i. Domus Johannis.
Bibiana vidua Mælronii O-Caroll cœ-
nobium ibidem fratribus Minoribus in-
stituit.
Cella erat Prioratus Canonicorum S.
Hilarii de Insula Viventium, ubi S. Do-
nanus ut patronus olim colebatur; fortè
loci fundator.
Conventus ord. Eremitarum S. Au-
gustini introductus est regnante Hen-
rico 3.
Ibi cœnobium erat fratrum ord. B.
Mariæ
177
328
Antiquitates.
Mariæ de Monte Carmel. quod à Pin-
cernarum sive Butlerorum familia ex-
tructum ferunt.
Loca et tituli dedica-
tionum.
Aghamore, P.
Ardfertæ, al. Ar-
darta, FC.
Balli-ne-scelig, al. de
Monte S. Michaëlis.
Inisfallen, al. Inis-
KERRY.
Fundatores, ordines et aliæ
antiquitates.
Ord. (ut fertur) Canonicorum Au-
gustinianorum,
Fitz-Mauritii majores Baronis Kerriæ
fundârunt ibi conventum ord. Minorum.
Hi originem suam ad Reimundum Cras-
sum referunt, de quo suprà fit mentio.
Ord. Canonicorum Augustinianorum.
In una è Scelegis insulis (quæ hinc ali-
quot milliaribus distant) antiquum erat
cœnobium S. Michaëli Archangelo dica-
tum, cujus meminit Giraldus Cambrensis,
Topograph. Hibern. distinct. 2. cap. 30.
De primo conditore, non habeo quod
dicam. Flanum Mac Cellach, Abbatem
Scelichensem obiisse 885. docent An-
nales coenobii Inisfallensis. Coenobium
verò translatum est posteà ad locum in
Continente commodiorem, prope station-
em de Balli-ne-scelig.
S. Finianus cognomento leprosus
fathlen,in lacuLeanP. fundavit post medium seculi 6. De eo
vid. Johan Colgani Acta Sanctorum.
Hiberniæ, ad 16 Martii. Insula ipsa
arbutis abundat. Fructus arboris ab
incolis vulgò the Cane Apple, i. pomum
Canomense dicitur, sed Unedo Latinè,
quòd unum tantùm esse expediat, noxio
et inutili ejus esu. Sic Had. Junius.
Irrialagh, juxta lacum Donaldus filius Thaddæi Mac-Carty
178
Minoritis
Hibernica.
329
Lean, FC. S. Trini- Minoritis fundavit anno 1440 et restau-
ravit 1468, ipso nimirùm anno quo mor-
tem obiit.
tatis.
Killagha, al. de Bello
loco, P. B. Mariæ.
Lislaghtin, FC.
Odorney, al. Kirie-
leyson, filia Magii,
M.
Rath-toy, M.
SS. Petri et Pauli.
Traleia, FC.
Ord. Canonicorum Regularium. Gal-
fridus de Mariscis sub Johanne rege
fundavit. Sedet prope Mangium flu.
Johannes O-Conner fundavit ibidem
anno 1478 conventum ord. Minorum de
Observantia. Locus nomen habet à
S. Lactino Abbate, qui decessit anno
Dom. 622.
Hoc cœnobium ordinis Cistertiensis
initium sumpsit anno 1154. Hic sepul-
tus est anno 1186, Christianus illustris
ille episcopus Lismorensis, qui hûc se
contulit, cùm terrena aversatus, aliquot
ante obitum annos, episcopatu se abdi-
câsset.
Primò Hospitale fuit S. Johanni Bap-
tistæ dicatum, à Fratre Gulielmo con-
structum, et à Meilero filio Meileri con-
firmatum, regnante Johanne, posteà in
monasterium Canonicorum Regularium
ord. Aroacensis conversum.
Johannes filius Thomæ (Geraldinus)
fundavit ibi conventum ord. Prædicato-
rum anno Dom. 1243. In ecclesia hujus
conventus ipse et Mauritius filius (à Mac-
Cartao occisi) sepulti sunt anno 1261.
CLARE, OLIM TUEMONIA.
Loca et tituli dedica-
tionum.
Clare, al. Kilmony,
al. de Forgio, M.
SS. Petri et Pauli.
Fundatores, ordines et aliæ
antiquitates.
Donaldus O-Brien rex Limericensis
construxit ibi cœnobium Canonicis Au-
gustinianis, ad Forgium flu. unde quan-
doque dictum Monasterium de Forgio.
Donaldus
179
330
Antiquitates
Corcumro, al. de Pe-
rice.
Donaldus antedictus fundavit mona-
tra fertili, M. B. Ma- chis Cistertiensibus anno 1194, vel, se-
cundùm alios, filius ejus Donatus Car-
brac anno 1200. Filia fuit monasterii
Suriensis. Hoc coenobium subjectum
est posteà cœnobio Furnessensi apud
Lancastrienses in Anglia. Huic etiam
monasterio annexa est cella de Kilconna
al. Kilsane.
Inis, al. Inis-Cluan-
ruada, FC.
Inis-catte, P.
S. Senani.
Inis-negananagh, i.
Insula Canonicorum,
P.
Kil-Oen, MC. S. Jo-
hannis Baptistæ.
Quinchy, FC.
Donatus Carbrac O-Brien, circa an-
num 1240, Minoritis, magnâ elegantiâ,
excitavit, ad Forgium flu.
De hujus cœnobii Origine, vid. quæ
supra dicta sunt in Limerico.
Ord. Canonicorum Augustinianorum.
Donaldus O-Brien rex Limericensis vel
fundator fuit vel restaurator cœnobii
ibidem. Insula ipsa Shenano flu. jam in
immensum aucto circumfunditur.
Idem Donaldus, coenobium ibi con-
struxit monialibus Ord. S. Augustini.
Hunc conventum ord. Minorum fun-
davit Maconus Mac-Nemarra, anno 1433.
PROVINCIA CONATIE.
Loca et tituli dedica-
tionum.
Juxta Galviam, FC.
GALVVAY.
Fundatores, ordines et alice
antiquitates.
Gulielmus de Burgo Minoritis fun-
davit anno Dom. 1296, in insula S.
Stephani, extra muros urbis. In Eccle-
sia hujus conventus, sub uno eodémque
marmore, humati jacent duo Archiepis-
copi Tuamenses, Mauritius de Portu,
(cujus nomen ob eruditionem celebre
180
est)
Hibernica.
331
Juxta Galviam, FC.
Juxta Galviam, FC.
Aghrim, vel Each-
est) ejusque successor Thomas Lalæus,
uterque ejusdem ordinis.
Ord. Prædicatorum, filia conventus
Athenriensis. Locum concessisse di-
cuntur Canonici ordinis Præmonstra-
tensis Tuamæ.
Conventus Ord. Eremitarum S. Au-
gustini Galviæ initium sumpsit ex lar-
gitione oppidanorum. Hunc locum con-
ventum Calviensem perperàm appellat
Nicolaus Crusenius, in monastico Au-
gustiniano edito 1623. Sed de cæteris
hujus provinciæ cœnobiis Augustinianis,
crassiùs plerúmque errat, uti posteà pate-
bit, quando de conventu Ardnariensi
agemus.
De vetustate hujus coenobii, nihil certi
raim, P.S.Catharinæ.quod dicam occurrit. Sunt qui à But-
lerorum familia fundatum asserunt: at
quàm verè nescio. Hic Canonici fuerunt
Augustiniani.
Aran. al. Arn-na-
namh, i. Aran Sanc-
torum, M.
Athenric, FC.
Hæc insula, quæ jacet in Oceano inter
extremos Conatiæ et Momoniæ fines,
olim ad Momoniam spectabat; sed hodiè
vulgò pars censetur agri Galviensis. Hic
S. Endeus Abbas circa an. Dom. 480,
monasterium Canonicorum Regularium
construxit, Engusa Natfraici filio rege
Momoniæ, insulam concedente.
Milerus de Bermingham loci dominus
cœnobium ibi fundavit fratribus Prædi-
catoribus anno Dom. 1241. Obiit is in
Momonia, non procul à Casselia, unde
corpus Athenriam deportatum, ibi in
ecclesia dictorum fratrum tumulatum
est. In eadem ecclesia plura sunt etiam
sepulchra episcoporum Duacensium et
aliorum, Sed memorandum imprimis
181
illud
332
Antiquitates
Ballinehinch, FC.
Clare, al. Clare-
yndowl, FC.
Clonfertæ, ad She-
nanum Alu. M. B.
illud Gulielmi Berminghami Archiepis-
copi Tuamensis filii dicti Mileri, parieti
inditum, ab aquilonali parte summi al-
taris.
Fundatur ibi à Flaghartais cœnobium
ordinis (ni fallor) Carmelitani.
Johannes de Cogan magnis expensis
Minoritis extruxit, circa annum Dom.
1290, ad 4 à Galvia lapidem.
S. Brendanus Abbas Finlogæ filius.
posuit anno 558. In hoc et in aliis à se
Maria de Portu puro. fundatis cœnobiis, tribus monachorum
Clonkeen-Kerril, FC.
S. Trinitatis.
Clontuoskirt, P.
Crevabane, FC.
Dunmore, FC.
Enaghduna, al.
millibus præfuisse dicitur, qui manuum
suarum laboribus, victum sibi compara-
bant. Propriam is condidit regulam
quanquàm successores ejus demùm nor-
mam susceperint S. Augustini.
Thomas O-Kelley Episcopus Clonfer-
tensis (posteà Archiepiscopus Tuamen-
sis) Ecclesiam parochialem ibidem con-
cessit fratribus tertii ordinis S. Fran-
cisci de pœnitentia, ad rogatum Davidis
et Johannis Mulkerrill illius ordinis
Professorum, circa annum 1435. Euge-
nius 4 confirmavit donationem anno
1441. Huic ordini constructa sunt etiam
posteà cœnobia apud Cowlevernoge,
Templemoyle-Killtullagh et Beagh.
Ord. Canonicorum Augustinianorum.
Boadanum de Cloantuaiscert obiisse
anno 808 (qui nobis 809) produnt An-
nales Ultonienses. Hujus cœnobii is
Abbas fuit (opinor) et conditor.
Ordinis Carmelitarum, ni fallor.
Ordinis Eremitarum S. Augustini.
Fundatur à Berminghamis Athenriæ
Dominis.
S. Brendanum Monialibus ibi cœno-
bium
182
Hibernica.
333
Enaghcoin, MC.
B. Mariæ.
Enaghduna, M.
patrum.
bium instituisse liquet, iisque Abbatis-
sam præfuisse sororem suam Brigam,
monialibus ordinis Aroacensis Ecclesiam
ibidem, cum villa de Kelgel, confirmavit
Cœlestinus III, 4 Calend. Martii anno
1195. Sedet prope lacum Curb.
Hoc cœnobium forte idem est cum eo
B. Mariæ de Portu Ord. Præmonstratensis, quod Johannes
le Paige appellat monasterium Kilvaine-
nasense filiam Tuamensis, Enechtunen-
sis diœcesis. Sed à quo erectum non re-
peri.
Kaltragh-ne-Pallice,
FC.
Kilbought, FC.
Kilconnell, FC.
Kilcarbain, FC.
B. Mariæ.
Kilcreunata, al. de
Casta silva, MC.
Kil-mac-duac, al. de
Petra Duacensi M.
Ord. Fratrum B. Mariæ de monte
Carmel.
Fundatur à familia Walæorum. Sunt
qui fratres tertii ordinis S. Francisci
ibi sedem fixisse asserunt.
Gulielmus Kellæus Minoritis con-
struxit an. 1414.
Thomas de Burgo episcopus Clon-
fertensis (Capituli sui assensu) concessit
fratribus tertii ordinis S. Dominici ca-
pellam B. Marie de Kilcarbain, ad ro-
gatum Johannis Fitz Rery et confratrum
dicti ordinis. Eugenius 4 confirmavit 4
Idus Martii 1444.
Carolus O-Conner, à manu rubra,
vulgò Croederg cognominatus moniali-
bus S. Benedicti instituit, circa annum
1200. Huic coenobio annexæ sunt pos-
teà cellæ de Inchmean et Ardcarn, hæc
in agro Roscomanensi sita, illa, in Maio-
nensi.
Ord. Canonicorum Regularium. Sunt
qui originem ascribunt S. Colmano filio
Duaci primo episcopo Duacensi, seculo
6, alii, qui Mauritio cuidam ejusdem
sedis episcopo. Situm habet prope la-
183
cum
334
Antiquitates
Kinalekin, Pr.
S. Johannis Baptiste.
Kinalekin, FC.
Knoc-moy, al. de Colle
M. B. Mariæ.
cum qui mensibus æstivis plerásque
aquas suas exsorbet, hybernis verò, evo-
mit. Harum ideoque voragines itineran-
tibus periculosæ sunt, dùm compendia
in æstate sectantur.
Ord. Militum Hospitalariorum.
Ord. Minorum.
Supradictus Carolus Crovderg funda-
Victoriæ, filia Buellii,vit monachis Cistertiensibus anno 1189,
aliis 1190, in victoriæ memoriam, quæ
eo loci feliciter ei cessit. Obiit is 5 Cal-
end. Junii anno 1224, in hoc cœnobio
tumulatus, habitu Cistertiensis monachi
priùs suscepto. Huic cœnobio annexa
est posteà cella de Cleary, in insula ma-
ris ejusdem nominis, apud Maionenses.
Ad Lough-reogh, FC.
B. Mariæ.
Milick, FC.
Monaster-O-Gormo-
gan, al. de Via nova,
M. B. Mariæ.
Portumnæ, FC.
Rosserelly, FC.
Slewshancogh, FC.
Tea-Sasson, juxta
Athenriam, FC.
Richardus de Burgo comes Ultoniæ
Carmelitis posuit circa annum 1300.
Ord. Minorum. Fundatur ab O-Mad-
deno, ad ripam Shenani flu. quo hyber-
nis mensibus circumfunditur.
Hoc cœnobium Canonicis Augustini-
anis fundavit quidam è familia O-Gor-
moganorum.
Coenobium Dominicanis ibi construx-
it O-Maddenus, ad Shenanum fluvium.
Coenobium ibidem quidam ex familia
Gannardorum construxit anno 1498.
ord. Minorum de Observantia.
Ord. Minorum.
Coenobiolum fratribus tertii ordinis
S. Francisci de pœnitentia ibi extruc-
tum est, circa tempus Henrici 7. Tea-
Sasson i.e. Domus Saxonum (ita Hi-
berni Anglos vocant) Britannicam sapit
originem, Tuy Britannis domum signi-
ficat, sic Menevia illis, Tuy Dewi, i. Do-
184
mus
Hibernicæ.
335
Tuama, MS. Trini-
tatis.
Tuamæ P. seu H.
S. Johannis Baptiste.
Loca et tituli dedica-
tionum.
Mayo, al Magio,
M. S. Colmani.
Annagh, C.
Ballinrobe, FC.
mus Devi, sive Davidis dicitur, à S.
Davide sc. qui sedem Archiepiscopa-
lem, ab Isca Legionis, illùc transtulerat.
Aubertus Miræus in chronico ordinis
Præmonstratensis cœnobium S. Trinita-
tis dioecesis Tuamensis filiam appellat
Steinfeldiæ in Podolia, et perperàm pos-
teà factam asserit Ecclesiam Cathedra-
lem. Johannes le Paige in Bibliotheca
ejusdem ordinis, filiam vocat ipsius cœ-
nobii Præmonstratensis. Christianus O-
Lachnan Abbas loci naufragio periit, in
mari Hibernico, anno 1251. Coenobium
erectum videtur sub exitum Johannis
regis, vel sub initium Henrici 3.
Tirdelvacus O-Coner rex Hiberniæ
posuit circa annom 1140. De ordine,
nihil traditum reperi.
ΜΑΤΟ.
Fundatores, ordines et aliæ
antiquitates.
S. Colmanus episcopus Lindisfarnen-
sis, abdicato episcopatu, in Hiberniam
rediit anno 665, ubi in monasterio Ma-
gionensi, à se constructo, Anglos (inter
quos fuit S. Geraldus) collocavit, unde
locus olim dicebatur Magio-na-Sasson,
id est, Magio Saxonum. Canonici hujus
cœnobii ordinis fuerunt Augustiniani.
Walterus filius Thomæ de Burgo
fundavit cellam quandam ibidem, sed
cujus fuerit ordinis non certè constat.
Sunt qui putent ordinis fuisse S. Fran-
cisci, alii qui ord. Canonicorum regula-
rium S. Augustini et cellam fuisse cœ-
nobii de Cong. His ego assentior.
Ord. Eremitarum S. Aug. Meminit
185
conventus
336
Antiquitates
Ballinsmale, FC.
B. Mariæ.
Ballintobber, al. de
Fonte S. Patricii,
M. S. Trinitatis.
Boghmoynen, FC.
Borisoole, FC.
Cong, M. B. Mariæ.
Cross, al. de Cruce,
C. B. Mariæ.
conventus de Robu Regestum cœnobii
Prædicatorum Athenriæ, ad annum
1337, Sed à quo vel quando fundatus
fuerit, non traditur. Ejusdem ordinis
fuerunt conventus de Belahaunes et
Borriscarra, de quibus nihil prætereà
comperi, nisi quòd fama tenet quendam
è familia de Angulo fuisse fundatorem
cœnobii de Belahaunes.
Coenobium ordinis Carmelitarum fun-
datum à familia Prendergastorum.
Carolus O-Coner cognomento Crov-
derg fundavit et dotavit, ac Canonicis
Regularibus ord. S. Augustini implevit,
quibus Abbatem præfecit Brictium Im-
akin, anno 1216. Hujus cœnobii proles
fuit et cella Prioratus de Cross, de quo
ita Regestum Ballintobberense, Notan-
dum quod Abbas de Fonte creari Prio-
rem facit in filiali ecclesia quæ Cross
dicitur in cantreda de Irris. ad cujus
creationem, dicta filialis ecclesia, post
receptum Rosetum, tenetur Matrici
ecclesia de Fonte, ad ipsius fabricam,
ad 20 solidos et 12 denarios, et anno
quovis posteà, ad 3 uncias.
Tertii ordinis S. Francisci.
Coenobiolum ordinis Prædicatorum
fundatum à Pincernarum sive Butlero-
rum familia.
Hoc cœnobium Canonicis Augustini-
anis posuit Donaldus Ædi sive Hugonis
filius, Amirachi nepos, rex Hiberniæ,
anno 624, prope Curbum lacum. Ibi S.
Fechinus aliquandiù Abbas præfuisse
dicitur.
De hâc cellâ, vid. quæ suprà dicta
sunt, ad monasterium de Ballintobber.
186
Nehemias
Hibernicæ.
337
Moyen, FC.
Murisk, FC.
Orlare, FC.
Rathbran, prope
Mare, FC.
Rosserick, FC.
Strade, juxta
Athlethan, FC.
Nehemias O-Donachou ord. Minorum
de Observantia hoc cœnobium suo ordini
instituit anno 1460; cujus ordinis is fuit
posteà Vicarius Provincialis in Hibernia.
Sedet ad Moyum fl. A damnano, Modam,
Girald. Cambrensi, Moadum.
Ord. Eremitarum S. Augustini fun-
datur ad radicem montis vulgò dicti
Cruach-Patric (Jocelino Cruachanaigle)
à familiâ (ut ferunt) O-Maliorum. Cruc
Britannis collem vel montem significat,
ut è Nennio liquet, et idem denotat hîc
Cruac.
Ibi conditum ferunt à quodam è
familiâ de Angulo aliàs Nangle Conven-
tum ord. Prædicatorum.
Sedem hic primò fixerunt fratres
Prædicatores anno 1274, ut è chronico
illius ordinis liquet. Sunt qui cœnobium
conditum asserunt à familia de Exonia.
Tertii ord. S. Francisci.
Jordanus de Exonia Athlethanæ Dom-
inus, vel (ut alii habent) Jordani filius,
ad rogatum Basilia uxoris suæ filiæ
Domini Mileri de Bermingham locum
dedit fratribus Prædicatoribus, in quo
anteà habitabant fratres Minores, ut ex
Regesto domus fratrum Prædicatorum
Athenriæ intelligimus. Dominicanos hic
sedem primò fixisse anno 1252, docet
chronicon illius ordinis. Ex Anglica
hac familia de Exonia (obiter annoto)
quæ magni olim fuit nominis in hoc
tractu, multi nunc, Hibernico more,
Mac-Jordan, id est, Jordani filii appel-
lantur.
Y
187
ROSCOMAN.
338
Antiquitates
Loca et tituli dedica-
tionum.
Ross-comani, vulgò
Roscoman, M. S.
Comani.
Roscomani, FC.
Athlone, P. S. Petri.
Bealaneny, FC.
ROSCOMAN.
Fundatores, ordines et aliæ
antiquitates.
Ut monasterium Canonicorum Regu-
larium sic ipsum oppidum nomen et
originem debet S. Comano, qui claruit
anno Christi 550. Edwardus primus
rex Angliæ terram de Rathbrenin cum
Priore et conventu S. Comani permu-
tavit, pro Lisnenerny, &c. anno 1282.
Felimus al. Fedlimidus O-Conner
construxit ibi coenobium fratribus ord.
Prædicatorum anno 1253, et in ecclesia
ejusdem conventus sepultus est 1265.
Huic coenobio cellulæ quædam ejusdem
ordinis annexæ fuerunt. Sunt qui as-
serunt Fratres Minores sedem etiam
Roscomani fixisse anno 1269. Oppidum
(obiter adnoto) castro firmavit Robertus
de Ufford Hiberniæ Justitiarius, expen-
sis Henrici 3 regis Angliæ.
In ea parte Athlonæ quæ agri censetur
Roscomanensis, monasterium erat S. Pe-
tro, aliis, SS. Petro et Benedicto dicatum,
quod in Tabula Procurationum et Nox-
alium ecclesiæ Elphinensis, appellatur
monasterium de Innocentia, ordinis fuit
vel Benedictini, vel Cistertiensis, puto
quidem posterioris. In monachorum
fundo extructum est castrum Athlonæ,
sub Johanne rege, ideóque contulit iis
rex decimas expensarum castri, anno
1214, ut ex archivis Turris Londinensis
constat.
Ord. Minorum.
Boyl,ad Buellium, flu. Ordinis Cistertiensis. Habitatio prima
188
monachis
Hibernicæ.
339
Filia Mellifontis,
M. B. Mariæ.
Clonrahan, FC.
Clonshanvill, FC.
Clontuoskirt, al.
monachis Buelliensibus assignata est
Grellechdinæ anno 1148, 16 Augusti,
ubi primus præfuit Abbas Petrus O-Mor-
da, qui paulò posteà episcopus evasit
Clonfertensis, et tandem in Shenano flu.
submersus est 6 Cal. Januarii 1171.
Edanus O-Maccain Abbas secundus
Dromconaidam, conventum transtulit, et
successor ejus Mauritius O-Dubhai, cùm
biennio tantùm Dromconaidæ præfuis-
set, monachos primùm Buinfiniam,deinde
post duos annos et sex menses, Buellium
transtulit, anno, secundùm Annales
Conatienses, 1161, secundùm alios per-
peràm, 1151, ac ibidem mortem obiit
anno Dom. 1174. E successoribus ejus,
non pauci ad episcopatus assumpti sunt.
Sed instituti non est mei hîc enumerare.
Fundatum ferunt fratribus tertii
ordinis S. Francisci, ab O-Conner Roe,
sive Rufo, circa tempus Henrici 7.
Conditum ferunt fratribus Domini-
canis, à Mac-Dermot Roe, sive Rufo.
Hoc cœnobium Canonicorum Augus-
Clontuoskirtnatin, M. tinianorum fundavit S. Faithlecus. Sedet
non procul à Shènano flumine, in Baronia
de Ballintobber.
Dorhan, P.
Elphina, FC.
S. Patricii.
Inchemacnerin P.
Y 2
Canonici Augustiniani ibi primò col-
locati deducti sunt ex coenobio Roscom-
anensi, O-Connoris locum concedentibus.
Cornelius episcopus Elphinensis eccle-
siam parochialem S. Patricii ibidem Fra-
tribus Minoribus concessit, ante annum
Dom. 1450.
Hæc Insula sita est in lacu dicto
Loughke, à quo Buellius flu. excipitur.
In ea fundatum est olim cœnobium
Canonicorum Regularium, fortè idem
189
cum
340
Antiquitates
Inchmore, in lacu
Riensi, P.
cum eo quod scriptor vitæ S. Columbæ
appellat Eas-macneirc, ad Buellii flu-
minis ostium, ubi dictus Columba monas-
terium extruxit, cui Dachonnam aliàs
Mochannam abbatem præfecit. Sed de
hac re quærant alii. Hoc cœnobium
unico milliari distat à cœnobio Buelliensi.
Ord. Canonicorum Augustinianorum.
Fortè S. Liberius filius Losseni, cujus
memoria ibi celebris, fundator fuit.
Kilmore, P. B. Mariæ. Conus O-Flanagan fundator fuit et
Kilaraght, MC.
Knockvicar, FC.
Randon, al. Teaeon,
vulgò S. Johns, P.
S. Johannis Bap-
tistæ.
primus Prior anno Dom. 1232. Præfuit
ibidem usque ad an. 1249, quo obiit 7
Kalend. Maias. Hic Prioratus Canoni-
corum ord. S. Augustini situm habet
prope Shenanum fluvium.
Hoc cœnobium monialium idem est
(ni fallor) cum eo quod S. Patricius con-
struxisse et S. Athractæ virgini donâsse
fertur.
Ordinis Militum Hospitalariorum,
aliis, Cruciferorum. Fundatur regnante
Johanne, ejusque uti creditur jussu,
Philippus de Angulo magnus fuit bene-
factor, sub Henrico 3. Sedet ad lacum
Riensem, in Baronia de Athlone. Ibi olim oppidum erat cum
castro munito, nunc cadaver duntaxat visitur, adeò verum est
illud Rutilii,
Non indignemur mortalia corpora solvi,
Cernimus exemplis oppida posse mori.
Towemona, FC.
In insula S. Trini-
tatis de Loughkea,
M. S. Trinitatis.
Coenobium ibi instituit Canonicis or-
dinis Præmonstratensis (vulgò dictis Ca-
nonicis albis) clarus Mac Mailin Archi-
diaconus
190
Hibernica.
341
Tuilsk, FC.
diaconus Elphinensis, circa annum 1215.
Obiit is sabbatho Dominici Pentecostes
1251, et in ecclesia illius cœnobii sepul-
tus est, ut ex Annalibus Conatiensibus
intelligimus.
Hoc cœnobium ord. Prædicatorum à
Dowellorum familia fundatum fertur.
Sunt verò qui ab O-Connoris positum
asserunt.
Loca et tituli dedica-
tionum.
Sligoa, FC.
Akeras, al. Kilmal-
tin, P.
Ardnaria, FC.
Balli-Assadara, al.
Assadara, M.
SLIGO.
Fundatores, ordines et aliæ
antiquitates.
Mauritius filius Geraldi construxit ibi
cœnobium ordini Prædicatorum, an.
1252. Villam porrò castro firmavit.
Ordinis Canonicorum Augustiniano-
rum, nescio an idem cum cœnobio de
Echrois, cujus Abbas fuit et fundator
S. Molaisse.
Hic conventus ordinis Eremitarum
S. Augustini situs est in hujus et Maio-
nensis agri collimitio. Nomina cœno-
biorum hujus ordinis in provincia Cona-
tiæ, mirè distorquet Nicolaus Cruse-
nius, in Monastico Augustiniano: nam
hunc locum appellat conventum Arna-
censem, pro conventu Bealahaunesensi,
habet Belufamensem, pro Ballinrobensi,
Valla-auronensem, pro Benadensi, Bene-
fadiensem, pro Borriscarrensi, Burges-
querensem, pro Donmorensi, Dominen-
sem, pro Galviensi, Calviensem, et pro
Muriskensi, Morasquerensem.
S. Fechinus fundavit seculo Christi
VII, Canonicis Augustinianis. Ibi non-
nunquàm
191
342
Antiquitates
S. Fechini.
nunquàm, sed plerúmque Fouræ præfuit
Abbas, ubi et è vitâ migravit 20 Januarii
anno 665.
Juxta Ballimot, FC. Ibi, necnon apud Court, extructa
ferunt cœnobiola fratribus tertii ordinis
S. Francisci, prius, à familia de Mac-
Donogh, posterius, à familia de O-Hara.
Ord. Prædicatorum, fundatur à familia
de Mac-Donogh.
Ballindown, FC.
Benada, FC.
Kilamoy, al. Athmoy,
et Kilras, C. S. Trin-
itatis.
Knockmore, FC.
Teach-Temple, i.
Domus Templi, Pr.
Ord. Eremitarum S. Augustini.
Has cellas coenobii S. Trinitatis de
Loughkea extruxit Canonicis Præmon-
stratensibus, clarus Mac-Mailin Archi-
diaconus Elphinensis (de quo suprà dixi-
mus) circa an. 1233.
Templarii milites hîc sedem fixerunt,
regnante Henrico 3, sed eorum ordine
suppresso, sub Edwardo 2, facta est Præ-
ceptoria Equitum Hierosolymitanorum.
Loca et tituli dedica-
tionum.
Cruleagh, al Balli-
ruark, FC.
Moyhil, al. Moethel,
P. B. Mariæ.
LEITRIM.
Fundatores, ordines et aliæ
antiquitates.
Margareta uxor Eugenii Ruarki po-
suit anno 1509, ordini Minorum de Ob-
servantia.
S. Manchenus Abbas fundavit seculo
Christi septimo. Idem fuit opinor cum
Manchino Abbate de Menedrocaid, cujus
obitus ab Historicis Hibernicis ad annum
refertur 651, vel 652. Canonici ejus
cœnobii ordinis fuerunt S. Augustini.
Corollarii loco, adjecimus hîc Catalogum Abbatum et
192
Priorum,
Hibernica.
343
Priorum, qui ante tempus suppressionis cœnobiorum, sub
Henrico 8, (quandò summoniti) loca suffragiaque habuerunt
inter proceres, in Comitiis Parlamentariis. Ad fixum verò
numerum quod attinet, longè minorem fuisse, ex
Archivis liquet.
Abbates
Mellifontîs.
S. Thomæ juxta
Dublin.
B. Mariæ juxta
Dublin.
Baltinglassæ.
Jeripontis.
Tinternæ.
Douskæ.
Tractonæ.
Donbrodiæ.
Magii, al. Nenai.
Wetheniæ.
Rosglassæ,al. M.S.
Evini.
Bectissæ.
Rathtoæ.
Priores
S. Johannis Hi-
erosolymitani.
S. Trinitatis Dub-
lin.
S. Petri novæ vil-
læ juxta.
Trim.
Conallæ.
Kenlisæ,in Ossoria.
S. Patricii de Duno,
Omnium Sancto-
rum Dublinii.
S. Edmundi Athas-
sel.
Killaghæ.
B. Mariæ Lovi-
diæ, al. Louthæ.
Hactenus de coenobiis Hiberniæ. Jamque ut caput hoc
claudamus, notandum nos consultò hic prætermisisse, (ut quæ
extra callem) collegia presbyterorum secularium, Cantarias,
Nosocomia leprosorum, necnon Ptocotrophia pauperum et
infirmorum, quibus non præfuerunt Priores, ex ordine aliquo
monastico.
CAP. XXVII.
De coloniis ex Anglia et Wallia in Hiberniam emissis,
tempore Henrici n, deque terris iis concessis.
HIB
IBERNIA Anglici juris factâ et declaratâ, rex Henri-
cus II, provincias ibi et regiones peramplas distribuit,
inter eos qui in ea subjuganda, fortiter se gesserant. Agmen
193
ducit
344
Antiquitates
ducit Richardus cognomento Strong-bow, quòd arcu intenso
uteretur, Giraldo Cambrensi, comes Striguliæ dictus, aliis,
Penbrochiæ; sed in chartâ quâ concessit Viviano de Cursun
et hæredibus terram de Ratheny (prope Dublinium) sicut eam.
Gilcolmus priùs habuit, nominatur tantùm comes Richardus
filius comitis Gisleberti, sine ulla alia adjectione. Is, ex pacto
cum Dermitio rege Lageniæ, in cujus auxilium, Hiberniam
copiis aggressus est anno 1170, Evam regis filiam et hæredem
uxorem duxit. Nuptiis celebratis, comes ejusque uxor, (ut
suprà diximus cap. 24), Dermitii hæredes publicè Waterfor-
diæ fuerunt declarati. Non diù posteà, quamprimùm scil.
Henrico regi Comitis successus innotuit, metuens ille quonam
hæc res tandem evaderet, omnes subditos suos, ex Hibernia,
ad diem statutum, edicto revocavit, cæterosque prohibuit, nè
commeatum aut milites in Hiberniam exportarent. Comes,
de edicto certior factus, re popularibus communicatâ, eorum
consilio, Reimundum cum literis officii plenis, ad regem, tùm
in Aquitania agentem, misit, quibus quicquid in Hibernia
habuit, regi se paratum resignare professus est. Anno se-
quenti, dùm victorias suas prosequeretur, Wexfordiæ obviam
factus est Hervæo de Monte-Marisco, tum nuper ab Henrico
rege, ad eum misso, cum mandato, ut sine ulla cunctatione,
in Angliam ad regem proficisceretur. Comes, hoc nuncio
accepto, quantâ potuit celeritate, navem conscendit, et in An-
gliam trajiciens, ad regem profectus est, tunc Newnhamæ
agentem, in comitatu Glocestrensi, cum exercitu, quem ad ex-
peditionem Hibernicam paraverat. Ibi postquàm omni sub-
missione, quicquid vel uxoris jure, vel bello partum habuit,
regi per chartam transcripsisset, in gratiam receptus, totam
Lageniam ab eo, beneficiario jure tenendam recepit, civitate
Dublinii et cantredis adjacentibus, cum villis maritimis et
castellis quibusdam exceptis. Exemplar chartæ ab Henrico 2
ei concessæ, (quod sciam) non extat, sed apographum confir-
mationis chartæ à Johanne rege concessæ Gulielmo Mares-
challo comiti Penbrochiæ, qui Isabellam filiam et hæredem
Comitis Richardi duxerat, habetur in Rot. chart. ann. 9 Jo-
hannis, penes custodem archivorum Arcis Londinensis.
Videamus jam distributionem, à Comite Richardo factam,
194
præter
Hibernica.
345
præter amplissimas eas possessiones quas sibi suisque hære-
dibus reservavit. Eamque hic apponemus ex Mauritio Re-
gano, qui tum vixit, et de rebus sui temporis historiam con-
scripsit, unà cum additis nonnullis ex archivis et authoribus
fide dignis, Dedit Comes (sic Reganus) Reimundo le Gros
(sive Crasso qui Basileam sororem comitis duxerat) Fothert,
Odrone et Glascarig, Hervæo de Monte-Marisco, Obarthy,
Mauritio de Prendergast, Fernegenelan, quæ posteà concessa
est Mauritio filio Godeberti, sed quomodò obtinuerit (ait
Reganus) nescio, Meilero filio Henrici, dedit Carbriam, (Ba-
roniam eam scil. quæ hodiè pars est agri Kildarensis) Mauritio
filio Geraldi, Naasam O-Felin, à Mackelano anteà occupatam,
et Wicklo. Mauritio eo non diù posteà Wexfordiæ defuncto,
Johannes tunc dominus Hiberniæ et Comes Moretoniæ Gu-
lielmo filio dicti Mauritii confirmavit Cantredum terræ, quem
Mackelanus tenuit, illum scil. in quo villa de Naas sita est,
quem Comes Richardus dedit Mauritio patri ipsius Willielmi.
Ita charta. Habetur in rotulo Communium placitorum an. 10
Henrici 6, in turri Berminghamianâ Dublinii. Pergit Reganus,
Waltero de Ridelesford dedit terras de Omorthy, Johanni de
Clahul, Mareschalciam Lageniæ, et terras inter Aghavoam et
Lechlinam, Roberto de Bermingham, Ofaly, et Adamo de
Hereford, largas possessiones. Quæ fuerint illæ possessiones,
docet Regestum antiquum coenobii S. Thomæ Dublinii, ubi
de Comite et Herefordio sequentia traduntur, Posteà La-
geniâ perquisitâ, erat quidam juvenis cum eo, (Comite sc.)
quem multùm dilexit, et dedit eidem, pro servitio suo, terras et
tenementa subscripta, viz. Tenementum de Saltu Salmonis
(unde Baronia de Salt in agro Kildarensi nomen accepit)
Cloncoury, Kille, Houterard et Tenementum de Donning, cum
omnibus suis pertinentiis. Idem verò Adamus perpendens,
quod non potuit solus dicta tenementa tenere et defendere,
misit ad partes Angliæ, et fecit venire ad se duos fratres suos
seniores, viz. Johannem et Richardum de Hereford, qui veni-
entes ad ipsum, dedit Johanni fratri suo Tenementum de Kille,
Kildroth, Clonshanbow et Mainay, cum omnibus pertinentiis,
scil. Okey. Item dedit alteri fratri suo Richardo, Donning in
Otyny, cum omnibus suis pertinentiis. Idem in manu sua
195
retinuit
346
Antiquitates
retinuit Saltum Salmonis, cum omnibus pertinentiis suis scil.
Cloncoury, Oweterard, castrum munitum, cum cæteris. Sic
Regestum. Vidi prætereà chartam dicti Comitis, quâ con-
cessit huic Adamo dimidiam villam de Achebo, et totum Cantre-
dum terræ in quo villa sedet, &c. Miloni filio Davidis (sic iterum
Reganus) uni è præcipuis amicis, dedit Overk in Ossoria,
Thomæ le Fleming, Arde, Gilberto de Borard, Ofelmith, cuidam
equiti dicto Reinando dedit 15 feoda militum mari contigua,
et cuidam Roberto (filio Richardi) qui posteà occisus est in Co-
natia, Norragh, Hactenus de Lagenia, tempore Henrici 2.
In Midiam jam ventum est, quam jam dictus Henricus his
verbis concessit Hugoni de Lacy, Henricus Dei gratiâ rex
Angliæ et dux Normanniæ, et Aquitaniæ, et Comes Andegaviæ,
archiepiscopis, episcopis, abbatibus, comitibus, baronibus, justi-
tiariis et omnibus ministris et fidelibus suis, Francis, Anglis et
Hiberniensibus totius terræ suæ, salutem. Sciatis me dedisse
et concessisse, et præsenti chartâ meâ confirmâsse Hugoni de
Lacy, pro servitio suo, terram de Midia, cum omnibus perti-
nentiis suis, per servitium quinquaginta Militum, sibi et hære-
dibus suis, tenendam et habendam de me et hæredibus
meis, sicut Murchardus Hu-Melachlin eam tenuit, vel
aliquis alius ante illum, vel posted. Et de incremento dono
illi omnia feoda, quæ præbuit vel præbebit circa Duveliniam,
dùm Balivus meus est, ad faciendum mihi servitium, apud
Civitatem meam Duveliniæ. Quare volo et firmiter præcipio,
ut ipse Hugo et hæredes sui post cum prædictam terram ha-
beant, et teneant omnes libertates, et liberas consuetudines quas
ibi habeo vel habere possum, per prænominatum servitium, à me
et hæredibus meis, benè et in pace, liberè, et quietè et honorificè,
in bosco et plano, in pratis et pascuis, in aquis et molendinis, in
vivariis et stagnis, et piscationibus et venationibus, in viis et sem-
itis, et portubus maris, et in omnibus aliis locis et aliis rebus ad
eam pertinentibus, cum omnibus libertatibus, quas ibi habeo, vel
illi dare possum, et hac mea charta confirmare. Teste Comite
Richardo filio Gilberti, Willielmo de Braosa, &c. Apud Weis-
ford. Hanc donationem confirmavit rex Johannes Waltero de
Lacy, Hugonis illius filio, Februarii 4, Anno regni nono, per
servitium suprà memoratum, et prætereà feoda sua in Fingal,
196
in
Hibernica.
347
in valle Dublin, per servitium septem Militum, jure hæreditario
in perpetuum, ut è Rot. Chart. ejusdem anni, inter archiva
turris Londinensis liquet.
Sequitur jam distributio ab Hugone Lacæo facta, non dico
integra, nam in hoc desudent alii, sed ut à jam dicto Regano
tradita reperitur, cum interjectis nonnullis, ex chartis ipsius
Hugonis, et authoribus probatis, Dedit is (ait Reganus) Hu-
goni Tirrell, intimo suo amico Castle-Knock, et Willielmo
Petit, Castle-breck. Vidi ego chartam antiquam, quâ Lacæus
concessit huic Willielmo Petit, inter alia, Matherithirnan, cum
omnibus pertinentiis suis, exceptis lacu et villa quæ dicitur
Dissert, &c. Viro strenuo Meilero filio Henrici (sic iterum
Reganus) dedit Magherneran, terras de Rathkenin et Can-
tredum de Athinorker, Gilberto de Angulo aliàs Nangle,
totam Magherigallen, Jocelino filio Gilberti de Angulo,
Navan et terras de Ardbraccan, Richardo de Tuit, amplas
possessiones, Roberto de Lacy, Rathwer, Richardo de la
Chappelle multas terras, Galfrido de Constantin, Kilbisky
et Rathmarthy. Atqui in charta Walteri Lacæi, Hugonis
filii, pleniùs, Feoda 5 Militum in Theof de Kilbixi, cum cas-
tello, et Feoda 15 Militum in terra de Conemake (i. Con-
macne) proxima prædicto castro, ultra aquam de Ethni, per
servitium 4 Militum. Iterùm Reganus, Adamo de Feipo,
Gilberto de Nugent, Willielmo de Misset, Hugoni de Hose,
largas dedit possessiones. Speciatim dedit dicto Adamo de
Feipo, Skrine, et prætereà feodum unius Militis circa Duve-
liniam, sc. Clontorht, et Santreff, ut ex apographo chartæ
ejus, in Regesto cœnobii B. Mariæ Virginis juxta Dublin,
liquet. Item dedit Gilberto de Nugent, Delvin, quam in tem-
pore Hibernicorum tenuerunt O-Finellans, cum omnibus per-
tinentiis et villis quæ infra prædictam Delvin continentur,
excepta quadam villa abbatis Fouræ, nomine Torrechelash,
pro servitio 5 Militum. Ita verba chartæ Lacæi, quam inte-
gram vidi, cum impressione Equitis armati in sigillo, chartæ
affixo. Misseto dedit etiam terram de Luin, et Hosæo, aliàs
Hussæo, totam terram del Dies, quam Schaclinus tenuit. Pergit
Reganus, Adamo Dullard dedit terras de Dullenvarthy, cui-
dam Thomæ dedit Cramly, Timlath-began, ad ortum hybernum
à Kenilsa,
197
348
Antiquitates
à Kenlisa, Lathrakalim, et Sendevonath, et Richardo Flan-
drensi, sive le Fleming dedit Crandon, pro 20 feodis Militum.
In hac Midiæ et partis Fingalliæ distributione, nihil dictum
de terris quas Lacæus sibi suisque hæredibus reservavit, quæ
sanè amplissimæ fuerunt.
De Momonia jam loquendum: atque hîc primò se nobis
offert charta Henrici 2, quâ concessit Roberto filio Stephani
et Miloni de Cogan regnum de Cork (quod Desmoniam etiam
olim complectabatur) civitate Corcagia et Ostmannorum Can-
tredo exceptis. Sed en tibi ipsissima chartæ verba, Henricus
Dei gratia rex Angliæ et dux Normanniæ et Aquitaniæ et
Comes Andegaviæ, archiepiscopis, episcopis, abbatibus, comi-
tibus, baronibus, Justitiariis et omnibus ministris et fidelibus
suis Francis, et Anglis, et Hiberniensibus, salutem. Sciatis
me concessisse et præsenti charta meâ confirmâsse Roberto
filio Stephani et Miloni de Cogan, custodiam civitatis meæ
de Cork, cum Cantredo quod erat Hostmannorum ejusdem
civitatis, quod retineo in manu mea. Ac habenda et tenenda
ea simul, quamdiù mihi placuerit, et benè mihi servient: præ-
tereà dono iis et concedo, et præsenti charta confirmo totum
regnum de Cork, exceptis dicta civitate et cantredo prænomi-
nato, quæ in manu mea retineo, ipsis et hæredibus suis, tenenda
de me et Johanne filio meo et hæredibus nostris, per rectas
divisas, versùs Cap. S. Brendani, super maritima, et versùs Li-
mericum et alias partes, et usque aquam proximam de Lismore,
quæ fluit inter Lismore et Cork, et descendit in mare, per servi-
tium 60 Militum, inde mihi et Johanni filio meo et hæredibus
nostris faciendum, a præfato Roberto et hæredibus suis servi-
tium 30 militum faciendum, et à præfato Milone et hæredibus
suis, 30. Quare volo et firmiter præcipio quòd prænominati
Robertus et Milo custodiam supradictæ civitatis et cantredi
prædicti habeant et teneant, sicut suprà dictum est. Et quod
iidem et hæredes eorum post ipsos, totum regnum prædictum,
exceptis supradicta civitate et præfato cantredo, quæ in manu
mea retineo, habeant et teneant, de me et Johanne filio meo,
et hæredibus nostris, per rectas divisas, sicut suprà determi-
natum est, benè et in pace, liberè et quietè, integrè, plenariè,
et honorificè in bosco et plano, in pratis et pascuis, in aquis et
molendinis
198
Hibernica.
349
molendinis, in vivariis et stagnis et piscariis, in viis et semitis,
et in omnibus aliis locis et aliis rebus ad illud pertinentibus, cum
omnibus libertatibus et liberis consuetudinibus suis: ita quod
à prædicto flumine, quod fluit inter Lismore et Cork, remaneat
in manu mea, tota terra usque ad Waterford, cum ipsa ciri-
tate de Lismore, ad custodiam de Waterford. Testibus Jo-
hanne Norwicensi, Adamo de Sancto Asapho, et Augustino
Waterford. episcopis, Richardo de Lacy, Willielmo filio
Aldelmi Dapifero, Hugone de Lacy, Hugone de Burid, Rogero
filio Remsye, Mauritio de Prendergast, Roberto Dene, Roberto
filio Elioderi, Galfrido Poër, Hervæo de Monte-Marisco.
Apud Oxoniam. Hæc charta concessa videtur anno Dom.
1177. Tunc enim (secundùm Hovedenum, in Henrico 2)
venit rex Oxenford, et in generali concilio ibidem celebrato,
constituit Johannem filium regem in Hibernia, concessione et
confirmatione Alexandri summi Pontificis. Veruntamen,
Johannes ille deinceps, in omnibus chartis suis, tam tempore
patris, quàm fratris Richardi primi, confectis, dictus est
Dominus (non autem rex) Hiberniæ et comes Moretoniæ.
biennio posteà, inter Stephanidem et Coganum facta est divisio
septem cantredorum, quam ita denotat Giraldus Cambrensis,
lib. 2, de expugnatione Hiberniæ, cap. 18, Pacificatis itaque
continuò tam Dermitio Desmoniæ, quàm aliis quoque partis
illius præpotentibus viris, Stephanides et Milo VII cantredos
urbi propinquiores, quos majori in pace tunc possidebant, inter
se deviserunt: Stephanidi tribus, ab oriente, Miloni verò quatuor,
ab occidente, sorte venientibus, illi paucioribus, quia potiores
erant cantredi, huic pluribus, quia deteriores, in divisione con-
stitutis. Urbis existente custodia communi, et aliorum can-
tredorum 24 qui restabant, tributo, cùm obvenerint, inter ipsos
æqualiter dividendo. De terris quas Stephanides et Coganus.
concesserunt aliis, admodùm pauca traduntur à dicto Giraldo
Cambrensi, illius ævi scriptore, Cogani interitu, qui anno
accidit 1184 (non 1189, ut aliqui volunt) opus impediente.
Atqui lucem aliquam præbent chartæ Confirmationum Jo-
hannis regis, quas regni sui anno IX concessit. Tunc enim
confirmavit Willielmo de Barry donationem quam Robertus
filius Stephani fecit Philippo de Barry (ejus è sorore nepoti).
patri
199
350
Antiquitates
patri ejusdem Willielmi, cujus hæres ipse fuit, de tribus can-
tredis, in terra sua de Corcaia, scil. Olethan, cum omnibus
pertinentiis suis, et aliis duobus, scil. Muscherie-Dunegan et
cantredo de Killede, per servitium decem Militum, sicut charta
prædicti Roberti, quam inde habebat testabatur. Ita charta
confirmationis. Item concessit Ade de Rupe Cantredum de
Rosselihir, cum omnibus pertinentiis suis, salvo dominico
episcopi ejusdem loci; per servitium quinque militum. Item
Richardo de Cogan cantredum cum pertinentiis suis, qui
vocatur Muscrie-O-Millane, per servitium quinque militum,
cum pertinentiis, inter portum de Cork et portum de Insove-
nach, et feoda 25 militum, quæ alibi præcepit ei assideri, per
consilium Meileri filii Henrici Justitiarii Hibernice et Jo-
hannis Mareschalli; per servitium 4 Militum, salvis regi et
hæredibus suis prædictis portubus et dominicis suis. Item
Roberto filio Martini, in Cantredo de Insovenach, feoda 20
militum, et alibi 20 feoda militum, quæ ei per consilium
Meileri filii Henrici Justitiarii Hiberniæ et Johannis Mares-
challi et Philippi de Prindergast, præcepit ei assideri, per
servitium 4 militum, pro omni servitio, denique Henrico filio
Philippi et Mauritio filio Philippi fratribus, unum cantredum
terræ, in quo Dunalahoth sita est, per servitium 5 Militum.
Huc usque de regno Corcagiæ. Sequitur regnum Limerici,
sive Momoniæ Borealis, quod regnum Henricus II concessit
Philippo de Breusa, aliàs Braos, exceptis civitate Limerici et
Ostmannorum cantredo. Atqui in charta confirmationis, à
Johanne rege concessa Gulielmo de Braos Philippi nepoti,
dedit ei rex tantùm honorem de Limerick; retentis in domi-
nico nostro (sunt verba chartæ) civitate de Limerick, et dona-
tionibus episcopatuum et abbatiarum, et retentis in manu
nostra cantredo Ostmannorum et S. Insula. Inter alios viros
primarios, qui sedes etiam ibi fixerunt, numerantur Hamo de
Valois, Philippus de Wigornia, Theobaldus Walter, Guliel-
mus filius Aldelmi, et Thomas filius Mauritii. Ad Waterfor-
diam quod attinet, quæ pars etiam est Momoniæ, asserit Bene-
dictus abbas, qui tum vixit, et Henrici secundi historiam de-
scripsit, regem dedisse Roberto Puher (aliàs le Poër) in custodia,
civitatem Waterford, cum tota circumjacente provincia. His
200
porrò
Hibernica.
351
porrò adjicere visum ex eodem Benedicto, servitia Wexfordiæ,
Waterfordiæ et Dublinio, ab ipso rege, assignata. Tradidit
autem Dom. Rex. (ait ille) Willielmo filio Aldelmi Dapifero
suo civitatem Wexfordiæ, in custodia, cum omnibus pertinen-
tiis suis, et statuit ut subscripta in posterum pertinerent ad
servitium Wexfordiæ, Arkelow cum pertinentiis suis, ad ser-
vitium Wexfordiæ; Glascarrig cum pertinentiis suis, ad ser-
vitium ejusdem, Terra Gilberti de Bisrohard (al. Borard) ad
servitium ejusdem, Fernregwinal, cum pertinentiis suis, ad
servitium ejusdem, Fernes cum pertinentiis suis, ad servitium
ejusdem, tota terra Hervæi, inter Wexford et aquam de Wa-
terford, ad servitium ejusdem, servitium Reimundi de Druna
ad servitium ejusdem, servitium de Fordonelan ad servitium
ejusdem, servitium Uthmorthi et Leghlin, ad servitium ejus-
dem, tenementum de Machtalo, cum pertinentiis suis, ad servi-
tium ejusdem, Leis, terra Galfridi de Costentin, cum pertinen-
tiis suis, ad servitium ejusdem. Tradidit autem ibidem Dom.
rex Roberto le Poër in custodiam civitatem Waterfordiæ, cum
omnibus pertinentiis, et statuit ut hæc subscripta in posterum
pertinerent ad servitium Waterfordiæ, tota terra quæ est inter
Waterfordiam et aquam quæ est ultra Lismoram, ad servitium
ejusdem, tota terra de Ossoria cum pertinentiis suis ad servi-
tium ejusdem. Tradiditque ibidem Dom. Rex Hugoni de
Lascy civitatem Duveliniæ in custodia, cum omnibus perti-
nentiis suis, et statuit ut hæc subscripta in posterum pertine-
rent ad servitium Duveliniæ, tota terra de O-Felana, cum
pertinentiis suis, ad servitium ejusdem, tota terra de Offalia,
cum pertinentiis suis, ad servitium ejusdem, Kildara cum per-
tinentiis suis, ad servitium ejusdem, Wichelou, cum pertinen-
tiis suis, ad servitium ejusdem, servitium de Mida, ad servi-
tium ejusdem, servitium 4 militum quod Robertus Poër debet
de castello suo de Dunavet, ad servitium ejusdem. Postquàm
autem Dom. rex apud Oxenford, in prædicto modo, terras
Hiberniæ et earum servitia divisisset, fecit omnes quibus cus-
todias commiserat, homines suos et Johannis filii sui devenire,
et jurare iis legeantias et fidelitates, de terris Hiberniæ.
Hactenus Benedictus abbas, qui porrò (nè quid lectorem
celemus) asserit Henricum 2, sub eodem tempore; dedisse
201
Heberto
352
Antiquitates
Heberto (fortè Huberto) filio Heberti et Willielmo fratri
Comitis Reginaldi, et Joëllano de la Pummai nepoti eorum,
regnum de Limeric, pro servitio 60 militum, tenendum de ipso
et Johanne filio suo, excepta civitate de Limeric, cum uno can-
tredo, quæ Dom. rex retinuit in manu sua, ad opus suum et
hæredum suorum. Ut ut fuerit, constare videtur eos in
Hiberniam non profectos, ad regnum illud Limericense sub-
jugandum. De donatione verò facta Philippo de Breusa, de
qua suprà fit mentio, Vid. Roger. Hoveden. in Henrico 2, et
de confirmatione regis Johannis concessa Gulielmo de Braos
Philippi nepoti, vid. rot. chart. an. 2 Johannis in arce Londi-
nensi.
Ad Conatiam quod attinet; de incursione in eam facta à
Milone de Cogan, anno 1178, et de alia, decennio posteà, à
Johanne de Curcy, in annalibus Hibernicis fit mentio: sed de
colonia aliqua Anglica ibidem fixa, tempore Henrici 2, nihil
traditum reperi.
Ultonia jam adeunda, quam primus aggressus est Johannes
Curcæus, al. de Curcy, anno 1177, Ulidiam Hibernicè Ullagh
(ubi hodiè comitatus Dunensis) is brevi posteà, à Rogero Poër,
Almarico de S. Laurentio, Adamo Camerario et aliis adjutus,
debellavit, deinde anno 1182, Dalriatam, cujus pars est
Routa, territorium hodiè in agro Antrimensi; unde (ni fallor)
exierunt olim Dalreudini illi, de quibus Beda mentionem
facit, qui duce Reuda, de Hibernia egressi, vel amicitiâ vel
ferro, inter Pictos sedes, quas hactenus (ait ille) habent vindi-
cârunt. Curcæi habitatio primaria erat Duni, in Lecalia, ubi
anno 1183, ex ecclesia Cathedrali, seculares Canonicos expulit,
quorum vice, introduxit monachos Benedictinos, è cœnobio
S. Werburg Cestria desumptos. Vita ejus, quam è Latino.
Anglicè reddidit Georgius Doudallus archiepiscopus Arma-
chanus, sub Henrico 8, MS. extat. Curcæi tempore, Anglica
gentis plurimi, sedes suas in Ultonia fixerunt, inter quos
fuerunt Savagii, Whiti, Ridelli, Mandevilli, Jordani, Stantoni,
Logani, Sandalli, Poëri, Camerarii, Stokæi, Passelevi, Russelli,
Audlæi, Coplandi et Martelli. Ultoniæ porrò pars erat
Ergallia, sive Uriel, quæ antiquitùs complectabatur totam
eam regionem quæ posteà divisa est in agros Louthensem,
Monaghanensem
202
Hibernica.
353
Monaghanensem et Armachanum. Sub exitum Henrici 2,
filius ejus Johannes tùm Hiberniæ dictus Dominus et Comes
Moretoniæ, dedit Bertramo de Verdun, Hiberniæ seneschallo
(qui in Palestinâ posteà obiit anno 1192) quatuor Cantredas
terræ in Uriele prædicta, et dimidium Cantredæ terræ in Luva
(al Loutha) illud scil. quod est versùs mare, pro servitio 20
Militum. Hujus generis sunt alia non pauca, ex archivis
plerúmque petenda, quæ aliorum penitiori indagini relinqui-
mus. Mitto hîc varias Johannis Curcæi expeditiones et in-
cursiones in alias Ultoniæ partes, necnon prælia inter eum et
Hibernos commissa, ut quæ ad hunc locum non pertinent.
Satis erit hîc indicare, ob Ulidiam debellatam, et sedes quas
ille et commilitones in eâ potissimùm fixerant, à Jocelino
monacho Furnessensi (qui tum vixit) in Prologo ad vitam
Sancti Patricii, appellatum Ulidia Principem.
D
CAP. XXVIII.
De insulis minoribus quæ per mare Hibernicum
sparguntur.
E mari Hibernico suprà diximus, Cap. III et XXIII. De
commoditatibus quas præstat, Cap. VII.
Locus jam
postulare videtur, ut de insulis mari Hibernico circumfluis,
aliquid adjungam, et adjungam sanè, idque primò ex veteri-
bus generatim. Hiberniam habere insulas insignes VI, tradit
Marcianus Heracleota, in periplo suo, sed nomina non ascri-
bit. Habe etiam fabulosam Demetrii Grammatici narrationem
de insulis Britanniæ adjacentibus, è Plutarchi libro de ora-
culorum defectu, Demetrius narravit insulas circa Britanniam
esse multas hinc inde sparsas, (quales ex eo Sporades Græcis
dicuntur) easque desertas, quarum nonnullæ geniorum et
heroum dicantur. Se quoque mittente Imperatore, cognoscendi
ac perlustrandi gratiâ, profectum in eam quæ desertis proxima,
à paucis tenebatur incolis, sed quos omnes Britanni sacros
inviolabilesque haberent: statim verò post illius adventum,
magnam in aëre confusionem extitisse, et portenta multa
ventósque in procellas erupisse et ignitos rortices in terram
delatos
Z
203
354
Antiquitates
delatos fuisse, sub horum finem insulares dixisse aliquem
eorum qui præstantioris humanâ sunt naturæ, esse desiisse: Et
addit paulò pòst, ibi quandam esse insulam, in quâ Saturnus
captivus detineatur à Briareo, dormiens, (hoc enim vinculum
adversus eum fuisse excogitatum) et adesse Saturno multos
genios, comites ipsius ac famulos. Ita Plutarchus. Neque
desunt qui, ex Orpheo, Jasonem, cum Argonautis, in Hiber-
niam vel appulisse, vel saltem litora Hibernica legisse colligunt,
unde Hadrianus Junius ita Hiberniam loquentem inducit,
Illa ego sum Graiis olim glacialis Iërne
Dicta, et Jasoniæ puppis benè cognita nautis.
Hûc usque generatim. Quæ ad rem habent Plinius, Ptole-
mæus et alii nonnulli tàm è veterum quàm mediorum tem-
porum scriptoribus, suis posteà patebunt locis.
Jam verò ut meliore ordine in instituto cursu progrediar, è
sinu Carigfergusii solvam, et inde litora legens, insulas orien-
tales primùm invisam, posteà australes, deinde occidentales,
ac demùm aquilonales. In hac navigatione, se nobis primùm
ostendunt Coplandæ, duæ insulæ, ita fortassè dictæ à Copland-
orum familia, quæ in vicina Ulidia olim florebat. Tum Berry
insula, à qua si oram legamus usque ad litus agri Dubliniensis,
nullæ apparent insulæ memoratu dignæ: nam insulas quæ
sunt in lacu Cone et unam vel alteram exiguam insulam, intra
ostium portus Carlingfordiensis, uti et scopulos hinc inde per
mare sparsos, consultò prætermisi, ut quæ ad rem, de qua
nunc agimus, non pertinent. In agri Dubliniensis litore est
Holm-Patrick, sive insula S. Patricii, quæ ita denominata est
in memoriam S. Patricii, qui ibi appulit anno ccccxxxII, et
inde in continentem trajecit, ad Hiberniam Christianæ religi-
onis radiis illuminandam. Huic proximæ sunt Skerres, in-
sulæ scopulosæ, Eodem inde litore Lambey eminet, quæ
Plinio (ni fallor) Limnus, et à Ptolemæo Limni appellatur.
Proxima huic est insula exigua dicta Erelands eye, i. Oculus
Hiberniæ, ubi (ut notavit Johannes Alanus Archiepiscopus
Dubliniensis, sub Henrico VIII, in Regesto suo nigro) S. Nes-
sanus olim insistebat crebris orationibus, jejuniis et vigiliis
Tribus.
204
à
Hibernicæ.
355
Tribus hinc miliaribus, ad austrum, abest Dalkey, in chartis
nonnullis Hydrographicis, insula S. Benedicti vocata, à qua,
ut oram legimus, postquàm loca ea vadosa à nautis dicta The
North, Middle and South grounds, prætervecti sumus insula Beg-
eri, i. si interpreteris, Parra Hibernia conspicitur, ad agrum
Wexfordiensem spectans, fortassè eadem quæ à Plinio, Edros,
à Ptolemæo, Edri dicitur, olim S. Ibari scholâ celebris, qui
ibi (ut in vita ejus legimus) celebre condidit cœnobium, et
sacras literas aliásque artes optimas docuit maximam multi-
tudinem Hibernorum et aliorum. Huic proximæ sunt duæ
Saltes insulæ, quæ ejusdem comitatus censentur partes.
Ad his, usque ad Capel insulam modicam, quæ 3 vel 4
milliaribus à portu Youghallensi abest, nullæ memoratu dignæ
sunt insulæ: post eam verò, in eodem litore Cotton-Eland,
Lesteren, Lacallan, Cray et Loughin, cum aliis minoris notæ
conspiciuntur. Magis ad occasum in alto eminet Clera Insula,
nautis Cape Clere, cui maximum fuit decus S. Kiaranus senior
episcopus Saigerensis, qui hîc (ut refert vitæ ejus scriptor)
natus est et educatus. Interius in sinu Baltimorensi confer-
tissimæ jacent insulæ, inter quas sunt Inistirkan aliàs Inisshir-
kan, Aughra, Insula longa, Insula dicta the Horse, sive Equus,
et interiùs in sinu Bantriensi, Whiddy.
In alto tùm comparent tres Insulæ Dorses, quarum maxima
appellatur, The Cow, i. Vacca; Secunda, The Bull, sive Tau-
rus, tertia, The Calf, sive Vitulus. Sub ostium deinde Kilmari,
vel Kinmari fluvii, sunt insulæ quædam exiguæ, sed inprimis
memorandæ sunt margaritæ, quas in hoc fluvio et in ora
vicina concha pariunt. Hoc obiter. In alto eminent tres
Scelega, insulæ scopulosæ, in quarum una erat olim cœnobium
S. Michaëli Archangelo dicatum, quod posteà (uti suprà dixi-
mus Cap. XXVI) ad continentem translatum est. His proxima
est Valentia aliàs Dariry insula, quæ per aliquot milliaria
Kerriæ litori objecta jacet, tenui freto à continente divisa.
Magis ad Arctum sunt Blaskes Insulæ, cum scopulis adjacen-
tibus. Neque prætermittenda est Inis-catte sive Inis-cathaig
(licèt intra ostium Shenani flu.) olim sedes episcopalis, ubi
S. Senanus præfuit episcopus. Nomen insulæ Scholiastes
Enca filii Oengobhan, à Cuthaic bestia fera deduxit, quæ ibi,
z 2
205
et
356
Antiquitates
et in Regionibus vicinis (ut ille habet) multos occidebat. Proxi-
mæ melioris notæ sunt tres Arana insulæ, scilicet Inis-ier,
Inis-mane et Aran-more, quæ nunc ad agrum Galviensem
spectant, olim verò ad Momoniam pertinebant. Harum præ-
cipua est, Aran-More, id est, Aran-Magna, dicta etiam Arn-
na-namh, sive Aran Sanctorum, ob sanctos ibi sepultos. De
hac insula et S. Enna, aliàs Endeo, primo ibidem Abbate, ita
scriptor vitæ S. Albei, Cùm S. Albeus reverteretur de Cassell,
occurrit ei Enna abbas dicens: revertere mecum ad regem
(Ængusam) et quære mihi ab eo illam Insulam, i.e. Arn, ut in
nomine Domini faciam ibi monasterium. Tunc reversus
Sanctus Albeus ad regem salutavit eum dicens: illam insulam
positam in Oceano maris, da nobis ut adificemus ibi monas-
terium. Rex ait non vidi nec audivi qualis et quanta sit illa
insula, et ideo nemini illam dabo, ut priùs sciam quomodò sit.
Tunc virtus divina fecit regem videre totam eam insulam per
longa spatia terrarum, et scivit qualis et quanta fuit. Tradi-
dit autem rex Sanctis insulam Arn, et sub S. Albeo, S. Enna
construxit ibi egregium monasterium, et sub uno nomine nomi-
natur etiam insula, i. Arn. Et magna est illa insula, et est
terra Sanctorum, quia nemo scit numerum sanctorum, qui
sepulti sunt ibi, nisi solus Deus. Hæc ille: cui astipulatur
scriptor vitæ S. Endei, qui asserit etiam Dariniam, Endei
sororem, Engusæ regis fuisse uxorem. Sed audi porrò fabu-
losam relationem de hac insula, ex Giraldi Cambrensis Topo-
graph. Hiberniæ Distinct. II, Cap. VII, Est insula quædam
in occidentali Conactie* solo posita cui nomen Aren, à S.
Brendano, ut aiunt, consecrata. In hac, hominum corpora
nec humantur nec putrescunt, sed sub dio posita et exposita,
permanent incorrupta. Hic homines avos, atavos et tritavos
longamque stirpis suæ retrò seriem, mirando conspiciunt et cog-
noscunt. Est et aliud ibi notabile, quia cùm per totam Hi-
berniam copiosè nimis mures abundant, hæc tamen insula mure
caret: mus enim non nascitur hîc, nec vivit invectus, &c.
Nescio an hîc operæ pretium sit memorare incolas nonnullos
qui fide digni videri volunt, affirmare se, ex his insulis, fasci-
*Salo meliùs.
206
natam
Hibernicæ.
357
natam insulam quam O-Brasil vocant interdum sudo cœlo
prospexisse. In hujus insulæ scrutinio, nonnulli nuper oleum
et operam perdiderunt. At situm confidentiùs designant
chartæ quædam hydrographicæ. De perdita hac insula, sive
insula Brendani, vide, si placet, quæ habet Ortelius, in the-
sauro suo Geographico. Prætereo hîc fabellam de insula
quadam maris Hibernici quam fantasticam vocant, instabili
primò, tandem per ignem stabili facta, Talium cupidus petat
jam dicti Giraldi Cambrensis Topogr. Hib. Distinct. 11. Cap.
XII. Ad rem redeo. Inter Aranas et continentem, non
pauca jacent insulæ exiguæ. Magis verò ad Arctum, (inter
alias minoris not) jacent Ardillan, Ilanemraher, Inissharke,
Insula Cuniculorum et Inis-bo-find, id est, Insula vaccæ albæ,
in quam ingentes massæ ambræ, (nos Ambergreese dicimus)
aliquoties sunt ejectæ. Hic S. Colmanus Lindisfarnensis
episcopus cœnobium olim construxit. Sic enim Beda, Eccle-
siasticæ Historiæ lib. 4, cap. 4, Intereà Colmanus, qui de
Scotia erat episcopus, relinquens Britanniam tulit secum
omnes quos in Lindisfarnensi insula congregaverat Scotos:
sed et de gente Anglorum viros circiter triginta, qui utrique
monachicæ conversationis erant studiis imbuti. Et relictis in
ecclesia sua aliquot fratribus, primò venit ad insulam Hu,
unde erat ad prædicandum verbum Dei, Anglorum genti desti-
Deinde secessit ad insulam quandam parvam, quæ ad
occidentalem plagam ab Hibernia procul secreta, sermone
Scotico Inis-bo-find, id est, insula vitule albe nuncupatur.
In hanc ergò perveniens construxit monasterium et monachos
inibi, quos de utraque natione collectos adduxerat, collocavit,
&c. Navigatio Colmani ad insulam vaccæ albe, in Annalibus
Tigernaci, (qui floruit seculo XI) ad annum refertur DCLXXVI.
Ibi Colmannus ille naturæ cessit novennio posteà, die 8.
Augusti. Eodem inde litore eminent Inisturk et Clerey, in
qua erat olim cella coenobii Knockmoyensis. Inter has et
continentem (in sinu Borisolensi) confertissimæ jacent insula
exiguæ. Tum utraque Akil, major et minor, cum noto
nautis scopulo magis ad occasum, dicto the Black Rock, deinde
Iniskea et Davilan.
natus.
Insula Ultoniæ jam invisendæ, atq; illæ, primùm quæ
partes
207
358
Antiquitates
Vet. * bay wi
partes censentur Tirconalliæ, sive ut nunc loquimur, agri
Donegallensis. Atque hic, post insulas quasdam perexiguas,
quæ ostiis Erni flu. Et portuum Donegalliæ et Calebegæ
præjacent, in alto comparent insulæ dicta Arane Aquilonales,
ad Aranarum suprà memoratarum differentiam, prope quas sunt
scopuli à nautis vocati The Staggs, sive Cervi. Tum Cladagh
conspicitur, et magis ad orientem Torre, ad 8 milliare à con-
tinente, terra satis fertilis. Inis-vën verò, (sive insula Euge-
nii) licèt insula dicta, reverà peninsula est, et isthmo, conti-
nenti Hiberniæ annectitur. Huic maximum est ornamentum
London-derry civitas, antiquitùs Deria et Dair-calgaic.
Proximæ sunt Glassedy et Strahul, al. Inis-strahul, Insula
scopulosæ ad quas Phocæ se conferunt, ut dormiant et fœtum
edant. Tùm Skerres, deinde Rughlin, quæ pars est agri
Antrimensis et una leuca à continente abest, Plinio Ricnea,
Ptolemæo Ricina, Antonino Riduna. Cæterùm Historici
Hibernici Recarn, et Recruin vocant. Segenium Abbatem
Jæ Ecclesiam de Recarn fundûsse anno DCXXXIV, vel DCXXXV,
prodit Tigernacus; et in Annalibus Ultoniensibus ad an.
DCCXCIV, (qui nobis est DCCXCV) fit mentio Combustionis et
vastationis Recrain per Gentes. Danos hic intelligi docet
Caradocus Lhancarvanensis, in Cambriæ chronico: nam Dani
circa hæc tempora (ut ille habet) maximam Hiberniæ partem
populati, Recrein quoque vastârunt. Johannes rex Angliæ
donavit hanc insulam (inter alia) Alano de Galway, ut ex
archivis constat. Inter eam et continentem jacent exigua
nonnullæ insulæ, et magis ad austrum, comparent novem
insulæ scopulosæ dictæ The nine Maids, non procul à penin-
sula Magie. His proximæ sunt insulæ Coplandicæ, à quibus
exorsi sumus, et cum quibus finem huic capiti imponemus.
208
CAP.
Hibernicæ.
359.
CAP. XXIX.
Diatriba de Basilicis, sive ecclesiis Cathedralibus Hiberniæ,
in qua origines earum et aliæ antiquitates aperiuntur.
IN PROVINCIA ARMACHANA.
Loca et tituli dedica-
tionum.
Armacha, Ecclesia S.
Patricii.
Origines et aliæ antiquitates.
TE
EMPLUM erexit cathedrámque
ibi fixit S. Patricius Hibernorum
Apostolus, anno Domini 445, vel secun-
dùm annales Ultonienses, 444, ad quem annum, in iisdem annali-
bus ita annotatum invenimus, Ardmacha fundata est. Ab urbe
condita, usque ad hanc civitatem fundatam, 1194 anni sunt.
Locum (prope Calin flu.) à salicibus quibus consitus fuerat,
Druim-Sailec primùm dictum concessit Dairus quidam, vir
divitiis affluens, et inter suos magni nominis. Ab editiori verò
situ, posteà factum est nomen Armacha sive Ardmacha, id est,
Editus Campus. De Sede à S. Patricio hîc collocatâ, ita Joce-
linus monachus Furnessensis, in vita ejusdem Patricii, cap.
165, Cathedram Archiepiscopalem in eadem urbe collocavit
(S. Patricius) et ut sedes illa totius Hiberniæ esset Primaria,
Metropolis, et Magistra, animo statuit. De antiqua hujus
sedis dignitate, nihil prætereà dicam, nisi quod amplissima
habebat olim privilegia, ad Ecclesiasticæ libertatis firmamen-
tum indulta. Sed redeamus ad propositum. Ecclesia hæc cathe-
dralis, sicut sæpè devastata fuit et incendio deformata, ita iterùm
atque iterùm restaurata et amplificata ab Archiepiscopis Arma-
chanis; sed præcipuè à Patricio Scanlaino, circa annum Salu-
tis 1262, tum nuper à sede Rapotensi Armacham translato.
Proximus ejus successor Fr. Nicolaus Molissæ filius, præter
libros, vestimenta Ecclesiastica pretiosa et alia quæ Ecclesiæ
suæ Armachanæ dederat, annuam etiam 20 marcarum pen-
sionem ejusdem Ecclesiæ fabricæ, ex Mannerio suo de Termon-
Frichan pendendam contulit. Sedi prætereà suæ appropriari
curavit Mannerium de Dromyskin. Obiit 10 Maii 1303, vir
ob facundiam et prudentiam celebris, cùm Ecclesiam Arma-
chanam rexisset annos 31.
209
Clonardæ
360
Antiquitates
Clonarda E. S.
Finiani.
In Midia multæ erant olim sedes epis-
copales, Clonardensis nempè, Damleagen-
sis, Kenlisensis, Trimmensis, Ardbraca-
nensis, Don-shaghlinensis et Slanensis, præter alias minoris notæ :
quæ omnes, exceptis Damleagensi et Kenlisensi sive Cenanu-
enci, coaluerunt, iisque communis sedes Clonardæ constituta
est, ante annum Dom. 1152, quo facta est divisio Episcopatuum
Hiberniæ, à Johanne Paparone Presbytero cardinale tituli S.
Laurentii in Damaso, Eugenii III tunc apud Hibernos legato,
in synodo inchoata pridie Nonas Martii, vel in cœnobio Melli-
fontis, vel, ut aliis placet, Kenlisæ. Cæterùm duæ illæ Sedes
(Damleagensis nempè et Kenlisensis) eandem posteà aleam
subierunt. De his compendio sigillatim: ac primò de Clonarda.
Clonardæ primus præfuit Episcopus S. Finianus, sive Fina-
nus, philosophus et theologus insignis. Is nobili ortus pro-
sapiâ, sed pietate nobilior, apud S. Davidem Menevensem in
Cambria episcopum aliquandiù commoratus est, eique ob
egregias animi dotes valdè charus fuit. In patriam reversus,
factusque episcopus, sedem suam Clonardæ in Midia, prope
Boinum fluvium, collocavit, ubi porrò Gymnasium instituit,
quod illius curâ et laboribus, multos progenuit viros sanctitate
et doctrinâ celebres: inter quos fuerunt uterque Kiaranus,
uterque Brendanus, uterque Columba (nempè Columba-cille et
Columba filius Crimthani) Laserianus filius Nathfraci, Cain-
ecus, Movæus et Ruadanus. Et sicut schola S. Finiani fuit
quasi quoddam totius Sapientiæ Sacrarium, ut loquitur vitæ
ejus Descriptor, ita et ipse Finianus Sapientis cognomen
adeptus est. Obiit is Decembris 12, anno Salutis 552, et in
Ecclesia sua sepultus est. Episcoporum hujus dioeceseos, qui
Clonardæ sederunt postremus fuit Simon de Rupeforti al.
Rochfort, Anglus, qui sicut prædecessor ejus Eugenius, ulti-
mis consecrationis suæ annis, stylo à Midiâ regione amplissimâ,
mutuato, episcopus Midensis dictus est; quo titulo omnes
etiam deinceps successores constanter usi sunt. Non tamen
hic prætermittendum Idumanum unum è prædecessoribus
Eugenii, diù ante eum Midiæ episcopum fuisse dictum, et eo
usum stylo, inter testes Epistolæ Waterfordiensium ad Ansel-
mum Archiepiscopum Cantuariensem, in gratiam Malchi
210
electi
Hibernicæ.
361
electi Waterfordiensis, an. 1096 conscriptæ. Sed ad Simonem
redeamus. Is circa annum Christi 1206, Clonardâ relictâ,
cathedram suam episcopalem ad coenobium SS. Petri et
Pauli Apostolorum novæ villæ juxta Trimmam transtulit,
quod tum nuper Canonicis Augustinianis condiderat. Constat
porrò Henricum VIII regem (qui monachos ubique exturbavit)
ecclesiam cœnobii B. Mariæ de Ballemore juxta Logh-feudy
apud West-Midenses, in Cathedralem hujus diœceseos con-
vertisse. Sed quàm diù ita duraverit, nescio.
Damleage, sive ut hodiè, Duleka, sedes episcopalis pri-
mùm constituta est à S. Kenano, aliàs Cianano, cui ipse præ-
fuit episcopus primis Ecclesiæ Hibernicæ surgentis temporibus.
S. Kenanum Ecclesiam ibi construxisse lapideam, et inde
Damleag nomen accepisse refert Officium ejus, cujus exemplar,
è codice MS. Bibliothecæ publicæ Cantabrigiensis transcrip-
tum, impertivit mihi amicissimus M. Gulielmus Morus.
Ecclesiarum etenim anteà (sic idem Officium) de virgis et
tabulis structuræ fiebant in Hibernia.
Nec facilè quidem
reperiemus aliam structuram, è saxo, ab Hibernis factam, ante
tempus S. Malachiæ Archiepiscopi Armachani, S. Bernardi
æqualis et dilecti, licèt in morte paulò prioris. Sed de vete-
rum Hibernorum ædificiis, vide, si placet, quæ suprà diximus
cap. 22. Sanctus hic Kenanus regio Momoniensium ortus san-
guine, et ad tempus in Gallia, sub S. Martino episcopo
Turonensi educatus obiit 24 die Novembris anno 489 vel 488.
Sequitur Cenanus, posteà contractiùs Kenlis, et deinde
(sicut hodiè vulgò) Kells, antiquitùs inter insigniores Hiberniæ
urbes numerata, sed posterioribus temporibus postquàm nimi-
rum in opidulum decrevit, dicta ob situm et munimentum
Clavis earum partium Midiæ. Memoranda porrò hoc nomine,
quòd S. Columba, qui et Columb-cille, composito (inquit Beda)
à Cella et Columba nomine, cœnobium insigne ibi fundavit,
circa annum Dom. 550, locum concedente Dermitio filio
Cervalli rege Hiberniæ. Sedem etiam episcopalem ibi posteà
erectam fuisse liquet, sed quandò primùm constituta fuerit,
ignoratur. Hoc tamen constat eum seculo XIII, cathedræ
Midensi fuisse conjunctam. Kenlisa huic magnum olim decus
fuit S. Cuthbertus Lindisfarnensis Episcopus (obiter adnoto)
211
qui
}
362
Antiquitates
qui hic in lucem editus est, uti vitæ ejus Descriptor demon-
strat ex Historiis Hiberniensium. Liber habetur in Bibliotheca
Cottoniana, sub effigie Vitellii, D. XIV. 8. Non desunt tamen
qui natum eum in loco dicto Kilmacudrick, ad quartum
Dublinio lapidem, contendant.
Ad cæteras quod attinet, satis erit vel verbo memorare
Ecclesias Trimmensem et Don-shaghlinensem à S. Patricii
nepotibus erectas fuisse, hanc à S. Secundino, al. Sechnallo,
illam à S. Lumano: deinde Slanensem à S. Erco, qui obiit
anno 512, et Ard-bracanensem à S. Ultano, qui anno decessit
657. Hique omnes ut fundatores, ita primi fuerunt harum
Ecclesiarum Episcopi. Atque hæc de sedibus hisce, unitist
tandem et conjunctis episcopatui Midensi compendio dicto
sufficiant.
Duni, Eccles.
S. Patricii.
Sanctus Cailanus S. Macnisii episcopi
Connerensis æqualis, sed in Episcopatu
posterior, ex Nendrumensi Abbate, factus
est Dunensis ecclesiæ episcopus, sub exitum seculi post Christum
natum quinti. Ecclesiam hanc refecit S. Malachias Morgairus,
episcopus primùm Connerensis, dein Armachanus Archiepisco-
pus, ac demùm Archiepiscopatu abdicato, Antistes Dunensis,
anno 1137. Tum post annos circiter 40, Malachias tertius ejus-
dem nominis Episcopus Dunensis, à Johanne Curcæo Ultoniæ
dicto expugnatore adjutus, auxit eam et ornavit. Johannes ille
prætereà, Canonicis secularibus expulsis, eorum loco, monachos
Benedictinos, è cœnobio S. Werburga Cestriæ, substituit
anno 1183. Et sub eodem tempore, ejusdem Curcæi suasu,
ecclesia ea Cathedralis, quanquàm anteà S. Trinitatis nomini
consecrata, in S. Patricii honorem dicata est. Non paucos
autem credidisse Iliadem malorum Curcæum inde sibi posteà
attraxisse, author est Christophorus Pembrigius, in annali-
bus suis. Utcunque, maximam olim claritatem loco procul-
dubiò conciliavit S. Patricii sepultura, cui etiam corpora SS.
Columbæ et Brigidæ posteà translata fuerunt. Postremus
hujus sedis episcopus, ante realem (ut loquimur) unionem
Ecclesiarum Dunensis et Connerensis, fuit Johannes Sely,
monachus Benedictinus. Eo verò exauthorato anno 1441,
Johannes
212
Hibernica.
363
Johannes Episcopus Connerensis unionem utriúsque sedis, ab
Eugenio IV Pontifice obtinuit. Et jam inde unus idemque
episcopus Dunensis et Connerensis appellatur. Locus, anti-
quiori nomine Aras-Cealtair prorsùs deperdito, Dunum dictus
est, unde et regioni nomen. Dunum autem priscis Gallis,
Britannis et Saxonibus, collem vel situm acclivem denotabat:
atque hinc Lugdunum et Juliodunum in Gallia, Dunelmum,
Camalodunum, Sorbiodunum et similia in Anglia manârunt:
neque aliam habebat significationem apud Hibernos. Nam
hæc sedes in Regesto censuum Cameralium Centii Camerarii
appellatur Dun-du-leghlas, quam vocem Hiberni interpretan-
tur Collem binorum mediorum catena: et Jocelinus, cap. 38,
à catenis confractis, Dunum nomen sortitum fuisse asserit.
Sic porrò à collino situ in Hibernia, nomina deducunt Dun-
amaus, Dun-keran, Dun-gannon et Dun-garvan. Exempla
alia satis obvia sunt: sed in re tam nota, hæc sufficiant.
Is
Conneræ, E. S. Mac-nisii. Engus Macnisius primus fuit hujus
ecclesiæ episcopus et fundator.
çognomentum à matre, more insolito, trahens, vulgò S. Mac-
Nisa vel Mac-nisius, sine aliqua alia additione, dictus est.
Patris autem nomen Fobrec fuit, ut tàm è Tigernaci Annalibus,
quàm ex antiquo Angusiani Martyrologii Scholiaste, ad diem
3 Septembris, intelligimus. E vivis hic cessit senex venera-
bilis, 3 Septembris, an. Dom. 507, vel secundum alios, 514.
Hujus ecclesiæ benefactor dicitur Isaacus de Novo castro ad
Tinam, episcopus creatus Connerensis an. 1245, ubi præfuit
annos 12. Quid autem contulerit traditum non reperi. Cele-
britatem hujus loci maximam aliqui adscribunt S. Malachiæ
suprà memorato, qui hîc præfuit ad tempus episcopus, et
cujus vitam descripsit S. Bernardus Abbas Claravallensi s
celeberrimus; è quo plura petas.
Clochora, E. S.
Maccartini.
Hanc Ecclesiam fundavit S. Patricius
eamq; posteà contulit dilecto suo dis-
cipulo et in verbi Dei prædicatione
adjutori indefesso, S. Maccartino, Jocelino, Kerteno, è nobili
Aradensium prosapiâ orto, sed moribus nobiliori. Sedit ibi
Maccartinus
213
364
Antiquitates
Maccartinus usq; ad an. Dom. 506, quo placidè ex hac vita
senex migravit, Ix Calend. Aprilis, vel ut alii habent, vi
Octobris, et in Ecclesiæ suæ cœmeterio sepultus est. Post
aliquot deinde secula, an. nempe 1041, hæc ecclesia de novo
ædificata est, et S. Maccartini memoriæ dicata. Circa annum
verò 1295, eam restauravit Matthæus Mac-Catasaid episcopus
Clochorensis. Is capellam porrò condidit supra sepulchrum
S. Maccartini, et cœmeterium muro circumdedit. Anno
demùm pòst centesimo, Aprilis 28, dum Arthurus Mac-
Camail loci episcopus capellam Maccartini de novo erigi
curaret, ecclesia ipsa cathedralis, et duæ capellæ, et monas-
terium B. Mariæ, necnon Curia Episcopi unà cum 32 aliis
ædificiis, &c. incendio conflagrârunt. Ad ecclesiæ et Curiæ
suæ structuram, Arthurus hic omni studio posteà incubuit.
Decessit autem admodùm senex, die S. Laurentii 1432, cùm
hanc ecclesiam rexisset annos 42. Extant ordinationes ejus
(obiter adnoto) an. 1395 et 1430 editæ. Clochora (ad Lau-
num flu. sita) nomen habet à Lapide aureo, quo ethnicismi
temporibus, Dæmon responsa præstigialia, quasi Apollinis
Pythii oracula, dare solebat; ut è Regesto Clochorensi intel-
ligimus. Inter hujus loci episcopos secundùm Macartinum
maximè celebratur Christianus O-Morgair, frater unicus S.
Malachiæ Armachani. Eum S. Bernardus in vita Malachia
virum bonum appellat plenum gratiæ et virtutis Germano qui-
dem suo secundum in celebri opinione, sed vitæ sanctimonia, et
justitia zelo fortè non imparem. Obiit 1139, et Armachæ in
coenobio SS. Petri et Pauli sepultus est.
est.
Ardache, E. S. Meli. Ecclesia cathedralis Ardachadensis
meritò inter antiquissimas totius Hiber-
nia numerata, à S. Melo Britanno, primo loci episcopo fundata
Fuit is S. Patricii è Darerca sorore nepos, et ab ipso S.
Patricio (cujus etiam discipulus fuit) episcopus consecratus.
Hunc ex proprio labore manuum more Pauli, victum sibi com-
parâsse asserit Jocelinus, in vita S. Patricii, cap. 102. Obiit
S. Melus anno salutis 488, Februarii die 6, quadriennio ante
avunculum, et in ecclesia sua Ardachadensi sepultus est.
Ardachæ nominis ratio ab editiori situ deducitur. Atque
214
hujus
Hibernicæ.
365
hujus nominis libentiùs hîc memini, quia Ard generali voca-
bulo loca editiora Hibernicè vocantur.
Raphoa, E. S.
Eunani.
Coenobium ibi loci fundavit S. Colum-
ba-cille, vir regio sanguine, ad virtutem
et literas natus: anteà quidem Crim-
thanus dictus; Columbæ verò nomen secundùm A damnanum,
(qui vitam ejus descripsit) ob innocentiam, secundùm veterem
Angusiani Martyrologii Scholiasten, eodem sensu, ob simpli-
citatem candidam obtinuit, allusione fortassè factâ ad præcep-
tum Servatoris nostri, (Matth. x.) Estote ergò prudentes sicut
serpentes, et simplices sicut columbæ. Hanc structuram
restauravit posteà jam dictus Adamnanus, celebris ille cœnobii
Hyensis Abbas, cujus magno cum honore meminit Beda ven-
erabilis, Ecclesiasticæ Historiæ gentis Anglorum lib. 5, cap.
16, ubi virum bonum appellat, et sapientem, et scientiâ Scriptu-
rarum nobilissimè instructum. Hujus cœnobii templum in
ecclesiam cathedralem erexit (ut videtur) S. Eunanus qui pri-
mus existimatur hujus sedis Antistes. Quo tempore autem
vixerit nullâ potui indagine invenire. Ostendebatur Raphoæ,
sive (ut olim) Rathbothæ, non ita pridem lectus ejus. Ibi
porrò turris erat, sive pyramis, ut aliqui vocant, colli imposita,
in qua episcopi Rapotenses Museum olim habebant. Hujus
ecclesiæ benefactor fuit egregius Patricius Magonail epis-
copus Rapotensis, circa annum Dom. 1360, qui porrò ædes
episcopales, in tribus Manneriis ad sedem suam pertinentibus,
construxit. Locus nomen habet partim ab Hibernico Rath,
quod sepimentum militare denotat. Sed in residui nominis
rationem inquirant alii.
Deria, E. S.
Columbæ.
De cœnobio à supradicto S. Columba
Deriæ extructo, anno 545, jam antè
egimus. Cæterùm ecclesia cathedralis
Derensis opus est multò recentioris temporis. Nam illius
Dioceseos episcopus Ardsrathæ ad Dergum, flu. primum cathe-
dram habuit constitutam, ubi primus præfuit episcopus S.
Eugenius, quem aliqui S. Patricii discipulum, et ab eo episco-
pum consecratum tradunt: alii verò SS. Canici et Congalli
215
æqualem
366
Antiquitates
æqualem faciunt. Tempora certè parùm cohærent: nisi fortè
S. Eugenio (inter Macrobios illius seculi) istam tantam
longævitatem adscribamus. Fuit is Prædicator eximius et
assiduus. Natus porrò dicitur regio Lageniensium sanguine.
Decessisse ferunt 23 die Augusti an. 618, et in ecclesiæ suæ
cœmeterio sepultus est, suprà cujus sepulchrum, sacellum
posteà ædificatum est. Ab Ardsratha sedes episcopalis
Magheram translata est, quæ S. Lurocho dicata, cujus festum
agitur 17 Februarii: unde (ut opinor) episcopi illius sedis
Rathlurienses dicti sunt. Circa annum tandem 1150, Mauri-
tius, Hibernis appellatus Mureachus O-Coffy al. Cobthaig
episcopus mutavit sedem in Deriam. Is ex Canonico Augusti-
niano episcopus factus dictus est etiam episcopus de Kenel-
eogain sive Tir-oen, et Hovedeno impresso, ad. an. 1172, cor-
ruptè Charensis. Vir ob eruditionem, humilitatem et erga
egenos liberalitatem, ab Historicis plurimùm laudatus. Vixit
usque ad an. Dom. 1173, vel 1174, quo defunctus 10 Februarii,
in cœnobio S. Columbæ Deriæ, quod olim Cellam nigram
vocabant, sepultus est. Eo sedente, an. 1164, Ecclesia cathe-
dralis (ut ego intelligo) sive ecclesia magna Derensis (ut in
Annalibus Ultoniensibus appellatur) constructa est, Mauritio
Mac-Lochlin rege Hiberniæ et Flano O-Brolchan Abbate
cœnobii S. Columbæ Derensis opus promoventibus. Non
negandum tamen ante Mauritium nonnullos ex Abbatibus
Derensibus dictos etiam simul episcopos. Huic dioecesi, circa
an. 1266, adjunxit Germanus aliis Gelasius O-Cherballan
episcopus itidem Derensis, (ut è Regesto Clochorensi didici)
per potentiam nationis suæ de Kenel-eogain, ecclesiam de
Ardsratha, cum pluribus aliis ecclesiis de Opheacrach. Has
à sede Clochorensi eripuisse dicitur, dum David O-Brogan
episcopus Clochorensis jaceret paraliticus in cœnobio Melli-
fontis, cujus monachus aliquando fuerat, et in quo defunctus
sepultus est an. Dom. 1267. Dicitur porrò partem aliquam
dioecesis Rapotensis à Carbraco O-Scoba ordinis Prædicatorum
et episcopo Rapotensi, circa idem tempus subtractam, diœcesi
suæ adjecisse. Sedis hujus episcopus an. 1420 fuit Gulielmus
Quaplodus Carmelita, Bertrami Fitz-Allen Carmelitæ itidem
et viri eruditi Mæcenas, ut è Lelando liquet, in libro de
Scriptoribus
216
Hibernica.
367
Scriptoribus Britanniæ, id quod eo libentiùs hîc obiter anno-
tavi, ut Balæi errorem patefacerem, qui episcopum Darensem
eum facit, unum sc. è suffraganeis Archiepiscopi Dubliniensis.
Urbs ipsa à colonia, è Londino deducta London-Dery hodiè
dicta, Daire-Calgac olim appellabatur,i.e. Roboretum Calgachi,
aliquando etiam Daire Columb-kill et de Luco, et in antiquo
Provinciali Romano, Darrich.
Clone, sive Clon-
macnoisa, E. S.
Kiarani.
Coenobium Clonmacnoisæ, priùs Tip-
raic dictæ, prope Shenanum flu. in ipso
quasi Hiberniæ umbilico sive meditullio
construxit S. Kiaranus, sive Ciaranus
junior, ex Aradensium familia ortus, sed Boëtii al. Beonandi
fabri lignarii filius, unde et vulgò dictus est Mac-iteir, sive
filius Artificis, locum concedente Dermitio Cervalli filio rege
Hiberniæ. Huic cœnobio secundùm plurimos, Kiaranus unico
solùm anno, secundùm nonnullos verò (perperam opinor) annis
septem præfuit Abbas, morte ibi ereptus 5 Idus Septembris,
anno Salutis per Christum 549, in ipso ætatis flore, cùm annos
vixisset solùm 33. Exequiis ejus tertiâ nocte insequenti in-
terfuit S. Coëmgenus. Hymnum in ejus laudem paulò posteà
composuit S. Columba amicus ejus. Hujus cœnobii Ecclesia
posteà, sed quo tempore planè me latet, in ecclesiam cathe-
dralem commutata est. Non desunt quidem qui S. Kiaranum
episcopum fuisse Clonmacnoisensem disertè tradant. Hoc si
verum, de ecclesiæ cathedralis initio, non est cur ulteriùs dis-
quiramus. Ut ut fuerit, posteriora tempora Ix alias ecclesias,
in uno quasi eodemque cœmeterio, duo plùs minùs jugera Hi-
bernica ambitu colligente, ei subjecerunt. Ad occasum hujus
loci Præsules ædes Episcopales ædificârunt.
Ecclesia ipsa cathedralis multis certè olim possessionibus
ditata fuit: magnatum prætereà ac episcoporum sepulturâ, nec
non monumentis aliquot et inscriptionibus, partim Hebraicè
partim Hibernicè incisis, inprimis insignis. Paulatim attamen
decrevit et ad pudendam tandem redacta est paupertatem. In
synodo suprà memoratâ, anno 1152 habitâ, dum Cardinalis
Paparo Legati munus in Hibernia obiret, inter sedes episco-
pales provinciæ Tuamensi subjectas, numeratur Cinani, quæ
post
217
368
Antiquitates
post longas contentiones, Romæ agitatas, inter Archiepiscopos
Armachanos et Tuamenses provinciæ Armachanæ tandem
adjudicata est. Hanc sedem jampridem è nominis affinitate,
eandem esse existimavi cum Cenanusensi, sive Kenlisensi. Sed
dies diem docet: nunc non possum non existimare Cinani
corruptè ibi legi pro Cluana, vulgò Clonmacnoisa, tum ob
vicinitatis rationem, ut quæ à provincia Tuamensi, Shenano
fluvio solùm disterminatur, tum quia in divisione antedicta
episcopatuum Hiberniæ, inter sedes provinciæ Armachanæ
subjectas, habetur Connanas, quæ eadem sine dubio est cum
Cenanusa: non enim verisimile est unam eandémque sedem in
ea sedium distributione facta in synodo, cui tot Præsules
Hibernici interfuerunt, fuisse bis numeratam, et diversis Pro-
vinciis assignatam. Clona sive Cluaina Latibulum sonat. De
residui nominis ratione, ita Annales coenobii Inisfallensis, ad
annum Dom. 547, vel 548; Hoc anno fundata est Cluain-
mac-nois, id est, Nois-Muccaid rex Conatice, à quo nominatur
Cluain. Hactenus de Clona vetere: nunc veterem ejus faciem
exhibemus.
218
Kilmora,
Hibernica.
369
W. Hollar, fecit.
ECCLESIARUM et
Cœmeterii Clonmacnoisæ
Descriptio.

C
A
B
ठे
40
D
刮
​F
A. Temple Keran.
B. Temple Rì.
C. Temple Coner.
D. Temple Kelley.
E. Temple McDermot.
2 A
219
F. Temple Hurpan.
G. Temple Espic.
H. Temple Gauny.
I. Temple Killin.
K. Temple Finian.
G
H
Antiquitates Hibernica.
371
Kilmora, E. S.
Fedlimidi.
Post Clonmacnoisam, memorabitur
Kilmora, id est, si interpreteris, Ecclesia
magna. Hujus diocesis episcopi stylo
à Brefinia (regione ita dicta) mutuato, Brefinienses aliquandò
dicti sunt, quandòque Triburnenses, quia consedisse dicuntur
in viculo quodam obscuro Triburna dicto Cæterùm, anno
tandem 1454, Andreas (Bradæus opinor) episcopus Tribur-
nensis Ecclesiam parochialem S. Fedlemidi al. Felimii Kil-
moræ, quam locum commodiorem invenerat, Nicolai v Papæ
assensu, in cathedralem erexit, et in ea Canonicos XIII collo-
cavit. Hanc erectionem confirmavit Calistus III, anno inse-
quenti: et circa idem (ni fallor) tempus, Decanatus Kilmo-
rensis constitutus est. Ad S. Fedlimidum quod attinet, vixit
is seculo vi, et frater fuit, ut ferunt, S. Diarmitii Abbatis.
Inis-cloghranensis. Obiit 9 die Augusti. De anno non habeo
quod certò dicam, Regestum ecclesiæ Clochorensis episco-
pum eum facit ecclesiæ Cluainensis, quam, ad lacum dictum
Lough-Ern sitam, nos vulgò Clunes dicimus, et ibidem cum
S. Tigernacho, primo loci episcopo, sepultum tradit. Sed
redeamus. Jam inde à novæ hujusce fundationis initiis, ipse
Andreas ejusque successores non episcopi Brefinienses nec
Triburnenses, ut anteà, sed Kilmorenses appellati sunt. Et
videtur sanè ipsam sedem Brefiniensem vel Triburnensem
non antiquæ fuisse memoriæ; nam de ea nulla fit mentio in
suprà memorata divisione episcopatuum Hiberniæ, ut è
codice censuum Cameralium Centii Camerarii, qui fuit posteà
Honorius II Papa, constat. Hâc novâ ecclesiæ cathedralis
Kilmorensis fundatione non obstante, duos posteà episcopos
ad episcopatum Triburnensem fuisse promotos ostendit Lucas
Waddingus, in tomo 8 Annalium Minorum, nempe Stephanum
de Straboniza, et per ejus obitum, Fr. Bernardum 13 Junii
1509. Cæterum, cùm certum sit Thomam Bradæum tunc
temporis Episcopum fuisse Kilmorensem, et è vita non migrâsse
ante annum 1511, admodùm probabile videtur eos ne terun-
cium quidem ex Episcopatu percepisse.
2 A 2
221
Dromore,
1
372
Antiquitates
Dromoræ, E. S.
Colmani.
Superest Dromora, quæ (ut à peri-
tioribus accepi) dorsum magnum collis,
sive clirum magnum denotat.
(Conveniunt rebus nomina sæpè suis.)
Hæc ecclesiæ originem suam debet S. Colmano, Aradeorum
gente oriundo, primo cœnobii Muckmorensis apud Antrimen-
ses Abbati, deinde primo hujus sedis episcopo. Hunc Joceli-
nus, cap. 96, Colmanelum vocat: sed Mocolmoc etiam dictum
notat vetustus Ængusiani Martyrologii Scholiastes. Claruit
Colmanus seculo VI. Quippe qui natus anno 516. Obiit 7 Idus
Junii. Annum verò obitus ejus nondum invenimus. De hac
sede, in libro supradicto Centii Camerarii, (quod miror) nulla
habetur mentio. Ideoque credibile videtur aliquot seculis eam
proprio caruisse Antistite. Et sunt qui opinentur totó eo tem-
pore, Diœcesi Archiepiscopi Armachani fuisse inclusam. Neque
comperi quidem episcopum ibi loci aliquem sedisse, post sæpè
suprà memoratam divisionem episcopatuum Hiberniæ factam
anno 1152, ante Gerardum monachum Cistertiensem cœnobii
Mellifontis, qui (ut ex archivis Arcis Londinensis didici) electus
assensum regium obtinuit 25 Aprilis 1227. Ex hujus ecclesiæ
episcopis, non pauci posteà seculo xv, in Anglia plerumque de-
gebant, et temporis in hac ecclesia, ob ejus (ut auguror) pauper-
tatem, parùm aut nihil absumebant. Speciatim, sub Henrico IV
rege Angliæ, Richardus Mesinus Carmelita et ejus successor
Johannes quidam. Item sub Henrico v, Nicolaus Wartre
ordinis Minorum et David de Chirbury Carmelita, ac sub
Henrico vi, Thomas Scropus al. de Bradley Carmelita itidem,
et Thomas Radcliffus. Pristina episcopatus hujus Dromo-
rensis paupertas ex epistola quadam Octaviani de Palatio
Archiepiscopi Armachani ad Henricum vII regem, intelligi
potest, in qua annuos ejusdem census tunc temporis non
valuisse asserit, ultra 40 marcas monetæ Hibernicæ. Hæc
porrò moneta minoris tunc fuit valoris (ut ille ibi asserit) ex
tertia parte quàm nummus Sterlingus dictus. Atq; ut epis-
copatus erat tenuissimus, ita et parochiæ in eo perpaucæ,
solùm nempe 23. Sed de basilicis provinciæ Armachanæ
hactenus. Ad eas provinciæ Dubliniensis jam venio.
222
IN
Hibernicæ.
373
IN PROVINCIA DUBLINIENSI.
Loca et tituli dedica-
tionum.
Origines et aliæ antiquitates.
Dublinii Ecclesia S. Hanc ecclesiam, in civitatis meditullio,
Trinitatis, quæ vulgò Sitricus filius Amlavi rex Ostmannorum
Ecclesia Christi ap- Dublinii et Donatus episcopus Dublini-
pellatur.
ensis Canonicis secularibus construxe-
runt, circa, an. Salutis 1038. De hac
fundatione, ita Liber niger ejusdem ecclesiæ: Sitricus rex
Dublin. Filius Ableb comitis Dublin. dedit S. Trinitati et
Donato primo episcopo Dublin. Locum ad ædificandam eccle-
siam S. Trinitati, ubi fornices sive voltæ sunt fundatæ, cum
terris subsequentibus, viz. Beal-dulek, Rechen, Portrahern,
cum villanis, et vaccis, et bladis, necnon aurum et argentum
sufficienter ad ædificandam ecclesiam, cum tota curia contulit.
Donatus hic, præter navem ecclesiæ et collaterales structuras,
excitavit etiam à fundamentis Capellam S. Nicolai, in parte
boreali, et Capellam S. Michaëlis, quam, qui illi, post aliquot
secula, successit, Richardus Talbotus in ecclesiam erexit.
parochialem. Obiit tandem Donatus 6 Maii 1074, et in
ecclesia sua sepultus est. Canonicos seculares hujus ecclesiæ
Laurentius Archiepiscopus Dubliniensis in Canonicos mutavit
regulares ordinis Aroacensis, circa annum Domini 1163.
Laurentius hic, necnon Richardus cognomento Strong-bow
Comes Striguliensis, Robertus filius Stephani et Reimundus
Crassus, sive le Gros, ecclesiam amplificare aggressi, chorum
suis sumptibus ædificârunt, cum campanili et duabus capellis,
una S. Edmundo regi et Martyri, et S. Mariæ quæ dicitur
alba, dicata, altera, S. Laudo. Inter benefactores primarios,
numerantur etiam Laurentii tres proximi successores, Johannes
Cominus scil. Henricus Loundres et Lucas quidam, qui
ante insulas susceptas Decanus fuit S. Martini Londini et
thesaurarius Garderobæ sive à synthesi Henrico 1 regi
Angliæ. Neque prætermitti debet Johannes de S. Paulo
illius itidem sedis Archiepiscopus, qui paulò ante obitum,
obiit autem 9 Septembris 1362, totum Presbyterium, unà
cum ipsa (quam hodiè cernimus) cathedra Archiepiscopali,
223
suis
874
Antiquitates
suis sumptibus extruxit. Saxo is coopertus marmoreo, æneis
laminis ornato, tumulatus est, in secundo gradu, ante sum-
mum altare, sicut in testamento suo mandaverat. Hujus
ecclesiæ Priorem et conventum Henricus VIII rex Angliæ in
Decanum et Capitulum convertit, anno 1541.
Dublinii, E. S.
Patricii.
Johannes Cominus (de quo suprà
diximus) ecclesiam hanc speciosissimam
S. Patricio dicatam in australi urbis
suburbio, veteri parochiali ecclesiâ ibidem demolitâ, construxit
et dotavit, circa annum Domini 1190, in qua XIII collocavit
Præbendarios, qui numerus posterioribus temporibus auctus.
est ad XXII. Is bullam etiam à Lucio III pontifice obtinuit,
datam Velletri, Idibus April. Indictione 15, 1182, in quâ, inter
alia privilegia sedi Dubliniensi concessa, ita legimus; Sacrorum
quoque Canonum authoritatem sequentes, statuimus ut nullus
Archiepiscopus, vel Episcopus, absque assensu Dubliniensis
Archiepiscopi, si in Episcopatu fuerit in Diocesi Dubliniensi,
conventus celebrare, causas et ecclesiastica negotia ejusdem
diocesis, nisi per Romanum Pontificem, vel Legatum ejus,
fuerit eidem injunctum, tractare præsumat. Exemplar hujus
Bullæ habetur in antiquo Regesto Dublin. vocato CREDE
MIHI, fol. 8o. b. Atque ex hoc privilegio, initium sumpsit con-
troversia illa, sive acris et diuturna concertatio inter Archiepis-
copos Armachanos et Dublinienses. An Armachanus habuerit
jus Primatiæ, Bajulationis Crucis, Appellationum et Visita-
tionum in provincia Dubliniensi, quæ per aliquot annorum
centurias posteà duravit. Sed redeo. Collegiatam hanc ec-
clesiam Comini proximus successor Henricus Loundres sive
Londinensis in cathedralem erexit, unitam (inquit Johannes
Alanus Archiepiscopus Dublin. sub Henrico VIII) cum Ecclesia
cathedrali S. Trinitatis in uno sponso, salvá alteri ecclesiæ
Honoris prærogativa. Gulielmum filium Guidonis primum
ibi constituit Decanum. Præcentorem porrò, Cancellarium et
Thesaurarium ordinavit, quibus prædia et rectorias assignavit.
Capellam B. Mariæ ibidem extruxit posteà Fulco de Samford
successorum unus, in quâ ipse tumulo, statuâ ejus ornato, con-
ditus est anno 1271. Partem denique Ecclesiæ cathedralis
incendio
224
Hibernicæ.
375
incendio fortuito deformatam restauravit Thomas Minot
Archiepiscopus itidem Dubliniensis, qui porrò campanile
præcelsum è saxo quadrato construxit, circa annum 1370,
unde et in sigillo suo usus est posteà imagine pontificali, quæ
manu visa est tenere campanilis effigiem. Atque hæc de hac
ecclesia, quæ sive laxitatem spectemus, sive egregiam structu-
ram et magnificentiam, cæteris Hiberniæ ecclesiis cathedralibus,
facilè (ut opinor) est præponenda.
Fernæ, E. S. Edani.
Fernam urbem Brandubus rex Lage-
niæ S. Edano al. Moedogo primo loci
episcopo contulit, et secundùm biographos nostros, synodi
magnæ consensu, metropolim eam totius Provinciæ Lageniensis
constituit, circa annum Dom. 598. Qua de re, sic antiquus
vitæ ejusdem Edani scriptor: Magna civitas in honore S.
Moedog ibi crevit, quæ vocatur Ferna. Deinde factâ synodo
magnâ in terra Lagenensium, decrevit rex Brandubh. et tam
Laici quàm Clerici, ut Archiepiscopatus omnium Lagenensium
semper esset in sede et cathedra S. Moedog. Et tunc S.
Moedog à multis catholicis consecratus est. Decessit Edanus
grandævus, die ultimo Januarii anno Dom. 632, et in ecclesia
sua Fernensi, quam ipse fundaverat, sepultus est. Ei successit
S. Molingus, dictus etiam Dairchilla, fuit enim binomius, qui
(ut in vita ejus legimus) constitutus est ipse Archiepiscopus,
in sede et cathedra S. Moedog. A rege jam Lagenensium
Brandubh filio Eathac constitutum est, ut Archiepiscopatus
Lagenensium in civitate S. Moedog esset. Ipsa civitas vocatur
Ferna, quæ est in terra gentis Kenselach. Is verò, diù ante
obitum, Præsulatum abdicavit, et vitæ pertæsus eam deposuit
valdè senex, 17 Junii 697, Temolingi, ubi in cœnobio à se
constructo, sepultus est. Molingum, Braccanum, Patricium et
Columbam, quatuor Hibernicos Prophetas appellat Giraldus
Cambrensis, libro 2 Hiberniæ expugnatæ, cap. 33. ubi etiam
eorum libros suo tempore extitisse Hibernicè scriptos, asserit.
Sed hoc obiter. Locus nomen habet (ut notat Colganus) à
Ferna Heroe, Carili regis Desiorum filio, ibi in pugna per
Gallum, filium Mornæ, interempto. Inter primarios ecclesia
Fernensis benefactores numeratur Johannes de S. Johanne,
225
tam
9
376
Antiquitates
:
2
-
:
tam ob structuras suas, quàm ob privilegia sedi suæ comparata.
Obiit is anno Dom. 1243, postquàm magna cum prudentiæ et
integritatis laude ibi præfuisset annos circiter 21, eique bis
successit Galfridus de S. Johanne, (fortè frater ejus) primùm
in ecclesiæ Limericensis Thesaurariatu, deinde in Episcopatu
Fernensi. Fuit porrò Galfridus ante Præsulatum, Hiberniæ
Escaetor. Notandum hîc aliquos è jam dicti Johannis præ-
decessoribus, Josephum O-Hethe nempe et Albinum O-Mulloy
dictos fuisse interdum episcopos Wexfordienses, et eo usos
stylo in chartarum quarundam subscriptionibus; fortassè
animo cathedram hanc episcopalem ad Wexfordiam, oppidum
tunc temporis populi frequentia longè celebrius, transferendi.
Hoc certè constat hunc episcopatum in Bulla Lucii 111 Papæ
ad Jo. Cominum archiepiscopum Dubliniensem, Weisfordensem
esse dictum.
Kildare, E. S.
Brigidæ virginis.
Sanctus Conlethus, quibusdam Con-
laidus, aliis Conlianus, primus perhibetur
Darensis Episcopus, et ecclesiæ Cathe-
dralis, à S. Brigida adjutus, fundator. In ejusdem Brigidæ vita,
à Cogitoso descripta, is Archiepiscopus et Summus Pontifex
appellatur. Ultimum diem clausit 3 Maii anno 519, et Kildaræ
(quæ Cellam Roboris sonat) in ecclesia sua, prope summum altare,
sepultus est. Ejus verò ossa, 281 pòst anno, viz. anno 800, in cap-
sulam argenteam deauratam gemmisque ornatam fuerunt trans-
lata. Liber rubeus Comitis Kildarensis (quo nixus fundamento
nescio) Lonium quendam primum fuisse loci episcopum tradit,
Ivorium ei successisse, et Ivorio, Conlethum: et ex eodem (uti
creditur) libro, idem habet Richardus Stanihurstus, in Anglica
sua Hiberniæ descriptione, quæ in edito Holinshedo extat.
Sed uterque perperàm opinor. Multò probabilius est Con-
læthum omnium primum ibi sedem episcopalem fixisse: id quod
ita firmat scriptor antiquus vitæ S. Brigidæ, lib. 2, cap. 11.
Conlianus episcopus sanctus et Propheta Domini qui habebat
cellam in australi narte campi Liffi, venit in curru ad sanctam
Brigidam, et moratus est apud eam. Quem B. Brigida epis-
copum elegit in sua civitate Kildara. In ecclesiæ hujus ornatu
et reparatione, non parvam impendit pecuniam Radulphus de
226
Bristol,
Hibernica.
377
Bristol, Bristoliæ (ut opinor) in Anglia natus, primus ecclesiæ
S. Patricii Dubliniensis Thesaurarius, primusque Anglici
generis episcopus qui in hac sede collocatus est. Decessit sub
initium anni 1232, cùm sedisset annos vix 9. Eandem ec-
clesiam fatiscentem restauravit Edmundus Lanus episcopus,
regnante Henrico VII. Inter episcopos suffraganeos Hiberniæ,
ut in Conciliis et alibi primum habuit locum episcopus Miden-
sis, ita secundum sibi asseruit episcopus Darensis: cæteri
secundùm tempora ordinationum sederunt.
Kilkennia, E. S.
Canici.
Sedes episcopalis Ossoriensis Saigeræ,
quam hodiè Seir-Keran appellamus, in
Elia Carolina primùm collocata est, ubi
sub medium seculi quinti, primus præfuit episcopus Kiaranus
senior, vir magnæ auctoritatis, ob sanctitatem et doctrinam.
Quirinum tamen eum fuisse, ad quem, et cæteros in Hibernia
episcopos, scripta est epistola 61 Gregorii 1, quæ in Regesto
ejusdem Gregorii, lib. 9. extat (licèt Kiarani eminentia, lon-
gævitas et nominis similitudo quodammodo invitent) non audeo
affirmare. Hæc sedes Aghavoam in Ossoria superiore translata
est, sed quo tempore incertum : fortassè tamen anno Dom. 1052,
nam ad eum annum, ita Annales MSS. Lagenienses: Templum
Achadboæ constructum est, et Canici Scrinium ibi collocatum.
Hic S. Canicus filius Laideci Poëtæ insignis, vir doctus et
industrius, primus fuit Abbas cœnobii Aghavoensis à se con-
structi, in quo etiam defunctus, 5 Idus Octobris, anno Dom.
599, vel 600, annos natus 72. Scripsit is vitam S. Columbæ,
et Hymnos aliquot prætereà in ejus laudem. Aghavoam, sive,
ut olim Achadboam, Adamnanus in vita S. Columbæ, lib. 1.
cap. 4, Campulum Bovis interpretatur, et scriptor vitæ S.
Canici, Agrum Boum. Hinc verò cathedram tandem Kilken-
niam, sive Canicopolim transtulit Felix O-Dullany episcopus
Ossoriensis, circa finem regni Henrici 2 regis Angliæ. Is fun-
damenta videtur jecisse ecclesiæ cathedralis Kilkenniensis,
quæ tamen non absoluta fuit, ante tempus Galfridi de S.
Leodegario episcopi, qui eam, sumptu non exiguo, ante obitum
suum qui incidit in annum 1286, perfecit, licèt ante eum, non-
nulli è prædecessoribus, imprimis Hugo Mapiltonus, fabricæ
ejusdem
227
378
Antiquitates
ejusdem ecclesiæ strenuè incubuissent. Nec hic prætermit-
tendus est Richardus Ledredus Minorita, successorum unus,
qui in ejusdem ecclesiæ ornatu et reparatione, magnum
insumpsit pecuniam, speciatim omnes fenestras, de novo erexit
et vitro obduxit, inter quas enituit fenestra orientalis, opere
tam eximio adornata, ut in universa Hibernia, par ei non
inveniretur. Obiit Ledredus anno Domini 1360, et in Ecclesia
sua cathedrali, prope summum altare, ad latus Euangelii,
tumulo conditus est. Tum, qui illi post annos 100 successit
David Hacketus, è polito saxo testudinem campanilis erigi
curavit. Item Oliverus Cantwellus, ordinis Prædicatorum (qui
mihi penè exciderat) sub exitum seculi xv, præter ædium
suarum episcopalium Aghoræ et Freinstonæ et pontis majoris
Kilkenniæ aquarum inundatione fracti reparationes, vicariis
choralibus appropriavit ecclesiam S. Mallæ.
His addamus amoenissimum hujus ecclesiæ situm, quæ è
colle clementer edito, et urbem modicè subjectam, et fertilis-
simam regionem adjacentem, Neoro flumine irriguam, jucun-
dissimè prospectat.
Leghlina, E. S.
Laseriani.
Ex Provincia Dubliniensi dicenda
superest Leghlina, ubi sedes cathedralis
à S. Laseriano, aliàs Molaisre, filio
Cairelli de Blitha constituta est. Educatus hic fertur ad
ætatem usque adultam, sub S. Murino Abbate, cui mater,
quæ filia erat (uti fertur) regis Pictorum, illum instituendum
tradidit. Posteà Romam profectus, ibi 14 annos transegit,
intereà D. Gregorium Sacras Scripturas exponentem audivit,
et ab eodem demùm Presbyter ordinatus in patriam reversus
Brevi posteà, Leghlinam pervenit, ubi S. Gobanus tunc
præfuit Cœnobiarcha, qui ei cœnobium suum sponte cedens,
sibi et monachis suis cellam alibi construxit. Monachos 1500
Laseriani regimini hîc subfuisse tradit scriptor vitæ S. Munnu,
qui porrò asserit Synodum magnam in Campo albo habitam
fuisse, et magnam ibi ortam contentionem inter S. Laserianum
et S. Munnu, de festo Paschæ celebrando, die Dominico, an
cum Hebræis decima quarta Luna: hâc verò Synodo habitâ,
uti videtur, mense Martio, anno 630, sed sine optato successu
228
finitâ,
est.
Hibernica.
379
finitâ, Laserianus Romam usque denuò iter suscepit, ubi
Honorius I eum Præsulem consecravit, et revertenti (ut in vita
ejusdem Laseriani legimus) Legationis in Hibernia officium
commisit. Nec irrito successu, nam post reditum in patriam,
Paschalis observationis ritum, ad Honorii monita, in australi-
bus Hiberniæ partibus reformatum fuisse liquet. Vid. Bed.
venerab. Histor. lib. 3. cap. 3. Mortem obiit S. Laserianus 14
Kalendas Maias anno Dom. 638 vel 639. et in ecclesia sua
sepultus est. In Synodo Dublinii celebratâ, sub Alexandro
Bicknoro Archiepiscopo Dublin. Dies obitus S. Laseriani
antedictus (quod obiter adnoto) necnon Dies obituum sancto-
rum Patricii, Brigidæ, Canici et Edani, duplicibus festis, per
Provinciam Dubliniensem, annumerati sunt. Inter ecclesiæ
Leghlinensis benefactores primarios, habetur Burchardus.
Norwegus, Gurmundi filius, de quo suprà diximus. Fuerunt
et nonnulli ex hujus sedis episcopis valde benefici, speciatim
Donatus, sub adventum Henrici 2 in Hiberniam, et Gulielmus
aliquando Archidiaconus Leghlinensis, qui sedere cœpit anno
1227, aliis 1229, et obiit 1251. Is porrò confirmavit Burgen-
sibus Leghlinensibus prædia et privilegia, quæ Herlewinus
prædecessor ejus iis concesserat. Nec prætermittendi, inter
benefactores, Joh. Mulganus episc. sub rege Henrico vi, et.
Matthæus Sanderus, sub Henrico VIII. Leghlina vulgò vetus
Leghlina dicta non procul abest à Baroo fluvio, quem Ptole-
mæus Birgum vel Brigum vocat. Mitto hîc Glendalacham,
ubi olim erat sedes episcopalis, (ab Hovedeno, Bistagnensis
dicitur, et in Bulla Lucii 111, Episcopatus Insularum) siqui-
dem ea regnante Johanne, cathedræ Dubliniensi unita est.
IN PROVINCIA CASSELIENSI.
Loca et tituli dedica-
tionum.
Casselia, Eccles.
S. Patricii.
Origines et aliæ antiquitates.
Post Engusæ (Nafrachi filii) regis
Momoniæ conversionem ad Christia-
nam religionem, S. Patricii prædica-
tione,
229
380
Antiquitates
tione, populum Casseliensem S. Albei et successorum
ejus Jurisdictioni, qui Imelacæ (ad 12 à Casselia lapidem)
sederunt, aliquandiù subfuisse, non est cur dubitemus: qua
de re posteà pluribus, cùm ad Imelacam perventum fuerit.
Quis autem primus fuerit ecclesiæ Casseliensis episcopus,
haud facilè quis designârit. De Cormaci Culinani filio,
rege et episcopo Casseliensi, sub initium seculi decimi,
suprà fusè diximus. Is certè tanquàm fundator, vel sal-
tem restaurator ecclesiæ cathedralis vulgò habetur. Et
memoria proculdubiò Antistitum Casseliensium ante eum,
perquàm exilis superest. Ecclesiam ejus, post novam (ut
auguror) restitutionem, solenniter consecratam fuisse, et
synodum ibi habitam anno 1134, tradunt Annales Prioratus
insulæ omnium Sanctorum. Cæterùm ecclesiam novam circa
Anglorum ingressum, sub Henrico nostro secundo, à funda-
mentis ibi excitavit Donaldus O-Brien rex Limericensis, quam
et prædiis ditavit, veteri Cormaci ecclesiâ in capellam, vel
domum Capitularem, ad austrum Chori conversâ. Is porrò
sedi Casseliensi latifundia non pauca elargitus est, cui alia
itidem in Tuemonia posteà contulit filius ejus Donatus cogno-
mento Carbrac, et inter cætera, duas insulas Sulleith et Kis-
macayl appellatas. Hanc donationem confirmavit Johannes
rex Angliæ 6 Septembris 1215. Sed redeo. Post annos
deinde plùs minùs 200, Richardus Hedianus Archiepiscopus.
Casseliensis ecclesiam hanc vetustate fatiscentem restauravit.
Aulam prætereà vicariis suis choralibus construxit, iisque
prædia quædam dedit vocata Grange-Connel et Baon-Thurlis-
beg. Ecclesia ipsa extra urbem sita, colle petroso præcipi-
tióque munita est, sed ventis, ob sublimem situm, nimis expo-
sita. In ascensu ad eam, saxum grandiusculum memini me
juvenem vidisse, ad quod (uti ferebant incolæ) novus quisque
rex Momoniæ, pro more, edicto publicè promulgato, olim
declarabatur. Est et alia Casselia dicta olim Cassel-irra, in
Conatia, cui primus præfuit Episcopus S. Bronus, qui mortali-
tatem exuit anno 512, quod ideò hîc monendum duxi, quia
non desunt qui opinentur Bronum hunc episcopum fuisse
Casseliensem in Momonia.
230
Imelacæ,
Hibernica.
381
Imelaca, E. S. Albei.
Post Casseliam memorabitur Imelaca,
al. Imleca-Ibair, sedes, episcopalis anti-
quissima, in regione amœnâ et fertili sita, et amplissimis olim
ditata prædiis, ubi et urbs erat olim celeberrima, quæ tamen
paulatim in exiguum viculum decrevit. Huic loco maximum
fuit decus S, Albeus dictus alter Patricius, et Momoniensium
post Patricium secundus Patronus; qui dum Euangelicam
doctrinam in Hibernia disseminaret, conatibus ejus ita Deus
benedixit, ut quam plurimos ex nobilitate et plebe, tam docendo,
quàm vitæ exemplo, ad fidem Christi converterit. Totâ
demum insulâ his pietatis officiis, peragratâ, ecclesiam suam
cathedralem fixit tandem Imelacæ, juxta Lacum jam ferè
exsiccatum. Author antiquus mihi anonymus, qui vitam S.
Colmani Dromorensis episcopi descripsit, Episcopum vocat
Imblicensem, sapientem ac religiosum virum. Addit porrò
Colmanum apud eum divinarum scripturarum studiis, jejunio,
et orationi atque vigiliis sedulè insistentem, aliquot annis
docilem mansisse. Verum enimverò, S. Albeum totius
Momoniæ constitutum fuisse Archiepiscopum, his verbis
disertè asserit vitæ S. Declani scriptor, adhuc (ut opinor)
ineditus: Commanentes in civitate Caissyl, S. Patricius, S.
Albeus, sanctusq; Declanus, cum multis sanctis suis discipulis,
apud regem Engusam, multa bona rigoris Christiani consti-
tuerunt. Et ibi rex Engusa et S. Patricius cum omni populo
ordinaverunt Archiepiscopatum Mumeniæ in civitate et in sede
S. Albei, (qui tunc ab eisdem Archiepiscopus ordinatus est)
per seculum. Ita ille. Item scriptor vitæ S. Albei; Cùm B.
Albeus (inquit) audisset quod Patricius regem Memonensium
Engussum filium Nefrich converteret ad Christum, et esset cum
eo in civitate Cassel. Venit ut eos salutaret. Rex autem et
Patricius gravisi sunt in adventu Albei, et ille est gavisus eos
videns. Ibi verò accepit Patricium magistrum suum S. Albeus,
quia valdè erat humilis. Tunc rex Engus et Patricius ordi-
naverunt, ut in civitate et cathedra S. Albei esset Archiepisco-
patus omnium Memonensium semper. Quo tempore S. Albeus
Euangelium in Hibernia prædicare cœperit, controvertitur.
Sunt qui tradant in Christiana religione propaganda, operam
ibi sedulò eum navâsse, ac multos ad Christi fidem convertisse,
231
ante
382
Antiquitates
ante Sancti Patricii adventum in Hiberniam. Sed nos illorum
sententiæ adhæremus, qui eum S. Patricio posteriorum ponunt.
Vide, si placet, quæ diximus in Annotationibus nostris ad
Opuscula S. Patricii: quibus et hic addere liceat Albeum.
Presbyterum ordinatum ab ipso Sancto Patricio, id quod
docet Tirechanus scriptor antiquus, Libro 2, de vita Sancti
Patricii. Item è jam dicta vita Sancti Albei intelligimus.
puerum eum fuisse, dum Palladius à Celestino Pontifice mis-
sus in Hibernia moraretur, et ab eo baptizatum. Palladium
verò in Hiberniam pervenisse anno Domini 431, unico solùm
anno ante S. Patricium, doctis satis est notum. Sed hæc
obiter. Hic talis tantusque vir decessit tandem grandævus,
integris tamen animi et corporis sensibus, 12 Septembris anno
Domini 527, vel, ut alii volunt, 541, et in ecclesia sua Imela-
censi sepultus est. Imelacam direptam, et mitram S. Albei,
ibi magnâ curâ, per multa secula asservatam, à latronibus.
conbustam fuisse anno 1123, tradunt Annales Ultonienses.
Huic sedi tunc præfuit Mælmorda episcopus, qui fugâ evasit.
Ad reparationem et ornatum ecclesiæ, post annos deinde 120,
(nam intermediis temporibus nihil ad rem comperi) Christi-
anus successorum unus valdè intentus fuit. Obiit is anno
1249. Imelacæ etiam Collegium nescio quod erexit Thomas
Hurlæus episcopus, tempore regis Henrici VIII.
Limerici, E.
Hanc ecclesiam cathedralem extruxit
B. Maria Virg. et dotavit Donaldus O-Brien rex Lime-
ricensis, (de quo suprà, in Casselia,)
circa Anglorum adventum in Hiberniam. Est verò Limerici
ædes sacra vulgò dicta S. Munchini ecclesia, nunc parochialis,
sed olim (ut ferunt) cathedralis, à S. Munchino primo Lime-
ricensi episcopo fundata et ab Ostmannis posteà restaurata.
De hac re quærant alii. Quis autem iste Munchinus fuerit
non parva quæstio est. Sunt qui opinentur hunc esse illum
Mancenum quem Jocelinus, cap. 59, virum appellat religio-
sum et optimè in Scripturis exercitatum, quémque S. Patri-
cium Amalgaidi regis Conatiæ populo, à se tum noviter ad
Christum converso, præfecisse asserit. Sunt alii qui minùs
probabiliter
232
Hibernica.
383
probabiliter cum Mancheno illo confundant, quem Annales
Ultonienses Abbatem vocant de Mene-drochit, et obiisse docent
anno 651, vel 652. Hujus Mancheni obitus memoria desig-
natur; sub nomine Manichæi sapientis Hiberniensis, in libris
de Mirabilibus Scripturæ, à quibusdam S. Augustino perperam
adscriptis. Non abhorret nomen, et tempora exactè conveniunt.
Vid. lib. 2. cap. 4. tom. 3. Operum S. Augustini. Festum
S. Munchini Limericensis agitur die 1 Januarii. Post Mun-
chinum, inter episcopos hujus sedis celeberrimus fuit Gille al.
Gilbert. in Hibernia Legatus Pontificis, cujus extat de statu
Ecclesia libellus circa annum Domini 1130 descriptus. Sed
redeo ad Ecclesiam cathedralem Limericensem, cui, sub
initium seculi XIII, valdè beneficus fuit Donatus O-Brien
loci episcopus. Inter alia, Decano et Capitulo Præbendas
assignavit, ac de ecclesiæ suæ Liturgia, et Canonicorum privi-
legiis, constitutiones quasdam ordinavit. Porrò is fuit (nisi
me fallo) qui Decanatum ipsum et Capitulum erexit: atque ut
illustris fuit genere, ita eruditione, prudentiâ et liberalitate
illustrior. Ejus operâ multùm usus est rex Johannes in rebus
suis Hibernicis; et officium certè sibi demandatum, eâ fide et
solertiâ exequutus est, ut magnam inde gratiam apud regem
comparaverit. Numerum Præbendarum auxit posteà Huber-
tus de Burgo episcopus itidem Limericensis, qui decessit 14
Septembris 1250. Proximus ejus successor Robertus de
Imelaca Decanatui appropriavit Ecclesiastica beneficia de
Carnarthy et Rathsiward, ut ex ecclesiæ Limericensis Re-
gesto didici. Neque hîc prætermittendum, sub exitum seculi
XII, vel initium insequentis, episcopatus Limericensem et
Cathayensem, sive de insula Gatha coaluisse.
Urbs ipsa
totius Momoniæ pulcherrima hodiè vulgò Limericum nuncu
patur, olim verò Lumniacuni et Hibernicè Lumneach, unde
et loci episcopi Lumnicenses vel Lumnicani olim dicti. Quò
spectat diploma hoc à jam dicto Donaldo, circa annum 1194,
Brictio Lumnicano sive Limericensi episcopo concessum:
Domnaldus rex Lumnicensis, universis Dei fidelibus tam præ-
sentibus quàm futuris, salutem. Non lateat Universitatem
vestram me donâsse Brictio Lumnicano episcopo, suisque suc-
cessoribus, Cleróque S. Marie Lumnicæ, in liberam et perpe-
233
tuam
384
Antiquitates
tuam eleëmosynam, terram* Imungram, et terram1ramnacham,
ab arcu videlicet Imungram, usque ad terram Imalin, et à
vado Ceinu, usque ad flumen Sinan eum omnibus appenditiis suis.
Ut autem rata sit hæc eleëmosyna, sigilli mei impressione eam
confirmo. Teste Domino Matthæo Cassil. Archiepiscopo, et
Ruadri ua Gradei. Civitatis maximam partem, diviso alveo,
circumluit Shenanus Hibernicorum fluminum præcipuus,
Ptolemæo Senus, de quo Alexand. Nechamus,
Fluminibus magnis lætatur Hibernia, Sineus
Inter Connatiam Momoniámque fluit:
Transit per muros Limerici, Knock-Patric illum
Oceani clausum sub ditione videt.
Castro prætereà, tormentis majoribus instructo, urbs munita
est, et moenibus firmissimis obvallata, præsertim quà flumine
non defenditur. Sed hoc obiter. Sunt qui Lumneach inter-
pretentur locum denudatum ex pastu equorum. Quàm verè
viderint alii.
Waterfordia, E. S.
Trinitatis.
Ostmannis Waterfordiensibus, post-
quàm religionem Christianam amplexi
fuissent, consultum tandem visum fuit
urbi episcopum præficere. Ad hoc itaque munus, Malchum
quendam virum probum delegunt, monachum quandoque
Benedictinum Wintoniensem, et in Angliam mittunt anno
Dom. 1096, ab Anselmo Archiepiscopo Cantuariensi consecran-
dum. Literarum in ejus gratiam conscriptarum exemplar
extat apud Eadmerum, in historia sua Novorum. Malcho
deinde consecrato et Waterfordiam reverso, ecclesia hæc
cathedralis ab eo et Ostmannis popularibus suis constructa
est. Prædiis eam posteà, Johannes rex Angliæ, sub initium
seculi XIII, ditavit, cujus porrò tempore, (ut opinor) ecclesia
Waterfordiensis primum habuit Decanum. Possessiones Decani
et Canonicorum sigillatim expressas confirmavit Innocentius
III Papa, anno 1210, ut ex ejus epistolis, à Francisco Bosqueto,
J. c. Tolosa Tectosagum editis anno Dom. 1635, intelligimus.
* Hodiè Mungaret.
234
Ecclesiæ
Hibernicu.
385
ecclesiæ chorum et presbyterium testudine sive laqueari
fornicato ornârunt Nicolaus Cominus episcopus et Robertus
Lombardus Decanus, anno 1522. Neque hic omittendum
Decanum et Capitulum hujus ecclesiæ anno 1463, ab Edwardo
IV rege Angliæ, in augmentationem divini cultus ibidem (uti
verba sunt chartæ) facultatem impetrâsse fundos acquirendi
ad annuum valorem 100 marcarum. Hactenus de ecclesia
cathedrali, quæ ut originem suam debet Ostmannis, sic et ipsa
civitas Waterfordia, quæ ad Surii nobilissimi fluminis ripam
australem sita, inter celeberrimas totius Hiberniæ meritò
connumeranda est, sive opes et frequentiam spectemus, sive
portus opportunitatem. Ad nominis etymon quod attinet,
exoticam planè ostendit originem; nam fluminis vel aquæ
trajectum sonat: Hibernis autem et Britannis Portlargi
vocatur.
Lismore, E. S
Carthagi.
Sanctus Carthagus vulgò dictus
Mochudu, patriâ Momoniensis, Abbas
fuit primùm celeberrimi cœnobii Rathe-
niensis, ubi et præfuit annos 40, sed ex eo tandem à
Blatmacho rege pulsus, primus ecclesiæ Lismorensis evasit
episcopus. Ecclesiam cathedralem, necnon Scholam insignem
ibi construxit, in qua multi olim philosophiam veram profite-
bantur. Mortem obiit post multa sanctitatis edita signa 14 Maii
anno 638, vel, ut alii habent, 637, et Lismore, (quæ sepimentum
magnum significat) in ecclesia sua sepultus est. Scholam Lis-
morensem ad tempus rexisse dicitur S. Cataldus, posteà
Tarentinus in Italia episcopus, ad quam undique ex finitimis
ac remotis regionibus, innumeros penè homines confluxisse
refert in ejus vita, Bartholomæus Moronus, id quod ostendit
etiam ejusdem Cataldi Officium. Cæterùm hinc inter alia
colligere licet Cataldum non anno 170, ut Moronus habet,
neq; sub initium seculi sexti, ut Alexander ab Alexandro et
Antonius Caracciolus volunt, sed sub medium potiùs septimi
claruisse, post obitum nempe S. Carthagi Scholæ Lismorensis
fundatoris. Hanc opinionem firmat multitudo ea credentium
in Hibernia, S. Cataldi ævo, à Morono memorata, quæ ad
seculum secundum sine dubio referri non potest. Siquidem
Hibernia,
2 B
235
!
386
Antiquitates
Hibernia, eo seculo et diù posteà, Ethnicismi tenebris obvoluta
jacuit, sed hæc obiter. Ecclesiam cathedralem restauravit.
Cormacus, filius Mureti, rex Momoniæ, circa an. 1130. Vicarios.
chorales ibi primus instituit et dotavit Griffinus Christophori
episcopus Lismorensis, circa annum 1230. De tempore erec-
tionis Decani et Capituli nihil mihi constat. Librum habuit
hæc ecclesia lectissimum, de ejus juribus, et benefactorum
donationibus, quem composuit Thomas Pursellus episcopus
Lismorensis et Waterfordiensis, anno Dom. 1487. Atqui,
magno ecclesiæ detrimento, liber ille igne fortuito combustus
est, circa annum 1612. Hæ duæ sedes, Lismorensis inquam
et Waterfordiensis realiter (ut loquimur) unitæ fuerunt et
conjunctæ ab Innocentio vi Pontifice, anno 1363. Primus
utriúsque sedis episcopus post unionem fuit Thomas quidam,
qui è Canonico Lismorensi factus est Lismorensis episcopus an.
1358, et Rogero Cradoco Minoritâ episcopo Waterfordiensi
ad sedem Landavensem in Wallia translato an. 1362, utriúsque
sedis unionem, à jam dicto Innocentio VI, paulò posteà obtinuit.
De antiqua urbis Lismorensis celebritate, Corollarii loco, audi
vetustum vitæ S. Carthagi scriptorem; Egregia et sancta
civitas est Lessmor: cujus dimidium est Asylum, in quo nulla
mulier audet intrare, sed plenum est cellis et monasteriis
sanctis: et multitudo virorum sanctorum illic manet. Viri
autem religiosi ex omni parte Hiberniæ, et non solùm, sed ex
Anglia et Britannia confluunt ad eam, volentes ibi migrare ad
Christum. Et est ipsa civitas posita super ripam fluminis
quondam dicti Nem, modo autem Aban-mor, id est amnis mag-
nus, in plaga regionis Nan-Desi. Hunc fluvium Ptolemæus
Dauronam vocat, Nechamus Avenmor, de quo ita ille;
Urbem Lismor pertransit flumen Avenmor,
Ardmor cernit ubi concitus æquor adit.
Nunc Anglis alicubi Broad-water, i. Aqua lata alicubi Black-
water, sive Aqua nigra dicitur. Adeò verum est illud Claudi-
ani, lib. 2, in Eutropium;
Quid non longa valebit
Immutare dies? &c.
236
Ardmora
Hibernica.
387
:
Ardmora ipsa, ab editiori situ sic dicta, sedes etiam olim
erat episcopalis, à S. Declano primo loci episcopo, in ecclesiæ
Hibernicæ infantiâ constituta, sed post Anglorum adventum
in Hiberniam, cathedræ Lismorensi unita.
Corcagia, E. S.
Proxima dicetur Corcagia, ubi S.
Barri, al. Finbarri. Barrus, aliàs Finbarrus, sive Barrus
albus, dictus etiam anteà Lochanus, in
Conatiâ ortus, primus præfuit episcopus. Ecclesiam cathe-
dralem is ibi loci fundavit ineunte seculo VII, et cùm annos
sedisset 17, vel secundùm alios solùm 7, Clonæ, quæ Corcagiâ
15 circiter milliaria distat, 7 Kalendas Octobris, amicis cir-
cumstantibus, placidâ morte obiit: quo autem anno obierit
non est omninò certum. Corpus ejus Corcagiam deportatum,
ibi in ecclesia sua, honorificè sepultum est, et ossa, nescio
quàm diù posteà, capsulæ argentea indita. Ejus est epistola
Alcuino attributa, de ceremoniis Baptismi, si Dempstero
credimus. In cœmeterio est campanile à templo parùm
distans, quod aliqui existimant Ostmannorum Corcagiensium
fuisse opus, et pro specula vel loco ubi excubiæ agebantur ab
iis primùm usitatum. Inter benefactores ecclesiæ primarios,
numerantur Gilla-Æda O-Mugin episcopus Corcagiensis, qui
naturæ debitum persolvit valdè senex, an. Dom. 1173, ejusque
proximi successores Gregorius et Reginaldus. In hoc tractu
Ptolemæi ætate Coriondi habitârunt, eorúmque nominis ves-
tigia quædam retinere videtur Corcagia, quæ et olim dicta
Corcagia magna, nisi quis malit ab Hibernico Concac, quod
locum palustrem sonat, fluxisse. Notandum hic veteribus
Hibernicis usitatissimum, ut c literam in fine dictionis, in
aspirationem verterent, et aliquando etiam in initio dictionis.
Clona, E. S. Colmani. Colmanus ille, filius Lenini, S. Fin-
barri discipulus, vir doctus et pius, pri-
mus fuit ecclesiæ Clonensis episcopus et fundator. Construc-
tionis hujus fit mentio, in vita S. Brendani Abbatis Clonfer-
tensis, his verbis; Erat hic Colmanus filius Lenini vitâ atque
doctrinâ, inter sanctos, præcipuus. Ipse fundavit ecclesiam
Clonensem, quæ est hodiè cathedralis et famosa in partibus
Momonia.
2 B 2
237
388
Antiquitates
Momonia. Claruit is seculo vi, sed placidè tandem in Domino
obdormivit, an. 604, Novembris 4. Hanc sedem per obitum
Adami Pay, vel P'y, vacantem an. 1430, Martinus v Papa
contulit Jordano Cancellario Limericensi: et Jordanus hic non
ita diù posteà, post obitum nempe Milonis episcopi Cor-
cagiensis, realem utriúsque sedis unionem obtinuit. Clona
latibulum sonat. Hæc in antiquo provinciali Romano Cluain-
vanian, ab historicis Hibernicis Cluain-vama appellata, in
agro Corcagiensi sita est, non longè à mari Vergivio. Expo-
sitionem posterioris partis dictionis, sc. vama, meliùs instructis
relinquo. Ex hujus sedis Archivis antiquis, nunc solùm
(quod ego sciam) superest Rotulus, quem Pipam Colmani
vocant, inchoatus anno 1364, tempore Johannis Swafhami
Carmelitæ, S.T.D. tum Clonensis, posteà Bangorensis in Wallia
episcopi.
Rossa, olim Ross-
ailithri, E. S.
Fachnani.
Sanctus Fachnanus, rir sapiens et pro-
bus, (ut eum vocat scriptor vitæ S.
Mocoëmogi) claruit ineunte seculo vi.
De eo, ejusque cœnobio et nobili schola
Rossensi, prope mare Vergivium, alibi diximus. Quandò
autem ecclesia cathedralis ibi erecta fuerit, aut quis primus
extiterit ejusdem episcopus, haud certò constat. Non possum
tamen non existimare Fachnanum ipsum primum fuisse epis-
copum Rossensem et ecclesiæ illius cathedralis fundatorem.
In Martyrologio certè antiquo, ad 14 diem Augusti, quo die
memoria ejus celebratur, episcopum eum disertè appellatum
comperi. De antiquis hujus sedis libertatibus, Wreccis Maris
sc. sive naufragiis, &c. Vide Inquisitionem, in Archivo Curiæ
Capitalis Banci, Dublinii, an. 29. Edwardi 1, membr, 21. a.
in causa Laurentii Episcopi Rossensis. Atq; obiter hîc no-
tamus Ros viridantem planitiem, vel, ut alii volunt, ericetum
significare, et ailithri, peregrinationem, quòd locus olim pere-
grinationibus frequentabatur.
Laonia, E. S. Flannani. Laonia vulgò Killaloe, ad occidenta-
lem Shenani ripam sita, (non procul à
cataractâ, quâ fluvius impeditur, quò minùs ulteriùs navigia.
deferat)
238
Hibernica.
389
deferat) nomen habet à S. Molua Abbate, qui ibi aliquandiù
vixit, sub finem seculi vi. Atqui ejus discipulus S. Flannanus
Theodorici regis filius, Romæ à Johanne IV. Pontifice con-
secratus, primus fuit hujus sedis episcopus. Eo sedente, Pater
ejus Theodoricus ecclesiam Laonensem multis prædiis dotavit,
ac mortuus tandem annorum plenus, in eadem, à filio Flan-
nano, solenniter sepultus est. Inter hujus ecclesiæ benefac-
tores, numeratur etiam Moriertachus O-Brien rex Hiberniæ,
qui è vita migravit 6 idus Martii 1120, et sicut vivus man-
daverat, in eadem ecclesia sepultus est. Nec silentio præ-
teriri debet, ex eadem familia, Donaldus O-Brien rex Limeri-
censis, de quo suprà, ob largitiones non solùm huic ecclesiæ,
sed quamplurimis etiam aliis concessas, ab historicis multùm
celebratus. Sub finem seculi XII, sedes antiqua Roscræensis
huic cathedræ adjecta est et unita. Ibi Johannes rex Angliæ
castrum erexit, ex assensu Cornelii O-Heney episcopi Laonen-
sis: sed ipsum Mannerium Roscræense permutavit posteà
Matthæus O-Hogan, unus è Cornelii successoribus, cum
Edwardo i rege Angliæ anno Dom. 1280, pro prædiis quibus-
dam prope novum castrum in agro Dubliniensi, quæ anno
pòst 148, videlicèt anno Domini 1428, qui tum præfuit Epis-
copus, Donatus Mac-Cragh permutavit cum Gulielmo fin
(sive albo) fitz-Reuher, pro villa de Hamonston, apud Limeri-
censes. Mannerium verò Roscræense (ut ad illud redeamus)
Edwardus primus, anno 1281, Edmundo Butlero contulit,
posteà comiti Carickiano. Utcúnque, hâc utriúsque sedis
unione, Diœcesis Laonensis, admodùm spatiosa evasit, ita ut
116 plùs minùs ecclesias parochiales præter capellas contineret.
Ad ecclesiæ Roscræensis primordia quod attinet, certissimum
est S. Cronanum episcopum, vel, ut alii volunt, Abbatem
primum ejus fuisse conditorem. Frontispicium ejus ad occasum
(pro loci paupertate) satis speciosum est.
Ardfertæ, E. S.
Brendani.
Sedes hæc episcopalis sita est in Ker-
ria regione, olim Kerrigia dicta, quæ
patria fuit S. Brendani Abbatis Clon-
fertensis, cujus memoriæ hæc ecclesia dicata est. Is ab
ineunte ætate, in hac sua patria; bonis literis, sub Erto epis-
239
copo,
390
Antiquitates
copo, operam dedit, donec adultus, impetratâ veniâ, in Cona-
tiam profectus est, ad S. Järlathum episcopum, sub quo,
Theologiæ studio naviter ad tempus incubuisse dicitur. Ora-
tionis longiusculæ S. Brendano attribute exemplar habeo MS.
cujus initium est: Deus omnipotens, Pater, Filius et Spiritus
Sanctus. Id quod à me libentiùs hîc memoratur, quia oratio
ipsa nondum typis mandata est. Atque hæc de S. Brendano.
An verò Ertus ille hujus ecclesiæ fuerit episcopus, non facilè
judicari potest. Fuisse tamen vix est cur non existimemus,
donec tempus veritatem in lucem extrahat. Habitatio ejus
fixa in Kerria hoc innuere videtur: et ipsos Episcopos Ard-
fertenses (ut hoc non omittam) nonnunquàm Kerrienses dictos,
tam ex Historicis Hibernicis, quàm ex Archivis publicis didici.
Ardfert significat locum editum mirabilem, vel ut alii inter-
pretantur, altitudinem miraculorum. Sed vulgò nunc dicitur
Ardart.
Fenaboræ, E. S.
Fachnani.
Post has, recensebitur Fenabora, vulgò
Kilfenora, in agro Clarensi (olim Tue-
monia) sita, in Baronia nempe de Cor-
cumro, Oceano occidentali pulsata. Hujusce sedis episcopum
dictum etiam Corcumrothensem notat Johannes Clinnus, in
divisione sedium episcopalium, ad finem Annalium suorum.
Quo tempore, et à quo condita fuerit ecclesia cathedralis, nihil
(quod sciam) certi extat. Suspicetur fortassè aliquis S.
Fachnanum, de quo suprà, eam primùm excitâsse. Qua de
re quærant alii. Episcopatus iste, ut totius Hiberniæ minimus,
cui nempe 13 tantùm parochiæ subjectæ, ita et inter pauper-
rimos semper numeratus est. Ad reliquas Basilicas instituto
ordine, jam pergamus.
IN PROVINCIA TUAMENSI.
Loca et tituli dedica-
tionum.
Tuama, Eccles.
B. Mariæ Virg.
Origines et aliæ antiquitates.
Primus episcopus qui Tuamæ (olim
Tuaim-da-gualand) sedem fixit cathe-
dralem, fuit S. Järlathus Logæ filius, qui
claruit
240
1
{
Hibernicæ.
391
claruit sub initium seculi sexti. Quippe qui S. Brendani Abbatis
Clonfertensis Præceptor fuit, ut ex ejusdem Brendani vitâ intelli-
gimus, vir doctus, et in quo pietas et morum candor cum doctrinâ
certabant. Decessit dierum plenus 26 Decembris, sed quo anno
non comperi. Extant sub ejus nomine vaticinia quædam, de
successoribus suis in sede Tuamensi, quorum exemplar habeo
MS. sed quam fidem mereantur, aliorum sit judicium. Ossa
ejus, diù post obitum, quæsita et inventa, in scrinium argen-
teum translata sunt, et Tuamæ reposita in ecclesia sive capella,
quæ inde vulgò dicta est Temple-ne-scrin, id est, Templum
Scrinii. Post aliquot deinde secula, videlicèt circa annum
Dom. 1152, ecclesiam cathedralem de novo condidit, à Tir-
delvaco O-Conner rege Hiberniæ adjutus, Edanus O-Hoisin
primus Archiepiscopus Tuamensis, saltem qui primus pallio
usus est, nam aliqui è prædecessoribus ejus, ab historicis
Hibernicis, passim appellati sunt Archiepiscopi, quamvis
Pallio non induti. Edanus hic, ob morum suavitatem cele-
bratus, obiit senex anno Dom. 1161, et in ecclesia sua cathe-
drali conditus est, ubi, saxo quo tegitur, epitaphium Hibernicè
inscriptum legitur, in quo Järlathi Comorbanus, sive successor
appellatur. Cæterùm hanc ecclesiam Edani successores, novo
constructo Choro, in navem ecclesiæ posteà converterunt.
Inter eos, Thomas O-Conner Ecclesiæ valdè beneficus fuisse
perhibetur: qui porrò sedi suæ, ab Henrico III rege Angliæ,
nundinas impetravit, Tuamæ quotannis 28 Decembris et 7
diebus insequentibus habendas. Ad sedes quod attinet quæ
Cathedræ Tuamensi unitæ fuerunt, prima erat Maionensis,
sive Magionensis, tempore Felicis Ruadani Archiepiscopi
annexa, post obitum nempe (ut opinor) Celestini aliàs Cœle
O-Dubhai episcopi Maionensis, qui obitus contigit anno
Domini 1210. Secunda, Enaghdunensis; atqui ante ejus
realem unionem, diuturnæ erant olim contentiones inter
Archiepiscopos Tuamenses et alios, qui ejus etiam ecclesiæ
jus sibi vendicabant. Lis primùm enata est post mortem
Thomæ O-Maley episcopi Enaghdunensis. Eo enim defuncto
anno 1250, Florentius Mac-Flin, eodem an, à Cancellariatu
Tuamensi ad Archiepiscopatum promotus, intravit in episco-
patum Enaghdunensem, sede vacante, de licentia Canonicorum
Enaghdunensium:
241
392
Antiquitates
Enaghdunensium, et retinuit, toto tempore suo, temporalia et
spiritualia dicti Episcopatus, ut è Rot. Placitor. an. 34. Edw. 1.
liquet, Concorde quodam episcopo consecrato, et regio assensu
confirmato 8 Maii 1251, de injuria sibi illata frustrà con-
querente. Florentii proximus successor Walterus de Salern,
aliquando Decanus ecclesiæ S. Pauli Londinensis (quem
Matthæus Parisiensis malè Archiepiscopum vocat Armacha-
num) obiit Londini, in reditu à Roma, paulo post consecra-
tionem, mense nimirum Aprili 1258, antequàm sedem suam
vidisset, ita ut de eo, ad hanc rem, non habeo quod dicam.
Waltero defuncto successit Thomas O-Conner, de quo suprà,
qui sedi Tuamensi simul ac Enaghdunensi præfuit annos 20.
Cæterùm sedente ibidem Stephano de Fulburn, vetus contro-
versia denuò suscitata est, inter eum et Johannem de Ufford,
qui in episcopum Enaghdunensem electus, regium obtinuerat.
assensum Martii 16 (stylo Anglicano) 1282, in qua tamen
Uffordus succubuit. Fulburno defuncto 5 Nonas Julii 1288,
Gulielmus de Birmingham successit, cujus tempore Gilbertus
quidam ordinis Minorum in episcopum Enaghdunensem
electus et consecratus 1306, Temporalibus episcopatus tandem
restitutus est Julii 15, 1308. Archiepiscopo quantumvis
invito et reclamante. Mitto hîc (ne longus nimis sim) lites
agitatas inter Malachiam Gulielmi successorem, et jam dictum
Gilbertum ejusque successores, Jacobum Kernæum, Robertum
Le Petit et Thomam Malæum. Satis erit hic indicare Mala-
chiam Thoma Malæo, Avenione mortuo anno 1328, ecclesiam
Enaghdunensem repertiisse, et ante obitum per annos non
paucos, administrâsse. Atque ita tandem lis ea diuturna
finita est. Venimus jam ad sedem Elphinensem.
Elphina, E. S.
Mariæ.
Elphina, sive (ut alii scribunt) Elfina,
in regione fertili et amoena, aliquantulùm
surgente sita est, ubi ecclesiam cathe-
dralem construxit S. Patricius, prope amniculum è duobus
fontibus emanantem, circa medium seculi quinti, eique præfecit
Asicum monachum, magnum poenitentiæ et austeræ vitæ
amatorem, à se in episcopum consecratum, qui paulò posteà
monachis eam implevit. Sunt qui tradant (quàm verè nescio)
242
Asicum
Hibernica.
393
Asicum hunc aurificem fuisse præstantissimum, artéque suâ,
ecclesiam Cathedralem, operis eximii monumentis, ornâsse.
Post multas verò annorum centurias, nempe non ita diù post
Anglorum ingressum, sede Roscomanensi hûc translatâ, hæc
sedes (Elphinensis inquam) multis magnisque ditata est
latifundiis. Quando Ardcarnensis, Drumclivensis, et alii
ejusdem minoris notæ episcopatus conjuncti itidem et uniti
fuerint, ignorare me fateor; verisimile autem est eos ante
Anglorum adventum annexos fuisse vel Elphinensi cathedræ,
vel Roscomanensi. Non inveniuntur certè eorum nomina in
dispositione episcopatuum Hiberniæ factâ anno 1152, jam
sæpiùs à nobis memoratâ: et (quod miror) ipsa sedes Elphi-
nensis in dicta distributione omissa est, unde non possum non
suspicari eam, ad tempus, antè translationem scilicet prædictam,
Roscomanensi sedi fuisse etiam adjunctam. Utcúnque, certum
est sedem Elphinensem, ex hisce unionibus, inter opulentissi-
mos totius Hiberniæ episcopatus, tandem fuisse numeratam,
et ecclesias parochiales plùs minùs 79 subjectas habuisse. Im-
peritum vulgus loci nomen factum somniat ab ingenti saxo ibi
conspiciendo, quod Finni Mac-Cool gigantis Saxum vocant.
Clonferte, E. B.
Mariæ.
Sanctus Brendanus Finlogæ filius, S.
Brendani Birrensis æqualis et studiorum
comes cœnobium Clonferta construxit,
prope Shenanum flu. anno Dom. 558, cui ipse præfuit Abbas, et
in quo sepultus est, cùm annos vixisset 93. Obiit Enachdunæ die
Dominico, 16 Maii anno 577, unde corpus Clonfertam delatum,
ibi sepulturæ (uti diximus) traditum est. Ejus tempore, ec-
clesia cathedralis Clonfertensis primùm constituta est. Primi
qui ibi præfuit episcopi obitum, in Annalibus Ultoniensibus,
ad annum 571, vel 572, ita annotatum invenimus; Mana Epis-
copus Clonfert-Brenain quievit. Inter ecclesiæ hujus Bene-
factores recensetur vir magni inprimis nominis, Johannes
quidam, natione Italus, Clementis IV Pontificis Nuntius in
Hibernia, Athenriæ ad hanc sedem consecratus, die Dominico
ante festum Natalis Domini 1266, ubi cùm præfuisset annos
ferè 30, ad Archiepiscopatum Beneventanum in Italia trans-
latus est. Ei successit, in sede Clonfertensi, Robertus,
monachus
243
394
Antiquitates
monachus Benedictinus ecclesiæ Christi Cantuariæ, qui ab
Henrico III rege Angliæ probatus est 24 Septembris 1296.
Sed hoc obiter. An nominis etymon quod attinet, Cluain-
ferta Latibulum mirabile significat.
Killalla, E. S.
Muredachi.
Muredachus ille, cujus memoriæ ec-
clesia cathedralis Alladensis dicata est,
primus fuit ejusdem ecclesiæ episcopus.
Ordinatus est à S. Patricio, unde eum claruisse constat seculo
quinto; de tempore verò obitus ejus, nihil traditum comperi
Killalla sita est non procul à Muado, al. Moio flu. in agro
Maionensi, et ejus sedis episcopi ab ea parte agri quâ cingitur,
ab Historicis nonnunquam appellabantur episcopi de Tir-
Amalgaid. Antiquas hujus sedis possessiones confirmavit In-
nocentius III Papa, 3 Kalendas April. 1198, ad rogatum Donati
Episcopi Alladensis. Vide, si placet, earum Catalogum, in
editis ejusdem Innocentii Decretalibus epistolis.
Achonriæ, E. S.
Comrahi.
Luigniensis.
Hanc Ecclesiam construxit S. Fini-
anus Clonardensis, circa annum Salutis
530, locum concedente Dynastâ regionis.
Ecclesiam ita constructam S. Finianus mox
contulit Nathio, qui binomius fuit, dictus vulgò Comrahus, al.
Cruimthir, vir magnæ sanctitatis. Hunc scriptor vitæ S. Finiani
Presbyterum solùm appellat. Ego autem non possum non.
existimare factum eum posteà fuisse ecclesiæ hujus Achadensis
episcopum. In Annalibus antiquis Hibernicis, præsules hujus
sedis appellantur plerúnque, à centuria in qua sita est, episcopi
Luignienses, sive Leinienses. Inter episcopos, ob eruditionem
maximè celebratur Gulielmus Andrew Anglus, ordinis Prædica-
torum, S. Theologiæ Doctor, qui cùm hanc ecclesiam annos
plùs minùs 6 gubernâsset, ad episcopatum Midensem translatus
1380, post quinquennium decessit, in vigilia nimirum S.
Michaëlis Archangeli 1385.
Dnuci, E. S.
Colmani.
Diatribam hanc claudit Duacensis Ec-
clesia, quæ originem suam debet S. Col-
mano, Duaci filio, qui ibi sedit episcopus,
circa
244
Hibernica.
395
1
circa medium seculi vi, et obiit 3 die Februarii: obitus autem
annum ignoro. Ab ejus cognomine ipsa sedes Kil-mac-duac,
id est, ecclesia filii Duaci nomen sortita est: sed corruptè
vulgò Kil-macough nuncupatur.
De hac ecclesia nihil
prætereà memoriâ dignum se offert.
Erunt fortasse qui vitio mihi vertent, quòd de Provinciæ
Tuamensis Basilicis, tam pauca dixerim: sed sciant illi Diplo-
mata et Regesta fermè omnia antiqua Præsulum et Basilicarum
illius Provinciæ; exceptis nudis nonnullis possessionum,
redituum et procurationum catalogis, magno non solùm ec-
clesiarum sed etiam rei antiquariæ detrimento, periisse. Atque
hæc sunt quæ de Hiberniæ Basilicis dicenda habui.
CAP. XXX.
De Hibernorum veterum servis, sive mancipiis, deque Villanis,
Nativis, sive Betagiis, fundo quem colebant adscriptis.
A
D Hibernorum veterum servos sive mancipia nunc de-
scendamus. Hibernos olim servos habuisse quos pretio
plerúmque certo emebant et vendebant, liquidò constat. Atque
adeò frequens sanè erat mos ille apud veteres Hibernos, ut in
antiqua synodo Hibernica, episcopi legatum, ex bonis ec-
clesiæ, per pretium ancillæ definitum inveniatur. Sic enim
priscus Canon; Princeps (sive episcopus uti alibi notavimus)
in sua morte, de rebus ecclesiæ commendare potest, hoc est, pre-
tium ancillæ, sive de mobili substantia, sive de agro. Habetur
in codice Canonum pervetusto Collegii S. Benedicti Canta-
brigiæ, ante annos ferme 700 descripto. Item liber Canonum
Cottonianus titulorum 66, Synodus Hibernica ait: omnis qui
ausus fuerit ea quæ sunt regis aut episcopi furari, aut rapere,
aut aliquid in eos committere, parvi pendens, despicere, septem
ancillarum pretium reddat, aut septem annos poeniteat cum
episcopo. Ibi porrò, alio Canone, Servi juramentum, ne-
sciente Domino, irritum declaratur, sicut et Juramentum filii
aut filiæ, nesciente patre, et juramentum monachi, nesciente
Abbate. Inter servos numerabantur olim bello capti, utpote
pretio empti et venditi, pretio itidem à servitute sæpè redempti.
245
Hûc
396
Antiquitates
Hûc faciunt hi duo Canones, in jam dicto codice titulorum
66, S. Patricio adscripti, viz. Si quis redemptionem captivi
inquæsiverit, sine permissione Abbatis, meruit excommunicari.
Item, Si quis acceperit permissionem Pontificis, et collectum
sit pretium captivi, non plus exigerit quùm necessitas poposcit.
Si quid suprà remanserit, ponat super altare, et indigentibus
detur et captivis. De ritu aliquo aut modo manumissionis,
quo servi libertatem apud priscos Hibernos, assecuti sunt,
nihil traditum reperi. Neque scio an huic rei lucem aliquam
adferant varii illi manumissionum ritus à Francis veteribus
usitati, vel nimirum per denarium ante regem, vel eo absente,
ante ipsius proceres, jactatum, vel in ecclesia per chartam,
coram sacerdotibus et altari, vel per privatanı epistolam.
Præter servos hosce, erant et alii quos Villanos vocabant;
unde et terræ iis concessæ, in Villenagium concessæ diceban-
tur. Hi Laici erant mannerio vel glebæ adscripti, ac culturæ et
hæredii aut prædii partes habiti, id quod ostendit Liber niger
ecclesiæ cathedralis S. Trinitatis Dublinii, ubi prædia quæ
Sitricus rex eidem ecclesiæ concesserat, donata dicuntur, cum
Villanis, et vaccis et bladis. Hoc discimus prætereà, è charta
Dermitii, regis Lageniæ, paucis annis ante Anglorum ingres-
sum, concessa, quam è Regesto Prioratus omnium Sanctorum
juxta Dublin. Lectori hic visum exhibere: In nomine Sanc-
tæ et individuæ Trinitatis, Patris, et Filii, et Spiritus Sancti.
Ego Diarmitius rex Lageniensium, pro Dei amore et animæ
meæ salute, donavi et tradidi spirituali Patri et Confessori
meo Edano Lugudensi (sive * Clochorensi) episcopo, ad opus
Canonicorum ecclesiæ filiæ Zolæ et successorum eorum, terram
quandam quæ dicitur Ballidubgail, cum hominibus suis, scili-
cet Melisu Mac-Feilecan, cum filiis et nepotibus suis, liberis
et absolutis à procuratione et expeditione mea, et omnium in
regimine Lageniæ, et Dubliniæ, mihi succedentium, in perpe-
tuam eleëmosynam, cum legitimis et antiquis terris, et omnibus
aliis ad eam villum pertinentibus, &c. Testibus Laur. Dublin.
Archiepiscopo, Kinad † episcopo, et Benigno Abbate de Glende-
lacha, Enna filio meo, Felano Mac-Feolain, D. Mac-Gillacol-
moc, Ethmarehac et ‡ Aralt filiis- Torcail, G. Mac-Gunnar
* De unione harum sedium antiqua Vid. cap. 16. † Glendelac. ‡ Harald.
246
et
Hibernicie.
397
et aliis multis. Ita Regestum, fol. 45. Villani hi iidem fuer-
unt cum iis quos alii Naticos, sive Originarios, vel Originales
inquilinos, alii Betagios vocant. De Betagiis fit mentio in
antiquo Regesto Archiepiscopi Dublin. vocato CREDE MIHI
nempe in duabus Bullis Urbani IV Papæ, necnon in libro nigro
ecclesiæ Lismorensis, fol. 1. b. unde, ante illius libri combus-
tionem, sequentia fuerunt desumpta: Memorandum quòd qua-
libet caruca de Betagiis quolibet anno debet arare Domino
(episcopo) unam acram, ad seisinam frumenti, et unam acram
ad seisinam avenarum, &c. Item Betagii debent trahere.
blada Domini. Distinguuntur ibi Betagii, à Tenentibus.
Item in charta Edwardi 2 regis Angliæ data 14 die Maii anno
regni ejus 1x, hoc est, gratiæ 1316, quâ præfecit Johannem
filium Thomæ in comitem de Kildare, dedit etiam illi castrum
et villam de Kildare, una cum servitiis liberè Tenentium, Fir-
mariorum et Betagiorum, &c. Vox labium sonat Hibernicum.
Sed quære. Servilis hujusce conditionis homines non permit-
tebantur munera aliqua subire militaria. Et more quidem
veterrimo heroicorum temporum, ut ostendit Virgilius,
Æneidos 9,
Quorum primævus Helenor,
Mæonio regi, quem serva Lycimnia furtim
Sustulerat, vetitisque ad Trojam miserat armis.
Sed rustica tantùm navantes servitia, fodiebant, sepiebant,
arabant, seminabant, metebant, &c. Villano denique fundi
Dominus jus dicebat, tam de corpore, quàm de omnibus bonis
et fortunis. En durum jugum servitutis.
247
CAP.
398
Antiquitates
CAP. XXXI.
De priscis, apud Hibernos, probationum sive purgationum
generibus, post conversionem gentis ad fidem Christianam.
USIT
SITATUM olim purgationis genus, apud Hibernos
Christianos, fuit illud jurisjurandi, tactis solenniter
sacris Euangeliis, et interdum perceptione Eucharistia. Hoc
docet Canon antiquissimus S. Patricii, sub titulo, de Con-
tentione duorum absque testibus: Statuunt, ut per quatuor
Sancta Euangelia, antequàm comunicet, testetur quid probatur;
et deinde sub judice fama relinquatur. Sed et diversa alia
genera ab authoribus mediorum seculorum referuntur, speci-
atim venerabilis Beda, in Martyrologio suo, ad Kalendas Febr.
de S. Brigida nostra loquens, Apud Scotos, (inquit) S. Brigidæ
Virginis, cujus vita miraculis claruit. Quæ cùm lignum
altaris, in testimonium virginitatis, tetigisset, viride factum
est. Tantundem habet Cogitosus, Bedâ antiquior, in ejusdem
Brigidæ vita. Ad duelli examen (nam hoc aliud fuit examinis
genus) in Clerico prohibendum spectat sequens Canon Synodi
S. Patricii, Auxilii et Issernini: Clericus si pro gentili homine
fidejussor fuerit in quacunque quantitate. Et si contigerit,
(quod mirum non est) per astutiam aliquam, gentilis ille
Clerico fallat rebus suis, Clericus ille solvat debitum. Nam
si armis compugnaverit cum illo, meritò extra Ecclesiam com-
putetur. Post Anglorum in Hiberniam adventum, in solen-
nioribus quibusdam juris actionibus, et purgationibus, duellum
ibi, licèt rarius, in usum venit. Talis duelli ita meminit
Johannes Clinnus Minorita Kilkenniensis, in Annalibus suis,
ad annum Salutis 1284; Dominus Galfridus de S. Leodegario
Episcopus Ossoriensis acquisivit per duellum, Manerium de
Seirkeran. Episcopi Athletâ scil. (nam ita intelligo) Athle-
tam adversarii, per Breve (ut vocant) de Recto, in jus vocati,
superante. Item decennio post, in acri illo dissidio inter
Gulielmum de Vescey, tum nuper Hiberniæ Justitiarium, et
Johannem filium Thomæ, posteà Kildaræ comitem, quo
Ves-
cæus Majestatis læsæ accusatus est Dublinii, 1 Aprilis, coram
248
Gulielmo
Hibernica.
399
Gulielmo de la Hay Custode officii Capitalis Justitiarii
Hiberniæ, et concilio regis. Vescæus causam suam duello
defendere obtulit, id quod adversarius accepit, Post ritus
deinde quosdam assuetos, Dies pugnæ, Edwardi regis assensu,
addicitur in Anglia; atqui Vescæus, ante diem, clanculùm
aufugit. Quapropter rex latifundia ejus in Hibernia, contulit
jam dicto Johanni. Sed hæc duo exempla recentiorum sunt
temporum. Pergo. Erat et aliud examinis genus priscis
legibus receptum, Ordalium dictum, cuius species erant Fer-
rum candens, Aqua fervida, et Aqua frigida, &c. Gilleber-
tus al. Gille episcopus Lumnicensis, sive Limericensis, (qui
claruit anno 1130) in lib. de Statu Ecclesiæ, inter ea quæ
episcopus consecrare solebat, numerat Ferrum Judiciale.
Hinc verisimile videtur Hibernos olim hoc etiam examine usos
fuisse. Speciatim Saxo Grammaticus, in vita Nicolai Danorum
regis 81, refert Haraldum Hibernum ortu, candentium Lamin-
arum Judicium, nudatis plantis, absque inustione sustinuisse.
Cæterùm postrema hæc examina, Duellum scil. et Ordalium,
vetant Canones, et acriter insectantur Theologi. Ordalium
equidem jam diù sopitum jacuit, et probatio per duellum
desuetudine exoleta.
Ultimus dicetur (quem penè præterieram) mos ille vitiosus,
olim à litigantibus, coram Brehonis, interdum usitatus,
jurandi per Caput, Manus, Vitam vel Salutem Principis, sive
Domini; qui mos ethnicam proculdubiò sapit originem, et ab
Ægyptiis primùm, uti videtur, manavit. Idque innuit Jura-
mentum Josephi, (è more Ægyptiorum) per Salutem Pharaonis,
Geneseos cap. 42. Similem morem apud Romanos veteres
viguisse, jurandi per Salutem et Fortunam Cæsaris, ostendit
Dio, lib. 45 et 57. Constat porrò ipsis etiam Christianis tam
in Oriente quàm in Occidente, per aliquot secula, in more
posteà fuisse, per salutem aut vitam sive imperatoris, sive
regis et filiorum ejus, jurare. In Hibernia mos iste diutiùs
quidem mansit, quàm aliis in locis, demùm verò, etiam ibi in
judiciis interdictus. Manum de tabula.
249
CAP.
400
Antiquitates
CAP. XXXII.
De veterum Hibernorum et Ostmannorum in Hibernia
funeribus, sepulturis et cryptis subterraneis.
IDEAMUS tandem quale fuit olim in Hibernia funerum
Det
et sepulturæ genus. Duplex fuisse antiquitùs sepul-
turæ genus, apud Ethnicos, in Græcia, Italia, Germania,
Gallia, Britannia et alibi, humationem scilicet et cremationem,
doctis satis notum est. Nec dubitandum similes olim ritus,
ab Hibernis ante admissam in Hibernia religionem Christianam,
fuisse observatos, præsertim cùm certissimum sit Druides eorum
fuisse sacerdotes et legislatores. Druides verò mortuos cre-
mâsse et defodisse disertè asserit Pomponius Mela, Geogra-
phiæ lib. 3. Nec dissimiles erant olim exequiæ Ostmannorum
in Hibernia, dum Ethnici essent. Nostris certè temporibus,
mense nempe Novembri, anno 1646, è colle egesto, in orientali
suburbio civitatis Dublinii, dum in aggerem munitum effor-
maretur, effossum est sepulchrum antiquum, à Zephyronoto
in Euroaquilonem positum, VIII nigris lapidibus marmoreis
fabricatum, tectum nimirum duobus, et reliquis sustentatum.
Tumuli longitudo fuit pedum sex et pollicum duorum, latitudo,
pedum trium et pollicis unius, lapidum crassities, pollicum
trium. Ad singulos tumuli angulos, erectus fuerat lapis
quatuor pedes altus, juxtáque, ad Zephyronotum scilicet, alius,
pyramidali formâ, sed rudi operâ, ex eo genere quod lapis
molaris dicitur, sex pedes altus. Figuram tumuli (sicuti stetit
ante demolitionem) hîc subjungendam curavi;
[

250
Hibernica.
401
In ipso Sepulchro, reperta est magna vis carbonum com-
bustorum, cinerum, et ossium hominis, partim exustorum,
partim quasi semiustorum, opus (ut creditur) Ostmannorum,
utpote ab iis dum Ethnici essent, in reguli vel nobilis cujus-
dam memoriam, constructum. Quo autem modo Dani olim
mortuos cremaverint et cineres collegerint videre est apud
Olaum Wormium, in Danic. Monum. lib. 1. De antiquis sepul-
turis, in montibus vel collibus, sic Virgilius Æneid. lib. 11;
-Fuit ingens monte sub alto,
Regis Dercenni terreno ex aggere bustum,
Antiqui Laurentis, opacáque ilice tectum.
Et Lucanus, lib. 8,
Et regum cineres extructo monte quiescant.
De hac re, vid. porrò Isidor. lib. 15. Etymolog. cap. 11.
Hujusmodi nonnulli, hominum labore aggesti, in Hibernia,
antiquo opere formáque rotundâ, etiamnum cernuntur, speciatim
(ut alios hîc mittam) Nasæ in agro Kildarensi, et Clonardæ in
Midia, qui antiquorum (uti creditur) fuerunt tumuli,
cùm cœmeteria nondum illis in usu essent. De Circulis
illis sive sepimentis Castrensibus non hîc loquimur, quæ
vulgò Danes Rathes, hoc est, Danorum præsidia sive castra
vocamus, qualia in Hibernia frequentissima vidimus. Saxones,
qui olim in circulo etiam castrametabantur, hujusmodi loca
munita Burgos sive Burghs appellabant. Atque Raith
Hibernicè idem sonat.
Non prætermittendum tamen nonnullos reperiri colles
rotundos editos, quorum partibus interioribus in cameras sive
concamerationes divisis, Magnates Ostmannici pro domiciliis,
sic fama perhibet, olim utebantur. Atque talis est collis ille
apud Sligoenses in Conatia, unico milliarià Castle-Coner distans,
ad cujus concamerationes subterraneas, introitus, per aliquot.
annorum centurias, occlusus, anno tandem 1640, à bubulco
quodam, casu detectus est et apertus. Cameræ ibi quadran-
gulæ sunt, è saxis ingentibus, arcuato opere, cum terrâ
superimpositâ, in collem formatâ, constructæ, unà cum meatu
circulari ad easdem. Ichnographiam Areæ structuræ hujusce
cameratæ,
2 c
251
402
Antiquitates
cameratæ, unà cum forma unius è fornicibus, cui cæteri pares,
sicut mihi descripsit, qui paulò post ipsam detectionem, lumine
accenso, perlustravit, cl. mathematicus Milo Symnerus, hîc
exhibere operæ pretium duxi;
B
B
MUMMU
B
C
B
B
B
A. Meatus ad Cameras.
B. Cameræ 15 vel 16 pedes utrobique continentes.
C. Cui usui interior ea pars servierit nondum constat.
D. Forma unius è fornicibus.
I

252
De
Hibernica.
403
}
De hoc vetusto opere, variæ enatæ sunt opiniones. Cùm
verò in concamerationibus sive cameris ejus, nulla, ut accepi,
reperiantur indicia foraminum, vel ad lucem admittendam,
vel ad fumum emittendum, verisimillimum videtur à priscis
Ostmannis non habitationi destinatum, sed vel horreum sive
receptaculum fuisse, vel (quod mihi potiùs arridet) condi-
torium magnatibus et ducibus suis. Hæc quasi per transen-
nam. Verùm excutiant perspicatiores: mihi satis sit meam
interposuisse conjecturam. Dies forsan certiora docebit, cùm
plena fuerit detectio interioris partis hujus structuræ adhuc
occlusa. Vetusto huic operi addemus obiter speluncas collis,
seu potiùs rupis de Corren, apud jam dictos Sligoenses, ubi
sub medium præcipitis et fere impervii aditus, in occidentali
latere rupis, miras habitationes, multiplicesque recessus ex ipso
saxo excisos, (Gigantum Habitacula vocant) excavavit Antiqui-
tas. Ante speluncarum introitus, est semita vel pergula plus-
quàm centum passus longa, è rupe itidem olim excisa.
opus hoc fuerit Hibernicum, vel Ostmannicum, non mihi
constat. Marte furente, nonnullis tutissimum olim perfugium
fuisse creditur. Sed ut pergamus. De cryptis subterraneis,
quas Græci olim hypogea, Latini* conditoria vocabant; apud
Historicos veteres frequens fit mentio. De Hebræorum
veterum sepulchris in speluncis, vid. Geneseos Cap. 23, et 49.
Priscos Anglo-Saxones Ethnicos sepulchra habuisse Byrgens
dicta, sub collibus, quos nonnulli Barrowes appellabant, certò
liquet. Porro viris septentrionalibus in usu fuisse, ut singuli
milites prælio superstites tantum terræ quantum casside capere
poterant in occisorum tumulos aggererent, notat Camdenus,
in Wiltonia. Cæterùm de hujusmodi ritibus, à gentibus ad
Arctum usitatis, vide etiam, si placet, plura, apud jam dictum.
Olaum Wormium, in lib. de Danicis monumentis, vel, si mavis,
apud Saxonem Grammaticum, et Olaum Magnum.
Ad priscum cremationis ritum, apud Hibernos, redimus.
Et certè non solùm apud Ostmannos in Hibernia, dum idolo-
rum essent cultores, viguit mos ille comburendi cadavera
defunctorum, sed etiam apud ipsos Hibernos, elucente fide
Et in antiquis quibusdam inscriptionibus, Requietoriæ.
2c2
253
Christianâ,
404
Antiquitates
Christiana, haud repentè in tenebras abiit. Nam in pervetusto
libro Canonum titulorum 66, in Bibliotheca Cottoniana, Anglo-
Saxonicis temporibus descripto, sub titulo, De nomine Basili-
cæ, et ejus scissurû, ita legimus: Synod. Hibern. Baoiλevs
Græcè, rex Latinè, hinc et basilica regalis, quòd in primis
temporibus reges tantùm sepeliebantur in eâ, nomen sortita est.
Nam cæteri homines sive igne sive acervo lapidum conditi sunt.
Item, nemo alienus libertatem scindendi basilicam, sine prin-
cipis permissione habet: et si hoc ausus fuerit, reddet secundùm
dignitatem ejusdem loci. Ita synodus. Ubi et alius antiquus
apud Hibernos sepeliendi mos, sub acervo lapidum detegitur,
de quo vid. typum, suprà pag. 222. Si ad hunc usum, seu in
occisorum memoriam, non aggesta fuerit ingens ea lapidum
strues, quæ ad Winde-gates in agro Wickloensi cernitur, vel
acervus lapidum Mercurialis videatur, in honorem Mercurii
(ethnici viarum præsidis) crebro lapidum jactu, à viatoribus
antiquitùs pro more congestus, vel, unus è monticulis illis
lapidosis qui pro terminis in agris limitandis olim erectil
Scorpiones dicebantur. Atque hîc in trivio sumus. Nec
silentio hic prætermittendum quod de jure corporis sepulti,
ex antiquâ Synodo Hibernicâ his verbis, habet jam dictus
Liber Canonum, Omne corpus sepultum habet in jure suo
raccam, et equum, et vestimentum, et ornamentum sui lecti,
nec quicquam horum reddetur in alia debita, quia corpori ejus
tanquàm vernacula debentur. De foeminarum Hibernicarum
vociferationibus, sive ululatibus, et manuum complosionibus,
amicorum funera prosequentium, aliâ occasione suprà diximus
cap. XII.
Interdum porrò mulieres ad mortuum lamentandum
conductæ fuerunt, veterum Præficarum more. Servius Prafi-
cam, planctuum principem vocat. Romanis mulieribus fuisse
olim ejulandi morem, ac comas genasque lacerandi, satis liquet,
ex antiquis rerum Romanarum scriptoribus. Atqui mos ille,
XII Tabularum legibus, his verbis fuit interdictus; Mulieres
yenas nè radunto. Mulier faciem nè carpito. Mulieres
lessum (id est, lugubrem ejulationem) funeris ergô nè habento.
Tacitus, libro de moribus et populis Germaniæ: post descrip-
tionem exequiarum veterum Germanorum, qui corpora claro-
rum virorum certis lignis cremabant, et sepulchra cespite
erigebant,
254
Hibernica.
405
1
erigebant, ita pergit, Lamenta et lacrymas citò, dolorem et
tristitiam tardè ponunt. Fœminis lugere honestum est; viris
meminisse. Neque dubitandum est Hibernos veteres morum
similitudinem in multis, è Germania, Caucorum et Menapiorum
Hiberniæ parente contraxisse, uti etiam aliorum nonnullorum,
è Gallia, speciatim (ut ad rem nostram) in parentalibus, sive
conviviis post funus elatum. Atque hæc habui de priscorum
Hibernorum et Ostmannorum funeribus, sepulturis et cryptis,
quæ dicerem.

255
A VIEW
OF THE STATE
OF
IRELAND.
A VIEW
OF THE STATE
OF

IRELAND,
Written Dialogue-wise betweene
Eudoxus and Irenæus,
By EDMUND SPENSER Efq.
In the yeare 1596.
Published by Sir IAMES WARE Knight.
DUBLIN,
Printed by the Society of Stationers.
M.DC.XXXIII.
TO THE
RIGHT HONORABLE
THOMAS
LO. VISCOUNT WENTWORTH,
LO. DEPUTY GENERALL OF IRELAND,
Lo. Prefident of His Majefties Council eftablished in the North
parts of England, and one of His Majefties moft
Honorable Privie Councell.
RIGHT HONORABLE,
T
HE sense of that happy peace, which by the divine provi-
seest age, the beginning
dence this Kingdome hath enjoyed, since the beginning of
the raigne of his late Majestie of ever sacred memory, doth then
take the deeper impression, when these our halcyon dayes are
compared with the former turbulent and tempestuous times,
and with the miseries (of severall kindes) incident unto them.
Those calamities are fully set out, and to the life by Mr.
Spenser, with a discovery of their causes, and remedies, being
for the most part excellent grounds of reformation. And so
much may be justly expected from him in regard of his long
abode and experience of this Kingdome. In these respects,
and for other good uses, which the collections (now communi-
cated) doe afford for matter of history and policy, I am
incouraged to dedicate them to your Lordship, and humbly
to desire your favourable acceptance of them, and of
Your Lordships ever
humbly devoted,
IAMES WARE.
[ 413 ]
THE PREFACE.
OW far these collections may conduce to the knowledge
H of the state
antiquities and state of this Land, let the fit reader
judge: yet something I may not passe by touching Mr. Edmund
Spenser and the worke it selfe, lest I should seeme to offer
injury to his worth, by others so much celebrated. He was
borne in London of an ancient and noble family, and brought
up in the Universitie of Cambridge, where (as the fruites of
his after labours doe manifest) he mispent not his time. After
this he became Secretary to Arthur Lord Grey of Wilton,
Lord Deputy of Ireland; a valiant and worthy Governour;
and shortly after for his services to the Crowne, he had
bestowed upon him by Queene Elizabeth, 3000 acres of land
in the Countie of Corke. There he finished the latter part
of that excellent poem of his Faery Queene, which was soone
after unfortunately lost by the disorder and abuse of his
servant, whom he had sent before him into England, being
then á rebellibus (as * Camdens words are) è laribus ejectus
et bonis spoliatus. He deceased at Westminster in the yeare
1599. (others have it wrongly 1598.) soone after his returne
into England, and was buried according to his owne desire,
* Annal. rer. Anglic. & Hibern. pag. 729, edit. 1625.
7
414
The Preface.
in the collegiat Church there, neere unto Chaucer, whom he
worthily imitated, (at the costes of Robert Earle of Essex,)
whereupon this Epitaph was framed,
Hic prope Chaucerum situs est Spenserius, illi
proximus ingenio, proximus ut tumulo.
Hic prope Chaucerum Spenseri poeta poetam
conderis, et versu quàm tumulo propior.
Anglica te vivo vixit plausitqu poesis,
nunc moritura timet te moriente mori.
As for his worke now *
published, although it sufficiently
testifieth his learning and deepe judgement, yet we may wish
that in some passages it had bin tempered with more modera-
tion. The troubles and miseries of the time when he wrote
it, doe partly excuse him, And surely we may conceive, that
if he had lived to see these times, and the good effects which
the last 30 yeares peace have produced in this land, both for
obedience to the lawes, as also in traffique, husbandry, civility,
and learning, he would have omitted those passages which may
seeme to lay either any particular aspersion upon some
families, or generall upon the Nation. For now we may
truly say, jam cuncti gens una sumus, and that upon just
cause those ancient statutes, wherein the natives of Irish
descent were held to be, and named Irish enemies, and
wherein those of English bloud were forbidden to marry and
commerce with them, were repealed by † act of Parlament,
in the raigne of our late Soveraigne King JAMES of ever
blessed memory.
His proofes (although most of them conjecturall) concerning
* Ex Bibliotheca Remi in Christo patris D. Jacobi Usserij Archiep. Armachani.
† Vid. lib. Statut. Hibern. edit. Dubl. an. 1621. pag. 427.
1
J
8
The Preface.
415
the originall of the language, customes of the Nation, and the
first peopling of the severall parts of the Iland, are full of good
reading; and doe shew a sound judgment. They may be
further confirmed by comparing them with Richard Creagh's
Booke De Linguâ Hibernicâ, which is yet extant in the originall
manuscript, and although mixed with matter of story, leaning
too much to some fabulous traditions, yet in other respects.
worthy of light.
Touching the generall scope intended by the author for the
reformation of abuses and ill customes, This we may say, that
although very many have taken paines in the same subject,
during the raigne of Queene Elizabeth, and some before, as
the * author of the booke intituled Salus Populi, and after
him † Patrick Finglas, Cheife Baron of the Exchequer here,
and afterwardes Cheife Justice of the Common Pleas, yet none
came so neere to the best grounds for reformation, a few
passages excepted, as Spenser hath done in this. Some notes
I have added, although not intending any, untill the fourth
part of the Booke was printed.
* Floruit sub. initium reg. Edw. 4.
† Floruit sub. Hen 8.
A VIEW
OF THE
STATE OF IRELAND,
Written Dialogue-wife betweene Eudoxus and Irenæus,
By Edmund Spenfer Efq. in the yeare 1596.
Eudox.
UT if that countrey of Ireland, whence you
B lately came, be of so goodly and com-
modious a soyle, as you report, I wonder that no course is
taken for the turning thereof to good uses, and reducing
that nation to better government and civility.
Iren. Marry so there have bin divers good plots devised,
and wise councels cast already about reformation of that
realme, but they say, it is the fatall destiny of that land, that
no purposes whatsoever which are meant for her good will
prosper or take good effect, which, whether it proceed from
the very genius of the soyle, or influence of the starres, or
that Almighty God hath not yet appointed the time of her
reformation, or that he reserveth her in this unquiet state
still for some secret scourge, which shall by her come unto
England, it is hard to be knowne, but yet much to be feared.
Eudox. Surely I suppose this but a vaine conceipt of
simple men, which judge things by their effects, and not by
their causes; for I would rather thinke the cause of this evill,
which hangeth upon that countrey, to proceed rather of the
unsoundnes
2 D
11
L
418
View of the State of Ireland.
unsoundnes of the councels and plots which you say have
bin oftentimes laid for the reformation, or of faintnes in fol-
lowing and effecting the same, then of any such fatall course
appointed of God, as you misdeem; but it is the manner of
men, that when they are fallen into any absurdity, or their
actions succeede not as they would, they are alwayes readie.
to impute the blame thereof unto the heavens, so to excuse
their owne follies and imperfections. So have I heard it
often wished also, (even of some whose great wisedomes in
opinion should seeme to judge more soundly of so weighty a
consideration) that all that land were a sea-poole; which
kinde of speech is the manner rather of desperate men farre
driven, to wish the utter ruine of that which they cannot
redress, then of grave councellors, which ought to think
nothing so hard, but that thorough wisedome, it may be
mastered and subdued, since the Poet saith, that "the wise
man shall rule even over the starres," much more over the
earth; for were it not the part of a desperate phisitian to
wish his diseased patient dead, rather then to apply the best
indeavour of his skill for his recovery. But since we are so
farre entered, let us, I pray you, a little devise of those evills,
by which that country is held in this wretched case, that it
cannot (as you say) be recured. And if it be not paineful to
you, tell us what things during your late continuance there,
you observed to be most offensive, and greatest impeach-
ment to the good rule and government thereof.
Iren. Surely, Eudoxus, the evills which you desire to be
recounted are very many, and almost countable with those
which were hidden in the basket of Pandora. But since you
please, I will out of that infinite number, reckon but some
that are most capitall, and commonly occurrant both in the
life and conditions of private men, as also in the managing of
publicke affaires and pollicy, the which you shall understand
to be of divers natures, as I observed them: for some of them
are of verie great antiquitie and continuance; others more
late and of lesse indurance; others dayly growing and in-
creasing continuallie by their evill occasions, which are every
day offered.
12
Eudor.
View of the State of Ireland.
419
Eudor. Tell them then, I pray you, in the same order
that you have now rehearsed them; for there can be no
better method then this which the very matter itselfe offereth.
And when you have reckoned all the evils, let us heare your
opinion for the redressing of them: after which there will
perhaps of it selfe appeare some reasonable way to settle a
sound and perfect rule of government, by shunning the
former evils, and following the offered good. The which
method we may learne of the wise phisitians, which first re-
quire that the malady be knowne throughly, and discovered:
afterwards to teach how to cure and redresse it: and lastly
doe prescribe a dyet, with straight rule and orders to be
dayly observed, for feare of relapse into the former disease,
or falling into some other more dangerous than it.
Iren. I will then according to your advisement begin to
declare the evills which seeme to me most hurtfull to the
common-weale of that land; and first, those (I say) which
were most auncient and long growne. And they also are of
three sorts: The first in the Lawes, the second in Customes,
and the last in Religion.
Eudox. Why, Irenæus, can there be any evil in the
Lawes; can things, which are ordained for the good and
safety of all, turne to the evill and hurt of them? This well
I wote both in that state, and in all other, that were they
not contained in duty with feare of law, which restraineth
offences, and inflicteth sharpe punishment to misdoers, no
man should enjoy any thing; every mans hand would be
against another. Therefore, in finding fault with the lawes,
I doubt me, you shall much over-shoot your selfe, and make
me the more dislike your other dislikes of that government.
Iren. The lawes, Eudoxus, I doe not blame for themselves,
knowing right well that all lawes are ordained for the good.
of the common-weale, and for repressing of licentiousness
and vice; but it falleth out in lawes, no otherwise then it
doth in physick, which was at first devised, and is yet daylie
ment, and ministred for the health of the patient. But
neverthelesse we often see, that either thorough ignorance of
the disease, or thorough unseasonablenesse of the time, or
2 D 2
other
13
420
View of the State of Ireland.
other accidents comming betweene, in stead of good, it
worketh hurt, and, out of one evill, throweth the patient into
many miseries. So the lawes were at first intended for the
reformation of abuses, and peaceable continuance of the sub-
ject; but are sithence either disannulled, or quite prevari-
cated thorough change and alteration of times, yet are they
good still in themselves; but in that commonwealth which is
ruled by them they worke not that good which they should,
and sometimes also that evill which they would not.
Eudor. Whether doe you mean this by the common-lawes
of that realme, or by the Statute Lawes, and acts of Parlia-
ments?
Iren. Surely by them both; for even the common law being
that which William of Normandy brought in with his con-
quest, and laid upon the neck of England, though perhaps it
fitted well with the state of England then being, and was
readily obeyed thorough the power of the commander, which
had before subdued the people unto him, and made easie way
to the settling of his will, yet with the state of Ireland per-
adventure it doth not so well agree, being a people very stub-
borne, and untamed, or if it were ever tamed, yet now lately
having quite shooken off their yoake, and broken the bonds.
of their obedience. For England (before the entrance of the
Conqueror) was a peaceable kingdome, and but lately inured
to the milde and goodly government of Edward, surnamed
the Confessor; besides now lately growne into a loathing and
detestation of the unjust and tyrannous rule of Harold an
usurper, which made them the more willing to accept of any
reasonable conditions and order of the new victor, thinking
surely that it could be no worse then the latter, and hoping
well it would be as good as the former; yet what the proofe
of first bringing in and establishing of those lawes was, was
to many full bitterly made knowne. But with Ireland it is
farre otherwise; for it is a nation ever acquainted with war-
res, though but amongst themselves, and in their own kinde
of military discipline, trayned up ever from their youthes, which
they have never yet beene taught to lay aside, nor made to learn
obedience unto lawes, scarcely to know the name of law, but
(
14
in
View of the State of Ireland.
421
in stead thereof have alwayes preserved and kept their owne
law, which is the Brehon law.
Eudox. What is that which you call the Brehon law? it is
a word unto us altogether unknowne.
Iren. It is a rule of right unwritten, but delivered by
tradition from one to another, in which oftentimes there
appeareth great shew of equity, in determining the right be-
tweene party and party, but in many things repugning quite
both to Gods law, and mans: As for example in the case of
murder, the Brehon, that is their judge, will compound be-
tweene the murderer, and the friends of the party murdered,
which prosecute the action, that the malefactor shall give
unto them, or to the child, or wife of him that is slain a re-
compence, which they call an Eriach: By which vilde law of
theirs, many murders amongst them are made up, and smo-
thered. And this the judge being as he is called the Lords
Brehon, adjudgeth for the most part, a better share unto his
Lord, that is the Lord of the soyle, or * the head of that sept,
and also unto himselfe for his judgement a greater portion,
then unto the plaintiffes or parties grieved.
Eudox. This is a most wicked law indeed: but I trust it
is not now used in Ireland, since the kings of England have
had the absolute dominion thereof, and established their owne
lawes there.
Iren. Yes truly; for there be many wide countries in Ire-
land, which the lawes of England were never established in,
nor any acknowledgment of subjection made; and also even
in those which are subdued, and seeme to acknowledge sub-
jection, yet the same Brehon law is practised among them-
selves, by reason, that, dwelling as they doe, whole nations
and septs of the Irish together, without any Englishman
amongst them, they may doe what they list, and compound
or altogether conceale amongst themselves their owne crimes,
of
*The head of that sept.] Sept is family. So, in Moryson's Itinerary, fol. 1617,
Part second, p. 1. "The Oneale, a fatall name to the chiefe of the SEPT or family
of the Oneales, &c." See also Percy's Reliques of Anc. Poetry, 4th edit. vol. i. p.
119. And the Hist. of the Gwedir Family, note in p. 66.--Tovn.
15
422
View of the State of Ireland.
of which no notice can be had by them which would and
might amend the same, by the rule of the lawes of England.
Eudox. What is this which you say? And is there any
part of that realme, or any nation therein, which have not
yet beene subdued to the crowne of England? Did not the
whole realme universally accept and acknowledge our late
Prince of famous memory Henry the viiith for their onely
King and Liege Lord?
Iren. Yes verily in a Parliament holden in the time of Sir
Anthony Saint-Leger, then Lord Deputy, all the Irish Lords
and principall men came in, and being by faire means wrought
thereunto, acknowledged King Henry for their Soveraigne
Lord, reserving yet (as some say) unto themselves all their
owne former priviledges and seigniories inviolate.
Eudox. Then by that acceptance of his soveraignty they
also accepted of his lawes. Why then should any other lawes
be now used amongst them?
Iren. True it is that thereby they bound themselves to his
lawes and obedience, and in case it had beene followed upon
them, as it should have beene, and a government thereupon
settled among them agreeable thereunto, they should have
beene reduced to perpetuall civilitie, and contained in con-
tinuall duty. But what bootes it to break a colte, and to let
him straight runne loose at randome. So were these people
at first well handled, and wisely brought to acknowledge.
allegiance to the Kings of England: but, being straight left
unto themselves and their owne inordinate life and manners,
they eftsoones forgot what before they were taught, and so soone
as they were out of sight, by themselves shook of their bridles,
and beganne to colte anew, more licentiously then before.
Eudox. It is a great pittie that so good an opportunity
was omitted, and* so happie an occasion fore-slacked, that
might have beene the eternall good of the land. But doe
they not still acknowledge that submission?
Iren. No, they doe not: for now the heires and posterity
را
of
* So happy an occasion fore-slacked.] Delayed. See F. Q. v. xii. 3.-TODD.
16
View of the State of Ireland.
423
of them which yeelded the same, are (as they say) either
ignorant thereof, or doe wilfully deny, or steadfastly disavow it.
Eudox. How can they so doe justly? Doth not the act of
the parent in any lawfull graunt or conveyance, bind their
heires for ever thereunto? Sith then the aurcestors of those
that now live, yeelded themselves then subjects and liegemen,
shall it not tye their children to the same subjection?
Iren. They say no: for their auncestors had no estate in
any their lands, seigniories, or hereditaments, longer then
during their owne lifes, as they alledge, for all the Irish doe
hold their land by Tanistry; which is (say they) no more but
a personall estate for his life time, that is, Tanist, by reason
that he is admitted thereunto by election of the countrey.
Eudox. What is this which you call Tanist and Tanistry?
They be names and termes never heard of nor knowne to us.
Iren. It is a custome amongst all the Irish, that presently
after the death of any of their chiefe Lords or Captaines, they
doe presently assemble themselves to a place generally ap-
pointed and knowne unto them to choose another in his
steed, where they doe nominate and elect for the most part,
not the eldest sonne, nor any of the children of the Lord
deceased, but the next to him of blood, that is the eldest and
worthiest, as commonly the next brother unto him if he have
any, or the next cousin, or so forth, as any is elder in that
kinred or sept; and then next to him doe they choose the
next of the blood to be Tanist, who shall next succeed him in
the said Captainry, if he live thereunto.
Eudox. Doe they not use any ceremony in this election?
for all barbarous nations are commonly great observers of
ceremonies and superstitious rites.
Iren. They use to place him that shall be their Captaine,
upon a stone alwayes reserved for that purpose, and placed
commonly upon a hill: In some of which I have seen formed
and ingraven a foot, which they say was the measure of their
first Captaines foot, whereon he standing, receives an oath to
preserve all the auncient former customes of the countrey
inviolable, and to deliver up the succession peaceably to his
Tanist, and then hath a wand delivered unto him by some
whose
17
424
View of the State of Ireland.
whose proper office that is: after which, descending from the
stone, he turneth himselfe round, thrice forward, and thrice
backward.
Eudox. But how is the Tanist chosen?
Iren. They say he setteth but one foot upon the stone,
and receiveth the like oath that the Captaine did.
Eudor. Have you ever heard what was the occasion and
first beginning of this custome? for it is good to know the
same, and may perhaps discover some secret meaning and
intent therein, very materiall to the state of that government.
Iren. I have heard that the beginning and cause of this
ordinance amongst the Irish, was specially for the defence
and maintenance of their lands in their posteritie, and for
excluding all innovation or alienation thereof unto strangers,
and specially to the English. For when their Captaine dieth,
if the seigniorie should descend to his child, and he perhaps an
infant, another might peradventure step in between, or thrust
him out by strong hand, being then unable to defend his right,
or to withstand the force of a forreiner; and therefore they doe
appoint the eldest of the kinne to have the seigniorie, for that
he commonly is a man of stronger years, and better experience
to maintain the inheritance, and to defend the countrey, either
against the next bordering Lords, which use commonly to
incroach one upon another, as each one is stronger, or against
the English, which they thinke lye still in waite to wype them
out of their lands and territoryes. And to this end the Tanist
is alwayes ready knowne, if it should happen the Captaine
suddenly to dye, or to be slaine in battell, or to be out of the
countrey, to defend and keepe it from all such doubts and
dangers. For which cause the Tanist hath also a share of
the countrey allotted unto him, and certaine cuttings and
spendings upon all the inhabitants under the Lord.
Eudox. When I hear this word Tanist, it bringeth to my
remembrance what I have read of Tania, that it should signifie
a province or seigniorie, as Aquitania, Lusitania, and Britania,
the which some thinke to be derived of Dania, that is, from
the Danes, but, I think, amisse. But sure it seemeth, that it
came aunciently from those barbarous nations that over-ranne
18
the
View of the State of Ireland.
425
the world, which possessed those dominions, whereof they
are now so called. And so it may well be that from thence*
the first originall of this word Tanist and Tanistry came, and
the custome thereof hath sithence, as many others else, beene
continued. But to that generall subjection of the land,
whereof we formerly spake, me seemes that this custome or
tenure can be no barre nor impeachment, seeing that in open
Parliament by their said acknowledgement they waved the
benefite thereof, and submitted themselves to the benefite of
their new Soveraigne.
Iren. Yea, but they say, as I earst tolde you, that they
reserved their titles, tenures, and seigniories whole and sound
to themselves, and for proof alledge, that they have ever
sithence remained to them untouched, so as now to alter
them, should, (say they) be a great wrong.
Eudox. What remedie is there then, or meanes to avoide
this inconvenience? for, without first cutting of this dan-
gerous custome, it seemeth hard to plant any sound ordi-
nance, or reduce them to a civill government, since all their
ill customes are permitted unto them.
Iren. Surely nothing hard: for by this Act of Parliament
whereof we speake, nothing was given to King Henry which
he had not before from his auncestors, but onely the bare
name of a King; for all other absolute power of principality
he had in himselfe before derived from many former Kings,
his famous progenitours and worthy conquerours of that land.
The which, sithence they first conquered and by force sub-
dued unto them, what needed afterwards to enter into any
such idle termes with them to be called their King, when it
is in the power of the conqueror to take upon himself what
title he will, over his dominions conquered. For all is the
conquerors, as Tully to Brutus saith. Therefore (me seemes)
instead of so great and meritorious a service as they boast
they
* The first originall of this word Tanist and Tanistry came.] See whether it may
not be more fitly derived from Thane, which word was commonly used among the
Danes, and also among the Saxons in England, for a noble man, and a principall
officer.-SIR JAMES WARE.
19
426
View of the State of Ireland.
they performed to the King, in bringing all the Irish to
acknowledge him for their Liege, they did great hurt unto
his title, and have left a perpetuall gall in the minde of the
people, who before being absolutely bound to his obedience,
are now tyed but with termes, whereas else both their lives,
their lands, and their liberties were in his free power to appoint
what tenures, what lawes, what conditions he would over
them, which were all his: against which there could be no
rightfull resistance, or if there were, he might, when he
would, establish them with a stronger hand.
Eudox. Yea, but perhaps it seemed better unto that noble
King to bring them by their owne accord to his obedience,
and to plant a peaceable government amongst them, then by
such violent means to pluck them under. Neither yet hath
he thereby lost any thing that he formerly had; for, having
all before absolutely in his owne power, it remaineth so still
unto him, he having thereby neither forgiven nor forgone any
thing thereby unto them, but having received something from
them, that is, a more voluntary and loyall subjection. So as
her Majesty may yet, when it shall please her, alter any thing
of those former ordinances, or appoint other lawes, that may
be more both for her owne behoofe, and for the good of that
people.
Iren. Not so: for it is not so easie, now that things are
growne unto an habit and have their certaine course, to
change the channell, and turne their streames another way,
for they may have now a colorable pretence to withstand
such innovations, having accepted of other lawes and rules
already.
Eudox. But you say they do not accept of them, but delight
rather to leane to their old customes and Brehon lawes,
though they be more unjust and also more inconvenient for the
common people, as by your late relation of them I have
gathered. As for the lawes of England they are surely most
just and agreeable, both with the government and with the
nature of the people. How falls it then that you seeme to
dislike of them, as not so meete for that realme of Ireland, and
not onely the common Law, but also the Statutes and Actes of
Parliament,
20
1
View of the State of Ireland.
427
I
Parliament, which were specially provided and intended for
the onlie benefit thereof?
Iren. I was about to have told you my reason therein, but
that your selfe drew me away with other questions, for I was
shewing you by what means, and by what sort the positive
lawes were first brought in and established by the Norman
Conquerour: which were not by him devised nor applyed unto
the state of the realme then being, nor as yet might best be,
(as should by lawgivers principally be regarded) but were
indeed the very lawes of his owne countrie of Normandie.
The condition whereof, how farre it differeth from this of
England, is apparent to every least judgement. But to trans-
ferre the same lawes for the governing of the realm of Ireland,
was much more inconvenient and unmeete; for he found a
better advantage of the time, then was in the planting of them
in Ireland, and followed the execution of them with more
severity, and was also present in person to overlooke the
Magistrates, and to overawe these subjects with the terrour
of his sword, and countenance of his Majesty. But not so in
Ireland, for they were otherwise affected, and yet doe so
remaine, so as the same lawes (me seemes) can ill fit with
their disposition, or worke that reformation that is wished.
For lawes ought to be fashioned unto the manners and condi-
tions of the people, to whom they are meant, and not to be
imposed upon them according to the simple rule of right, for
then (as I said) in stead of good they may worke ill, and
pervert justice to extreame injustice. For he that transferres
the lawes of the Lacedemonians to the people of Athens, should
finde a great absurditie and inconvenience. For those lawes
of Lacedemon were devised by Licurgus as most proper and
best agreeing with that people, whom he knew to be enclined
altogether to warres, and therefore wholly trained them up
even from their cradles in armes and military exercises, cleane
contrary to the institution of Solon, who, in his lawes to the
Athenians, laboured by all meanes to temper their warlike
courages with sweet delights of learning and sciences, so that
asmuch as the one excelled in armes, the other exceeded in
knowledge. The like regard and moderation ought to be
21
had
428
View of the State of Ireland.
had in tempering and managing of this stubborne nation of the
Irish, to bring them from their delight of licentious barbarisme
unto the love of goodnes and civilitie.
Eudox. I cannot see how that may better be then by the
discipline of the lawes of England: for the English were, at
first, as stoute and warlike a people as ever the Irish, and yet
you see are now brought unto that civilitie, that no nation
in the world excelleth them in all goodly conversation, and
all the studies of knowledge and humanitie.
Iren. What they now be, both you and I see very well, but
by how many thornie and hard wayes they are come there-
unto, by how many civill broiles, by how many tumultuous
rebellions, that even hazzarded oftentimes the whole safety of
the kingdome, may easily be considered: all which they never-
thelesse fairly overcame, by reason of the continuall presence
of their King; whose onely person is oftentimes in stead of
an army, to containe the unrulie people from a thousand evill
occasions, which this wretched kingdome, for want thereof, is
dayly carried into. The which, whensoever they make head, no
laws, no penalties, can restraine, but that they doe, in the violence
of that furie, tread downe and trample under foote all both divine
and humane things, and the lawes themselves they doe specially
rage at and rend in peeces, as most repugnant to their libertie
and naturall freedome, which in their madnes they affect.
Eudox. It is then a very unseasonable time to plead law,
when swords are in the hands of the vulgar, or to thinke to
retaine them with feare of punishments, when they looke after
liberty, and shake off all government.
Iren. Then so it is with Ireland continually, Eudoxus; for
the sword was never yet out of their hand; but when they are
weary of warres, and brought downe to extreme wretched-
nesse, then they creepe a little perhaps and sue for grace,
till they have gotten new breath and recovered their strength
againe. So as it is as vaine to speake of planting lawes, and
plotting pollicie, till they be altogether subdued.
Eudox. Were they not so at the first conquering of them
by Strongbowe, in the time of King Henry the Second? was
there not a thorough way then made by the sword for the
22
imposing
!
View of the State of Ireland.
429
imposing of the lawes upon them? and were they not then
executed with such a mightie hand as you said was used by
the Norman Conquerour? What oddes is there then in this
case? why should not the same lawes take as good effect in
that people as they did here, being in like sort prepared by
the sword, and brought under by extreamity? and why should
they not continue in as good force and vigour for the con-
taining of the people.
Iren. The case yet is not like, but there appeareth great
oddes between them: for, by the conquest of Henry the
Second, true it is that the Irish were utterly vanquished and
subdued, so as no enemy was able to hold up head against
his power, in which their weaknes he brought in his lawes,
and settled them as now they there remaine; like as William
the Conquerour did; 'so as in thus much they agree; but in
the rest, that is the chiefest, they varie: for to whom did King
Henry the Second impose those lawes? not to the Irish, for
the most part of them fled from his power, into deserts and
mountaines, leaving the wyde countrey to the conquerour:
who in their stead eftsoones placed English men, who pos-
sessed all their lands and did quite shut out the Irish, or the
most part of them. And to those new inhabitants and colonies
he gave his lawes, to wit, the same lawes under which they
were borne and bred, the which it was no difficultie to place
amongst them, being formerly well inured thereunto; unto
whom afterwards there repaired diverse of the poore distressed
people of the Irish, for succour and reliefe; of whom, such
as they thought fit for labour, and industriously disposed, as
the most part of their baser sort are, they received unto them
as their vassalls, but scarcely vouchsafed to impart unto them
the benefit of those lawes, under which themselves lived, but
every one made his will and commandement a law unto his
owne vassall: thus was not the law of England ever properly
applyed unto the Irish nation, as by a purposed plot of govern-
ment, but as they could insinuate and steale themselves under
the same, by their humble carriage and submission.
Eudox. How comes it then to passe, that having beene
once so low brought, and thoroughly subjected, they after-
wards
23
430
View of the State of Ireland.
wards lifted up themselves so strongly againe, and sithence
doe stand so stiffely against all rule and government?
Iren. They say that they continued in that lowlinesse,
untill the time that the division betweene the two houses of
Lancaster and York arose for the crowne of England: at
which time all the great English Lords and Gentlemen,
which had great possessions in Ireland, repaired over hither
into England, some to succour their friends here, and to
strengthen their partie for to obtain the crowne; others to
defend their lands and possessions here against such as
hovered after the same upon hope of the alteration of the
kingdome, and successe of that side which they favoured and
affected. Then the Irish whom before they had banished into
the mountaines, where they lived onely upon white meates,
as it is recorded, seeing now their lands so dispeopled, and
weakened, came down into all the plaines adjoyning, and
thence expelling those few English that remained, repossessed
them againe, since which they have remained in them, and,
growing greater, have brought under them many of the
English, which were before their Lords. This was one of
the occasions by which all those countreys, which lying neere
unto any mountaines or Irish desarts, had beene planted with
English, were shortly displanted and lost. As namely in
Mounster all the lands adjoyning unto Slewlogher, Arlo, and
the bog of Allon. In Connaught all the countries bordering
upon the Curlues, Mointerolis, and Orourkes countrey. In
Leinster all the lands bordering unto the mountaines of
Glanmalour, unto Shillelah, unto the Brackenal, and Pol-
monte. In Ulster, all the countreys near unto Tirconnell,
Tyrone, and the Scottes.
Eudox. Surely this was a great violence: but yet by your
speach it seemeth that onely the countreys and valleyes
neere adjoining unto those mountaines and desarts, were
thus recovered by the Irish: but how comes it now that we
see almost all that realme repossessed of them? Was there
any more such evill occasions growing by the troubles of
England? Or did the Irish, out of those places so by them
gotten, break further and stretch themselves out thorough
L
{
24
the
View of the State of Ireland.
431
+
1
the whole land? for now, for ought that I can understand,
there is no part but the bare English Pale, in which the Irish
have not the greatest footing.
Iren. Both out of these small beginnings by them gotten
neare to the mountaines, did they spread themselves into the
inland; and also, to their further advantage, there did other
like unhappy accidents happen out of England; which gave
heart and good opportunity to them to regaine their old pos-
sessions: For, in the raigne of King Edward the Fourth,
things remained yet in the same state that they were after
the late breaking out of the Irish, which I spake of; and that
noble Prince began to cast an eye unto Ireland, and to minde
the reformation of things there runne amisse: for he sent
over his brother the worthy * Duke of Clarence, who having
married the heire of the Earle of Ulster, and by her having
all the Earldome of Ulster, and much in Meath and in
Mounster, very carefully went about the redressing of all
those late evills, and though he could not beate out the Irish
againe, by reason of his short continuance, yet he did shut
them up within those narrow corners and glennes under the
mountaines foote, in which they lurked, and so kept them
from breaking any further, by building strong holdes upon
every border, and fortifying all passages. Amongst the
which he repaired the castle of Clare in Thomond, of which
countrey he had the inheritance, and of Mortimers lands
adjoyning, which is now (by the Irish) called Killaloe. But
the times of that good King growing also troublesome, did
lett the thorough reformation of all things. And thereunto
soone
* Duke of Clarence, who having married the heire of the Earle of Ulster, &c.] It
was not George Duke of Clarence here spoken of by the author, but Lionell Duke
of Clarence, third soone of King Edw. the 3. who married the Earl of Ulsters
daughter, and by her had the earledome of Ulster; and although Edw. the 4. made
his brother the duke of Clarence, Lo. Lieutenant of Ireland, yet the place was still
executed by his Deputyes (which were at severall times) Thomas Earle of Des-
mond, John Earle of Worcester, Tho. Earle of Kildare, and William Shirwood
Bishop of Meth, the Duke himselfe never comming into Ireland to governe there in
person.-SIR JAMES WARE.
De hac re vide Camd. Britan. p. 336. § Annal. Hib. ab eo edit. ad an. 1361.
52
432
View of the State of Ireland.
soone after was added another fatall mischiefe, which wrought
a greater calamity then all the former. For the said Duke
of Clarence, then Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, was, by prac-
tise of evill persons about the King, his brother, called thence
away: and soone after, by sinister meanes, was cleane made
away. Presently after whose death, all the North revolting,
did set up Oneale for their Captaine, being before that of
small power and regard: and there arose in that part of
Thomond, one of the O-Briens, called Murrogh en-Ranagh,
that is, Morrice of the Ferne, or wast wilde places, who,
gathering unto him all the reliques of the discontented Irish,
eftsoones surprised the said castle of Clare, burnt, and
spoyled all the English there dwelling, and in short space
possessed all that countrey beyond the river of Shanan and
neere adjoyning: whence shortly breaking forth like a sud-
daine tempest he over-ran all Mounster and Connaght;
breaking downe all the holds and fortresses of the English,
defacing and utterly subverting all corporate townes, that
were not strongly walled: for those he had no meanes nor
engines to overthrow, neither indeed would he stay at all about
them, but speedily ran forward, counting his suddennesse his
most advantage, that he might overtake the English before
they could fortifie or gather themselves together. So in short
space hee cleane wyped out many great townes, as first In-
chequin, then Killalow, before called Clariford, also Thurles,
Mourne, Buttevant, and many others, whose names I cannot
remember, and some of which there is now no memory nor
signe remaining. Upon report whereof there flocked unto
him all the scumme of the Irish out of all places, that ere
long he had a mighty army, and thence marched foorth into
Leinster, where he wrought great out-rages, wasting all the
countrey where he went; for it was his policie to leave no
hold behinde him, but to make all plaine and waste. In the
which he soone after created himselfe King, and was called
King of all Ireland; which before him I doe not reade that
did so generally, but onely Edward le Bruce.
Eudor. What? was there ever any generall King of all
Ireland? I never heard it before, but that it was alwayes
any
26
(whilst
View of the State of Ireland.
433
3
(whilst it was under the Irish) divided into foure, and some-
times into five kingdomes or dominions. But this Edward
le Bruce, what was he, that could make himselfe King of
all Ireland?
Iren. I would tell you, in case you would not challenge
me anon for forgetting the matter which I had in hand, that
is, the inconvenience and unfitnesse which I supposed to be
in the lawes of the land.
Eudox. No surely, I have no cause, for neither is this
impertinent thereunto; for sithence you did set your course
(as I remember in your first part) to treate of the evills which
hindered the peace and good ordering of that land, amongst
which, that of the inconvenience in the lawes was the first
which you had in hand, this discourse of the over-running
and wasting of the realme, is very materiall thereunto, for
that it was the beginning of all the other evills which sith-
ence have afflicted that land, and opened a way unto the
Irish to recover their possession, and to beat out the English
which had formerly wonne the same. And besides, it will
give a great light both unto the second and third part, which
is the redressing of those evills, and planting of some good
forme or policy therin, by renewing the remembrance of
these occasions and accidents, by which those ruines hapned,
and laying before us the ensamples of those times, to be com-
pared to ours, and to be warned by those which shall have
to doe in the like. Therefore I pray you tell them unto us,
and as for the point where you left, I will not forget after-
wards to call you backe againe thereunto.
Iren. This Edw. le Bruce was brother of Robert le Bruce,
who was King of Scotland, at such time as King Edward
the Second raigned here in England, and bare a most mali-
cious and spightfull minde against King Edward, doing him
all the scathe that he could, and annoying his territoryes of
England, whilest he was troubled with civil warres of his
Barons at home. He also, to worke him the more mischiefe,
sent over his said brother Edward with a power of Scottes
and Red-shankes into Ireland, where, by the meanes of the
Lacies, and of the Irish with whom they combined, they gave
footing
2 E
27
434
View of the State of Ireland.
*
footing, and gathering unto him all the scatterlings and out-
lawes of all the woods and mountaines, in which they long had
lurked, marched foorth into the English Pale, which then
was chiefly in the North, from the point of Donluce, and
beyond unto Dublin: having in the middest of her Knock-
fergus, Belfast, Armagh, and Carlingford, which are now
the most outbounds and abandoned places in the English
Pale, and indeede not counted of the English Pale at all: for
it stretcheth now no further then Dundalke towardes the
North. There the said Edward le Bruce spoyled and burnt
all the olde English Pale inhabitants, and sacked and rased
all citties and corporate townes, no lesse then Murrough en
Ranagh, of whom I earst tolde you: For he wasted Belfast,
Green-Castle, Kelles, Bellturbut, Castletowne, Newtown, and
many other very good townes and strong holdes: he rooted
out the noble families of the Audlies, Talbotts, Tuchets,
Chamberlaines, Maundevills, and the Savages out of Ardes,
though of the Lo. Savage there remaineth yet an heire, that
is now a poore gentleman of very meane condition, yet dwel
ling in the Ardes. And coming lastly to Dundalke, he
there made himselfe King, and raigned the space of one
whole yeare, untill that Edward King of England, having
set some quiet in his affaires at home, sent over the Lord
John Bermingham to be Generall of the warres against him,
who, incountering him neere to Dundalke, over-threw his
army, and slew him. Also he presently followed the victory
so hotly upon the Scottes, that he suffered them not to
breathe, or gather themselves together againe, untill they
came to the sea-coast. Notwithstanding all the way that
they fledde, for very rancor and despight, in their returne,
they utterly consumed and wasted whatsoever they had
before left unspoyled, so as of all townes, castles, forts,
bridges, and habitations, they left not any sticke standing,
nor any people remayning; for those few, which yet sur-
vived,
Scatterlings and outlawes.] See the note on F. Q. ii. x. 63. He uses scatter-
lings for ravagers again in this View of the State of Ireland.-Toud.
}
28
View of the State of Ireland.
435
vived, fledde from their fury further into the English Pale
that now is. Thus was all that goodly countrey utterly
wasted. And sure it is yet a most beautifull and sweet
countrey as any is under heaven, being stored throughout
with many goodly rivers, replenished with all sorts of fish
most abundantly, sprinkled with many very sweet ilands and
goodly lakes, like little inland seas, that will carry even
shippes upon their waters, adorned with goodly woods even
fit for building of houses and ships, so commodiously, as that
if some Princes in the world had them, they would soone
hope to be lords of all the seas, and ere long of all the world:
also full of very good ports and havens opening upon Eng-
land, as inviting us to come unto them, to see what excellent
commodities that countrey can afford, besides the soyle it
selfe most fertile, fit to yeeld all kind of fruit that shall be
committed thereunto. And lastly, the heavens most milde
and temperate, though somewhat more moist then the parts
towards the West.
Eudox. Truly, Irenæus, what with your praises of the coun-
trey, and what with your discourse of the lamentable desolation
thereof, made by those Scottes, you have filled me with a
great compassion of their calamities, that I doe much pity
that sweet land, to be subject to so many evills as I see more
and more to be layde upon her, and doe halfe beginne to
thinke, that it is (as you said at the beginning) her fatall
misfortune above all other countreyes that I know, to be thus
miserably tossed and turmoyled with these variable stormes
of affliction. But since we are thus far entred into the con-
sideration of her mishaps, tell me, have there beene any more
such tempests, as you term them, wherein she hath thus
wretchedly beene wracked?
Iren. Many more, God wot, have there beene, in which
principall parts have beene rent and torne asunder, but none
(as I can remember) so universall as this. And yet the rebel-
lion of Thomas Fitz Garret did well-nye stretch it selfe into
all parts of Ireland. But that, which was in the time of the
government of the Lord Grey, was surely no lesse generall
then all those; for there was no part free from the contagion,
but
2 E 2
29
436
View of the State of Ireland.
but all conspired in one, to cast off their subjection to the
crowne of England. Neverthelesse thorough the most wise
and valiant handling of that right noble Lord, it got not the
head which the former evills found; for in them the realme
was left like a ship in a storm, amidst all the raging surges,
unruled, and undirected of any: for they to whom she was
committed, either fainted in their labour, or forsooke their
charge. But he (like a most wise pilote,) kept her course.
carefully, and held her most strongly even against those
roaring billowes, that he safely brought her out of all; so as
long after, even by the space of 12 or 13 whole yeares, she
rode at peace, thorough his onely paines and excellent indur-
ance, how ever Envy list to blatter against him. But of this
we shall have more occasion to speak in another place. Now
(if you please) let us returne againe unto our first course.
*
Eudox. Truely I am very glad to heare your judgement
of the government of that honourable man so soundly; for I
have heard it oftentimes maligned, and his doings depraved
of some, who (I perceive) did rather of malicious minde, or
private grievance, seeke to detract from the honour of his
deeds and counsels, then of any just cause: but he was never-
thelesse, in the judgements of all good and wise men, defended
and maintained. And now that he is dead, his immortall
fame surviveth, and flourisheth in the mouthes of all people,
that even those which did backbite him, are checked with
their owne venome, and break their galls to heare his so
honourable report. But let him rest in peace; and turne we
to our more troublesome matters of discourse, of which I am
right sorry that you make so short an end, and covet to passe
over to your former purposes; for there be many other parts
of Ireland, which I have heard have bin no lesse vexed with
the like stormes, then these which you have treated of, as the
countreyes of the Birnes and Tooles near Dublin, with the
insolent out-rages and spoyles of Feagh mac Hugh, the
countreyes
Thus
* How ever Enry list to blatter against him.] To blatter is to rail or rage.
the Blatant Beast is described with various barking tongues, F. Q. vi. xii. 27.—Tonn
30
View of the State of Ireland.
437
countreyes of Catherlagh, Wexford, and Waterford, by the
Cavenaghes. The countreyes of Leix, Kilkenny, and Kildare
by the O Moores. The countreyes of Ofaly and Longford by
the Connors. The countreyes of Westmeath, Cavan, and
Lowth, by the O Relyes, the Kellyes, and many others, so as
the discoursing of them, besides the pleasure which would
redound out of their history, be also very profitable for matters
of policy.
Iren. All this which you have named, and many more
besides, often times have I right well knowne, and yet often
doe kindle great fires of tumultuous broyles in the countreyes
bordering upon them. All which to rehearse, should rather
be to chronicle times, then to search into reformation of
abuses in that realme; and yet very needfull it will be to
consider them, and the evills which they have often stirred
up, that some redresse thereof, and prevention of the evills to
come, may thereby rather be devised. But I suppose we
shall have a fitter opportunity for the same, when we shall
speake of the particular abuses and enormities of the govern-
ment, which will be next after these generall defects and in-
conveniences which I saide were in the lawes, customes, and
religione.
Eudox. Goe to them a Gods name, and follow the course
which you have promised to your selfe, for it fitteth best, I
must confesse, with the purpose of our discourse. Declare
your opinion as you began about the lawes of the realme,
what incommoditie you have conceived to be in them, chiefly
in the Common Law, which I would have thought most free
from all such dislike.
Iren. The Common Law is (as I saide before) of it selfe
most rightfull and very convenient (I suppose) for the king-
dome for which it was first devised: for this (I thinke) as it
seemes reasonable, that out of your manners of your people,
and abuses of your countrey, for which they were invented,
they take their first beginning, or else they should be most
unjust; for no lawes of man (according to the straight rule of
right) are just, but as in regard of the evills which they
prevent, and the safety of the commonweale which they
provide
31
438
View of the State of Ireland.
of
provide for. As for example, in your true ballancing of
justice, it is a flat wrong to punish the thought or purpose
any before it be enacted; for true justice punisheth nothing
but the evill act or wicked word, that by the lawes of all
kingdomes it is a capitall crime to devise or purpose the death
of your King: the reason is, for that when such a purpose is
effected, it should then be too late to devise thereof, and
should turne the commonwealth to more losse by the death
of their Prince, then such punishment of the malefactors.
And therefore the law in that case punisheth the thought;
for better is a mischiefe then an inconvenience. So that jus
politicum, though it be not of it selfe just, yet by application,
or rather necessity, it is made just; and this onely respect
maketh all lawes just. Now then, if these lawes of Ireland
be not likewise applyed and fitted for that realme, they are
sure very inconvenient.
Eudor. You reason strongly: but what unfitnesse doe
you finde in thein for that realme? shew us some particulars.
Iren. The Common Law appointeth, that all tryalls, as
well of crimes as titles and rights, shall be made by verdict.
of a jury, chosen out of the honest and most substantiall free-
holders. Now, most of the free-holders of that realme are
Irish, which when the cause shall fall betwixt an English-
man and an Irish, or betweene the Queene and any free-
holder of that countrey, they make no more scruple to passe
against an Englishman, and the Queene, though it be to
strayn their oathes, then to drinke milke unstrayned. So
that before the jury goe together, it is all to nothing what
the verdict shall be. The tryall have I so often seene, that
I dare confidently avouch the abuse thereof. Yet is the law,
of itselfe, (as I said) good; and the first institution thereof
being given to all Englishmen very rightfully, but now that
the Irish have stepped into the very roomes of our English,
we are now to become heedfull and provident in juryes.
Eudox. In sooth, Irenæus, you have discovered a point worthy
the consideration; for heereby not onely the English subject
findeth no indifferencie in deciding of his cause, be it never
so just; but the Queene, aswell in all pleas of the crowne, as
32
also
View of the State of Ireland.
439
also in inquiries for escheates, lands attainted, wardshipps,
concealments, and all such like, is abused and exceedingly
damaged.
Iren. You say very true; for I dare undertake, that at
this day there are more attainted lands, concealed from her
Majestie, then she hath now possessions in all Ireland; and
it is no small inconvenience: for, besides that she looseth so
much land as should turne to her great profite, she besides
looseth so many good subjects, which might be assured unto
her, as those landes would yeeld inhabitants and living unto.
Eudox. But doth many of that people (say you) make no
more conscience to perjure themselves in their verdicts, and
dainne their soules?
Iren. Not only so in their verdicts, but also in all other
their dealings; especially with the English, they are most
willfully bent: for though they will not seeme manifestly to
doe it, yet will some one or other subtle-headed fellow
amongst them put some quirke, or devise some evasion,
whereof the rest will likely take hold, and suffer themselves.
easily to be led by him to that themselves desired. For in
the most apparent matter that may be, the least question or
doubt that may be mooved, will make a stoppe unto them,
and put them quite out of the way. Besides, that of them-
selves (for the most part) * they are so cautelous and wylie-
headed, especially being men of so small experience and
practice in law matters, that you would wonder whence they
borrow such subtiltyes and slye shifts.
Eudox. But me thinkes this inconvenience might be
much helped in the Judges and Chiefe Magistrates which
have the choosing and nominating of those jurors, if they
would have dared to appoint either most Englishmen, and
such Irishmen as were of the soundest judgment and dis-
position; for no doubt but some there be incorruptible.
Iren. Some there be indeede as you say; but then would
the
* They are so cautelous.] Cautious. See the Gloss. Urry's Chaucer, in V.
Cautele.—TODD.
33
440
View of the State of Ireland.
the Irish partie crye out of partialitie, and complaine he
hath no justice, he is not used as a subject; he is not
suffered to have the free benefite of the law; and these out-
cryes the Magistrates there doe much shunne, as they have
cause, since they are readily hearkened unto heere; neither
can it be indeede, although the Irish party would be so
contented to be so compassed, that such English free-holders
which are but few, and such faithful Irish-men, which are
indeede as few, shall alwayes be chosen for tryalls; for
being so few, they should be made weary of their free-
holdes. And therefore a good care is to be had by all
good occasions, to encrease their number, and to plant more
by them. But were it so, that the jurors could be picked
out of such choyce men as you desire, this would neverthe-
lesse be as bad a corruption in the tryall; for the evidence
being brought in by the baser Irish people, will be as de-
ceptfull as the verdict; for they care much lesse then the
others what they sweare, and sure their Lordes may compel
them to say any thing; for I my selfe have heard, when one
of the baser sort* (which they call churles) being challenged,
and reprooved for his false oath, hath answered confidently,
That his Lord commaunded him, and it was the least thing
that he could doe for his Lord to sweare for him; so in-
conscionable are these common people, and so little feeling
have they of God, or their owne soules good.
Eudox. It is a most miserable case, but what helpe can there
then be in this? for though the manner of the trialls should
be altered, yet the proofe of every thing must needes be by
the testimony of such persons as the parties shall produce,
which if they shall be corrupt, how can there ever any light
of the truth appeare, what remedy is there for this evill, but
to make heavy lawes and penalties against jurors?
Iren. I thinke sure that will doe small good; for when a
people be inclined to any vice, or have no touch of con-
science,
* Which they call churles.]
explains the word.-TODD.
แ
Hinds, which they call churls," as he presently
34
View of the State of Ireland.
441
!
1
science, nor sence of their evill doings; it is booteless to
thinke to restraine them by any penalties or feare of punish-
ment, but either the occasion is to be taken away, or a more
understanding of the right, and shame of the fault to be im-
printed. For if that Licurgus should have made it death
for the Lacedemonians to steale, they being a people which
naturally delighted in stealth; or if it should be made a
capitall crime for the Flemmings to be taken in drunkennesse ;
there should have beene few Lacedemonians then left, and
few Flemmings now. So unpossible it is to remove any
fault so generall in a people with terrour of lawes or most
sharpe restraints.
Eudox. What meanes may there be then to avoyde this
inconvenience? for the case seemes very hard.
Iren. We are not yet come to the point to devise remedies for
the evills, but only have now to recount them; of the which, this
which I have told you is one defect in the Common Law.
Eudox. Tell us then (I pray you) further, have you any
more of this sort in the Common Law.
Iren. By rehearsall of this, I remember also of an other
like, which I have often observed in trialls, to have wrought
great hurt and hinderance, and that is, the exceptions which
the Common Law alloweth a fellon in his tryall; for he may
have (as you know) fifty-six exceptions peremptory against.
the jurors, of which he shall shew no cause. By which shift
there being (as I have shewed you) so small store of honest
jury-men, he will either put off his triall, or drive it to such
men as (perhaps) are not of the soundest sort, by whose
meanes, if he can acquite himselfe of the crime, as he is
likely, then will he plague such as were brought first to be
of his jurie, and all such as made any party against him.
And when he comes forth, he will make their * cowes and
garrons to walke, if he doe no other harme to their persons.
Eudox.
* Cowes and garrons.] Garran is an Erse word; still retained in Scotland, says
Dr. Johnson. It means a strong or hackney horse: See Shaw's Galic Dictionary.—
Todd.
35
442
View of the State of Ireland.
Eudox. This is a slye devise, but I thinke might soone be
remedied, but we must leave it a while to the rest. In the
meane-while doe you goe forwards with others.
Iren. There is an other no lesse inconvenience then this,
which is, the tryall of accessaries to fellony; for, by the
Common Law, the accessaries cannot be proceeded against,
till the principall have received his tryall. Now to the case,
how it often falleth out in Ireland, that a stealth being made
by a rebel, or an outlawe, the stolne goods are conveyed to
some husbandman or gentleman, which hath well to take to,
and yet liveth most by the receipt of such stealthes, where
they are found by the owner, and handled: whereupon the
partie is perhaps apprehended and committed to goale, or put
upon sureties, till the sessions, at which time the owner pre-
ferring a bill of indictment, proveth sufficiently the stealth
to have been committed upon him, by such an outlaw, and
to have beene found in the possession of the prisoner, against
whom, neverthelesse, no course of law can proceede, nor
tryall can be had, for that the principall theife is not to be
gotten, notwithstanding that he likewise, standing perhaps
indicted at once, with the receiver, being in rebellion, or in
the woods: where peradventure he is slaine before he can be
gotten, and so the receiver cleane acquitted and discharged
of the crime. By which meanes the theeves are greatly
incouraged to steale, and their maintainers imboldened to
receive their stealthes, knowing how hardly they can be
brought to any tryall of law.
Eudox. Truely this is a great inconvenience, and a great
cause (as you say) of the maintenance of theeves, knowing
their receivers alwayes ready; for, were there no receivers,
there would be no theeves: but this (me seemes) might easily
be provided for, by some Act of Parliament, that the receiver
being convicted by good proofes might receive his tryall
without the principall.
Iren. You say very true, Eudoxus, but that is almost impos-
sible to be compassed: And herein also you discover another
imperfection, in the course of the Common Law, and first
ordinance of the realme: for you know that the said Parlia-
36
ment
View of the State of Ireland.
443
:
ment must consist of the peeres, gentlemen, freeholders, and
burgesses of that realme it selfe. Now these being perhaps
themselves, or the most part of them (as may seeme by their
stiffe with-standing of this Act) culpable of this crime, or
favourers of their friends, which are such, by whom their
kitchens are sometimes amended, will not suffer any such
Statute to passe. Yet hath it oftentimes beene attempted,
and in the time of Sir John Parrot very earnestly (I remem-
ber) laboured, but could by no meanes be effected. And
not onely this, but many other like, which are as needefull
for the reformation of that realme.
Eudox. This also is surely a great defect, but we may not
talke (you say) of the redressing of this, untill our second
part come, which is purposely appointed thereunto. Therefore
proceed to the recounting of more such evills, if at least, you
have any more.
Iren. There is also a great inconvenience, which hath
wrought great dammage, both to her Majesty, and to that
commonwealth, thorough close and colourable conveyances
of the lands and goods of traytors, fellons, and fugitives. As
when one of them mindeth to go into rebellion, he will convey
away all his lands and lordships to feoffees in trust, wherby
he reserveth to himselfe but a state for terme of life, which
being determined either by the sword or by the halter, their
lands straight commeth to their heire, and the Queen is
defrauded of the intent of the law, which laide that grievous
punishment upon traytors, to forfeite all their lands to the
Prince; to the end that men might the rather be terrified
from committing treasons; for many which would little
esteeme of their owne lives, yet for remorse of their wives
and children would be withheld from that haynous crime.
This appeared plainely in the late Earle of Desmond. For,
before his breaking forth into open rebellion, he had con-
veyed secretly all his lands to feoffees of trust, in hope to have
cut off her Majestie from the escheate of his lands.
Eudor. Yea, but that was well enough avoided; for the
Act of Parliament, which gave all his lands to the Queene,
did (as I have heard) cut off and frustrate all such convey-
ances,
37
444
View of the State of Ireland.
ances, as had at any time by the space of twelve yeares before
his rebellion, beene made; within the compasse whereof, the
fraudulent feoffement, and many the like of others his accom-
plices, and fellow-traytors, were contained.
Iren. Very true, but how hardly that Act of Parliament
was wrought out of them, I can witnesse; and, were it to be
passed againe, I dare undertake it would never be compassed.
But were it also that such Acts might be easily brought to
passe against traytors and fellons, yet were it not an endlesse
trouble, that no traytour or fellon should be attainted, but a
Parliament must be called for bringing of his lands to the
Queene, which the Common-Law giveth her.
Eudox. Then this is no fault of the Common Law, but of
the persons which worke this fraud to her Majestie.
Iren. Yes, marry; for the Common-Law hath left them this
benefite, whereof they make advantage, and wrest it to their
bad purposes. So as thereby they are the bolder to enter
into evill actions, knowing that if the worst befall them, they
shall lose nothing but themselves, whereof they seeme surely
very carelesse.
Eudox. But what meant you of fugitives herein? Or how
doth this concerne them?
Iren. Yes, very greatly, for you shall understand that there
be many ill disposed and undutifull persons of that realme,
like as in this point there are also in this realme of England,
too many, which being men of good inheritance, are for
dislike of religion, or danger of the law, into which they are
run, or discontent of the present government, fled beyond the
seas, where they live under Princes which are her Majesties
professed enemies, and converse and are confederat with other
traitors and fugitives which are there abiding. The which
neverthelesse have the benefits and profits of their lands here,
by pretence of such colourable conveyances thereof, formerly
made by them unto their privie friends heere in trust, who
privily doe send over unto them the said revenues wherewith
they are there maintained and enabled against her Majestie.
Eudor. I doe not thinke that there be any such fugitives,
which are relieved by the profite of their lands in England,
F
38
for
View of the State of Ireland.
445
for there is a straighter order taken. And if there be any
such in Ireland, it were good it were likewise looked unto;
for this evill may easily be remedied. But proceede.
Iren. It is also inconvenient in the realme of Ireland, that
the wards and marriages of gentlemens children should be in
the disposition of any of those Irish Lords, as now they are,
by reason that their lands be held by knights service of those
Lords. By which means it comes to passe that those gentle-
men being thus in the ward of those Lords, are not onely
thereby brought up lewdly, and Irish-like, but also for ever
after so bound to their services, they will runne with them
into any disloyall action.
*
Eudox. This grievance, Irenæus, is also complained of in
England, but how can it be remedied? since the service must
follow the tenure of the lands, and the lands were given away
by the Kings of England to those Lords, when they first
conquered that realme, and, to say troth, this also would be
some prejudice to the Prince in her wardships.
Iren. I doe not meane this by the Princes wards, but by
such as fall into the hands of Irish Lords; for I could wish,
and this I could enforce, that all those wardships were in the
Princes disposition, for then it might be hoped, that she, for
the universall reformation of that realme, would take better
order for bringing up those wards in good nurture, and not
suffer them to come into so bad hands. And although these
things be already passed away, by her progenitours former
grants unto those said Lords, yet I could find a way to
remedie a great part thereof, as hereafter, when fit time serves,
shall appeare. And since we are entred into speech of such
graunts of former Princes, to sundry persons of this realme of
Ireland, I will mention unto you some other, of like nature to
this, and of like inconvenience, by which the former Kings of
England passed unto them a great part of their prerogatives,
which
* Brought up lewdly.] Ignorantly. The word is repeatedly used by Spenser in
this sense; as it had been by Chaucer. And thus, in our translation of the Acts of
the Apostles, Ch. xvii. 5. we have "certain lewd fellows of the baser sort.”—Tonu.
39
446
View of the State of Ireland.
which though then it was well intended, and perhaps well
deserved of them which received the same, yet now such a
gapp of mischiefe lyes open thereby, that I could wish it were
well stopped. Of this sort are the graunts of Counties Pala-
tines in Ireland, which though at first were granted upon good
consideration when they were first conquered, for that those
lands lay then as a very border to the wild Irish, subject to
continuall invasion, so as it was needfull to give them great
priviledges for the defence of the inhabitants thereof: yet
now that it is no more a border, nor frontired with enemies,
why should such priviledges be any more continued?
Eudox. I would gladly know what you call a County
Palatine, and whence it is so called.
Iren. It was (I suppose) first named Palatine of a pale, as
it were a pale and defense to their inward lands, so as it is
called the English Pale, and therefore is a Palsgrave named
an Earle Palatine. Others thinke of the Latine, palare, that
is, to forrage or out-run, because those marchers and borderers
use commonly so to doe. So as to have a County Palatine is,
in effect, to have a priviledge to spoyle the enemies borders.
adjoyning. And surely so it is used at this day, as a priviledge
place of spoiles and stealthes; for the County of Tipperary,
which is now the onely Countie Palatine in Ireland, is, by
abuse of some bad ones, made a receptacle to rob the rest of
the Counties about it, by means of whose priviledges none
will follow their stealthes, so as it being situate in the very
lap of all the land, is made now a border, which how incon-
venient it is, let every man judge. And though that right
noble man, that is the Lord of the liberty, do paine himselfe,
all he may, to yeeld equall justice unto all, yet can there not
but great abuses lurke in so inward and absolute a priviledge,
the consideration whereof is to be respected carefully, for the
next succession. And much like unto this graunt, there are
other priviledges granted unto most of the corporations there:
that they shall not be bound to any other government then
their owne, that they shall not be charged with garrisons,
that they shall not be travailed forth of their owne franchises,
that they may buy and sell with theeves and rebels, that all
40
amercements
!
View of the State of Ireland.
447
amercements and fines that shall be imposed upon them, shall
come unto themselves. All which, though at the time of
their first graunt they were tollerable, and perhaps reasonable,
yet now are most unreasonable and inconvenient, but all these
will easily be cut off with the superior power of her Majesties
prerogative, against which her own graunts are not to be
pleaded or enforced.
Eudox. Now truely, Irenæus, you have (me seemes) very well
handled this point, touching inconveniences in the Common
Law there, by you observed; and it seemeth that you have
had a mindefull regard unto the things that may concerne
the good of that realme. And if you can aswell goe thorough
with the Statute Lawes of that land, I will thinke you have
not lost all your time there. Therefore I pray you, now take
them in hand, and tell us, what you thinke to be amisse in
them.
Iren. The Statutes of that realme are not many, and there-
fore we shall the sooner runne thorough them. And yet of
those few there are [some] impertinent and unnecessary: the
which, though perhaps at the time of the making of them
were very needfull, yet now thorough change of time are
cleane antiquated, and altogether idle: As that which forbid-
deth any to weare their beards all on the upper lippe, and
none under the chinne. And that which putteth away * saffron
shirts and smockes. And that which restraineth the use of
guilt bridles and † petronels. And that which is appointed
for the recorders and clerks of Dublin and Tredagh, to take
but ij.d. for the coppy of a plainte. And that which com-
maunds bowes and arrowes. And that which makes, that all
Irishmen which shall converse among the English, shall be
taken for spyes, and so punished. And that which forbids
persons
* Saffron shirts.] He presently explains the reason of their wearing saffron shirts
&c.-TODD.
† Petronels.] See Cotgrave's Fr. Dict. "Petrinal, a horsemans peece, a pet-
ronell." Hence the soldier, who served with a petronell, was called poictrinalier.
It appears to have been much the same as our blunderbuss.
Sce the Fr. Ency-
clopedie, in V.-Todd.
41
448
View of the State of Ireland.
persons amesnable to law, to enter and distraine in the lands
in which they have title; and many other the like, I could
rehearse.
Eudox. These truly, which ye have repeated, seeme very
frivolous and fruitelesse; for, by the breach of them, little
dammage or inconvenience, can come to the Common-wealth:
Neither indeed, if any transgresse them, shall he seeme worthy
of punishment, scarce of blame, saving but for that they abide
by that name of lawes. But lawes ought to be such as that
the keeping of them should be greatly for the behoofe of the
Common-weale, and the violating of them should be very
haynous, and sharpely punishable. But tell us of some more
weighty dislikes in the Statutes then these, and that may more
behoofully import the reformation of them.
Iren. There is one or two Statutes which make the wrong-
full distraining of any mans goods against the forme of Com-
mon Law, to be fellony. The which Statutes seeme surely
to have beene at first meant for the good of that realme, and
for restrayning of a foule abuse, which then raigned commonly
amongst that people, and yet is not altogether laide aside:
That when any one was indebted to another, he would first
demand his debt, and, if he were not payed, he would straight
goe and take a distresse of his goods or cattell, where he could
finde them, to the value; which he would keepe till he were
satisfied, and this the simple churle (as they call him) doth
commonly use to doe; yet thorough ignorance of his misdoing,
or evill use, that hath long settled amongst them. But this,
though it be sure most unlawfull, yet surely (me seemes) too
hard to make it death, since there is no purpose in the party
to steale the others goods, or to conceale the distresse, but
doth it openly, for the most part, before witnesses. And
againe, the same Statutes are so slackely penned (besides the
later of them is so unsensibly contryved, that it scarce carryeth
any reason in it) that they are often and very easily wrested
to the fraude of the subject, as if one going to distrayne upon
his own land or tenement, where lawfully he may, yet if in
doing thereof he transgresse the last point of the Common
Law, he straight committeth fellony. Or if one by any
42
other
}
View of the State of Ireland.
449
1
other occasion take any thing from another, as boyes use
sometimes to cap one another, the same is straight fellony.
This is a very hard law.
Eudox. Nevertheles that evill use of distrayning of another
mans goods ye will not deny but it is to be abolished and
taken away.
Iren. It is so, but not by taking away the subject withall,
for that is too violent a medecine, specially this use being
permitted, and made lawful to some; and to other some
death. As to most of the corporate townes there, it is
graunted by their charter, that they may, every man by him-
selfe, without an officer (for that were more tolerable) for any
debt, to distraine the goods of any Irish, being found within
their liberty, or but passing thorough their townes. And the
first permission of this, was for that in those times when that
graunt was made, the Irish were not amesnable to law, so as
it was not safety for the townes-men to goe to him forth to
demaund his debt, nor possible to draw him into law, so that
he had leave to be his owne bayliffe, to arrest his said debters
goods, within his owne franchese. The which the Irish
seeing, thought it as lawfull for them to distrayne the townes-
mans goods in the countrey where they found it. And so
by ensample of that graunt to townes-men, they thought it
lawfull, and made it a use to distrayne on anothers goods for
small debts. And to say truth, me thinks it hard for every
trifling debt, of two or three shil. to be driven to law, which
is so farre from them sometimes to be sought, for which me
thinketh it too heavy an ordnance to give death, especially to
a rude man that is ignorant of law, and thinketh, that a com-
mon use or graunt to other men is a law for himselfe.
Eudor. Yea, but the judge, when it commeth before him
to triall, may easily decide this doubt, and lay open the intent
of the law by his better discretion.
But
Iren. Yea, but it is dangerous to leave the sence of the law
unto the reason or will of the judge, who are men and may
be miscarried by affections, and many other meanes.
the lawes ought to be like stony tables, plaine, stedfast, and
unmoveable. There is also such another Statute or two,
2 F
43
which
450
View of the State of Ireland.
which make Coigny and Livery to be treason, no lesse in-
convenient then the former, being as it is penned, how ever
the first purpose thereof were expedient; for thereby now no
man can goe into another mans house for lodging, nor to his
owne tennants house to take victuall by the way, notwith-
standing that there is no other means for him to have lodging,
nor horse meate, nor mans meate, there being no innes, nor
none otherwise to be bought for money, but that he is
endangered by that Statute for treason, whensoever he shall
happen to fall out with his tennant, or that his said hoste list
to complaine of greivance, as oftentimes I have seene them
very malitiously doe thorough the least provocation.
Eudox. I doe not well know, but by guesse, what you doe
meane by these termes of Coigny and Livery, therefore I pray
you explaine them.
Iren. I know not whether the words be English or Irish,
but I suppose them to be rather auncient English, for the
Irishmen can make no derivation of them. What Livery is,
we by common use in England know well enough, namely,
that it is allowance of horse-meate, as they commonly use the
word in stabling, as to keepe horses at livery, the which word,
I guesse, is derived of livering or delivering forth their
nightly foode. So in great houses, the livery is said to be
served up for all night, that is their evenings allowance for
drinke: And Livery is also called, the upper weede which a
serving man weareth, so called (as I suppose) for that it was
delivered and taken from him at pleasure: so it is apparent,
that, by the word Livery is there meant horse meate, like
as by the word Coigny is understood mans meate; but
whence the word is derived is hard to tell: some say of coine,
for that they used commonly in their Coignies, not onely to
take meate, but coine also; and that taking of money was
speciallie meant to be prohibited by that Statute: but I thinke
rather this word Coigny is derived of the Irish. The which
is a common use amongst land-lords of the Irish, to have a
common spending upon their tennants: for all their tennants,
being commonly but tennants at will, they use to take of them
what victuals they list: for of victuals they were wont to make
44
small
View of the State of Ireland.
451
sınall reckoning: neither in this was the tennant wronged, for
it was an ordinary and knowne custome, and his Lord com-
monly used so to covenant with him, which if at any time the
tennant disliked, he might freely depart at his pleasure. But
now by this Statute, the said Irish Lord is wronged, for that
he is cut off from his customary services, of the which this
was one, besides many other of the like, as Cuddy, Coshery,
Bonnaght, Shrah, Sorehin, and such others: the which (I
thinke) were customes at first brought in by the English
upon the Irish, for they were never wont, and yet are loath
to yeeld any certaine rent, but only such spendings: for their
common saying is, "Spend me and defend me."
Eudox. Surely I take it as you say, that therein the Irish
Lord hath wrong, since it was an auncient custome, and noth-
ing contrary to law, for to the willing there is no wrong done.
And this right well I wot, that even heere in England, there
are in many places as large customes as that of Coignie and
Livery. But I suppose by your speach, that it was the first
meaning of the Statute to forbid the violent taking of victualls
upon other mens tennants against their wills, which surely is
a great out-rage, and yet not so great (me seemes) as that it
should be made treason: for considering that the nature of
treason is concerning the royall estate or person of the Prince,
or practizing with his enemies, to the derogation and danger
of his crowne and dignitie, it is hardly wrested to make this
But (as you earst said) "better a mischiefe then an
inconvenience."
treason.
Iren. Another Statute I remember, which having beene an
auncient Irish custome, is now upon advisement made a law,
and that is called the Custome of Kin-cogish, which is, that
every head of every sept, and every chiefe of every kinred
or family, should be answereable and bound to bring foorth
every one of that sept and kinred under it, at all times to be
justified, when he should be required or charged with any
treason, felony, or other haynous crime.
Eudox. Why? surely this seemes a very necessary law.
For considering that many of them be such losells and scat-
terlings, as that they cannot easily by any sheriffe, constable,
2 F 2
45
bayliffe,
452
View of the State of Ireland.
bayliffe, or other ordinary officer be gotten, when they are
challenged for any such fact, this is a very good meanes to
get them to be brought in by him, that is, the head of that
sept, or chiefe of that house; wherfore I wonder what just
exception you can make against the same.
Iren. Truely, Eudoxus, in the pretence of the good of this
Statute, you have nothing erred, for it seemeth very expedient
and necessary; but the hurt which commeth thereby is greater
then the good. For, whilest every chiefe of a sept standeth
so bound to the law for every man of his blood or sept that is
under him, he is made great by the commaunding of them all.
For if he may not commaund them, then that law doth wrong,
that bindeth him to bring them foorth to be justified. And
if he may commaund them, then he may commaund them
aswell to ill as to good. Hereby the lords and captaines of
countreyes, the principall and heades of septs are made
stronger, whome it should be a most speciall care in policie to
weaken, and to set up and strengthen diverse of his under-
lings against him, which whensoever he shall offer to swarve
from duty, may be able to beard him; for it is very dangerous
to leave the commaund of so many as some septs are, being
five or sixe thousand persons, to the will of one man, who
may leade them to what he will, as he himselfe shall be
inclined.
Eudoa. In very deede, Irenæus, it is very dangerous, seeing
the disposition of those people is not alwayes inclineable to the
best. And therefore I holde it no wisedome to leave unto
them too much commaund over their kinred, but rather to
withdrawe their followers from them as much as may be, and
to gather them under the commaund of law, by some better
meane then this custome of Kin-cogish. The which word I
would be glad to know what it namely signifieth, for the
meaning thereof I seeme to understand reasonably well.
Iren. It is a word mingled of English and Irish together,
so as I am partly ledde to thinke, that the custome thereof
was first English, and afterwardes made Irish; for such an
other law they had heere in England, as I remember, made
by King Alured, that every gentleman should bring foorth
46
his
View of the State of Ireland.
453
his kinred and followers to the law.
Congish affinitie in Irish.
*
So Kin is English, and
Eudor. Sith then we that have thus reasonably handled
the inconveniences in the lawes, let us now passe unto the
second part, which was, I remember, of the abuses of
customes; in which, me seemes, you have a faire champian
layde open unto you, in which you may at large stretch out
your discourse into many sweete remembrance of antiquities,
from whence it seemeth that the customes of that nation pro-
ceeded.
Iren. Indeede, Eudoxus, you say very true; for all the
customes of the Irish which I have often noted and compared
with that I have read, would minister occasion of a most
ample discourse of the originall of them, and the antiquity of
that people, which in truth I thinke to be more auncient
then most that I know in this end of the world, † so as if it
were in the handling of some man of sound judgement and
plentifull reading, it would be most pleasant and profitable.
But it may be we may, at some other time of meeting,
take occasion to treate thereof more at large. Heere onely
it shall suffise to touch such customes of the Irish as seeme
offensive and repugnant to the good government of that
realme.
Eudox. Follow then your owne course, for I shall the
better content my selfe to forbeare my desire now, in hope
that
* Kin is English, and Congish affinitie in Irish.] I conceive the word to be rather
altogether Irish.
Kin signifying in Irish, the head or chiefe of any septs.-SIR
JAMES WARE.
So as if it were in the handling of some man of sound judgement &c.] Since
Spenser wrote this View of Ireland, the antiquities of the country have been
explored and elucidated, by men "of sound judgement and plentiful reading," with
so much patience and precision, as to afford the curious "most pleasant and profit-
able" information indeed. When I mention the extremely valuable and important
researches of the Royal Irish Academy; the labours of an Usher, a Ware, a Leland,
a Walker, a Vallancey, a Ledwich, a Beaufort, an O'Halloran, an Ouseley, an
Archdall; (to which might be added the ingenious disquisitions of many others ;)
I point out to the reader the true sources of elegant gratification in regard to the
knowledge of Irish history, and topography, customs, and manners.—TODD.
47
454
View of the State of Ireland.
that you will, as you say, some other time more aboundantly
satisfie it.
Iren. Before we enter into the treatie of their customes, it
is first needfull to consider from whence they first sprung;
for from the sundry manners of the nations, from whence
that people which now is called Irish, were derived, some of
the customes which now remain amongst them, have been
first fetcht, and sithence there continued amongst them, for
not of one nation was it peopled, as it is, but of sundry people of
different conditions and manners. But the chiefest which have
first possessed and inhabited it, I suppose to be* Scythians.
Eudox. How commeth it then to passe, that the Irish doe
derive themselves from Gathelus the Spaniard?
Iren. They doe indeed, but (I conceive) without any good
ground. For if there were any such notable transmission of
a colony hether out of Spaine, or any such famous conquest
of this kingdome by Gathelus a Spaniard, as they would
faine believe, it is not unlikely, but that the very Chronicles of
Spaine (had Spaine then beene in so high regard as they now
have it) would not have omitted so memorable a thing as
the subduing of so noble a realme to the Spaniard, no more
then they doe now neglect to memorize their conquest of the
Indians, especially in those times, in which the same was
supposed, being nearer unto the flourishing age of learning
and writers under the Romanes. But the Irish doe heerein
no
แ
*Scythians.] The discourse, from the word Scythians, unto the words in p. 455,
of whom I earst spoke," is directed by Sir J. Ware wholly to be crossed out, as
being then agreeable to the best MS. copy; which passage is also omitted in the
Manuscript of this View belonging to the Marquis of Stafford; in which likewise is
added after "to be Scythians," the word which, thus connecting the words "at such
time as &c.," in p. 455.-TODD.
Scythians.] Touching the Scythiansa or Scotts arrivall in Ireland, see Nennius,
an ancient British author (who lived in the yeare of Christ 858.) where among
other things we have the time of their arrivall. Brittonnes (saith he) venerunt in
3. ætate mundi in Britanniam, Scythæ autem in 4. obtinuerunt Hiberniam.-SIR
JAMES WARE.
a A regione quadam quæ dicitur Scythia: dicitur Scita, Sciticus, Scoticus, Scotus,
Scotia. Tho. Walsingham, in Hypodigmate Neustriæ, ad an. 1185.
}
48
View of the State of Ireland.
455
}
no otherwise, then our vaine English-men doe in the Tale of
Brutus, whom they devise to have first conquered and inha-
bited this land, it being as impossible to proove, that there
was ever any such Brutus of Albion or England, as it is, that
there was any such Gathelus of Spaine. But surely the
Scythians (of whom I earst spoke) at such time as the Nor-
therne Nations overflowed all Christendome, came downe to
the sea-coast, where inquiring for other countries abroad, and
getting intelligence of this countrey of Ireland, finding
shipping convenient, passed thither, and arrived in the North-
part thereof, which is now called Ulster, which first inhabiting,
and afterwards stretching themselves forth into the land, as
their numbers increased, named it all of themselves Scutten-
land, which more briefly is called Scutland, or Scotland.
Eudox. I wonder, Irenæus, whether you runne so farre
astray; for whilest we talke of Ireland, me thinks you rippe
up the originall of Scotland, but what is that to this?
Iren. Surely very much, for Scotland and Ireland are all
one and the same.
Eudor. That seemeth more strange; for we all know right
well that they are distinguished with a great sea running be-
tween them; or else there are two Scotlands.
Iren. Never the more are there two Scotlands, but two
kindes of Scots were indeed (as you may gather out of
Buchanan) the one Irin, or Irish Scots, the other Albin-
Scots; for those Scots are Scythians, arrived (as I said) in
the North parts of Ireland, where some of them after passed
into the next coast of Albine, now called Scotland, which
(after much trouble) they possessed, and of themselves named
Scotland; but in processe of time (as it is commonly seene)
the dominion of the part prevaileth in the whole, for the
Irish Scots putting away the name of Scots, were called onely
Irish, and the Albine Scots, leaving the name of Albine,
were called onely Scots. Therefore it commeth thence that
of some writers, Ireland is called Scotia-major, and that which
now is called Scotland, Scotia-minor.
Eudor. I doe now well understand your distinguishing of
the two sorts of Scots, and two Scotlands, how that this
49
which
456
View of the State of Ireland.
which now is called Ireland, was aunciently called Erin, and
afterwards of some written Scotland, and that which now is
called Scotland, was formerly called Albin, before the com-
ming of the Scythes thither; but what other nation inhabited
the other parts of Ireland?
Iren. After this people thus planted in the North (or
before,) for the certaintie of times in things so farre from all
knowledge cannot be justly avouched, another nation com-
ming out of Spaine, arrived in the West part of Ireland, and
finding it waste, or weakely inhabited, possessed it: who
whether they were native Spaniards, or Gaules, or Africans,
or Gothes, or some other of those Northerne Nations, which
did over-spread all Christendome, it is impossible to affirme,
onely some naked conjectures may be gathered, but that out
of Spaine certainely they came, that doe all the Irish Chroni-
cles agree.
Eudox. You doe very boldly, Irenæus, adventure upon the
histories of auncient times, and leane too confidently on those
Irish Chronicles which are most fabulous and forged, in that
out of them you dare take in hand to lay open the originall
of such a nation so antique, as that no monument remaines
of her beginning and first inhabiting; especially having been
in those times without letters, but onely bare traditions of
times and remembrances of Bardes, which use to forge and
falsifie every thing as they list, to please or displease any man.
*
Iren.
* Remembrances of Bardes.] Of the auncient Bards or Poets, Lucan makes this
mention in the first booke of his Pharsalia:
"Vos quoque qui fortes anima, belloque peremptas
Laudibus in longum vates dimittis ævum,
Plurima securi fudistis carmina Bardi.'
The word signified among the Gaules a singer, as it is noted by Mr. Camden and Mr.
Selden, out of Festus Pompeius, and it had the same signification among the British.
Sir John Price, in the description of Wales, expounds it to be one that had know-
ledge of things to come, and so (saith he) it signifieth at this day, taking his ground
(amisse) out of Lucan's verses. Doctor Powell, in his notes upon Caradoc of Lhan-
carvan, saith, that in Wales they preserved gentlemens armes and pedigrees. At
this time in Ireland the Bard, by common acceptation, is counted a rayling rimer,
and distinguished from the poet.-SIR JAMES Ware.
50
View of the State of Ireland.
457
Iren. Truly I must confess I doe so, but yet not so abso-
lutely as you suppose. I doe herein rely upon those Bardes
or Irish Chroniclers, though the Irish themselves through
their ignorance in matters of learning and deepe judgement,
doe most constantly beleeve and avouch them, but unto them
besides I adde mine own reading; and out of them both to-
gether, with comparison of times, likewise of manners and
customes, affinity of words and names, properties of natures,
and uses, resemblances of rites and ceremonies, monuments
of churches and tombes, and many other like circumstances,
I doe gather a likelihood of truth, not certainely affirming
any thing, but by conferring of times, language, monuments,
and such like, I doe hunt out a probability of things, which
I leave to your judgement to believe or refuse. Neverthe-
lesse there be some very auncient authors that make mention
of these things, and some moderne, which by comparing
them with present times, experience, and their owne reason,
doe open a window of great light unto the rest that is yet
unseene, as namely, of the elder times, Cæsar, Strabo, Ta-
citus, Ptolomie, Pliny, Pomponius Mela, and Berosus: of the
later, Vincentius, Eneas Sylvius, Luidus, Buchanan, for that
he himselfe, being an Irish Scot or Pict by nation, and
being very excellently learned, and industrious to seeke out
the truth of all things concerning the originall of his owne
people, hath both set downe the testimony of the auncients.
truly, and his owne opinion together withall very reasonably,
though in some things he doth somewhat flatter. Besides,
the Bardes and Irish Chroniclers themselves, though through
desire of pleasing perhappes too much, and ignorances of arts,
and purer learning, they have clauded the truth of those
lines; yet there appeares among them some reliques of the
*
true
* An Irish Scot or Pict by nation.] Bede tells us that the Picts were a colony of
Scythians, who first comming into Ireland, and being denyed residence there by the
Scots, were perswaded by them to inhabit the North parts of Britaine. But Mr.
Camden, out of Dio, Herodian, Tacitus, &c., and upon consideration of the cus-
tomes, name and language of the Picts, conceives not improbably, that they were
naturall Britons, although distinguished by name.--SIR JAMES WARE.
51
458
View of the State of Ireland.
true antiquitie, though disguised, which a well eyed man
may happily discover and finde out.
Eudox. How can there be any truth in them at all, since
the auncient nations which first inhabited Ireland, were
altogether destitute of letters, much more of learning, by
which they might leave the verity of things written. And
those Bardes, comming also so many hundred years after,
could not know what was done in former ages, nor deliver
certainty of any thing, but what they fayned out of their
unlearned heads.
Iren. Those Bardes indeed, Caesar writeth, delivered no
certaine truth of any thing, neither is there any certaine hold
to be taken of any antiquity which is received by tradition,
since all men be lyars, and many lye when they will; yet for
the antiquities of the written Chronicles of Ireland, give me
leave to say something, not to justifie them, but to shew that
some of them might say truth. For where you say the Irish
have alwayes bin without letters, you are therein much de-
ceived; for it is certaine, that Ireland hath had the use of
letters very aunciently, and long before England.
Eudox. Is it possible? how comes it then that they are so
unlearned still, being so old schollers? For learning (as the
Poet saith) "Emollit mores, nec sinit esse feros:" whence
then (I pray you) could they have those letters?
Iren. It is hard to say: for whether they at their first
comming into the land, or afterwards by trading with other
nations which had letters, learned them of them, or devised
them amongst themselves, is very doubtful; but that they
had
* Those Bardes indeed, Caesar writeth.] Concerning them I finde no mention in
Cæsar's Commentaryes, but much touching the Druides, which were the priests
and philosophers, (or, Magi as a Pliny calls them) of the Gaules and British.
"Illi rebus divinis intersunt, ("saith he) sacrificia publica ac privata procurant,
religiones interpretantur. Ad hos magnus adolescentium numerus disciplinæ caussâ
concurrit, magnoque ii sunt apud eos honore, &c." The word brwi [Sax. Dry]
had aunciently the same signification (as I am informed) among the Irish.-SIR
JAMES WARE.
a Hist Nat Lib. 16. cap. 44.
b De Bello Gallic. lib 2.
52
View of the State of Ireland.
459
had letters aunciently, is nothing doubtfull, for the Saxons
of England are said to have their letters, and learning, and
learned men from the Irish, and that also appeareth by the
likenesse of the character, for the Saxons character is the
same with the Irish. Now the Scythians, never, as I can
reade, of old had letters amongst them, therfore it seemeth
that they had them from the nation which came out of
Spaine, for in Spaine there was (as Strabo writeth) letters
aunciently used, whether brought unto them by the Phenicians,
or the Persians, which (as it appeareth by him) had some
footing there, or from Marsellis, which is said to have bin
inhabited by the Greekes, and from them to have had the
Greeke character, of which Marsilians it is said, that the
Gaules learned them first, and used them only for the fur-
therance of their trades and privat busines; for the Gaules
(as is strongly to be proved by many auncient and authentical
writers) did first inhabite all the sea coast of Spaine, even
unto Cales, and the mouth of the Straights, and peopled also
a great part of Italy, which appeareth by sundry havens and
cities in Spaine called from them, as Portugallia, Gallecia,
Galdunum, and also by sundry nations therin dwelling, which
yet have received their own names of the Gaules, as the
Rhegni, Presamarci, Tamari, Cineri, and divers others. All
which Pomponius Mela, being himselfe a Spaniard, yet saith
to have descended from the Celts of France, whereby it is
to be gathered, that that nation which came out of Spaine
into Ireland, were aunciently Gaules, and that they brought
with them those letters which they had aunciently learned in
Spaine, first into Ireland, which some also say, doe much
resemble the old Phenician character, being likewise dis-
tinguished with pricke and accent, as theirs aunciently, but
the further enquirie hereof needeth a place of longer dis-
course then this our short conference.
Eudor. Surely you have shewed a great probability of
that which I had thought impossible to have bin proved; but
that which you now say, that Ireland should have bin peopled
with the Gaules, seemeth much more strange, for all the
Chronicles doe say, that the west and south was possessed
53
and
460
View of the State of Ireland.
and inhabited of Spaniards: * and Cornelius Tacitus doth
also strongly affirme the same, all which you must overthrow
and falsifie, or else renounce your opinion.
Iren. Neither so, nor so; for the Irish Chronicles (as I
shewed you) being made by unlearned men, and writing
things according to the appearance of the truth which they
conceived, doe erre in the circumstances, not in the matter.
For all that came out of Spaine (they being no diligent
searchers into the differences of the nations) supposed to be
Spaniards, and so called them; but the ground-work thereof
is neverthelesse true and certain, however they through igno-
rance disguise the same, or through vanity, whilst they would
not seem to be ignorant, doe thereupon build and enlarge
many forged histories of their owne antiquity, which they
deliver
* And Cornelius Tacitus doth also strongly affirme the same.] Cornelius Tacitus, in
the life of Julius Agricola, saith thus :-"Silurum colorati vultus, et torti plerumque
crines, et positus contra Hispaniam, Iberos veteres trajecisse, easque sedes occupâsse
fidem faciunt.” This he speaketh touching the Silures which inhabited that part
of South-Wales which now we call Herefordshire, Radnorshire, Brecknockshire,
Monmouthshire, and Glamorganshire. And although the like reason may be given
for that part of Ireland which lyeth next unto Spaine, yet in Tacitus we find no
such inference. a Buchanan indeed, upon the conjecture of Tacitus, hath these
words:"Verisimile autem non est Hispanos relictâ à tergo Hiberniâ, terra pro-
piore, et coeli et soli mitioris, in Albium primùm descendisse, sed primùm in Hiber-
niam appulisse, atque inde in Britannià colonos missos.” Which was observed
unto me by the most learned bishop of Meth, Dr. Anth. Martin, upon conference
with his Lordship about this point. One passage in Tacitus touching Ireland (in
the same booke) I may not heere omit, although it be extra oleas :-"Quinto
expeditionum anno (saith he) nave primâ transgressus, ignotas ad tempus gentes,
crebris simul ac prosperis præliis domuit, eamque partem Britannia quæ Hiberniam
aspicit, copiis instruxit, in spem magis quam ob formidinem. Siquidem Hibernia
medio inter Britanniam atque Hispaniam, sita, et Gallico quoque mari opportuna
velentissimam imperii partem magnis invicem usibus miscuerit. Spatium ejus si
Britannia comparetur, angustius, nostri maris insulas superat. Solum cœlumque
et ingenia, cultusq; hominum haut multùm à Britannia differunt, meliùs aditus
portusq; per commercia et negotiatores cogniti. Agricola expulsum seditione do-
mesticâ unum ex regulis gentis exceperat, ac specie amicita in occasionem retine-
bat. Sæpè ex eo audivi Legione uná et modicis auxiliis debellari, obtineríque
Hiberniam posse.
Idque adversùs Britanniam profuturum, si Romana ubique
arma, et velut è conspectu libertas tolleretur."-SIR JAMES Ware.
a Ber. Scot. Lib. 1.
54
View of the State of Ireland.
461
deliver to fooles, and make them believe for true; as for ex-
ample, That first of one Gathelus, the sonne of Cecrops or
Argos, who having married the King of Egypt his daughter,
thence sailed with her into Spaine, and there inhabited:
Then that of Nemedus and his sonnes, who comming out of
Scythia, peopled Ireland, and inhabited it with his sonnes
250 yeares, until he was overcome of the Giants dwelling
then in Ireland, and at the last quite banished and rooted
out, after whom 200 yeares, the sounes of one Dela, being
Scythians, arrived there againe, and possessed the whole land,
of which the youngest called * Slanius, in the end made
himselfe Monarch. Lastly, of the 4 sonnes of Milesius King
of Spaine, which conquered the land from the Scythians, and
inhabited it with Spaniards, and called it of the name of the
youngest Hiberus, Hibernia: all which are in truth fables,
and very Milesian lyes, as the later proverbe is: for never
was there such a King of Spaine, called Milesius, nor any
such colonie seated with his sonnes, as they faine, that can
ever be proved; but yet under these tales you may in a man-
ner see the truth lurke. For Scythians here inhabiting, they
name and put Spaniards, whereby appeareth that both these
nations here inhabited, but whether very Spaniards, as the
Irish greatly affect, is no wayes to be proved.
Eudor. Whence commeth it then that the Irish doe so
greatly covet to fetch themselves from the Spaniards, since
the old Gaules are a more auncient and much more honour-
able nation?
Iren. Even of a very desire of new fanglenes and vanity,
for they derive themselves from the Spaniards, as seeing them
to be a very honourable people, and neere bordering unto
them: but all that is most vaine; for from the Spaniards.
that now are, or that people that now inhabite Spaine, they
no wayes can prove themselves to descend; neither should it
be
* Slanius, in the end made himselfe Monarch.] The Irish stories have a continued
succession of the Kings of Ireland from this Slanius, untill the conquest by King
Henry the Second, but very uncertaine, especially untill the planting of religion by
S. Patrick, at which time Lægarius, or Lagirius was monarch.-SIR JAMES Ware.
55
462
View of the State of Ireland.
be greatly glorious unto them; for the Spaniard that now is,
is come from as rude and savage nations as they, there being,
as there may be gathered by course of ages, and view of their
owne history, (though they therein labour much to enoble.
themselves) scarce any drop of the old Spanish blood left in
them; for all Spaine was first conquered by the Romans, and
filled with colonies from them, which were still increased,
and the native Spaniard still cut off. Afterwards the Car-
thaginians in all the long Punick Warres (having spoiled all
Spaine, and in the end subdued it wholly unto themselves)
did, as it is likely, root out all that were affected to the
Romans. And lastly the Romans having againe recovered
that countrey, and beate out Hannibal, did doubtlesse cut
off all that favored the Carthaginians, so that betwixt them
both, to and fro, there was scarce a native Spaniard left, but
all inhabited of Romans. All which tempests of troubles
being over-blowne, there long after arose a new storme, more
dreadful then all the former, which over-ran all Spaine, and
made an infinite confusion of all things; that was, the com-
ming downe of the Gothes, the Hunnes, and the Vandals:
And lastly all the nations of Scythia, which, like a mountaine
flood, did over-flow all Spaine, and quite drowned and washt
away whatsoever reliques there was left of the land-bred
people, yea, and of all the Romans too. The which Nor-
thern Nations finding the nature of the soyle, and the vehe-
ment heat thereof farre differing from their constitutions,
tooke no felicity in that countrey, but from thence passed
over, and did spread themselves into all countryes of Chris-
tendome, of all which there is none but hath some mixture
or sprinckling, if not thoroughly peopling of them. And yet
after all these the Moores and the Barbarians, breaking over
out of Africa, did finally possesse all Spaine, or the most part
thereof, and did tread under their heathenish feete whatever
little they found yet there standing. The which, though
after they were beaten out by Ferdinando of Arragon and
Elizabeth his wife, yet they were not so cleansed, but that
through the marriages which they had made, and mixture
with the people of the land, during their long continuance
56
there
View of the State of Ireland.
463
there, they had left no pure drop of Spanish blood, no more
then of Roman or of Scythian. So that of all nations under
heaven (I suppose) the Spaniard is the most mingled, and
most uncertaine; wherefore most foolishly doe the Irish
thinke to enoble themselves by wresting their auncientry
from the Spaniard, who is unable to derive himselfe from any
in certaine.
Eudox. You speake very sharpely, Irenæus, in dispraise of
the Spaniard, whom some others boast to be the onely brave
nation under the skie.
Iren. So surely he is a very brave man, neither is that any
thing which I speake to his derogation; for in that I said he is
a mingled people, it is no dispraise, for I thinke there is no
nation now in Christendome, nor much further, but is mingled,
and compounded with others: for it was a singular providence
of God, and a most admirable purpose of his wisdome, to
draw those Northerne Heathen Nations downe into those
Christian parts, where they might receive Christianity, and
to mingle nations so remote miraculously, to make it as it
were one blood and kinred of all people, and each to have
knowledge of him.
Eudox. Neither have you sure any more dishonoured the
Irish, for you have brought them from very great and aun-
cient nations, as any were in the world, how ever fondly they
affect the Spanish. For both Scythians and Gaules were two
as mighty nations as ever the world brought forth. But is
there any token, denomination, or monument of the Gaules
yet remaining in Ireland, as there is of the Scythians?
Iren. Yea surely very many words of the Gaules remain-
ing, and yet dayly used in common speech.
Eudox. What was the Gaulish speech, is there any part of
it still used among any nation?
Iren. The Gaulish speech is the very British, the which
was very generally used here in all Brittaine, before the
comming of the Saxons: and yet is retained of the Welch-
men, Cornishmen, and the Brittaines of France, though time
working the alteration of all things, and the trading and
interdeale with other nations round about, have changed and
greatly
57
464
View of the State of Ireland.
greatly altered the dialect thereof; but yet the originall
words appeare to be the same, as who hath list to read in
Camden and Buchanan, may see at large. Besides, there be
many places, as havens, hills, townes, and castles, which yet.
beare the names from the Gaules, of the which Buchanan
rehearseth above 500 in Scotland, and I can (I thinke)
recount neere as many in Ireland which retaine the old deno-
mination of the Gaules, as the Menapii, Cauci, Venti, and
others; by all which and many other reasonable probabilities
(which this short course will not suffer to be laid forth) it
appeareth that the chiefe inhabitants in Ireland were Gaules,
comming thither first out of Spaine, and after from besides
Tanais, where the Gothes, the Hunnes, and the Getes sate
down; they also being (as it is said of some) auncient Gaules;
and lastly passing out of Gallia it selfe, from all the sea-coast
of Belgia and Celtica, into all the southerne coasts of Ireland,
which they possessed and inhabited, whereupon it is at this
day, amongst the Irish a common use, to call any stranger
inhabitant there amongst them, Gald, that is, descended from
the Gaules.
Eudox. This is very likely, for even so did those Gaules
aunciently possesse all the southerne coasts of our Brittaine,
which yet retaine their old names, as the Belgæ in Somerset-
shire, Wilshire, and part of Hamshire, Attrebatii in Berke-
shire, Regni in Sussex and Surry, and many others. Now
thus farre then, I understand your opinion, that the Scy-
thians planted in the North part of Ireland; the Spaniards
(for so we call them, what ever they were that came from
Spaine) in the West; the Gaules in the South: so that there
now remaineth the East parts towards England, which I
would be glad to understand from whence you doe think
them to be peopled.
Iren. Mary I thinke of the Brittaines themselves, of which
though there be little footing now remaining, by reason that
the Saxons afterwards, and lastly the English, driving out
the inhabitants thereof, did possesse and people it themselves.
Yet amongst the Tooles, the Birns, or Brins, the Cavenaghes,
and other nations in Leinster, there is some memory of the
Britans
58
View of the State of Ireland.
465
Britans remayning. As the Tooles are called of the old Brit-
ish word Tol, that is, a Hill Countrey, the Brins of the
British word Brin, that is, Woods, and the Cavenaghes of the
word Caune, that is, strong; so that in these three people the
very denomination of the old Britons doe still remaine.
Besides, when any flieth under the succour and protection of
any against an enemie, he cryeth unto him, Comericke, that
is in the British Helpe, for the Brittaine is called in their
owne language, Comeroy. Furthermore to prove the same,
*Ireland is by Diodorus Siculus, and by Strabo, called Bri-
tannia, and a part of Great Brittaine. Finally it appeareth
by good record yet extant, that † King Arthur, and before
him Gurgunt, had all that iland under their allegiance and
subjection; hereunto I could add many probabilities of the
names of places, persons, and speeches, as I did in the former,
but they should be too long for this, and I reserve them for
another. And thus you have had my opinion, how all that
realme of Ireland was first peopled, and by what nations.
After all which the Saxons succeeding, subdued it wholly
to themselves. For first Egfrid, King of Northumberland,
did utterly waste and subdue it, as appeareth out of Beda's
complaint against him; and after him, King Edgar brought
it under his obedience, as appeareth by an auncient Record,
in which it is found written, that he subdued all the islands
of the North, even unto Norway, and brought them into
his subjection.
Eudox.
* Ireland is by Diodorus Siculus and by Strabo, called Brittannia.] Iris is by
Diodorus called a part of Brittaine: but Ireland by neither of them Brittannia.-
SIR JAMES WARE.
† King Arthur, and before him Gurgunt.] Concerning King Arthur's conquest
of Ireland, see Geffry of Monmuth, and Matthew of Westminster, at the yeare
525, where he is said to have landed in Ireland with a great army, and in a battle
to have taken King Gilla-Mury prisoner, and forced the other princes to subjec-
tion. In our Annals it appeares that Moriertach (the sonne of Erce) was at that
time King of Ireland, of which name some reliques seeme to be in Gilla-Mury,
Gilla being but an addition used with many names, as Gilla-Patrick, &c. But in
the country writers (which I have seene) I find not the least touch of this con-
quest. SIR JAMES WARE.
2 G
59
466
View of the State of Ireland.
Eudox. * This ripping of auncestors, is very pleasing unto
me, and indeede favoureth of good conceipt, and some reading
withall. I see hereby how profitable travaile and experience
of forraine nations is to him that will apply them to good
purpose. Neither indeede would I have thought that any
such antiquities could have beene avouched for the Irish, that
maketh me the more to long to see some other of your obser-
vations, which you have gathered out of that country, and
have earst half promised to put forth: and sure in this mingling
of nations appeareth (as you earst well noted) a wonderfull
providence and purpose of Almighty God, that stirred up the
people in the furthest parts of the world, to seeke out their
regions so remote from them, and by that meanes both to
restore their decayed habitations, and to make himselfe
knowne to the Heathen. But was there, I pray you, no more
generall employing of that iland then first by the Scythians,
which you say were the Scottes, and afterward by the
Spaniards, besides the Gaules, Brittaines, and Saxons?
Iren. Yes, there was another, and that last and greatest,
which was by the English, when the Earle Strangbowe,
having conquered that land, delivered up the same into the
hands of Henry the Second, then King, who sent over thither
great store of gentlemen, and other warlike people, † amongst
whom
*This ripping of auncestors.] This discovery of auncestors &c. Ripping is
metaphorically used. To rip, is to break open stitched things.-Todd.
C
† Amongst whom he distributed the land.] King Henry the II. gave to a Richard
Strongbow Earle of Striguil or Penbroke, all Leinster, excepting the citty of Dublin,
Unto Robert
and the cantreds, adjoyning with the maritime townes and castles.
Fitz Stephen, and Miles de Cogan he granted the kingdome of Corke, excepting
And unto Philip de Bruse the
the citty of Corke, and the Ostmans cantred.
kingdome of Limericke. But in a confirmation of King John to William de Bruse
(or Braos) nephew to this Philip, we finde that he gave to him onely a honorem
de Limerick, retentis in dominico nostro (as the words of the charter are) civitate
de Limerick et donationibus episcopatuum et abbatiarum, et retentis in manu nostrâ
a Gir. Camb. Hib. expugn. lib. 1. cap. 28.
b Vid. Rog. de Hoveden, p. 567. edit. Franc. et Camd. Brit. p. 739.
d
с
Rog. de Hoveden, ibid.
d Chart. an. 2. Io. in arce Lond.
60
View of the State of Ireland.
467
whom he distributed the land, and settled such a strong colonie
therein, as never since could with all the subtle practices of
the
cantredo Ostmannorum et S. insulâ. Among other large graunts (remembred by
Hoveden) which this King Henry gave to the first adventurers, that of Meth to
Sir Hugh de Lacy is of speciall note. The grant was in these words:
"Henricus Dei gratiâ Rex Angliæ, et Dux Normanniæ, et Aquitaniæ, et comes
Andeganiæ. Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Abbatibus, Comitibus, Baronibus, Justiti-
ariis, et omnibus ministris et fidelibus suis Francis, Anglis et Hiberniensibus totius
terræ suæ, Salutem. Sciatis me dedisse et concessisse, et præsenti chartâ meâ con-
firmâsse Hugoni de Lacy pro servitio suo, terram de Midiâ cum omnibus pertinentiis
suis per servitium quinquaginta militum sibi et hæredibus suis, tenendum et hab-
endum à me et hæredibus meis, sicut Murchardus Hu-melathlin eam tenuit, vel
aliquis alius ante illum vel posteà. Et de incremento illi dono omnia feoda quæ
præbuit, vel quæ præbebit circa Duveliniam, dum Balivus meus est, ad faciendum
mihi servitium apud civitatem meam Duveliniæ. Quare volo et firmiter præcipio,
ut ipse Hugo et hæredes sui post eum prædictam terram habeant, et teneant omnes
libertates et liberas consuetudines, quas ibi habeo vel habere possum per prænomina-
tum servitium, à me et hæredibus meis, bene, et in pace, liberè, et quiete, et honori-
ficè, in bosco et plano, in pratis et pascuis, in aquis et molédinis, in vivariis et
stagnis, et piscationibus et venationibus, in viis, et semitis, et portubus maris, et in
omnibus aliis locis, et aliis rebus ad eam pertinentibus cum omnibus libertatibus,
quas ibi habeo, vel illi dare possum, et hâc meâ chartâ confirmare. Test. comitè
Richardo filio Gilberti, Willielmo de Braosa, &c. Apud Weisford.”
But above all other graunts made by K. Henry the II. that to his sonne John is
most memorable. "Deinde (saith a Hoveden) venit rex Oxenford, et in generali
concilio ibidem celebrato constituit Iohannem filium suum Regem in Hiberniâ, con-
cessione et confirmatione Alexandri summi Pontificis." By virtue of this graunt
both in the life time of his father, and in the raigne of his brother King Richard, he
was stiled in all his charters Dominus Hiberniæ, and directed them thus, "Joannes
Dominus Hiberniæ, et comes Morton. Archiepiscopis, episcopis, comitibus, baroni-
bus, Justitiariis, vice comitibus, constabulariis, et omnibus ballivis et ministris suis
totius Hiberniæ, salutem." Thus we have it frequently (although sometimes with
a little variation) in the Registers of St. Mary abbey, and Thomas-court by Dublin.
How the Earle in Leinster, and Lacy in Meth, distributed their lands, (besides what
they retained in their owne hands,) is delivered by Maurice Regan, (interpreter to
Dermot Mac Murrough, King of Leinster) who wrote the historie of those times in
French verse. The booke was translated into English by Sir George Carew Lo.
President of Mounster, afterwards Earle of Totnes, and communicated to me, by
our most reverend and excellently learned primate. There we finde that the Earle
gave to Reymond le Grose in b marriage with his sister Fotherd, Odrone, and
a In Hen. II. pag. 566.
↳ Consul. Gir. Camb. Hib. expugn. lib. 2. cap. 4.
2 G 2
61
Y
468
View of the State of Ireland.
the Irish be rooted out, but abide still a mighty people, of so
many as remaine English of them.
Eudox.
Glascarrig; unto Hervy de Mount-marish, he gave Obarthy; unto Maurice de
Prindergast, Fernegenall, which was afterwards conferred upon Robert Fitz
Godobert, but by what meanes he obtained it (saith Regan) I know not. Unto
Meiler Fitz Henry he gave Carbry; unto ª Maurice Fitz Gerald the Naas Oselin
(which had beene possessed by Mackelan) and Wickloe; unto Walter de Rideles-
ford he gave the lands of Omorthy; unto John de Clahul the Marshalship of
Leinster, and the land betweene Aghabo and Leghlin; unto Robert de Birmingham
Ofaly; and unto Adam de Hereford large possessions. What these possessions
were, are thus noted in the Register of Thomascourt abbey, where speaking of the
Earle, "Posteà Lagenià perquisitâ, erat quidam juvenis cum eo quem multùm
dilexit, et dedit eidem pro servitio suo terras et tenementa subscripta, viz. tene-
mentum de saltu Salmonis, Cloncoury, Kill, Houterard, et tenementum de Donning
cum omnibus suis pertinentiis." Thus the Register. This Adam de Hereford was
founder of St. Wulstan's Priory neere Leixlip in the county of Kildare.
But we
proceed with Regan. Unto Miles Fitz David who was one of his chiefe favourites,
he gave Overk in Ossory; to Thomas le Flemming, Arde; to Gilbert de Borard,
Ofelmith; to a Knight called Reinand he gave 15 knights fees adjoyning to the
sea; and to one Robert (who was afterwards slaine in Connaught) the Norragh.
What partition Lacy made in Meth, he thus delivers. Unto his speciall friend
Hugh Tirrell he gave Castleknock and unto William Petit Castlebreck. I have
seene an ancient deede made by Sir Hugh de Lacy to this William Petit wherein
among other things he graunts unto him Matherethirnan "cum omnibus pertinentiis
suis, exceptis Lacu et villâ quæ dicitur Dissert, &c." Unto the valiant Meiler Fitz
Henry (sayth Regan) he gave Magherneran, the lands of Rathkenin, and the
cantred of Athnorker. Unto Gilbert de Nangle all Magherigallen; unto Jocelin the
sonne of Gilbert de Nangle, the Navan and the land of Ardbraccan; unto Richard
de Tuite he gave faire possessions; unto Robert de Lacy Rathwer, unto Richard de
la Chappell he gave much land; unto Geffry de Constantine Kilbisky and Rath-
marthy: unto Adam de Feipo, Gilbert de Nugent, William de Misset, and Hugh
de Hose, he gave large inheritances. In Lacyes graunt to Feipo, we finde that he
gave him Skrine, "et præterea (sayth the deede) feodum unius militis circa
Duvelinam, scil. Clantorht et Santref, &c. In his graunt to Gilbert de Nugent,
(the originall whereof I have seene, with an impression upon the seale, of a Knight
armed and mounted,) he gave to him Delvin, "quam in tempore Hibernicorum
tenuerunt O-Finelans, cum omnibus pertinentiis et villis, quæ infra prædictam
* This Maurice soone after deceasing at Wexford, King John, then Earle of Moreton,
confirmed to his sonne William Fitz Maurice cantredum terræ quem Makelanus tenuit,
illum sc. in quo villa de Naas sita est, quam comes Richardus dedit Mauritio patri
ipsius Willielmi. Thus the charter, habetur in ros. com. placit. an. Hen. 6. in turri
Birminghamiano.
b Magn. regist. mon. B. Mariæ juxta Dublin. fol. 76.
62
View of the State of Ireland.
469
Eudox. What is this that you say, of so many as remaine
English of them? Why? are not they that were once English
English still?
Iren. No, for some of them are degenerated and growne
almost mere Irish, yea, and more malitious to the English
then the Irish themselves.
Eudox. What heare I? And is it possible that an English-
man, brought up in such sweet civility as England affords,
should find such likeing in that barbarous rudenes, that he
should forget his owne nature, and forgoe his owne nation!
how may this be, or what (I pray you) may be the cause
thereof?
Iren. Surely, nothing but the first evill ordinance and in-
stitution of that Common-wealth. But thereof here is no fit
place to speake, least by the occasion thereof, offering matter
of a long discourse, we might be drawne from this, that we
have in hand, namely, the handleing of abuses in the customes
of Ireland.
Eudox. In truth, Irenæus, you doe well remember the plot
of your first purpose; but yet from that (me seemes) ye have
much swarved in all this long discourse, of the first inhabiting
of Ireland; for what is that to your purpose?
Iren. Truely very materiall, for if you marked the course
of all that speech well, it was to show, by what meanes the
customes that now are in Ireland, being some of them in-
deede very strange and almost heathenish, were first brought
in: and that was, as I said, by those nations from whom that
countrey was first peopled; for the difference in manners and
customes, doth follow the difference of nations and people.
The which I have declared to you, to have beene three espe-
cially which seated themselves here: to wit, first the Scythian,
then
Delvin continentur, exceptâ quadam villâ Abbatis Fouræ nomine Torrochelasch
pro servitio 5. militum." Thus the charter.
Thus the charter. To Misset he gave Luin, and to
Hussey or Hose Galtrim. Regan proceeds. Unto Adam Dullard he gave the
lands of Dullenvarthy, unto one Thomas he gave Cramly. Timlath began north
east from Kenlis. Lathrachalim, and Sendevonath; and unto Richard le Flemming
he gave Crandon at twenty Knights fees.-SIR JAMES WARE,
63
470
View of the State of Ireland.
then the Gaules, and lastly the English. Notwithstanding
that I am not ignorant, that there were sundry nations which
got footing in that land, of the which there yet remaine divers.
great families and septs, of whom I will also in their proper
places make mention.
Eudox. You bring your selfe, Irenæus, very well into the way
againe, notwithstanding that it seemeth that you were never
out of the way; but now that you have passed thorough
those antiquities, which I could have wished not so soone
ended, begin when you please to declare what customes and
manners have beene derived from those nations to the Irish,
and which of them you finde fault withall.
Iren. I will begin then to count their customes in the same
order that I counted their nations, and first with the Scythian
or Scottish manners. Of the which there is one use amongst
them, to keepe their cattle, and to live themselves the most
part of the yeare in boolies, pasturing upon the mountaine,
and waste wilde places; and removing still to fresh land, as
they have depastured the former. The which appeareth
plaine to be the manner of the Scythians, as you may read
in Olaus Magnus, and Jo. Bohemus, and yet is used amongst
all the Tartarians and the people about the Caspian Sea,
which are naturally Scythians, to live in heards, as they call
them, being the very same, that the Irish boolies are, driving
their cattle continually with them, and feeding onely on their
milke and white meats.
Eudox. What faulte can you finde with this custome? for
though it be an old Scythian use, yet is it very behoofefull
in this country of Ireland, where there are great mountaines,
and waste deserts full of grasse, that the same should be
eaten downe, and nourish many thousands of cattle, for the
good of the whole realme, which cannot (me thinks) well be
any other way, then by keeping those boolies there, as ye
have shewed.
Iren. But by this custome of boolying, there grow in the
meane time many great enormityes unto that Common-
wealth. For first, if there be any out-lawes, or loose people,
(as they are never without some) which live upon stealthes
64
and
View of the State of Ireland.
471
and spoyles, they are evermore succoured and finde releife
only in these boolies, being upon the waste places, whereas
else they should be driven shortly to starve, or to come
downe to the townes to seeke releife, where by one meanes
or other they would soone be caught. Besides, such steal-
thes of cattle as they make they bring commonly to those
boolies, being upon those waste places, where they are readily
received, and the theife harboured from danger of law, or such
officers as might light upon him. Moreover the people that
thus live in those boolies growe thereby the more barbarous,
and live more licentiously then they could in townes, using
what manners they list, and practizing what mischeifes and
villainies they will, either against the government there, by
their combynations, or against private men, whom they
maligne, by stealing their goods, or murdering themselves.
For there they thinke themselves halfe exempted from law
and obedience, and having once tasted freedom, doe like a
steere, that hath beene long out of his yoke, grudge and
repyne ever after, to come under rule again.
Eudox. By your speech, Irenæus, I perceive more evill
come by this use of boolies, then good by their grasing; and
therefore it may well be reformed: but that must be in his
due course: doe you proceed to the next.
Iren. They have another custome from the Scythians, that
is the wearing of Mantles, * and long glibbes, which is a
thicke curled bush of hair, hanging downe over their eyes,
and monstrously disguising them, which are both very bad
and hurtfull.
Eudor. Doe you thinke that the mantle commeth from
the Scythians? I would surely think otherwise, for by that
which I have read, it appeareth that most nations of the
world aunciently used the mantle. For the Jewes used it,
as you may read of Elyas mantle, &c. The Chaldees also
used
* And long glibbes, &c.] "In Terconnell the haire of their head growes so long
and curled, that they goe bare-beaded, and are called Glibs; the women Glibbins.”
Gainsford's Glory of England, 4to. Lond. 1618, p. 151.-Todd.
65
472
View of the State of Ireland.
used it, as ye may read in Diodorus. The Egyptians like-
wise used it, as ye may read in Herodotus, and may be
gathered by the description of Berenice, in the Greeke Com-
mentary upon Callimachus. The Greekes also used it aun-
ciently, as appeareth by Venus mantle lyned with starrs,
though afterwards * they changed the form thereof into their
cloakes, called Pallia, as some of the Irish also use. And
the auncient Latines and Romans used it, as you may read
in Virgil, who was a very great antiquary: That Evander,
when Æneas came to him at his feast, did entertaine and
feast him, sitting on the ground, and lying on mantles. In-
somuch as he useth the very word mantile for a mantle.
Humi mantilia sternunt."
*
t
So
They changed the form thereof into their cloakes called Pallia.] As the Romans
had their gowne called toga, so the auncient outward vestiment of the Grecians was
called Pallium, by some translated a mantle, although it be now commonly taken
for a cloake, which doth indeed somewhat resemble a mantle. By these different
kinds of habit, the one was so certainly distinguished from the other, that the word
togatus was often used to signifie a Roman, and Palliatus a Grecian, as it is ob-
served by a Mr. Tho. Godwin out of b Ligonius. "Togati (saith he) pro Romanis
dicti, ut Palliati pro Græcis." But that the ancient Latines and Romans used it,
as the author alledgeth (out of I know not what place in Virgil) appeareth no way
That the gowne was their usual outward garment, is most certaine, and
that commonly of wooll, finer or courser, according to the dignity of the person that
wore it.
Whence Horace, Satyr. 3 lib. 1.
unto me.
"Sit mihi mensa tripes, et
Concha salis puri, et toga quæ defendere frigus,
Quamvis crassa, queat.”
And from this difference betweene the ancient Roman and Grecian habit, grew the
proverbs, "modò palliatus, modò togatus, and de togâ ad pallium," to denote an
unconstant person.-SIR JAMES WARE.
+
·Humi mantilia sternunt.]
Evanders entertainment of Æneas, is set
out in the 8 booke of Virgils Eneis, but there we have no such word as mantile.
In his entertainment by Dido we have it, but in another sence.
Eneid. lib. 1.
"Iam pater Æneas, et jam Troiana juventus
Conveniunt, stratoque super discumbitur ostro,
Dant famuli manibus, lymphas, Cereremque canistris
Expediunt, tonsisq; ferunt mantilia villis.”
a Romanæ Histor. Antholog. lib. 2. sect. 3. cap. 7.
b De ind. l. 3. cap. 19.
SIR JAMES WARE.
66
View of the State of Ireland.
473
So that it seemeth that the mantle was a generall habite to
most nations, and not proper to the Scythians only, as you
suppose.
Iren. I cannot deny but that aunciently it was common to
most, and yet sithence disused and laide away. But in this
later age of the world, since the decay of the Romane empire,
it was renewed and brought in againe by those Northerne
Nations, when breaking out of their cold caves and frozen
habitations, into the sweet soyle of Europe, they brought
with them their usual weedes, fit to sheild the cold, and that
continual frost to which they had at home beene inured:
the which yet they left not off, by reason that they were in
perpetuall warres with the nations whom they had invaded,
but, still removing from place to place, carried always with.
them that weed, as their house, their bed, and their garment;
and, comming lastly into Ireland, they found there more
speciall use thereof, by reason of the raw cold climate, from
whom it is now growne into that general use in which that
people now have it. After whom the Gaules succeeding, yet
finding the like necessitie of that garment, continued the like
use thereof.
Eudox. Since then the necessity thereof is so commodious,
as you alledge, that it is insteed of housing, bedding, and
cloathing, what reason have you then to wish so necessarie a
thing cast off?
Iren. Because the commoditie doth not countervaile the
discommoditie; for the inconveniences which thereby doe
arise, are much more many; for it is a fit house for an out-
law, a meet bed for a rebel, and an apt cloke for a theife.
First the out-law being for his many crimes and villanyes
banished from the townes and houses of honest men, and
wandring in waste places, far from danger of law, maketh his
mantle his house, and under it covereth himselfe from the
wrath of heaven, from the offence of the earth, and from the
sight of men. When it raineth it is his pent-house; when it
bloweth it is his tent; when it freezeth it is his tabernacle.
In sommer he can wear it loose, in winter he can wrap it
close; at all times he can use it; never heavy, never cumber-
some.
67
474
View of the State of Ireland.
some.
lurketh in the
advantages, it
For the wood
Likewise for a rebell it is as serviceable. For in his
warre that he maketh (if at least it deserve the name of
warre) when he still flyeth from his foe, and
thicke woods and straite passages, waiting for
is his bed, yea and almost his household stuff.
is his house against all weathers, and his mantle is his couch
to sleep in. Therein he wrappeth himself round, and coucheth
himselfe strongly against the gnats, which in that countrey
doe more annoy the naked rebels, whilst they keepe the
woods, and doe more sharply wound them then all their
enemies swords, or spears, which can seldome come nigh
them: yea and oftentimes their mantle serveth them, when
they are neere driven, being wrapped about their left arme
in stead of a target, for it is hard to cut thorough with a
sword, besides it is light to beare, light to throw away, and
being (as they commonly are) naked, it is to them all in all.
Lastly for a theife it is so handsome, as it may seem it was first
invented for him, for under it he may cleanly convey any fit
pillage that commeth handsomly in his way, and when he
goeth abroad in the night in free-booting, it is his best and
surest friend; for lying, as they often do, 2 or 3 nights toge-
ther abroad to watch for their booty, with that they can pret-
tily shroud themselves under a bush or a bank side, till they
may conveniently do their errand: and when all is over, he
can, in his mantle passe through any town or company, being
close hooded over his head, as he useth, from knowledge of
any to whom he is indangered. Besides this, he, or any man
els that is disposed to mischief or villany, may under his
mantle goe privily armed without suspicion of any, carry his
head-peece, *his skean, or pistol if he please, to be alwayes in
readiness. Thus necessary and fitting is a mantle for a bad
man: and surely for a bad huswife it is no lesse convenient;
for some of them that be wandring woemen, called of them
Mona-shul, it is half a wardrobe; for in summer you shall
find
* His skean.] "Sword; skian, or skeine." See Walker's Memoir, &c. (men-
tioned in the note on arms and weapons, p. 479,) p. 115.-TODD.
1
{
68
View of the State of Ireland.
475
find her arrayed commonly but in her smock and mantle to
be more ready for her light services: in winter, and in her
travaile, it is her cloake and safeguard, and also a coverlet
for her lewd exercise. And when she hath filled her vessell,
under it she can hide both her burden and her blame; yea,
and when her bastard is borne, it serves insteed of swadling
clouts. And as for all other good woemen which love to doe
but little worke, how handsome it is to lye in and sleepe, or
to louse themselves in the sun-shine, they that have beene but
a while in Ireland can well witness. Sure I am that you
will thinke it very unfit for a good huswife to stirre in, or to
busie her selfe about her huswifry in such sort as she should.
These be some of the abuses for which I would thinke it meet
to forbid all mantles.
Eudox. O evill minded man, that having reckoned up so
many uses of a mantle, will yet wish it to be abandoned!
Sure I thinke Diogenes dish did never serve his master for
more turnes, notwithstanding that he made it his dish, his
cup, his cap, his measure, his water-pot, then a mantle doth
an Irish man. But I see they be most to bad intents, and
therefore I will joyne with you in abolishing it. But what
blame lay you to the glibbe? take heed (I pray you) that you
be not too busie therewith for feare of your owne blame,
seeing our Englishmen take it up in such a generall fashion
to weare their haire so immeasurably long, that some of them
exceed the longest Irish glibbes.
Iren. I feare not the blame of any undeserved dislikes: but
for the Irish glibbes, they are as fit maskes as a mantle is for
a thiefe. For whensoever he hath run himselfe into that perill
of law, that he will not be knowne, he either cutteth off his
glibbe quite, by which he becommeth nothing like himselfe,
or pulleth it so low downe over his eyes, that it is very hard
to discerne his theevish countenance. And therefore fit to
be trussed up with the mantle.
Eudox. Truly these three Scythian abuses, I hold most fit to
be taken away with sharpe penalties, and sure I wonder how
they have beene kept thus long, notwithstanding so many good
provisions and orders, as have beene devised for that people.
69
Iren.
476
View of the State of Ireland.
*
Iren. The cause thereof shall appeare to you hereafter: but
let us now go forward with our Scythian customes.
Of which
the next that I have to treat of, is the manner of raising the
cry in their conflicts, and at other troublesome times of
uproare: the which is very natural Scythian, as you may read
in Diodorus Siculus, and in Herodotus, describing the manner
of the Scythians and Parthians coming to give the charge at
battles: at which it is said, that they came running with a
terrible yell as if heaven and earth would have gone together,
which is the very image of the Irish hubub, which their
kerne use at their first encounter. Besides, the same Herod-
otus writeth, that they used in their battles to call upon the
names of their captains or generals, and sometimes upon their
greatest kings deceased, † as in that battle of Thomyris against
Cyrus which custome to this day manifestly appeareth
amongst the Irish. For at their joyning of battle, they like-
wise call upon their captains name, or the word of his aun-
cestours. As they under Oneale cry Laundarg-abo, that is,
the bloody hand, which is Oneales badge. They under
O Brien call Laun-laider, that is, the strong hand. And to
their ensample, the old English also which there remayneth,
have gotten up their cryes Scythianlike, as Crom-abo, and
Butler-abo. And here also lyeth open an other manifest
proofe, that the Irish be Scythes or Scots, for in all their
incounters they use one very common word, crying Ferragh,
Ferragh, which is a Scottish word, to wit, the name of one of
the first Kings of Scotland, called Feragus, or Fergus, which
fought against the Pictes, as you may reade in Buchanan, de
rebus
* Which their kerne use &c.] The kerne is the Irish foot-soldier; and is also
employed in this sense by Shakspeare. See likewise Gainsford's Glory of England,
4to. 1618, p. 149, "The name of Galliglas is in a manner extinct, but of KERN in
great reputation, as serving them [the Irish] in their revolts; and proving sufficient
soldiers; but excellent for skirmish." Again, p. 150, "They [the Irish] are
desperate in revenge; and their kerne thinke no man dead, until his head be off."
TODD.
† As in that battle of Thomyris against Cyrus.] Herodotus in the description of
that battle hath no such thing.-SIR JAMES Ware,
70
View of the State of Ireland.
477
rebus Scoticis; but as others write, it was long before that,
the name of their chiefe Captaine, under whom they fought
against the Africans, the which was then so fortunate unto
them, that ever sithence they have used to call upon his name
in their battailes.
Eudox. Believe me, this observations of yours, Irenæus, is
very good and delightfull; far beyond the blinde conceipt of
some, who (I remember) have upon the same word Ferragh,
made a very blunt conjecture, as namely Mr. Stanihurst, who
though he be the same countrey man borne, that should
search more neerly into the secret of these things; yet hath
strayed from the truth all the heavens wyde, (as they say,)
for he thereupon groundeth a very grosse imagination, that
the Irish should descend from the Egyptians which came
into that Island, first under the leading of one Scota the
daughter of Pharaoh, whereupon they use (saith he) in all
their battailes * to call upon the name of Pharaoh, crying
Ferragh, Ferragh. Surely he shootes wyde on the bow hand,
and very far from the marke. For I would first know of him
what auncient ground of authority he hath for such a sense-
lesse fable, and if he have any of the rude Irish bookes, as it
may be he hath, yet (me seemes) that a man of his learning
should not so lightly have bin carried away with old wives
tales, from approvance of his owne reason; for whether it be
a smack of any learned judgment to say that Scota is like an
Egyptian word, let the learned judge. But his Scota rather
comes of the Greek σkóros, that is, darknes, which hath not let
him see the light of the truth
Iren. You know not, Eudoxus, how well Mr. Stanilurst
could see in the darke: perhaps he hath owles or cats eyes: but
well I wot he seeth not well the very light in matters of more
weight.
* To call upon the name of Pharaoh, crying Ferragh.] The vulgar Irish suppose
the subject of this war-song to have been Forroch or Ferragh, (an easy corruption
of Pharroh, which Selden, in his notes on Drayton's Polyolbion, says was the name
of the war-song once in use amongst the Irish kerns,) a terrible giant, of whom
they tell many a marvellous tale. See Mr. Walker's Hist. Mem. of the Irish Bards,
notes, p. 96; and Mr. Warton's note on Sir Ferraugh, F. Q. iv. ii. 4.-TODD.
71
478
View of the State of Ireland.
weight. But as for Ferragh I have told my conjecture onely,
and yet thus much I have more to prove a likelyhood, that
there be yet at this day in Ireland, many Irish men (chiefly
in the Northerne parts) called by the name of Ferragh. But
let that now be: this only for this place suffiseth, that it is a
word used in their common hububs, the which (with all the
rest) is to be abolished, for that it discovereth an affectation
to Irish Captainry, which in this platform I indevour specially
to beat down. There be other sorts of cryes also used among
the Irish, which savour greatly of the Scythian barbarisme, as
their lamentations at their buryals, with dispairfull out-cryes,
and immoderate waylings, the which M. Stanihurst might
also have used for an argument to proove them Egyptians.
For so in Scripture it is mentioned, that the Egyptians.
lamented for the death of Joseph. Others thinke this custome
to come from the Spaniards, for that they doe immeasurably
likewise bewayle their dead. But the same is not proper
Spanish, but altogether heathenish, brought in thither first
either by the Scythians, or the Moores that were Africans,
and long possessed that countrey. For it is the manner of all
Pagans and Infidels to be intemperate in their waylings of
their dead, for that they had no faith nor hope of salvation.
And this ill custome also is specially noted by Diodorus
Siculus, to have beene in the Scythians, and is yet amongst
the Northerne Scots at this day, as you may reade in their
chronicles.
Eudox. This is sure an ill custome also, but yet doth not so
much concerne civill reformation, as abuse in religion.
Iren. I did not reheerse it as one of the abuses which I
thought most worthie of reformation; but having made
mention of Irish cryes I thought this manner of lewd crying
and howling, not impertinent to be noted as uncivill and
Scythian-like: for by these old customes, and other like con-
jecturall circumstances, the descents of nations can only be
proved where other monuments of writings are not remayning.
Eudox. Then (I pray you) whensoever in your discourse
you meet with them by the way, doe not shun, but boldly
touch them: for besides their great pleasure and delight for
72
their
View of the State of Ireland.
479
their antiquity, they bring also great profit and helpe unto
civility.
Iren. Then sith you will have it so, I will heere take
occasion, since I lately spake of their manner of cryes in
joyning of battaile, to speake also somewhat of the manner of
their armes, and array in battell, with other customes per-
happes worthy the noting. * And first of their armes and
weapons, amongst which their broad swordes are proper
Scythian, for such the Scythes used commonly, as you may
read in Olaus Magnus. And the same also the old Scots
used, as you may read in Buchanan and in Solinus, where
the pictures of them are in the same forme expressed. Also
their short bowes, and little quivers with short bearded
arrowes, are very † Scythian, as you may read in the same
Olaus. And the same sort both of bowes, quivers, and
arrowes, are at this day to be seene commonly amongst the
Northerne Irish-Scots, whose Scottish bowes are not past.
three quarters of a yard long, with a string of wreathed
hempe slackely bent, and whose arrowes are not much above
halfe an ell long, tipped with steele heads, made like com-
mon broad arrow heads, but much more sharpe and slender,
that they enter into a man or horse most cruelly, notwith-
standing that they are shot forth weakely. Moreover their
long broad shields, made but with wicker roddes, which are
commonly used amongst the said Northerne Irish, but espe-
cially of the Scots, are brought from the Scythians, as you
may read in Olaus Magnus, Solinus, and others: likewise
their going to battle without armor on their bodies or heads,
but trusting to the thicknes of their glibbs, the which (they
say) will sometimes beare off a good stroke, is meere Scythian,
as
* And first of their armes and weapons.] This subject is illustrated, with great
care, in the following work:-"An Historical Essay on the Dress of the ancient
and modern Irish; to which is subjoined a Memoir on the Armour and Weapons
of the Irish. By Joseph Corper Walker, Esq., M.R.I.A." Dublin, 1788.-Todd.
† Scythian.] The originall of the very name of Scythians seemeth to come from
shooting. Vide Selden, Annot. in Poly-olb. (ex Gorop. Becan. Beccesel. et Aluredi
leg.) p. 122.-SIR JAMES WARE.
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View of the State of Ireland.
as you may see in the said images of the old Scythes or Scots,
set foorth by Herodianus and others. Besides, their con-
fused kinde of march in heapes, without any order or array,
their clashing of swords together, their fierce running upon
their enemies, and their manner of fight, resembleth alto-
gether that which is read in histories to have beene used of
the Scythians. By which it may almost infallibly be gathered
together, with other circumstances, that the Irish are very
Scots or Scythes originally, though sithence intermingled
with many other nations repairing and joyning unto them.
And to these I may also adde another strong conjecture
which commeth to my mind, that I have often observed there
amongst them, that is, certain religious ceremonies, which are
very superstitiously yet used amongst them, the which are
also written by sundry authours, to have bin observed
amongst the Scythians, by which it may very vehemently
be presumed that the nations were anciently all one. For
*Plutarch (as I remember) in his Treatise of Homer, in-
deavouring to search out the truth, what countryman Homer
was, prooveth it most strongly (as he thinketh) that he was
an Æolian borne, for that in describing a sacrifice of the
Greekes, he omitted the loyne, the which all the other
Grecians (saving the Eolians) use to burne in their sacrifices:
also for that he makes the intralls to be roasted on five spits,
which was the proper manner of the Eolians, who onely,
of all the nations of Grecia, used to sacrifize in that sort.
By which he inferreth necessarily, that Homer was an
Æolian. And by the same reason may I as reasonably con-
clude, that the Irish are descended from the Scythians; for
that they use (even to this day) some of the same ceremonies
which the Scythians anciently used. As for example, you
may reade in Lucian in that sweet dialogue, which is intitled
Toxaris, or of friendship, that the common oath of the
Scythians was † by the sword, and by the fire, for that they
accounted
*Plutarch.] Not he, but Herodotus, in the Life of Homer.-SIR JAmes Ware.
† By the sword, and by the fire.] Lucian hath it, by the sword, and by the wind.
74
View of the State of Ireland.
481
accounted those two speciall divine powers, which should
worke vengeance on the perjurers. So doe the Irish at this
day, when they goe to battaile, say certain prayers or charmes.
to their swords, making a crosse therewith upon the earth,
and thrusting the points of their blades into the ground;
thinking thereby to have the better success in fight. Also
they use commonly to sweare by their swords. Also the
Scythians used, when they would binde any solemne vow or
combination amongst them, to drinke a bowle of blood
together, vowing thereby to spend their last blood in that
quarrell: and even so do the wild Scotts, as you may read in
Buchanan: and some of the Northerne Irish. Likewise at
the kindling of the fire, and lighting of candles, they say
certain prayers, and use some other superstitious rites, which
shew that they honour the fire and the light: for all those
Northerne nations, having been used to be annoyed with
much cold and darkenesse, are wont therefore to have the
fire and the sunne in great veneration; like as contrarywise the
Moores and Egyptians, which are much offended and grieved
with extreame heat of the sunne, doe every morning, when
the sunne ariseth, fall to cursing and banning of him as their
plague. You may also reade in the same booke, in the Tale
of Arsacomas, that it was the manner of the Scythians, when
any one of them was heavily wronged, and would assemble.
unto him any forces of people to joyne with him in his re-
venge, to sit in some publicke place for certaine days upon
an oxe hide, to which there would resort all such persons as
being disposed to take armes would enter into his pay, or
joyne with him in his quarrel. And the same you may
likewise reade to have beene the ancient manner of the wilde
Scotts,
Somewhat may be gathered to this purpose out of the Ulster Annals, where
Lægarius (or Lagerius) a heathen King of Ireland, being taken prisoner by the
Leinster men, is said to have bin released upon an oath, which was per solem et
ventum. SIR JAMES Ware.
*To drink a bowle of blood together, &c.] See Mela, lib. 11, cap. 1. Other
See Herodotus, lib. 1. cap. 74.-TODD.
a An. 458.
nations also observed this custom.
2 H
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482
View of the State of Ireland.
Scotts, which are indeed the very naturall Irish. Moreover
the Scythians used to sweare by their Kings hand, as Olaus
sheweth. And so do the Irish use now to sweare by their
Lords hand, and, to forsweare it, holde it more criminall
then to sweare by God. Also the Scythians said, That they
were once a yeare turned into wolves, and so it is written of
the Irish: Though Master Camden in a better sense doth
suppose it was * a disease, called Lycanthropia, so named of
the wolfe. And yet some of the Irish doe use to make the
wolfe their gossip. The Scythians used also to seethe the
flesh in the hide: and so doe the Northerne Irish. The
Scythians used to draw the blood of the beast living, and to
make meat thereof: and so doe the Irish in the North still.
Many such customes I could recount unto you, as of their
old manner of marrying, of burying, of dancing, of singing,
of feasting, of cursing, though Christians have wyped out the
most part of them, by resemblance, whereof it might plainly
appeare to you, that the nations are the same, but that by the
reckoning of these few, which I have told unto you, I finde
my speeche drawne out to a greater length then I purposed.
Thus much onely for this time I hope shall suffise you, to
thinke that the Irish are anciently deduced from the Scy-
thians.
Eudox. Surely, Irenæus, I have heard, in these few words,
that from you which I would have thought had bin impos-
sible to have bin spoken of times so remote, and customes so
ancient with delight whereof I was all that while as it were
intranced,
* A disease called Lycanthropia.] "Amongst these humours of Melancholy, the
phisitions place a kinde of madnes, by the Greeks called Lycanthropia, termed by
the Latines Insania Lupina, or Wolves furie: which bringeth a man to this point,
(as Attomare affirmeth) that in Februarie he will go out of the house in the night
like a wolfe, hunting about the graves of the dead with great howling; and plucke
the dead mens bones out of the sepulchres, carrying them about the streets, to the
great feare and astonishment of all them that meete him: And the foresaid author
affirmeth, that melancholike persons of this kinde have pale faces, soaked and
hollow eies, with a weak sight, never shedding one tear to the view of the world,
&c." The Hospitall of Incurable Fooles, (a translation from the Italian,) 4to.
1600, p. 19.—Tond.
76
View of the State of Ireland.
483
intranced, and carried so farre from my selfe, as that I am
now right sorry that you ended so soone. But I marvaile
much how it commeth to passe, that in so long a continuance
of time, and so may ages come betweene, yet any jot of those
olde rites and superstitious customes should remaine amongst
them.
Iren. It is no cause of wonder at all; for it is the manner
of many nations to be very superstitious, and diligent observers
of old customes and antiquities, which they receive by con-
tinuall tradition from their parents, by recording of their
Bards and Chronicles, in their songs, and by daylie use and
ensample of their elders.
Eudox. But have you (I pray you) observed any such
customes amongst them, brought likewise from the Spaniards
or Gaules, as these from the Scythians? that may sure be
very materiall to your first purpose.
Iren. Some perhaps I have; and who that will by this
occasion more diligently marke and compare their customes,
shall finde many more.
But there are fewer remayning of
the Gaules or Spaniards then of the Scythians, by reason
that the partes which they then possessed, lying upon the
coast of the Westerne and Southerne Sea, were sithence
visited with strangers and forraine people, repayring thither
for trafficke, and for fishing, which is very plentifull upon.
those coasts: for the trade and interdeale of sea-coast nations
one with another worketh more civilitie and good fashions,
(all sea men being naturally desirous of new fashions,) then
amongst the inland folke, which are seldome seene of for-
rainers; yet some of such as I have noted I will recount
unto you. And first I will, for the better credit of the rest,
shew you one out of their Statutes, among which it is enacted,
that no man shall weare his beard onely on the upper lip,
shaving all his chinne. And this was the auncient manner of
the Spaniards, as yet it is of all the Mahometans to cut off
all their beards close, save onelie their muschachios, which
they weare long. And the cause of this use, was for that
they, being bred in a hot countrey, found much haire on
their faces and other parts to be noyous unto them: for
which
2 H 2
77
484
View of the State of Ireland.
which cause they did cut it most away, like as contrarily all
other nations, brought up in cold countreys, do use to nourish
their haire, to keepe them the warmer, which was the cause
that the Scythians and Scottes wore glibbes (as I shewed
you) to keepe their heads warme, and long beards to defend
their faces from cold. From them also (I thinke) came saffron
shirts and smocks, which was devised by them in those hot
countryes, where saffron is very common and rife, for avoyd-
ing that evil which commeth by much sweating, and long
wearing of linnen: also the woemen amongst the old Spa-
niards had the charge of all household affaires, both at home
and abroad, (as Boemus writeth,) though now the Spaniards.
use it quite otherwise. And so have the Irish woemen the
trust and care of all things, both at home and in the field.
Likewise round leather targets is the Spanish fashion, who
used it (for the most part) painted, which in Ireland they
use also, in many places, coloured after their rude fashion.
Moreover the manner of their woemens riding on the wrong
side of the horse, I meane with their faces towards the right
side, as the Irish use, is (as they say) old Spanish, and some
say African, for amongst them the woemen (they say) use so
to ride: Also the deepe smocke sleive, which the Irish woe-
men use, they say, was old Spanish, and is used yet in Bar-
bary: and yet that should seeme rather to be an old English
fashion; for in armory the fashion of the Manche, which is
given in armes by many, being indeede nothing else but a
sleive, is fashioned much like to that sleive. And that
Knights in auncient times * used to weare their mistresses or
loves sleive upon their armes, as appeareth by that which is
written of Sir Launcelot, that he wore the sleive of the faire
Maide of Asteloth, in a tourney, whereat Queene Gueneuer
was much displeased.
Eudor. Your conceipt is good, and well fitting for things
so far growne from certainty of knowledge and learning,
onely
*Used to weare their mistresses or loves sleive upon their armes.] See the note on
this custom in Colin Clouts come home again.-Topp.
78
View of the State of Ireland.
485
onely upon likelyhoods and conjectures. But have you any
customes remaining from the Gaules or Brittaines?
Iren. I have observed a few of either; and who will better
search into them, may finde more. And first the profession
of their Bardes was (as Cæsar writeth) usuall amongst the
Gaules, and the same was also common amongst the Brittaines,
and is not yet altogether left off with the Welsh, which are
their posterity. For all the fashions of the Gaules and
Brittaines, as he testifieth, were much like. The long darts
came also from the Gaules, as you may read in the same
Cæsar, and in Jo. Boemus. Likewise the said Jo. Boemus
writeth, that the Gaules used swords a handfull broad, and
so doe the Irish now. Also they used long wicker shields in
battaile that should cover their whole bodies, and so doe the
Northerne Irish. But I have not seene such fashioned targets
used in the Southerne parts, but onely amongst the Northerne
people, and Irish-Scottes, I doe thinke that they were brought
in rather by the Scythians, then by the Gaules. Also the
Gaules used to drinke their enemyes blood, and painte them-
selves therewith. So also they write that the old Irish were
wont, and so have I seene some of the Irish doe, but not their
enemyes but friends blood. As namely at the execution of a
notable traytor at Limericke, called Murrogh O-Brien, I saw an
old woman, which was his foster mother, take up his head, whilst
he was quartered, and sucked up all the blood that runne
thereout, saying, that the earth was not worthy to drink it,
and therewith also steeped her face and breast, and tore her
haire, crying out and shrieking most terribly.
Eudox. You have very well runne through such customes
as the Irish have derived from the first old nations which in-
habited the land; namely, the Scythians, the Spaniards, the
Gaules, and the Brittaines. It now remaineth that you take
in hand the customes of the old English which are amongst
the Irish: of which I doe not thinke that you shall have much
cause to finde fault with, considering that, by the English,
most of the old bad Irish customes were abolished, and more
civill fashions brought in their stead.
Iren. You think otherwise, Eudoxus, then I doe, for the
chiefest
79
486
View of the State of Ireland.
cheifest abuses which are now in that realme are growne
from the English, and some of them are now much more
lawlesse and licentious then the very wilde Irish: so that as
much care as was then by them had to reforme the Irish, so and
much more must now be used to reforme them; so much time
doth alter the manners of men.
Eudox. That seemeth very strange which you say, that
men should so much degenerate from their first natures, as
to grow wilde.
Iren. So much can liberty and ill examples doe.
Eudox. What liberty had the English there, more then
they had here at home? Were not the lawes planted amongst
them at the first, and had they not governours to curbe and
keepe them still in awe and obedience?
Iren. They had, but it was, for the most part, such as did
more hurt then good; for they had governours for the most
part of themselves, and commonly out of the two families of
the Geraldines and Butlers, both adversaries and corrivales
one against the other. Who, though for the most part they
were but deputies under some of the Kings of Englands
sonnes, brethren, or other neare kinsmen, who were the
Kings lieutenants, yet they swayed so much, as they had all
the rule, and the others but the title. Of which Butlers and
Geraldynes, albeit (I must confesse) there were very brave
and worthy men, as also of other the Peeres of that realme,
made Lo. Deputies and Lo. Justices at sundry times, yet
thorough greatnes of their late conquests and seignories they
grew insolent, and bent both that regall authority, and also
their private powers, one against another, to the utter sub-
version of themselves, and strengthning of the Irish againe.
This you may read plainely discovered by a letter written
from the citizens of Cork out of Ireland, to the Earle of
Shrewsbury then in England, and remaining yet upon record
both in the Towre of London, and also among the Chronicles
of Ireland. Wherein it is by them complained, that the
English Lords and Gentlemen, who then had great posses-
sions in Ireland, began, through pride and insolency, to make
private warres one against another, and, when either part
80
was
View of the State of Ireland.
487
was weak, they would wage and draw in the Irish to take
their part, by which means they both greatly encouraged and
inabled the Irish, which till that time had beene shut up
within the Mountaines of Slewlogher, and weakned and
disabled themselves, insomuch that their revenues were
wonderfully impaired, and some of them which are there
reckoned to have been able to have spent 12 or 1300 pounds
per annum, of old rent, (that I may say no more) besides
their commodities of creekes and havens, were now scarce
able to dispend the third part. From which disorder, and
through other huge calamities which have come upon them
thereby, they are almost now growne like the Irish; I meane
of such English, as were planted above towards the West;
for the English Pale hath preserved it selfe, thorough neare-
nes of the state in reasonable civilitie, but the rest which
dwelt in Connaght and in Mounster, which is the sweetest
soyle of Ireland, and some in Leinster and Ulster, are de-
generate, yea, and some of them have quite shaken off their
English names, and put on Irish that they might be alto-
gether Irish.
Eudox. Is it possible that any should so farre growe out of
frame that they should in so short space, quite forget their
countrey and their owne names: that is a most dangerous
lethargie, much worse then that of Messala Corvinus, who,
being a most learned man, thorough sickenesse forgat his
owne name. But can you count us any of this kinde?
Iren. I cannot but by report of the Irish themselves, who
report, that the * Mac-mahons in the North, were aunciently
English, to wit, descended from the Fitz Ursulas, which was
a noble family in England, and that the same appeareth by
the signification of their Irish names: Likewise that the Mac-
swines, now in Ulster, were aunciently of the Veres in Eng-
land, but that they themselves, for hatred of English, so dis-
guised their names.
Eudox.
* Mac-mahons, &c.] These families of Mac-mahones and Mac-swines are by others
held to be of the ancient Irish.-SIR JAMES WARE.
81
488
View of the State of Ireland.
Eudox. Could they ever conceive any such dislike of their
owne natural countryes, as that they would be ashamed of
their name, and byte at the dugge from which they sucked
life?
Iren. I wote well there should be none; but proud hearts
doe oftentimes (like wanton colts) kicke at their mothers, ast
we read Alcibiades and Themistocles did, who, being banished
out of Athens, fled unto the Kings of Asia, and there stirred
them up to warre against their country, in which warres they
themselves were cheiftaines. So they say did these Mac-
swines and Mac-malions, or rather Veres and Fitz Ursulaes,
for private despight, turne themselves against England. For
at such time as Robert Vere, Earl of Oxford, was in the
Barons warres against King Richard the Second, through
the mallice of the Peeres, banished the realme and pro-
scribed, he with his kinsman Fitz-Ursula fled into Ireland,
where being prosecuted, and afterwards in England put to
death, his kinsman there remaining behinde in Ireland re-
belled, and, conspiring with the Irish, did quite cast off both
their English name and alleagiance, since which time they
have so remained still, and have since beene counted meere
Irish. The very like is also reported of the Mac-swines,
Mac-mahones, and Mac-shehies of Mounster, how they like-
wise were aunciently English, and old followers to the Earle
of Desmond, untill the raigne of King Edward the Fourth:
at which time the Earle of Desmond that then was, called
Thomas, being through false subornation (as they say) of the
Queene for some offence by her against him conceived,
brought to his death at * Tredagh most unjustly, notwith-
standing that he was a very good and sound subject to the
King: Thereupon all his kinsemen of the Geraldines, which
then was a mighty family in Mounster, in revenge of that
huge wrong, rose into armes against the King, and utterly
renounced
* Tredagh.] Others hould that he was beheaded at Tredagh, 15. Febr. 1467, by
(the command of) John Tiptoft Earle of Worcester, then Lo. Deputy of Ireland,
for exacting of Coyne and Livery. Vid. Camden. Britan. pag. 738. edit. Londin.
an. 1607.-SIR JAMES WARE.
82
View of the State of Ireland.
489
renounced and forsooke all obedience to the Crowne of Eng-
land, to whom the said Mac-swines, Mac-shehies, and Mac-
mahones, being then servants and followers, did the like, and
have ever sithence so continued. And with them (they say)
all the people of Mounster went out, and many other of them,
which were meere English, thenceforth joyned with the Irish
against the King, and termed themselves very Irish, taking
on them Irish habits and customes, which could never since
be clean wyped away, but the contagion hath remained still
amongst their posterityes. Of which sort (they say) be most.
of the surnames which end in an, as Hernan, Shinan, Mungan,
&c., the which now account themselves naturall Irish. Other
great houses there be of the English in Irelan´l, which thorough
licentious conversing with the Irish, or marrying, or fostering
with them, or lacke of meete nurture, or other such unhappy
occasions, have degendred from their auncient dignities,
and are now growne as Irish, as O-hanlans breech, † as the
proverbe there is.
*
Eudox. In truth this which you tell is a most shamefull
hearing, and to be reformed with most sharpe censures, in so
great personages to the terrour of the meaner: for if the
lords and cheife men degenerate, what shall be hoped of the
peasants, and baser people? And hereby sure you have made.
a faire way unto your selfe to lay open the abuses of their evill
customes, which you have now next to declare, the which,
no doubt, but are very bad, being borrowed from the Irish,
as their apparell, their language, their riding, and many other
the like.
Iren. You cannot but hold them sure to be very uncivill;
for were they at the best that they were of old, when they
were
*
Degendred.] This is the manuscript reading, and confirms the use of the word
by Spenser on another occasion. See vol. vi. p. 2. The printed copies read
degenerated.—Todd.
* As the proverbe there is.] The Manuscripts belonging to the Archbishop of
Canterbury and the Marquis of Stafford add three "most pittiful examples of this
sort," then existing; and the mention of them is made in very severe terms. They
are "the Lord Bremingham, the great Mortimer, and the old Lord Courcie."-TODD.
83
490
View of the State of Ireland.
were brought in, they should in so long an alteration of time
seeme very uncouth and strange. For it is to be thought,
that the use of all England was in the raigne of Henry the
Second, when Ireland was planted with English, very rude
and barbarous, so as if the same should be now used in Eng-
land by any, it would seeme worthy of sharpe correction, and
of new lawes for reformation, for it is but even the other day
since England grew civill: Therefore in counting the evill
customes of the English there, I will not have regard, whe-
ther the beginning thereof were English or Irish, but will
have respect onely to the inconvenience thereof. And first I
have to find fault with the abuse of language, that is, for the
speaking of Irish among the English, which as it is unnatural
that any people should love anothers language more then
their owne, so it is very inconvenient, and the cause of many
other evills.
Eudox. It seemeth strange to me that the English should
take more delight to speake that language then their owne,
whereas they should (me thinkes) rather take scorn to ac-
quaint their tongues thereto. For it hath ever beene the use
of the conquerour to despise the language of the conquered,
and to force him by all meanes to learne his. So did the
Romans alwayes use, insomuch that there is almost no nation
in the world but is sprinckled with their language. It were
good therefore (me seemes) to search out the originall cause
of this evill; for, the same being discovered, a redresse
thereof will the more easily be provided: For I thinke
it very strange, that the English being so many, and the Irish
so few, as they then were left, the fewer should draw the
more unto their use.
Iren. I suppose that the cheife cause of bringing in the
Irish language, amongst them, was specially their fostering,
and marrying with the Irish, the which are two most dan-
gerous infections; for first the childe that sucketh the milke
of the nurse, must of necessity learne his first speach of her,
the which being the first inured to his tongue, is ever after
most pleasing unto him, insomuch as though he afterwards be
taught English, yet the smacke of the first will allwayes
84
abide
View of the State of Ireland.
491
abide with him; and not onely of the speach, but also of the
manners and conditions. For besides that young children be
like apes, which will affect and imitate what they see done
before them, especially by their nurses, whom they love so
well, they moreover draw into themselves, together with their
sucke, even the nature and disposition of their nurses: for
the minde followeth much the temperature of the body: and
also the words are the image of the minde, so as they pro-
ceeding from the minde, the minde must needes be affected
with the words. So that the speach being Irish, the heart
must needes be Irish: for out of the abundance of the heart
the tongue speaketh. The next is the marrying with the
Irish, which how dangerous a thing it is in all common-
wealthes, appeareth to every simplest sence; and though
some great ones have perhaps used such matches with their
vassals, and have of them neverthelesse raised worthy issue,
as Telamon did with Teemessa, Alexander the Great with
Roxane, and Julius Cæsar with Cleopatra, yet the example is
so perillous, as it is not to be adventured: for in stead of
those few good, I could count unto them infinite many evill.
And indeed how can such matching succeede well, seeing
that commonly the childe taketh most of his nature of the
mother, besides speach, manners, and inclynation, which are
(for the most part) agreeable to the conditions of their
mothers: for by them they are first framed and fashioned, so
as what they receive once from them, they will hardly ever
after forgoe. Therefore are these evill customes of fostering
and marrying with the Irish most carefully to be restrayned:
for of them two, the third evill that is the custome of lan-
guage (which I spake of) chiefly proceedeth.
Eudox. But are there not lawes already provided for
avoyding of this evill?
Iren. Yes, I thinke there be, but as good never a whit as
never the better. For what doe statutes availe without
penalties, or lawes without charge of execution? for so there
is another like law enacted against wearing of the Irish
apparell, but neverthemore is it observed by any, or executed
them that have the charge: for they in their private dis-
85
cretions
492
View of the State of Ireland.
cretions thinke it not fit to be forced upon the poore wretches
of that country, which are not worth the price of English
apparell, nor expedient to be practised against the abler sort,
by reason that the country (say they) doth yeeld no better,
and were there better to be had, yet these were fitter to be
used, as namely, the mantle in travalling, because there be no
innes where meete bedding may be had, so that his mantle
serves him then for a bed; the leather quilted jacke in jour-
neying and in camping, for that it is fittest to be under his shirt
of mayle, and for any occasion of suddaine service, as there
happen may, to cover his trouse on horsebacke; the great
linnen roll, which the women weare, to keepe their heads
warme, after cutting their haire, which they use in any sicknesse:
besides their thicke folded linnen shirts, their long-sleived
smocks, their halfe-sleived coates, their silken fillets, and all
the rest; they will devise some colour for, either of necessity,
or of antiquity, or of comelynesse.
Eudox. But what colour soever they alledge, me thinkes it
not expedient, that the execution of a law once ordayned
should be left to the discretion of the judge, or officer, but
that, without partialitie or regard, it should be fulfilled as well
on English as Irish.
Iren. But they thinke this precisenes in reformation of
apparell not to be so materiall, or greatly pertinent.
Eudox. Yes surely but it is: for mens apparell is commonly
made according to their conditions, and their conditions are
oftentimes governed by their garments: for the person that is
gowned is by his gowne put in minde of gravitie, and also
restrained from lightnes by the very unaptnesse of his weed.
Therefore it is written by Aristotle, that when Cyrus had
overcome the Lydians that were a warlike nation, and devised
to bring them to a more peaceable life, he changed their
apparell and musick, and, in stead of their short warlike coat,
cloathed them in long garments like women, and, in stead of
their warlike musick, appointed to them certaine lascivious.
layes, and loose jiggs, by which in short space their mindes
were so mollified and abated, that they forgot their former
fiercenesse, and became most tender and effeminate; whereby
86
it
View of the State of Ireland.
493
it appeareth, that there is not a little in the garment to the
fashioning of the minde and conditions. But be these, which
you have described, the fashions of the Irish weedes?
Iren. No: all these which I have rehearsed to you, be not
Irish garments, but English; for the quilted leather jack is
old English: for it was the proper weed of the horseman, as
you may read in Chaucer, when he describeth Sir Thopas
apparell and armour, as he went to fight against the gyant, in
his robe of shecklaton, which is that kind of guilded leather
with which they use to imbroyder their Irish jackets. And
there likewise by all that description, you may see the very
fashion and manner of the Irish horseman most truely set
forth, in his long hose, his ryding shooes of costly cordwaine,
his hacqueton, and his haberjeon, with all the rest thereunto
belonging.
Eudox. I surely thought that the manner had beene Irish,
for it is far differing from that we have now, as also all the
furniture of his horse, his strong brasse bit, his slyding reynes,
his shanke pillion without stirruppes, his manner of mounting,
his fashion of ryding, his charging of his speare aloft above
head, the forme of his speare.
Iren. No sure; they be native English, and brought in by
the Englishmen first into Ireland: neither is the same
accounted an uncomely manner of ryding; for I have heard
some great warriors say, that, in all the services which they
had seene abroad in forraigne countreyes, they never saw a
more comely man then the Irish man, nor that commeth on
more bravely in his charge; neither is his manner of mounting
unseemely, though he lacke stirruppes, but more ready then
with stirruppes; for, in his getting up, his horse is still going,
whereby he gayneth way. And therefore the stirrup was
called so in scorne, as it were a stay to get up, being derived
of the old English word sty, which is, to get up, or mounte.
Eudor. It seemeth then that you finde no fault with this
manner of ryding? why then would you have the quilted jacke
laid away?
Iren. I doe not wish it to be laide away, but the abuse
thereof to be put away; for being used to the end that it was
framed,
87
494
View of the State of Ireland.
framed, that is, to be worne in warre under a shirt of mayle,
it is allowable, as also the shirt of mayle, and all his other
furniture: but to be worne daylie at home, and in townes.
and civile places, it is a rude habite and most uncomely, seeming
like a players painted coate.
Eudox. But it is worne (they say) likewise of Irish foot-
men; how doe you allow of that? for I should thinke it very
unseemely.
Iren. No, not as it is used in warre, for it is worne then
likewise of footmen under their shirts of mayle, the which
footmen they call Galloglasses, the which name doth discover
them also to be auncient English: for Gall-ogla signifies an
English servitour or yeoman. And he being so armed in a
long shirt of mayle downe to the calfe of his leg, with a long
broad axe in his hand, was then pedes gravis armaturæ, and
was insteed of the armed footeman that now weareth a corslet,
before the corslet was used, or almost invented.
Eudox. Then him belike you likewise allow in your straite
reformation of old customes.
Iren. Both him and the kerne also, (whom onely I take to
be the proper Irish souldier,) can I allow, so that they use that
habite and custome of theirs in the warres onely, when they
are led forth to the service of their Prince, and not usually at
home, and in civile places, and besides doe laye aside the evill
and wilde uses which the galloglasse and kerne doe use in their
common trade of life.
Eudox. What be those?
Iren. Marrie those be the most barbarous and loathly con-
ditions of any people (I thinke) under heaven: for, from the
time that they enter into that course, they doe use all the
beastly behaviour that may be; they oppresse all men, they
spoile aswell the subject as the enemy; they steale, they are
cruell and bloodie, full of revenge and delighting in deadly
execution, licentious, swearers, and blasphemers, common
ravishers of woemen, and murtherers of children.
Eudox. These be most villainous conditions; I marvaile
then that they be ever used or imployed, or almost suffered
to live; what good can there then be in them.
88
Iren.
View of the State of Ireland.
495
Iren. Yet sure they are very valiaunt, and hardie, for the
most part great indurers of colde, labour, hunger, and all
hardnesse, very active and strong of hand, very swift of foot,
very vigilant and circumspect in their enterprises, very pre-
sent in perils, very great scorners of death.
Eudox. Truely by this that you say, it seemes that the
Irishman is a very brave souldier.
Iren. Yea surely, in that rude kinde of service, he beareth
himselfe very couragiously. But when he commeth to expe-
rience of service abroad, or is put to a peece, or a pike, he
maketh as worthie a souldiour as any nation he meeteth
with. But let us (I pray you) turne againe to our discourse
of evill customes amongst the Irish.
Eudox. Me thinkes, all this which you speake of, concern-
eth the customes of the Irish very materially, for their uses
in warre are of no small importance to be considered, aswell
to reforme those which are evill as to confirme and continue
those which are good. But follow you your owne course,
and shew what other their customes you have to dislike of.
Iren. There is amongst the Irish a certaine kind of people,
called Bardes, * which are to them insteed of poets, whose
profession is to set foorth the praises or dispraises of men in
their poems or rymes, the which are had in so high regard
and estimation amongst them, that none dare displease them
for feare to runne into reproach thorough their offence, and
to be made infamous in the mouthes of all men. For their
verses are taken up with a generall applause, and usually sung
at all feasts and meetings, by certaine other persons, whose
proper function that is, who also receive for the same great
rewards and reputation amongst them.
Eudox.
* Bardes, which are to them instead of poets.] The reader, who would wish for
all possible information on this point cannot attain his object sooner than by con-
sulting "Historical Memoirs of the Irish Bards, interspersed with anecdotes of, and
occasional observations on, the Music of Ireland: By Joseph Cooper Walker, Esq.,
M.R.I.A." Dublin, 1786. I recommend also, as a proper accompaniment to this
ingenious work, the Reliques of Ancient Irish Poetry, by Miss Brooke.-Todd.
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496
View of the State of Ireland.
Eudox. Doe you blame this in them which I would other-
wise have thought to have beene worthy of good accompt,
and rather to have beene maintained and augmented amongst
them, then to have beene disliked? for I have reade that in
all ages Poets have beene had in speciall reputation, and that
(me thinkes) not without great cause; for besides their sweete
inventions, and most wittie layes, they have alwayes used to
set foorth the praises of the good and vertuous, and to beate
downe and disgrace the bad and vitious. So that many brave
yong mindes have oftentimes thorough hearing the praises
and famous eulogies of worthie men sung and reported unto
them, beene stirred up to affect the like commendations, and
so to strive to the like deserts. So they say that the Lacede-
monians were more excited to desire of honour with the ex-
cellent verses of the Poet Tirtæus then with all the exhorta-
tions of their Captaines or authority of their Rulers and
Magistrates.
Iren. It is most true, that such Poets as in their writings
doe labour to better the manners of men, and thorough the
sweete baite of their numbers, to steale into the yong spirits
a desire of honour and vertue, are worthy to be had in great
respect. But these Irish Bardes are for the most part of
another minde, and so farre from instructing yong men in
morall discipline, that they themselves doe more deserve to
be sharpely disciplined; for they seldome use to choose unto
themselves the doings of good men for the arguments of their
poems, but whomsoever they finde to be most licentious of
life, most bolde and lawlesse in his doings, most dangerous and
desperate in all parts of disobedience and rebellious disposition,
him they set up and glorifie in their rithmes, him they praise
to the people, and to yong men make an example to follow.
Eudor. I marvaile what kinde of speeches they can finde,
or what face they can put on, to praise such bad persons as
live so lawleslie and licentiouslie upon stealthes and spoyles,
as most of them doe, or how can they thinke that any good
minde will applaude or approve the same.
Iren. There is none so bad, Eudoxus, but shall finde some
to favour his doings; but such licentious partes as these,
90
tending
A
View of the State of Ireland.
497
▸
tending for the most part to the hurt of the English, or main-
tenance of their owne lewde libertie, they themselves being
most desirous thereof, doe most allow. Besides this, evill
things being decked and attired with the gay attire of goodly
words, may easily deceive and carry away the affection of a
yong mind, that is not well stayed, but desirous by some
bolde adventures to make proofe of himselfe; for being (as
they all be brought up idely) without awe of parents, without
precepts of masters, and without feare of offence, not being
directed, nor imployed in any course of life, which may carry
them to vertue, will easily be drawne to follow such as any
shall set before them; for a yong minde cannot rest; if he be
not still busied in some goodnesse, he will finde himselfe such
businesse as shall soone busie all about him. In which if he
shall finde any to praise him, and to give him encouragement,
as those Bardes and rythmers doe for little reward, or a share
of a stolen cow, then waxeth he most insolent and halfe madde
with the love of himselfe, and his owne lewd deeds. And as
for words to set forth such lewdnes, it is not hard for them to
give a goodly and painted shew thereunto, borrowed even
from the praises which are proper to vertue it selfe. As of a
most notorious thiefe and wicked out-law, which have lived
all his life-time of spoyles and robberies, one of their Bardes
in his praise will say, That he was none of the idle milke-sops
that was brought up by the fire side, but that most of his dayes
he spent in armes and valiant enterprises, that he did never
eat his meat before he had won it with his sword, that he lay
not all night slugging in a cabbin under his mantle, but used
commonly to keepe others waking to defend their lives, and
did light his candle at the flames of their houses, to leade him
in the darknesse; that the day was his night, and the night
his day; that he loved not to be long wooing of wenches to
yeeld to him, but where he came he tooke by force the spoyle
of other mens love, and left but lamentation to their lovers;
that his musick was not the harpe, nor layes of love, but the
cryes of people, and clashing of armor; and finally, that he
died not bewayled of many, but made many waile when he
died, that dearly bought his death. Doe you not thinke,
Eudoxus,
2 I
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View of the State of Ireland.
Eudoxus, that many of these praises might be applyed to
men of best deserts? yet are they all yeelded to a most notable
traytor, and amongst some of the Irish not smally accounted
of. For the song, when it was first made and sung to a person
of high degree there, was bought (as their manner is) for
forty crownes.
Eudox. And well worthy sure.
But tell me (I pray you)
have they any art in their compositions? or be they any thing
wittie or well savoured, as poemes should be?
Iren. Yea truely, I have caused divers of them to be trans-
lated unto me, that I might understand them, and surely they
savoured of sweet wit and good invention, but skilled not of
the goodly ornaments of poetry; yet were they sprinkled
with some pretty flowers of their naturall device, which gave
good grace and comlinesse unto them, the which it is great
pitty to see so abused, to the gracing of wickednes and vice,
which with good usage would serve to adorne and beautifie
vertue. This evill custome therfore needeth reformation.
And now next after the Irish Kerne, me thinks the Irish
Horse-boyes would come well in order, the use of which,
though necessity (as times now be) do enforce, yet in the
thorough reformation of that realme they should be cut off.
For the cause why they are now to be permitted is want of
convenient innes for lodging of travailers on horsback, and of
hostlers to tend their horses by the way. But when things
shall be reduced to a better passe, this needeth specially to be
reformed. For out of the fry of these rakehell horse-boyes,
growing up in knavery and villainy, are their kerne con-
tinually supplyed and maintained. For having been once
brought up an idle horse-boy, he will never after fall to
labour, but is only made fit for the halter. And these also
(the which is one foule over-sight) are for the most part bred
up amongst the Englishmen, of whom learning to shoote in a
piece,
* These rakehell horse-boyes.] These base or outcast horse-boys. Fr. racaille.
See also F. Q. v. xi. 44. Gabriel Harvey calls Greene
Gabriel Harvey calls Greene "a rakehell, a makeshift,
&c." Foure Letters, &c. 1592. Sign. A. 2. b.-Todd.
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View of the State of Ireland.
499
piece, and being made acquainted with all the trades of the
English, they are afterwards when they become kerne, made
more fit to cut their throats. Next to this, there is another
much like, but much more lewde and dishonest, and that is,
of their Carrows, which is a kinde of people that wander up
and downe to Gentle-mens houses, living onely upon cardes.
and dice, the which, though they have little or nothing of
their owne, yet will they play for much money, which if they
winne, they waste most lightly, and if they lose, they pay as
slenderly, but make recompence with one stealth or another,
whose onely hurt is not, that they themselves are idle lossells,
but that thorough gaming they draw others to like lewdnesse
and idlenesse. And to these may be added another sort of
like loose fellowes, which doe passe up and downe amongst
gentlemen by the name of Jesters, but are (indeed) notable
rogues, and partakers not onely of many stealthes, by setting
forth other mens goods to be stolne, but also privy to many
traitrous practices, and common carryers of newes, with desire.
whereof you would wonder how much the Irish are fed; for
they use commonly to send up and downe to knowe newes,
and if any meet with another, his second word is, What news?
Insomuch that hereof is tolde a prettie jest of a French-man,
who having beene sometimes in Ireland, where he marked
their great inquirie for newes, and meeting afterwards in
France an Irishman, whom he knew in Ireland, first saluted
him, and afterwards said thus merrily: O Sir, I pray you tell
me of curtesie, have you heard any thing of the newes that
you so much inquired for in your countrey?
Eudox. This argueth sure in them a great desire of innova-
tion, and therefore these occasions which nourish the same
must be taken away, as namely, those Jesters, Carrowes,
* Mona-shules, and all such straglers, for whom (me thinkes)
the short riddance of a Marshall were meeter then an
ordinance
The printed
* Mona-shules.] This is the manuscript reading, and is correct.
copies read Mona-shutes. Shuler, I am told, is a common name for a wandering
beggar in Ireland.-TODD.
212
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View of the State of Ireland.
ordinance or prohibition to restrain them. Therefore (I pray
you) leave all this rabblement of runnagates, and passe to
other customes.
Iren. There is a great use amongst the Irish, to make great
assemblies together upon a rath or hill, there to parlie (as they
say) about matters and wrongs betweene township and town-
ship, or one privat person and another. But well I wot, and
true it hath beene oftentimes proved, that in their meetings
many mischiefes have beene both practised and wrought; for
to them doe commonly resort all the scumme of the people,
where they may meete and conferre of what they list, which
else they could not doe without suspition or knowledge of
others. Besides at these meetings I have knowne divers
times, that many Englishmen, and good Irish subjects, have
bin villanously murdered by moving one quarrell or another
against them. For the Irish never come to those raths but
armed, whether on horse or on foot, which the English
nothing suspecting, are then commonly taken at advantage
like sheep in the pin-folde.
Eudox. It may be, Iræneus, that abuse may be in those
meetings. But * these round hills and square bawnes, which
you see so strongly trenched and throwne up, were (they say)
at first ordained for the same purpose, that people might
assemble themselves therein, and therefore aunciently they
were called † Folkmotes, that is, a place of people, to meete
or talke of any thing that concerned any difference be-
tweene parties and towneships, which seemeth yet to me very
requisite.
Iren. You say very true, Eudoxus, the first making of these
high hills, were at first indeed to very good purpose for people
to meet; but howsoever the times when they were first made,
might well serve to good occasions, as perhaps they did then
in England, yet things being since altered, and now Ireland
much
* These round hills, and square bawnes.] Bawn is evidently used by Spenser for
an eminence. Of its etymology our lexicographers give no account.-TODD.
Folk-motes.] Vid. Hen. Spelmanni Glossarium.-SIR JAMES Ware.
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View of the State of Ireland.
501
}
1
j
much differing from the state of England, the good use that
then was of them is now turned to abuse; for those hills.
whereof you speak, were (as you may gather by reading) ap-
pointed for two special uses, and built by two several nations.
The one is that which you call Folk-motes, which were built
by the Saxons, as the word bewraieth, for it signifieth in
Saxon, a meeting of folk, and these are for the most part in
forme foure square, well intrenched; the others that were
round were cast up by the Danes, as the name of them doth
betoken, for they are called Danesraths, that is, hills of the
Danes, the which were by them devised, not for treaties and
parlies, but appointed as fortes for them to gather unto, in
troublesome time, when any trouble arose; for the Danes
being but a few in comparison of the * Saxons (in England)
used this for their safety; they made those small round hills,
so strongly fenced, in every quarter of the hundred, to the
end that if in the night, or any other time, any troublous cry
or uproare should happen, they might repaire with all speed
unto their owne fort, which was appointed for their quarter,
and there remaine safe, till they could assemble themselves in
greater strength; for they were made so strong with one
small entrance, that whosoever came thither first, were he one
or two, or like few, he or they might there rest safe, and
defend themselves against many, till more succour came unto
them: and when they were gathered to a sufficient number,
they marched to the next fort, and so forward till they met
with the perill, or knew the occasions thereof. But besides
these two sorts of hills, there were anciently divers others;
for some were raised, where there had been a great battle
fought, as a memory or trophie thereof; others, as monu-
ments of burialls, of the carcasses of all those that were slaine
in any field, upon whom they did throwe such round mounts,
as
*Saxons.] The like reason may be given for the making of such rathes in
Ireland, by the Danes or Norwegians. Vid. Gir. Cambr. Topog. Hib. distinct. 3.
cap. 37.-SIR JAMES WARE.
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View of the State of Ireland.
as memorialls of them, and sometimes did cast up great heapes
of stones, (as you may read the like in many places of the
Scripture,) and other whiles they did throw up many round
heapes of earth in a circle, like a garland, or pitch many long
stones on end in compasse, every of which (they say) betokened
some person of note there slaine and buried; for this was
their auncient custome, before Christianity came in amongst
them, that church-yards were inclosed.
Eudox. You have very well declared the originall of their
mounts and great stones incompassed, which some vainely
terme the ould Giants Trevetts, and thinke that those huge
stones would not else be brought into order or reared up,
without the strength of gyants. And others as vainely thinke
that they were never placed there by mans hand or art, but
onely remained there so since the beginning, and were after-
wards discovered by the deluge, and laide open as then by the
washing of the waters, or other like casualty. But let them
dreame their owne imaginations to please themselves, you
have satisfied me much better, both for that I see some con-
firmation thereof in the Holy Writt, and also remember that
I have read, in many Historyes and Chronicles, the like
mounts and stones oftentimes mentioned.
Iren. There be many great authorities (I assure you) to
prove the same, but as for these meetings on hills, whereof
we were speaking, it is very inconvenient that any such
should be permitted.
Eudox. But yet it is very needefull (me thinkes) for
many other purposes, as for the countryes to gather together,
when there is any imposition to be laide upon them, to the
which they then may all agree at such meetings to devide
upon themselves, according to their holdings and abilities.
So as if at these assemblies, there be any officers, as Con-
stables, Bayliffes, or such like amongst them, there can be no
perill, or doubt of such bad practises.
Iren. Neverthelesse, dangerous are such assemblies, whether
for cesse or ought else, the Constables and Officers being also
of the Irish; and if any of the English happen to be there,
even to them they may prove perillous. Therefore for
96
avoyding
View of the State of Irelund.
503
L
avoyding of all such evill occasions, they were best to be
abolished.
Eudox. But what is that which you call cesse? it is a word
sure unused amongst us here, therefore (I pray you) expound
the same.
Iren. Cesse is none other then that which your selfe called
imposition, but it is in a kinde unacquainted perhaps unto
you. For there are cesses of sundry sorts; one is, the cessing
of souldiours upon the countrey: For Ireland being a coun-
trey of warre (as it is handled) and alwayes full of souldiours,
they which have the government, whether they finde it the
most ease to the Queenes purse, or the most ready meanes at
hand for victualing of the souldiour, or that necessity inforceth
them thereunto, doe scatter the army abroad in the countrey,
and place them in villages to take their victuals of them,
at such vacant times as they lye not in campe, nor are other-
wise imployed in service. Another kinde of cesse is the im-
posing of provision for the Governors house-keeping, which
though it be most necessary, and be also (for avoyding of all
the evills formerly therein used) lately brought to a compo-
sition, yet it is not without great inconveniences, no lesse
then here in England, or rather much more. The like cesse
is also charged upon the countrey sometimes for victualling
of the souldiours, when they lye in garrison, at such times
as there is none remayning in the Queenes store, or that the
same cannot be conveniently conveyed to their place of gar-
rison. But these two are not easily to be redressed when
necessity thereto compelleth; but as for the former, as it is
not necessary, so it is most hurtfull and offensive to the poore
countrey, and nothing convenient for the souldiours them-
selves, who, during their lying at cesse, use all kinde of out-
ragious disorder and villany, both towards the poore men,
which victuall and lodge them, as also to all the country
round about them, whom they abuse, oppresse, spoyle, and
afflict by all the meanes they can invent, for they will not
onely not content themselves with such victuals as their
hostes nor yet as the place perhaps affords, but they will
have other meate provided for them, and aqua vita sent for,
yea
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View of the State of Ireland.
X
yea and money besides laide at their trenchers, which if they
want, then about the house they walk with the wretched
poore man and his silly wife, who are glad to purchase their
peace with any thing. By which vile manner of abuse, the
countrey people, yea and the very English which dwell
abroad and see, and sometimes feele this outrage, growe into
great detestation of the souldiours, and thereby into hatred
of the very Government, which draweth upon them such
evills: And therefore this you may also joyne unto the
former evill customes, which we have to reprove in Ireland.
Eudor. Truly this is one not the least, and though the
persons by whom it is used be of better note then the former
roguish sort, which you reckoned, yet the fault (me thinkes)
is no lesse worthy of a Marshall.
Iren. That were a harder course, Eudoxus, to redresse every
abuse by a Marshall: it would seeme to you very evill surgery
to cut off every unsound or sicke part of the body, which,
being by other due meanes recovered, might afterwards doe
very good service to the body againe, and haply helpe to
save the whole: Therefore I thinke better that some good
salve for the redresse of the evill be sought forth then the
least part suffered to perish: but hereof we have to speake in
another place. Now we will proceede to other like defects,
amongst which there is one generall inconvenience, which
raigneth almost throughout all Ireland: that is, the Lords of
land and Free-holders, doe not there use to set out their land
in farme, or for tearme of yeares, to their tennants, but onely
from yeare to yeare, and some during pleasure, neither in-
deede will the Irish tennant or husbandman otherwise take
his land, then so long as he list himselfe. The reason hereof
in the tennant is, for that the land-lords there use most
shamefully to racke their tennants, laying upon them coigny
and livery at pleasure, and exacting of them (besides his
covenants) what he pleaseth. So that the poore husbandman.
either dare not binde himselfe to him for longer tearme, or
thinketh, by his continuall liberty of change, to keepe his
land-lord the rather in awe from wronging of him. And
the reason why the land-lord will no longer covenant with
him,
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View of the Stute of Ireland.
505
him, is, for that he dayly looketh after change and alteration,
and hovereth in expectation of new worlds.
Eudox. But what evill commeth hereby to the common-
wealth, or what reason is it that any land-lord should not set
nor any tennant take his land, as himselfe list?
Iren. Marry, the evills which commeth hereby are great,
for by this meanes both the land-lord thinketh that he hath
his tennant more at commaund, to follow him into what
action soever he shall enter, and also the tennant being left
at his liberty is fit for every occasion of change that shall be
offered by time: and so much also the more ready and wil-
ling is he to runne into the same, for that he hath no such
state in any his houlding, no such building upon any farme,
no such coste imployed in fensing or husbanding the same,
as might with-hold him from any such willfull course, as his
lords cause, or his owne lewde disposition may carry him
unto. All which he hath forborne, and spared so much ex-
pence, for that he had no firme estate in his tenement, but
was onely a tennant at will or little more, and so at will may
leave it. And this inconvenience may be reason enough to
ground any ordinance for the good of the common-wealth,
against the private behoofe or will of any landlord that shall
refuse to graunt any such terme or estate unto his tennant,
as may tende to the good of the whole realme.
Eudox. Indeede (me thinkes) it is a great willfullnes in any
land-lord to refuse to make any longer farmes unto their
tennants, as may, besides the generall good of the realme, be
also greatly for their own profit and availe: For what
reasonable man will not thinke that the tenement shall be
made much better for the lords behoofe, if the tennant may
by such good meanes be drawne to build himselfe some hand-
some habitation thereon, to ditch and inclose his ground, to
manure and husband it as good farmours use? For when
his tennants terme shall be expired, it will yeeld him, in the
renewing his lease, both a good fine, and also a better rent.
And also it shall be for the good of the tennant likewise, who
by such buildings and inclosures shall receive many benefits:
first, by the handsomenesse of his house, he shall take more
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comfort
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View of the State of Ireland.
comfort of his life, more safe dwelling, and a delight to keepe
his said house neate and cleanely, which now being, as they
commonly are, rather swyne-styes then houses, is the cheifest
cause of his so beastly manner of life, and savage condition,
lying and living together with his beast in one house, in one
roome, in one bed, that is, cleane strawe, or rather a foule
dunghill. And to all these other commodities he shall in
short time find a greater added, that is his owne wealth and
riches increased, and wonderfully inlarged, by keeping his
cattle in inclosures, where they shall alwayes have fresh pas-
ture, that now is all trampled and over-runne; warme covert,
that now lyeth open to all weather; safe being, that now are
continually filched and stolne.
Iren. You have, Eudoxus, well accompted the commodities
of this one good ordinance, amongst which, this that you
named last is not the least; for, all the other being most bene-
ficiall to the land-lord and tennant, this cheifly redoundeth
to the good of the common-wealth, to have the land thus
inclosed, and well fenced. For it is both a principall barre
and impeachment unto theeves from stealing of cattle in the
night, and also a gaule against all rebels, and out-lawes, that
shall rise up in any numbers against the Governement;
for the theife thereby shall have much adoe, first to bring
forth and afterwards to drive away his stolne prey, but
thorough the common high wayes, where he shall soone be
descryed and met withall: And the rebell or open enemy,
if any such shall happen, either at home or from abroad,
shall easily be found when he commeth forth, and also be
well incountered withall by a few, in so straight passages and
strong inclosures. This therefore, when we come to the
reforming of all those evill customes before mentioned, is
needefull to be remembred. But now by this time me
thinkes that I have well run thorough the evill uses which I
have observed in Ireland. Neverthelesse I well wote that
there be many more, and infinitely many more in the private
abuses of men. But these that are most generall, and tend-
ing to the hurt of the common-weale (as they have come to
my remembrance) I have as briefly as I could rehearsed unto
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View of the State of Ireland.
507
you. And therefore now I thinke best that we passe unto
our third part, in which we noted inconveniences that are in
religion.
Eudox. Surely you have very well handled these two
former, and if ye shall as well go thorough the third likewise,
you shall merit a very good meed.
Iren. Little have I to say of religion, both because the
parts thereof be not many (it selfe being but one), and my
selfe have not much beene conversant in that calling: but as
lightly passing by I have seene or heard: Therefore the
fault which I finde in religion is but one, but the same is
universall, thoroughout all that country, that is, that they be
all Papists by their profession, but in the same so blindly and
brutishly informed (for the most part) that not one amongst
a hundred knoweth any ground of religion, or any article of
his faith, but can perhaps say his Pater noster, or his Ave
Maria, without any knowledge or understanding what one
word thereof meaneth.
Eudox. It is not then a little blot to them that now hold
the place of Government, that they which now are in the
light themselves suffer a people under their charge to wallow
in such deadly darkenesse?
Iren. That which you blame, Eudoxus, is not (I suppose)
any fault of will in those godly fathers which have charge
thereof, but the inconvenience of the time and troublous
occasions, wherewith that wretched realme hath continually
beene turmoyled; for instruction in religion needeth quiet
times, and ere we seeke to settle a sound discipline in the
clergy, we must purchase peace unto the laity, for it is ill
time to preach among swords, and most hard or rather impos-
sible it is to settle a good opinion in the mindes of men for
matters of religion doubtfull, which have doubtlesse an evill
opinion of us. For ere a new be brought in, the old must be
removed.
Eudox. Then belike it is meete that some fitter time be
attended, that God send peace and quietnesse there in civill
matters, before it be attempted in ecclesiasticall. I would
rather have thought that (as it is said) correction must first
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begin
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View of the State of Ireland.
begin at the house of God, and that the care of the soule
should have beene preferred before the care of the body.
Iren. Most true, Eudoxus, the care of the soule and soule
matters is to be preferred before the care of the body, in con-
sideration of the worthynesse thereof, but not till the time of
reformation; for if you should know a wicked person dan-
gerously sicke, having now both soule and body greatly
diseased, yet both recoverable, would you not thinke it evill
advertizement to bring the preacher before the phisitian? for
if his body were neglected, it is like that his languishing
soule being disquieted by his diseasefull body, would utterly
refuse and loath all spirituall comfort; but if his body were
first recured, and brought to good frame, should there not
then be found best time to recover the soule also? So it is
in the state of a realme: Therefore (as I said) it is expedient,
first to settle such a course of government there, as thereby
both civill disorders and ecclesiasticall abuses may be reformed
and amended, whereto needeth not any such, great distance
of times, as (you suppose) I require, but one joynt resolution
for both, that each might second and confirm the other.
Eudox. That we shall see when we come thereunto; in the
meane time I conceive thus much, as you have delivered,
touching the generall fault, which you suppose in religion, to
wit, that it is Popish; but doe you finde no particular abuses
therein, nor in the ministers thereof?
Iren. Yes verily; for what ever disorders you see in the
Church of England, ye may finde there, and many more:
Namely, grosse simony, greedy covetousnesse, fleshy incon-
tinency, carelesse sloath, and generally all disordered life in
the common clergymen: And besides all these, they have
their particular enormityes; for all Irish priests, which now
injoy the church livings, they are in a manner meere lay-
men, saving that they have taken holy orders, but otherwise
they doe go and live like laymen, follow all kinde of hus-
bandry, and other worldly affaires, as other Irishmen doe.
They neither read Scriptures, nor preach to the people, nor
administer the communion, but baptisme they doe, for they
christen yet after the Popish fashion, onely they take the
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View of the State of Ireland.
509
tithes and offerings, and gather what fruite else they may of
their livings, the which they convert as badly and some of
them (they say) pay as due tributes and shares of their livings
to their Bishops (I speake of those which are Irish) as they
receive them duely.
Eudox. But is that suffered amongst them? It is wonder
but that the Governours doe redresse such shamefull abuses.
Iren. How can they, since they know them not? for the
Irish bishops have their clergy in such awe and subjection
under them, that they dare not complaine of them, so as they
may doe to them what they please; for they knowing their
owne unworthynesse and incapacity, and that they are there-
fore still removeable at their bishops will, yeeld what pleaseth
him, and he taketh what he listeth: yea, and some of them
whose diocesses are in remote parts, somewhat out of the
worlds eye, doe not at all bestow the benefices, which are in
their owne donation, upon any, but keepe them in their owne
hands, and set their owne servants and horse-boyes to take
up the tithes and fruites of them, with the which some of
them purchase great lands, and build faire castles upon the
same. Of which abuse if any question be moved they have
a very seemely colour and excuse, that they have no worthy
ministers to bestow them upon, but keepe them so bestowed
for any such sufficient person as any shall bring unto them.
Eudox. But is there no law nor ordinance to meet with
this mischiefe? nor hath it never before beene looked into.
Iren. Yes, it seemes it hath, for there is a statute there
enacted in Ireland, which seemes to have beene grounded
upon a good meaning, That whatsoever Englishman of good
conversation and sufficiencie, shall be brought unto any of
the bishoppes, and nominated unto any living within their
diocesse that is presently voyde, that he shall (without con-
tradiction) be admitted thereunto before any Irish.
Eudox. This is surely a very good law, and well provided
for this evill, whereof you speake; but why is not the same
observed.
Iren. I thinke it is well observed, and that none of the
bishops transgresse the same, but yet it worketh no reforma-
103
tion
510
View of the State of Ireland.
tion thereof for many defects. First, there are no such suffi-
cient English ministers sent over as might be presented to
any bishop for any living, but the most part of such English
as come over thither of themselves are either unlearned, or
men of some bad note, for which they have forsaken England,
So as the bishop, to whom they shall be presented, may justly
reject them as incapable and insufficient. Secondly, the
bishop himselfe is perhappes an Irish man, who being made
judge, by that law, of the sufficiencie of the ministers, may at
his owne will, dislike of the Englishman, as unworthy in his
opinion, and admit of any Irish, whom he shall thinke more
for his turne. And if he shall at the instance of any English-
man of countenance there, whom he will not displease, accept
of any such English minister as shall be tendred unto him,
yet he will under hand carry such a hard hand over him, or
by his officers wring him so sore, that he will soone make
him weary of his poore living. Lastly, the benefices them-
selves are so meane, and of so small profite in those Irish
countreyes, thorough the ill husbandrie of the Irish people
which doe inhabite them, that they will not yeeld any com-
petent maintenance for any honest minister to live upon,
scarcely to buy him a gowne. And were all this redressed
(as haply it might be) yet what good should any English
minister doe amongst them, by teaching or preaching to
them, which either cannot understand him, or will not heare
him? Or what comfort of life shall he have, where his
parishioners are so insatiable, so intractable, so ill-affected to
him, as they usuall be to all the English; or finally, how dare
almost any honest minister, that are peaceable civill men,
commit his safetie to the handes of such neighbours, as the
boldest captaines dare scarcely dwell by?
Eudor. Little good then (I see) was by that statute
wrought, how ever well intended; but the reformation
thereof must grow higher, and be brought from a stronger
ordinance then the commaundement or penaltie of a law,
which none dare informe or complain of when it is broken;
but have you any more of those abuses in the clergy?
Iren. I would perhappes reckon more, but I perceive my
speech
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View of the State of Ireland.
511
speech to grow too long, and these may suffise to judge of the
generall disorders which raigne amongst them; as for the
particulars, they are too many to be reckoned. For the
clergy there (excepting the grave fathers which are in high
place about the state, and some few others which are lately
planted in their * new Colledge,) are generally bad, licentious,
and most disordered.
Eudox. You have then (as I suppose) gone thorough those
three first parts which you proposed unto your selfe, to wit,
The inconveniences which you observed in the lawes, in the
customes, and in the religion of that land. The which (me
thinkes) you have so thoroughly touched, as that nothing
more remaineth to be spoken thereof.
Iren. Not so thoroughly as you suppose, that nothing can
remaine, but so generally as I purposed, that is, to lay open
the generall evills of that realme, which doe hinder the good
reformation thereof; for, to count the particular faults of
private men, should be a worke too infinite; yet some there.
be of that nature, that though they be in private men, yet
their evill reacheth to a generall hurt, as the extortion of
sheriffs, and their sub-sheriffs, and bayliffes, the corruption of
victuallers, cessors, and purveyors, the disorders of † seneschalls,
captaines, and their souldiers, and many such like: All which
I will onely name here, that their reformation may be mended
in place where it most concerneth. But there is one very
foule abuse, which by the way I may not omit, and that is in
captaines, who notwithstanding that they are specially
imployed to make peace thorough strong execution of warre,
yet they doe so dandle their doings, and dallie in the service
to them committed, as if they would not have the enemy sub-
dued,
* New Colledge.] Trinity Colledge by Dublin, which was founded by Queene
Eliz. 3 Martij 1591. The 13. of the same moneth, its first stone was laide by
Thomas Smyth, then Mayor of Dublin, and the 9. of Jan. 1593, it first admitted
students.-SIR JAMES Ware.
† The disorders of seneschalls.] Governours. See F. Q. iv. i. 12, v. x. 30, vi. i.
15, 25.-Todd.
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View of the State of Ireland.
dued, or utterly beaten downe, for feare lest afterwardes
they should need imployment, and so be discharged of pay:
for which cause some of them that are layde in garrison, doe
so handle the matter, that they will doe no great hurt to the
enemyes, yet for colour sake some men they will kill, even
halfe with the consent of the enemy, being persons either of
base regard, or enemies to the enemy, whose heads eftsoones
they send to the Governour for a commendation of their great
endevour, telling how weighty a service they performed, by
cutting off such and such dangerous rebells.
Eudox. Truely this is a prettie mockerie, and not to be
permitted by the Governours.
Iren. But how can the Governour know readily what
persons those were, and what the purpose of their killing
was? yea and what will you say, if the captaines do justifie
this their course by ensample of some of their Governours,
which (under Benedicite, I doe tell it to you,) doe practise
the like sleight in their governments?
Eudox. Is it possible? Take heed what you say, Irenæus.
Iren. To you onely, Eudoxus, I doe tell it, and that even
with great hearts griefe, and inward trouble of mind to see
her Majestie so much abused by some who are put in speciall
trust of those great affaires: of which, some being martiall
men, will not doe alwayes what they may for quieting of
things, but will rather winke at some faults, and suffer
them unpunished, lest that (having put all things in that
assurance of peace that they might) they should seeme after-
wards not to be needed, nor continued in their governments.
with so great a charge to her Majestie. And therefore they
doe cunningly carry their course of government, and from
one hand to another doe bandie the service like a tennis-ball,
which they will never strike quite away, for feare lest after-
wards they should want.
Eudox. Doe you speake of under magistrates, Iræneus, or
principall Governours?
Iren. I doe speake of no particulars, but the truth may be
found out by triall and reasonable insight into some of their
doings. And if I should say, there is some blame thereof in
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View of the State of Ireland.
513
the principall governours, I thinke I might also shew some
reasonable proofe of my speech. As for example, some of
them seeing the end of their government to draw nigh, and
some mischiefes and troublous practice growing up, which
afterwardes may worke trouble to the next succeeding gover-
nour, will not attempt the redresse or cutting off thereof,
either for feare they should leave the realme unquiet at the
end of their government, or that the next that commeth,
should receive the same too quiet, and so happily winne more
prayse thereof then they before. And therefore they will
not (as I said) seeke at all to represse that evill, but will either
by graunting protection for a time, or holding some emparlance
with the rebell, or by treatie of commissioners, or by other like
devices, onely smother and keepe downe the flame of the
mischiefe, so as it may not breake out in their time of govern
ment: what comes afterwards, they care not, or rather wish
the worst. This course hath beene noted in some governours.
Eudox. Surely, Irenæus, this, if it were true, should be
worthy of an heavy judgment: but it is hardly to be thought,
that any governour should so much either envie the good of
that realme which is put into his hand, or defraude her
Majestie who trusteth him so much, or maligne his successour
which shall possesse his place, as to suffer an evill to grow up,
which he might timely have kept under, or perhaps to nourish
it with coloured countenance, or such sinister meanes.
Iren. I doe not certainely avouch so much, Eudoxus; but
the sequele of things doth in a manner proove, and plainly
speake so much, that the governours usually are envious one
of anothers greater glory, which if they would seeke to excell
by better governing, it should be a most laudable emulation.
But they doe quite otherwise. For this (as you may marke)
is the common order of them, that who commeth next in place,
will not follow that course of government, how ever good,
which his predecessors held, either for disdaine of himselfe, or
doubt to have his doings drowned in another mans praise,
but will straight take a way quite contrary to the former: as
if the former thought (by keeping under the Irish) to reforme
them: the next, by discountenancing the English, will curry
favour
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View of the State of Ireland.
favour with the Irish, and so make his government seeme
plausible, as having all the Irish at his commaund: but he
that comes after, will perhappes follow neither the one nor the
other, but will dandle the one and the other in such sort, as
he will sucke sweete out of them both, and leave bitternesse
to the poore countrey, which if he that comes after shall seeke
to redresse, he shall perhappes find such crosses, as he shall
hardly be able to beare, or doe any good that might worke
the disgrace of his predecessors. Examples you may see
hereof in the governours of late times sufficiently, and in
others of former times more manifestly, when the government
of that realme was committed sometimes to the Geraldines, as
when the House of Yorke had the Crowne of England; some-
times to the Butlers, as when the House of Lancaster got
the same.
And other whiles, when an English governour
-
was appointed, he perhappes found enemies of both.
Eudox. I am sorry to heare so much as you report, and
now I begin to conceive somewhat more of the cause of her
continuall wretchedness then heeretofore I found, and wish
that this inconvenience were well looked into; for sure (me
thinkes) it is more weightie then all the former, and more
hardly to be redressed in the governour then in the governed;
as a malady in a vital part is more incurable then in an
externall.
Iren. You say very true; but now that we have thus ended
all the abuses and inconveniences of that government which
was our first part. It followeth now, that we passe unto the
second part, which was of the meanes to cure and redresse the
same, which we must labour to reduce to the first beginning
thereof.
Eudox. Right so, Irenæus: for by that which I have noted
in all this your discourse, you suppose, that the whole ordi-
nance and institution of that realmes government, was both
at first, when it was placed, evill plotted, and also sithence,
thorough other over-sights, came more out of square to that
disorder which it is now come unto, like as two indirect lines,
the further that they are drawne out, the further they goe
asunder.
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View of the State of Ireland.
515
Iren. I doe see, Eudoxus, and as you say, so thinke, that
the longer that government thus continueth, in the worse
course will the realme be; for it is all in vaine that they now
strive and endeavour by faire means and peaceable plotts to
redresse the same, without first remmoving all those incon-
veniences, and new framing (as it were) in the forge, all that is
worne out of fashion: For all other meanes will be but as lost
labour, by patching up one hole to make many; for the Irish
doe strongly hate and abhorre all reformation and subjection
to the English, by reason that having beene once subdued by
them, they were thrust out of all their possessions. So as
now they feare, that if they were again brought under, they
should be likewise expelled out of all, which is the cause that
they hate the English government, according to the saying,
Quem metuunt oderunt:" Therefore the reformation must
now be the strength of a greater power.
66
Eudox. But me thinkes that might be by making of good
lawes, and establishing of new statutes, with sharpe penalties
and punishments, for amending of all that is presently amisse,
and not (as you suppose) to beginne all as it were anew, and
to alter the whole forme of the governement, which how
dangerous a thing it is to attempt, you your selfe must needes
confesse, and they which have the managing of the realmes
whole policy cannot, without great cause, feare and refraine;
for all innovation is perillous, insomuch as though it be
meant for the better, yet so many accidents and fearefull
events may come betweene, as that it may hazard the losse of
the whole.
Iren. Very true, Eudoxus; all change is to be shunned,
where the affaires stand in such sort as that they may con-
tinue in quietnes, or be assured at all to abide as they are.
But that in the realme of Ireland we see much otherwise, for
every day we perceive the troubles growing more upon us,
and one evill growing upon another, insomuch as there is no
part now sound or ascertained, but all have their ears upright,
wayting when the watch-word shall come, that they should
all arise generally into rebellion, and cast away the English
subjection. To which there now little wanteth; for I thinke
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the
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View of the State of Ireland.
*
the word be already given, and there wanteth nothing but
opportunitie, which truly is the death of one noble person,
who being himselfe most stedfast to his soveraigne Queene,
and his countrey, coasting upon the South-Sea + stoppeth the
ingate of all that evill which is looked for, and holdeth in all
those which are at his becke, with the terrour of his great-
nesse, and the assurance of his most immoveable loyaltie: And
therefore where you thinke, that good and sound lawes might
amend, and reforme things there amisse, you think surely
amisse. For it is vain to prescribe lawes, where no man
careth for keeping of them, nor feareth the daunger for
breaking of them. But all the realm is first to be reformed,
and lawes are afterwards to be made for keeping and continu-
ing it in that reformed estate.
Eudox. How then doe you think is the reformation thereof
to be begunne, if not by lawes and ordinances?
Iren. Even by the sword; for all these evills must first be
cut away by a strong hand, before any good can be planted,
like as the corrupt braunches and unwholesome boughs are
first to be pruned, and the foule mosse cleansed and scraped
away, before the tree can bring forth any good fruite.
Eudox. Did you blame me even now, for wishing of Kerne,
Horse-boyes, and Carrowes to be cleane cut off, as too violent
a meanes, and doe you your selfe now prescribe the same
medicine? Is not the sword the most violent redresse that
may be used for any evill?
Iren. It is so; but where no other remedie may be devised,
nor hope of recovery had, there must needes this violent
meanes be used. As for the loose kinde of people which you
would have cut off, I blamed it, for that they might otherwise
perhaps be brought to good, as namely by this way which I
set before you.
Eudor. Is not your way all one with the former in effect,
which
* Of one noble person.] Meaning Sir Walter Raleigh.-TODD.
† Stoppeth the ingate.] Entrance. Again; "Those two cities do offer an ingate
to the Spaniard most fitly." See also F. Q. iv. x. 12.-TODD.
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View of the State of Ireland.
517
which you found fault with, save onely this odds, that I said
by the halter, and you say by the sword? what difference is
there?
Iren. There is surely great, when you shall understand it;
for by the sword which I named, I did not meane the cutting
off all that nation with the sword, which farre be it from me,
that I should ever thinke so desperately, or wish so uncharit-
ably; but by the sword I meane the royall power of the
Prince, which ought to stretch it selfe forth in the chiefest
strength to the redressing and cutting off those evills, which
I before blamed, and not of the people which are evill. For
evill people, by good ordinances and government, may be
made good; but the evill that is of it selfe evill, will never
become good.
Eudox. I pray you then declare your minde at large, how
you would wish that sword, which you mean, to be used to
the reformation of all those evills.
Iren. The first thing must be to send over into that realme,
such a strong power of men, as should perforce bring in all
that rebellious route and loose people, which either doe now
stand out in open armes, or in wandring companies doe keepe
the woods, spoyling the good subjects.
Eudox. You speake now, Irenæus, of an infinite charge to
her Majestie, to send over such an army, as should tread
downe all that standeth before them on foot, and lay on the
ground all the stiff-necked people of that land, for there is
now but one out-law of any great reckoning, to wit, the Earle
of Tyrone, abroad in armes, against whom, you see what huge
charges she hath beene at this last yeare, in sending of men,
providing of victualls, and making head against him; yet
there is little or nothing at all done, but the Queenes treasure
spent, her people wasted, the poor countrey troubled, and the
enemy nevertheless brought into no more subjection then he
was, or list outwardly to shew, which in effect is none, but
rather a scorne of her power, and emboldening of a proud
rebell, and an incouragement to all like lewdlie disposed
traytors, that shall dare to lift up their heele against their
Soveraigne Lady. Therefore it were hard counsell to drawe
such
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View of the State of Ireland.
such an exceeding great charge upon her, whose event should
be so uncertaine.
Iren. True indeede, if the event should be uncertaine, but
the certainty of the effect hereof shall be so infallible, as that
no reason can gainesay it, neither shall the charge of all this
army (the which I demaund) be much greater, then so much
as in these last two yeares warres have vainely been expended.
For I dare undertake, that it hath coste the Queene above
200000 pounds already, and for the present charge, that she
is now at there, amounteth to very neere 12000 pounds a
moneth, whereof cast you the accompt; yet nothing is done.
The which summe, had it beene employed as it should be,
would have effected all this which now I goe about.
Eudor. How meane you to have it employed, but to be
spent in the pay of souldiours, and provision of victualls?
Iren. Right so, but it is now not disbursed at once, as it
might be, but drawne out into a long length, by sending over
now 20000 pounds, and next halfe yeare 10000 pounds; so
as the soldiour in the meane time for want of due provision
of victual, and good payment of his due, is starved and con-
sumed; that of a 1000 which came over lusty able men, in
halfe a yeare there are not left 500. And yet is the Queenes
charge never a whit the lesse, but what is not payd in present
money, is accounted in debt, which will not be long unpayd;
for the Captaine, halfe of whose souldiours are dead, and the
other quarter never mustered, nor seene, comes shortly to
demand payment of his whole accompt, where by good meanes.
of some great ones, and privy shareings with the officers and
servants of other some, he receiveth his debt, much lesse
perhaps than was due, yet much more indeede then he justly
deserved.
Eudox. I take this sure to be no good husbandry; for
what must needs be spent, as good spend it at once, where is
enough, as to have it drawne out into long delayes, seeing
that thereby both the service is much hindred, and yet
nothing saved: but it may be, Irenæus, that the Queenes
treasure in so great occasions of dibursements (as it is well
knowne she hath beene at lately) is not alwayes so ready, nor
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View of the State of Ireland.
519
so plentifull, as it can spare so great a summe together, but
being payed as it is, now some, and then some, it is no great
burthen unto her, nor any great impoverishment to her coffers,
seeing by such delay of time, it daylie commeth in, as fast as she
parteth it out.
Iren. It may be as you say, but for the going thorough of
so honorable a course I doubt not but if the Queenes coffers
be not so well stored, (which we are not to looke into) but
that the whole realme which now, as things are used, doe
feele a continuall burthen of that wretched realme hanging
upon their backes, would for a small riddance of all that
trouble, be once troubled for all; and put to all their shoul-
ders, and helping hands and hearts also, to the defraying of
that charge, most gladfully and willingly; and surely the
charge in effect, is nothing to the infinite great good, which
should come thereby, both to the Queene, and all this realme
generally, as when time serveth shall be shewed.
Eudox. How many men would you require to the furnish-
ing of this which ye take in hand? and how long space would
you have them entertained?
Iren. Verily not above 10000 footmen, and a 1000 horse,
and all these not above the space of a yeare and a halfe; for I
would still, as the heate of the service abateth, abate the number
in pay, and make other provision for them as I will shew.
Eudox. Surely it seemeth not much which you require, nor
no long time; but how would you have them used? would
you leade forth your army against the enemy, and seeke him
where he is to fight?
Iren. No, Eudoxus; that would not be, for it is well knowne
that he is a flying enemie, hiding himselfe in woodes and
bogges, frome whence he will not drawe forth, but into some
straight passage or perillous foord, where he knowes the army
must needes passe; there will he lye in waite, and, if he finde
advantage fit, will dangerously hazard the troubled souldiour.
Therefore to seeke him out that still flitteth, and follow him
that can hardly be found, were vaine and bootlesse; but I
would devide my men in garrison upon his countrey, in such
places as I should thinke might most annoy him.
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Eudox.
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View of the State of Ireland.
Eudox. But how can that be, Irenæus, with so few men?
for the enemie, as you now see, is not all in one country, but
some in Ulster, some in Connaught, and others in Leinster.
So as to plant strong garrisons in all those places should need
many more men then you speake of, or to plant all in one,
and to leave the rest naked, should be but to leave them to
the spoyle.
Iren. I would wish the chiefe power of the army to be
garrisoned in one countrey that is strongest, and the other
upon the rest that is weakest: As for example, the Earle of
Tyrone is now accompted the strongest, upon him would I
lay 8000 men in garrison, 1000 upon Pheagh Mac-Hugh and
the Cavanaghes, and 1000 upon some parts of Connaght, to
be at the direction of the governour.
Eudox. I see now all your men bestowed, but what places.
would you set their garrison that they might rise out most.
conveniently to service? and though perhaps I am ignorant
of the places, yet I will take the mappe of Ireland, and lay it
before me, and make mine eyes (in the meane time) my schoole-
masters, to guide my understanding to judge of your plot.
Iren. Those eight thousand in Ulster I would devide like-
wise into foure parts, so as there should be 2000 footemen in
every garrison; the which I would thus place. Upon the
Blacke water, in some convenient place, as high upon the.
river as might be, I would lay one garrison. Another would
I put at Castle-liffer, or there-abouts, so as they should have
all the passages upon the river to Logh-foyle. The third I
would place about Fermanagh or Bundroise, so as they might
lye betweene Connaght and Ulster, to serve upon both sides,
as occasion shall be offered, and this therefore would I have
stronger than any of the rest, because it should be most
inforced, and most imployed, and that they might put wardes
at Balli-shanon and Belick, and all those passages. The last
would I set about Monaghan or Balturbut, so as it should fronte
both upon the enemie that way, and also keepe the countyes
of Cavan and Meath in awe, from passage of straglers from
those parts, whence they use to come forth, and oftentimes
use to worke much mischeife. And to every of these garrisons
མན་
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View of the State of Ireland.
521
of 2000 footemen, I would have 200 horsemen added, for
the one without the other can doe but little service. The 4
garrisons, thus being placed, I would have to be victualled
before hand for halfe a yeare, which you will say to be hard,
considering the corruption and usuall waste of victualls. But
why should not they be aswell victualled for so long time, as
the ships are usually for a yeare, and sometimes two, seeing
it is easier to keepe victual on land then water? Their bread
I would have in flower, so as it might be baked still to serve
their necessary want. Their beere there also brewed within
them, from time to time, and their beefe before hand barrelled,
the which may be used but as it is needed: For I make no
doubt but fresh victualls they will sometimes purvay for them-
selves, amongst their enemies. Hereunto likewise would I
have them have a store of hose and shooes, with such other ne-
cessaries as may be needefull for souldiours, so as they should
have no occasion to looke for releife from abroad, or occasion
of such trouble, for their continuall supply, as I see and
have often proved in Ireland to be more cumberous to the
Deputy, and dangerous to them that releive them, then halfe
the leading of an army; for the enemy, knowing the ordinary
wayes thorough the which their releife must be brought them,
useth commonly to draw himselfe into the straight passages
thitherward, and oftentimes doth dangerously distresse them;
besides the of such force as should be sent for their convoy,
pay
the charge of the carriages, the exactions of the countrey
shall be spared. But onely every halfe yeare the supply
brought by the Deputy himselfe, and his power, who shall
then visite and overlooke all those garrisons, to see what is
needefull to change, what is expedient, and to direct what
he shall best advise. And those 4 garrisons issuing forth, at
such convenient times as they shall have intelligence or espiall
upon the enemy, will so drive him from one side to another,
and tennis him amongst them, that he shall finde no where
safe to keepe his creete in, nor hide himselfe, but flying from
the fire shall fall into the water, and out of one danger into
another, that in short space his creete, which is his cheife sus-
tenence, shall be wasted with preying, or killed with driving,
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View of the State of Ireland.
or starved for want of pasture in the woods, and he himselfe
brought so lowe, that he shall have no heart nor ability to
indure his wretchednesse, the which will surely come to passe
in very short time; for one winter well followed upon him
will so plucke him on his knees, that he will never be able to
stand up againe.
Eudox. Doe you then thinke the winter time fittest for the
services of Ireland? how falls it then that our most imploy-
ments be in summer, and the armies then led commonly forth?
Iren. It is surely misconceived; for it is not with Ireland
as it is with other countryes, where the warres flame most in
summer, and the helmets glister brightest in the fairest sun-
shine: But in Ireland the winter yeeldeth best services, for
then the trees are bare and naked, which use both to cloath
and house the kerne; the ground is cold and wet, which useth
to be his bedding; the aire is sharpe and bitter, to blowe
thorough his naked sides and legges; the kyne are barren
and without milke, which useth to be his onely foode, neither
if he kill them, will they yeeld him flesh, nor if he keepe
them, will they give him food, besides being all with calfe
(for the most part) they will, thorough much chasing and
driving, cast all their calves, and lose their milke, which
should releive him the next summer.
Eudox. I doe well understand your reason; but by your
leave, I have heard it otherwise said, of some that were out-
lawes: That in summer they kept themselves quiet, but in
winter they play their parts, and when the nights were longest,
then burne and spoyle most, so that they might safely returne
before day.
Iren. I have likewise heard, and also seene proofe thereof
true: But that was of such outlawes as were either abiding
in well inhabited countryes, as in Mounster, or bordering on
the English pale, as Feagh Mac Hugh, the Cavanaghes, the
Moors, the Dempsies, or such like: For, for them the winter
indeede is the fittest time for spoyling and robbing, because
the nights are then (as you said) longest and darkest, and
also the countryes round about are then most full of corne,
and good provision to be gotten every where by them, but it
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is farre otherwise with a strong peopled enemy, that possesse
a whole countrey; for the other being but a few, and indeede
privily lodged, and kept in out villages, and corners nigh to
the woodes and mountaines, by some of their privy friends,
to whom they bring their spoyles and stealthes, and of whom
they continually receive secret releife; but the open enemy
having all his countrey wasted, what by himselfe, and what
by the souldiours, findeth them succour in no place: Townes
there are none, of which he may get spoyle, they are all
burnt: bread he hath none, he ploweth not in summer: Flesh
he hath, but if he kill it in winter, he shall want milke in
summer, and shortly want life. Therefore if they be well
followed but one winter, you shall have little worke with
them the next summer.
Eudox. I doe now well perceive the difference, and doe
verily thinke that the winter time is there fittest for service;
withall I conceive the manner of your handling of the service,
by drawing suddaine draughts upon the enemy, when he
looketh not for you, and to watch advantages upon him, as
he doth upon you. By which straight keeping of them in,
and not suffering them at any time long to rest, I must needes
thinke that they will soone be brought lowe, and driven to
great extreamities. All which when you have performed,
and brought them to the very last cast, suppose that they will
offer, either to come to you and submit themselves, or that
some of them will seeke to withdraw themselves, what is your
advice to doe? will you have them received?
Iren. No, but at the beginning of those warres, and when
the garrisons are well planted, and fortified, I would wish a
proclamation were made generally, to come to their know-
ledge: That what persons soever would within twenty dayes
absolutely submit themselves, (excepting onely the very prin-
cipalls and ring-leaders,) should finde grace: I doubt not, but
upon the settling of these garrisons, such a terrour and neere
consideration of their perillous state, would be strucken into
most of them, that they will covet to drawe away from their
leaders. And againe I well know that the rebells themselves
(as I saw by proof in Desmonds warres) will turn away all
their
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their rascall people, whom they think unserviceable, as old
men, women, children, and hyndes, (which they call churles.)
which would onely waste their victualls, and yeeld them no
ayde; but their cattle they will surely keepe away: These
therefore, though policy would turne them backe againe, that
they might the rather consume and afflict the other rebells,
yet in a pittyfull commiseration I would wish them to be
received; the rather for that this sort of base people doth not
for the most part rebell of themselves, having no heart there-
unto, but are by force drawne by the grand rebells into their
action, and carryed away with the violence of the streame,
else they should be sure to loose all that they have, and perhaps
their lives too: The which they now carry unto them, in hope
to enjoy them there, but they are there by the strong rebells
themselves, soone turned out of all, so that the constraint
hereof may in them deserve pardon. Likewise if any of their
able men or gentlemen shall then offer to come away, and to
bring their cattle with them, as some no doubt may steale
them away privily, I wish them also to be received, for the
disabling of the enemy, but withall, that good assurance may
be taken for their true behaviour and absolute submission,
and that then they be not suffered to remaine any longer in
those parts, no nor about the garrisons, but sent away into
the inner parts of the realme, and dispersed in such sort as
they may not come together, nor easily return if they would:
For if they might be suffered to remaine about the garrisons,
and there inhabite, as they will offer to till the ground, and
yeeld a great part of the profit thereof, and of their cattle, to
the Coronell, wherewith they have heretofore tempted many,
they would (as I have by experience knowne) be ever after
such a gaule and inconvenience to them, as that their profit.
shall not recompence their hurt; for they will privily releive
their friends that are forth; they will send the enemy secret
advertisements of all their purposes and journeyes, which they
meane to make upon them; they will not also sticke to drawe
the enemy privily upon them, yea and to betray the forte it
selfe, by discovery of all her defects and disadvantages (if any
be) to the cutting of all their throates. For avoiding whereof
and
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and many other inconveniencies, I wish that they should be
carried farre from thence into some other parts, so that (as I
say) they come in and submit themselves, upon the first
summons: But afterwards I would have none received, but
left to their fortune and miserable end: my reason is, for that
those which will afterwards remaine without, are stout and
obstinate rebells, such as will never be made dutiful and
obedient, nor brought to labour or civill conversation, having
once tasted that licentious life, and being acquainted with
spoyle and out-rages, will ever after be ready for the like
occasions, so as there is no hope of their amendment or
recovery, and therefore needefull to be cut off.
Eudor. Surely of such desperate persons, as will follow the
course of their owne folly, there is no compassion to be had,
and for others you have proposed a mercifull meanes, much
more then they have deserved; but what then shall be the
conclusion of this warre? for you have prefixed a short time
of its continuance.
Iren. The end will (I assure me) be very short and much
sooner then can be in so great a trouble, as it seemeth hoped
for, although there should none of them fall by the sword,
nor be slaine by the souldiour, yet thus being kept from
manurance, and their cattle from running abroad, by this
hard restraint they would quickly consume themselves, and
devoure one another. The proofe whereof, I saw sufficiently #
H
exampled in these late warres of Mounster; for notwithstand-
ing that the same was a most rich and plentifull countrey,
full of corne and cattle, that you would have thought they
should have beene able to stand long, yet ere one yeare and
a halfe they were brought to such wretchednesse, as that any
stony heart would have rued the same. Out of every corner
* of the woods and glynnes, they came creeping forth upon
their
* Of the woods and glynnes.] Glens, that is, dales or vallies; here spelt in the-
original edition glynnes perhaps in conformity to the Irish pronunciation. So pen
was accustomed, in the same country, to be pronounced pin. See Castle Rack-Ren
an Hibernian Tale, &c. p. 77.—TOLD.
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View of the State of Ireland.
*
their hands, for their legges could not beare them; they
looked like anatomies of death, they spake like ghosts crying
out of their graves; they did eate the dead carrions, happy
where they could finde them, yea, and one another soone
after, insomuch as the very carcasses they spared not to scrape
out of their graves; and, if they found a plot of water-cresses
or shamrocks, there they flocked as to a feast for the time,
yet not able long to continue therewithall; that in short
space there were none almost left, and a most populous and
plentifull countrey suddainely left voyde of man and beast;
yet sure in all that warre, there perished not many by the
sword, but all by the extremitie of famine, which they them-
selves had wrought.
Eudox. It is a wonder that you tell, and more to be
wondred how it should so shortly come to passe.
Iren. It is most true, and the reason also very ready; for
you must conceive that the strength of all that nation, is the
Kerne, Galloglasse, Stocah, Horseman, and Horseboy, the
which having beene never used to have any thing of their
owne, and now being upon spoyle of others, make no spare of
any thing, but havocke and confusion of all they meet with,
whether it be their owne friends goods, or their foes. And
if they happen to get never so great spoyl at any time, the
same they waste and consume in a tryce, as naturally de-
lighting in spoyle, though it doe themselves no good.
the other side, whatsoever they leave unspent, the souldier
when he commeth there, spoyleth and havocketh likewise, so
that betweene both nothing is very shortly left. And yet
this is very necessary to be done for the soone finishing of
the warre, and not only this in this wise, but also those subjects
which doe border upon those parts, are either to be removed
and drawne away, or likewise to be spoyled, that the enemy
On
may
* They looked like anatomies of death.] Thus Shakspeare, in his Comedy of Errors:
They brought one Pinch, a hungry lean-faced villain,
A mere anatomy, a mountebank, &c.
A needy hollow-eyed, sharp-looking wretch,
A living dead man."-TODD.
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View of the State of Ireland.
527
may
find no succour thereby. For what the souldier spares,
the rebell will surely spoyle.
Eudox. I doe now well understand you. But now when
all things are brought to this passe, and all filled with these
ruefull spectacles of so many wretched carcases starving,
goodly countreys wasted, so huge desolation and confusion,
that even I that doe but heare it from you, and do picture it
in my minde, doe greatly pittie and commiserate it. If it
shall happen, that the state of this miserie and lamentable
image of things shall be tolde, and feelingly presented to her
Sacred Majestie, being by nature full of mercy and clemency,
who is most inclinable to such pittifull complaints, and will
not endure to heare such tragedies made of her poore people
and subjects, as some about her may insinuate; then she per-
happes, for very compassion of such calamities, will not onely
stoppe the streame of such violence, and returne to her
wonted mildnesse, but also conne them little thankes which
have been the authours and counsellours of such bloodie
platformes. So I remember that in the late government of
that good Lord Grey, when after long travell, and many
perillous assayes, he had brought things almost to this passe
that you speake of, that it was even made ready for reforma-
tion, and might have beene brought to what her Majestie
would, like complaint was made against him, that he was a
bloodie man, and regarded not the life of her subjects no
more than dogges, but had wasted and consumed all, so as
now she hath nothing almost left, but to raigne in their ashes;
eare was soon lent therunto, and all suddenly turned topside-
turvy; the noble Lord eft-soones was blamed; the wretched
people pittied; and new counsells plotted, in which it was
concluded that a general pardon should be sent over to all
that would accept of it, upon which all former purposes
were blancked, the governour at a bay, and not only all that
great
* All former purposes were blancked.] Confounded or disappointed. So Shak-
speare, in Hamlet:
"Each opposite that blanks the face of joy."-Tonn.
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View of the State of Ireland.
་
great and long charge which she had before beene at quite
lost and cancelled, but also all that hope of good which was
even at the doore put back, and cleane frustrated. All which,
whether it be true or no, your self can well tell.
Iren. Too true, Eudoxus, the more the pitty, for I may
not forget so memorable a thing: neither can I be ignorant
of that perillous device, and of the whole meanes by which it
was compassed, and very cunningly contrived by sowing
first dissension betweene him, and an other noble personage;
wherein they both at length found how notably they had
been abused, and how thereby under hand this universall
alteration of things was brought about, but then too late to
stay the same; for in the meane time all that was formerly
done with long labor, and great toyle, was (as you say) in a
moment undone, and that good Lord blotted with the name
of a bloody man, whom, who that well knew, knew to be
most gentle, affable, loving, and temperate; but that the
necessitie of that present state of things inforced him to that
violence, and almost changed his naturall disposition. But
otherwise he was so farre from delighting in blood, that often-
times he suffered not just vengeance to fall where it was
deserved and even some of them which were afterwardes his
accusers, had tasted too much of his mercy, and were from
the gallowes brought to be his accusers. But his course
indeede was this, that he spared not the heades and principalls
of any mischievous practises or rebellion, but shewed sharpe
judgement on them, chiefly for ensamples sake, that all the
meaner sort, which also were generally then infected with
that evill, might by terrour thereof be reclaymed, and saved,
if it were possible. For in the last conspiracy of * some of
the English Pale, thinke you not that there were many more
guiltie than they that felt the punishment? yet he touched
only a few of speciall note; and in the tryall of them also even
to prevent the blame of cruelty and partiall proceeding, and
seeking
* Some of the English Pale.] Consulas (si placet) Camden. annal. rerum Anglic.
et Hiber. ad an. 1580.—SIR J. WARE.
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View of the State of Ireland.
529
seeking their blood, which he, as in his great wisedome (as it
seemeth) did fore-see would be objected against him; he, for
avoyding thereof, did use a singular discretion and regard.
For the jury that went upon their tryall, he made to be
chosen out of their nearest kinsmen, and their Judges he
made of some of their owne fathers, of others their uncles
and dearest friends, who when they could not but justly con-
demne them, yet he uttered their judgment in abundance of
teares, and yet he even herein was called bloody and cruell.
Eudox. Indeed so have I heard it heere often spoken, but
I perceive (as I alwayes verily thought) that it was most un-
justly, for he was alwayes knowne to be a most just, sincere,
godly, and right noble man, farre from such sternenesse,
farre from such unrighteousnesse. But in that sharpe execu-
tion of the Spaniards, at the fort of Smerwicke, I heard it
specially noted, and if it were true as some reported, surely
it was a great touch to him in honour, for some say that he
promised them life; others at least he did put them in hope
thereof.
Iren. Both the one and the other is most untrue; for this
I can assure you, my selfe being as neare them as any, that
he was so farre either from promising, or putting them in
hope, that when first their Secretarie (called, as I remember)
Signior Jeffrey, an Italian, being sent to treate with the Lord
Deputie for grace, was flatly refused; and afterwards their
* Coronell named Don Sebastian, came forth to intreate that
they might part with their armes like souldiers, at the least
with their lives according to the custome of warre, and law of
nations; it was strongly denyed him, and tolde him by the
Lord Deputie himselfe, that they could not justly pleade
either custome of warre, or law of nations, for that they were
not any lawfull enemies, and if they were, he willed them to
shew by what commission they came thither into another
Princes dominions to warre, whether from the Pope or the
King
* Coronell.] The old word for Colonel. Sce Cotgrave in V. "A coronell or
colonell."-Todd.
2 L
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View of the State of Ireland.
King of Spaine, or any other; the which when they said they
had not, but were onely adventurers that came to seeke fortune
abroad, and to serve in warres amongst the Irish, who desired
to entertaine them; it was then tolde them, that the Irish
themselves, as the Earle and John of Desmond, with the rest.
were no lawfull enemies; but rebells and traytours; and there-
fore they that came to succour them, no better then rogues
and runnagates, specially comming with no licence, nor com-
mission from their owne King: So as it should be dishonour-
able for him in the name of his Queene, to condition or make
any tearmes with such rascalls, but left them to their choyce,
to yeeld and submit themselves, or no: Whereupon the said
Coronell did absolutely yeeld himselfe and the fort, with all
therein, and craved onely mercy, which it being not thought
good to shew them, for daunger of them, if, being saved, they
should afterwards joyne with the Irish; and also for terrour
to the Irish, who are much imboldened by those forraigne
succours, and also put in hope of more ere long: there was
no other way but to make that short end of them as was
made. Therefore most untruely and maliciously doe these
evill tongues backbite and slander the sacred ashes of that
most just and honourable personage, whose least virtue of
many most excellent that abounded in his heroicke spirit,
they were never able to aspire unto.
Eudox. Truely, Irenæus, I am right glad to be thus satis-
fied by you, in that I have often heard questioned, and yet
was never able till now, to choake the mouth of such detrac-
tours, with the certaine knowledge of their slanderous un-
truthes, neither is the knowledge hereof impertinent to that
which we formerly had in hand, I meane for the thorough
prosecuting of that sharpe course which you have set downe
for the bringing under of those rebells of Ulster and Con-
naght, and preparing a way for their perpetual reformation,
least haply, by any such sinister suggestions of crueltie and
too much blood-shed, all the plot might be overthrowne, and
all the coste and labour therein imployed be utterly lost and
cast away.
Iren. You say most true; for, after that Lords calling away
from
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531
from thence, the two Lords Justices continued but a while:
of which the one was of minde (as it seemed) to have con-
tinued in the footing of his predecessors, but that he was
curbed and restrayned. But the other was more mildly dis-
posed, as was meete for his profession, and willing to have all
the wounds of that common-wealth healed and recured, but
not with that heede as they should be. After, when Sir John
Perrot succeeding (as it were) into another mans harvest,
found an open way to what course he list, the which he bent
not to that point which the former governours intended, but
rather quite contrary, as it were in scorne of the former, and
in vain vaunt of his owne councells, with the which he was
too wilfully carryed; for he did treade downe and disgrace
all the English, and set up and countenance the Irish all that
he could, whether thinking thereby to make them more tract-
able and buxome to his government, (wherein he thought
much amisse,) or privily plotting some other purposes of his
owne, as it partly afterwards appeared; but surely his manner
of governement could not be sound nor wholesome for that
realme, it being so contrary to the former. For it was even
as two physicians should take one sicke body in hand, at two
sundry times: of which the former would minister all things
meete to purge and keepe under the bodie, the other to
pamper and strengthen it suddenly againe, whereof what is
to be looked for but a most daungerous relapse? That which
we now see thorough his rule, and the next after him, happened
thereunto, being now more daungerously sicke then ever
before. Therefore by all meanes it must be fore-seen and
assured, that after once entering into this course of reforma-
tion, there be afterwards no remorse nor drawing backe for
the sight of any such ruefull objects, as must thereupon followe,
nor for compassion of their calamities, seeing that by no other
meanes it is possible to cure them, and that these are not of
will, but of very urgent necessitie.
Eudor. Thus farre then you have now proceeded to plant
your garrisons, and to direct their services, of the which never-
thelesse I must needes conceive that there cannot be any
certaine direction set downe, so that they must follow the
occasions
2 L 2
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View of the State of Ireland.
occasions which shall be daylie offered, and diligently awayted.
But by your leave, Irenæus, notwithstanding all this your
carefull fore-sight and provision (me thinkes) I see an evill
lurke unespyed, and that may chance to hazard all the hope
of this great service, if it be not very well looked into, and
that is, the corruption of their captaines; for though they be
placed never so carefully, and their companies filled never
so sufficiently, yet may they, if they list, discarde whom they
please, and send away such as will perhappes willingly be
ridde of that dangerous and hard service, the which (well I
wote) is their common custome to doe, when they are layde
in garrison, for then they may better hide their defaults then
when they are in campe, where they are continually eyed and
noted of all men. Besides, when their pay commeth, they
will (as they say) detaine the greatest portions thereof at
their pleasure, by a hundred shifts that need not here be
named, through which they oftentimes deceive the souldier,
and abuse the Queene, and greatly hinder the service. So
that let the Queene pay never so fully, let the muster-master
view them never so diligently, let the deputy or generall
looke to them never so exactly, yet they can cozen them all.
Therefore me thinkes it were good, if it be possible, to make
provision for this inconvenience.
Iren. It will surely be very hard; but the chiefest helpe
for prevention hereof must be the care of the coronell that
hath the government of all his garrison, to have an eye to
their alterations, to know the numbers and names of the
sick souldiers, and the slaine, to marke and observe their
rankes in their daylie rising forth to service, by which he
cannot easily be abused, so that he himselfe be a man of
speciall assurance and integritie. And therefore great regard
is to be had in the choosing and appointing of them. Besides,
I would not by any meanes, that the captaines should have
the paying of their souldiers, but that there should be a pay-
master appointed, of speciall trust, which should pay every
man according to his captaines ticket, and the accompt of the
clerke of his band, for by this meanes the captaine will never
seeke to falsifie his alterations, nor to diminish his company,
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View of the State of Ireland.
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*
nor to deceive his souldiers, when nothing thereof shall be sure
to come unto himselfe, but what is his owne bare pay. And
this is the manner of the Spaniards captaine, who never hath
to meddle with his souldiers pay, and indeed scorneth the
name as base, to be counted his souldiers pagadore; whereas
the contrary amongst us hath brought things to so bad a passe,
that there is no captaine, but thinkes his band very sufficient,
if he can muster 60: and stickes not to say openly, that he
is unworthy to have a captainship, that cannot make it worth
5007. by the yeare, the which they right well verifie by the
proofe.
Eudox. Truely I thinke this a very good meanes to avoid
that inconvenience of captaines abuses. But what say you
to the coronell? what authority thinke you meete to be
given him? whether will you allow him to protect or safe
conduct, and to have martiall lawes as they are accustomed?
Iren. Yea verily, but all these to be limited with very
straite instructions. As first for protections, that he shall
have authority after the first proclamation, for the space of
twentie dayes, to protect all that shall come in, and them to
send to the Lord Deputy, with their safe conduct or passe, to
be at his disposition, but so as none of them returne backe
againe, being once come in, but be presently sent away out
of the countrey, to the next sheriffe, and so conveyed in
safetie. And likewise for martial lawe, that to the souldier
it be not extended, but by tryall formerly of his crime, by a
jury of his fellow souldiers as it ought to be, and not rashly,
at the will or displeasure of the coronell, as I have sometimes
seene too lightly. And as for other of the rebells that shall
light into their handes, that they be well aware of what con-
dition they be, and what holding they have. For, in the last
generall warres there, I knew many good freeholders executed
by martial law, whose landes were thereby saved to their
heires, which should have otherwise escheated to her Majestie.
In all which, the great discretion and uprightnesse of the
coronell
* His souldiers pagadore.] Pagador, Spanish; a paymaster or treasurer.-Tonn.
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View of the State of Ireland.
coronell himselfe is to be the cheifest stay both for all those
doubts, and for many other difficulties that may in the service
happen.
Eudox. Your caution is very good; but now touching the
arch-rebell himselfe, I meane the Earle of Tyrone, if he, in
all the time of these warres, should offer to come in and
submit himselfe to her Majestie, would you not have him
received, giving good hostages, and sufficient assurance of
himselfe ?
Iren. No, marrie; for there is no doubt but he will offer
to come in, as he hath done diverse times already, but it is
without any intent of true submission, as the effect hath well
shewed; neither indeed can he now, if he would, come in at
all, nor give that assurance of himselfe that should be meete:
for being as he is very subtle headed, seeing himselfe now so
farre engaged in this bad action, can you thinke that by his
submission, he can purchase to himselfe any safetie, but that
heereafter, when things shall be quieted, these his villanies
will be ever remembered? and whensoever he shall treade
awry, (as needes the most righteous must sometimes) ad-
vantage will be taken thereof, as a breach of his pardon and
he brought to a reckoning for all former matters; besides,
how hard it is now for him to frame himselfe to subjection,
that having once set before his eyes the hope of a kingdome,
hath therunto not onely found incouragement from the
greatest King in Christendome, but also found great faintnes
in her Majesties withstanding him, whereby he is animated to
think that his power is able to defend him, and offend further
then he hath done, whensoever he please, let every reasonable
man judge. But if he himselfe should come and leave all other,
his accomplices without, as O Donel, Mac Mahone, Maguire,
and the rest, he must needs thinke that then even they will
ere long cut his throate, which having drawne them all into
this occasion, now in the midst of their trouble giveth them
the slip; whereby he must needes perceive how impossible it
is for him to submit himselfe. But yet if he would so doe,
can he give any good assurance of his obedience? For how
weak hould is there by hostages, hath too often beene proved,
and
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View of the State of Ireland.
535
and that which is spoken of taking Shane O-Neales sonnes
from him, and setting them up against him, is a very perillous
counsaile, and not by any meanes to be put in proofe; for
were they let forth and could overthrowe him, who should
afterwards overthrow them, or what assurance can be had of
them? It will be like the tale in Esop, of the wild horse,
who, having enmity with the stagg, came to a man to desire
his ayde against his foe, who yeelding thereunto mounted
upon his backe, and so following the stagge, ere long slew
him, but then when the horse would have him alight he
refused, but ever after kept him in his subjection and service.
Such I doubt would be the proofe of Shane O-Neales sonnes.
Therefore it is most dangerous to attempt any such plot; for
even that very manner of plot, was the meanes by which this
trayterous Earle is now made great: For when the last
O-Neale, called Terlagh Leinagh, began to stand upon some
tickle termes, this fellow then, called Baron of Dungannon,
* was set up as it were to beard him, and countenanced and
strengthened by the Queene so far, as that he is now able to
keepe her selfe play: much like unto a gamester that having
lost all, borroweth of his next fellow-gamester somewhat to
maintaine play, which he setting unto him againe, shortly
thereby winneth all from the winner.
Eudox. Was this rebell then set up at first by the Queene
(as you say) and now become so undutifull?
Iren. He was (I assure you) the most outcast of all the
O-Neales then, and lifted up by her Majesty out of the dust,
to that he hath now wrought himselfe unto, and now he
playeth like the frozen snake, who being for compassion
releived by the husbandman, soone after he was warme began
to hisse, and threaten danger even to him and his.
Eudor. He surely then deserveth the punishment of that
snake, and should worthily be hewed to peeces. But if you
like not the letting forth of Shane O-Neales sonnes against.
him
* Was set up as it were to beard him.] To affront him. See F. Q. vi. v. 12, and
the note thereto.-Topd.
129
536
View of the State of Ireland.
him, what say you then of that advice which (I heard) was
given by some, to draw in Scotts, to serve against him? how
like you that advice?
Iren. Much worse then the former; for who that is experi-
enced in those parts knoweth not that the O-Neales are neeare-
ly allyed unto the Mac-Neiles of Scotland, and to the Earle
of Argyle, from whence they use to have all their succours
of those Scottes and Redshankes: Besides all these Scottes
are, through long continuance, intermingled and allyed to
all the inhabitants of the North? * so as there is no hope that
they will ever be wrought to serve faithfully against their
old friends and kinsmen: And though they would, how when
they have overthrowne him, and the warres are finished, shall
they themselves be put out? Doe we not all know, that the
Scottes were the first inhabitants of all the North, and that
those which now are called the North Irish, are indeed † very
Scottes, which challenge the ancient inheritance and dominion
of that countrey, to be their owne aunciently: This then were
but to leap out of the pan into the fire: For the cheifest caveat
and provision in reformation of the North, must be to keepe
out those Scottes.
Eudox. Indeede I remember, that in your discourse of the
first peopling of Ireland, you shewed that the Scythians or
Scottes were the first that sate downe in the North, whereby
it seemes that they may challenge some right therein. How
comes it then that O-Neale claimes the dominion thereof, and
this Earle of Tyrone saith that the right is in him? I pray
you resolve me herein? for it is very needefull to be knowne,
and maketh unto the right of the warre against him, whose
successe useth commonly to be according to the justnes of
the cause, for which it is made: For if Tyrone have any right
in that seigniory (me thinkes) it should be wrong to thrust
him out: Or if (as I remember) you said in the beginning,
that
* So that there is no hope, &c.] The causes of these feares have been amputated,
since the happy union of England and Scotland, established by his late Majesty.—
SIR JAMES WARE.
† Very Scottes.] Vide Bed. Eccles. Hist. lib. 1. cap. 1.-SIR JAMES Ware.
130
View of the State of Ireland.
537
that O-Neale, when he acknowledged the King of England
for his leige Lord and Soveraigne, did, as he alleadgeth) re-
serve in the same submission his seigniories and rights unto
himselfe, what should it be accounted to thrust him out of
the same?
Iren. For the right of O-Neale in the seigniory of the North,
it is surely none at all: For besides that the Kings of England
conquered all the realme, and thereby assumed and invested
all the right of that land to themselves and their heires and
successours for ever, so as nothing was left in O-Neale but
what he received backe from them, O-Neale himselfe never
had any ancient seigniory over that country, but what by
usurpation and incroachment after the death of the Duke of
Clarence, he got upon the English, whose lands and posses-
sions being formerly wasted by the Scottes, under the leading
of Edward le Bruce, (as I formerly declared unto you) he eft-
soones entred into, and sithence hath wrongfully detained,
through the other occupations and great affaires which the
Kings of England (soone after) fell into here at home, so as
they could not intend to the recovery of that countrey of the
North, nor restraine the insolency of O-Neale; who, finding
none now to withstand him, raigned in that desolation, and
made himself Lord of those few people that remained there,
upon whom ever sithence he hath continued his first usurped
power, and now exacteth and extorteth upon all men what
he list; so that now to subdue or expell an usurper, should
be no unjust enterprise or wrongfull warre, but a restitution
of auncient right unto the crowne of England, from whence
they were most unjustly expelled and long kept out.
Eudox. I am very glad herein to be thus satisfied by you,
that I may the better satisfie them, whom I have often heard
to object these doubts, and slaunderously to barke at the
courses which are held against that trayterous Earle and his
adherents. But now that you have thus settled your service
for Ulster and Connaght, I would be glad to heare your
opinion for the prosecuting of Feagh Mac Hugh, who being
but a base villaine, and of himselfe of no power, yet so con-
tinually troubleth the state, notwithstanding that he lyeth
131
under
538
View of the State of Ireland.
under their nose, that I disdaine his bold arrogancy, and
thinke it to be the greatest indignity to the Queene that may
be, to suffer such a caytiffe to play such Rex, and by his
ensample not onely to give heart and incouragement to all
such bad rebells, but also to yeeld them succour and refuge
against her Majesty, whensoever they fly unto his Comericke,
whereof I would first wish before you enter into your plot
of service against him, that you should lay open by what
meanes he, being so base, first lifted himselfe up to this
dangerous greatnes, and how he maintaineth his part against
the Queene and her power, notwithstanding all that hath
beene done and attempted against him. And whether also
he have any pretence of right in the lands which he houldeth,
or in the warres that he maketh for the same?
*
Iren. I will so, at your pleasure, and will further declare,
not only the first beginning of his private house, but also the
originall of the Sept of the Birnes and Tooles, so farre as I
have learned the same from some of themselves, and gathered
the rest by reading: The people of the Birnes and Tooles (as
before I shewed unto you my conjecture) descended from
the auncient Brittaines, which first inhabited all those easterne
parts of Ireland, as their names doe betoken; for Brin in
the Brittish language signifieth wooddy, and Toole hilly,
which names it seemeth they tooke of the countryes which
they inhabited, which is all very mountainous and woody.
In the which it seemeth that ever since the comming in of
the English with Dermot ni-Gall, they have continued:
Whether that their countrey being so rude and mountainous
was of them despised, and thought unworthy the inhabiting,
or
* Brin in the Brittish language signifieth wooddy.] In Richard Creagh's booke
De Lingua Hibernica, there is a very plentiful collection of Irish words, derived
from the Brittish or Welch tongue, which doth much strengthen the authors opinion,
in houlding that the Birnes, Tooles, and Cavenaghs, with other the ancient inhabi-
tants of the easterne parts, were originally British Colonyes.-SIR JAMES Ware.
† Dermot ni-Gall.] Dermot Mac Morrough, King of Leinster, who was surnamed
ni-Gall, as being a friend to the English, and chiefe instrument in inciting them to
the conquest of Ireland.-SIR JAMES WARE.
132
View of the State of Ireland.
539
or that they were received to grace by them, and suffered to
enjoy their lands, as unfit for any other, yet it seemeth, that
in some places of the same they have put foote, and fortified
with sundry castles, of which the ruines onely doe there now
remaine, since which time they are growne to that strength,
that they are able to lift up hand against all that state; and
now lately through the boldnes and late good successe of this
Feagh Mac Hugh, they are so farre imboldened, that they
threaten perill even to Dublin, over whose necke they con-
tinually hang. But touching your demand of this Feaghes
right unto that countrey which he claimes, or the seigniory
therein, it is most vaine and arrogant. For this you cannot
be ignorant, that it was part of that which was given in in-
heritance by Dermot Mac Morrough, King of Leinster, unto
Strongbowe with his daughter, and which Strongbowe gave
over unto the King and his heires, so as the right is absolutely
now in her Majesty, and if it were not, yet could it not be
in this Feagh, but in * O Brin, which is the ancient Lord of
all that countrey; for he and his auncestours were but fol-
lowers unto O Brin; and his grandfather Shane Mac Terlagh,
was a man of meanest regard amongst them, neither having
wealth nor power. But his sonne Hugh Mac Shane, the
father of this Feagh, first began to lift up his head, and through
the strength and great fastnes of Glan-Malor, which adjoyneth
unto his house of Ballinecor, drew unto him many theeves
and out-lawes, which fled unto the succour of that glynne, as
to a sanctuary, and brought unto him part of the spoyle of
all the countrey, through which he grew strong, and in short
space got unto himselfe a great name thereby amongst the
Irish, in whose footing this his sonne continuing, hath, through
many unhappy occasions, increased his said name, and the
opinion of his greatnes, insomuch that now he is become a
dangerous enemy to deale withall.
Eudox. Surely I can commend him, that being of himselfe
of so meane condition, hath through his owne hardinesse lifted
himselfe
O Brin.] Or O-Birne.-SIR JAMES WARE
133
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View of the State of Ireland.
himselfe up to the height, that he dare now front princes, and
make tearmes with great potentates; the which as it is to him
honourable, so it is to them most disgracefull, to be bearded
of such a base varlet, that being but of late growne out of the
dunghill, beginneth now to overcrow so high mountaines,
and make himselfe great protectour of all outlawes and rebells
that will repaire unto him. But doe you thinke he is now so
dangerous an enemy as he is counted, or that it is so hard to
take him downe as some suppose?
Iren. No verily, there is no great reckoning to be made of
him; for had he ever beene taken in hand when the rest of
the realme (or at least the parts adjoyning) had been quiet, as
the honourable gent. that now governeth there (I meane Sir
William Russell)* gave a notable attempt thereunto, and had
worthily performed it, if his course had not beene crossed
unhappily, he could not have stood 3 moneths, nor ever have
looked up against a very meane power: but now all the parts
about him being up in a madding moode, as the Moores in
Leix, the Cavenaghes in the county of Wexford, and some of
the Butlers in the county of Kilkenny, they all flocke unto
him, and drawe into his countrey, as to a strong hould, where
they thinke to be safe from all that prosecute them: And
from thence they doe at their pleasures breake out into all
the borders adjoyning, which are well peopled countryes, as
the counties of Dublin, of Kildare, of Catherlagh, of Kilkenny,
of Wexford, with the spoiles whereof they victual and
strengthen themselves, which otherwise should in short time
be starved, and sore pined; so that what he is of himselfe,
you may hereby perceive.
Eudox. Then by so much as I gather out of your speech,
the next way to end the warres with him, and to roote him
out quite, should be to keepe him from invading of those
countryes adjoyning, which (as I suppose) is to be done, either
by drawing all the inhabitants of those next borders away,
and
* Gave a notable attempt thereunto.] Vide Camdeni annales, sub finem anni 1594.
-SIR JAMES WARE.
134
View of the State of Ireland.
541
and leaving them utterly waste, or by planting garrisons upon
all those frontiers about him, that, when he shall breake forth,
may set upon him and shorten his returne.
Iren. You conceive very rightly, Eudoxus, but for that
the dispeopling and driving away all the inhabitants from the
countrey about him, which you speake of, should be a great
confusion and trouble aswell for the unwillingnesse of them to
leave their possessions, as also for placing and providing for
them in other countryes, (me thinkes) the better course should
be by planting of garrisons about him, which whensoever he
shall looke forth, or be drawne out with the desire of the spoyle
of those borders, or for necessity of victuall, shall be alwayes
ready, to intercept his going or comming.
Eudox. Where then doe you wish those garrisons to be
planted that they may serve best against him, and how many
in every garrison?
Iren. I my selfe, by reason that (as I told you) I am no
martiall man, will not take upon me to direct so dangerous
affaires, but onely as I understood by the purposes and plots,
which the Lord Gray who was well experienced in that
service, against him did lay downe: To the performance
whereof he onely required 1000 men to be laid in 6 garrisons,
that is, at Ballinecor 200 footemen and 50 horsemen, which
should shut him out of his great glynne, whereto he so much
trusteth; at Knockelough 200 footemen and 50 horsemen, to
answere the county of Catherlagh; at Arclo or Wicklow 200
footemen and 50 horsemen to defend all that side towards the
sea. In Shillelagh 100 footemen which should cut him from
the Cavenaghes, and the county of Wexford; and about the
three castles 50 horsemen, which should defend all the county
of Dublin; and 100 footemen at Talbots Towne, which should
keepe him from breaking out into the county of Kildare, and
be alwayes on his necke on that side: The which garrisons so
laide, will so busie him, that he shall never rest at home, nor
stirre forth abroad but he shall be had; as for his creete they
cannot be above ground, but they must needes fall into their
hands or starve, for he hath no fastnes nor refuge for them.
And as for his partakers of the Moores, Butlers, and Cava-
naghes
135
542
View of the State of Ireland.
naghes, they will soone leave him, when they see his fastnes.
and strong places thus taken from him.
Eudox. Surely this seemeth a plot of great reason, and
small difficulty, which promiseth hope of a short end. But
what special directions will you set downe for the services
and risings out of these garrisons?
Iren. None other then the present occasions shall minister
unto them, and as by good espialls, whereof there they cannot
want store, they shall be drawne continually upon him, so as
one of them shall be still upon him, and sometimes all at one
instant, bayting him. And this (I assure my selfe) will de-
maund no long time, but will be all finished in the space of
one yeare, which how small a thing it is, unto the eternall
quietnesse which shall thereby be purchased to that realme,
and the great good which should grow to her Majesty, should
(me thinkes) readily drawe on her Highnesse to the under-
taking of the enterprise.
Eudox. You have very well (me thinkes), Irenæus, plotted
a course for the atchieving of those warres now in Ireland,
which seems to ask no long time, nor great charge, so as the
effecting thereof be committed to men of sure trust, and sound
experience, aswell in that country, as in the manner of those
services? for if it be left in the hands of such rawe captaines,
as are usually sent out of England, being thereunto onely
preferred by friendship, and not chosen by sufficiency, it will
soone fall to the ground.
Iren. Therefore it were meete (me thinkes) that such
captaines onely were thereunto employed, as have formerly
served in that country, and been at least lieutenants unto
other captaines there. For otherwise being brought and
transferred from other services abroad, as in France, in Spain,
and in the Low-countryes, though they be of good experience
in those, and have never so well deserved, yet in these they
will be new to seeke, and, before they have gathered ex-
perience, they shall buy it with great losse to her Majesty,
either by hazarding of their companies, through ignorance of
the places, and manner of the Irish services, or by losing a
great part of the time which is required hereunto, being but
short
136
View of the State of Ireland.
543
short, in which it might be finished, almost before they have
taken out a new lesson, or can tell what is to be done.
Eudox. You are no good friend to new captaines; it
seemes, Irenæus, that you barre them from the credit of this
service: but (to say truth) me thinkes it were mete, that any
one before he came to be a captaine, should have beene a
souldiour; for, "Parere qui nescit, nescit imperare." And
besides there is great wrong done to the old souldiour, from
whom all meanes of advancement which is due unto him, is
cut off, by shuffling in these new cutting captaines, into the
place for which he hath long served, and perhaps better
deserved. But now that you have thus (as I suppose) finished
all the warre, and brought all things to that low ebbe which
you speake of, what course will you take for the bringing in
of that reformation which you intend, and recovering all
things from this desolate estate, in which (me thinkes) I
behold them now left, unto that perfect establishment and
new commonwealth which you have conceived of, by which
so great good may redound unto her Majesty, and an assured
peace be confirmed? for that is it whereunto we are now to
looke, and doe greatly long for, being long sithence made
weary with the huge charge which you have laide upon us,
and with the strong endurance of so many complaints, so
many delayes, so many doubts and dangers, as will hereof
(I know well) arise; unto the which before we come, it were
meete (me thinkes) that you should take some order for the
souldiour, which is now first to be discharged and disposed of,
some way: the which if you doe not well fore-see, may growe
to as great inconvenience as all this that I suppose you have
quit us from, by the loose leaving of so many thousand soul-
diours, which from thenceforth will be unfit for any labour
or other trade, but must either seeke service and imployment
abroad, which may be dangerous, or else perhaps imploy
themselves heere at home, as may be discommodious.
Iren. You say very true, and it is a thing much mislyked
in this our common-wealth, that no better course is taken for
such as have been imployed in service, but that returning,
whether maymed, and so unable to labour, or otherwise whole
137
and
544
View of the State of Ireland.
and sound, yet afterwards unwilling to worke, or rather willing
to set the hang-man on worke. But that needeth another
consideration; but to this which we have now in hand, it is
farre from my meaning to leave the souldiour so at randome,
or to leave that waste realme so weak and destitute of strength,
which may both defend it against others that might seeke then
to set upon it, and also to keepe it from that relapse which I
before did fore-cast. For it is one speciall good of this plot,
which I would devise, that 6000 souldiours of these whom I
have now imployed in this service, and made thoroughly ac-
quainted both with the state of the countrey and manners of
the people, should henceforth be still continued, and for ever
maintayned of the countrey, without any charge to her
Majestie; and the rest that either are olde, and unable to serve
any longer, or willing to fall to thrift, as I have seene many
souldiours after the service to prove very good husbands,
should be placed in part of the landes by them wonne, at such
rate, or rather better then others, to whom the same shall
be set out.
Eudox. Is it possible, Irenæus? can there be any such.
meanes devised, that so many men should be kept still in her
Majesties service, without any charge to her at all? Surely
this were an exceeding great good, both to her Highnes to
have so many olde souldiers alwayes ready at call, to what
purpose soever she list to imploy them, and also to have that
land thereby so strengthned, that it shall neither feare any
forraine invasion, nor practise which the Irish shall ever
attempt, but shall keepe them under in continuall awe and
firme obedience.
Iren. It is so indeed. And yet this truely I doe not take
to be any matter of great difficultie, as I thinke it will also
soone appeare unto you. And first we will speake of the
North part, for that the same is of more weight and import-
ance. So soone as it shall appeare that the enemy is brought
downe, and the stout rebell either cut off, or driven to that
wretchednesse, that he is no longer able to holde up his head,
but will come in to any conditions, which I assure my selfe
will be before the end of the second winter, I wish that there
138
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View of the State of Ireland.
545
be a generall proclamation made, that whatsoever out-lawes
will freely come in, and submit themselves to Her Majesties
mercy shall have liberty so to doe, where they shall either
finde that grace they desire, or have leave to returne again in
safety; upon which it is likely that so many as survive, will
come in to sue for grace, of which who so are thought meet.
for subjection, and fit to be brought to good, may be received,
or else all of them (for I thinke that all will be but a very few):
upon condition and assurance that they will submit themselves.
absolutely to her Majesties ordinance for them, by which they
shall be assured of life and libertie, and be onely tyed to such
conditions as shall be thought by her meet for containing
them ever after in due obedience. To the which conditions.
I nothing doubt, but that they will all most readily, and upon
their knees submit themselves, by the proofe of that which I
have seene in Mounster. For upon the like proclamation
there, they all came in both tagg and ragg, and when as after-
wardes many of them were denyed to be received, they bade
them doe with them what they would, for they would not by
any meanes returne againe, nor goe forth. For in that case
who will not accept almost of any conditions, rather than dye
of hunger and miserie?
Eudox. It is very likely so. But what then is the ordi-
nance, and what be the conditions which you will propose
unto them, which shall reserve unto them an assurance of life
and liberty?
Iren. So soone then as they have given the best assurance
of themselves which may be required, which must be (I sup-
pose) some of their principall men to remaine in hostage one
for another, and some other for the rest, for other surety I
reckon of none that may binde them, neither of wife, nor of
children, since then perhappes they would gladly be ridde of
both from the famine; I would have them first unarmed
utterly, and stripped quite of all their warrelike weapons, and
then, these conditions set downe and made knowne unto them,
that they shall be placed in Leinster, and have land given
them to occupy and to live upon, in such sort as shall become
good subjects, to labour thenceforth for their living, and to
2 M
139
apply
546
View of the State of Ireland.
apply themselves to honest trades of civility, as they shall
every one be found meete and able for.
Eudor. Where then a Gods name will you place them in
Leinster? or will you finde out any new land there for them
that is yet unknowne?
Iren. No, I will place them all in the countrey of the
Birnes and Tooles, which Pheagh Mac Hugh hath, and in all
the landes of the Cavanaghes, which are now in rebellion, and
all the lands which will fall to her Majestie thereabouts, which
I know to be very spacious and large enough to contain them,
being * very neere twenty or thirty miles wyde.
Eudox. But then what will you doe with all the Birnes,
the Tooles, and the Cavanaghes, and all those that now are
joyned with them?
Iren. At the same very time, and in the same very manner
that I make that proclamation to them of Ulster, will I have it
also made to these, and upon their submission thereunto, I will
take like assurance of them as of the other. After which, I
will translate all that remaine of them unto the places of the
other in Ulster, with all their creete, and what else they have
left them, the which I will cause to be divided amongst them
in some meete sort, as each may thereby have somewhat to
sustaine himselfe a while withall, untill, by his further travaile
and labour of the earth, he shall be able to provide himselfe
better.
Eudox. But will you give the land then freely unto them,
and make them heires of the former rebells? so may you per-
haps make them also heires of all their former villainies and
disorders: or how else will you dispose of them?
Iren. Not so: but all the lands will I give unto English-
men, whom I will have drawne thither, who shall have the
same with such estates as shall be thought meete, and for
such rent as shall eft-soones be rated; under every of those
Englishmen will I place some of the Irish to be tenants for
a
* Very neere twenty or thirty miles wyde.] This carrieth no fit proportion for the
transplantation intended by the author, considering the large extent of Ulster, and
the narrow bounds heere limited.-SIR JAMES WARE.
140
View of the State of Ireland.
547
a certaine rent, according to the quantity of such land, as
every man shall have allotted unto him, and shall be found able
to wield, wherein this speciall regard shall be had, that in no
place under any land-lord there shall be many of them placed
together, but dispersed wide from their acquaintance, and
scattered farre abroad thorough all the country: For that is
the evill which now I finde in all Ireland, that the Irish dwell
together by their septs, and several nations, so as they may
practise or conspire what they will; whereas if there were
English well placed among them, they should not be able once
to stirre or to murmure, but that it should be knowne, and
they shortened according to their demerites.
Eudox. You have good reason; but what rating of rents
meane you? to what end doe you purpose the same?
Iren. My purpose is to rate the rent of all those lands of
her Majesties, in such sort unto those Englishmen which shall
take them, as they shall be well able to live thereupon,* to
yeeld her Majesty reasonable chiefrie, and also give a compe-
tent maintenance unto the garrisons, which shall be there left
amongst them; for these souldiours (as I tolde you) remaining
of the former garrisons, I cast to maintaine upon the rent of
those landes, which shall be escheated, and to have them
divided thorough all Ireland, in such places as shall be thought
most convenient, and occasion may require. And this was the
course which the Romanes observed in the conquest of
England, for they planted some of their legiones in all places
convenient, the which they caused the countrey to maintaine,
cutting upon every portion of land a reasonable rent, which
they called Romescot, the which might not surcharge the ten-
nant or free-holder, and might defray the pay of the garrison:
and this hath beene alwayes observed by all princes in all
countries to them newly subdued, to set garrisons amongst
them, to containe them in dutie whose burthen they made
them to beare; and the want of this ordinance in the first con-
*
quest
* To yeeld her Majesty reasonable chiefrie.] Chiefrie is a small rent paid to the
Lord paramount.-JOHNSON.
2 M 2
141
548
View of the State of Ireland.
quest of Ireland by Henry the Second, was the cause of the
so short decay of that government, and the quicke recovery
againe of the Irish. Therefore by all meanes it is to be pro-
vided for. And this is that I would blame, if it should not
misbecome me, in the late planting of Mounster, that no care
was had of this ordinance nor any strength of garrison pro-
vided for, by a certain allowance out of all the saide landes,
but onely the present profite looked into, and the safe con-
tinuance thereof for ever hereafter neglected.
Eudox But there is a band of souldiours layde in Mounster,
to the maintenance of which, what oddes is there whether the
Queene, receiving the rent of the countrey, doe give pay at
her pleasure, or that there be a settled allowance appointed
unto them out of her lands there?
Iren. There is great oddes: for now that said rent of the
countrey is not appointed to the pay of the souldiours, but it is,
by every other occasion comming betweene, converted to
other uses, and the souldiours in time of peace discharged and
neglected as unnecessary; whereas if the said rent were
appointed and ordained by an establishment to this end onely,
it should not be turned to any other; nor in troublous times,
upon every occasion, her Majestie be so troubled with sending
over new souldiours as she is now, nor the countrie ever
should dare to mutinie, having still the souldiour in their neck,
nor any foreine enemy dare to invade knowing there so
strong and great a garrison allways ready to receive them.
Eudox. Sith then you thinke that this Romescot of the pay
of the souldiours upon the land to be both the readiest way
to the souldiours, and least troublesome to her Majestie; tell
us (I pray you) how would you have the said lands rated, that
both a rent may rise thereout unto the Queene, and also the
souldiours receive pay, which (me thinkes) will be hard?
Iren. First we are to consider, how much land there is in
all Ulster, that according to the quantity thereof we may
cesse the said rent and allowance issuing thereout. Ulster
(as the ancient records of that realme doe testifie) doth con-
taine 9000 plowlands, every of which plowlands containeth
120 acres, after the rate of 21 foote to every perch of the
142
acre,
View of the State of Ireland.
549
acre, every of which plowlands I will rate at 40s. by the
yeare; the which yearely rent amounteth in the whole to
180001. besides 6s. 8d. chiefrie out of every plowland. But
because the countie of Louth, being a part of Ulster, and con-
taining in it 712 plowlands is not wholly to escheate to her
Majestie, as the rest, they having in all their warres continued
for the most part dutifull, though otherwise a great part
thereof is now under the rebells, there is an abatement to be
made thereout of 400 or 500 plowlands, as I estimate the
same, the which are not to pay the whole yearly rent of 40s.
out of every plowland, like as the escheated lands doe, but
yet shall pay for their composition of cesse towards the keep-
ing of souldiours, 20s. out of every plowland, so as there is to
be deducted out of the former summe 200 or 3001. yearly,
the which may neverthelesse be supplied by the rent of the
fishings, which are exceeding great in Ulster, and also by an
increase of rent in the best lands, and those that lye in the
best places neere the sea-coast. The which eighteen thousand
pounds will defray the entertainment of 1500 souldiours, with
some over-plus towardes the pay of their victuallers, which
are to be employed in the victualling of these garrisons.
Eudox. So then belike you meane to leave 1500 souldiours
in garrison for Ulster, to be payde principally out of the rent
of those lands, which shall be there escheated unto her Ma-
jestie. The which, where (I pray you) will you have them
garrisoned?
Iren. I will have them divided into three parts, that is,
500 in every garrison, the which I will have to remaine in
three of the same places, where they were before appointed,
to wit, 500 at Strabane, and about Loughfoile, so as they
may holde all the passages of that part of the countrey, and
some of them be put in wardes, upon all the straights
thereabouts, which I know to be such, as may stoppe all pas-
sages into the countrey on that side; and some of them also
upon the Ban, up towardes Lough-Sidney, as I formerly
directed. Also other 500, at the fort upon Lough-Earne, and
wardes taken out of them, which shall be layde at Fermanagh,
at Bealick, at Ballyshannon, and all the straights towardes
143
Connaght
550
View of the State of Ireland.
T
Connaght, the which I know doe so strongly command all the
passages that way, as that none can pass from Ulster into
Connaght, without their leave. The last 500 shall also
remaine in their fort at Monaghan, and some of them be
drawne into wardes, to keep the kaies of all that countrey,
both downwards, and also towards O Relies countrie, and the
pale; and some at Eniskillin, some at Belturbut, some at the
Blacke Fort, and so along that river, as I formerly shewed in
the first planting of them. And moreover at every of these
forts, I would have the seate of a town layde forth and incom-
passed, in the which I would wish that there should inhabi-
tants of all sortes, as merchants, artificers, and husbandmen,
be placed, to whom there should charters and fraunchises be
graunted to incorporate them. The which, as it will be no
matter of difficultie to draw out of England persons which
would very gladly be so placed, so would it in short space
turne those parts to great commodity, and bring ere long to
her Majestie much profit; for those places are so fit for trade
and trafficke, having most convenient out-gates by divers river's
to the sea, and in-gates to the richest parts of the land, that they
would soone be enriched, and mightily enlarged, for the very
seating of the garrisons by them; besides the safetie and assu-
rance which they shall worke unto them, will also draw thi-
ther store of people and trade, as I have seen ensample at
Mariborogh and Philipstowne in Leinster, where by reason of
those two fortes, though there were but small wardes left in
them there are two good townes now growne, which are the
greatest stay of both those two countries.
Eudox. Indeed (me thinkes) three such townes as you say,
would do very well in those places with the garrisons, and in
short space would be so augmented, as they would be able
with little to in-wall themselves strongly; but, for the plant-
ing of all the rest of the countrey, what order would you
take?
Iren. What other then (as I said) to bring people out of
England, which should inhabite the same; whereunto though
I doubt not but great troopes would be ready to runne, yet
for that in such cases, the worst and most decayed men are
144
most
View of the State of Ireland.
551
most ready to remove, I would wish them rather to be chosen
out of all partes of this realme, either by discretion of wise
men thereunto appointed, or by lot, or by the drumme, as
was the olde use in sending forth of colonies, or such other
good meanes as shall in their wisedome be thought meetest.
Amongst the chiefe of which, I would have the land sett into.
seigniories, in such sort as it is now in Mounster, and divided
into hundreds and parishes, or wardes, as it is in England,
and layde out into shires, as it was aunciently, viz. The
countie of Downe, the countie of Antrim, the countie of
Louth, the countie of Armaghe, the countie of Cavan, the
countie of Colerane, * the countie of Monoghan, the countie
of Tyrone, the countie of Fermanagh, the countie of Done-
gall, being in all tenne. Over all which I wish a Lord Pre-
sident and a Councell to be placed, which may keep them
afterwards in awe and obedience, and minister unto them
justice and equity.
Eudox. Thus I see the whole purpose of your plot for
Ulster, and now I desire to heare your like opinion for Con-
naght.
Iren. By that which I have already said of Ulster, you may
gather my opinion for Connaght, being very answereable to
the former. But for that the lands, which shall therein escheat
unto her Majesty, are not so intirely together, as that they
can be accompted in one summe, it needeth that they be con-
sidered severally. The province of Connaght in the whole
containeth (as appeareth by the Records of Dublin) 7200
plowlands of the former measure, and is of late divided into
six shires or counties: The † countie of Clare, the countie of
Leytrim, the countie of Roscoman, the countie of Galway, the
countie of Maio, and the countie of Sligo. Of the which all
the
* The county of Monoghan.] This is now part of the countie of Londonderry.-
SIR JAMES WARE.
†The countie of Clare.] The county of Clare was anciently accounted part of
the province of Mounster, whence it hath the name of Tuaomuan, or Thomond,
which signifieth North Mounster, and hath, at this day its peculiar governour, as
being exempted from the presidences of Mounster and Connaght.-SIR JAMES WARE.
145
552
View of the State of Ireland.
the countie of Sligo, all the countie of Maio, the most part of
the countie of Roscoman, the most part of the countie of Ley-
trim, a great part of the countie of Galway, and some of the
countie of Clare, is like to escheat to her Majestie for the
rebellion of their present possessors. The which two coun-
ties of Sligo and Maio are supposed to containe almost 3000,
plowlands, the rent whereof rateably to the former, I valew
almost at 60001. per annum.
The countie of Roscoman, sav-
ing that which pertaineth to the house of Roscoman, and some
few other English there lately seated, is all one, and therefore
it is wholly likewise to escheate to her Majesty, saving those
portions of English inhabitants, and even those English doe
(as I understand by them) pay as much rent to her Majesty,
as is set upon those in Ulster, counting their composition
money therewithall, so as it may all run into one reckoning
with the former two counties: So that this county of Ros-
coman containing 1200 plowlands, as it is accompted,
amounteth to 2400 li. by the yeare, which with the former
two counties rent, maketh about 83001. for the former wanted
somewhat. But what the escheated lands of the county of
Galway and Leytrim will rise unto, is yet uncertaine to
define, till survey thereof be made, for that those lands are
intermingled with the Earle of Clanricardes, and others
lands, but it is thought they be the one halfe of both those
counties, so as they may be counted to the value of one whole
county, which containeth above 1000 plowlands; for so
many the least county of them all comprehendeth, which
maketh 2000 li. more, that is in all ten or eleven thousand
pounds. The other 2 counties must remaine till their
escheates appeare, the which letting passe yet, as unknowne,
yet this much is knowne to be accompted for certaine, that
the composition of these two counties, being rated at 20. shil.
every plowland, will amount to above 2000 pounds more, all
which being laide together to the former, may be reasonably
estimated to rise unto 13000 pounds, the which summe, to-
gether with the rent of the escheated lands in the two last
countyes, which cannot yet be valued, being, as I doubt not,
no lesse than a thousand pounds more, will yeeld pay largely
146
unto
View of the State of Ireland.
553
unto 1000 men and their victuallers, and 1000 pounds over
towards the Governour.
Eudox. You have (me thinkes) made but an estimate of
those lands of Connaght, even at a very venture, so as it
should be hard to build any certainty of charge to be raised
upon the same.
Iren. Not altogether yet upon uncertainties; for this much
may easily appeare unto you to be certaine, as the composi-
tion money of every plowland amounteth unto; for this I
would have you principally to understand, that my purpose
is to rate all the lands in Ireland at 20 shil. every plowland,
for their composition towards the garrison. The which I
know, in regard of being freed from all other charges what-
soever, will be readily and most gladly yeelded unto. So
that there being in all Ireland (as appeareth by their old Re-
cords) 43920 plowlands, the same shall amount to the summe
likewise of 43920 pounds, and the rest to be reared of the
escheated lands which fall to her Majesty in the said provinces
of Ulster, Connaght, and that part of Leinster under the rebells;
for Mounster we deale not yet withall.
Eudor. But tell me this, by the way, doe you then lay
composition upon the escheated lands as you doe upon the
rest? for so (me thinkes) you reckon alltogether. And that
sure were too much to pay 7 nobles out of every plowland,
and composition money besides, that is 20 shill. out of every
plowland.
Iren. No, you mistake me; I doe put onely 7 nobles rent
and composition both upon every plowland escheated, that is
40 shill. for composition, and 6 shill. 8 pence for cheifrie to
her Majestie.
Eudox. I doe now conceive you; proceede then (I pray
you) to the appointing of your garrisons in Connaght, and
show us both how many and where you would have them placed.
Iren. I would have 1000 laide in Connaght, in 2 garrisons;
namely, 500 in the county of Maio, about Clan Mac Cos-
tilagh, which shall keepe all Maio and the Bourkes of Mac
William Eighter: The other 500 in the county of Galway,
about Garrandough, that they may containe the Conhors and
147
the
554
View of the State of Ireland.
the Bourkes there, the Kellies and Murries with all them
there-abouts; for that garrison which I formerly placed at
Loughearne will serve for all occasions in the county of Sligo,
being neere adjoyning thereunto, so as in one nights march
they may be almost in any place thereof, when neede shall
require them. And like as in the former places of garrisons
in Ulster, I wished three corporate townes to be planted,
which under the safeguard of that strength should dwell and
trade safely with all the countrey about them; so would I
also wish to be in this of Connaght: and that besides, there
were another established at Athlone, with a convenient ward.
in the castle there for their defence.
Eudox. What should that neede, seeing the Governour of
Connaght useth to lye there alwayes, whose presence will be
a defence to all that towneship?
Iren. I know he doth so, but that is much to be disliked,
that the Governour should lye so farre of, in the remotest.
place of all the province, whereas it were meeter that he should
be continually abiding in the middest of the charge, that he
might bothe looke out alike unto all places of his government,
and also be soone at hand in any place where occasion shall
demand him; for the presence of the Governour is (as you
sayd) a great stay and bridle unto those that are ill-dis-
posed: like as I see it is well observed in Mounster, where the
dayly good thereof is continually apparant: and for this cause
also, doe I greatly mislike the Lord Deputies seating at Dub-
lin, being the outest corner of the realme, and least needing
the awe of his presence; whereas (me thinkes) it were fitter,
since his proper care is of Leinster, though he have care of
all besides generally, that he should seate himselfe at Athie,
or there-abouts, upon the skirt of that unquiet countrey, so
that he might sit as it were at the very maine maste of his
ship, whence he might easily overlooke and sometimes over-
reach the Moores, the Dempsies, the Connors, O'Carroll,
O'Molloy, and all that heape of Irish nations which there lye
huddled together, without any to over-awe them, or containe
them in dutie. For the Irishman (I assure you) feares the
Government no longer then he is within sight or reach.
148
Eudor.
View of the State of Ireland.
555
Eudox. Surely (me thinkes) herein you observe a matter
of much importance more then I have heard ever noted, but
sure that seemes so expedient, as that I wonder that hereto-
fore it hath beene overseene or omitted; but I suppose the
instance of the citizens of Dublin is the greatest lett thereof.
Iren. Truely then it ought not so to be; for no cause have
they to feare that it will be any hinderance to them; for
Dublin will be still, as it is the key of all passages and trans-
portations out of England thitherto, no lesse profit of those
citizens then it now is, and besides other places will hereby
receive some benefit: But let us now (I pray you) come to
Leinster, in the which I would wish the same course to be
observed, that was in Ulster.
Eudox. You meane for the leaving of the garrisons in their
forts, and for planting of English in all those countryes, be-
tweene the county of Dublin and the county of Wexford; but
those waste wilde places I thinke when they are won unto her
Majesty, that there is none which will be hasty to seeke to
inhabite.
Iren. Yes enough, (I warrant you); for though the whole.
tracke of the countrey be mountainous and woody, yet there
are many goodly valleyes amongst them, fit for faire habita-
tions, to which those mountaines adjoyned will be a great
increase of pasturage; for that countrey is a great soyle of
cattle, and very fit for breed: as for corne it is nothing
naturall, save onely for barly and oates, and some places for
rye, and therefore the larger penny-worthes may be allowed
to them, though otherwise the wildnes of the mountaine pas-
turage doe recompence the badnes of the soyle, so as I doubt
not but it will find inhabitants and undertakers enough.
Eudox. How much doe you thinke that all those lands,
which Feagh Mac Hugh houldeth under him, may amount
unto, and what rent may be reared thereout, to the main-
tenance of the garrisons that shall be laide there?
Iren. Truely it is impossible by ayme to tell it, and for
experience and knowledge thereof, I doe not thinke that there
was every any of the particulars thereof, but yet I will (if it
please you) guesse thereat, upon ground onely of their judge-
149
ment
556
View of the State of Ireland.
ment which have formerly devided all that country into 2
sheires or countyes, namely the countie of Wicklow, and the
county of Fernes; the which 2 I see no cause but that they
should wholly escheate to her Majesty, all save the barony of
Arclo which is the Earle of Ormond's auncient inheritance,
and hath ever been in his possession; for all the whole land
is the Queenes, unlesse there be some grant of any part
thereof, to be shewed from her Majesty: as I thinke there is
onely of New Castle to Sir Henry Harrington, and of the
castle of Fernes to Sir Thomas Masterson, the rest, being
almost 30 miles over, I doe suppose, can containe no lesse
then 2000 plowlands, which I will estimate at 4000 pounds.
rent, by the yeare. The rest of Leinster being 7 counties, to
wit, the county of Dublin, Kildare, Catherlagh, Wexford, Kil-
kenny, the Kings and the Queenes county, doe contain in
them 7400 plowlands, which amounteth to so many pounds
for composition to the garrison, that makes in the whole 11400
pounds, which summe will yeeld pay unto 1000 souldiours,
little wanting, which may be supplied out of other lands of
the Cavenaghes, which are to be escheated to her Majesty
for the rebellion of their possessors, though otherwise indeede
they be of her owne ancient demesne.
Eudox. It is great reason. But tell us now where you
will wish those garrisons to be laide, whether altogether, or
to be dispersed in sundry places of the country?
Iren. Marry, in sundry places, viz. in this sort, or much
the like as may be better advised, for 200 in a place I doe
thinke to be enough for the safeguard of that country, and
keeping under all suddaine upstarts, that shall seeke to trouble
the peace thereof; therefore I wish 200 to be laide at Bal-
linecor, for the keeping of all bad persons from Glan-malor,
and all the fastnes there-abouts, and also to containe all that
shall be planted in those lands thenceforth. Another 200 at
Knockelough in their former place of garrison, to keepe the
Bracknagh and all those mountaines of the Cavenaghes; 200
more
*
County of Fernes.] This is part of the county of Wexford.-SIR JAMES WARE.
150
View of the State of Ireland.
557
more to lie at Fernes and upwards, inward upon the Slane;
200 to be placed at the fort of Leix, to restraine the Moores,
Upper-Ossory, and O-Carrol; other 200 at the fort of Ofaly,
to curbe the O-Connors, O-Molloyes, Mac-Coghlan, Mageo-
ghegan, and all those Irish nations bordering there-abouts.
Eudox. Thus I see all your men bestowed in Leinster;
what say you then of Meath?
Iren. Meath which containeth both East Meath and West
Meath, and of late the Annaly, now called the county of
Longford, is counted therunto: But Meath it selfe according
to the old Records, containeth 4320 plowlands, and the county
of Longford 947 which in the whole makes 5267 plowlands,
of which the composition money will amount likewise to 5267
pounds to the maintenance of the garrison: But because all
Meath, lying in the bosome of that kingdome is alwayes
quiet enough, it is needelesse to put any garrison there, so as
all that charge may be spared. But in the county of Longford
I wish 200 footmen and 50 horsemen to be placed in some
convenient seate, betweene the Annaly and the Breny, as
about Lough Sillon, or some like place of that river, so as they
might keepe both the O-Relies, and also the O-Ferrals, and
all that out-skirt of Meath, in awe, the which use upon every
light occasion to be stirring, and having continuall enmity
amongst themselves, doe thereby oftentimes trouble all those
parts, the charge whereof being 3400 and odde pounds is to
be cut out of that composition money for Meath and Longford,
the over-plus being almost 2000 pounds by the yeare, will
come in clearly to her Majesty.
Eudox. It is worth the hearkening unto: But now that
you have done with Meath, proceede (I pray you) to Mounster,
that we may see how it will rise there for the maintenance of
the garrison.
Iren. Mounster containeth by Record at Dublin 16000
plowlands, the composition whereof, as the rest, will make
16000 pounds by the yeare, out of the which I would have
1000 souldiours to be maintained for the defence of that
province, the charge whereof with the victuallers wages, will
amount to 12000 pounds by the yeare; the other 4000 pounds
151
will
558
View of the State of Ireland.
will defray the charge of the Presidency and the Councel of
that province.
Eudox. The reckoning is easie, but in this accompt, by your
leave, (me thinkes) you are deceived; for, in this summe of
the composition money, you accompt the lands of the under-
takers of that province, who are, by their graunt from the
Queene, to be free from all such impositions whatsoever, cx-
cepting their onelie rent, which is surely enough.
Iren. You say true, I did so, but the same 20 shil. for
every plowland, I meant to have deducted out of that rent
due upon them to her Majesty, which is no hinderance, nor
charge at all more to her Majesty then it now is; for all that
rent which she receives of them, she putteth forth againe to
the maintenance of the Presidency there, the charge whereof
it doth scarcely defray; whereas in this accompt both that
charge of the Presidency, and also of a thousand souldiours
more, shall be maintained.
Eudox. It should be well if it could be brought to that:
But now where will you have your thousand men garrisoned?
Iren. I would have a hundred of them placed at the Bantry
where is a most fit place, not onely to defend all that side of
the west part from forraine invasion, but also to answere all
occasions of troubles, to which that countrey being so remote
is very subject. And surely there also would be planted a
good towne, having both a good haven and a plentifull
fishing, and the land being already escheated to her Majesty,
but being forcibly kept from her, by one that proclaimes
himselfe the bastard son of the Earle of Clancar, being called
Donnell Mac Carty, whom it is meete to foresee to: For when-
soever the Earle shall die, all those lands (after him) are to
come unto her Majesty, he is like to make a foule stirre there,
though of himselfe no power, yet through supportance of some
others who lye in the wind, and looke after the fall of that
inheritance. Another hundred I would have placed at Castle
Mayne, which should keepe all Desmond and Kerry; for it
answereth them both most conveniently: Also about Kilmore
in the county of Cork would I have 2 hundred placed, the
which should breake that nest of thieves there, and answere
152
equally
View of the State of Ireland.
559
equally both to the county of Limericke, and also the county
of Corke: another hundred would I have lye at Corke, aswell
to command the towne, as also to be ready for any forraine
occasion: Likewise at Waterford, would I place 2 hundred,
for the same reasons, and also for other privy causes, that are
no lesse important: Moreover on this side of Arlo, near to
Muskery Quirke, which is the countrey of the Burkes, about
Kill-Patricke, I would have two hundred more to be garrisoned,
which should skoure both the White Knights country and
Arlo, and Muskery Quirk, by which places all the passages of
theives doe lye, which convey their stealth from all Mounster
downewards towards Tipperary, and the English Pale, and
from the English Pale also up unto Mounster, whereof they
use to make a common trade: Besides that, ere long I doubt
that the county of Tipperary it selfe will neede such a strength
in it, which were good to be there ready before the evill fall,
that is dayly of some expected: And thus you see all your
garrisons placed.
Eudox. I see it right well, but let me (I pray you) by the
way aske you the reason, why in those citties of Mounster,
namely Waterford and Corke, you rather placed garrisons,
then in all others in Ireland? For they may thinke them-
selves to have great wrong to be so charged above all the rest.
Iren. I will tell you; those two cities above all the rest, do
offer an in-gate to the Spaniard most fitly: But yet because
they shall not take exceptions to this, that they are charged
above all the rest, I will also lay a charge upon the others
likewise; for indeed it is no reason that the corporate townes
enjoying great franchizes and privileges from her Majesty,
and living thereby not onely safe, but drawing to them the
wealth of all the land, should live so free, as not to be par-
takers of the burthen of this garrison for their owne safety,
specially in this time of trouble, and seeing all the rest
burthened; (and therefore) I will thus charge them all ratably,
according to their abilities, towards their maintenance, the
which her Majesty may (if she please) spare out of the charge
of the rest, and reserve towards her other costes, or else adde
to the charge of the Presidency in the North.
153
Waterford
560
View of the State of Ireland.
Waterford,
Corke,
Limericke,
C. Clonmell,
X.
Dundalke,
X.
L. Cashell,
X.
Mollingare,
X.
L. Fedard,
X.
Newrie,
X.
Galway,
L. Kilkenny,
XXV.
Trim,
X.
Dinglecush,
X. Wexford,
XXV. Ardee,
X.
Kinsale,
×
X.
Tredagh,
XXV.
Kells,
X.
Yoghall,
X.
Rosse,
XXV. | Dublin,
C.
Kilmallock,
X.
In all 580.
Eudox. It is easie, Irenæus, to lay a charge upon any
towne, but to foresee how the same may be answered and
defrayed, is the cheife part of good advisement.
Iren. Surely this charge which I put upon them, I know
to be so reasonable, as that it will not much be felt; for the
port townes that have benefit of shipping may cut it easily
off their trading, and inland townes of their corn and cattle;
neither doe I see, but since to them especially the benefit of
peace doth redound, that they especially should beare the
burthen of their safeguard and defence, as we see all the
townes of the Low-Countryes, doe cut upon themselves an
excise of all things towards the maintenance of the warre
that is made in their behalfe, to which though these are not
to be compared in richesse, yet are they to be charged ac-
cording to their povertie.
Eudox. But now that you have thus set up these forces of
souldiours, and provided well (as you suppose) for their pay,
yet there remaineth to fore-cast how they may be victualled,
and where purveyance thereof may be made; for, in Ireland
it selfe, I cannot see almost how any thing is to be had for
them, being already so pittifully wasted as it is with this
short time of warre.
Iren. For the first two yeares, it is needefull indeede that
they be victualled out of England thoroughly, from halfe
yeare to halfe yeare, afore-hand. All which time the English
Pale shall not be burdened at all, but shall have time to
recover themselves; and Mounster also, being reasonably well
stored, will by that time, (if God send seasonable weather,)
be thoroughly well furnished to supply a great part of that
charge, for I knowe there is a great plenty of corne sent over
154
sea
View of the State of Ireland.
561
sea from thence, the which if they might have sale for at home,
they would be glad to have money so neere hand, specially
if they were streightly restrayned from transporting of it.
Thereunto also there will be a great help and furtherance
given, in the putting forward of husbandrie in all meete
places, as heereafter shall in due place appeare. But heere-
after when things shall grow unto a better strength, and the
countrey be replenished with corne, as in short space it will,
if it be well followed, for the countrey people themselves are
great plowers, and small spenders of corne, then would I wish
that there should be good store of houses and magazins
erected in all those great places of garrison, and in all great
townes, as well for the victualling of souldiours, and shippes,
as for all occasions of suddaine services, as also for preventing
of all times of dearth and scarcitie; and this want is much to
be complained of in England, above all other countreys, who,
trusting too much to the usuall blessing of the earth, doe
never fore-cast any such hard seasons, nor any such suddaine
occasions as these troublous times may every day bring foorth,
when it will be too late to gather provision from abroad, and
to bring it perhappes from farre for the furnishing of shippes
or souldiours, which peradventure may neede to be presently
imployed and whose want may (which God forbid) hap to
hazard a kingdome.
Eudox. Indeede the want of those magazins of victualls, I
have oftentimes complayned of in England, and wondered at
in other countryes, but that is nothing now to our purpose;
but as for these garrisons which you have now so strongly
planted throghout all Ireland, and every place swarming with
souldiours, shall there be no end of them? For now thus being
(me thinkes) I doe see rather a countrey of warre, then of
peace and quiet, which you erst pretended to worke in Ire-
land; for if you bring all things to that quietnesse that you
said, what then needeth to maintaine so great forces, as you
have charged upon it?
Iren. I will unto you, Eudoxus, in privitie discover the drift
of my purpose: I meane (as I tolde you) and doe well hope
thereby both to settle an eternall peace in that countrey, and
2 N
155
also
562
View of the State of Ireland.
also to make it very profitable to her Majestie, the which I
see must be brought in with a strong hand, and so continued,
till it runne in a steadfast course of government, which in this
sort will neither be difficult nor dangerous; for the souldiour
being once brought in for the service into Ulster, and having
subdued it and Connaght, I will not have him to lay downe
his armes any more, till he have effected that which I
purpose,
that is, first to have this generall composition for maintenance
of these thoroughout all the realnie, in regard of the troub-
lous times, and daylie danger which is threatned to this
realme by the King of Spaine: And thereupon to bestow all
my souldiours in such sort as I have done, that no part of all
that realme shall be able to dare to* quinch: Then will I
eftsoones bring in my reformation, and thereupon establish
such a forme of governement, as I may thinke meetest for
the good of that realme, which being once settled, and all
things put into a right way, I doubt not but they will runne
on fairly. And though they would ever seeke to swerve
aside, yet shall they not be able without forreine violence,
once to remoove, as you your selfe shall soone (I hope) in your
own reason readily conceive; which if it shall ever appeare,
then may her Majestie at pleasure with-draw some of the
garrisons, and turne their pay into her purse, or if she will
never please so to doe (which I would rather wish) then shall
she have a number of brave olde souldiours alwayes ready for
any occasion that she will imploy them unto, supplying their
garrisons with fresh ones in their steed; the maintenance of
whome, shall be no more charge to her Majestie then now
that realme is for all the revenue thereof; and much more
she spendeth, even in the most peaceable times, that are there,
as things now stand. And in time of warre, which is now
surely every seventh yeare, she spendeth infinite treasure
besides, to small purpose.
Eudox. I perceive your purpose; but now that you have
thus strongly made way unto your reformation, and that I
see
* Quinch.] Stir.—JOHNSON.
156
View of the State of Ireland.
563
see the people so humbled and prepared, that they will and
must yeeld to any ordinance that shall be given them, I doe
much desire to understand the saine; for in the beginning
you promised to shewe a meanes how to redresse all those in-
conveniences and abuses, which you shewed to be in that state of
government, which now stands there, as in the lawes, customs,
and religion, wherein I would gladly know first, whether, in
steed of those lawes, you would have new lawes made; for
now, for ought that I see, you may doe what you please.
Iren. I see, Eudoxus, that you well remember our first pur-
pose, and doe rightly continue the course thereof. First
therefore to speake of lawes, since we first beganne with them,
I doe not thinke it now convenient, though it be in the power
of the Prince to change all the lawes and make new; for that
should breede a great trouble and confusion, aswell in the
English there dwelling, and to be planted, as also in the Irish.
For the English having beene alwayes trayned up in the
English governement, will hardly be inured to any other, and
the Irish will better be drawne to the English then the English
to the Irish government. Therefore sithence we cannot now
apply lawes fit to the people, as in the first institutions of
common wealths it ought to be, we will apply the people,
and fit them unto the lawes, as it most conveniently may be.
The lawes therefore we resolve shall abide in the same sort
that they doe, both Common Law and Statutes, onely such
defects in the Common Law, and inconveniences in the
Statutes, as in the beginning we noted, and as men of deeper
insight shall advise, may be changed by some other new acts
and ordinances to be by Parliament there confirmed: As those
for tryalls of Pleas of the Crowne, and private rights betweene
parties, colourable conveyances, and accessaries.
Eudox. But how will those be redressed by Parliament,
when as the Irish which sway most in Parliament (as you said)
shall oppose themselves against them?
Iren. That may well now be avoyded: For now that so
many Free-holders of English shall be established, they
together with Burgesses of townes, and such other loyal
Irish-men, as may be preferred to be Knights of the shire,
2 N 2
157
and
564
View of the State of Ireland.
and such like, will be able to beard and to counter-poise the
rest, who also, being now more brought in awe, will the more
easily submit to any such ordinances as shall be for the good
of themselves, and that realme generally.
Eudox. You say well, for by the increase of Free-holders
their numbers hereby will be greatly augmented; but how
shall it passe through the higher house, which still must
consiste all of Irish?
Iren. Marry, that also may be redressed by ensample of
that which I have heard was done in the like case by King
Edward the Third (as I remember) who being greatly bearded
and crossed by the Lords of the Cleargie, they being there
by reason of the Lords Abbots, and others, too many and too
strong for him, so as he could not for their frowardnesse order
and reforme things as he desired, was advised to direct out
his writts to certaine Gentlemen of the best ability and trust,
entitling them therein Barons, to serve and sitt as Barons in
the next Parlament. By which means he had so many Barons
in his Parlament, as were able to weigh downe the Cleargy
and their friends: The which Barons they say, were not
afterwardes Lords, but onely Baronets, as sundry of them
doe yet retayne the name. And by the like device her
Majestie may now likewise curbe and cut short those Irish
and unruly Lords, that hinder all good proceedings.
Eudox. It seems no lesse then for reforming of all those
inconvenient statutes that you noted in the beginning, and
redressing of all those evill customes; and lastly, for settling
of sound religion amongst them, me thinkes you shall not
neede any more to over-goe those particulars againe, which
you mentioned, nor any other which might besides be remem-
bered, but to leave all to the reformation of such a Parlament,
in which, by the good care of the Lord Deputie and Councell
they may all be amended. Therefore now you may come
unto that generall reformation which you spake of, and bring-
ing in of that establishment, by which you said all men should.
be contained in duty ever after, without the terror of warlike
forces, or violent wresting of things by sharpe punishments.
Iren. I will so at your pleasure, the which (me thinkes)
158
can
View of the State of Ireland.
565
can by no meanes be better plotted then by ensample of such
other realmes as have beene annoyed with like evills, that
Ireland now is, and useth still to be. And first in this our
realme of England, it is manifest by report of the Chronicles,
and auncient writers, that it was greatly infested with robbers
and out-lawes, which, lurking in woods and fast places, used
often to breake foorth into the highwayes, and sometimes into
small villages to rob and spoyle. For redresse whereof it is
written, that King Alured, or Aldred, did * divide the realme
into shires, and the shires into hundreds, and the hundreds
into lathes or wapentackes, and the wapentackes into tythings:
So that tenne tythings make an hundred, and five made a
lathe or wapentake, of which tenne, each one was bound for
another, and the eldest or best of them, whom they called the
Tythingman or Borsolder, that is, the eldest pledge, became
surety for all the rest. So that if any one of them did start
into any undutiful action, the Borsolder was bound to bring
him forth, when, joyning eft-soones with all his tything,
would follow that loose person thorough all places, till they
brought him in. And if all that tything fayled, then all that
lathe was charged for that tything, and if that lathe fayled,
then all that hundred was demaunded for them; and if the
hundred, then the shire, who, joyning eft-soones together,
would not rest till they had found out and delivered in that
undutifull fellow, which was not amesnable to law. And
herein it seemes, that that good Saxon King followed the
Counsell of Jethro to Moyses, who advised him to divide the
people into hundreds, and to set Captaines and wise men of
trust over them, who should take the charge of them, and
ease of that burthen. And so did Romulus (as you may
read) + divide the Romanes into tribes, and the tribes into
centuries
* Divide the realm into shires.] De his qui plura scire avet, consulat D. Hen.
Spelmanni eq. aur. Archæologum, in Borsholder et Hundred.-SIR JAMES WARE.
+ Divide the Romanes into tribes.] Livie speaking of Romulus hath it thus, Popu-
lum in curias 30 divisit, &c. Eodem tempore et centuriæ tres equitum conscriptæ
sunt.
And so we have it in Sextus Aurel. Victor's booke, de viris illustribus
urbis Romæ. Tres equitum centurias instituit (saith he) Plebem in triginta curias
distribuit-SIR JAMES Ware.
159
566
View of the State of Ireland.
centuries or hundreths. By this ordinance, this King brought
this realme of England, (which before was most troublesome,)
unto that quiet state, that no one bad person could stirre but
he was straight taken houlde of by those of his owne tything,
and their Borsholder, who being his neighbor or next kinsman
were privie to all his wayes, and looked narrowly into his
life. The which institution (if it were observed in Ireland)
would worke that effect which it did in England, and keepe
all men within the compasse of dutie and obedience.
Eudox. This is contrary to that you said before; for as I
remember, you said, that there was a great disproportion
betweene England and Ireland, so as the lawes which were
fitting for one, would not fit the other. How comes it now
then that you would transferre a principall institution from
England to Ireland?
Iren. This law was not made by the Norman Conqueror,
but by a Saxon King, at what time England was very like
to Ireland, as now it stands: for it was (as I tolde you)
annoyed greatly with robbers and out-lawes, which troubled
the whole state of the realme, every corner having a Robin
Hood in it, that kept the woods, and spoyled all passengers
and inhabitants, as Ireland now hath; so as, me thinkes, this
ordinance would fit very well, and bring them all into awe.
Eudox. Then when you have thus tythed the communalty,
as you say, and set Borsolders over them all, what would you
doe when you came to the gentlemen? would you hold the
same course?
Iren. Yea, marry, most especially; for this you must know,
that all the Irish almost boast themselves to be gentlemen, not
lesse then the Welsh; for if he can derive himselfe from the
head of any sept, (as most of them can, they are so expert by
their Bardes,) then he holdeth himselfe a gentleman, and
thereupon scorneth to worke, or use any hard labour, which
he saith, is the life of a peasant or churle; but thenceforth
becommeth either an horse-boy, or a stocali to some kerne,
inuring
*
* Or a stocah to some kerne.] The word stocah, as Dr. Johnson observes, is proba-
bly from the Erse stochk; but it is hardly used by Spenser in the sense of "
one who
160
View of the State of Ireland.
567
inuring himselfe to his weapon, and to the gentlemanly trade
of stealing, (as they count it.) So that if a gentleman, or any
wealthy man yeoman of them, have any children, the eldest
of them perhaps shall be kept in some order, but all the rest
shall shift for themselves, and fall to this occupation. And
moreover it is a common use amongst some of their gentlemens
sonnes, that so soone as they are able to use their weapons,
they straight gather to themselves three or foure straglers, or
kearne, with whom wandring a while up and downe idely the
countrey, taking onely meate, he at last falleth unto some
bad occasion that shall be offered, which being once made
known, he is thenceforth counted a man of worth, in whome
there is courage; whereupon there draw to him many other
like loose young men, which, stirring him up with incourage-
ment, provoke him shortly to flat rebellion; and this happens
not onely sometimes in the sonnes of their gentle-men, but
also of their noble-men, specially of them who have base.
sonnes. For they are not onely not ashamed to acknowledge
them, but also boaste of them, and use them to such secret
services, as they themselves will not be seene in, as to plague
their enemyes, to spoyle their neighbours, to oppresse and
crush some of their owne too stubburne free-holders, which
are not tractable to their wills.
Eudox. Then it seemeth that this ordinance of tithing them
by the pole, is not onely fit for the gentlemen, but also for
the noble-men, whom I would have thought to have beene of so
honourable a mind, as that they should not neede such a
kinde of being bound to their allegiance, who should rather
have held in and stayde all the other from undutifulnesse,
then neede to be forced thereunto themselves.
Iren. Yet so it is, Eudoxus; but because that noblemen
cannot be tythed, there being not many tythings of them, and
also because a Borsolder over them should be not onely a
great
runs at a horseman's foot, or of a horseboy," as the context clearly proves ; it may
be in that of "an attendant or wallet-boy." So before: "The strength of all that
nation, is the kerne, galloglasse, stocah, horseman, and horseboy, &c." Where the
distinction is again preserved.-TODD.
161
568
View of the State of Ireland.
great indignitie, but also a danger to adde more power to
them then they have, or to make one the commander of tenne,
I holde it meeter that there were onely sureties taken of them,
and one bound for another, whereby, if any shall swerve, his
sureties shall for safeguard of their bonds either bring him in,
or seeke to serve upon him; and besides this, I would wish
them all to be sworne to her Majestie, which they never yet
were, but at the first creation; and that oath would sure con-
tayne them greatly, or the breach of it bring them to shorter
vengeance, for God useth to punish perjurie sharpely: So I
reade, that there was a corporall oath taken in the raignes of
* Edward the Second, and of + Henry the Seventh, (when
the times were very broken) of all the lords and best gentle-
men, of fealtie to the Kings, which now is no lesse needfull
because many of them are suspected to have taken an other
oath privily to some bad purposes, and thereupon to have re-
ceived the Sacrament, and beene sworne to a priest, which
they thinke bindeth them more then their alleagiance to their
Prince, or love of their countrey.
Eudox. This tything to the common-people, and taking
sureties of lords and gentlemen, I like very well, but that it
will be very troublesome; should it not be as well for to have
them all booked, and the lords and gentle-men to take all the
meaner sort upon themselves? for they are best able to bring
them in, whensoever any of them starteth out.
Iren. This indeed, Eudoxus, hath beene hitherto, and yet
is a common order amongst them, to have all the people
booked by the lords and gentlemen; but yet the worst order
that ever was devised; for, by this booking of men, all the
inferiour sort are brought under the command of their lords,
and forced to follow them into any action whatsoever. Now
this
* Edward the Second.] Richard the Second.-SIR JAMES Ware.
† Henry the Seventh.] The service was performed by Sir Richard Edgecombe
being appointed thereunto by a speciall commission from K. Henry the Seventh.
There is yet extant an exact diary of all his proceedings therein, from his first land-
ing at Kinsale the 27th of June, 1488, till his departure from Dublin the 30th of
July next.-SIR JAMES WARE.
162
View of the State of Ireland.
569
this you are to understand, that all the rebellions which you
see from time to time happen in Ireland are not begun by
the common people, but by the lords and captaines of coun-
tries, upon pride or wilfull obstinacy against the government,
which whensoever they will enter into, they drawe with them
all their people and followers, which thinke themselves bound
to goe with them, because they have booked them and under-
taken for them. And this is the reason that in England you
have few such bad occasions, by reason that the noble men,
however they should happen to be evill disposed, have no com-
maund at all over the communalty, though dwelling under
them, because that every man standeth upon himselfe, and
buildeth his fortunes upon his owne faith and firme assurance:
The which this manner of tything the poles will worke also in
Ireland. For by this the people are broken into many small
parts like little streames, that they cannot easily come together
into one head, which is the principall regard that is to be had in
Ireland, to keepe them from growing unto such a head, and
adhering unto great men.
Eudox. But yet I cannot see how this can be well brought,
without doing great wrong unto the noble men there; for,
at the first conquest of that realme, those great seigniories and
lordships were given them by the King, that they should be
the stronger against the Irish, by the multitudes of followers
and tennants under them; all which hold their tenements of
them by fealty, and such services, whereby they are (by the
first graunt of the King) made bounden unto them, and tyed
to rise out with them into all occasions of service. And this
I have often heard, that when the Lord Deputy hath raised
any generall hostings, the noble men have claimed the leading
of them, by graunt from the Kings of England, under the
Greate Seal exhibited; so as the Deputies could not refuse
them to have the leading of them, or, if they did, they would
so worke as none of their followers should rise forth to the
hostage.
Iren. You say true; but will you see the fruite of those
grants? I have knowne when those lords have had the lead-
ing of their owne followers under them to the generall host-
163
ings,
570
View of the State of Ireland.
ings, that they have for the same cut upon every plowland
within their country 40 shil. or more, whereby some of them
have gathered above seven or eight hundred pounds, and
others much more into their purse, in lieu whereof they have
gathered unto themselves a number of loose kearne out of all
parts, which they have carried forth with them, to whom they
never gave any penny of entertainement, allowed by the
countrey or forced by them, but let them feede upon the
countryes, and extort upon all men where they come; for that
people will never aske better entertainement then to have a
colour of service or imployment given them, by which they
will pole and spoyle so outragiously, as the very enemy
cannot doe much worse: and they also sometimes turne to
the enemy.
Eudox. It seemes the first intent of those graunts was
against the Irish, which now some of them use against the
Queene her selfe: But now what remedy is there for this?
or how can those graunts of the Kings be avoyded, without
wronging of those lords, which had those lands and lordships.
given them?
Iren. Surely they may be well enough; for most of those
lords, since their first graunts from the Kings by which those
lands were given them, have sithence bestowed the most part
of them amongst their kinsfolke, as every lord perhaps hath
given in his time one or other of his principall castles to his
younger sonne, and other to others, as largely and as amply
as they were given to him, and others they have sold, and
others they have bought, which were not in their first graunt,
which now neverthelesse they bring within the compasse
thereof, and take and exact upon them, as upon their first
demeasnes all those kind of services, yea and the very wild
exactions, * Coignie, Livery, Sorehon, and such like, by which
they
*
Coignie, Livery, Sorehon.] What Coigny and Livery doe signifie, has been
already expressed. Sorehon was a tax laide upon the free-holders, for certaine
dayes in each quarter of a yeare, to finde victualls, and lodging, and to pay certaine
stipends to the kerne, galloglasses, and horsemen.-SIR JAMES WARE.
164
View of the State of Ireland.
571
they pole and utterly undoe the poore tennants and free-
houlders unto them, which either thorough ignorance know
not their tenures, or thorough greatnes of their new lords dare
not challenge them; yea, and some lords of countryes also, as
great ones as themselves, are now by strong hand brought
under them, and made their vassals. As for example Arundell
of the Stronde in the County of Corke, who was aunciently
a great lord, and was able to spend 3500 pounds by the yeare,
as appeareth by good recordes, is now become the Lord Barries
man, and doth to him all those services, which are due unto
her Majesty. For reformation of all which, I wish that there
were a commission graunted forth under the Great Seale, as
I have seene one recorded in the old counsell booke of Moun-
ster, that was sent forth, in the time of Sir William Drurie,
unto persons of special trust and judgment to enquire
thoroughout all Ireland, beginning with one county first, and
so resting a while till the same were settled, by the verdict of
a sound and substantiall jury, how every man houldeth his
land, of whom, and by what tenure, so that every one should
be admitted to shew and exhibite what right he hath, and by
what services he houldeth his land, whether in cheife or in
soccage, or by knights service, or how else soever. There-
upon would appeare, first how all those great English lords
doe claime those great services, what seigniories they usurpe,
what wardships they take from the Queene, what lands of
hers they conceale: And then, how those Irish captaines of
countryes have incroached upon the Queenes free-holders and
tennants, how they have translated the tenures of them from
English houlding unto Irish Tanistry, and defeated her
Majesty of all her rights and dutyes, which are to acrew to
her thereout, as wardships, liveries, marriages, fines of alien-
ations, and many other commodities; which now are kept
and concealed from her Majesty, to the value of 4000 pounds
per annum, I dare undertake in all Ireland, by that which
I know in one county.
Eudox. This, Irenæus, would seeme a dangerous commis-
sion, and ready to stirre up all the Irish in rebellion, who
knowing that they have nothing to shew for all those lands.
165
which
572
View of the State of Ireland.
which they hould, but their swords, would rather drawe them
then suffer the lands to be thus drawne away from them.
Iren. Neither should their lands be taken away from them,
nor the utmost advantages inforced against them: But this
by discretion of the commissioners should be made knowne
unto them, that it is not her Majesties meaning to use any
such extreamity, but onely to reduce things into order of
English law, and make them hould their lands of her, and to
restore to her her due services, which they detaine out of
those lands, which were aunciently held of her. And that
they should not onely not be thrust out, but also have estates
and grants of their lands new made to them from her Majesty,
so as they should thence-forth hould them rightfully, which
they now usurpe wrongfully; and yet withall I would wish,
that in all those Irish countryes there were some land reserved
to her Majesties free disposition for the better containing of
the rest, and intermingling them with English inhabitants
and customes, that knowledge might still be had of them, and
of all their doings, so as no manner of practise or conspiracy
should be had in hand amongst them, but notice should be
given thereof by one meanes or another, and their practises
prevented.
Eudor. Truely neither can the Irish, nor yet the English
lords, thinke themselves wronged, nor hardly dealt withall
herein, to have that which is indeede none of their owne at
all, but her Majesties absolutely, given to them with such equall
conditions, as that both they may be assured thereof, better
then they are, and also her Majesty not defrauded of her right
utterly; for it is a great grace in a prince, to take that with
conditions, which is absolutely her owne. Thus shall the
Irish be well satisfied, and as for the great men which had
such graunts made to them at first by the Kings of England,
it was in regard that they should keepe forth the Irish, and
defend the Kings right, and his subjects: but now seeing
that, in stead of defending them, they robbe and spoyle them,
and, in stead of keeping out the Irish, they doe not onely
make the Irish their tennants in those lands, and thrust out
the English, but also some of themselves become meere Irish,
with
166
View of the State of Ireland.
573
with marrying with them, with fostering with them, and com-
byning with them against the Queene; what reason is there
but that those graunts and priviledges should be either re-
voked, or at least reduced to the first intention for which
they were graunted? for sure in mine opinion they are more
sharpely to be chastised and reformed then the rude Irish,
which, being very wilde at the first, are now become more
civill; when as these, from civility, are growne to be wilde
and meere Irish.
Iren. Indeede, as you say, Eudoxus, these doe neede a
sharper reformation then the Irish, for they are more stub-
borne, and disobedient to law and governement, then the
Irish be.
that
Eudox. In truth, Irenæus, this is more then ever I heard,
any English there should be worse then the Irish: Lord,
how quickely doth that countrey alter mens natures! It is
not for nothing (I perceive) which I have heard, that the
Councell of England thinke it no good policie to have that
realme reformed, or planted with English, least they should
grow so undutifull as the Irish, and become much more
dangerous: As appeareth by the ensamples of the Lacies in
the time of Edward the Second, which you spake of, that
shooke off their allegiance to their naturall Prince, and turned
to Edward le Bruce, to make him King of Ireland.
Iren. No times have beene without bad men: But as for
that purpose of the Councell of England which you spake of,
that they should keepe that realme from reformation, I thinke
they are most lewdly abused; for their great carefulnesse, and
earnest endeavours, doe witnesse the contrary. Neither is it
the nature of the countrey to alter mens manners, but the
bad mindes of the men, who having beene brought up at home
under a straight rule of duty and obedience, being alwayes
restrayned by sharpe penalties from lewde behaviour, so soone
as
* Then the Irish be.] In the manuscript belonging to the Marquis of Stafford,
there follow two very severe paragraphs. I prefer the text of Sir James Ware, who
professes to follow the best, that is, I presume, a corrected manuscript.-TODD.
167
574
View of the State of Ireland.
as they come thither, where they see lawes more slackely
tended, and the hard restraint which they were used unto
now slacked, they grow more loose and carelesse of their
duty: and as it is the nature of all men to love liberty, so
they become flat libertines, and fall to all licentiousnes, more
boldly daring to disobey the law, thorough the presumption
of favour and friendship, then any Irish dareth.
Eudox. Then if that be so, (me thinkes) your late advise-
ment was very evill, whereby you wished the Irish to be
sowed and sprinckled with English, and in all the Irish coun-
tryes to have English planted amongst them, for to bring
them to English fashions, since the English sooner drawe to
the Irish then the Irish to the English: For as you said before,
if they must runne with the streame, the greater number
will carry away the lesse: Therefore (me thinkes) by this
reason it should be better to part the Irish and English then
to mingle them together.
Iren. Not so, Eudoxus; but where there is no good stay of
government, and strong ordinances to hould them, there in-
deede the fewer will follow the more, but where there is due
order of discipline and good rule, there the better shall goe fore-
most, and the worst shall follow. And therefore now, since
Ireland is full of her owne nation, that ought not to be
rooted out, and somewhat stored with English already, and
more to be, I thinke it best by an union of manners, and
conformity of mindes, to bring them to be one people, and
to put away the dislikefull conceipt both of the one and the
other, which will be by no meanes better then by this inter-
mingling of them: For neither all the Irish may dwell together,
nor all the English, but by translating of them and scattering
them amongst the English, not onely to bring them by dayly
conversation unto better liking of each other, but also to make
both of them lesse able to hurt. And therefore when I come
to the tything of them, I will tithe them one with another,
and for the most part will make an Irish man the tything-
man, whereby he shall take the lesse exception to partiality,
and yet be the more tyed thereby. But when I come to the
Head Borough, which is the head of the lathe, him will I
168
make
View of the State of Ireland.
575
make an English man, or an Irish man of speciall assurance:
As also when I come to appoint the Alderman, that is the
head of the hundreth, him will I surely choose to be an
English man of speciall regard, that may be a stay and pillar
of all the borough under him.
Eudox. What doe you meane by your hundred, and what
by your borough? By that, that I have read in auncient
records of England, an hundred did contain an hundreth
villages, or as some say an hundreth plowlands, being the
same which the Saxons called * Cantred; the which cantred,
as I finde it recorded in the black booke of [the Exchequer
of] Ireland did contain xxx. Villatas terræ, which some call,
quarters of land, and every Villata can maintaine 400 cowes
in pasture, and the 400 cowes to be divided into 4 heards, so
as none of them shall come neere other: every Villata con-
taining 18 plowlands, as is there set downe: And by that
which I have read of a borough it signifieth a free towne,
which had a principall officer, called a head-borough, to become
ruler, and undertake for all the dwellers under him, having,
for the same, franchises and priviledges graunted them by the
King, whereof it was called a free borough, and of the lawyers
franci-plegium.
Iren. Both that which you said, Eudoxus, is true, and yet
that which I say not untrue; for that which you spake of
deviding
* Cantred.] Cantred is a Brittish word, answering to the Saxon Hun-oped.
How much land a cantred containeth is variously delivered. Some hould that it
containes 100 townes. So Gir. Barry or Cambrensis, in his Itinerary of Wales, (lib.
2. cap. 7.) "Dicitur autem cantredus, (saith he) composito vocabulo tam Britan-
nica quam Hibernica lingua, tanta terra portio, quanta 100 villas continere solet.”
The author here cites a record which makes it containe but 30 towne-lands: and
John Clynn, (if my copy therein be not mistaken) hath but 20. But another more
auncient MS. sometime belonging to the Friars Minors of Multifernan, hath 30.
"Quælibet cantreda (saith Clinne) continet xx. (al. xxx.) villatas terræ, quælibet
villata potest sustinere 300 vaccas in pascuis, ita quod vaccæ in X. (al. 1111.) partes
divisa, nulla alteri, appropinquabit, quælibet villata continet viii. carucatas." We
finde also there the provinces of Ireland thus divided into cantreds.
Ultonia con-
tinet 35 cantredas, Conacia 30, Lagenia 31, Midia 18, et Momonia 70. See more
concerning cantreds in Sir Hen. Spelmann's excellent Glossary. As cantreds are
diversly estimated, so are also carues or plowlands.-SIR JAMES Ware.
169
576
View of the State of Ireland.
deviding the countrey into hundreds, was a devision of the
lands of the realme, but this which I tell, was of the people,
which were thus devided by the pole: so that hundreth in
this sense signifieth a 100 pledges, which were under the com-
mand and assurance of their alderman, the which (as I suppose)
was also called a wapentake, so named of touching the weapon
or speare of their alderman, and swearing to follow him faith-
fully, and serve their Prince truly. But others thinke that
a wapentake was 10 hundreds or boroghs: Likewise a borogh,
as I here use it, and as the old lawes still use, is not a borogh
towne, as they now call it, that is a franchised towne, but
a maine pledge of 100 free persons, therefore called a free
borogh or (as you say) franci-plegium: For Borh in old
Saxon signifieth a pledge or surety, and yet it is so used with
us in some speeches, as Chaucer saith; St. John * to borrow,
that is for assurance and warranty.
Eudox. I conceive the difference: But now that you have
thus devided the people into these tythings and hundreths,
how will you have them so preserved and continued? for
people doe often change their dwelling places, and some must
die, whilst other some doe growe up into strength of yeares,
and become men.
Iren. These hundreds I would wish to assemble themselves
once every yeare with their pledges, and to present them-
selves before the justices of the peace, which shall be there-
unto appointed, to be surveyed and numbered, to see what
change hath happened since the yeare before; and, the defects
to supplie, of young plants late growne up, the which are
diligently to be overlooked and viewed of what condition and
demeanour they be, so as pledges may be taken for them, and
they put into order of some tything; of all which alterations
note is to be taken, and bookes made thereof accordingly.
Eudox. Now (me thinkes) Irenæus, you are to be warned
to take heede lest unawares you fall into that inconvenience
which
* To borrow.] Spenser uses the word in the same sense in his Shepheards Calen-
der.—TODD.
170
View of the State of Ireland.
577
which you formerly found fault with in others: namely that
by this booking of them, you doe not gather them into a new
head, and, having broken their former strength, doe not unite
them more strongly againe: For every alderman, having all
these free pledges of his hundred under his command, may
(me thinkes) if he be evill disposed drawe all his companie
into an evill action. And likewise, by this assembling of them
once a yeare unto their alderman by their weapentakes, take
heede lest you also give them occasion and meanes to practise
together in any conspiracys.
Iren. Neither of both is to be doubted; for their aldermen
and headboroughs, will not be such men of power and coun-
tenance of themselves, being to be chosen thereunto, as neede
to be feared: Neither if he were, is his hundred at his com-
maund, further then his Princes service; and also every
tything man may controll him in such a case. And as for
the assembling of the hundred, much lesse is any danger
thereof to be doubted, seeing it is before some justice of
peace, or some high constable to be thereunto appointed: So
as of these tythings there can no perill ensue, but a certaine
assurance of peace and great good; for they are thereby
withdrawne from their lords, and subjected to the Prince:
Moreover for the better breaking of these heads and septs,
which (I tould you) was one of the greatest strengthes of the
Irish, me thinkes it should be very well to renewe that ould
statute, which was made * in the raigne of the Edward the
Fourth in Ireland, by which it was commaunded, that whereas
all † men then used to be called by the name of their septs,
according to the severall nations, and had no surnames at all,
that from thenceforth each one should take upon himselfe a
severall
* In the raigne of Edward.] An. 5. Edw. 4.-SIR JAMES Ware.
† All men.] The statute referres onely to the Irish, dwelling among the English
in the counties of Dublin, Meth, Uriel, and Kildare. Uriel, called also Ergallia,
did anciently comprehend all that countrey which is now divided into the counties
of Louth and Monoghan, although it may be conceived that Louth was onely in-
tended by the statute, because Monoghan was then (in a manner) wholly possessed
by the Irish.-SIR JAMES Ware.
20
171
578
View of the State of Ireland.
severall surname, either of his trade and facultie, or of some
quality of his body or minde, or of the place where he dwelt,
so as every one should be distinguished from the other, or
from the most part, whereby they shall not onely not depend
upon the head of their sept, as now they do, but also in time
learne quite to forget his Irish nation. And herewithall would
I also wish all the O's and the Mac's, which the heads of septs
have taken to their names, to be utterly forbidden and extin-
guished. For that the same being an ordinance (as some say)
first made by O Brien for the strengthning of the Irish, the
abrogating thereof will asmuch infeeble them.
*
Eudox. I like this ordinance very well; but now that you
have thus divided and distinguished them, what other order
will you take for their † manner of life.
Iren. The next that I will doe, shalbe to appoint to every
one that is not able to live of his free-holde, a certaine
trade of life, to which he shall finde himselfe fittest, and shalbe
thought ablest, the which trade he shalbe bound to follow,
and live onely thereupon. All trades therefore are to be un-
derstood to be of three kindes, manuall, intellectuall, and
mixed. The first containeth all such as needeth exercise of
bodily labour, to the performance of their profession. The
second consisting only of the exercise of wit and reason. The
third sort, part of bodily labor, and part of the wit, but de-
pending most of industrie and carefulnes. Of the first sort
be all handycrafts and husbandry labour. Of the second be
all sciences, and those which be called the liberall arts. Of the
third is merchandize and chafferie, that is, buying and selling;
and without all these three, there is no common-wealth can
almost
* O Brien.] The custome of prefixing the vowell O to many of the chiefe Irish
surnames, began soon after the yeere M. in the raigne of Brien Bopoma (the son of
Kennethy) king of Ireland. As for Mac in surnames, it beareth no other signification
then Fitz doth among the French, and (from them) the English; and Ap with the
Welsh. And although it were more anciently used then the other, yet it varied
according to the father's name, and became not so soone fully settled in families.-
SIR JAMES WARE.
† Manner of life.] Another severe remark here follows in the manuscript men-
tioned in p. 573.—Todd.
172
View of the State of Ireland.
579
almost consist, or at the least be perfect. But the realme of
Ireland wanteth the most principall of them, that is, the in
tellectuall; therefore in seeking to reforme her state, it is
specially to be looked unto. But because by husbandry,
which supplyeth unto us all things necessary for food, wherby
we chiefly live; therefore it is first to be provided for. The
first thing therefore that we are to draw these new tythed
men into, ought to be husbandry. First, because it is the
most easie to be learned, needing onely the labour of the body.
Next, because it is most generall and most needful; then be-
cause it is most naturall; and lastly, because it is most enemy
to warre, and most hateth unquietnes: As the Poet saith,
"bella execrata colonis:"
for husbandry being the nurse of thrift, and the daughter of
industrie and labour, detesteth all that may worke her scathe,
and destroy the travaile of her hands, whose hope is all her
lives comfort unto the plough: therefore are those Kearne,
Stocaghes, and Horse-boyes, to be driven and made to imploy
that ablenesse of bodie, which they were wont to use to theft
and villainy, hencefoorth to labour and industry. In the
which, by that time they have spent but a little paine, they
will finde such sweetnesse and happy contentment, that they
will afterwardes hardly be haled away from it, or drawne to
their wonted lewde life in theeverie and roguerie. And being
once thus inured thereunto, they are not onely to be counte-
nanced and encouraged by all good meanes, but also provided
that their children after them may be brought up likewise in
the same, and succeede in the roomes of their fathers. To
which end there is a Statute in Ireland already well pro-
vided, which commaundeth that all the sonnes of husband-
men shall be trained up in their fathers trades, but it is (God
wot) very slenderly executed.
Eudox. But doe you not count, in this trade of husbandry,
pasturing of cattle, and keeping of their cowes? for that is
reckoned as a part of husbandrie.
* There is a Statute.] Anno 25° Hen. 6.-SIR JAMES WARE.
Iren.
202
173
580
View of the State of Ireland.
Iren. I know it is, and needefully to be used, but I doe not
meane to allow any of those able bodies, which are able to
use bodily labour, to follow a few cowes grazeing. But such
impotent persons, as being unable for strong travaile, are yet
able to drive cattle to and fro to their pasture; for this keep-
ing of cowes is of it selfe a very idle life, and a fit nurserie
for a thiefe. For which cause (you remember) I disliked the
Irish manner of keeping Boolies in Summer upon the moun-
taines, and living after that savage sort. But if they will
algates feede many cattle, or keepe them on the mountaines,
let them make some townes neare to the mountaines side,
where they may dwell together with neighbours, and be con-
versant in the view of the world. And to say truth, though
Ireland be by nature counted a great soyle of pasture, yet
had I rather have fewer cowes kept, and men better mannered,
then to have such huge increase of cattle, and no increase of
good conditions. I would therefore wish that there were
some ordinances made amongst them, that whosoever keepeth
twentie kine, should keep a plough going; for otherwise all
men would fall to pasturage, and none to husbandry, which
is a great cause of this dearth now in England, and a cause
of the usuall stealthes in Ireland: For looke into all coun-
treyes that live in such sort by keeping of cattle, and you
shall finde that they are both very barbarous and uncivill, and
also greatly given to warre. The Tartarians, the Muscovites,
the Norwegians, the Gothes, the Armenians, and many other
doe witnesse the same. And therefore since now we pur-
pose to draw the Irish, from desire of warre and tumults, to
the love of peace and civility, it is expedient to abridge their
great custome of hardening, and augment their trade of
tillage and husbandrie. As for other occupations and trades,
they need not be inforced to, but every man to be bound
onely to follow one that he thinkes himselfe aptest for. For
other trades of artificers will be occupied for very necessitie,
and constrayned use of them; and so likewise will merchan-
dize for the gaine thereof; but learning, and bringing up in
liberall sciences, will not come of it selfe, but must be drawne
on with streight lawes and ordinances: And therefore it were
174
meete
View of the State of Ireland.
581
meete that such an act were ordained, that all the sonnes of
lords, gentlemen, and such others as are able to bring them
up in learning, should be trayned up therein from their child-
hoods. And for that end every parish should be forced to
keepe a pettie schoole-master, adjoyning unto the parish
church, to be the more in view, which should bring up their
children in the first elements of letters: and that, in every
countrey or baronie, they should keepe an other able schoole-
master, which should instruct them in grammar, and in the
principles of sciences, to whom they should be compelled to
send their youth to be disciplined, whereby they will in short
space grow up to that civill conversation, that both the chil-
dren will loath their former rudenesse in which they were
bred, and also their parents will even by the ensample of their
young children perceive the foulenesse of their own behaviour,
compared to theirs: For learning hath that wonderfull power
in it selfe, that it can soften and temper the most sterne and
savage nature.
Eudox. Surely I am of your minde, that nothing will
bring them from their uncivill life sooner then learning and
discipline, next after the knowledge and feare of God. And
therefore I doe still expect, that you should come thereunto,
and
*In the principles of sciences.] How requisite also an universitie is for the further
growth in learning, the judicious well know. This happinesse we now enjoy, to
the great benefit of this land. And although former attempts have beene made for
erecting and establishing universities in Ireland, yet through want of meanes, which
should have beene allotted for their maintenance, they have soone faded.
So hap-
ned it with that academy which Alexander de Bignor, Archbishop of Dublin erected
(in S. Patrick's Church) in Dublin, and procured to be confirmed by Pope John
the 12th. And no better succeeded that which was afterwards erected at Tredagh
by Act of Parliament Anno 5. Edw. 4. (as appeares in the roll of that yeare in the
Chauncery) whereby all the like priviledges, as the University of Oxford (in Eng-
land) enjoyed, were conferred upon it. Besides these we finde mention of others,
farre more ancient, as at Armagh, and Ross. Carbry, or Ross. Ailithry, as it is called
in the life of S. Faghnan, the founder, who lived in the yeare 590. "Ipse Sanctus
(saith the author) in australi Hiberniæ plagâ iuxta mare, in suo monasterio quod
ipse fundavit, ibi crevit civitas, in quà semper manens magnum studium scholarium,
quod dicitur Rossailithry, habitabat." But a further search were fit to be made
touching those of the elder times.-SIR JAMES WARE.
175
582
View of the State of Ireland.
F
and set some order for reformation of religion, which is first
to be respected; according to the saying of CHRIST, "Seeke
first the kingdome of heaven, and the righteousnesse thereof."
Iren. I have in minde so to doe; but let me (I pray you)
first finish that which I had in hand, whereby all the ordi-
nances which shall afterwardes be set for religion may abide
the more firmely, and be observed more diligently. Now
that this people is thus tythed and ordered, and every one
bound unto some honest trade of life, which shall be particu-
larly entered and set downe in the tything booke, yet per-
happes there will be some stragglers and runnagates, which
will not of themselves come in and yeeld themselves to this
order, and yet after the well finishing of the present warre,
and establishing of the garrisons in all strong places of the
countrey, where their wonted refuge was most, I suppose
there will few stand out, or if they doe, they will shortly be
brought in by the eares: But yet afterwardes, lest any one of
them should swerve, or any that is tyed to a trade, should
afterwardes not follow the same, according to this institution,
but should straggle up and downe the countrey,* or mich in
corners amongst their friends idely, as Carrowes, Bardes,
Jesters, and such like, I would wishe that a Provost Marshall
should be appointed in every shire, which should continually
walke about the countrey, with halfe a dozen, or halfe a score
horsemen, to take up such loose persons as they should finde
thus wandering, whome he should punish by his owne
authority, with such paines as the person shall seeme to de-
serve; for if he be but once so taken idely roguing, he may
punish him more lightly, as with stockes, or such like; but if
he be found againe so loytering, he may scourge him with
whippes, or rodds, after which if he be againe taken, let him
have the bitternesse of marshall lawe. Likewise if any reli-
ques of the olde rebellion be found by any, that either have
not
* Or mich in corners.] The word micher is used by Chaucer to denote a thief
or vagabond, Rom. R. 6541 edit. Urr. And Mr. Tyrwhitt cites the following usage
of the verb : Mychyn or pryvely stelyn smale thyngs. Surripiò. Prompt. Parv.”
See also Cotgrave in V. "To miche, etre vilain "-TODD.
176
View of the State of Ireland.
583
not come in and submitted themselves to the law, or that
having once come in, doe breake forth againe, and walke dis-
orderly, let them taste of the same cuppe in Gods name; for
it was due to them for their first guilt, and now being revived
by their later loosenesse, let them have their first desert, as
now being found unfit to live in the common-wealth.
Eudox. This were a good ordinance: but me thinkes it is
an unnecessary charge, and also unfit to continue the name
or forme of any marshall law, when as there is a proper
officer
already appointed for these turnes, to wit the sheriffe of the
shire, whose peculiar office it is to walke up and downe his
bayliwicke, as you would have a marshall, to snatch up all
those runnagates and unprofitable members, and to bring
them to his gaole to be punished for the same. Therefore
this may well be spared.
Iren. Not so, me thinkes; for though the sheriffe have this
authority of himselfe to take up all such stragglers, and im-
prison them, yet shall he not doe so much good, nor worke
that terrour in the hearts of them, that a marshall will, whom
they shall know to have power of life and death in such cases,
and specially to be appointed for them: Neither doth it
hinder that, but that though it pertaine to the sheriffe, the
sheriffe may doe therein what he can, and yet the marshall
may walke his course besides; for both of them may doe the
more good, and more terrifie the idle rogue, knowing that
though he have a watch upon the one, yet he may light upon
the other: But this proviso is needefull to be had in this case,
that the sheriffe may not have the like power of life, as the
marshall hath, and as heretofore they have beene accustomed;
for it is dangerous to give power of life into the hands of him
which may have benefit by the parties death, as, if the said
loose liver have any goods of his owne, the Sheriffe is to seize
thereupon, whereby it hath come to passe, that some who have
not deserved judgement of death, though otherwise perhaps
offending, have beene for their goods sake caught up, and
carryed straight to the bough; a thing indeed very pittiful
and horrible. Therefore by no meanes I would have the
Sheriffe have such authority, nor yet to imprison that lozell
177
till
584
View of the State of Ireland.
till the sessions, for so all gaoles might soon be filled; but to
send him to the Marshall, who, eftsoones finding him faultie,
shall give him meete correction, and ridd him away forthwith.
Eudor. I doe now perceive your reason well: But come
we now to that whereof we earst spake, I meane, to religion
and religious men; what order will you set amongst them?
Iren. For religion little have I to say, my selfe being (as I
said) not professed therein, and it selfe being but one, so as
there is but one way therein; for that which is true onely is,
and the rest is not at all; yet, in planting of religion, thus
much is needefull to be observed, that it be not sought forcibly
to be impressed into them with terrour and sharpe penalties,
as now is the manner, but rather delivered and intimated with
mildnesse and gentlenesse, so as it may not be hated before it
be understood, and their Professors despised and rejected.
And therefore it is expedient that some discreete Ministers of
their owne countrey-men, be first sent over amongst them,
which by their meeke perswasions and instructions, as also
by their sober lives and conversations, may draw them first to
understand, and afterwards to imbrace, the doctrine of their
salvation; for if that the auncient godly fathers, which first
converted them, when they were infidells, to the faith, were
able to pull them from idolatry and paganisme to the true
beliefe in CHRIST, as S. Patricke, and S. Columb, how much
more easily shall godly teachers bring them to the true un-
derstanding of that which they already professed? wherin it
is great wonder to see the oddes which is betweene the zeale
of Popish Priests and the ministers of the Gospell; for they
spare not to come out of Spaine, from Rome, and from Remes,
by long toyle and daungerous travayling hither, where they
know perill of death awayteth them, and no reward or richesse
is to be found, onely to draw the people unto the Church of
Rome; whereas some of our idle Ministers, having a way for
credite and estimation thereby opened unto them, and having
the livings of the countrey offered unto them, without paines,
and without perill, will neither for the same, nor any love of
God, nor zeale of religion, nor for all the good they may doe,
by winning soules to God, be drawne foorth from their warme
178
neastes,
View of the State of Ireland.
585
neastes, to looke out into Gods harvest, which is even ready
for the sickle, and all the fields yellow long agoe; doubtlesse
those good olde godly Fathers, will (I feare me) rise up in
the day of judgement to condemne them.
Eudox. Surely, it is great pitty, Irenæus, that there are
none chosen out of the Ministers of England, good, sober,
and discreet men, which might be sent over thither to teach and
instruct them, and that there is not asmuch care had of their
soules as of their bodies; for the care of both lyeth upon.
the Prince.
Iren. Were there never so many sent over, they should doe
small good till one enormity be taken from them, that is, that
both they be restrayned from sending their yong men abroad
to other Universities beyond the sea, as Remes, Doway,
Lovaine, and the like, and others from abroad be restrayned
for comming into them, for they lurking secretly in their
houses, and in corners of the countrey, doe more hurt and
hinderance to religion with their private perswasions then all
the others can doe good with their publique instructions; and
though for these latter there be a good statute there ordained,
yet the same is not executed; and as for the former there is
no law nor order for their restraint at all.
Eudox. I marvaile it is no better looked unto, and not
onely this, but that also which I remember you mentioned in
your abuses concerning the profits and revenewes of the lands
of fugitives in Ireland, which by pretence of certaine colour-
able conveyances are sent continually over unto them, to the
comforting of them and others against her Majestie, for which
here in England there is good order taken; and why not then
aswell in Ireland? For though there be no statute there yet en-
acted therefore, yet might her Majestie, by her onely preroga-
tive, seize the fruites and profites of those fugitives lands into
her handes, till they come over to testifie their true allegiance.
Iren. Indeede she might so doe; but the comberous times
doe perhappes hinder the regard thereof, and of many other
good intentions.
Eudox. But why then did they not mend it in peaceable
times?
179
Iren.
586
View of the State of Ireland.
Iren. Leave we that to their grave considerations; but pro-
ceed we forward. Next care in religion is to build up and
repayre all the ruined churches, whereof the most part lye
even with the ground, and some that have bin lately repayred
are so unhandsomely patched and thatched that men doe
even shunne the places for the uncomelinesse thereof; there-
fore I would wishe that there were order taken to have them
built in some better forme, according to the churches of
England; for the outward shewe (assure your selfe) doth
greatly drawe the rude people to the reverencing and fre-
quenting thereof, what ever some of our late too nice fooles
say, there is nothing in the seemely forme, and comely order
of the church. And for the keeping and continuing them,
there should likewise Church-wardens of the gravest men in
the parish be appointed, as they be here in England, which
should take the yearely charge both hereof, and also of the
schoole-houses which I wish to be built neere the said churches;
for maintenance of both which, it were meete that some small
portion of lands were allotted, sith no more mortmaines are
to be looked for.
Eudox. Indeede (me thinkes) it would be so convenient;
but when all is done, how will you have your churches served,
and your Ministers maintained? since the livings (as you say)
are not sufficient scarce to make them gownes, much lesse
to yeelde meete maintenance according to the dignity of their
degree.
Iren. There is no way to helpe that but to lay 2 or 3 of
them together, untill such time as the countrey grow more
rich and better inhabited, at which time the tythes, and other
obventions, will also be more augmented and better valued:
But now that we have thus gone through all the 3 sorts of
trades, and set a course for their good establishment; let us
(if it please you) goe next to some other needefull points of
other publicke matters no lesse concerning the good of the
commonwealth, though but accidentally depending on the
former. And first I wish, that order were taken for the cutting
and opening of all places through woods, so that a wide way
of the space of 100 yards might be layde open in every of
180
them
I
View of the State of Ireland.
587
them for the safety of travellers, which use often in such per-
illous places to be robbed, and sometimes murdered. Next,
that bridges were built upon the rivers, and all the fordes
marred and spilt, so as none might passe any other way but
by those bridges, and every bridge to have a gate and a gate
house set thereon, whereof this good will come that no night
stealths which are commonly driven in by-wayes, and by
blinde fordes unused of any but such like, shall not be con-
veyed out of one country into another, as they use, but they
must passe by those bridges, where they may either be haply
encountred, or easily tracked, or not suffered to passe at all,
by meanes of those gate-houses thereon: Also that in all
straights and narrow passages, as betweene 2 boggs, or through
any deepe foord, or under any mountaine side, there should
be some little fortilage, or wooden castle set, which should
keepe and commaund that straight, whereby any rebells that
should come into the country might be stopped that way, or
passe with great perill. Moreover, that all high wayes should
be fenced and shut up on both sides, leaving onely 40 foote
breadth for passage, so as none shall be able to passe but
through the high wayes, whereby theeves and night robbers
might be the more easily pursued and encountred, when there
shall be no other way to drive their stolne cattle, but therein,
as I formerly declared. Further, that there should be in
sundry convenient places, by the high wayes, townes appointed
to be built, the which should be free Burgesses, and incor-
porate under Bayliffes, to be by their inhabitants well and
strongly intrenched, or otherwise fenced with gates on each
side thereof, to be shut nightly, like as there is in many places
in the English Pale, and all the wayes about it to be strongly
shut up, so as none should passe but through those townes:
To some of which it were good that the priviledge of a market
were given, the rather to strengthen and inable them to their
defence, for there is nothing doth sooner cause civility in any
countrie then many market townes, by reason that people re-
pairing often thither for their needes, will dayly see and learne
civil manners of the better sort: Besides, there is nothing doth
more stay and strengthen the countrey then such corporate
181
townes
588
View of the State of Ireland.
townes, as by proofe in many rebellions hath appeared, in
which when all the countryes have swerved, the townes have
stood fast, and yeelded good releife to the souldiours in all
occasions of services. And lastly there is nothing doth more
enrich any country or realme then many townes; for to them
will all the people drawe and bring the fruites of their trades,
aswell to make money of them, as to supply their needefull
uses; and the countrymen will also be more industrious in
tillage, and rearing of all husbandry commodities, knowing
that they shall have ready sale for them at those townes; and
in all those townes should there be convenient innes, erected
for the lodging and harbouring of travellers, which are now
oftentimes spoyled by lodging abroad in weake thatched
houses, for want of such safe places to shroude them in.
Eudor. But what profit shall your market townes reape of
their market? when as each one may sell their corne and
cattle abroad in the country, and make their secret bargaines
amongst themselves as now I understand they use.
Iren. Indeede, Eudoxus, they do so, and thereby no small
inconvenience doth rise to the commonwealth; for now when.
any one hath stolne a cow or a garron, he may secretly sell
it in the country without privity of any, whereas if he brought
it to a market towne it would perhaps be knowne, and the
theife discovered. Therefore it were good that a straight or-
dinance were made, that none should buy or sell any cattle,
but in some open market, (there being now market townes
every where at hand,) upon a great penalty, neither should
they likewise buy any corne to sell the same againe, unlesse
it were to make malt thereof; for by such ingrosing and re-
grating we see the dearth that now commonly raigneth here
in England to have beene caused. Hereunto also is to be added
that good ordinance, which I remember was once proclaimed
throughout all Ireland: That all men should marke their cattle
with an open severall marke upon their flanckes or buttockes,
so as if they happened to be stolne, they might appeare whose
they were, and they, which should buy them, might thereby
suspect the owner, and be warned to abstaine from buying
them of a suspected person, with such an unknowne marke.
Eudox.
182
1
View of the State of Ireland.
589
}
Eudoa. Surely these ordinances seeme very expedient, but
specially that of free townes, of which I wonder there is so
small store in Ireland, and that, in the first peopling and
planting thereof, they were neglected and omitted.
Iren. They were not omitted; for there were, through all
places of the country convenient, many good townes seated,
which thorough that inundation of the Irish, which I first
told you of, were utterly wasted and defaced, of which the
ruins are yet in many places to be seene, and of some no signe
at all remaining, save onely their bare names; but their seats
are not to be found.
Eudox. But how then commeth it to passe, that they have
never since been recovered, nor their habitations reedified, as
of the rest, which have beene no lesse spoyled and wasted?
Iren. The cause thereof was, for that, after their desolation,
they were begged by gentlemen of the Kings, under colour
to repaire them, and gather the poore reliques of the people
againe together, of whom having obtained them, they were so
farre from reedifying of them, as that by all meanes they have
endeavoured to keepe them waste, lest that, being repaired,
their charters might be renewed, and their Burgesses restored
to their lands, which they had now in their possession; much
like as in those old monuments of abbeyes, and religious
houses, we see them likewise use to doe: For which cause it
is judged that King Henry the Eight bestowed them upon
them, conceiving that thereby they should never be able to
rise againe. And even so doe these Lords, in these poore
old corporate townes, of which I could name divers, but for
kindling of displeasure. Therefore, as I wished many cor-
porate townes to be erected, so would I againe wish them to
be free, not depending upon the service, nor under the com-
maund of any but the Governour. And being so, they will
both strengthen all the country round about them, which by
their meanes will be the better replenished and enriched, and
also be as continuall houldes for her Majesty, if the people
should revolt or breake out againe; for without such it is easie
to forrage and over-run the whole land. Let be for ensample
all those free-boroughes, in the low-countreyes, which are
183
now
590
View of the State of Ireland.
now all the strength thereof. These and other like ordinances
might be delivered for the good establishment of the realme,
after it is once subdued and reformed, in which it might after-
wards be very easily kept and maintained, with small care
of the Governours and Councell there appointed, so as it
should in short space yeeld a plentifull revenue to the crowne
of England; which now doth but sucke and consume the
treasure thereof, through those unsound plots and changefull
orders, which are dayly devised for her good, yet never ef-
fectually prosecuted or performed.
Eudox. But in all this your discourse I have not marked
any thing by you spoken touching the appointment of the
principall Officer, to whom you wish the charge of the per-
formance of all this to be committed: Onely I observed some
fowle abuses by you noted in some of the late Governours,
the reformation whereof you left of for this present place.
Iren. I delight not to lay open the blames of great Magis-
trates to the rebuke of the world, and therefore their reforma-
tion I will not meddle with, but leave unto the wisedome of
greater heads to be considered; only thus much I will speake
generally thereof, to satisfie your desire, that the Government
and cheife Magistracy, I wish to continue as it doth, to wit,
that it be ruled by a Lord Deputy or Justice, for that it is
a very safe kinde of rule; but there-withall I wish that over
him there were placed also a Lord Lieutenant, of some of the
greatest personages in England, * such a one I could name,
upon whom the eye of all England is fixed, and our last hopes.
now rest; who being intituled with that dignity, and being
here alwayes resident, may backe and defend the good course
of that government against all maligners, which else will,
through their cunning working under hand, deprave and pull
back what ever thing shall be begun or intended there, as we
commonly see by experience at this day, to the utter ruine
and desolation of that poore realme; and this Lieutenancy
should be no discountenancing of the Lord Deputy, but
rather
* Such a one I could name, &c.] Meaning the Earl of Essex.-TODD.
184
View of the State of Ireland.
591
?
}
rather a strengthning of all his doings; for now the chiefe
evill in that government is, that no Governour is suffered to
goe on with any one course, but upon the least information
here, of this or that he is either stopped and crossed, or other
courses appointed him from hence which he shall run, which
how inconvenient it is, is at this houre too well felt: And
therefore this should be one principall in the appointing of
the Lord Deputies authority, that it should be more ample
and absolute then it is, and that he should have uncontrouled
power to doe any thing, that he with the advisement of the
Councell should thinke meete to be done: For it is not pos-
sible for the Councell here, to direct a Governour there, who
shall be forced oftentimes to follow the necessitie of present
actions, and to take the suddaine advantage of time, which
being once lost will not be recovered; whilst, through ex-
pecting direction from hence, the delayes whereof are often-
times through other greater affaires most irksome, the opor-
tunityes there in the meane time passe away, and great danger
often groweth, which by such timely prevention might easily
be stopped: And this (I remember) is worthily observed by
Machiavel in his discourses upon Livie, where he commendeth
the manner of the Romans Government, in giving absolute
power to all their Councellors and Governours, which if they
abused, they should afterwards dearely answere: And the
contrary thereof he reprehendeth in the States of Venice, of
Florence, and many other principalityes of Italy; who use to
limit their chiefe officers so strictly, as that thereby they have
oftentimes lost such happy occasions, as they could never come
unto againe: The like whereof, who so hath beene conver-
sant in that government of Ireland, hath too often seene to
their great hinderance and hurt. Therefore this I could wish
to be redressed, and yet not so but that in particular things
he should be restrained, though not in the generall govern-
ment; as namely in this, that no offices should be sould by
the Lord Deputy for money, nor no pardons, nor no protec-
tions bought for reward, nor no beoves taken for Captainries
of countryes, nor no shares of Bishopricks for nominating
of Bishops, nor no forfeytures, nor dispensations with pœnall
Statutes
185
592
View of the State of Ireland.
Statutes given to their servants or friends, nor no selling of
licences for transportation of prohibited wares, and specially
of corne and flesh; with many the like; which neede some
manner of restrainte, or else very great trust in the honorable
disposition of the Lord Deputy.
Thus I have, Eudoxus, as briefly as I could, and as my
memorie would serve me, run through the state of that whole
country, both to let you see what it now is, and also what it
may be by good care and amendment: Not that I take upon
me to change the policy of so great a kingdome, or prescribe
rules to such wise men as have the handling thereof, but onely
to shew you the evills, which in my small experience I have
observed, to be the chiefe hinderance of the reformation; and
by way of conference to declare my simple opinion for the
redresse thereof, and establishing a good course for govern-
ment; which I doe not deliver as a perfect plot of mine owne
invention to be onely followed, but as I have learned and
understood the same by the consultations and actions of very
wise Governours and Councellours, whom I have (sometimes)
heard treate hereof: So have I thought good to set downe a
remembrance of them for my owne good, and your satisfac-
tion, that who so list to overlooke them, although perhaps
much wiser then they which have thus advised of that state,
yet at least by comparison hereof may perhaps better his owne
judgment, and by the light of others fore-going him, may
follow after with more ease, and haply finde a fairer way
thereunto, then they which have gone before.
Eudox. I thank you, Irenæus, for this your gentle paines;
withall not forgetting, now in the shutting up, to put you in
minde of that which you have formerly halfe promised, that
hereafter when we shall meete againe, upon the like good
occasion, you will declare unto us those your observations,
which you have gathered of the antiquities of Ireland.*
* See several observations, relating to this View of the State of Ireland, in the
Life of Spenser.-TODD.
HERE ENDETH SPENSER'S VIEW OF IRELAND.
A DISCOVERIE
OF THE
STATE OF IRELAND.


A DISCOVERIE
OF THE STATE OF
IRELAND: with the true Causes
why that Kingdom was never
entirely subdued,
nor brought under Obedience of the Crowne of ENG-
LAND, untill the Beginning of his Majefties
moft happie Raigne.
mis

Printed for Iohn Iaggard, dwelling within Temple
Bar, at the Signe of the Hand and Star.
1613.
2 P
}
Dedicated
ΤΟ
THE KING,
BY
Sir JOHN DAVIS, Knight,
His MAJESTIES
Atturney Generall
of IRELAND.
PRINCIPIS EST VIRTUS MAXIMA,
NÔSSE SUOS.
2 P 2
}
A Diſcovery of the true
causes, why IRELAND was never
entirely fubdued, and brought
under Obedience of the Crowne
of ENGLAND, untill the begin-
ning of his MAJESTIES happy
raigne.

AM
URING the time of my Service
in IRELAND (which began in the
first yeare of his Majesties raigne)
I have visited all the Provinces of
that Kingdome, in sundry journies
and circuits. Wherein I have ob-
served the good Temperature of
the Ayre; the Fruitfullness of the
Soyle; the pleasant and commodi-
ous seats for habitation; the safe and large Ports and Havens
lying open for Trafficke, into all the West parts of the world;
the long Inlets of many Navigable Rivers, and so many great
Lakes, and fresh Ponds within the Land; (as the like are not
to be seene in any part of Europe,) the rich Fishings, and
Wilde Fowle of all kinds: and lastly, the Bodies and Minds
of the people, endued with extraordinarie abilities of Nature.
THE observation whereof, hath bred in me some curiositie
to consider what were the true causes why this Kingdome,
whereof our Kings of England have borne the Title of
Soveraign Lords for the space of foure hundred and odde
yeares
5
598 A Discoverie of the True Causes why
Two maine
impedi-
ments of
the con-
quest.
Simile.
yeares (a period of time wherein divers great Monarchies have
risen from Barbarisme to Civillitie, and fallen againe to ruine)
was not in all that space of time, thoroughly subdued and
reduced to Obedience of the Crowne of England, although
there hath been almost a continuall warre between the English
and the Irish; and why the manners of the meere Irish are
so little altred since the dayes of King Henry the Second, as
appeareth by the description made by Giraldus Cambrensis
(who lived and wrote in that time), albeit, there have bin
since that time, so many English Colonies planted in Ireland,
as that, if the people were numbered at this day by the Poll,
such as are descended of English race would be found more
in number then the ancient Natives.
AND truly, upon consideration of the conduct and passage
of affaires in former times, I find, that the State of England
ought to be cleared of an imputation, which a vulgar error
hath cast upon it in one point; namely, That Ireland long
since might have been subdued and reduced to Civillity, if
some Statesmen, in policy, had not thought it more fit to con-
tinue that Realme in Barbarisme. Doubtlesse, this vulgar
Opinion (or report) hath no true ground, but did first arise
either out of Ignorance, or out of Malice. For it will appeare
by that which shall hereafter be laide downe in this discourse,
that ever since Our Nation had any footing in this Land, the
State of England did earnestly desire, and did accordingly
endevour from time to time, to perfect the Conquest of this
kingdom, but that in every age there were found such im-
pediments and defects in both Realmes, as caused almost an
impossibility, that things should have bin otherwise than they
were.
THE Defects which hindred the Perfection of the Con-
quest of Ireland, were of two kinds, and consisted: first, in
the faint prosecution of the warre, and next, in the loosenesse
of the civill Government. For, the Husbandman must first
breake the Land, before it be made capeable of good seede:
and when it is thoroughly broken and manured, if he do not
6
forthwith
Ireland was never entirely Subdued, &c. 599
1
forthwith cast good seed into it, it will grow wilde againe,
and beare nothing but Weeds. So a barbarous Country must
be first broken by a warre, before it will be capeable of good
Government; and when it is fully subdued and conquered,
if it be not well planted and governed after the Conquest, it
will eft-soones return to the former Barbarisme.
of the
TOUCHING the carriage of the Martiall Affaires, from the The faint
seventeenth yeare of King Henry the Second, when the first prosecution
overture was made for the Conquest of Ireland (I meane warre.
the first after the Norman Conquest of England) untill
the nine and thirtith yeare of Queene ELIZABETH, when that
Royal army was sent over to suppresse Tirones Rebellion,
which made in the end an universall and absolute conquest
of all the Irishrie: it is most certaine, that the English forces.
sent hither, or raised heere from time to time, were ever too
weake to subdue and master so many warlike nations (or Septs)
of the Irish, as did possesse this Island; and besides their
weakenesse, they were Ill paide, and worse Governed. And
if at any time there came over an army of competent strength
and power, it did rather terrifie then breake and subdue this
people, being ever broken and dissolved by some one accident
or other, before the perfection of the Conquest.
conquest.
FOR, that I call a Perfect Conquest of a Country, which What is a
doth reduce all the people thereof to the Condition of Sub- perfect
jects and those I call Subjects, which are governed by the
ordinary Lawes and Magistrates of the Soveraigne. For,
though the Prince doth beare the Title of Soveraign Lord of
an entire country (as our Kings did of all Ireland) yet if
there be two third parts of that Countrey wherein he cannot
punish Treasons, Murders, or Thefts, unlesse he send an Army
to do it; if the Jurisdiction of his ordinary Courts of Justice.
doth not extend into those parts to protect the people from
wrong and oppression; if he have no certaine Revennew, no
Escheats or Forfeytures out of the same, I cannot justly say,
that such a Country is wholly conquered.
7
FIRST
600
A Discoverie of the True Causes why
How the
war hath
cuted since
the 17
yeare of
Henry the
Second
FIRST then, that we may judge and discerne whether the
bin prose- English forces in Ireland were at any time of sufficient
strength, to make a full and finall Conquest of that Land,
let us see what extraordinary armies have bin transmitted
out of England thither, and what ordinarie forces have beene
maintained there, and what service they have performed from
time to time, since the seaventeenth yeare of King Henry
the Second.
In the
time of
Second.
In that yeare, Mac Murugh Lord of Leinster, being op-
Henry the pressed by the Lords of Meth and Conaght, and expelled out
of his territorie, mooved King Henry the Second to invade
Ireland, and made an overture unto him for the obtaining of
the Soveraigne Lordship thereof. The King refused to under-
take the Warre himself, to avoid the charge (as King Henry
the Seventh refused to undertake the discovery of the Indies
for the same cause) but he gave license by his Letters Patents,
that such of his Subjects might passe over into Ireland as wold
at their owne charge become adventurers in that enterprize.
Giraldus
Cambrensis.
The first
attempt
but an ad-
Gentlemen.
So as the first attempt to conquer this Kingdome, was but
an adventure of a few private Gentlemen. Fitz-Stephen and
venture of Fitz-Girald first brake the yce, with a party of three hun-
private
dred ninety men. The Earle Strongbow followed them with
twelve hundred more, whose good successe upon the Sea-
With what coasts of Leinster and Mounster, drew over the King in
person the next year after, cum quingentis Militibus, as
selfe came Giraldus Cambrensis reporteth, who was present in Ireland
forces the
K. him-
over.
Archiv.
Remem.
Regis apud
Westm.
at that time. Which if they were but five hundred souldiers,
seemeth too small a traine for so great a Prince. But admit
they were five hundred Knightes, yet because in those dayes
every Knight was not a Commaunder of a Regiment or Com-
pany, but most of them served as private men (sometimes a
hundered Knightes under a Speare) as appeareth by the
Lists of the ancient armies, we cannot conjecture his army to
have beene so great, as might suffice to conquer all Ireland,
being divided into so many Principalities, and having so manie
Hydraes heads, as it had at that time.
8
For
Ireland was never entirely Subdued, &c.
601
For albeit, Tacitus in the life of Agricola doth report, that
Agricola having subdued the greatest part of Great Britaine,
did signifie to the Senat of Rome, that he thought Ireland
might also be conquered with one Legion, and a few ayds: I
make no doubt, but that if he had attempted the conquest
thereof with a farre greater army, he would have found him-
selfe deceived in his conjecture. "For, a Barbarous Country
is not so easily conquered as a Civill, whereof Cæsar had
experience in his warres against the Gaules, Germaines, and
Britaines, who were subdued to the Roman Empire, with
farre greater difficultie than the rich kingdoms of Asia. And
againe, a Countrey possessed with many pettie Lordes and
States, is not so soone brought under entirely, as an entire
Kingdome Governed by one Prince or Monarch. And there-
fore, the late King of Spaine could sooner win the Kingdome
of Portugall then reduce the States of the Low Countries.
maner of
ry the Se-
of Ireland.
Bur let us see the successe of King Henry the Second. What
Doubtlesse his expedition was such, as he might have said Conquest
with Cæsar: Veni, vidi, vidi. For, upon his first arrival, King Hen-
his very Presence without drawing his sword, prevailed so cond made
much, as all the Petty-Kings, or Great Lords within Leinster,
Conaght, and Mounster, submitted themselves unto him,
promised to pay him tribute, and acknowledged him their
chiefe and Soveraigne Lord. Besides, the better to assure
this inconstant Sea-Nimph (who was so easily wonne) the
Pope would needs give her unto him with a Ring; Conjugio
jungam stabili, propriamque dicabo. But as the Conquest
was but slight and superficiall, so the Popes Donation and
the Irish Submissions were but weake and fickle assurances.
For, as the Pope had no more interest in this kingdome, then
He which offered to Christ all the kingdomes of the earth;
so the Irish pretend, That by their Law, a Tamist might do
no Act that might bind his successor. But this was the best
assurance he could get from so many strong Nations of
people, with so weake a power: and yet he was so well pleased
with this title of the Lordship of Ireland, as he placed it in
his Royall Stile, before the Dutchies of Normandy and Aquit-
9
aine
602
A Discoverie of the True Causes why
Bodin de
Repub.
The true
aine. And so being advertised of some stirs raised by his
unnatural sonnes in England, within five months after his
first arrivall, he departed out of Ireland, without striking one
blow, or building one Castle, or planting one Garrison among
the Irish, neither left he behinde him one true subject more
than those he found there at his coming over, which were
onely the English Adventurers spoken of before, who had
gained the Port Townes in Leinster and Mounster, and pos-
sessed some scopes of land thereunto adjoyning, partly by
Strongbowes alliance with the Lord of Leinster, and partly
by plaine invasion and Conquest.
And this is that Conquest of King Henry the Second so
much spoken of by so many Writers, which though it were
in no other manner then is before expressed, yet is the entire
Conquest of all Ireland attributed unto him.
But the troth is, the Conquest of Ireland was made peece.
and peece, by slow steppes and degrees, and by severall at-
tempts, in severall ages. There were sundry revolutions, as
well of the English fortunes as of the Irish; some-whiles one
prevailing, some-whiles the other, and it was never brought to
a full period, till his Majesty that now is came to the Crowne.
As for King Henry the Second, he was farre from obtaining
that Monarchy Royall, and true Soveraigntie which his Majesty
(who now raigneth) hath over the Irish. For the Irish Lords
did onely promise to become Tributaries to King Henry the
Second. And such as pay onely Tribute, though they be
placed by Bodin, in the first degree of Subjection, are not
properlie Subjects but Soveraignes. For, though they be
lesse and inferiour unto the Prince to whom they pay Tribute,
yet they hold all other pointes of Soveraignty; and having
paide their Tribute which they promised, to have their peace,
they are quit of all other duties, as the same Bodin writeth.
And therefore, though King Henry the Second had the title
of Soveraigne Lorde over the Irish, yet did he not put those
thinges in execution, which are the true markes and differ-
ences of Soveraigntie.
For, to give Lawes unto a people, to institute Magistrats
markes of and Officers over them; to punish and pardon Malefactors;
O
10
to
Ireland was never entirely Subdued, &c.
603
1
tie.
to have the sole authority of making warre and peace, and the Soveraign-
like; are the true markes of Soveraigntie; which King
Henry the Second had not in the Irish Countreyes, but the
Irish Lords did still retaine all these prerogatives to themselves.
For they governed their people by the Brehon Law: they
made their owne Magistrates and Officers; they pardoned
and punished all Malefactours within their severall Countries;
they made warre and peace one with another, without con-
troulment; and this they did not onely during the raigne of
King Henry the Second, but afterwardes in all times, even
untill the raigne of Queen Elizabeth: And it appeareth what
maner of Subjects these Irish Lords were, by the Concorde
made betweene King Henry the Second, and Rodericke ô Con-
nor the Irish King of Conaght, in the yeare 1175, which is
recorded by Hoveden in this forme: Hic est finis et Concordia, Hoveden
inter Dominum regem Angliæ Henricum, filium Imperatricis Secundo.
et Rodoricum Regem Conacta, scilicet, quod Rex &c., Angliæ fol. 312.
concessit prædict' Roderico Ligeo homini suo, ut sit Rex sub
eo paratus ad servitium suum, ut homo suus, &c. And the
Commission, whereby King Henry the Second made William
Fitz-Adelme his Lieutenant of Ireland, hath this direction:
Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Regibus, Comitibus, Baronibus, et
omnibus fidelibus suis in Hibernia, Salutem. Whereby it is mani-
fest, that he gave those Irish Lords the title and stile of Kinges.
in Henrico
Chart. m. 3.
King John likewise did grant divers Charters to the King of 6 Johannis
Conaght, which remaine in the Tower of London. And after- Claus.mem-
brana, 18.
wards in the time of King Henry the Third, we finde in the 17 Johannis
Tower, a graunt made to the King of Thomond, in these words: 6 Hen. 3.
Rex Regi Tosmond salutem. Concessimus vobis terram Tus- chart. m. 2.
mond quam prius tenuistis, per firmam centum et triginta mar-
carum; Tenendum de nobis usque ad ætatem nostram: And in Archiv. in
the pipe Rols remaining in Bremighams Tower in the Castle of
Dublin, upon sundrie Accompts of the Seneshal of Ulster (when
that earledome was in the Kinges handes, by reason of the mi-
nority of the Earle) the entry of all such charges as were made
upon Oneale, for Rent-Beeves, or for aids towards the mainten-
ance of the Kinges warres, are in this forme. Oneal Regulus 400 42 Hen. 3.
vaccas pro arreragio Reddit; Oneal Regulus, 100 li. de Auxilio Compotus
11
Domini
Castro
Dublin.
604
A Discoverie of the True Causes why
Zouch.
36 Hen. 3.
Huberti de
Rouly.
Will. de la Domini Regis ad guerram suam in Wasconia sustinendam.
And in one Rol the 36 of Henry the Third, Oneale Rex, 100 li.
Compotus de auxilio domini Regis ad guerram suam in Wallia Sustin-
endam. Which seemed strange to me, that the Kings civill
Officer should give him that stile upon Record, unlesse he
meant it in that sense as Maximilian the Emperor did, when
speaking of his disobedient Subjects; "The Title (saide he)
of Rex Regum, doth more properly belong to me then to any
mortall Prince, for all my subjects do live as Kings they
obey me in nothing, but do what they list." And truely, in
that sense, these Irish Lords might not unfitly be tearmed
Kings. But to speake in proper termes, we must say with
the Latine Poet, Qui rex est, Regem, Maxime non habeat.
But touching these Irish Kings, I will adde this note out of
an ancient Manuscript, the blacke Booke of Christ-Church in
Dublin. Isti Reges non fuerunt ordinati solemnitate alicuius
ordinis, nec unctionis Sacramento, nec iure, hæreditario, vel
aliqua proprietatis successione, sed vi et armis quilibet Reg-
num suum obtinuit: and therefore, they had no just cause to
complaine, when a stronger King then themselves, became a
King and Lord over them. But let us returne to our purpose,
and see the proceeding of the Martial affaires.
How the
war was
of King
John.
Giraldus
Cambrensis,
King Henry the Second, being returned into England, gave
the Lordship of Ireland unto the Lord John his youngest
prosecuted
in the time sonne, sur-named before that time, Sans Terre. And the
Pope confirming that guift, sent him a Crowne of Peacockes
feathers (as Pope Clement the Eight, sent the Feather of a
Phoenix (as he called it) to the Traitor Tirone.) This young
Prince, the Kings sonne, being but twelve years of age, with
a traine of young Noblemen and Gentlemen, to the number of
300, but not with any maine army, came over to take posses-
sion of his new Patrimony, and being arrived at Waterford,
divers Irish Lords (who had submitted themselves to his
father) came to performe the like duty to him. But that
youthfull company using them with scorne, because their
demeanors were but rude and barbarous, they went away
much discontented, and raised a generall rebellion against
Cumbrensis. him. Whereby it was made manifest, that the Submission of
Giraldus
12
the
}
}
Ireland was never entirely Subdued, Sc.
605
the Irish Lords, and the Donation of the Pope, were but
slender and weake assurances for a kingdome.
Hereupon this young Lord was revoked, and Sir John de
Courcy sent over, not with the kings armie, but with a com-
pany of Voluntaries, in number foure hundred, or thereabout.
With these he attempted the conquest of Ulster, and in foure
or five encounters, did so beate the Irishry of that Province,
as that he gained the Maritime Coasts thereof, from the Boyne Giraldus
to the Bann; and thereupon, was made Earle of Ulster. So
as now the English had gotten good footing in all the Provin-
ces of Ireland. In the first three Provinces of Leinster,
Mounster, and Conaght, part by the sword, and part by sub-
mission and alliance. And lastly, in Ulster, by the invasion
and victories of Sir John de Courcy.
Cambrensis
From this time forward, untill the seventeenth year of
King John (which was a space of more than 30 yeares) there
was no army transmitted out of England, to finish the Con-
quest. Howbeit in the meane time, the English Adventurers
and Colonies alreadie planted in Ireland, did winne much
ground upon the Irish; Namely, the Earle Strongbow, having
married the Daughter of Mac Murrogh, in Leinster; the
Lacies in Meth; the Giraldines, and other Adventurers in
Mounster, the Audeleys, Gernons, Clintons, Russels, and other
Voluntaries of Sir John de Courcies retinue, in Ulster; and
the Bourkes (planted by William Fitz-Adelme) in Conaght.
Yet were the English reputed but Part Owners of Ireland at
this time, as appeareth by the Commission of the Popes
Legate in the time of King Richard the first, whereby he had Matth.
power to exercise his Jurisdiction, in Anglia, Wallia, ac illis Paris in
Hiberniæ partibus, in quibus Johannes Moretonii Comes potes- primo so.
tatem habet et dominium, as it is recorded by Mat. Paris.
Richardo
1519.
King John in the twelfth year of his raigne, came over
again into Ireland: the stories of that time say with a great
army, but the certaine numbers are not recorded: yet it is
credible, in regard of the troubles wherewith this King was
distressed in England, that this army was not of sufficient Matth.
strength to make an entire Conquest of Ireland; and if it
had been of sufficient strength, yet did not the King stay a
sufficient
13
Paris.
606 A Discoverie of the True Causes why
This
Charter
sufficient time to perform so great an action, for he came over
in June, and returned in Septem. the same yeare. Howbeit
in that time, the Irish Lords for the most part, submitted
themselves to him, as they had done before to his Father:
which was but a meere mockery and imposture. For his
backe was no sooner turned, but they returned to their for-
mer Rebellion: and yet this was reputed a second Conquest.
And so this King giving order for the building of some
Castles upon the Borders of the English Colonies, left behinde
him the Bishop of Norwich, for the civil government of the
lande; but he left no standing army to prosecute the con-
quest: only the English Colonies which were alreadie planted,
were left to themselves to maintaine what they had got, and
to gaine more if they could.
The personall presence of these two great Princes, King
Henry the Second, and King John, though they performed
no great thing with their armies, gave such countenance to
the English Colonies, which encreased dayly by the comming
over of new voluntaries and adventurers out of England, as
that they enlarged their Territories verie much. Howbeit
after this time the Kings of England, either because they
presumed that the English Colonies were strong enough to
roote out the Irish by degrees, or else because they were
diverted or disabled otherwise (as shall be declared hereafter)
never sent over any Royal armie, or any numbers of men
worthy to be called an army into Ireland, untill the thirty six
yeare of King Edward the Thirde, when Lionell Duke of
Clarence, the kings second sonne, having married the daughter
and heyre of Ulster, was sent over with an extraordinary
power in respect of the time (for the wars betwixt England
and Fraunce, were then in their heate) aswell to recover his
Earldome of Ulster, which was then over-run and possest by
the Irish, as to reforme the English Colonies, which were
become strangely degenerate throughout the whole kingdome.
FOR though King Henry the Thirde, gave the whole Land
of Ireland to Edward the Prince, his eldest son, and his
eth perfect heyres, Ita quod non Sepuretur a Corona Angliæ. Where-
yet remain-
14
upon
Ireland was never entirely Subdued, &c.
607
the Trea-
Westmin-
ster.
Castro Dub-
upon it was styled the Land of the Lorde Edwarde, the kings with an en-
eldest sonne: and all the Officers of the Land were called tire Seale in
the Officers of Edward Lord of IRELAND; and though this sury at
Edward were one of the most active Princes that ever lived
in England, yet did he not either in the life time of his father, Archin. in.
or during his own raign, come over in person, or transmit any lin.
armie into Ireland, but on the other side, he drew sundry et Archiv.
ayds and supplies of men out of Ireland to serve him in his Hen. 3.
warres in Scotland, Wales, and Gascoigne.
And again,
though King Edward the Second sent over Piers Gaveston
with a great retinue, it was never intended he should perfect
the Conquest of Ireland; for the King could not want his
company so long a time, as must have been spent in the finish-
ing of so tedious a worke.
Turr. 52.
patent. m.
ried from
King John
yeare of
King Ed-
3.
So then, in all that space of time, betweene the twelfth How the
yeare of King John, and the 36 yeare of King Edward the martiall
affayres
Third containing 150 years, or thereabouts, although there were car-
were a continuall bordering war between the English and the the 12
Irish, there came no royal army out of England, to make an yeare of
end of the warre. But the chiefe Governors of the realme, to the 36
who were at first called Custodes Hiberniæ; and afterwards
Lords Justices, and the English Lordes who had gotten so ward the
great possessions and Royalties, as that they presumed to make
warre and peace without direction from the State, did levie
all their forces within the land. But those forces were weakely
supplied and Ill Governed, as I said before. Weakly supplied
with men and Money; and governed with the worst Discip-
line that ever was seene among men of warre. And no mar-
vell, for it is an infallible rule, that an army ill paide is ever
unruly, and ill governed. The standing forces heere, were
sildome or never re-enforced out of England, and such as
were either sent from thence, or raised heere, did commonly
do more hurt and damage to the English Subjects, then to
the Irish enemies, by their continuall Sesse and Extortion.
Which mischiefe did arise, by reason that little or no Treasure.
was sent out of England, to pay the soldiers wages: Onely
the Kings revennew in Ireland was spent, and wholy spent in
the publicke service; and therefore, in all the ancient Pipe-
15
Rols
608
A Discoverie of the True Causes why
Castro
Dublin.
Statut. 10.
H. 7. cap.
4 Rot.
Parliam.
Archiv. in Rols in the times of Henry the Third, Edward the First,
Edward the Second, Edward the Third, betweene the Receipts
and allowances, there is this entrie; In Thesauro nihil. For
the officers of the State and the Army spent all; so as there
was no surplusage of Treasure; and yet that All was not
sufficient. For in default of the Kings pay, aswell the ordin-
ary forces which stood continually, as the extraordinarie,
which were levied by the chiefe Governor, upon journeyes,
and generall hoastings, were for the most part laid upon the
poore subject descended of English race; howbeit this burden
was in some measure tolerable in the time of King Henry the
Third, and King Edward the First; but in the time of King
Edward the Second, Maurice Fitz-Thomas of Desmond, being
chiefe Commander of the army against the Scots, began that
wicked extortion of Coigne and Livery, and pay, that is: He
and his army tooke Horse-meate and Mans-meate, and money,
at their pleasure, without any Ticket, or other satisfaction.
And this was after that time, the generall fault of all the Gov-
ernors and Commanders of the army in this Lande. Onely
the golden saying of Sir Thomas Rookesby, who was Justice
in the thirtieth yeare of King Edward the Third is recorded
in all the Annalles of this kingdome, That he would eate in
wooden dishes, but would pay for his Meat, Gold and Silver.
Besides, the English Colonies being dispersed in everie Prov-
ince of this kingdome, were enforced to keep continuall guards
upon the Borders and Marches round about them; which
Guardes, consisting of idle souldiers, were likewise imposed
as a continuall burthen uppon the poore English Freeholders,
whome they oppressed and impoverished in the same manner.
And because the great English Lords and Captaines had
power to impose this charge, when, and where they pleased,
´manie of the poore Freeholders, were glad to give unto those
Lords a great part of their Lands, to hold the rest free from
that extortion: And many others, not being able to endure
that intollerable oppression, did utterly quit their freeholds,
and returned into England. By this meane, the English
Colonies grew poore and weake, though the English Lords
grew rich and mighty: for they placed Irish Tenants uppon
in Castro
Dublin.
Annales
Hiberniæ
in Camden.
Baron
Finglas
Manus.
Stat. 10.
H. 7. cap.
4. Rot.
Parliam.
in Castro
Dublin.
16
the
Ireland was never entirely Subdued, &c. 609
the Landes relinquished by the English; upon them they
levied all Irish exactions; with them they married, and fos-
tered, and made Gossips: so as within one age, the English,
both Lords and Free-holders, became degenerate and meer
Irish in their Language, in their apparell, in their armes and
manner of fight, and all other Customes of life whatsoever.
Henry 4.
cap. 6.
By this it appeareth, why the extortion of Coigny and Statut. 11.
Livery, is called in the old Statutes of Ireland, A Damnable
custome; and the imposing and taking thereof, made High Baron
Finglas.
Treason. And it is saide in an ancient discourse Of the Decay M.S
of Ireland, that though it were first invented in Hell, yet if
it had been used and practised there, as it hath been in Ire-
land, it had long since destroyed the very kingdome of Bel-
zebub. In this manner was the warre of Ireland carried,
before the comming over of Lionel Duke of Clarence.
with Lionel
the 3.
Archiv.
This young Prince, being Earle of Ulster, and Lord of The Armie
Conaght, in right of his wife (who was daughter and heire of transmitted
the Lord William Bourke, the last Earle of Ulster of that Duke of
Clarence,
family slaine by treachery at Knockfergus) was made the the 36 of
kings Lieutenant of Ireland, and sent over with an army, in Edward
the 36 year of King Edward the third. The Rol and List
of which Army, doth remaine of Record in the Kings Remem- Remem.
brauncers office in England (in the presse de Rebus tangen- Westm
regis apud.
tibus Hiberniam) and dooth not containe above fifteene hun-
dred men by the Poll; which because it differs somewhat
from the manner of this age, both in respect of the Command
and the Entertainment, I thinke it not impertinent to take a
briefe view thereof.
The Lord Lionel was Generall, and under him Raulf Earle
of Stafford, James Earle of Ormond, Sir John Carew, Ban-
neret, Sir William Windsor, and other knights were com-
manders.
The entertainment of the Generall upon his first arrivall,
was but six shillings eight pence, per diem, for himselfe; for
five Knights, two shillings a peece, per diem; for 64 Esquires,
xij.d. a peece, per diem; for 70 Archers, vj.d. a peece, per diem.
But being shortly after created Duke of Clarence (which
honor was conferred upon him beeing heere in Ireland) his
entertainment
2 Q
17
610 A Discoverie of the True Causes why
The man-
mer ages.
entertainment was raised to xiij.s. iiij.d. per diem, for himselfe,
and for 8 Knights, ij.s. a peece per diem, with an encrease of
the numbers of his Archers, viz., 360 Archers on horsebacke,
out of Lancashire, at vj.d. a peece per diem, and 23 Archers
out of Wales, at ij.d. a peece per diem.
The Earle of Staffords entertainment, was for himselfe vi.s.
viij.d. per diem, for a Banneret, iiij.s. per diem, for xvij.
Knights, ij.s. a peece per diem, for 78 Esquires, xij.d. a peece
per diem, for 100 Archers on horsebacke, vj.d. a peece per
diem. Besides, he had the command of 24 Archers out of
Staffordshire, 40 Archers out of Worcestershire, and 6 Archers
out of Shropshire, at iiij.d. a peece per diem.
The entertainment of James Earle of Ormond, was for him-
selfe iiij.s. per diem, for two Knights, ij.s. a peece per diem,
for 27 esquires xij.d. a peece per diem, for 20 Hoblers armed
(the Irish Horsemen were so called, because they served on
Hobbies) vj.d. a peece per diem, and for 20 Hoblers not armed,
iiij.d. a peece per diem.
The entertainment of Sir John Carew Banneret, was for
himselfe iiij.s. per diem, for one Knight, ij.s. per diem, for eight
Esquires, xij.d. a peece per diem, for ten Archers on horse-
backe, vj.d. a peece per diem.
The entertainment of Sir William Winsore, was for him-
selfe ij.s. per diem, for two Knights, ij.s. a peece per diem, for
49 Squires xij.d. a peece per diem, for six Archers on horse-
back, vj.d. a peece per diem.
The like entertainment rateably, were allowed to divers
Knights and Gentlemen upon that List, for themselves and
their severall retinewes, whereof some were greater, and some
lesse, as they themselves could raise them among their Ten-
ants and Followers.
FOR in ancient times, the King himselfe did not levy his
ing Soul- armies by his owne immediate Authority or Commission,
diers in for- but the Lords and Captaines did by Indenture Covenant with
the King, to serve him in his Wars with certain numbers of
men, for certaine wages and entertainments, which they raised
in greater or lesse numbers, as they had favour or power with
1
18
the
Ireland was never entirely Subdued, &c. 611
the people. This course hath been changed in later times
upon good reason of State: For the Barons and Chiefe
Gentlemen of the realme, having power to use the Kings pre-
rogative in that point, became too popular; whereby they were
enabled to raise forces even against the Crown itself, which
since the Statutes made for levying and mustering of soul-
diers by the Kings speciall commission, they cannot so easily
performe, if they should forget their duties.
vice Lionel
Archiv.
Edwd. 3.
THIS Lord Lieutenant, with this small army, performed no What ser-
great service; and yet upon his comming over, all men who Duke of
had Land in Ireland, were by Proclamation remaunded backe Clarence
performed.
out of England thither, and both the Clergy and Laity of this
Land, gave two yeares profits of all their Landes and Tithes, Turr. 36.
towardes the maintenance of the war heere: only he sup- Claus. m.
pressed some Rebels in Low Leinster, and recovered the 21 in dorso,
Maritime parts of his erldome of Ulster. But his best service
did consist in the well governing of his army, and in holding
that famous Parliament at Kilkenny; wherein the extortion of
the souldier, and the degenerat manners of the English (briefly
spoken of before) were discovered, and Lawes made to reforme
the same: Which shall be declared more at large heereafter.
and m. 30.
Winsore
his forces
THE next Lieutenant, transmitted with any forces out of Sir Wm.
England, was Sir William Winsore; who in the 47 yeare Lieutenant.
of King Edward the Third, undertook the Custodie, not 47 Ed. 3.
the Conquest of this Land (for now the English made rather and service.
a defensive then an invasive war) and withal, to defray the
whol charge of the kingdom, for eleaven thousand two hun-
dred thirteene pounds, six shillings and eight pence, as appear-
eth by the Indenture between him and the King, remaining
of Record in the Tower of London. But it appeareth by that 47 Edw. 3
which Froissard reporteth, that Sir William Winsore was so
farre from subduing the Irish, as that himselfe reported: That Stow. in
he could never have accesse to understande and know their
Countries, albeit he had spent more time in the service of Ire-
land then any Englishman then living.
Claus. m. 1.
Richd. 2.
AND heere I may well take occasion, to shewe the vanity The State
2Q 2
19
of
of the Re-
612
A Discoverie of the True Causes why
Ireland, in
Edwd. 3.
Walsing-
ham in
Richd. 2.
vennue of of that which is reported in the Story of Walsingham,
the time of touching the revennue of the Crown in Ireland, in the time
of King Edward the Third. For he setting forth the State of
things there, in the time of King Richard the Second, writeth
thus: Cum Rex Angliæ illustris, Edwardus tertius illic posuisset
Bancum suum atq.; Judices, cum Scaccario, percepit inde ad
Regalem Fiscum annuatim triginta millia librarum; modò
propter absentiam ligeorum, et hostium potentiam, nihil inde
venit: sed Rex per annos singulos, de suo Marsupio, terræ
defensoribus soluit Triginta millia marcarum, ad regni sui
dedecus et fisci gravissimum detrimentum.
Archiv.
Turr.
11 Hen. 3.
patent
m. 3.
m. 41.
If this Writer had knowne, that the Kings Courts had beene
established in Ireland more then a hundred yeares before King
Edward the Third was borne, or had seene eyther the Parlia-
ment Rols in England, or the Records of the receits and yssues
in Ireland, he had not left this vaine report to posterity. For
both the Benches and the Exchequer were erected in the twelfth
year of King John. And it is recorded in the Parliament Rols
21 Edw. 3. of 21 of Edward the Third, remaining in the Tower, that the
Commons of England made petition, that it might be enquired
why the King received no benefit of his land in Ireland, con-
sidering he possessed more there then any of his Ancestors
had before him. Now, if the King at that time, when there
were no Standing forces maintained there, had received
30000 pound yearely at his Exchequer in Ireland, he must
needs have made profit by that land, considering that the
47 Edw. 3. whole charge of the kingdome in the 47 yeare of Edward the
2 m. 24 and Third (when the King did pay an army there) did amount to
no more than eleven thousand and two hundred pounds per
annum, as appeareth by the contract of Sir William Winsore.
Besides, it is manifest by the Pipe-Rolles of that time,
whereof many are yet preserved in Breminghams Tower; and
are of better credite then any Monkes story, that during the
Archiv. in raigne of King Edward the Third, the revenue of the Crowne
of Ireland, both certaine and casuall, did not rise unto 10000
li. per annum, though the Medium be taken of the best seaven
years that are to be found in that Kings time. The like Fable
hath IIollingshead touching the revennue of the Earledome
20
claus. pers.
26.
Castro
Dublin.
Hollings-
head in
Richd. 2.
of
Ireland was never entirely Subdued, §c. 613
of Ulster; which (saith he) in the time of King Richard the
Second was thirty thousand Markes by the yeare; whereas in
truth, though the Lordships of Conaght and Meth (which
were then parcell of the inheritaunce of the Earle of Ulster)
be added to the accompt, the revennue of that earledome came
not to the thirde part of that he writeth. For the Accompt
of the profits of Ulster yet remayning in Breminghams Tower,
made by William Fitz-warren, Seneshall and Farmour of the Archiv. in
Landes in Ulster, seized into the Kings hands after the death Dublin.
of Walter de Burgo, Earle of Ulster, from the fifth yeare of 5 Edw. 3.
Edward the Third, untill the eight Yeare, doe amount but to
900 and odde pounds, at what time the Irishry had not made
so great an invasion upon the earledom of Ulster, as they had
done in the time of King Richard the Second.
As vaine a thing it is that I have seen written in an ancient
Manuscript, touching the customes of this realme in the time
of King Edward the Third, that those duties in those days
should yearely amount to 10000 markes, which by mine owne
search and view of the Records heere, I can justly controll.
For upon the late reducing of this ancient inheritance of the
crown which had beene detained in most of the Port Townes
of this Realme, for the space of a hundred yeares and
upwardes, I tooke some paines (according to the duty of my
place) to visit all the Pipe-Rolles, wherein the Accompts of
Customies are contained, and found those duties aunswered in
every Port, for 250 Yeares together, but did not find that at any
time they did exceed a thousand pound per annum; and no
marvel, for the subsidie of Pondage was not then known, and
the greatest profite did arise by the Cocquet of Hides; for Wooll,
and Wooll-fells were ever of little value in this Kingdome.
But now againe let us see how the Martial affayrs pro-
ceeded in Ireland. Sir William Winsore continued his govern-
ment till the latter end of the raign of King Edward the
Thirde, keeping, but not enlarging, the English borders.
Castro.
In the beginning of the raigne of King Richard the Second, How the
the State of England began to thinke of the recovery of war pro-
Ireland. For then was the first Statute made against Absen- the time
21
tees
ceeded in
614
A Discoverie of the True Causes why
}
of King
Richd. 2.
3 Richd. 2.
Archiv.
Turr.
liam. 42.
tees, commanding all such as had Land in Ireland, to returne
and reside thereupon, upon paine to forfeite two third parts
of the profit thereof. Againe this King, before himselfe
Rot. Par intended to passe over, committed the Government of this
Realme to such great Lordes successively, as he did most love
and faver: First to the Earle of Oxford his Chiefe Minion,
whom he created Marquesse of Dublin, and Duke of Ireland:
next to the Duke of Surrey his halfe Brother: and lastly, to
the Lord Mortimer, Earle of March and Ulster, his Cosin and
heyre apparent.
Pat. 2.
pars. 9.
Richd. 2.
m. 24.
Among the Patent Rolles in the Tower, the ninth yeare of
Richard the Second we finde five hundred men at armes at
xij.d. a peece per diem; and a 1000 Archers at vi.d. a peece per
diem, appointed for the Duke of Ireland, Super Conquestu
illius terræ per duos annos: For those are the wordes of that
Record; but for the other two Lieutenants, I do not find the
certaine numbers whereof their armies did consist. But cer-
taine it is, that they were scarse able to defend the English
borders, much lesse to reduce the whol Island. For one of
them; namely, the Earle of March, was himselfe slain upon
the borders of Meth; for revenge of whose death, the King
himselfe made his second voyage into Ireland, in the last
yeare of his raigne. For his first voyage in the eighteenth
yeare of his raigne (which was indeed a Voyage-Royal) was
made upon another motive and occasion, which was this: upon
Walsing the vacancy of the Empire, this King having married the King
of Bohemiaes Daughter (whereby he had great alliance in
Germany) did by his Ambassadors solicit the Princes Electors
Tho. Otter- to choose him Emperour: But another being elected and his
Ambassadors returned, he would needes know of them the
cause of his repulse in that Competition: they tolde him plainly,
that the Princes of Germany did not thinke him fit to com-
maund the Empire, who was neither able to hold that which
his Ancestours had gained in France, nor to rule his insolent
Subjects in England, nor to Master his rebellious people of
Ireland. This was enough to kindle in the heart of a young
Prince a desire to performe some great enterprise. And
therefore finding it no fit time to attempt France, he resolved
ham in
Richd. 2.
Annales
bourne
Manu-
script.
}
22
to
Ireland was never entirely Subdued, &c.
615
Richd. 2.
to finish the Conquest of Ireland; and to that end, he levied
a mightie armie, consisting of foure thousand men at Armes,
and 30000 Archers, which was a sufficient power to have
reduced the whole Island, if he had first broken the Irish with
a warre, and after established the English Lawes among them,
and not have beene satisfied with their light submissions onely,
wherewith, in all ages they have mockt and abused the State
of England. But the Irish Lords knowing this to be a sure
pollicie to dissolve the forces which they were not able to
resist (for their Ancestors had put the same trick and impos-
ture upon King John, and King Henry the Second,) as soone
as the King was arrived with his army, which he brought
over under S. Edwards Banner (whose name was had in great
veneration amongst the Irish) they all made offer to submit Stow in
themselves. Whereupon the Lorde Thomas Mowbray, Earle Archiv. in
of Nottingham, and Marshall of England, was authorized by officio Re-
special commission to receive the homages and Oaths of momorat.
fidelity, of all the Irishrie of Leinster. And the King him- Westmon.
self having received humble Letters from O Neale (wherein
he styleth himself Prince of the Irishry in Ulster, and yet
acknowledgeth the King to be his Sovereign Lorde, et per-
petuus Dominus Hibernia) removed to Drogheda, to accept
the like submissions from the Irish of Ulster. The men of
Leinster, namely, Mac Murrogh, O Byrne, O Moore, O Mur-
rogh, O Nolan, and the chiefe of the Kinshelaghes, in an hum-
ble and solemn manner did their homages, and made their
Oaths of fidelity to the Earl Marshall, laying aside their gir-
dles, their skeins and their caps, and falling downe at his feet
upon their knees. Which when they had performed, the
Earle gave unto each of them Osculum pacis.
Besides, they were bound by several Indentures, upon great
paines to be paid to the Apostolique Chamber, not onely to
continue loyall subjects, but that by a certaine day prefixed,
they and all their Sword-men should clearely relinquish and
give up unto the King and his successors all their Landes and
Possessions which they held in Leinster, and (taking with
them only their movable goods) should serve him in his
warres against his other Rebels. In consideration whereof,
regis apud
1
1
23
the
616
A Discoverie of the True Causes why
#
the King should give them pay and pensions during their
lives, and bestow the inheritance of all such lands upon them
as they should recover from the Rebels, in any other part of
the Realme. And thereupon, a pension of eighty Markes per
annum, was graunted to Art Mac Murrogh, chiefe of the
Kavanaghes; the Enroulement whereof, I found in the White
Booke of the Exchequer heere. And this was the effect of
the service performed by the Earle Marshall, by vertue of
his Commission. The King in like manner received the sub-
missions of the Lords of Ulster, namely, O Neal, O Hanlon,
Mac Donel, Mac Mahon, and others; who with the like
Humility and Ceremony, did homage and fealtie to the Kings
owne person; the words of O Neales homage as they are
recorded are not unfit to be remembered: Ego Nelanus Oneal
Senior tam pro meipso, quam pro filiis meis, et tota Natione
mea et Parentelis meis, et pro omnibus subditus meis devenio
Ligeus homo vester, &c. And in the Indenture betweene him
and the King, he is not onely bound to remaine faithfull to
the Crowne of England, but to restore the Bonaght of Ulster,
to the Earle of Ulster, as of right belonged to that Earledome,
and usurped among other things by the O Neales.
These Indentures and submissions, with many other of the
same kinde (for there was not a Chieftaine or head of an Irish
sept, but submitted himselfe in one forme or other) the King
himselfe caused to be enrolled and testified by a Notary pub-
lique, and delivered the enroulments with his owne hands to
the Byshop of Salisbury, then Lord Treasurer of England,
so as they have beene preserved, and are now to be found in
the Office of the Kings Remembrancer there.
With these humilities they satisfied the young King, and
by their bowing and bending, avoyded the present storme,
and so brake that Army, which was prepared to brake them.
For the King having accepted their submissions, received them
in Osculo pacis, feasted them, and having given the honor of
Knighthood to divers of them, did breake up and dissolve his
armie, and returned into England with much honor, and
small profit, (saith Froissard.) For though he had spent a
huge masse of Treasure in transporting his army, by the
24
countenance
'
Ireland was never entirely Subdued, &c. 617
countenance whereof, he drew on their submissions, yet did
he not encrease his revenue thereby one sterling pound, nor
enlarged the English borders the bredth of one Acre of Land;
neither did he extend the Jurisdiction of his Courtes of Jus-
tice one foote further then the English Colonies, wherein it
was used and exercised before. Besides, he was no sooner
returned into England, but those Irish Lords laide aside their
maskes of humility, and scorning the weake forces which the
King had left behinde him, beganne to infest the borders; in
defence whereof, the Lord Roger Mortimer being then the
Kings Lieutenant, and heire apparent of the Crowne of Eng-
land was slaine, as I said before. Whereupon the King
being moved with a just appetite of revenge, came over againe
in person, in the 22 yeare of his raigne, with as potent an
armie as he had done before, with a full purpose to make a
full Conquest of Ireland: He landed at Waterford, and passing
from thence to Dublin, through the wast Countries of the
Murroghes, Kinshelaghes, Cavanaghes, Birnes, and Tooles,
his great armie was much distressed for want of victuals and
carriages, so as he performed no memorable thing in that
journey; onely in the Cavanaghes Countrey, he cut and
cleared the paces, and bestowed the honor of Knighthood
upon the Lord Henry, the Duke of Lancasters Son, who was
afterwards King Henry the Fift, and so came to Dublin, Hollings-
where entring into Counsell how to procede in the warre, he Richd. 2.
received newes out of England, of the arrival of the banished
Duke of Lancaster at Ravenspurgh, usurping the Regall
Authority, and arresting and putting to death his principall
Officers.
This advertisement suddainely brake off the Kings purpose
touching the prosecution of the warre in Ireland, and trans-
ported him into England, where shortly after he ended both
his raigne and his life. Since whose time, untill the 39 yeare
of Queen Elizabeth, there was never any armie sent over of
a competent strength or power to subdue the Irish, but the
warre was made by the English Colonies, onely to defend
their borders; or if any forces were transmitted over, they
were sent onely to suppresse the rebellions of such as were
descended
25
head in
618 A Discoverie of the True Causes why
Henry 4.
The Lord
Thomas of
his service.
descended of English race, and not to enlarge our Dominion
over the Irish.
DURING the raigne of King Henry the Fourth, the Lord
Thomas of Lancaster, the Kings second sonne, was Lieuten-
Lancaster ant of Ireland, who for the first eight yeares of that Kings
raign, made the Lord Scroope, and others his Deputies, who
onely defended the Marches with forces levied within the
Land. In the eight yeare that Prince came over in person
with a small retinue. So as wanting a sufficient power to
attempt or performe any great service, he returned within.
seven moneths after into England. Yet during his personall
abode there, he was hurt in his owne person within one mile
of Dublin, upon an incounter with the Irish enemy. He tooke
the submissions of O Birne of the Mountaines, Mac Mahon,
regis apud and O Rely, by severall Indentures, wherein O Birne doth
covenant, that the King shall quietly enjoy the Mannor of
New Castle; Mac Mahon accepteth a State in the Ferny for
life, rendering ten pound a yeare; and O Rely doth promise
to performe such duties to the Earle of March and Ulster, as
were contained in an Indenture dated the 18 of Richard the
Second.
Archiv.
Rememorat.
Westm.
Henry 5.
The Lord
Furnival
Alb. libr.
Scacc.
Dublin.
In the time of King Henry the Fift, there came no forces
out of England. Howbeit the Lord Furnival being the Kings
his service. Lieutenant, made a martial circuit, or journey, round about
the Marches and Borders of the Pale, and brought all the
Irish to the Kinges Peace, beginning with the Birnes, Tooles,
and Cavanaghes on the South, and so passing to the Moores,
O Connors and Offerals in the West; and ending with the
O Relies, Mac Mahons, O Neales, and O Hanlons in the
North. He had power to make them seeke the Kings peace,
but not power to reduce them to the Obedience of Subjects:
yet this was then held so great and worthy a service, as that
the Lords and chiefe Gentlemen of the Pale, made certificate
thereof in French unto the King, being then in France: which
I have seen Recorded in the white Booke of the Exchequer at
Dublin. Howbeit his Armie was so ill paid and governed, ast
?
26
the
Ireland was never entirely Subdued, &c. 619
the English suffered more dammage by the Sesse of his Soul-
diers (for now that Monster Coigne, and Liverie, which the
Statute of Kilkenny had for a time abolished, was risen againe
from hell) then they gained profit or security, by abating the
pride of their enemies for a time.
DURING the minority of King Henry the Sixt, and for the Henry 6.
space of seven or eight yeares after, the Lieutenants and
Deputies made only a bordering warre upon the Irish, with
small and scattered forces; howbeit, because there came no
treasure out of England to pay the Soldier, the poore English
subject did beare the burthen of the men of warre in every
place, and were thereby so weakned and impoverished, as the
State of thinges in Ireland stood very desperate.
Whereupon, the Cardinall of Winchester (who after the
death of Humfrey Duke of Glocester, did wholly sway the
State of England) being desirous to place the Duke of Somer-
set in the Regencie of Fraunce, tooke occasion to remoove
Richard Duke of Yorke from that government, and to send Richard
him into Ireland, pretending that he was a most able and will-
ing person, to performe service there, because he had a great service.
inheritance of his owne in Ireland; namely, the Earledom of
Ulster, and the Lordships of Conaght and Meth, by discent
from Lionell Duke of Clarence.
Duke of
Yorke his
We do not finde that this great Lord came over with any
numbers of waged souldiers, but it appeareth upon what good
termes he tooke that Government, by the Covenants betweene
the King and him, which are recorded and confirmed by Acte Archiv. in
of Parliament in Ireland, and were to this effect:
1. That he should be the Kings Lieutenant of Ireland, for ten
yeares.
2. That to support the charge of that Countrey, he should
receive all the Kings revennues there, both certaine and
casual, without accompt.
3. That he should be supplyed also with treasure out of
England, in this manner; he should have four thousand
Markes for the first yeare, whereof he should be imprested
27
2000
Castro
Dublin.
620
A Discoverie of the True Causes why
Hollings-
head in
Henry 6.
per annum.
2000 li. before hand; and for the other nine yeares, he
should receive 2000 li.
4. That he might Let to Ferme the Kinges Landes, and place
and displace all Officers at his pleasure.
5. That he might levy and wage what numbers of men he
thought fit.
6. That he might make a Deputy, and returne at his pleasure.
We cannot presume that this Prince kept any great army
on foote, aswell because his means out of England were so
meane, and those ill paide, as appeareth by his passionate
letter written to the Earl of Salisbury his brother in Law;
the Coppy whereof is Registred in the Story of this time: as
also because the whole Lande, except the English Pale, and
some part of the Earldome of Ulster, upon the Sea-Coasts,
were possest by the Irish. So as the Revennue of the King-
dome, which he was to receive, did amount to little. He kept
the Borders and Marches of the Pale with much adoo; he
held many Parliaments wherein sundry Lawes were made
for erecting of castles in Louth, Meth, and Kildare, to stop
the incursions of the Irishrie. And because the souldiers for
want of pay were sessed and laide upon the subjects against
their willes; upon the prayer and importunitie of the Com-
Rot. Par- mons, this extortion was declared to be High Treason. But
to the end, that some meanes might be raised to norish some
forces for defence of the Pale, by another Acte of Parliament,
everie twenty pound Land was charged with the furnishing
and maintenance of one Archer on horsebacke.
liam. in
Castro
Dublin.
Archiv. Besides, the native subjects of Ireland seeing the kingdome
Tur. 17.
utterly ruined, did passe in such numbers into England, as
Henry 6.
Claus.m.20. one Law was made in England, to transmit them backe againe :
and another Law made heere to stop their passage in every
Manuscript Port and creeke. Yet afterwards, the greatest partes of the
of Baron
Finglas.
Nobility and Gentry of Meth, past over into England, and
were slaine with him at Wakefield in Yorkshire.
Lastly, the state of England was so farre from sending an
army to subdue the Irish at this time, as among the articles
of greevances exhibited by the Duke of Yorke against King
Henry
28
Ireland was never entirely Subdued, &c.
621
head in
Henry VI
Henry the Sixt, this was one: That divers Lords about the Hollings-
King had caused his Highnesse to write Letters unto some of
his Irish enemies; whereby they were encouraged to attempt
the conquest of the said Land. Which Letters, the same
Irish enemies had sent unto the Duke; marvailing greatlie
that such Letters should be sent unto them, and speaking
therein great shame of the Realme of England.
After this, when this great Lorde was returned into Eng-
land, and making claime to the Crowne, beganne the Warre
betwixt the two Houses. It cannot be conceived, but that
the kingdome fell into a worse and weaker estate.
How the
war was
in the time
of of King
Edward 4.
head in
Howth
WHEN Edward the Fourth was settled in the kingdome of Edward 4.
England, he made his Brother George Duke of Clarence, Lieu-
tenant of Ireland. This Prince was born in the Castle of maintained
Dublin, during the Government of his Father the Duke
Yorke; yet did he never passe over into this kingdome, to
governe it in person, though he held the Lieutenancie many
yeares. But it is manifest, that King Edward the Fourth did
not pay any army in Ireland during his raigne; but the men
of war did pay themselves by taking Coigne and Livery upon Hollings-
the Countrey: which extortion grew so excessive and intol- Edward 4.
lerable, as the Lord Tiptoft being Deputy to the Duke of Booke of
Clarence was enforced to execute the Law upon the greatest Manus.
Earle in the Kingdome; namely, Desmond; who lost his head The fra-
ternity of
at Drogheda for this offence. Howbeit, that the State might Saint
not seeme utterly to neglect the defence of the Pale, there George
was a fraternity of men at armes, called the Brother-hood of 14 Edw. 4.
S. George, erected by Parliament the 14 of Edward the Fourth, Rot. Pur-
consisting of thirteene the most Noble and woorthy persons Dublin.
within the foure shires. Of the first foundation were Thomas
Earle of Kildare, Sir Rowland Eustace, Lord of Port-lester,
and Sir Robert Eustace for the County of Kildare; Robert
Lord of Howth, the Major of Dublin, and Sir Robert Dowdall,
for the County of Dublin; the Viscount of Gormanston,
Edward Plunket, Seneshall of Meth; Alexander Plunket and
Barnabe Barnewale, for the County of Meth; the Major of
Drogheda, Sir Lawraunce Taaffe and Richard Bellewe, for
in Ireland.
liam.
29
the
622 A Discoverie of the True Causes why
Henry 7.
How the
war was
of King
Henry 7.
the County of Lowth. These and their Successors were to
meet yearely upon S. Georges day; and to choose one of
themselves to be Captaine of that Brother-hood, for the next
yeare to come. Which Captaine should have at his com-
maund, 120 Archers on horsebacke, 40 horsemen, and 40
Pages, to suppresse Out-lawes and rebels. The Wages of
every Archer should be vj.d. per diem; and every horseman
v.d. per diem; and foure Markes per Annum. And to pay
these entertainments, and to maintain this new fraternity,
there was granted unto them by the same Act of Parliament
a subsidie of Pondage, out of all Marchandizes exported or
imported thoroughout the Realme (hydes, and the Goods of
Free-men of Dublin and Drogheda only excepted). These
200 men were all the standing forces that were then main-
tained in Ireland. And as they were Natives of the kingdom,
so the kingdom itselfe did pay their wages without expecting
any treasure out of England.
BUT now the warres of Lancaster and Yorke being ended,
and Henrie the Seventh being in the actuall and peaceable
prosecuted possession of the kingdome of England, let us see if this king
in the time did send over a Competent Armie to make a perfect Conquest
of Ireland. Assuredly, if those two Idolles or counterfets
which were set up against him in the beginning of his raign,
had not found footing and followers in this Lande, King
Henry the Seventh had sent neither horse nor foote hither,
but let the Pale to the Guard and defence of the fraternitie
of Saint George, which stood till the tenth yeare of his raigne.
And therefore, upon the erection of the first idoll, which was
Lambert the Priests boy, he transmitted no forces, but sent
over Sir Richard Edgecomb, with Commission to take an Oath
of allegiance of all the Nobility, Gentry, and Citizens of this
kingdom; which service he performed fully, and made an
exact returne of his Commission to the King. And immedi-
ately after that, the King sent for all the Lordes of Parlia-
ment in this realme; who repayring to his presence, were
Archiv.
Remem.
Regis apud.
Westm.
The Booke first in a Kingly manner reprooved by him; for among other
things he told them, that if their king were still absent from
of Howth.
Manus.
30
them,
Ireland was never entirely Subdued, &c. 623
}
head in
Henry 7.
liam. in
them, they would at length crowne apes; but at last enter-
tained them, and dismissed them graciously. This course of
clemency he held at first. But after, when Perkin Warbecke,
who was set up, and followed chiefely by the Giraldines in
Leinster, and the Citizens of Corke in Mounster; to suppresse
this counterfaite, the King sent over Sir Edward Poynings,
with an Army (as the Histories call it) which did not consist
of a thousand men by the Pol; and yet it brought such ter- Hollings-
rour with it, as all the Adherents of Perkin Warbecke were
scattered, and retyred for succour into the Irish countries: Sir Edward
Poynings
To the marches whereof, he marched with his weake forces, service.
but eft-soone returned and held a Parliament. Wherin among Rot. Par-
many good Lawes, one Act was made; That no subject Castro
should make any warre or peace within the Land, without the Dublin.
special License of the Kings Lieutenant or Deputie. A
manifest argument, that at that time the bordering Warres in
this kingdome, were made altogether by Voluntaries, upon
their own head, without any pay or entertainment, and with-
out any Order or Commission from the State. And though The Booke
the Lords and Gentlemen of the Pale, in the 19 yeare of this The battel
Kings raigne, joyned the famous battel of Knocktow in Con- of Knock-
aght; wherein Mac William, with 4000 of the Irish, and tow.
degenerate English were slaine; yet was not this journey
made by warrant from the King, or upon his charge (as it is
expressed in the Booke of Howth) but only upon a private
quarrell of the Earle of Kildare: so loosely were the martiall
affaires of Ireland carried, during the raigne of King Henry
the Seventh.
of Howth.
war was
during the
raigne of
In the time of King Henry the Eight, the Earle of Surrey, Henry 8.
Lorde Admirall, was made Lieutenant; and though he were How the
the greatest Captain of the English Nation then living; yet carried
brought he with him rather an honorable Guard for his person,
then a competent armie to recover Ireland. For he had in King
his retinue 200 tall Yeomen of the Kings Guard: But because Henry 8.
he wanted meanes to performe any great action, he made of Surries
means to returne the sooner: yet in the mean time he was
not idle, he passed the short time he spent heere in holding a
31
Parliament,
The Earle
service.
624
A Discoverie of the True Causes why
The Lord
Leonard
Grayes
service.
Parliament, and divers journies against the rebels of Leinster;
insomuch as he was hurt in his own person, upon the borders
of Leix. After the revocation of this honourable personage,
King Henry the Eight sent no forces into Ireland, till the
rebellion of the Giraldines, which hapned in the 27 year of
his raigne. Then sent he over Sir William Skevington with
five hundred men onely to quench that fire, and not to enlarge
the border, or to rectifie the Government. This Deputy dyed
in the midst of the service, so as the Lord Leonard Gray was
sent to finish it: who arriving with a supply of 200 men, or
thereabouts, did so prosecute the Rebels, as the Lord Garret
their Chiefetaine, and his five Unckles, submitted themselves
unto him, and were by him transmitted into England.
But this service being ended, that active Nobleman with
his little army, and some ayds of the Pale, did oftentimes
repell O Neale and O Donel, attempting the invasion of the
The fight at Civill Shires, and at last made that prosperous fight at Belahoo,
on the Confines of Meth; the memory whereof is yet famous,
as that he defeated (well-nie) all the power of the North; and
so quieted the border for many yeares.
Belahoo.
Booke of
Ilonoth.
Manus.
Sir Anthony
S. Leger.
in the time
of King
Edward 6.
Hitherto then it is manifest, that since the last transfreta-
tion of King Richard the Second, the Crowne of England
never sent over, either numbers of men, or quantities of trea-
sure, sufficient to defend the small territory of the Pale, much
lesse to reduce that which was lost, or to finish the Conquest
of the whole Island.
After this Sir Anthony S. Leger was made chiefe Gover-
Sir Edwd. nor, who performed great service in a civill course, as shall be
Bellingham
expressed hereafter. But Sir Edward Bellingham, who suc-
ceeded him, proceeded in a Martiall course against the Irishry,
and was the first Deputy, from the time of King Edward the
Third, till the raign of King Edward the Sixt, that extended
the border beyond the limits of the English Pale, by beating
and breaking the Moores and Connors, and building the Forts
of Leix and Offaly. This service he performed with sixe
hundred horse; the monthly charge whereof, did arise to 770
li., and 400 foote, whose pay did amount to 446 li. per men-
sem; as appeareth upon the Treasurers accompt, remaining
32
in
Ireland was never entirely Subdued, &c.
625
Remem.
Thomas
in the Office of the Kinges Remembrauncer in England. Yet Archiv.
were not these Countries so fully recovered by this Deputy, Regis apud.
but that Thomas Earl of Sussex did put the last hand to this Westm.
worke; and rooting out these two rebellious Septs, planted Earle of
English Colonies in their roomes, which in all the tumultuous Sussex, in
times since, have kept their Habitations, their Loyalty, and the time of
Religion.
Queen
Mary.
Elizabeth.
And now are we come to the time of Queen ELIZABETH, Queen
who sent over more men, and spent more treasure to save
and reduce the Lande of Ireland, then all her progenitors
since the Conquest.
War was
of Queen
DURING her raigne, there arose three notorious and How the
maine Rebellions, which drewe severall armies out of prosecuted
England. The first of Shane O Neale; the second of Des- in the time
mond; the last of Tyrone; (for the particular insurrections Elizabeth.
of the Viscount Baltinglasse, and Sir Edmund Butler; the
Moores; the Cavanaghes; the Birnes, and the Bourkes of
Conaght, were all suppressed by the standing forces heere.)
Neales
Remem.
To subdue Shane O Neale, in the height of his rebellion, in Shane O
the yeare, 1566 Captaine Randal transported a Regiment of Rebellion.
1000 men into Ulster, and planted a Garrison at Loughfoile.
Before the coming of which supply (viz.) in the yeare
1565 the list of the standing army of horse and foot, English
and Irish, did not exceed the number of 1200 men, as Archiv.
appeareth by the Treasurers accompt of Ireland, now remain- Regis apud.
ing in the Exchequer of England. With these forces did Sir Westm.
Henry Sidney (then Lord Deputy) march into the farthest
parts of Tirone, and joyning with Captaine Randal, did much
distresse (but not fully defeate) O Neale, who was afterward
slain upon a meere accident by the Scottes, and not by the
Queenes army.
To prosecute the Warres in Munster, against Desmond and Desmonds
his Adherents, there were transmitted out of England at Rebellion.
severall times, three or four thousand men, which together
with the standing Garrisons, and some other supplies raised
heere, made at one time, an army of six thousand and upwards:
which
2 R
33
626
A Discoverie of the True Causes why
i
Tirones
Rebellion.
which with the vertue and valour of Arthur Lorde Gray, and
others the Commanders, did prove a sufficient power to ex-
tinguish that rebellion. But that being doone, it was never
intended that these forces should stand, till the rest of the
kingdome were settled and reduced: onely, that army which
was brought over by the Earle of Essex, Lord Lieutenant
and Governor Generall of this kingdome, in the 39 yeare of
Queen Elizabeth, to suppress the Rebellion of Tirone, which
was spread universally over the whole Realme: That armie,
I say (the command whereof, with the government of the
Realme, was shortly after transferred to the commaund of the
Lord Mountjoy, afterwards Earl of Devonshire, who, with
singular wisedom, valour and industry, did prosecute and
finish the Warre) did consist of such good men of warre, and
of such numbers, being wel-ny 20000 by the Pol, and was so
royally supplied and paid, and continued in full strength so
long a time, as that it brake, and absolutely subdued all the
Lordes and Chieftaines of the Irishry, and degenerate or
rebellious English. Whereupon, the multitude, who ever
loved to be followers of such as could master and defend
them, admyring the power of the Crowne of England, being
brai'd (as it were) in a Morter, with the Sword, Famine, and
Pestilence altogither, submitted themselves to the English
Government, received the Lawes and Magistrates, and most
gladly embraced the Kings pardon and peace in all parts of
the Realme, with demonstration of joy and comfort; which
made indeede, an entire, perfect, and final Conquest of Ireland.
And though upon the finishing of the warre, this great armie
was reduced to less numbers, yet hath his Majestie in his
wisedom, thought it fit, still to maintaine such competent
forces heere, as the Law may make her progresse and Circuit
about the Realme, under the protection of the sword (as
Virgo, the figure of Justice, is by Leo in the Zodiack) until
the people have perfectly learned the Lesson of Obedience,
and the Conquest be established in the hearts of all men.
THUS farre have I endeavoured to make it manifest, that
from the first adventure and attempt of the English (to sub-
34
due
Ireland was never entirely Subdued, &c. 627
defects in
due and conquer Ireland) until the last warre with Tirone,
(which as it was royally undertaken, so it was really prosecuted
to the end) there hath bin foure maine defects in the carriage
of the martiall affayres heere. First, the armies for the most Four maine
part, were too weake for a Conquest: Secondly, when they the prose-
were of a competent strength (as in both the journies of cution of
Richard the Second) they were too soone broken up and
dissolved: Thirdly, they were ill paide: And fourthly, they
were ill governed, which is alwayes a consequent of ill pay-
ment.
the warre.
of the
before
did finish
quest of
BUT why was not this great worke perfourmed, before the Why none
latter end of Queen Elizabeths raigne, considering that Kinges of
many of the Kings her Progenitors, were as great Captaines England,
as any in the world, and had else-where larger Dominions Queen
and Territories? First, who can tell whether the Divine Wise- Elizabeth,
dom, to abate the glory of those Kings, did not reserve this the con-
Worke to be done by a Queen, that it might rather appeare Ireland.
to be his owne immediate worke? And yet for her greater
Honor, made it the last of her great actions, as it were, to
Crowne al the rest? And to the end, that a secure peace
might settle the Conquest, and make it firme and perpetuall
to posteritie; caused it to be made in that fulnesse of time,
when England and Scotland became to be united under one
imperiall Crowne; and when the Monarchy of Great Britainy
was in league and amity with all the worlde. Besides, the
Conquest at this time, doth perhaps fulfill that prophesie,
wherein the four great Prophets of Ireland do concur, as it
is recorded by Giraldus Cambrensis; to this effect: That
after the first invasion of the English, they shold spend many
ages, in crebris conflictibus, longoque certamine et multus Giraldus
cædibus. And that, Omnes fere Anglici ab Hibernia turba-
buntur: nihilominus orientalia maritima semper obtinebunt ;
Sed vix Paulo anté diem Judicii; plenam Anglorum populo
victoriam compromittunt; Insula Hibernica de mari usque ad
mare de toto subacta et in castellata. If S. Patrick and the
rest did not utter this prophesy; certainly Giraldus is a Pro-
phet, who hath reported it. To this, we may adde the prophesy
2 R2
35
of
Cambrensis.
628 A Discoverie of the True Causes why
How the
severall
Kinges of
England
of Merlin, spoken of also by Giraldus. Sextus mœnia Hiber-
niæ subvertet, et regiones in Regnum redigentur. Which is
performed in the time of King James the Sixt; in that all the
paces are cleared, and places of fastnesse laid open, which are
the proper Wals and Castles of the Irish, as they were of the
British in the time of Agricola; and withal, the Irish
Countries being reduced into Counties, make but one entire
and undevided kingdome.
But to leave these high and obscure causes, the plaine and
manifest trueth is; that the Kings of England in al ages, had
bin powerfull enough to make an absolute conquest of Ire-
land, if their whole power had been employed in that enter-
prise: but still there arose sundry occasions, which divided
and diverted their power som other way.
Let us therefore take a briefe view of the severall impedi-
ments which arose in every Kinges time, since the first over-
ture of the Conquest, whereby they were so employed and
verted from busied, as they could not intend the finall Conquest of
Ireland.
were di
the con-
quest of
Ireland.
King
Henry 2.
The Booke
Manus.
KING Henrie the Second, was no sooner returned out of
Ireland, but all his foure Sonnes conspired with his enemies,
rose in Armes, and moved warre against him, both in Fraunce
and in England.
This unnatural treason of his sons, did the King expresse
of Howth. in an Embleme painted in his Chamber at Winchester, wherein
was an Eagle, with three Eglets tyring on her brest, and the
fourth pecking at one of her eyes. And the troth is, these
ungracious practises of his sonnes, did impeach his journey to
the Holy Land, which he had once vowed, vexed him all the
dayes of his life, and brought his gray haires with sorrow to
the grave. Besides, this King having given the Lordship of
Ireland to John his youngest sonne; his ingratitude afterwards
made the king carelesse to settle him in the quiet and absolute
possession of that kingdome.
Richard 1.
RICHARD the First, which succeeded Henrie the Second in
the kingdome of England, had lesse reason to bend his power
towardes
36
Ireland was never entirely Subdued, &c. 629
towardes the Conquest of this Land, which was given in per-
petuity to the Lord John his brother. And therefore, went
he in person to the holy warre; by which journey, and his
captivity in Austria, and the heavy ransom that he paid for
his libertie, he was hindred, and utterly disabled to pursue
any so great an action as the Conquest of Ireland; and after
his delivery and returne, hardly was he able to maintaine a
frontier warre in Normandy, where by hard fortune he lost
his life.
KING John his Brother, had greatest reason to prosecute King John.
the warre of Ireland, because the Lordship thereof was the
portion of his inheritance, given unto him, when he was
called, John Sans-Terre. Therefore he made two journies
thither; one when he was Earle of Morton, and very yong,
about twelve years of age; the other, when he was King, in
the 12 yeare of his raigne. In the first, his own youth, and
his youthfull company, Roboams Counsellours, made him
hazard the losse of al that his father had won. But in the
later, he shewed a resolution to recover the entire kingdome,
in taking the submissions of al the Irishry, and setling the
estates of the English, and giving order for the building of
many Castles and Forts, whereof some remaine until this day.
But he came to the Crowne of England, by a defeasible
Title, so as he was never well setled in the hearts of the
people, which drew him the sooner back out of Ireland into
England: where shortlie after, he fell into such trouble and
distresse; The Clergy cursing him on the one side; and the
Barons rebelling against him on the other, as he became so
farre unable to returne to the Conquest of Ireland, as besides
the forfeiture of the territories in Fraunce, he did in a man-
ner loose both the kingdomes. For he surrendered both to
the Pope, and tooke them backe againe to hold in Fee-farme;
which brought him into such hatred at home, and such con-
tempt abroad, as all his lifetime after, he was possest rather
with feare of loosing his head, than with hope of reducing
the kingdome of Ireland.
37
DURING
630 A Discoverie of the True Causes why
Henry 3.
Edward 1.
DURING the infancy of Henry the Third the Barons were
troubled in expelling the French, whom they had drawne in
against King John. But this prince was no sooner come to
his majority, but the Barons raised a long and cruell warre
against him.
Into these troubled waters the Bishops of Rome did cast
their Nets, and drew away all the wealth of the realme by
their provisions, and infinite exactions, whereby the kingdome
was so impoverished, as the king was scarse able to feed his
own housholde and traine, much lesse to nourish armies for the
conquest of forren kingdoms. And albeit he had given this
Land to the Lord Edward his eldest sonne, yet could not
that woorthy Prince ever finde meanes or opportunity to visit
this kingdome in person. For, from the time he was able to
beare armes, he served continually against the Barons, by
whom he was taken prisoner at the battell of Lewes. And
when that rebellion was appeased, he made a journey to the
Holy Land (an employment which in those daies diverted all
Christian Princes from performing any great actions in
Europe) from whence he was returned, when the Crowne of
England descended upon him.
THIS King Edward the First, who was a Prince adorned
with all vertues, did in the managing of his affayres, shew
himselfe a right good husband: who being Owner of a Lord-
ship ill husbanded, doth first enclose and manure his demeasnes
neere his principall house, before he doth improve his wasts
afarre off. Therefore, he began first to establish the Common-
wealth of England, by making many excellent Lawes, and
instituting the forme of publique Justice, which remaineth to
this day. Next he fullie subdued and reduced the Dominion
of Wales; then by his power and authoritie he setled the
kingdome of Scotland; and lastly, he sent a royall armie into
Gascoigne, to recover the Duchy of Aquitaine. These foure
great actions did take up all the raigne of this Prince.
therefore, we find not in any Record, that this King trans-
mitted any forces into Ireland; but on the other side, we
finde it recorded both in the Annalles, and in the Pipe-Rolles
And
J
38
of
Ireland was never entirely Subdued, &c. 631
Castro
of this kingdome, that three severall armies were raised of the Archiv. in
Kings subjects in Ireland, and transported one into Scotland; Dublin.
another into Wales; and the third into Gascoigne; and that Annales
severall aydes were levied heere, for the setting forth of those Camden.
armies.
Hiberniæ in
THE Sonne and successor of this excellent Prince, was Edward 2.
Edward the Second, who much against his will sent one
smal armie into Ireland; not with a purpose to finish the Con-
quest, but to guarde the person of his Minion, Piers Gaveston,
who being bannished out of England, was made Lieutenant
of Ireland, that so his exile might seem more honourable.
Hibernia in
Archiv, in
Castro.
He was no sooner arrived heere, but he made a journey
into the Mountaines of Dublin; brake and subdued the
Rebels there; built New-Castle in the Birnes Country, and Annales
repaired Castlekevin; and after passed up into Mounster Camdem.
and Thomond, performing everie where great service, with
much Vertue and Valour. But the King, who could not Dublin.
live without him, revokt him within lesse than a yeare.
After which time, the invasion of the Scots, and rebellion
of the Barons, did not onely disable this King to be a Con-
queror, but deprived him both of his kingdome and life. And
when the Scottish Nation had overrun all this land under the
conduct of Edward le Bruce (who stiled himselfe King of
Ireland) England was not then able to send either men or
money to save this Kingdome. Onely Roger de Mortimer Manuscript
then Justice of Ireland, arrived at Youghall, cum 38 milit. Clinn.
saith Friar Clinn in his Annalles.
of Friar
But Bremingham, Verdon, Stapleton, and some other privat
Gentlemen, rose out with the Commons of Meth and Uriell,
and at Fagher neere Dondalke, a fatall place to the enemies
of the Crowne of England, overthrew a potent armie of them.
Et sic (saith the Red Booke of the Exchequer, wherein the Rubr. libr.
victory was briefly recorded) per manus communis populi et
dextram dei, deliberatur populus dei a servitute machinata et
præcogitata.
Scac. Dub-
In the time of King Edward the Third, the impediments of Edward 3.
39
the
632 A Discoverie of the True Causes why
the Conquest of Ireland are so notorious as I shall not neede
to expresse them; to wit, the warre which the King had with
the Realmes of Scotland, and of Fraunce; but especially the
Warres of Fraunce, which were almost continuall for the
space of fortie yeares. And indeede, Fraunce was a fairer
mark to shoot at then Ireland, and could better reward the
Conqueror. Besides, it was an inheritance newly descended
upon the King; and therefore he had great reason to bend all
his power, and spend all his time and treasure, in the reco-
very thereof. And this is the true cause why Edward the
Third sent no armie into Ireland, till the 36 yeare of his
raigne, when the Lorde Lionell brought over a Regiment of
1500 men, as is before expressed: which, that wise and war-
like Prince did not transmit as a competent power to make
a full conquest, but as an honorable retinue for his soone; and
withall, to enable him to recover some part of his Earledome
of Ulster, which was then overrun with the Irish. But on
the other part, though the English Colonies were much dege-
nerated in this kings time, and had lost a great part of their
possessions, yet lying at the siedge of Callis, he sent for a
supply of men out of Ireland, which were transported under
Hiberniæ in the conduct of the Earle of Kildare, and Fulco de la Freyn,
in the yeare 1347.
Annales
Camden.
Richard 2.
ITenry 4.
AND now are we come again to the time of King Richard
the Second; who for the first tenne yeares of his raigne was
a Minor, and much disquieted with popular Commotions; and
after that, was more trobled with the factions that arose
between his Minions, and the Princes of the bloud. But at
last he tooke a resolution to finish the Conquest of this
Realme. And to that end he made two Royall voyages hither.
Upon the first, he was deluded by the faigned submissions of
the Irish; but upon the latter, when he was fully bent to pro-
secute the warre with effect, he was diverted and drawn from
hence by the return of the Duke of Lancaster into England,
and the general defection of the whole realme.
As for Henry the Fourth, he being an Intruder upon the
Crowne
40
1
Ireland was never entirely Subdued, &c. 633
Crowne of England, was hindered from all forraigne actions,
by sundry Conspiracies and Rebellions at home, moved by
the house of Northumberland in the North; by the Dukes of
Surrey and Exeter in the South; and by Owen Glendour in
Wales; so as he spent his short raigne in establishing and
setling himselfe in the quiet possession of England, and had
neyther leisure nor opportunity to undertake the final con-
quest of Ireland. Much lesse could King Henry the Fift Henry 5.
perfourme that worke: for in the second yeare of his raigne,
he transported an armie into Fraunce, for the recovery of
that kingdome, and drew over to the siedge of Harfler, the Annales
Priour of Kilmaineham, with 1500 Irish. In which great Camden.
action this victorious Prince spent the rest of his life.
Hiberniæ in
AND after his death, the two noble Princes, his Brothers, Henry 6.
the Duke of Bedford and Glocester, who during the minority
of King Henry the Sixt, had the Government of the King-
domes of England and Fraunce, did employ all their Counsels
and endeavours to perfect the Conquest of Fraunce; the
greater part whereof being gained by Henry the Fift, and
retained by the Duke of Bedford, was againe lost by King
Henry the Sixt; a manifest argument of his disability to
finish the Conquest of this Land. But when the civill Warre
between the two Houses was kindled; the Kings of England
were so farre from reducing al the Irish under their Obedience,
as they drew out of Ireland (to strengthen their parties) al
the Nobility and Gentry descended of English race: which
gave opportunitie to the Irishry to invade the Lands of the
English Colonies, and did hazard the losse of the whole king-
dome. For, though the Duke of Yorke did, while he lived Hollings-
in Ireland, carrie himselfe respectfully towards all the Nobi- Henry 6.
lity, to win the generall love of all, bearing equal favour to
the Giraldines and the Butlers (as appeared at the Christning
of George Duke of Clarence, who was borne in the Castle of
Dublin, where he made both the Earle of Kildare and the
Earle of Ormond his Gossips :) And having occasion divers
times to passe into England; he left the sword with Kildare
at one time, and with Ormond at another: and when he lost
head in
41
his
634
A Discoverie of the True Causes why
Manu-
script of
Baron
Finglas.
Edward 4.
his life at Wakefield, there were slaine with him divers of
both those families. Yet afterwards, those two Noble houses
of Ireland, did severally follow the two Royall houses of
England; the Giraldines adhering to the house of Yorke, and
the Butlers to the house of Lancaster. Whereby it came to
passe, that not onely the principall Gentlemen of both those
Surnames, but all their friendes and dependants, did passe into
England, leaving their Lands and possessions to be over-run
by the Irish. These impediments, or rather impossibilities of
finishing the Conquest of Ireland, did continue till the
Warres of Lancaster and Yorke were ended: which was
about the 12 yeare of King Edward the Fourth.
Thus hitherto the Kings of England were hindred from
finishing this Conquest by great and apparant impediments:
Henry the Second, by the rebellion of his sonnes: King John,
Henry the Third, and Edward the Second, by the Barons
warres: Edward the First by his warres in Wales and Scot-
land: Edward the Third, and Henry the Fift, by the warres
of Fraunce: Richard the Second, Henry the Fourth, Henry
the Sixt, and Edward the Fourth, by domestick contention
for the Crowne of England itselfe.
BUT the fire of the civill warre being utterly quenched, and
King Edward the Fourth setled in the peaceable possession
of the Crowne of England, what did then hinder that war-
licke Prince from reducing of Ireland also? First, the
whole Realme of England was miserably wasted, depopulated
and impoverished by the late civil dissentions; yet as soon as
it had recovered itselfe with a little peace and rest, this King
raised an Army and revived the Title of Fraunce againe:
howbeit, this Army was no sooner transmitted and brought
into the fielde, but the two Kings also were brought to an
interview. Whereupon, partly by the faire and white promises
of Lewes the Eleventh, and partly by the corruption of some
of King Edwards Minions, the English forces were broken.
and dismissed, and King Edward returned into England,
where shortly after finding himselfe deluded and abused by
the French, he dyed with melancholy, and vexation of spirit.
1
42
I
Ireland was never entirely Subdued, &c. 635
I omit to speake of Richard the Usurper, who never got Richard 3.
the quiet possession of England, but was cast out by Henry
the Seaventh, within two yeares and a halfe after his Usurp-
ation.
AND for King Henry the Seaventh himselfe, though he made Henry 7.
that happy union of the two houses, yet for more then half
the space of his raign, there were walking Spirites of the
house of Yorke, aswell in Ireland as in England, which he
could not conjure downe, without expense of some bloud and
treasure. But in his later times, he did wholly studye to
improve the Revenues of the Crowne in both Kingdomes;
with an intent to provide means for some great action which
he intended: which doubtlesse, if he had lived, would rather
have improved a journey into Fraunce then into Ireland,
because in the eyes of all men, it was a fayrer enterprize.
THEREFORE King Henry the Eight, in the beginning of his Henry S.
raigne, made a Voyage Royall into Fraunce; wherein he
spent the greatest part of that treasure, which his father had
frugally reserved; perhaps for the like purpose. In the
latter end of his raigne, he made the like journey, being
enricht with the Revennues of the Abbey Lands. But in the
middle time between these two attemptes, the great altera-
tion which he made in the State ecclesiasticall, caused him to
stand upon his guard at home; the Pope having solicited al
the Princes of Christendom to revenge his quarrell in that
behalf. And thus was King Henry the Eight detained and
diverted from the absolute reducing of the kingdome of Ire-
land.
Queen
LASTLY, the infancie of King Edward the Sixt, and the King Ed-
Coverture of Queen Mary (which are both Non abilities in ward 6 and
the Lawe) did in fact disable them to accomplish the Con- Mary.
quest of Ireland.
Elizabeth.
So as now this great worke did remaine to be performed Queen
by Queen ELIZABETH; who though she were diverted by
43
suppressing
636
A Discoverie of the True Causes why
suppressing the open rebellion in the North; by preventing
divers secret Conspiracies against her person; by giving ayds
to the French and States of the Low-Countries; by main-
taining a Navall warre with Spaine for many yeares toge-
ther: yet the sundry rebellions, joyned with forraign inva-
sions upon this Island, whereby it was in danger to be utterly
lost, and to be possessed by the enemies of the Crowne of
England, did quicken her Majesties care for the preservation
thereof; and to that end, from time to time during her raigne
she sent over such supplies of men and treasure, as did sup-
presse the Rebels, and repell the invaders. Howbeit, before
the transmitting of the last great army, the forces sent over
by Queen Elizabeth, were not of sufficient power to break
and subdue all the Irishry, and to reduce and reforme the
whole Kingdome; but when the generall defection came,
which came not without a special providence for the final good
of that kingdome (though the second causes thereof, were
the faint prosecution of the warre against Tyrone; the prac-
tises of Priests and Jesuites, and the expectation of the ayds
from Spaine.) Then the extreame perill of loosing the king-
dome: the dishonor and danger that might thereby growe
to the Crowne of England; together with a just disdaine
conceived by that great-minded Queene, that so wicked and
ungratefull a Rebell should prevayle against Her, who had
ever been victorious against all her enemies, did move, and
almost enforce her to send over that mighty army: and did
withall enflame the hearts of the Subjects of England, cheare-
fully to contribute towardes the maintaining thereof, a
Million of sterling poundes at least: which was done with a
purpose onely to Save, and not to Gaine a kingdome; To
keep and retaine that Soveraignetie which the Crowne of
England had in Ireland (such as it was) and not to recover
a more absolute Dominion. But, as it falleth out many
times, that when a house is on fire, the Owner to save it
"from burning, pulleth it downe to the ground; but that
"pulling downe, doeth give occasion of building it up
"againe in a better forme:" So, these last warres, which to
save the Kingdome did utterly breake and destroy this
people,
66
66
44
Ireland was never entirely Subdued, &c. 637
1
7
people, produced a better effect then was at first expected.
For, every Rebellion, when it is supprest, dooth make the sub-
ject weaker, and the Prince stronger. So, this general revolt
when it was overcom, did produce a generall Obedience and
Reformation of al the Irishrie, which ever before had beene
disobedient and unreformed; and thereupon ensued the final
and full conquest of Ireland.
And thus much may suffice to be spoken, touching the
defects in the martiall affayres and the weake and faint pro-
secution of the warre; and of the severall Impediments or
Imployments, which did hinder or divert every King of
England successively, from reducing Ireland to their abso-
lute subjection.
2
The defects
Ir now remaineth, that we shew the defects of the Civill
Pollicy and Government, which gave no lesse impediment to in the civill
the perfection of this Conquest.
pollicy and
govern-
ment.
Lawes of
were not
given to
Irish.
Paris
121.
Histor.
THE first of that kinde, doeth consist in this: That the 1. The
Crowne of England did not from the beginning give Lawes to England
the Irishry; whereas to give Lawes to a conquered people,
is the principall marke and effect of a perfect Conquest. For, the meere
albeit King Henry the Second, before his returne out of
Ireland, held a Counsell or Parliament at Lissemore; Ubi Matth.
Leges Angliæ ab omnibus sunt gratanter receptæ, et Juratoria Histor.
Cautione præstita confirmate, as Matth. Paris writeth.
major. fol.
And though King John in the 12 yeare of his raigne, did Matth.
establish the English Lawes and Customes heere, and placed Paris
Sheriffes and other Ministers to rule and govern the people major fol.
according to the Law of England: and to that end, Ipse
duxit secum viros discretos et legis peritos, quorum communi
consilio statuit et præcepit, leges Anglicanas teneri in Hiber-
nia, &c. as we finde it recorded among the Patent Rolles in
the Tower. 11 Henry 3, m. 3. Though likewise, King
Henry the Third did graunt and transmit the like Charter of
liberties to his subjects of Ireland, as himselfe and his father
had graunted to the subjects of England, as appeareth by
another Recorde in the Tower, 1 Henry 3, Fat. m. 13. And
afterwards,
45
220 b.
11 Hen 3.
pat. m. 3.
638 A Discoverie of the True Causes why
afterwards, by a speciall Writ, did commaund the Lord Jus-
tice of Ireland, Quod convocatis Archiepiscopis, Episcopis,
Comitibus, Baronibus, &c. Coram eis legi faceret Chartam
Regis Johannis; quam ipse legi fecit et jurari à Magnatibus
Hiberniæ, de legibus et Constitutionibus Angliæ observandis,
et quod leges illas teneant et observent 12 Henry 3, Claus.
m. 8. And after that againe, the same King by Letters
Patents under the Great Seale of England, did confirme the
establishment of the English Lawes made by King John in
this forme: Quia pro Communi utilitate terræ Hiberniæ, ac
unitate terrarum, de Communi Consilio provisum sit, quod
omnes leges et consuetudines quæ in regno Angliæ tenentur, in
Hibernia teneantur, et eadem terra ejusdem legibus subjaceat,
ac per easdem regatur, sicut Johannes Rex, cum illuc esset,
Statuit et firmiter mandavit: ideo volumus quod omnia brevia
de Communi Jure, quæ currunt in Anglia, similiter currant
Hibernia, sub novo sigillo nostro, &c. Teste meipso apud
pat. m. 20. Woodstocke, &c. Which confirmation is found among the
Patent-Rolles in the Tower, Anno 30, Hen. 3. Notwith-
standing, it is evident by all the Records of this Kingdome,
that onely the English Colonies, and some few Septs of the
Irishry, which were enfranchised by special Charters, were
The meere admitted to the benefit and protection of the Lawes of Eng-
Irish not land; and that the Irish generally, were held and reputed
Aliens, or rather enemies to the Crowne of England; in-
the Lawes somuch as they were not only disabled to bring anie actions,
of England. but they were so farre out of the protection of the Lawe, as
it was often adjudged no fellony to kill a meere Irish-man in
the time of peace.
30 H. 3.
admitted to
have the
benefit of
The meere
ted Aliens.
That the meere Irish were reputed Aliens, appeareth by
Irish repu- sundrie records; wherein Judgement is demanded, if they
shall be answered in actions brought by them: and likewise,
by the Charters of Denization, which in all ages were pur-
chased by them.
In the common Plea-Rolles of 28 Edward the Third (which
are yet preserved in Breminghams Tower) this case is
adjudged. Simon Neal brought an action of trespasse against
William Newlagh for breaking his Close in Clandalkin, in the
46
County
Ireland was never entirely Subdued, &c. 639
Castro
County of Dublin; the Defendant doth plead, that the Plain- Archiv. in
tiffe is Hibernicus et non de Quinque sanguinibus; and Dublin.
demandeth Judgement, if he shall be answered. The Plain-
tiffe replieth; Quod ipse est de quinque sanguinibus; (viz.)
De les Oneiles de Ulton, qui per Concessionem progenitorum
Domini Regis; Libertatibus Anglicis gaudere debent et utun-
tur, et pro liberis hominibus reputantur. The Defendant
rejoyneth; that the Plaintiffe is not of the O Neales of Ulster,
Nec de quinq.; sanguinibus. And thereupon they are at yssue.
Which being found for the Plaintiffe, he had Judgement to
recover his damages against the Defendant. By this record
it appeareth that five principal blouds, or Septs of the Irishry,
were by speciall grace enfranchised and enabled to take benefit
of the Lawes of England; And that the Nation of O Neales Archir. in
And in the like case, 3 of
in Ulster, was one of the five.
Edward the Second, amongst the Plea-Rolles in Breminghams
Tower: All the 5 Septs or blouds, Qui gaudeant lege Angli-
cana quoad brevia portanda, are expressed, namely, Oneil de
Ultonia; O Molaghlin de Midia; O Connoghor de Connacia;
O Brien de Thotmonia; et Mac Murrogh de Lagenia: And
yet I finde, that O Neale himselfe long after, (viz.) in 20 Ed.
4 upon his marriage with a daughter of the house of Kildare
(to satisfie the friends of the Lady,) was made denizen by a
special Act of Parliament, 20 Ed. 4. C. 8.
Castro
Dublin.
Castro
Againe, in the 29 of Ed. 1, before the Justices in Eire at
Drogheda, Thomas de Botteler brought an action of Detinue
against Robert de Almain, for certaine goods. The Defend- Archiv. in
ant pleadeth, Quod non tenetur ei inde respondere, eo quod Dublin.
est Hibernicus, et non de libero sanguine. Et prædictus
Thomas dicit, quod Anglicus est, et hoc petit quod inquiratur
per patriam, Ideo fiat inde Jurat, &c. Jurat dicunt super
Sacrament' suum, quod prædict' Thomas Anglicus est, ideo
consideratum est quod recuperet, &c.
These two Records among many other, do sufficiently
shewe, that the Irish were disabled to bring any Actions at
the common Lawe. Touching their denizations, they were
common in everie Kinges raigne, since Henry the Second,
and were never out of use, till his Majesty that now is came
y
47
to
640
A Discoverie of the True Causes why
Castro
Dublin.
to the Crowne. Among the Pleas of the Crowne, 4 of Ed. 2
we finde a confirmation made by Edw. 1 of a Charter of
Denization granted by Henry the Second, to certain Oostmen,
or Easterlings who were Inhabitants of Waterford long
Archiv. in before Henry 2 attempted the Conquest of Ireland. Edwardus
dei gratia, &c. Justitiario suo Hibernia Salutem: Quia per
Inspectionem Charta Dom. Hen. Reg. filii Imperatricis quon-
dam Dom. Hibernice proavi nostri nobis Constat, quod Ost-
manni de Waterford legem Anglicorum in Hibernia habere,
et secundum ipsam legem Judicari et deduci debent: vobis
mandamus quod Gillicrist Mac Gilmurrii, Willielmum et
Johannem Mac Gilmurrii et alios Ostmannos de civitate et
Comitatu Waterford, qui de predictis Ostmannis prædict. Dom.
Henry proavi nostri originem duxerunt, legem Anglicorum in
partibus illis juxta tenorem Chartæ prædict. habere, et eos
secundum ipsam legem (quantum in nobis est, deduci faciatis)
donec aliud de Consilio nostro inde duxerimus ordinand. In
cujus rei, &c. Teste meipso apud Acton Burnell. 5 Octobris
anno regni nostri undecimo.
Archiv. in
Castro
Dublin.
Archiv. in
Castro
Dublin.
Againe, among the Patent Rolles, of 1 Ed. Fourth,
remaining in the Chancery here, we find a Patent of Deni-
zation graunted, the 13 of Edward the First, in these words;
Edwardus Dei gratia, Rex Angliæ, Dom. Hiberniæ, Dux
Aquitaniæ, &c. Omnibus Ballivis et fidelibus suis in Hiber-
nia, Salutem: Volentes Christophero filio Donaldi Hibernico
gratiam facere specialem, concedimus pro nobis et hæredibus
nostris, quod idem Christopherus hanc habeat libertatem,
(viz.) Quod ipse de cætero in Hibernia utatur legibus Angli-
canis, et prohibemus ne quisquam contra hanc concessionem
nostram dictum Christopherum vexet in aliquo vel perturbet.
In cujus rei Testimonium, &c. Teste meipso apud West. 27
die Junii, anno regni nostri 13.
In the same Roll, we finde another Charter of Denization,
graunted in the first of Edw. 4, in a more larger and benefi-
ciall forme. Edw. Dei gratia, &c. Omnibus Ballivis, &c.
Salutem. Sciatis quod nos volentes Willielmum O Bolgir
capellanum de Hibernica Natione existentem, favore prosequi
gratioso, de gratia nostra speciali, &c. Concessimus eidem
Willielmo,
48
!
}
}
}
Ireland was never entirely Subdued, &c. 641
Willielmo, quod ipse liberi sit Status, et liberæ conditionis,
et ab omni servitute Hibernicâ liber et quietus, et quod ipse
legibus Anglicanis in omnibus et per omnia uti possit et
gaudere, eodem modo, quo homines, Anglici infra dictam ter-
ram eas habent, et iis gaudent et utuntur, quodque ipse res-
pondeat, et respondeatur, in quibuscumque Curiis nostris : uc
omnimod. terras, tenementa, redditus, et servitia perquirere
possit sibi et hæredibus suis imperpetuum, &c.
If I should Collect out of the Records, all the Charters of
this kind, I should make a Volume thereof; but these may
suffice to shew, That the meere Irish were not reputed free
subjects; nor admitted to the benefit of the Lawes of England,
until they had purchased Charters of Denization.
were re-
enemies to
Castro
Lastly, the meere Irish were not onely accompted Aliens, That the
but Enemies; and altogether out of the protection of the meere Irish
Law; so as it was no capital offence to kill them; and this puted
is manifest by many Records. At a Gaol delivery at Water- the crowne.
ford, before John Wogan, Lord Justice of Ireland, the 4 of
Edward the Second, we finde it recorded among the pleas of
the Crown of that yeare, Quod Robertus le Wayleys rectatus Archiv. in
de morte Johannis filii Iror Mac Gillemory felonice per ipsum Dublin.
interfecti, &c. Venit et bene cognovit quod prædictum Johan-
nem interfecit: dicit tamen quod per ejus interfectionem felo-
niam committere non potuit, quia dicit, quod prædictus Johan-
nes fuit purus Hibernicus, et non de libero sanguine, &c. Et
cum Dominus dicti Johannis (cujus Hibernicus idem Johannes
fuit) die quo interfectus fuit, solutionem pro ipso Johanne
Hibernico suo sic interfecto petere voluerit, ipse Robertus para-
tus erit ad respondend de solutione prædict. prout Justitia suad-
ebit. Et super hoc venit quidam Johannes le Poer, et dicit
pro Domino Rege, quod prædict. Johannes filius Ivor Mac
Gillemory, et antecessores sui de cognomine prædict. à tempore
quo Dominus Henricus filius Imperatricis, quondam Dominus
Hiberniæ, Tritavus Domini Regis nunc, fuit in Hibernia,
legem Anglicorum in Hibernia usque ad hunc diem habere, et
secundum ipsam legem Judicari et deduci debent. And so
pleaded the Charter of Denization graunted to the Ostmen
recited before: All which appeareth at large in the saide
Record:
2 s
49
642
A Discoverie of the True Causes why
Castro
Dublin
Record: Wherin we may note, that the killing of an Irish
man, was not punnished by our Lawe, as Man-slaughter,
which is fellony and capitall, (for our Law did neither pro-
tect his life, nor revenge his death) but by a fine or pecuniary
punishment, which is called an Ericke, according to the Brehon,
or Irish Law.
Againe, at a Gaol-delivery before the same Lord Justice
at Limericke, in the Roll of the same year, we find, that
Archiv. in Willielmus filius Rogeri rectatus de morte Rogeri de Cauteton
felonice per ipsum interfecti, venit et dicit, quod feloniam per
interfectionem prædictam committere non potuit, quia dicit
quod prædict. Rogerus Hibernic. est, et non de libero san-
guine; dicit etiam quod prædict. Rogerus fuit de cognomine
de Ohederiscall et non de cognomine de Cautetons, et de hoc
ponit se super patriam, &c. Et Jurati dicunt super Sacram.
suum quod prædictus Rogerus Hibernicus fuit et de cognomine
de Ohederiscall et pro Hibernico habebatur tota vita sua.
Ideo prædict. Willielmus quoad feloniam prædict. quietus.
Sed quia prædictus Rogerus Ohederiscall fuit Hibernicus
Domini Regis, prædict. Willielmus recommittatur Gaolæ,
quousque plegios invenerit de quinque marcis solvendis Domino
Regi pro solutione prædicti Hibernici.
But on the other side, if the Jurie had found, that the party
slaine had beene of English race and Nation, it had bin
adjudged fellony; as appeareth by a Record of 29 of Edward
Archiv. in the First, in the Crowne-Office heere. Coram Waltero Len-
Castro
Dublin.
fant et sociis suis Justitiariis Itinerantibus apud Drogheda
in Comitatu Louth. Johannes Laurens indictat. de morte
Galfridi Douedal venit et non dedicit mortem prædictam: sed
dicit quod prædict. Galfridus fuit Hibernicus, et non de
libero sanguine, et de bono et malo ponit se super patriam, &c.
Et Jurat. dicunt super Sacram. suum quod prædict. Galfri-
dus Anglicus fuit, et ideo prædict. Johannes culpabilis est de
morte Galfridi prædict. Ideo suspend. Catalla 13 s. unde
Hugo de Clinton Vicecom. respondet.
Hence it is, that in all the Parliament Rolles which are
extant from the fortieth yeare of Edward the Thirde, when
the Statutes of Kilkenny were enacted, till the raigne of
50
King
1
Ireland was never entirely Subdued, &c. 643
Castro.
6, c. 1.
King Henry the Eight, we finde the degenerat and disobedient
English, called Rebelles; but the Irish which were not in the
Kings peace, are called Enemies. Statute Kilkenny, c. 1, 10, Archiv. in
and 11; 11 Hen. 4, c. 24; 10 Hen. 6, c. 1, 18; 18 Hen. 6, c. 4; Dublin.
5 Edw. 4. c. 6; 10 Hen. 7, c. 17. All these Statutes speak of
English Rebels, and Irish Enemies; as if the Irish had never
bin in condition of Subjectes, but alwaies out of the protec-
tion of the Law; and were indeede in worse case then Aliens
of any
forren Realme that was in amity with the Crowne of
England. For, by divers heavie pænall Lawes, the English
were forbidden to marry, to foster, to make Gossippes with
the Irish; or to have anie Trade, or commerce in their Mar- Stat. de
Kilkenny,
kets or Fayres; nay, there was a Law made no longer since, c. 2 et 3.
then the 28 yeare of Henrie the Eight, that the English 10 Henry
should not marry with any person of Irish blood, though he 28 Hen. 8,
had gotten a Charter of Denization, unlesse he had done both c. 13.
homage and fealty to the King in the Chancery, and were
also bound by Recognisaunce with sureties, to continue a
loyal subject. Whereby it is manifest, that such as had the
Government of Ireland under the Crowne of England, did
intend to make a perpetuall separation and enmity betweene
the English and the Irish; pretending (no doubt) that the
English should in the end roote out the Irish: which the
English not being able to do, did cause a perpetuall Warre
betweene the nations: which continued foure hundered and
odde yeares, and would have lasted to the Worlds end; if in
the end of Queene Elizabeths raigne, the Irishry had not
beene broken and conquered by the Sword. And since the
beginning of his Majesties raigne, had not bin protected and
governed by the Law.
BUT perhaps the Irishry in former times did wilfully refuse
to be subject to the Lawes of England, and would not be par-
takers of the benefit thereof, though the Crowne of England
did desire it; and therefore, they were reputed Aliens, Out-
lawes, and enemies. Assuredly, the contrarie doth appeare, The Irish
aswell by the Charters of Denization purchased by the Irish did desire
in all ages, as by a petition preferred by them to the King, mitted to
2 s 2
51
Anno
to be ad-
644 A Discoverie of the True Causes why
and protec-
English
Lawes, but
could not
obtaine it.
2 Edud. 3,
claus. 17.
the benefit Anno 2 Edward the Third: desiring, that an Act might
tion of the passe in Ireland, whereby all the Irishrie might be inabled to
use and injoy the Lawes of England, without purchasing of
particular Denizations, uppon which petition, the King directed
a speciall Writ to the Lorde Justice; which is found amongst
the Close-Rolles in the Tower of London, in this forme; Rex
dilecto et fideli suo Johannis Darcile Nepieu Justic. suo
Hiberniæ, Salutem. Ex parte quorundam hominum de Hiber-
nia nobis extitit supplicatum, ut per Statutum inde faciendum
concedere velimus, quod omnes Hibernici qui voluerint, legibus
utuntur Anglicanis: ita quod necesse non habeant super
hoc Chartas alienas à nobis impetrare: nos igitur Cer-
tiorari volentes si sine alieno præjudicio præmissis annuere
valeamus, vobis mandamus quod voluntatem magnatum terr.
illius in proximo Parliamento nostro ibidem tenendo super
hoc cum diligentia perscrutari facias: et de eo quod inde
inveneritis una cum Consilio et advisamento nobis certificetis,
dc. Whereby I collect, that the great Lordes of Ireland
had informed the King that the Irishry might not be natu-
ralized, without damage and prejudice either to themselves,
or to the Crowne.
sell Booke
But I am well assured, that the Irishry did desire to be
admitted to the benefit of the Law, not onely in this petition
exhibited to King Edward the Third; but by all their sub-
missions made to King Richard the Second, and to the Lord
Thomas of Lancaster before the warres of the two Houses;
and afterwards to the Lord Leonard Gray, and Sir Anthony
The Coun- Saint Leger, when King Henry the Eight began to reforme
of Ireland. this kingdome. In particular, the Birnes of the Mountaines,
34 Hen. 8. in the 34 of Henry the Eight, desire that their Countrey might
be made Shire-ground, and called the County of Wicklow :
And in the 23 of Henry the Eight, O Donnel doth Covenant
with Sir William Skeffington, Quod si Dominus Rex velit
reformare Hiberniam, (whereof it should seeme he made
some doubt) that he and his people would gladly be governed
by the Lawes of England. Onely that ungrateful Traitour
Tirone, though he had no colour or shadowe of Title to that
great lordship, but only by grant from the Crowne, and by
52
the
Irelund was never entirely Subdued, &c. 645
the Law of England (for by the Irish Law he had beene
ranked with the meanest of his Sept) yet in one of his Capi-
tulations with the State, he required that no Sheriffe might
have jurisdiction within Tirone; and consequently, that the
Lawes of England might not be executed there: Which
request, was never before made by O Neale, or any other
Lorde of the Irishry, when they submitted themselves: but
contrariewise they were humble sutors to have the benefit and
protection of the English Lawes.
grow by
the Irish.
THIS then I note as a great defect in the Civill policy of What mis-
this kingdom, in that for the space of 350 yeares at least after chief did
the Conquest first attempted, the English lawes were not not Com-
municating
communicated to the Irish, nor the benefit and protection the English
therof allowed unto them, though they earnestly desired and Lawes to
sought the same. For, as long as they were out of the pro-
tection of the Lawe; so as every English-man might oppresse,
spoyle, and kill them without controulment, how was it pos-
sible they shoulde be other then Out-Lawes and Enemies to
the Crown of Englande? If the King woulde not admit
them to the condition of Subjects, how could they learne to
acknoledge and obey him as their Soveraigne? When they
might not converse or commerce with any Civill men, nor
enter into any Towne or Citty without perrill of their Lives;
whither should they flye but into the Woods and Mountaines,
and there live in a wild and barbarous manner? If the
English Magistrates would not rule them by the Law which
doth punish Treason, and Murder, and Theft with death; but
leave them to be ruled by their owne Lords and Lawes, why
shoulde they not embrace their own Brehon Lawe, which
punisheth no offence, but with a Fine or Ericke? If the
Irish be not permitted to purchase estates of Freeholds or
Inheritance, which might discend to their Children, accord-
ing to the course of our Common Lawe, must they not con-
tinue their custome of Tanistrie? which makes all their
possessions uncertaine, and brings Confusion, Barbarisme, and
Incivility? In a word, if the English woulde neither in
peace governe them by the Law, nor could in War root them
53
out
What good
would have
ensued, if
the meere
Irish had
ed by the
English
Lawes.
nerall sub-
646
A Discoverie of the True Causes why
out by the sword; must they not needes be prickes in their
eyes, and thornes in their sides, till the Worlds end? and so
the Conquest never be brought to perfection.
BUT on the other side; If from the beginning, the Lawes
of England had beene established, and the Brehon or Irish
Law utterly abolished, aswell in the Irish Countries, as the
bin govern- English Colonies; if there had been no difference made.
betweene the Nations in point of Justice and protection, but
all had beene governed by one Equall, Just, and Honourable
Lawe, as Dido speaketh in Virgill; Tros, Tyriusque mihi
nullo discrimine habetur. If upon the first submission made
by the Irish Lordes to King Henry the Second; Quem in
Three ge- Regem et Dominum receperunt, saith Matth. Paris; or upon
missions of the second submission made to King John, when, Plusquam
the Irish. viginti Reguli maximo timore perterriti homagium ei et fide-
litatem fecerunt, as the same Author writeth: or uppon the
third general submission made to King Richard the Second;
when they did not only do homage and fealty, but bound
themselves by Indentures and oaths (as is before expressed)
to become and continue loyall subjects to the crown of England;
If any of these three Kings, who came each of them twice in
person into this kingdome, had uppon these submissions of
the Irishry, received them all, both Lords and Tenants, into
their mediate protection, devided their severall Countries into
Counties; made Sheriffs, Coroners, and Wardens of the peace
therein: sent Justices Itinerants halfe yearely into every part
of the Kingdome, aswell to punish Malefactors, as to heare
and determine causes betweene party and party, according to
the course of the Lawes of England; taken surrenders of
their Lands and territories, and graunted estates unto them,
to holde by English Tenures; graunted them Markets,
Fayres, and other Franchises, and erected Corporate Townes
among them; all which, hath bin performed since his Majesty
came to the Crowne,) assuredly, the Irish Countries had long
since beene reformed and reduced to Peace, Plenty, and
Civility, which are the effects of Lawes and good Govern-
ment: they hadde builded Houses, planted Orchards and
Gardens:
54
1
1
Ireland was never entirely Subdued, &c. 647
!
Gardens: erected Towne-shippes, and made provision for
their posterities; there had beene a perfect Union betwixt
the Nations, and consequently, a perfect Conquest of Ireland.
For the Conquest is never perfect, till the war be at an end;
and the war is not at an end till there be peace and unity;
and there can never be unity and concord in any one King-
dom, but where there is but one King, one Allegiance, and
one Law.
lish Lawes
were exe-
in the
Dublin.
TRUE it is, that King John made xii. shires in Leinster and The Eng-
Mounster: namely, Dublin, Kildare, Meth, Uriel, Cather-
logh, Kilkenny, Wexford, Waterford, Corke, Limeric, Kerrie, cuted onely
and Tipperary. Yet these Counties did stretch no farther English
then the Landes of the English Colonies did extend. In Colonies.
them onely, were the English Lawes published and put in
Execution; and in them onely did the Itinerant Judges make
their circuits and visitations of Justice, and not in the coun-
tries possessed by the Irishry which contained two third
partes of the Kingdome at least. And therefore King Edward
the First, before the court of Parliament was established in
Ireland, did transmit the Statutes of England in this forme:
Dominus Rex mandavit Breve suum in hæc verba: Edwardus Archiv. in
Dei gratia, Rex Anglia, Dominus Hiberniæ, &c. Cancellario Castro
suo Hiberniæ, Salutem. Quædam statuta per nos de assensu
Prælatorum, Comitum, Baronum et Communitat. regni nostri
nuper apud Lincolne; et quædam alia statuta postmodum
apud Eborum facta, quæ in dicta terra nostra Hiberniæ ad
Communem utilitatem populi nostri cjusdem terræ observari
volumus, vobis mittimus sub sigillo nostro, mandantes quod
statuta illa in dicta Cancellaria nostra Custodiri, ac in rotulis
ejusdem Cancellariæ irrotulari, et ad singulas placeas nostras
in terra nostra Hiberniæ, et singulos Comitatus ejusdem terræ
mitti faciatis ministris nostris placearum illarum, et Vice-
comitibus dictorum Comitatuum: mandantes, quod statuta
illa coram ipsis publicari et ea in omnibus et singulis Articulis
suis observari firmiter faciatis. Teste meipso apud Notting-
ham, &c. By which Writt, and by all the Pipe-Rolles of that
time, it is manifest, that the Lawes of England were pub-
55
lished
648 A Discoverie of the True Causes why
Statut. de
c. 4.
lished and put in execution onely in the Counties, which
were then made and limited, and not in the Irish Countries,
which were neglected and left wilde; and have but of late
yeares bin devided in one and twenty Counties more.
Againe, true it is, that by the Statute of Kilkenny, enacted
in this kingdome, in the fortith yeare of King Edward the
Thirde, the Brehon Law was condemned and abolished, and
the use and practice thereof made High-Treason. But this
Lawe extended to the English onely, and not to the Irish:
For the Lawe is penned in this forme: Item, Forasmuch as
the diversity of Government by divers Lawes in one Land,
Kilkenny. doth make diversity of ligeance and debates between the people,
It is accorded and established, that hereafter no Englishman
have debate with another Englishman, but according to the
course of the Common Law; And that no Englishman be
ruled in the definition of their debates, by the March-Law, or
the Brehon Law, which by reason ought not to be named a
Law, but an evill custome; but that they be ruled as right is,
by the common Lawe of the Land, as the Lieges of our Sove-
raigne LORD the King; And if any do to the contrary, and
thereof be attainted, and he be taken and imprisoned and
judged as a Traitor: And that hereafter there be no diversity
of ligeance betweene the English borne in Ireland and the
English borne in England, but that all be called and reputed,
English, and the Lieges of our Soveraigne Lord the KING, &c.
This Law, was made onely to reforme the degenerat English,
but there was no care taken for the reformation of the meer
Irish; no ordinance, no provision made for the abolishing of
their barbarous Customes and Manners. Insomuch as the Law
then made for Apparell, and riding in Saddles, after the English
fashion, is penal onely to English men, and not to the Irish. But
the Romaine State, which conquered so many Nations both
barbarous and Civill; and therefore knewe by experience, the
cate their best and readiest way of making a perfect and absolute con-
the nations quest, refused not to communicate their Lawes to the rude
which they and barbarous people whom they had Conquered; neither
did they put them out of their protection, after they had once
submitted themselves. But contrary-wise, it is said of Julius
The Ro-
mains did
communi-
Lawes to
conquered.
56
Cæsar:
Ireland was never entirely Subdued, &c. 649
Cæsar: Qua, vicit, victos protegit ille, manu.
of another Emperor:
And againe,
Fecisti patriam diversis gentibus unam,
Profuit invitis te dominante capi;
Dumq. offers victis proprii consortia Juris,
Urbem fecisti, quod priùs orbis erat.
And of Rome itself;
Hæc est, in gremium victos que sola recepit,
Humanumque genus communi nomine fouit,
Matris, non dominæ, ritu; Civesque vocavit,
Quos domuit, nexuque pio longinqua revinxit.
Therefore (as Tacitus writeth) Julius Agricola the Romaine Tacitus in
vita Agri-
Generall in Brittany used this pollicy to make a perfect Con- colce.
quest of our Ancestours, the ancient Brittaines; They were
(sayth he) rude, and dispersed; and therefore prone upon
every occasion to make warre, but to induce them by pleasure
to quietness and rest, he exhorted them in private, and gave
them helpes in common, to builde Temples, Houses, and
places of publique resort. The Noblemens sonnes he tooke
and instructed in the Liberall Sciences, &c. preferring the
wits of the Brittaines, before the Students of France; as
being now curious to attaine the Eloquence of the Romaine
Language, whereas they lately rejected that speech. After
that, the Roman Attire grew to be in account, and the Gowne
to be in use among them; and so by little and little they pro-
ceeded to curiosity and delicacies in Buildings, and furniture
of Houshold; in Bathes, and exquisit Banquets; and so
being come to the heighth of Civility, they were thereby
brought to an absolute subjection.
querour
both the
LIKEWISE, our Norman Conqueror, though he oppressed William
the English Nobility very sore, and gave away to his servi- the Con-
tors, the Lands and possessions of such as did oppose his first governed
invasion, though he caused all his Actes of Counsel to be Normans
published in French; and some legall proceedings and plead- and the
ings to be framed and used in the same tongue, as a marke under one
and
57
English
Law.
650 A Discoverie of the True Causes why
and badge of a conquest; yet he governed all, both English
and Normans, by one and the same Law; which was the
auncient common Law of England, long before the Conquest.
Neither did he denie any Englishman (that submitted him-
selfe unto him:) The benefit of that Law though it were
against a Norman of the best ranke, and in greatest favour
(as appeared in the notable Controversie betweene Warren
the Norman, and Sherburne of Sherburne Castle in Norfolke;
for the Conqueror had given that Castle to Warren; yet
Camden in when the Inheritors thereof had alledged before the King,
Northfolke. that he never bore Armes against him; that he was his
subject, aswell as the other, and that he did inherit and hold
his Landes by the rules of that Law which the King had
established among all his Subjects; The king gave judge-
ment against Warren, and commanded that Sherburne should
hold his land in peace. By this meane, him-selfe obtained a
peaceable possession of the kingdom within few yeares;
whereas, if he had cast all the English out of his protection,
and held them as Aliens and Enemies to the Crowne, the
Normans (perhaps) might have spent as much time in the
Conquest of England, as the English have spent in the Con-
quest of Ireland.
King Edw.
municate
Lawes to
men.
THE like prudent course hath bin observed in reducing of
1 did com- Wales; which was performed partly by King Edward the
the English First, and altogether finished by King Henry the Eight.
the Welsh- For, we finde by the Statute of Rutland, made the 12 of
Edward the First, when the Welshmen had submitted them-
selves, De alto et Basso, to that King, he did not reject and
cast them off, as Out-lawes and Enemies, but caused their
Lawes and Customes to be examined which were in many
points agreeable to the Irish or Brehon Law. Quibus dili-
genter auditis et plenius intellectis, quasdam illarum (saieth
the King in that Ordinance) Consilio procerum dilevimus;
quasdam permissimus; quasdam correximus; ac etiam quas-
dam alias adjiciendas et faciend. decrevimus; and so esta-
blished a Commonwealth among them, according to the forme
of the English Governement. After this, by reason of the
sundry
58
Ireland was never entirely Subdued, &c.
651
}
sundry insurrections of the Barons; the Warres in France;
and the dissention betweene the two houses of Yorke and
Lancaster, the State of England neglected or omitted the
execution of this Statute of Rutland; so as a great part of
Wales grew wilde and barbarous again. And therefore King
Henry the Eight, by the Statutes of the 27 and 32 of his
raign, did revive and recontinue that Noble worke begun by
King Edward the First; and brought it indeed to full per-
fection; For he united the Dominion of Wales to the Crown
of England, and devided it into Shires, and erected in every
Shire, one Borough, as in England; and enabled them to
send Knights and Burgesses to the Parliament; established a
Court of Presidency; and ordained that Justices of Assise,
and Gaol-deliverie, should make their halfe yearly Circuits
there, as in England; made all the Lawes and Statutes of
England, in force there; and among other Welsh Customes,
abolished that of Gavel-kinde: whereby the Heyres-Females
were utterlie excluded, and the Bastards did inherit, aswell
as the Legitimate, which is the very Irish Garel-kinde. By
means whereof that entire Country in a short time was
securely settled in peace and Obedience, and hath attained
to that Civility of Manners, and plentie of all things, as now
we find it not inferiour to the best parts of England.
I will therefore knit up this point with these conclusions;
First, that the Kings of England, which in former Ages
attempted the Conquest of Ireland, being ill advised and
counselled by the great men heere, did not upon the submis-
sions of the Irish, communicate their Lawes unto them, nor
admit them to the state and condition of Free subjects:
Secondly, that for the space of 200 yeares at least, after the first
arrival of Henry the Second in Ireland, the Irish would gladly
have embraced the Lawes of England, and did earnestly
desire the benefite and protection thereof; which being denied
them, did of necessitie cause a continual bordering warre
between the English and the Irish. And lastly, if according
to the examples before recited they had reduced as well the
Irish Countries, as the English Colonies, under one forme of
Civill government (as now they are,) the Meres and Bounds
59
of
652
A Discoverie of the True Causes why
J
Giraldus
Cambrensis
lib. 2 de
Hibernia
expugnata.
2
The Landes
from the
Irish were
not well
of the Marches and Borders, had beene long since worne out
and forgotten, (for it is not fit, as Cambrensis writeth, that a
King of an Island should have any Marches or Borders, but the
foure Seas) both Nations had beene incorporated and united;
Ireland had beene entirely conquered, Planted, and improoved;
and returned a rich Revennew to the Crowne of England.
THE next error in the Civill pollicy which hindered the
conquered perfection of the Conquest of Ireland, did consist in the Dis-
tribution of the Landes and possessions which were woonne
and conquered from the Irish. For, the Scopes of Land
distributed, which were graunted to the first Adventurers, were too Large;
and the Liberties and Royalties, which they obtained therein,
were too great for Subjects; though it stood with reason that
they should be rewarded liberally out of the fruites of their
owne Labours, since they did Militare propriis stipendiis,
and received no pay from the Crowne of England. Notwith-
standing there ensued divers inconveniences, that gave great
impediment to the Conquest.
The pro-
Land
the first
too large.
Giraldus
lib. 2 de
expugnata.
FIRST, the Earle Strongbow was entituled to the whole
portions of Kingdome of Leinster; partly by Invasion, and partly by
graunted to Marriage; albeit he surrendered the same entirely to King
Adventur- Henry the Second his Soveraigne; for that with his license
ers, were he came over; and with the Ayde of his Subjects, he had
gayned that great inheritance; yet did the King re-grant
Cambrensis backe againe to him and his heyres all that Province, reserving
Hibernia onely the City of Dublin, and the Cantreds next adjoyning,
In Archiv. with the Maritime Townes, and principall Forts and Castles.
Next, the same King granted to Robert Fitz-Stephen, and
Escheat Miles Cogan, the whole Kingdome of Corke from Lismore to
numero 10. the Sea. To Philip le Bruce, he gave the whole Kingdome
Chart. m. of Limericke, with the Donation and Byshop-rickes and
6 Johannis Abbeys (except the Citie, and one Cantred of Land adjoyning.)
Chart. m. 1. To Sir Hugh de Lacy, all Meth. To Sir John de Courcy, all
Ulster: to William Burke Fitz-Adelm, the greatest part of
Conaght. In like manner, Sir Thomas de Clare, obtained a
Chart, m. graunt of all Thomond; and Otho de Grandison of all Tip-
Tur. 5.
Edw. 3.
2 Johannis
15 et m. 38.
7 Johannis
Chart. m.
12 et n. 109.
6 Ed. 1
60
perary;
Ireland was never entirely Subdued, &c.
653
1, m. 29.
de Hibernia
All Ireland
sons of the
English
302 Ar-
17 Johannis
perary; and Robert le Poer, of the territory of Waterford, 19. 18 Ed.
(the Citie itselfe, and the Cantred of the Ostmen only ex- Girald.
cepted.) And thus was all Ireland Cantonized among tenne Camb. lib. 2.
persons of the English Nation; And though they had not expug.
gained the possession of one third part of the whole Kingdome, distributed
yet in Title they were Owners and Lords of all, so as nothing to ten per-
was left to be graunted to the Natives. And therefore we do
not find in any Record or storie for the space of three hundred Nation.
yeares, after these Adventurers first arrived in Ireland, that
any Irish Lorde obtained a grant of his Country from the 6 H. 3.
Crowne, but onely the King of Thomond, who had a grant but Chart. m. 2.
during King Henry the Third his Minority: and Roderick O
Connor, King of Conaght, to whom King Henry the Second,
before this distribution made, did graunt (as is before declared.) Hovedon in
H. 2 fol.
Ut sit Rex sub eo; and moreover, Ut teneat terram suam
Conactiæ ita bene et in pace, sicut tenuit antequam Dominus chiv. turr.
Rex intravit Hiberniam. And whose successour, in the 24 of Chart. m. 3.
Henry the Third, when the Bourkes had made a strong plan-
tation there, and had wel-ny expelled him out of his territory, 6 Johannis
he came over into England, (as Matth. Paris writeth) and Claus. m.
made complaint to King Henry the Third of this invasion
made by the Bourkes uppon his Land, insisting uppon the Matth.
grauntes of King Henry the Second, and King John; and Paris in
affirming that he had duely paide an yearly tribute of five
thousand markes for his Kingdome. Whereupon the King
called unto him the Lord Maurice Fitz-Girald, who was
then Lord Justice of Ireland, and President in the Court;
and commanded him that he should roote out that unjust
plantation, which Hubert Earle of Kent had in the time of his
greatnesse, planted in those parts; and wrote withall to the
great men of Ireland to remoove the Bourkes, and to estab-
lish the King of Conaght in the quiet possession of his
Kingdome. Howbeit I do not read that the King of
Englands commandment or direction in this behalfe, was
ever put in execution. For, the troth is; Richard de Burgo
had obtained a graunt of all Conaght, after the death of the 3 Henry 3.
King of Conaght, then living. For which he gave a
thousand pounde, as the Record in the Tower reciteth, the
61
third
18.
Henry 3.
651
A Discoverie of the True Causes why
third of Henry 3 claus. 2. And besides, our great English
Lords coulde not endure that any Kings should raigne in
Ireland, but themselves; nay, they could hardly endure that
the Crown of England itselfe, should have any Jurisdiction.
The Liber- or Power over them. For many of these Lordes, to whome
ties granted
to the first our Kings had granted these petty kingdomes, did by Vertue
adventur- and colour of these Grants, claime and exercise Jura Regalia
too great. within their Territories; insomuch, as there were no lesse
8 Counties then eight Counties Palatines in Ireland, at one time.
ers were
Palatines
in Ireland
For William Marshall, Earle of Pembroke, who married
at one time, the daughter and heyre of Strongbow, being Lord of all
Leynster, had Royal Jurisdiction throughout al that Province.
Annales This great Lord had five sonnes and five daughters; every of
Camden. his sonnes enjoyed that Seigniory successively, and yet al
Hiberniæ in
Turr. 11.
Edw. 3.
28.
Palatines
died without Issue. Then this great Lordship was broken
and divided, and partition made between the five daughters,
who were married into the Noblest Houses of England. The
In Archiv. Countie of Catherlogh was allotted to the eldest; Wexford to
the second; Kilkenny to the third; Kildare to the fourth; the
Escheat n. greatest part of Leix, nowe called the Queenes County, to
the fifth: In every of these portions, the Coparceners severally
exercised the same Jurisdiction Royall, which the Earle
Marshall and his Sonnes had used in the whole Province.
5 Counties Whereby it came to passe, that there were five County Pala-
in Leinster, tines erected in Leinster. Then had the Lord of Meth the
same Royall libertie in all that Territory; the Earle of
Archiv. in Ulster in all that Province; and the Lorde of Desmond and
Kerry within that County. All these appeare uppon Record,
and were all as ancient as the time of King John; onely
the liberty of Tipperary, which is the onely liberty that re-
maineth at this day, was granted to James Butler the first
Earle of Ormond in the thirde yeare of King Edward the
Third. These absolute Palatines made Barons and Knights,
did exercise high Justice in all points within their Territories,
Archiv. in erected Courts for criminal and civill Causes, and for their
owne Revennews; in the same forme as the Kings Courts
were established at Dublin: made their own Judges, Sene-
shals, Sheriffes, Corroners, and Escheators; so as the Kings
Writt
Castro
Dublin
Archiv.
Turr. pat.
3 E. 3 m.
28.
Castro
Dublin.
62
Ireland was never entirely Subdued, &c.
655
Writt did not run in those Counties (which took up more
then two partes of the English Colonies) but onely in the
Church Lands lying within the same, which were called the
Crosse, wherein the King made a Sheriffe: And so, in each
of these Counties Palatines, there were two Sheriffes; one, of
the Liberty, and another of the Crosse: As in Meth we finde.
a Sheriffe of the Liberty, and a Sheriffe of the Crosse: And
so in Ulster, and so in Wexford: And so at this day, the
Earle of Ormond maketh a Sheriffe of the Liberty, and the
King a Sheriffe of the Crosse of Tipperary. Heereby it is
manifest, how much the Kings Jurisdiction was restrained,
and the power of these Lords enlarged by these High Privi-
leges. And it doth further appear, by one Article among
others, preferred to King Edward the Third, touching the
reformation of the state of Ireland, which we finde in the
Tower, in the words; Item les francheses grantes in Ireland,
que sunt Roialles, telles come Duresme et Cestre, vous oustont
cybien de les profits, Come de graunde partie de Obeisance des
persons enfrancheses; et en quescun franchese est Chancellerie
Chequer et Conusans de pleas, cybien de la Coronne, come
autres communes, et grantont auxi Charters de pardon; et
sont souent per ley et reasonable cause seisses envostre main,
a grand profit de vous; et leigerment restitues per maundement
hors de Engletere, a damage, &c. Unto which Article the
King made answer: Le Roy voet que les francheses que sont
et serront per juste cause prises en sa main, ne soent my res-
titues, avant que le Roy soit certifie de la cause de la prise
de icelles. 26 Ed 3. Claus. m. 1, Again, these great Under-
takers, were not tied to any forme of plantation, but all was
left to their discretion and pleasure. And although they
builded Castles, and made Freeholders, yet were there no
tenures or services reserved to the Crowne; but the
Lords drew all the respect and dependencie of the Common
people unto Themselves. Now let us see what inconve-
niences did arise by these large and ample Grauntes of Landes
and Liberties, to the first adventurers in the Conquest.
ASSUREDLY by these Grauntes of whole Provinces and The incon-
63
pettie
veniences
656
A Discoverie of the True Causes why
by the
large
Lands and
which grew pettie Kingdomes, those few English Lordes pretended to be
proprietors of all the Land, so as there was no possibility left
graunts of of setling the Natives in their possessions, and by consequence
Liberties. the Conquest became impossible, without the utter extirpation
of all the Irish; which these English Lords were not able to
doe, nor perhaps willing, if they had bin able. Notwithstand-
ing, because they did still hope to become Lordes of those
Lands which were possessed by the Irish, whereunto they
pretended Title by their large Graunts; and because they did
feare, that if the Irish were received into the Kings protec-
tion, and made Liege-men and Free-subjects, the state of
England woulde establish them in their possessions by
Graunts from the Crowne; reduce their Countries into Coun-
ties, ennoble some of them; and enfranchise all, and make
them amesneable to the Lawe, which woulde have abridged
and cut off a great part of that greatnesse which they had
promised unto themselves: they perswaded the King of Eng-
land, that it was unfit to Communicate the Lawes of England
unto them; that it was the best pollicie to holde them as
Aliens and Enemies, and to prosecute them with a continuall
warre. Heereby they obtained another Royal prerogative
and power: which was, to make Warre and peace at their
made war pleasure in every part of the Kingdome. Which gave them
an absolute Commaund over the Bodies, Landes, and Goods
of the English subjectes heere. And besides, the Irish inha-
biting the Lands fully Conquered and reduced, being in con-
dition of slaves and Villaines, did render a greater profit and
Revennew, then if they had bin made the Kings Free-
subjects.
The Eng-
lish Lords
in Ireland
and peace
at their
pleasure.
And for these two causes last expressed, they were not
willing to root out all the Irishry. We may not therefore
mervaile, that when King Edward the Third, upon the peti-
tion of the Irish (as is before remembred) was desirous to be
certified, De voluntate magnatum suorum in proximo Par-
liamento in Hibernia tenend. si sine alieno præjudicio concedere
possit, quod per statut. inde fact. Hibernici utantur legibus
Anglicanis, sive chartis Regiis inde Impetrandis, that there
was never any Statute made to that effect. For the troth is,
64
that
Ireland was never entirely Subdued, &c. 657
}
1
that those great English Lordes did to the uttermost of their
power, crosse and withstand the enfranchisement of the Irish,
for the causes before expressed; Wherein I must stil cleare
and acquit the Crown and State of England, of negligence or
ill pollicy, and lay the fault uppon the Pride, Covetousnesse,
and ill Counsell of the English planted heer, which in all
former ages have bin the chiefe impediments of the final Con-
quest of Ireland.
and dissen-
Lordes
AGAINE, those large scopes of Land, and great Liberties, The war
with the absolute power to make warre and peace, did rise tion of the
the English Lordes to that height of Pride and Ambition, as English
that they could not endure one another, but grew to a mortall one with
warre and dissention among themselves: as appeareth by all another.
the Records and Stories of this Kingdome. First, in the
yeare, 1204, the Lacies of Meth, made Warre upon Sir John
Camden.
Courcy; who having taken him by treachery, sent him
prisoner into England. In the yeare, 1210, King John Annales
comming over in person, expelled the Lacis out of the King- bernia
dome, for their tiranny and oppression of the English: how-
beit, uppon payment of great Fines, they were afterward
restored. In the yeare, 1228, that family beeing risen to a
greater height (for Hugh de Lacy the younger, was created
Earle of Ulster, after the death of Courcy without yssue)
there arose dissention and warre betweene that house, and
William Marshall Lorde of Leinster; whereby all Meth was
destroyed and layd wast. In the yeare, 1264, Sir Walter
Bourke having married the Daughter and heire of Lacy,
whereby he was Earl of Ulster in right of his Wife, had
mortall debate with Maurice Fitz-Morice the Geraldine, for
certaine Lands in Conaght. So as all Ireland was full of
Wars between the Bourkes and the Geraldines (say our
Annalles.) Wherein Maurice Fitz-Morice grew so insolent,
as that upon a meeting at Thistledermot, he took the Lord
Justice himselfe, Sir Richard Capell, prisoner, with divers
Lords of Mounster beeing then in his Company. In the
yeare, 1288, Richard Bourke, Earle of Ulster, (commonly
called the Red Earle) pretending title to the Lordship of
Meth
2 T
65
in
658
A Discoverie of the True Causes why
Meth, made warre upon Sir Theobald de Verdun, and
besiedged him in the Castle of Athlone. Againe, in the yeare,
1292, John Fitz-Thomas the Geraldine, having by contention.
with the Lorde Vesci, gotten a goodly inheritance in Kildare,
grew to that heighth of imagination (saith the Story) as he
fell into difference with divers great Noblemen; and among
many others, with Richard the Red Earle, whom he took
Annales prisoner, and detained him in Castle Ley; and by that dis-
Camden. sention, the English on the one side, and the Irish on the
other, did wast and destroy all the Countrey.
Hibernia in
After, in the yeare, 1311, the same Red Earle (comming to
besiedge Bonratty in Thomond, which was then held by Sir
Richard de Clare as his inheritance) was againe taken prisoner:
Clyme. and all his Army (consisting for the most part of English)
Manuscript. overthrown and cut in pieces, by Sir Richard de Clare.
Annales
Johannis
And
after this againe, in the yeare, 1327, most of the great Houses
were banded one against another, (viz:) The Geraldines,
Butlers, and Breminghams, on the one side, and the Bourkes
and Poers on the other. The ground of the quarrell beeing
none other, but that the Lord Arnold Poer, had called the
Earle of Kildare, Rimer: But this quarrell was prosecuted
with such malice and violence, as the Counties of Waterford
and Kilkenny were destroied with fire and sword, till a Par-
liament was called of purpose, to quiet this dissention.
Shortly after, the Lord John Bremingham, who was not
long before made Earle of Louth, for that notable service
which he performed upon the Scots, betweene Dundalke and
the Faher, was so extreamly envied by the Gernons, Verdons,
and others of the ancient Colony, planted in the County of
Louth, as that in the yeare, 1329, they did most wickedly
betray and murder that Earle, with divers principall Gentle-
men of his name and Family; using the same speech that the
Rebellious Jewes are saide to use in the Gospell:
Nolumus hunc regnare super nos.
After this the Geraldines and the Butlers being become the
most potent families in the Kingdome (for the great Lord-
shippe of Leinster was divided among Coparceners, whose
66
heires
Ireland was never entirely Subdued, &c. 659
Finglas,
heires for the most part lived in England; and the Earledom
of Ulster, with the Lordship of Meth, by the match of Lionell
Duke of Clarence, at last discended upon the Crowne) had
almost a continual warre one with another. In the time of
King Henry the Sixt (saith Baron Finglas in his Discourse Baron
of the Decay of Ireland,) in a fight betweene the Earles of Manuscript.
Ormond and Desmond, almost all the Townesmen of Kilkenny
were slain. And as they followed contrary parties during
the Warres of Yorke and Lancaster, so after that civill dissen-
tion ended in England, these Houses in Ireland continued
their opposition and feud still, even till the time of King
Henry the Eight: when by the Marriage of Margaret Fitz-
Girald to the Earl of Ossory, the houses of Kildare and
Ormond were reconciled, and have continued in amity ever
since.
Thus these great Estates and Royalties graunted to the
English Lords in Ireland, begat Pride; and Pride, begat
Contention among themselves, which brought forth divers
mischiefs, that did not only disable the English to finish the
Conquest of all Ireland, but did endaunger the losse of what
was already gained; And of Conquerors, made them slaves
to that Nation which they did intend to Conquer. For,
whensoever one English Lorde had vanquished another, the
Irish waited and tooke the opportunity, and fell upon that
Country which had received the blow; and so daily recovered
some part of the lands, which were possessed by the English
Colonies.
c. 4.
liam. in
Besides, the English Lords to strengthen their parties, did
ally themselves with the Irish, and drewe them in to dwell Stat. 10
among them; gave their Children to be fostered by them; Henry 7,
and having no other meanes to pay or reward them, suffred Rot. Par-
them to take Coigne and Livery uppon the English Free- Castro
holders; which Oppression was so intollerable, as that the Dublin.
better sort were enforced to quit their freeholds and fly into
England; and never returned, though many Lawes were
made in both Realmes, to remaunde them backe againe:
and the rest which remained, became degenerat and meer
Irish, as is before declared. And the English Lords finding
the
2 T 2
67
660
A Discoverie of the True Causes why
Baron
Finglas,
Archiv.
Turr. 5
Edward 3.
the Irish exactions to be more profitable then the English
rents and services; and loving the Irish tyranny, which was
tyed to no rules of Law or Honor, better than a just and
lawfull Seigniory, did reject and cast off the English Law
and Government, received the Irish Lawes and Customes,
tooke Irish Surnames, as Mac William, Mac Pheris, Mac
Manuscript. Yoris, refused to come to the Parliaments which were sum-
moned by the King of Englands Authority, and scorned to
obey those English Knights which were sent to commaund and
governe this Kingdome; Namely, Sir Richard Capel, Sir John
Morris, Sir John Darcie, and Sir Raphe Ufford. And when
Sir Anthony Lucie, a man of great Authoritie in the time of
King Edward the Thirde, was sent over to reforme the
notorious abuses of this Kingdom, the King doubting that he
should not be obeyed, directed a speciall Writt or Mandate to
the Earle of Ulster, and the rest of the Nobility to assist him.
claus. m. 4. And afterwardes, the same King (upon good advise and
counsell) resumed those excessive Graunts of Lands and
Liberties in Ireland, by a special ordinance made in England,
which remaineth of Record in the Tower, in this form: Quia
plures excessiva donationes terrarum et libertatum in Hiber-
nia ad subdolam machinationem petentium factæ sunt, &c.
claus. m. 4. Rex delusorias hujusmodo machinationes volens elidere, de
consilio peritorum sibi assistentium, omnes donationes Terra-
rum et libertatum prædict. duxit revocandas, quousque de
meritis donatariorum et causis ac qualitatibus donationum
melius fuerit informat et ideo mandatum est Justiciario
Hiberniæ quod scisiri faciat, &c. Howbeit, there followed
upon this resumption, such a division and faction between the
English of birth, and the English of bloud and race, as they
summoned and held severall Parliaments apart one from the
other. Whereuppon, there had risen a general war betwixt
them, to the utter extinguishing of the English Name and
Nation in Ireland, if the Earle of Desmond, who was head of
in Camden. the faction against the English of birth, had not beene sent
into England, and detained there for a time; yet afterwardes,
these liberties being restored by direction out of England,
the 26 of Edward the Thirde, complaint was made to the King
Archiv.
Turr. 15
Edward 3.
Annales
Hibernice
68
of
Ireland was never entirely Subdued, &c.
661
Yet
Adventu-
these libe-
did not
prosecute
the warre
of the easie restitution; whereunto the King made aswere,
as is before expressed; so as we may conclude this point with
that which we finde in the Annalles, published by Maister
Camden: Hibernici debellati et consumpti fuissent, nisi
seditio Anglicorum impedivisset. Whereunto I may adde
this note, that though some are of opinion, that Grants of
extraordinary Honours and Liberties made by a King to his
subjects, do no more diminish his greatnesse, then when one
torch lighteth another; for it hath no lesse light then it had
before, Quis vetat apposito lumen de lumine sumi?
many times, inconveniences doe arise thereuppon: And those The first
Princes have held up their Soveraignty best, which have rers ob-
beene sparing in those Graunts. And truely as these Graunts tained
of little Kingdomes, and great Royalties, to a few private per- ral graunts,
because the
sons, did produce the mischiefes spoken of before: So the true
Kings of
cause of the making of these Graunts, did proceede from this; England
That the Kings of England beeing otherwise employed and
diverted, did not make the Conquest of Ireland, their own
worke, and undertake it not royally at their owne charge;
but as it was first begun by perticular Adventurers, so they
left the prosecution thereof, to them, and other voluntaries,
who came to seeke their fortunes in Ireland; wherein if they
could prevayle, they thought that in reason and honor they
could doe no lesse, then make them proprietors of such scopes
of land as they could conquer, people, and plant at their owne
charge, reserving only the Soveraigne Lordshippe to the
Crowne of England. But if the Lyon had gone to hunt him-
selfe, the shares of the inferiour Beastes had not beene so
great: If the invasion had been made by an army transmitted,
furnished, and supplyed only at the kings charges, and wholly
paid with the Kings Treasure, as the Armies of Queene
ELIZABETH, and King James have been; as the conquest had
beene sooner atchived, so the servitors had beene contented
with lesser proportions.
at their
owne
charge.
State of
For, when Scipio, Pompey, Cæsar, and other Generals of How the
the Roman Armies, as Subjects and Servants of that State, Rome re-
and with the publicke Charge had conquered many King-
domes and Commonweales, we finde them rewarded with of warre.
69
honorable
warded
their men
662 A Discoverie of the True Causes why
William
the Con-
queror.
honorable Offices and Triumphes at their returne; and not
made Lords and proprietors of whole Provinces and Kingdoms
which they had subdued to the Empire of Rome. Likewise,
when the Duke of Normandy had conquered England, which
he made his owne worke and performed it in his owne person,
he distributed sundry Lordships and Mannors unto his fol-
lowers, but gave not away whole Shires and Countreyes in
demeasne to any of his servitors, whom he most desired to
Camden in advance. Only, he made Hugh Lupus County Palatine of
Chester, and gave that Earledome to him and his heyres, to
hold the same, Ita libere ad gladium, sicut Rex tenebat An-
gliam ad Coronam. Whereby that Earledome indeed had a
royal Jurisdiction, and Seigniory, though the Landes of that
Countie in demesne, were possessed for the most part by the
auncient Inheritors.
Chester.
Wales dis-
tributed to
Marchers.
Againe, from the time of the Norman Conquest, till the
the Lords raigne of King Edward the First, many of our English Lords
made warre upon the Welshmen at their owne charge; the
lands which they gained they held to their owne use, were
called Lords Marchers, and had Royal Liberties within their
Lorshippes. Howbeit, these particular Adventurers, could
never make a perfect Conquest of Wales.
But when King Edward the First, came in person with his
army thither, kept his residence and Court there; made the
reducing of Wales, an enterprize of his owne; he finished that
worke in a yeare or two, whereof the Lords Marchers had
not performed a third part, with their continuall bordering
warre, for two hundred years before. And withall we may
observe, that though this King had nowe the Dominion of
Wales in Jure proprietatis, as the Statute of Rutland affirm-
eth; which before was subject unto him, but in Jure feodali:
And though he had lost divers principall Knights and Noble-
men in that Warre, yet did he not reward his servitors with
whole Countries or Counties, but with particular Mannors and
Lordships: as to Henry Lacy Earle of Lincolne, he gave the
Lordship of Denbigh; and to Reignold Gray, the Lordship of
Ruthen, and so to others. And if the like course had beene
used in the winning and distributing of the Lands of Ireland,
that
70
Ireland was never entirely Subdued, &c.
663
that Island had beene fully conquered before the continent of
Wales had beene reduced. But the troth is, when Private
men attempt the Conquest of Countries at their own charge,
commonly their enterprizes doe perrish without success: as
when, in the time of Queene Elizabeth, Sir Thomas Smith
undertooke to recover the Ardes: and Chatterton, to recon-
quer then Fues and Orier. The one lost his Sonne; and the
other, Himselfe; and both their Adventures came to nothing.
And as for the Crowne of England, it hath had the like for-
tune in the Conquest of this Land, as some purchasers have;
who desire to buy Land at too easie a Rate: they finde those
cheap purchases so full of trouble, as they spende twice as
much as the Land is woorth, before they get the quiet posses-
sion thereof.
And as the best policy was not observed in the distribution
of the Conquered Lands; so as I Conceyve, that the first
Adventurers intending to make a full Conquest of the Irish,
were deceived in the Choyse of the Fittest places for their
plantation. For they sate downe, and erected their Castles
and Habitations in the Plaines and open Countries; where
they found most fruitfull and profitable Lands, and turned
the Irish into the Woods and Mountains: Which, as they
were proper places for Out-Lawes and Theeves, so were they
their Naturall Castles and Fortifications; thither they drave
their preyes and stealths; there they lurkt and lay in waite to
doe mischiefe. These fast-places they kept unknowne, by
making the wayes and Entries thereunto impassable; there
they kept their Creaghts or Heardes of Cattle, living by the
Milke of the Cowe, without Husbandry or Tillage; there they
encreased and multiplied unto infinite numbers, by promiscu-
ous generation among themselves; there they made their As-
semblies and Conspiracies without discovery: But they dis-
covered the weaknes of the English dwelling in the open
plaines; and thereupon made their sallies and retraites with
great advantage. Whereas, on the other side, if the English
had builded their Castles and Towns in those places of fast-
nesse, and had driven the Irish into the Plaines and open
Countries, where they might have had an eye and observation
upon
71
664
A Discoverie of the True Causes why
The Eng-
lish Lords
did not re-
duce the
Woodes
in Forrests
and Parkes.
Forest. c.
2 and 3.
upon them, the Irish had beene easily kept in Order, and in
short time reclaimed from their wildnesse; there they would
have used Tillage, dwelt together in Towne-ships, learned
Mechanicall Arts and Sciences. The woods had bin wasted
with the English Habitations, as they are about the Forts of
Marlborough and Philipston which were built in the fastest
places in Leinster, and the wayes and passages throughout
Ireland would have beene as cleare and open as they are in
England at this day.
AGAINE, if King Henry the Second, who is said to be the King
that Conquered this Land, had made Forrests in Ireland, as
he did enlarge the Forrests in England (for it appeareth by
and wasts Charta de Foresta, that he afforrested many woods and wasts,
to the Greevance of the Subject, which by that Lawe were
Churt. de disafforested,) or if those English Lordes, amongst whom the
whole Kingdome was devided, had beene good Hunters, and
had reduced the Mountaines, Boggs, and woods within the
limits of Forrests, Chases, and Parkes; assuredly, the very
Forrest Law, and the Law de Malefactoribus in parcis, would
in time have driven them into the Plaines and Countries in-
habited and Mannured, and have made them yeeld uppe their
fast places to those wilde Beastes which were indeede lesse
hurtfull and wilde, than they. But it seemeth straunge to
me, that in all the Recordes of this Kingdome, I seldome find
any mention made of a Forrest; and never of anie Parke or
Free-warren; considering the great plenty both of Vert and
Venison within this Land; and that the cheefe of the Nobility
and Gentry are discended of English race; and yet at this day,
there is but one Parke stored with Deere in all this Kingdome:
which is a Parke of the Earl of Ormonds neer Kilkenny. It
is then manifest, by that which is before expressed; that the
not communicating of the English lawes to the Irish; the over
large Graunts of Lands and Liberties to the English; the plan-
tation made by the English in the Plaines and open Countries,
leaving the Woods and Mountaines to the Irish, were great
defects in the Civill policy, and hindered the perfection of the
Conquest verie much. Howbeit, notwithstanding these De-
72
fects
}
1
1
Ireland was never entirely Subdued, &c. 665
7
lish Colo-
customes,
and em-
Irish.
fects and Errours, the English Colonies stood and maintained
themselves in a reasonable good estate, as long as they retained
their owne auncient Lawes and Customes, according to that
of Ennius: Moribus antiquis res stat. Romana virisque. But The Eng-
when the civil Government grew so weake and so loose, as nies re-
that the English Lords, would not suffer the English Lawes jected the
English
to be put in execution within their Territories and Seigniories, lawes and
but in place thereof, both they and their people, embraced
the Irish Customes: Then the estate of things, like a Game at braced the
Irish, was so turned about, as the English, which hoped to
make a perfect Conquest of the Irish, were by them perfectly
and absolutely conquered; because Victi victoribus leges dedere.
A just punishment to our Nation, that wold not give Lawes to
the Irish when they might and therefore nowe the Irish gave
Lawes to them. Therefore, this Defect and failing of the
English Justice, in the English Colonies; and the inducing of
the Irish Customes in lieu thereof, was the maine impediment
that did arrest and stoppe the course of the Conquest; and
was the only meane that enabled the Irishry to recover their
strength againe.
ture of
Lawes and
from the
FOR, if we consider the Nature of the Irish Customes, we The na-
shall finde that the people which doth use them, must of the Irish
necessitie be Rebelles to all good Government, destroy the Customes.
commonwealth wherein they live, and bring Barbarisme and
desolation upon the richest and most fruitfull Land in the
world. For, whereas by the just and honourable Law of The Irish
England, and by the Lawes of all other well-governed King- Customes,
domes and Commonweals, Murder, Man-slaughter, Rape, differing
Robbery, and Theft, are punished with death; By the Irish Lawes and
Custome, or Brehon Law, the highest of these offences was
punished onely by Fine, which they called an Ericke. There- Nations.
fore, when Sir William Fitz-williams, (being Lord Deputy) Law in
told Maguyre that he was to send a Sheriffe into Fermaunagh,
being lately before made a County: your Sheriffe (saide
Maguyre) shall be welcome to me, but let me knowe his
Ericke, or the price of his head afore hand; that if my people
cut it off, may cut the Ericke upon the Countrey. As for
73
Oppression
L
Customes
The Irish
Criminall
causes.
666
A Discoverie of the True Causes why
Custome
of Tanis-
try.
Oppression, Extortion, and other trespasses, the weaker had
never anie remedy against the stronger: whereby it came to
passe, that no man could enjoy his Life, his Wife, his Lands or
Goodes in safety, if a mightier man then himselfe had an
appetite to take the same from him. Wherein they were little
better then Canniballes, who doe hunt one another; and he
that hath most strength and swiftness, doth eate and devoure
all his fellowes.
Againe, in England, and all well ordered Common-weales,
men have certaine estates in their Lands and possessions, and
their inheritances discend from Father to Son, which doth
give them encouragement to builde, and to plant, and to im-
proove their Landes, and to make them better for their pos-
The Irish terities. But by the Irish Custome of Tamistry, the Cheefe-
tanes of every Countrey, and the chiefe of every Sept, had
no longer estate then for life in their Cheeferies, the inheri-
tance whereof, did rest in no man. And these Cheeferies,
though they had some portions of Lande allotted unto them,
did consist chiefly in cuttings and Cosheries, and other Irish
exactions, whereby they did spoyle and impoverish the people
at their pleasure. And when their Chieftanes were dead,
their sonnes or next heires did not succeede them, but their
Tanistes, who were Elective, and purchased their elections.
The Irish by stronge hande; And by the Irish Custome of Gavelkinde,
the inferiour Tennanties were partible amongst all the Males of
the Sept, both Bastards and Legitimate: And after partition
made, if any one of the Sept had died, his portion was not
divided among his Sonnes, but the cheefe of the sept, made
a new partition of all the Lands belonging to that Sept, and
gave everie one his part according to his antiquity.
Custome
of Gavel-
kinde.
The mis-
arise by
Customes.
THESE two Irish Customes made all their possessions un-
chiefs that certain, being shuffled, and changed, and removed so often
these two from one to another, by new elections and partitions; which
uncertainty of estates, hath bin the true cause of such Deso-
·lation and Barbarism in this land, as the like was never seen
in any Countrey that professed the name of Christ. For,
though the Irishry be a Nation of great Antiquity, and wanted
neither
74
6
Ireland was never entirely Subdued, &c. 667
1
neither wit nor valour; and though they had received the
Christian Faith, above 1200 yeares since; and were Lovers
of Musicke, Poetry, and all kinde of learning; and possessed
a Land abounding with all thinges necessary for the Civill
life of man; yet (which is strange to be related) they did
never builde any houses of Bricke or stone (some few poor
Religious Houses excepted) before the raigne of King Henrie
the Second, though they were Lords of this Island for many
hundred yeares before, and since the Conquest attempted by
the English: Albeit, when they sawe us builde Castles upon
their borders, they have only in imitation of us, erected some
few piles for the Captaines of the Country: yet I dare boldly
say, that never any particuler person, eyther before or since,
did builde anie stone or bricke house for his private Habita-
tion; but such as have latelie obtained estates, according to
the course of the Law of England. Neither did any of them
in all this time, plant any Gardens or Orchards, Inclose or
improve their Lands, live together in settled Villages or
Townes, nor made any provision for posterity; which being
against all common sense and reason, must needes be imputed
to those unreasonable Customes, which made their estates so
uncertain and transitory in their possessions.
For, who would plant or improove, or build upon that
Land, which a stranger whom he knew not, should possess
after his death? For that (as Salomon noteth) is one of the
strangest Vanities under the Sunne. And this is the true
reason why Ulster, and all the Irish Countries are found so
wast and desolate at this day; and so would they continue till
the worlds end, if these Customes were not abolished by the
Law of England.
Againe, that Irish Custom of Gavelkinde, did breede
another mischiefe; for thereby, every man being borne to
Land, aswell Bastard, as Legitimate, they all held themselves
to be Gentlemen. And though their portions were never so
small, and themselves never so poor (For Gavelkinde must
needs in the end make a poore Gentility,) yet did they scorne
to discend to Husbandry or Marchandize, or to learn any
Mechanicall Art or Science. And this is the true cause why
there
75
668
A Discoverie of the True Causes why
The
wicked
and Livery.
there were never any Corporate Towns erected in the Irish
Countries. As for the Maritime Cities and Townes, most
certaine it is, that they were built and peopled by the Ostmen
or Easterlings: for the natives of Ireland never perfourmed
so good a worke, as to build a City. Besides, these poore
Gentlemen were so affected unto their small portions of Land,
as they rather chose to live at home by Theft, Extortion, and
Coshering, then to seeke any better fortunes abroad: which
encreased their Septs or Surnames into such numbers, as
there are not to be found in anie Kingdome of Europe, so
many Gentlemen of one Blood, Familie, and Syrname, as
there are of the O Neales in Ulster; of the Bourkes, in
Conaght; of the Geraldines, and Butlers, in Munster and
Leinster. And the like may be saide of the Inferior Bloodes
and Families; whereby it came to passe in times of trouble
and Dissention, that they made great parties and factions
adhering one to another, with much constancie; because they
were tied together, Vinculo sanguinis; whereas Rebels and
Malefactors which are tyed to their Leaders by no band,
either of Dutie or Blood, do more easily breake and fall off
one from another. And besides, their Coe-habitation in one
Countrey or Teritory, gave them opportunity suddenly to
assemble, and Conspire, and rise in multitudes against the
Crowne. And even now, in the time of peace, we finde this
inconvenience, that there can hardly be an indifferent triall
had between the King and the Subject, or between partie and
partie, by reason of this generall Kindred and Consanguinity.
BUT the most wicked and mischeevous Custome of all
Customes others, was that of Coigne and Livery, often before mentioned;
of Coigne which consisted in taking of Mansmeat, Horsemeat, and
Money of all the inhabitants of the Country, at the will and
pleasure of the soldier, who as the phrase of Scripture is, Did
eat up the people as it were Bread: for that he had no other
entertainment. This Extortion was originally Irish, for they
used to lay Bonaght uppon their people, and never gave their
Soldier any other pay. But when the English had Learned
it they used it with more insolency, and made it more intol
76
lerable;
The mis-
chiefs that
did arise
}
Ireland was never entirely Subdued, &c.
669
and Livery.
lerable; for this oppression was not temporary, or limited by Coigne
either to place or time; but because there was every where a
continuall warre, either Offensive, or Defensive; and every
Lord of a Countrey, and every Marcher made warre and
peace at his pleasure; it became Universal and Perpetuall;
and was indeede the most heavy oppression, that ever was
used in any Christian or Heathen Kingdom. And therefore
Vox Oppressorum, this crying sinne, did drawe downe as great
or greater plagues upon Ireland, then the oppression of the
Israelites, did draw upon the Land of Egypt. For the plagues
of Egypt, though they were grievous, were but of a short
continuance. But the plagues of Ireland, lasted 400 yeares
together. This Extortion of Coigne and Livery, did produce
two notorious Effects. First, it made the Land wast; Next, The cause
it made the people, idle. For when the Husbandman had
laboured all the yeare, the soldier in one night, did consume the Irish.
the fruits of all his labour, Longique perit labor irritus anni.
Had he reason then to manure the Land for the next yeare?
Or rather might he not complaine as the Shepherd in Virgil :
Impius hæc tam culta novalia miles habebit?
Barbarus has segetes? En quo discordia Cives
Perduxit miseros?
En queis consevimus agros?
of Idle-
nesse in
AND hereupon of necessity came depopulation, banishment,
and extirpation of the better sort of subjects; and such as
remained became idle, and lookers on, expecting the event
of those miseries and evill times: So as this extreme Extortion
and Oppression, hath beene the true cause of the Idlenesse of Why the
this Irish Nation; and that rather the vulgar sort have chosen
Irish are
Beggers in
to be Beggers in forraign Countries, then to manure their forraigne
own fruitful Land at home.
Coun-
treyes.
reputed a
Lastly, this Oppression did of force and necessity make the Why the
Irish a craftie people: for such as are oppressed and live in Irish are
slavery, are ever put to their shifts; Ingenium mala sæpe crafty
movent; And therefore, in the old Comedies of Plautus and people.
Terence, the Bond slave doth always act the cunning and
Craftie part. Besides, all the Common people have a whyn-
ing tune or Accent in their speech, as if they did still smart
77
or
670
A Discoverie of the True Causes why
Why the
Irish are
or suffer some oppression. And this Idlenesse, together with
feare of imminent mischiefes, which did continually hang
over their heads, have bin the cause, that the Irish were ever
the most inquisitive people after newes, of any nation in the
inquisitive
after news. world. As St. Paule himselfe made observation upon the
people of Athens; that they were an idle people, and did
nothing but learne and tell Newes. And because these
Newes-Carriers, did by their false intelligence, many times
raise troubles and rebellions in this Realme, the Statute of
Kilkenny, doth punish Newes-tellers (by the name of Skelaghes)
with Fine and ransome.
This Extortion of Coigne and Livery, was taken for the
maintenaunce of their men of warre: but their Irish exactions
extorted by the Chieftanes and Tanists, by colour of their
barbarous Seigniory, were almost as grievous a burthen as the
Cosherings. other; namely, Cosherings, which were visitations and pro-
gresses made by the Lord and his followers, among his
Tenants: wherein he did eate them (as the English Proverbe
Sessings. is) Out of House and Home. Sessings of the Kerne, of his
family, called Kernety, of his Horses and Hors-boyes; of his
Cuttings. Dogges and Dog-boyes, and the like: And lastly, Cuttings,
Tallages, or Spendings, high or low, at his pleasure; all which,
made the Lorde an absolute Tyrant, and the Tennant a very
slave and villain; and in one respect more miserable then
Bond slaves. For commonly the Bond slave is fed by his
Lord, but heere the Lord was fedde by his Bond slave.
Lastly, there were two other Customes proper and peculiar
to the Irishry, which being the cause of many strong combi-
nations and factions do tend to the utter ruine of a Common-
wealth: The one was Fostering; the other Gossipred; both
which have ever bin of greater estimation among this people,
then with any other Nation in the Christian world. For
Fostering, I did never heare or read, that it was in that use
or reputation in anie other Countrey, Barbarous or Civill, as
it hath beene, and yet is, in Ireland: where they put away
all their children to Fosterers: the potent and rich men Sel-
ling; the meaner sort Buying, the alterage of their Children;
and the reason is, because in the opinion of this people, Fos-
tering
78
Ireland was never entirely Subdued, &c.
671
tering hath alwayes beene a stronger alliance then Bloud;
and the Foster-Children doe love and are beloved of their
foster-fathers and their Sept, more then of their owne naturall
Parents and Kindred; and do participate of their meanes
more frankely, and do adhere unto them in all fortunes, with
more affection and constancy, And though Tully in his
Book of Friendship doth observe, that children of Princes
being sometimes in cases of necessity for saving of their lives
delivered to Shepheards to be nourished and bred up, when
they have bin restored to their great fortunes, have still
retained their love and affection to their Fosterers, whom for
manie yeares they tooke to be their Parents: yet this was a
rare case, and few examples are to be found thereof.
But such a generall Custome in a Kingdome, in giving
and taking children to Foster, making such a firme Alliance
as it doth in Ireland, was never seene or heard of, in any
other Countrey of the world besides.
THE like may be said of Gossipred or Compaternitie, which Gossipred.
though by the Cannon Law, it be a spirituall affinity, and a
Juror that was a Gossip to either of the parties, might in former
times have bin challenged, as not indifferent by our Law, yet
there was no nation under the Sun, that ever made so Reli-
gious accompt thereof as the Irish.
Now these two Customes, which of themselves are indiffer-
ent in other Kingdomes, became exceeding evill and full of
mischiefe in this Realme, by reason of the inconveniences
which followed thereupon. For they made (as I said before)
strong parties, and factions, wherby the great men were
enabled to oppresse their Inferiors, and to oppose their Equals:
and their followers were borne out and countenanced in all
their lewde and wicked actions: For Fosterers and Gossips
by the common Custome of Ireland, were to maintaine one
another in all causes lawful, and unlawfull; which as it is a
Combination and Confederacy punishable in all well governed
Common-weales, so was it not one of the least causes of the
common misery of this Kingdome.
I omit their common repudiation of their Wives; their pro-
79
miscuous
672 A Discovery of the True Causes why
How the
English
Colonies
generate.
miscuous generation of Children; their neglect of lawfull
Matrimony; their uncleannesse in apparell, Diet and Lodging,
and their contempt and scorne of all thinges necessary for the
Civill life of man.
These were the Irish Customes, which the English Colo-
nies did embrace and use, after they had rejected the Civill
and Honorable Lawes and Customes of England, whereby
they became degenerate and metamorphosed like Nebuchad-
became de- nezzar: who although he had the face of a man, had the
heart of a Beast: or like those who had drunke of Circes
Cuppe, and were turned into very Beasts; and yet tooke such
pleasure in their beastly manner of life, as they would not
returne to their shape of men againe: insomuch as within lesse
time then the Age of a man, they had no markes or differ-
ences left amongst them of that Noble nation, from which
they were discended. For, as they did not only forget the
English Language, and scorn the use thereof, but grew to be
ashamed of their very English Names, though they were
noble and of great Antiquity; and tooke Irish Surnames and
Nicke-names. Namely, the two most potent families of the
Bourks in Conaght (after the house of the Red Earle failed
of Heyres-males) called their Cheefes, Mac William Eighter
and Mac William Oughter. In the same Province, Breming-
ham, Baron of Athenrie, called himself Mac Yorris. Dexe-
cester, or De'exon, was called Mac Jordan. Mangle or de
Angulo, took the name of Mac Costelo. Of the Inferior fami-
lies of the Bourkes one was called Mac Hubbard, another
Mac David. In Munster, of the great Families of the Ger-
aldines planted there; One was called Mac Morice chiefe of
the house of Lixnaw; and another, Mac Gibbon, who was
also called the white Knight. The chiefe of the Baron of
Dunboynes house, who is a branch of the house of Ormond,
tooke the Surnames of Mac Pheris. Condon of the County
of Waterford, was called Mac Mioge: and the Arch-Deacon
of the County of Kilkenny, Mac Odo. And this they did in
contempt and hatred of the English Name and Nation;
whereof these degenerate families became more mortal enemies,
then the meere Irish. And whereas the state and Govern-
ment
80
Ireland was never entirely Subdued, &c.
673
171
i
ment being growne weake by their defection, did to reduce
them to Obedience, grant them many protections and Pardons,
(The cheapenesse whereof, in all ages, hath brought great dis-
honour and damage to this Commonweal) they grew so un-
gratefull and unnaturall, as in the end they scorned that
grace and favour, because the acceptance thereof, did argue
them to be subjects, and they desired rather to be accounted
Enemies, then Rebels to the Crowne of England.
Scacc.
Hereupon was the olde Verse made, which I finde Written Alb. libr.
in the White Booke of the Exchequer, in a hand as auncient Dublin.
as the time of King Edward the Third.
By granting Charters of peas,
To false English withouten les,
This Land shall be mich undo.
But Gossipred, and alterage,
And leesing of our Language,
Have mickely holp theretoo.
m. 25.
And therefore, in a close Roll in the Tower, bearing this
Title; Articuli in Hibernia observandi: we find these two
Articles among others. 1. Justiciarius Hiberniæ non conce-
dat perdonationes de morte hominis, nec de Roberiis, seu
incendiis, et quod de cætero certificet dominum regem de
nominibus petentium. 2. Item, Quod nec Justiciarius nec 5 Edw. 3,
aliquis Magnas Hiberniæ concedat protectiones alicui contra
pacem Regis existent, &c. But now it is fit to looke backe
and consider when the old English Colonies became so de-
generate; and in what Age they fell away into that Irish
barbarisme, rejecting the English Laws and Customes. As-
suredly, by comparing the ancient Annalles of Ireland with When and
the Records remaining heere, and in the Tower of London, I English
do find that this generall defection, fell out in the latter end Colonies
of the raigne of king Edward the Second, and in the beginning degenerate.
of the raigne of King Edward the Thirde. And all this great
innovation, grewe within the space of thirty years: within
the compasse of which time, there fell out divers mischievous
accidents, whereby the whole kingdome was in a manner lost.
For first, Edward le Bruce invaded Ireland with the Scottish
81
Army,
2 U
how the
became
674
A Discoverie of the True Causes why
overrun
Ireland.
The Scots Army, and prevailed so farre, as that he possessed the Mari-
time parts of Ulster, marched up to the walles of Dublin,
spoiled the English Pale, passed through Leinster and Mun-
ster, as farre as Limericke, and was Maister of the field in
every part of the kingdom.
Annales
Hiberniæ
in Camden.
This hapned in the tenth yeare of King Edward the Second,
at what time the Crowne of England was weaker, and suffred
more dishonor in both kingdomes, then it did at any time
since the Norman Conquest. Then did the State of England
send over John de Hotham to be Treasurer heere, with com-
mission to call the great Lords of Ireland together; and to
take of them an Oath of Association, that they should loyally
joyne together in life and death to preserve the right of the
King of England, and to expell the common enemy.
But
this Treasurer brought neither men, nor money, to performe
this service.
At that time, though Richard Bourk Earle of Ulster (com-
monly called the Redde-Earle) were of greater power then
any other subject in Ireland, yet was he so farre stricken in
yeares, as that he was unable to mannage the martiall affaires,
as he had done during all the raigne of King Edward the
First: having bin Generall of the Irish forces, not onely in this
kingdom, but in the Wars of Scotland, Wales, and Gascoigne.
And therefore, Maurice Fitz-Thomas of Desmond, being
then the most active Nobleman in this realm, tooke upon him
der in the the chiefe command in this Warre: for the support whereof,
against the the Revennue of this Lande, was farre too short, and yet no
supply of Treasure was sent out of England.
Desmond
chiefe
Comman-
warre
Scots.
When and
how the
Then was there no mean to maintain the army, but by
extortion Sessing the soldiers upon the subject, as the Irish were wont
of Coigne to impose their Bonaught. Whereupon, grewe that wicked
began Extortion of Coigne and Liverie spoken of before, which in
among the short time banished the greatest part of the Free-holders out
English.
and Livery
of the County of Kerrie, Limerick, Corke, and Waterford;
Into whose possessions, Desmond and his Kinsmen, Alies, and
Followers, which were then more Irish then English, did
enter and appropriate these Lands unto themselves, Desmond
himselfe taking what scopes he best liked for his demesnes in
82
every
Ireland was never entirely Subdued, &c. 675
every Countrey, and reserving an Irish Seigniory out of the
rest. And heere, that I may verifie and maintaine by matter
of Record, that which is before delivered touching the Nature
of this wicked Extortion, called Coigne and Liverie; and the
manifolde mischiefes it did produce, I think it fit and per-
tinent to insert the preamble of the Statute of the 10 of
Henry 7, c. 4, not printed, but recorded in Parliament Rols
of Dublin, in these words: At the request and supplication of
the Commons of this Land of Ireland, that where of long time
there hath bin used and exacted by the Lords and Gentle-
men of this Land, many and divers damnable customes and
usages, which bin called Coigne, and Livery, and Pay; that
is, Horsemeat, and Mansmeat, for the finding of their Horse-
men and Footmen; and over that 4d. or 6d. daily to every
of them to be had and paide of the poore Earth-Tillers, and
Tenants, inhabitants of the said Land, without any thing
doing or paying therefore. Besides, manie Murders, Rob-
beries, Rapes, and other manifold extortions and oppressions
by the saide Horsemen and Footmen, dayly and nightly com-
mitted and done; which bin the principall causes of the Deso-
lation and destruction of the said Land, and hath brought the
same into Ruine and Decay, so as the most part of the English
Free-holders and Tenants of this land bin departed out thereof,
some into the Realme of England, and other some to other
strange Lands; whereupon the foresaide Lordes and Gentle-
men of this Land, have intruded into the said Free-holders
and Tenants inheritances; and the same keepeth and occupieth
as their owne inheritances; and setten under them in the same
Land the Kings Irish Enemies, to the diminishing of Holie
Churches Rites, the disherison of the King, and his obedient
subjects, and the utter ruine and desolation of the Land. For
Reformation whereof, be it enacted, That the King shall re-
ceive a Subsidie of 26s. 8d. out of every 120 acres of arable
Land manured, &c. But to return to Maurice Fitz-Thomas
of Desmond; By this extortion of Coigne and Livery, he sud-
denly grewe from a meane, to a mighty estate; insomuch as
the Baron Finglas in his discourse of the decay of Ireland,
affirmeth; that his ancient inheritance being not one thou-
2 U 2
83
sand
676
A Discoverie of the True Causes why
.
་
sand markes yearely, he became able to dispend every way,
ten thousand pounds, per annum.
These possessions being thus unlawfully gotten, could not
be maintained by the just and honourable law of England,
which would have restored the true Owners to their Land
againe. And therefore, this Great man found no meanes to
continue and uphold his ill-purchased greatnesse, but by re-
jecting the English Lawe and Government, and assuming in
lieu thereof, the barbarous customs of the Irish. And heere-
upon, followed the defection of those foure shires, containing
the greatest part of Munster, from the obedience of the Law.
In like manner (saith Baron Finglas) the Lord Tipperary
(perceiving how well the house of Desmond hadde thrived by
Coigne and Liverie, and other Irish exactions) began to holde
the like course in the Counties of Tipperary and Kilkenny;
whereby he got great scopes of Land, especially in Ormond;
and raised many Irish exactions upon the English Free-holders.
there; which made him so potent and absolute among them,
as at that time they knew no other Lawe then the will of
their Lord. Besides, finding, that the Earle of Desmond ex-
cluded the ordinary Ministers of Justice, under colour of a
Royal Liberty, which he claimed in the Counties of Kerry,
Corke, and Waterford, by a graunt of King Edward the
First (as appeareth in a Quo warranto, brought against him,
Anno 12 Edward the First) the Record whereof, remaineth
in Breminghams Tower, among the common Plea-Rolls there.
This Lord also, in the third of Edward the Third, obtained
a Graunt of the like Liberty in the County of Tipperary,
whereby he got the Lawe into his owne hands, and shut out
the Common Lawe and Justice of the Realme.
And thus we see, that all Munster fell away from the
English Lawe and Government, in the end of King Edward
the Second, his raigne; and in the beginning of the raigne of
King Edward the Third. Again, about the same time, (viz.)
in the 20 yeare of King Edward the Second, when the State
of England was well-ny ruined by the Rebellion of the Barons,
and the Government of Ireland utterly neglected, there arose
The rising in Leinster, one of the Cavanaghes, named Donald Mac Art,
who
of MacMur-
84
Ireland was never entirely Subdued, &c. 677
O Moore in
Hiberniæ
who named himselfe Mac Murrogh, King of Leinster, and rogh and
possessed himselfe of the Countie of Catherlogh and of the Leinster.
greatest part of the County of Wexford. And shortly after, Annale
Lisagh O Moore, called himselfe O Moore, took 8 Castles in in Camden.
one Evening, destroyed Dunamase the principall house of his
the L. Mortimer in Leix, recovered that whole Countrey, Clynne.
De servo Dominus, de subjecto princeps effectus, saith Friar The defect
Clynne in his Annalles.
Annales
Johannis
Manus.
and losse of
a great part
Besides, the Earle of Kildare, imitating his Cousin of Des- of Leinster.
mond, did not omit to make the like use of Coigne and Livery
in Kildare, and the West part of Meth, which brought the
like barbarisme into those parts. And thus a great part of
Leinster was lost, and fell away from the Obedience of the
Crowne, neere about the time before expressed.
of Ulster
Annales
Manus.
dom of
Againe, in the seaventh yeare of King Edward the Third,
the Lord William Bourke, Earle of Ulster, and Lorde of Conaght, The Earle
was treacherously murdered by his owne Squires at Knocke- murdered.
fergus, leaving behinde him, Unicam et unius anni filiam Johannis
(saith Friar Clynne.) Immediately upon the murder com- Clynne.
mitted, the Countesse with her young daughter, fledde into
England; so as the Government of that Countrey, was wholly
neglected, until, that young Ladie being married to Lionell
Duke of Clarence, that Prince came over with an Army, to
recover his wives inheritance, and to reforme this Kingdome,
Anno 36 of Edward the Third. But in the mean time, what The Earle-
became of that great Inheritance both in Ulster and Conaght? Ulster re-
Assuredly, in Ulster, the Sept of Hugh-Boy O Neal, then covered by
possessing Glaucoukeyn and Killeightra in Tyrone, tooke the
opportunity; and passing over the Banne, did first expell the Abridge-
English out of the Barony of Tuscard, which is now called Salus po-
the Rout; and likewise, out of the Glynnes and other Landes puli, Manu-
up as farre as Knockefergus, which Countrey or extent of Baron
Lande, is at this day called, the lower Clan Hugh-Boy. And Finglas,
shortly after that, they came up into the great Ardes, which script.
the Latine writers call, Altitudines Ultonia, and was ther the
inheritance of the Savages; by whom, they were valiantly re-
sisted for divers yeares: but at last, for want of Castles and
fortifications (for the saying of Henrie Savage mentioned in
85
the Irish.
ment of
script.
Manu-
every
678
A Discoverie of the True Causes why
Annales
Hiberniæ
every Story, is very memorable; That a Castle of Bones was
better than a Castle of Stones) the English were over-run by
the multitude of the Irishry: So as about the thirtieth of
in Camden. King Edward the Third some few yeares before the arrivall
of the Duke of Clarence, the Savages were utterly driven out
of the Great Ardes, into a little nooke of land neere the River
of Strangford; where they now possesse a little Territory,
called the little Ardes; and their greater patrimony tooke the
name of the upper Clan Hugh-Boy, from the Sept of Hugh,
Boy O Neale who became Invaders thereof.
The defec-
tion of
Baron
Finglas,
Мари-
script.
FOR Conaght, some younger branches of the family of the
Conaght. Bourkes, being planted there by the Red Earle and his An-
cestors, seeing their Chiefe to be cutt off, and dead without
Heire-male, and no man left to govern or protect that pro-
vince, intruded presently into all the Earles Landes, which
ought to have bin seized into the Kinges hands, by reason of
the minoritie of the heire. And within a short space, two of
the most potent among them, divided that great Seigniory
betwixt them: the one taking the name of Mac William
Oughter; and the other of Mac William Eighter; as if the
Lorde William Bourk the last Earle of Ulster, had left two
sonnes of one name behinde him to inherit that Lordship in
course of Gavelkind. But they well knewe, that they were
but intruders uppon the Kinges possession during the minority
of the heire; they knewe those landes were the rightfull in-
heritaunce of that young Lady; and consequently, that the
Law of England woulde speedily evict them out of their pos-
session; and therefore, they held it the best policy to cast off
the yoake of English Law, and to become meere Irish: and
according to their example, drew all the rest of the English in
that Province, to do the like; so as from thenceforth they
suffered their possessions to run in course of Tanistry and
Gavelkinde. They changed their names, language, and ap-
parrell, and all their civil manners and Customes of living.
Lastly, about the 25 yeare of King Edward the Third, Sir
Richard de Clare was slaine in Thomond, and all the English
Hiberniæ in Colonies there, utterly supplanted.
Annales
Camden.
86
Thus
1
Ireland was never entirely Subdued, &c. 679
Thus in that space of time, which was betweene the tenth
yeare of King Edward the Second, and the 30 yeare of King
Edward the Third (I speak within compasse) by the concur
rence of the mischiefes before recited, all the old English
Colonies in Munster, Conaght, and Ulster; and more then a
third part of Leinster became degenerate and fell away from
the Crowne of England; so as onely the foure Shyres of the
English Pale remained under the Obedience of the Lawe;
and yet the Borders and Marches thereof, were growne unruly,
and out of order too, being subject to Blacke-rents and Tribute
of the Irish; which was a greater defection then when tenne of
twelve Tribes departed, and fell away from the Kings of Juda.
courses
have bin
taken to
the Eng-
nies became
But was not the State of England sensible of this losse and What
dishonour? Did they not endeavour to recover the Land that courses
was lost, and to reduce the subjects to their Obedience? reforme
Truely King Edward the Second, by the incursions of the this king-
Scottish Nation, and by the insurrection of his Barons, who dome, since
raised his wife and his Sonne against him, and in the end de- lish Colo-
posed him, was diverted and utterly disabled to reforme the dis- degenerate.
orders of Ireland. But as soone as the Crowne of England Edward 2.
was transferred to King Edward the Third, though he were King Ed-
yet in his minority, the State there beganne to looke into the first en-
desperate estate of thinges heere. And finding such a generall devor a re-
defection, Letters were sent from the King, to the great men
and Prelates, requiring them particularly to swear fealty to Turr. 2.
the Crowne of England.
ward 3, did
formation.
Archiv.
Edward 3,
claus. pers.
1, m. 16.
Sir An-
thony
Shortly after Sir Anthony Lucie, a person of great authority
in England in those dayes, was sent over to work a reforma-
tion in this Kingdome, by a severe course; and to that end, Lucie.
the King wrote expressly to the Earle of Ulster, and others of
the Nobilitie to assist him, as is before remembered; presently
upon his arrival, he arrested Maurice Fitz-Thomas Earle of
Desmond; and Sir William Bremingham, and committed them
prisoners to the Castle of Dublin: where Sir William Brem- Annales
ingham was executed for treason, though the Earle of Des-
mond were left to Mainprize, upon condition, he should ap-
peare before the King by a certain day, and in the meane time
to continue loyall.
87
AFTER
Hiberniæ in
Camden.
680
A Discoverie of the True Causes why
Resump-
tion of
Liberties.
AFTER this, the King being advertised that the over-large
Graunts of Lands and Liberties, made to the Lords of English
Bloude in Ireland, made them so insolent, as they scorned to
obey the Law, and the Magistrate, did absolutely resume all
such Graunts, as is before declared. But the Earle of Des-
mond above all men, found himselfe grieved with this resump-
tion, or Repeale of Liberties; and declared his dislike and
discontentment: insomuch as he did not onely refuse to come
to a Parliament at Dublin, summoned by Sir William Morris,
Deputie to the Lord John Darcy, the Kings Lieutenant:
But (as we have said before) he raised such dissention
betweene the English of bloud, and the English of birth, as
the like was never seen, from the time of the first planting of
our nation in Ireland. And in this factious and seditious
Annales humour, he drewe the Earle of Kildare and the rest of the
Camden. nobility, with the Citizens and Burgesses of the principall
Hiberniæ in
Sir Raphe
Ufford.
Annales
Johannis
Clynne,
Manus.
Annales
Hiberniæ in
Townes, to hold a severall Parliament by themselves, at Kil-
kenny; where they framed certaine Articles against the
Deputy, and transmitted the same into England to the King.
Hereupon, Sir Raphe Ufford, who had lately before married
the Countesse of Ulster, a man of courage and severity, was
made Lord Justice: who forthwith calling a Parliament, sent
a speciall commandment to the Earle of Desmond, to appeare
in that great Councel; but the Earle wilfully refused to come.
Whereupon, the Lord Justice raised the Kings Standard, and
Camden. marching with an Army into Munster, seized into the Kinges
handes, all the possessions of the Earle, took and executed his
principall followers, Sir Eustace le Poer, Sir William Graunt,
and Sir John Cotterell; enforced the Earle himselfe to fly and
lurke, till 26 Noblemen and Knights, became Mainpernors for
his appearance at a certaine day prefixed: But he making
default the second time, the uttermost advantage was taken
against his sureties. Besides, at the same time, this Lord
Justice caused the Earle of Kildare to be arrested and com-
mitted to the Castle of Dublin, indited and imprisoned manie
other disobedient subjects, called in, and cancelled such
Charters as were lately before resumed; and proceeded every
way so roundly and severely, as the Nobility which were wont
1
88
to
Ireland was never entirely Subdued, &c. 681
1
t
to suffer no controulment, did much distaste him; and the
Commons who in this Land have ever bin more devoted to
their immediate Lords here whom they saw every day, then
unto their Soveraign Lord and King, whom they never saw;
spake ill of this Governor, as of a rigorous and cruel man,
though in troth he were a singular good Justicer; and, if he
had not dyed in the second yeare of his government, was the
likeliest person of that Age, to have reformed and reduced the
degenerate English Colonies, to their natural obedience of the
Crowne of England.
Fitz-Tho-
mas the
of Desmond,
of the great
THUS much then we may observe by the way, that Maurice
Maurice Fitz-Thomas, the first Earle of Desmond, was the
first English Lord that imposed Coigne and Livery upon the first Earle
Kings subjects; and the first that raised his estate to immo- the author
derate greatnesse, by that wicked Extortion and Oppression; oppressions
that he was the first that rejected the English Lawes and and dissen-
Government, and drew others by his example to do the like; destroyed
that he was the first Peere of Ireland that refused to come to
the Parliament summoned by the Kings Authority; that he
was the first that made a division and distinction betweene
the English of bloud, and the English birth.
tions which
the English
Colonies.
AND as this Earle was the onely Author, and first Actour, The for-
of these mischiefs, which gave the greatest impediment to the tune of the
house of
full Conquest of Ireland; So it is to be noted, that albeit Desmond.
others of his ranke afterwardes offended in the same kinde;
whereby their Houses were many times in danger of ruin,
yet was there not ever any Noble house of English race in
Ireland, utterly destroyed and finally rooted out by the hand
of Justice, but the house of Desmond onely; nor any Peere
of this Realme ever put to death (though divers have bin
attainted) but Thomas Fitz-James the Earle of Desmond onely,
and onely for those wicked Customes brought in by the first.
Earle, and practised by his posterity, though by severall
Lawes they were made High-Treason. And therefore,
though in the 7 of Edward the Fourth, during the Govern-
ment of the Lord Tiptoft Earle of Worcester, both the Earles
89
of
682
A Discoverie of the True Causes why
sel Booke
32 H. 8.
of Desmond and Kildare were attainted by Parliament at
Drogheda, for alliance and fostering with the Irish; and for
taking Coigne and Livery of the Kings subjects, yet was Des-
mond onely put to death; for the Earle of Kildare received
his pardon. And albeit the sonne of this Earle of Desmond, who
lost his head at Drogheda were restored to the Earldom; yet
The Coun- could not the Kings grace regenerate obedience in that dege-
of Ireland. nerate house, but it grew rather more wilde and barbarous,
then before. For from thenceforth they reclaimed a strange
priviledge: That the Earles of Desmond should never come to
any Parliament or Grand-Counsell, or within any walled
towne, but at their will and pleasure. Which pretended
priviledge, James Earle of Desmond, the Father of Girald the
last Earle, renounced and surrendered by his Deed, in the
Chancery of Ireland, in the 32 of Henry the Eight. At what
time, among the meer Irishry, he submitted himselfe to Sir
Anthony Saint-Leger, then Lord Deputy; tooke an Oath of
Allegiance; Covenanted that he would suffer the law of
England to be executed in his Countrey; and assist the Kings
Judges in their Circuits; and if any Subsidies should be
granted by Parliament, he would permit the same to be levied
upon his Tenants and followers. Which Covenants are as
straunge as the priviledge itselfe, spoken of before. But that
which I conceive most worthy of Observation, upon the
fortunes of the house of Desmond, is this; that as Maurice
Fitz-Thomas, the first Earle, did first raise the greatnes of
that house, by Irish exactions and oppressions; so Girald the
last Earle, did at last ruine and reduce it to nothing, by using
the like extortions. For certain it is, that the first occasion
of his rebellion, grew from hence; that when he attempted to
charge the Decies in the County of Waterford, with Coigne
and Livery, Black Rents and Cosheries, after the Irish man-
ner, he was resisted by the Earle of Ormond, and upon an
encounter, overthrowne and taken prisoner; which made his
heart so unquiet, as it easily conceived treason against the
Crowne, and brought forth actuall and open Rebellion,
wherein he perished himselfe, and made a final extinguish-
ment of his house and honour. Oppression and extortion did
90
maintain
1
Ireland was never entirely Subdued, &c. 683
maintain the greatnesse; and oppression and extortion, did
extinguish the greatnesse of that house. Which may well
be exprest, by the old Embleme of a Torch turned downe-
wards, with this word, Quod me alit, extinguit.
of Refor-
which mation pur-
After sued by
Lionell
Clarence.
Now let us returne to the course of reformation, helde and The course
pursued here, after the death of Sir Raphe Ufford,
happened in the 20 yeare of King Edward 3.
which time, albeit all the power and Counsell of England Duke of
was converted towards the Conquest of Fraunce, yet was not
the worke of reformation altogether discontinued. For in the
25 yeare of King Edward the Third, Sir Thomas Rookeby,
another worthy Governor (whome I have once before named)
held a Parliament at Kilkenny, wherein many excellent Lawes
were propounded and enacted for the reducing of the English
Colonies to their Obedience; which Lawes we find enrolled.
in the Remembrauncers Office heere; and differ not much in
substance, from those other Statutes of Kilkenny, which not
long after (during the Government of Lionell Duke of Clarence)
were not onely enacted, but put in execution. This Noble
Prince having married the Daughter and Heire of Ulster;
and being likewise a Coparcener of the County of Kilkenny,
in the 36 yeare of King Edward the Third, came over the
Kings Lieutenant, attended with a good retinue of martiall men
as is before remembred, and a Grave and Honorable Counsell,
aswell for peace as for warre. But because this Armie was
not of a Competent strength to break and subdue all the
Irishry, although he quieted the borders of the English Pale,
and helde all Ireland in awe with his name and presence.
The principal service that he intended, was to reforme the
degenerate English Colonies, and to reduce them to obedience
of the English Lawe, and Magistrate. To that end, in the
fortith yeare of King Edward the Third, he held that famous
Parliament at Kilkenny, wherein many notable lawes were
enacted, which do shew and lay open (For the law doth best
discover enormities) how much the English Colonies were
corrupted at the time, and do infallibly proove that which is
laide downe before; that they were wholly degenerate, and
fallen
91
684
A Discoverie of the True Causes why
Castro
Dublin.
Kilkenny.
C. 2.
C. 3.
fallen away from their obedience. For first, it appeareth by
the Preamble of these Lawes, that the English of this Realme
before the comming over of Lionell Duke of Clarence, were
at that time become meere Irish in their Language, Names,
Apparell, and all their manner of living, and had rejected the
English Lawes, and submitted themselves to the Irish, with
Archiv. in whom they had many Marriages and Alliances, which tended
to the utter ruine and destruction of the commonwealth.
Statutes of Therefore alliance by Marriage, Nurture of Infants, and
Gossipred with the Irish, are by this Statute made High-trea-
son. Againe, if anie man of English race, should use an
Irish Name, Irish Language, or Irish Apparell, or any other
guise or fashion of the Irish; if he had Lands or Tenements,
the same should be seized, till he had given security to the
Chancery, to conform himselfe in all points to the English
manner of living. And if he had no lands, his bodie was
to be taken and imprisoned, till he found sureties as aforesaid.
Againe, it was established and commanded, that the Eng-
lish in all their Controversies, should be ruled and governed
by the common Lawe of England: and if any did submit
himselfe to the Brehon law, or March law, he should be
adjudged a Traitor.
C. 4.
C. 10.
C. 12.
C. 13.
C. 15.
C. 17.
C. 22.
C. 24.
Againe because the English at that time, made warre and
peace with the bordering enemy at their pleasure; they were
expresly prohibited to leavie warre upon the Irish, without
speciall warrant and direction from the State.
Againe it was made pænall to the English, to permit the
Irish to creaght or graze upon their Landes: to present them
to Ecclesiasticall Benefices; to receive them into any Monas-
teries, or Religious Houses, or to entertaine any of their Min-
strels, Rimers, or Newes-tellers: to impose or sesse any horse
or foot uppon the English Subjects against their willes, was
made felony. And because the great Liberties or Franchises
spoken of before, were become Sanctuaries for all Malefac-
tours, expresse power was given to the Kings Sheriffes, to
enter into all franchises, and there to apprehend all Fellons
and Traitours. And lastly, because the great Lordes, when
they levied forces for the publick service, did lay unequall
92
burdens
Ireland was never entirely Subdued, &c. 685
burdens upon the Gentlemen and Free-holders, it was
ordained, that foure Wardens of the peace in every Countie,
should set downe and appoint what men and armour every
man should beare, according to his Free-hold, or other ability
of estate.
tutes of
reforme
nerate
English.
c. 8.
THESE and other Lawes, tending to a generall reformation, The Sta-
were enacted in that Parliament. And the Execution of Kilkenny,
these Lawes, together with the Presence of the Kings Son, did much
made a notable alteration in the State and Manners of this the dege-
people, within the space of seaven yeares,
yeares, which was the
tearme of this Princes Lieutenancy.
For all the Discourses that I have seene of the Decay of
Ireland, doe agree in this; that the presence of Lord Lionel,
and these Statutes of Kilkenny, did restore the English
Government, in the degenerate Colonies, for divers yeares.
And the Statute of the tenth of Henry the Seventh, which Stat. 10
reviveth and confirmeth the Statutes of Kilkenny, doth con- Henry 7,
firme as much. For it declareth, that as long as these Lawes
were put in use and execution, this Lande continued in pros-
perity and honor: and since they were not executed, the sub-
jects rebelled and digressed from their allegeance, and the
Land fell to ruine and desolation. And withall, we find the
effect of these Lawes in the Pipe-Rolles, and Plea-Rolles, of
this Kingdome: For from the 36 of Edward the Third, when
this Prince entred into his Government, till the beginning of
Richard the Second his Reigne, we find the Revennue of the
Crowne both certaine and casuall in Ulster, Munster, and The pre-
Conaght, accounted for; and that the Kings Writ did run, the Kings
and the Common-Law was executed in every of these Pro- Son, did
vinces. I joyne with these Lawes, the personall presence of vane
the Kings Son, as a concurrent cause of this Reformation:
Because the people of this Land both English and Irish, out Absence
of a naturall pride, did ever love and desire to be governed by Kings and
great persons. And therefore, I may heere justly take occa- great
sion to note, that first the absence of the Kings of England; Lords, a
and nexte, the absence of those great Lords who were inheri-
chief cause
why the
tors of those mighty Seigniories of Leinster, Ulster, Conaght, Kingdom
sence of
much ad-
vance the
reforma-
tion.
of our
English
93
and
686
A Discoverie of the True Causes why
was not
reduced.
Absence of
and Meth, have bin maine causes why this Kingdome was
not reduced in so many ages.
TOUCHING the absence of our Kings, three of them onely
our Kings. since the Norman Conquest, have made royall journies into this
Land; namely, King Henry the Second, King John, and King
Richard the Second. And yet they no sooner arrived heere, but
that all the Irishry, (as if they had bin but one man) submit-
ted themselves; tooke oaths of fidelity, and gave pledges and
hostages to continue loyall. And, if any of those Kings
hadde continued here in person a competent time, till they
had settled both English and Irish in their severall possessions,
and had set the Law in a due course throughout the King-
dom; these times wherein we live, had not gained the honor
of the finall Conquest and reducing of Ireland. For the King
(saith Solomon) dissipat omne malum intuitu suo. But when
Moses was absent in the Mount, the people committed Idola-
try: and when there was no King in Israel, every man did
what seemed best in his own eyes.
The ab-
sence of
the great
English
Lords.
And therefore, when Alexander had conquered the East
part of the world, and demaunded of one what was the fitest
place for the seat of his Empire, he brought and laid a dry
hide before him, and desired him to set his foote on the one
side thereof; which being done, all the other parts of the
hide did rise up: but when he did set his foot in the middle
of the hide, all the other parts lay flat and even: which was
a lively demonstration, that if a Prince keep his residence in
the Borders of his Dominions, the remoate parts will easily
rise and rebell against him: but if he make the Center thereof,
his seat, he shall easily keepe them in peace and obedience.
TOUCHING the absence of the great Lords: All Writers doe
impute the decay and losse of Leinster, to the absence of these
English Lords, who married the five Daughters of William
Marshall Earle of Pembroke (to whom that great Seigniory
descended) when his five sonnes, who inherited the same suc-
cessively, and during their times, held the same in peace and
Finglas, obedience to the Law of England, were all dead without
Baron
Manuscript.
94
Issue:
}
Ireland was never entirely Subdued, &c. 687
Issue: which happened about the fortieth yeare of King
Ilenry the Third: for the eldest being married to Hugh Bigot
Earle of Norfolke, who in right of his wife, had the Marshal-
ship of England; The second, to Warren de Mountchensy,
whose sole daughter and heire was match to William de
Valentia halfe Brother to King Henry the Third, who by
that match was made Earle of Pembroke; The third, to Gil-
bert de Clare, Earle of Glocester; The fourth, to William
Ferrers, Earle of Darby; The fifth, to William de Bruce,
Lord of Brecknocke: These great Lordes, having greater
inheritances in their own right in England, then they hadde
in Ireland in right of their wives (and yet each of the Copar-
ceners, had an entire Countie allotted for her purparty, as is
before declared) could not be drawne to make their personal
residence in this Kingdom; but managed their estates heere
by their Seneschals and Servants. And to defend their terri-
tories against the bordering Irish, they entertained some of
the Natives, who pretended a perpetuall Title to those great
lordships. For the Irish after a thousande Conquests and
Attainders by our law, would in those daies pretend title still,
because by the Irish Lawe no man could forfeit his Land.
These natives taking the opportunity in weake and desperate
times, usurped those Seigniories; and so Donald Mac Art
Cavanagh, being entertained by the Earl of Norfolke, made Baron
himselfe Lorde of the County of Catherlogh: And Lisagh O Finglas,
Moore, being trusted by the Lord Mortimer, who married
the Daughter and Heire of the Lord Bruce, made himselfe
Lord of the Lands in Leir, in the latter end of King Edward
the Seconds raigne, as is before declared.
Againe, the decay and losse of Ulster and Conaght, is
attributed to this; that the Lorde William Bourke, the last
Earle of that name, died without issue Male; whose Ances-
tors, namely, the Red-Earle, and Sir Hugh de Lacy, before
him, being personally resident, helde up their greatnesse
there: and kept the English in peace, and the Irish in awe:
But when those Provinces discended uppon an Heire Female
and an Infant, the Irish overran Ulster, and the younger
branches of the Bourkes, usurped Conaght. And therefore,
Manuscript.
95
the
688 A Discoverie of the True Causes why
Archiv.
Turr. Rot.
Parlia. n.
42.
the Ordinance made in England, the Third of Richard the
Second, against such as were absent from their Lands in
Ireland; and gave two third parts of the profites thereof unto
the King, untill they returned, or placed a sufficient number
of men to defend the same, was grounded uppon good reason
of state which Ordinaunce was put in execution for many
yeares after, as appeareth by sundry seizures made thereupon,
in the time of King Richard the Second, Henry the Fourth,
Henry the Fifth, and Henry the Sixth, whereof there remaine
Archiv. in Recordes in the Remembrancers Office heere. Among the
Offic.
Remem.
Dublin.
rest, the Duke of Norfolke himself was not spared, but was
impleaded upon this Ordinance, for two parts of the profits of
Dorburies Island, and other Landes in the Countie of Wexford,
in the time of King Henry the Sixth. And afterwards, upon
the same reason of State, all the Landes of the house of
Norfolke, of the Earle of Shrewsburie, the Lord Barkly, and
others (who having Lands in Ireland, kept their continuall
residence in England) were entirely resumed by the Act of
Absentees. Absentees, made in the 28 yeare of King Henry the Eight.
But now againe, let us look back and see how long the
effect of that reformation did continue, which was begun by
Lionel Duke of Clarence, in the fortieth yeare of King Ed-
ward the Third, and what courses have bin held, to reduce
and reforme this people by other Lieutenants and Governors
since that time.
Act of
28 8.
The re-
formation
intended
The English Colonies being in some good measure reformed
by the Statutes of Kilkenny, did not utterly fall away into
Barbarisme againe, till the warres of the two Houses had
almost destroyed both these Kingdoms; for in that miserable
time, the Irish found opportunity, without opposition, to
banish the English Law and Government, out of all the Pro-
vinces, and to confine it onely to the English Pale: Howbeit,
in the mean time, between the Government of the Duke of
Clarence, and the beginning of those civill Warres of Yorke
and Lancaster, we find that the State of England did sundry
times resolve to proceede in this worke of reformation.
For first, King Richard the Second sent over Sir Nicholas
Dagworth, to survey the possessions of the Crowne; and to
96
call
1
Ireland was never entirely Subdued, &c.
689
Richard 2.
Richard 2,
call to accompt the Officers of the revenue; Next, (to draw by King
his English Subjects to manure and defend their lands in Archiv.
Ireland) he made that Ordinance against Absentees, spoken Turr. 3
of before. Again, he shewed an excellent example of Justice, claus. m. 3.
upon Sir Phillip Courtney, being his lieutenant of that king- 3 Richd. 2,
dome, when he caused him to be arrested by special Com- liam. 11,
missioners, upon complaint made of sundry greevous oppres- 9 Richd. 2,
sions and wrongs, which during his Government, he had done claus. m. 1.
Walsing. in
unto that people.
Rot. Par-
42.
Richard 2,
349 a.
After this, the Parliament of England did resolve, that
Thomas Duke of Glocester the Kings Unkle, should be
employed in the reformation and reducing of that Kingdome:
the Fame wherof was no sooner bruted in Ireland, but all
the Irishry were ready to submit themselves, before his
coming so much the very Name of a great personage,
specially of a Prince of the blood, did ever prevayle with this
people. But the King and his Minions, who were ever
jealous of this Duke of Glocester, would not suffer him to
have the honor of that service. But the King himselfe
thought it a worke worthy of his own presence and pains:
and thereupon, Himselfe in person, made those two royall
journies mentioned before: At what time, he received the
submissions of all the Irish Lordes and Captaines, who bounde
themselves both by indenture and oath to become and con-
tinue his Loyall Subjects. And withall, laid a particular
project, for a civill plantation of the Mountains and Maritime
Counties, betweene Dublin and Wexford; by removing all
the Irish Septs from thence, as appeareth by the covenants
betweene the Earle Marshall of England, and those Irish
Septs: which are before remembred, and are yet preserved,
and remaine of Record in the Kings Remembrancers Office
at Westminster. Lastly, this King being present in Ireland,
tooke special care to supply and furnish the Courtes of
Justice with able and sufficient Judges; And to that end, he
made that grave and learned Judge, Sir William Hankeford,
Chiefe Justice of the Kings Bench heere (who afterwards for Plac. coram
his service in this Realme, was made Chiefe Justice of the
Rege in
Kings Bench in England, by King Henry the Fourth,) and Hillar. 18
did
2 x
97
Hibernia.
Richard 2.
690 A Discoverie of the True Causes why
The re-
formation
intended
did withall, associate unto him, William Sturmy, a well
learned man in the Law; who likewise came out of England
with the King, that the legal proceedings (which were out of
order too, as all other things in that Realme were) might be
amended, and made formall, according to the course and
Presidents of England. But all the good purposes and pro-
jects of this King, were interrupted and utterly defeated, by
his sodaine departure out of Ireland, and unhappy deposition
from the Crowne of England.
HOWBEIT, King Henry the Fourth, intending likewise to
prosecute this noble worke in the thirde yeare of his raigne,
by Hen. 4. made the Lord Thomas of Lancaster, his second sonne, Lieu-
tenant of Ireland: Who came over in person, and accepted
againe the submissions of divers Irish Lords and Captaines, as
is before remembred; and held also a Parliament, wherein he
gave newe life to the Statutes of Kilkenny, and made other
good Lawes tending to the Reformation of the Kingdome.
But the troubles raysed against the King his father in
England, drew him home again so soon, as that seed of refor-
mation, tooke no roote at all; neither had his service in that
kinde, any good effect or successe.
After this, the State of England had no leisure to thinke
of a general reformation in this Realme, till the civill dissen-
tions of England were apeased, and the peace of that king-
dom settled by King Henry the Seventh.
For, albeit in the time of King Henry the Sixth, Richard
duke of York, a Prince of the blood, of great wisedome and
valour, and heir to a third part of the Kingdome at least,
being Earle of Ulster, and Lord of Conaght and Meth, was
sent the Kinges Lieutenant into Ireland, to recover and
reforme that Realme where he was resident in person for the
greatest part of 10 yeares, yet the troth is, he aymed at
another marke, which was the Crown of England. And
therefore, he thought it no pollicy to distast either the
English or Irish, by a course of reformation, but sought by
all meanes to please them, and by popular courses to steale
away their hearts, to the end, he might strengthen his party,
98
when
Ireland was never entirely Subdued, &c. 691
,
when he should set on foot his Title (as is before declared.)
Which policy of his tooke such effect, as that he drew over
with him into England, the Flower of all the English Colonies,
specially of Ulster and Meth, whereof many Noblemen and
Gentlemen were slain with him at Wakefield (as is likewise
before remembred.) And after his Death, when the warres
between the Houses were in their heat, almost all the good
English bloud which was left in Ireland, was spent in those
civill dissentions: so as the Irish became victorious over all,
without Bloud, or Sweat. Onely, that little Canton of Lande,
called the English Pale, containing 4 small Shires, did main-
tain a bordering war with the Irish, and retaine the forme of
English Government.
But out of that little Precinct, there were no Lordes,
Knights, or Burgesses, summoned to the Parliament; neither
did the Kings Writt run in any other part of the kingdome:
and yet upon the Marches and Borders, which at that time.
were growne so large, as they tooke up halfe Dublin, half
Meth, and a third part of Kildare and Lowth; there was no
law in use, but the March-Lawe, which in the Statutes of
Kilkenny, is said to be no Law, but a leud Custome.
So, as upon the end of these civill warres in England, the
English Law and Government was well banisht out of Ireland,
so as no foot-steppe or print was left of any former Refor-
mation.
1
of Refor-
held by Sir
Edward
in the time
THEN did King Henry the Seventh send over Sir Edward The course
Poynings to be his Deputy, a right worthy servitor both in mation
war and peace. The principall end of his employment was
to expel Perkin Warbecke out of this kingdome; but that Poynings,
service being perfourmed, that worthy Deputy finding nothing of King
but a common misery, tooke the best course he possibly could, Henry 7.
to establish a Common-wealth in Ireland: and to that end, he
helde a Parliament no lesse famous, then that of Kilkenny;
and more availeable for the reformation of the whole King-
dome. For whereas all wise men did ever concur in opinion,
that the readiest way to reform Ireland, is to settle a forme
of Civill Government there, conformable to that of England:
2 x 2
99
To
692 A Discoverie of the True Causes why
To bring this to passe, Sir Edward Poynings did passe an
Acte, whereby all the Statutes made in England before that
time were enacted, established, and made of force in Ireland.
Neither did he onely respect the time past, but provided also
for the time to come. For, he caused another Law to be
made, that no Act should be propounded in any Parliament
of Ireland, but such as should be first transmitted into Eng-
Poynings land, and approved by the King and Counsell there, as good
and expedient for that Land, and so returned backe againe,
under the Great Seale of England. This Act, though it
seeme prima facie to restrain the liberty of the subjects of
Ireland; yet it was made at the Prayer of the Commons,
upon just and important cause.
Act.
For the Governors of that realm, specially such as were of
that Country Birth, had layd many oppressions upon the
Commons: and amongst the rest, they had imposed Lawes
upon them, not tending to the general good, but to serve
private turnes, and to strengthen their particular factions.
This moved them to referre all Lawes, that were to be passed
in Ireland, to be considered, corrected, and allowed, first by
the State of England, which had alwaies bin tender and care-
full of the good of this people, and had long since made them
a Civill, Rich, and Happy Nation, if their own Lords and
Governours there, had not sent bad intelligence into Eng-
land. Besides this, he took special order, that the summons
of Parliament should go into all the shires of Ireland, and
not to the foure shires onely; and for that cause specially, he
caused all the Acts of a Parliament, lately before holden by
the Viscount of Gormanston, to be repealed and made voide.
Moreover, that the Parliamentes of Ireland, might want no
desent or honourable forme that was used in England, he
caused a particular Act to passe, that the Lords of Ireland
should appeare in the like Parliament Robes, as the English
Lords are wont to weare in the Parliaments of England.
Having thus established all the Statutes of England in Ire-
land, and set in order the great Counsell of that Realme, he
did not omit to passe other Lawes, as well for the encrease of
the Kings Revenue, as the preservation of publick peace.
100
To
Ireland was never entirely Subdued, &c. 693
To advaunce the profites of the Crown; First he obtained
a subsidy of 26s. 8d. out of every sixe score Acres manured,
payable yearly for 5 years. Next, he resumed all the Crown
land, which had been aliened (for the most part) by Richard
Duke of Yorke and lastly, he procured a subsidy of Pondage,
out of all Merchandizes imported and exported, to be granted
to the Crown in perpetuity.
To preserve the publicke peace, he revived the Statutes of
Kilkenny. He made wilful murther High-Treason; he caused
the Marchers to book their men for whom they should answere;
and restrained the making Warre or Peace, without special
Commission from the State.
These Lawes, and others as important as these, for the
making of a commonwealth in Ireland, were made in the
Government of Sir Edward Poynings. But these Lawes did
not spred their Vertue beyonde the English Pale, though
they were made generally for the whole Kingdome. For the
Provinces without the Pale, which during the warre of Yorke
and Lancaster, had wholly cast off the English Government,
were not apt to receyve this seed of reformation, because they
were not first broken and maistered againe with the sword.
Besides, the Irish Countreyes, which contained two third
parts of the Kingdome, were not reduced to Shire-Ground, so
as in them the Lawes of England could not possibly be put in
Execution. Therefore, these good Lawes and provisions.
made by Sir Edward Poynings, were like good lessons set
for a Lute, that is broken and out of tune; of which Lessons,
little use can be made, till the Lute be made fit to be plaid
upon.
And that the execution of all these Lawes, had no greater
Latitude then the Pale, is manifest by the Statute of 13 of
Henry the Eight, c. 3, which reciteth, that at that time, the
Kings Lawes were obeyed and executed in the four shires
onely; and yet then was the Earle of Surrey Lieutenant of
Ireland, a Governor much feared of the Kings Enemies, and
exceedingly honoured and beloved of the Kings subjects.
And the instructions given by the state of Ireland, to John The Coun-
Allen, Maister of the Rols, employed into England, neere sell Booke
101
about
694
A Discoverie of the True Causes why
of Ireland. about the same time, doe declare as much; wherein among
16 Henry 8. other things, he is required to advertise the King, that his
Land of Ireland was so much decayed, as that the Kings
Lawes were not obeyed twenty miles in compas. Where-
upon, grew that By-word used by the Irish, (viz;) That they
dwelt Bywest the Law, which dwelt beyond the River of the
Burrow, which is within 30 miles of Dublin. The same is
testified by Baron Finglas, in his Discourse of the Decay of
Ireland, which he wrote about the 20 yeare of King Henry
the Eight. And thus we see the effect of the Reformation
which was intended by Sir Edward Poynings.
The refor-
mation
intended
by the L.
Leonard
Grey, 28
Henry 8.
Annales
Hiberniæ
Manus.
The Coun-
sell Booke
of Ireland.
THE next attempt of Reformation, was made in the 28 yeare
of King Henry the Eight, by the Lorde Leonard Gray, who
was created Viscount of Garny in this Kingdome, and helde
a Parliament, wherein many excellent Lawes were made.
But to prepare the mindes of the people to obey these Lawes,
he began first with a Martiall course: For being sent over to
suppresse the Rebellion of the Giraldines, (which he per-
formed in a few months) he afterwards made a victorious.
Circuit round about the Kingdome; beginning in Offaly,
against O Connor, who had ayded the Giraldines in their
Rebellion; and from thence passing along through all the
Irish Countries in Leinster, and so into Munster, where he
tooke pledges of the degenerate Earle of Desmond, and thence
into Conaght, and thence into Ulster; and then concluded
this warlike Progresse with the Battell of Belahoo, in the
Borders of Meth, as is before remembred.
The principall Septs of the Irishry being all terrified, and
most of them broken in this journey, manie of their chiefe
28 Henry 8 Lordes upon this Deputies returne came to Dublin, and made
their submissions to the Crown of England; Namely, the
O Neales and O Relies of Ulster, Mac Murrogh, O Birne, and
O Carrol of Leinster, and the Bourks of Conaght.
This preparation being made he first propounded and passed
in Parliament these Lawes, which made the great alteration
in the State Ecclesiastical; Namely, the Act which declared
King Henry the Eight to be supreme Head of the Church of
Ireland.
102
Ireland was never entirely Subdued, &c.
695
Ireland. The Act prohibiting Apeales to the Church of Rome :
the Act for first fruites, and twentith part to be paid to the
King: the Act for Faculties and Dispensations: And lastly
the Act that did utterly abolish the usurped Authoritie of the
Pope. Next, for the encrease of the Kings Revennew: By
one Act, he suppressed sundry Abbeyes and Religious Houses;
and by another Act, resumed the Lands of the Absentees, (as
is before remembered.)
And for the Civill Government, a special Statute was made,
to abolish the Black-Rents and tributes, exacted by the Irish,
upon the English Colonies; and another Law enacted, that
the English Apparell, Language, and manner of living, should
be used by all such, as would acknowledge themselves the
Kings subjects. This Parliament being ended, the Lord
Leonard Gray, was suddenly revokt, and put to death in
England, so as he lived not to finish the worke of Reforma-
tion which he had begun: which notwithstanding, was well
pursued by his successors Sir Anthony Saint-Leger; Unto The course
whom all the Lords and Chiefetanes of the Irishry, and of the mation
degenerate English throughout the Kingdome, made their pursued by
several submissions by Indenture (which was the fourth St.-Leger.
general submission of the Irish, made since the first attempt on Sub-
of the Conquest of Ireland) whereof the first was made to missions of
King Henry the Second, the second to King John, the third
to King Richard the Second, and this last to Sir Anthony
Saint-Leger, in 33 of Henry the Eight.
of Refor-
Sir Anthony
Foure ge-
nerall
the Irish.
sell Booke
34 of Henry
IN these Indentures of submission, all the Irish Lords do The Coun-
acknowledge King Henry the Eight to be their Soveraign of Ireland.
Lord and King, and desire to be accepted of him as subjects. 32, 33, and
They confesse the Kings supremacy in all causes, and do 8.
utterly renounce the Popes Jurisdiction, which I conceive to
be worth the noting, because, when the Irish had once resolved The Irish
and dege-
to obey the King, they made no scruple to renounce the Pope nerate
And this was not onely done by the meere Irish, but the English
chiefe of the degenerate English Families did perfourme the the Pope.
same: as Desmond, Barry, and Roche, in Mounster; and the
Bourkes, which bore the Title of Mac William in Conaght.
103
These
renounce
696
A Discoverie of the True Causes why
sell Booke
of Ireland.
These submissions being thus taken, the Lorde Deputy and
Counsell for the present Government of those Irish Counties,
made certaine Ordinances of state, not agreeable altogither
The Coun- with the Rules of the Law of England; the reason whereof,
is expressed in the preamble of those Ordinances; Quia non-
33 Henry 8. dum sic sapiunt leges et Jura, ut secundum ea jam immediate
vivere et regi possint. The chiefe points or Articles of
which Orders registered in the Counsell-Booke are these:
That King Henry the Eight, should be accepted, reputed and
named King of Ireland, by all the inhabitants of the King-
dome; that all Archbishops and Bishops should be permitted
to exercise their Jurisdiction in every Diocesse throughout
the Land: that tithes should be duely set out, and paide: that
Children should not be admitted to Benefices: that for every
manslaughter, and theft above 14 d. committed in the Irish
Countries, the offender should pay a fine of 40 li. twenty
pound to the King and 20 li. to the Captaine of the Country;
and for every theft under 14 d. a fine of five marks should be
paid 46 s. viij. d. to the Captaine, and 20 s. to the Tanister :
That Horsemen and Kearn should not be imposed uppon the
common people, to be fed and maintained by them: That the
Maister should answer for his servants, and the Father for his
Children. That Cuttinges should not be made by the Lord
uppon his Tenants to maintaine war with his neighbors, but
onely to beare his necessary expences, &c.
These Ordinances of state being made and published, there
were nominated and appointed in every province, certaine
Orderers or Arbitraters, who instead of these Irish Brehons,
should heare and determine all their Controversies. In Con-
aght, the Archbishop of Tuam, the Bishop of Clonfert, Cap-
taine Wakeley, and Captaine Ovington. In Munster, the
Bishop of Waterford, the Bishop of Corke and Rosse, the
Maior of Corke, and Maior of Youghall. In Ulster, the
Archbishop of Ardmagh and the Lord of Lowth. And if any
difference did arise, which they could not end, either for the
difficultie of the cause, or for the obstinacy of the parties,
they were to certifie the Lord Deputy and Counsell, who
would decide the matter by their authority.
104
Hereuppon,
Ireland was never entirely Subdued, &c. 697
Hereuppon, the Irish Captaines of lesser Territories, which
had ever bin oppressed by the greater and mightier; some,
with Risings out; others, with Bonaght, and others, with
Cuttinges, and spendings at pleasure, did appeale for Justice
to the Lord Deputy; who uppon hearing their Complaints,
did alwayes order, that they should all immediately depend
uppon the King; and that the weaker should have no depend-
ancy uppon the stronger.
Lastly, he prevailed so much with the greatest of them;
Namely, O Neale, O Brien, and Mac William, as that they
willingly did passe into England and presented themselves to
the King, who thereuppon was pleased to advance them to the
degree and honour of Earles, and to grant unto them their
severall Countries, by Letters patents. Besides, that they
might learne Obedience and Civility of manners, by often
repairing unto the State, the King upon the motion of the
same Deputy, gave each of them a house and Lands neere
Dublin, for the entertainment of their severall traines.
This course, did this Governour take to reforme the Irishry;
but withall, he did not omit to advance both the honour and
profit of the King. For in the Parliament which he helde
the 33 of Henry the Eight he caused an Acte to passe, which
gave unto King Henry the Eight, his heyres and successors,
the name, stile, and Title of King of Ireland; whereas before
that time, the Kings of England were stiled but Lords of
Ireland: albeit indeed, they were absolute Monarks thereof,
and had in right all Royall and Imperial Jurisdiction and
power there, as they had in the Realm of England. And yet
because in the vulgar conceit the name of King, is higher then
the name of Lorde; assuredly, the assuming of this title,
hath not a little raysed the soveraignty of the King of England
in the minds of this people. Lastly, this Deputy brought a
great augmentation to the Kings Revenue, by dissolving of
all the Monasteries and Religious Houses in Ireland, which
was done in the same Parliament: and afterward, by procuring
Min and Cavendish, two skilfull Auditours, to be sent over
out of England. Who tooke an exact survey of all the pos-
sessions of the Crowne, and brought manie things into charge,
which
105
698
A Discovery of the True Causes why
The course
of Refor-
mation pro-
Thomas
Earle of
Sussex, in
Queen
Mary.
which had beene concealed and substracted for manie yeares
before. And thus far did Sir Anthony Saint-Leger proceed,
in the course of Reformation; which though it were a good
beginning, yet was it far from reducing Ireland to the perfect
Obedience of the Crowne of England. For all this while, the
Provinces of Conaght and Ulster, and a good parte of Leinster,
were not reduced to Shire-Ground. And though Munster
were anciently divided into Counties, the people were so de-
generate, as no Justice of Assise, durst execute his Commis-
sion amongst them. None of the Irish Lordes or Tenants
were settled in their possessions, by any graunt or Confirma-
tion from the Crowne, except the three great Earles before
named; who notwithstanding, did govern their Tenants and
Followers, by the Irish or Brehon Law; so as no treason,
murther, rape, or theft, committed in those Countries, was
inquired of, or punisht by the Law of England; and con-
sequently no Escheat, Forfeiture, or Fine; no Revenue (cer-
taine or casuall) did accrew to the Crowne out of those Pro-
vinces.
The next worthy Governor that endeavoured to advaunce
this Reformation, was Thomas Earle of Sussex; who having
secuted by thoroughly broken and subdued the two most rebellious and
powerful Irish Septs in Leinster; namely, the Moores and
the time of O Connors, possessing the territories of Leix and Offaly, did by
Act of Parliament, 3 and 4 Phil. and Maria, reduce those
Countries into two severall Counties; naming the one, the
Kinges; and the other the Queenes County; which were the
Counties, first two Counties that had beene made in this Kingdome,
since the twelfth yeare of King John; at what time the Ter-
ritories then possessed by the English Colonies, were reduced
into 12 Shires, as is before expressed.
Leix and
Offaly
made two
3 and 4
Philip and
Marice.
This Noble Earle, having thus extended the Jurisdiction of
the English Lawe into two Counties more, was not satisfied
with that addition, but tooke a resolution to divide all the
rest of the Irish Countries unreduced, into severall Shires;
and to that end, he caused an Act to passe in the same Parlia-
ment, authorising the Lord Chancellour, from time to time, to
award Commissions to such persons, as the Lord Deputy
should
106
Ireland was never entirely Subdued, &c. 699
should nominate and appoint, to viewe, and perambulate those
Irish territories; and thereuppon, to divide and limit the same
into such and so many severall Counties as they should thinke
meete; which being certified to the Lord Deputy, and ap-
proved by him, should be returned and enrolled in the Chan-
cery,
and from thenceforth be of like force and effect, as if it
were doone by Act of Parliament.
Thus did the Earle of Sussex lay open a passage for the Civill
Government into the unreformed partes of this Kingdome,
but himselfe proceeded no further then is before declared.
of Refor-
Sir Henry
Queen
HOWBEIT afterwardes, during the raigne of Queene Eliza. The course
beth, Sir Henry Sidney, (who hath lefte behinde him many mation fol-
Monuments of a good Governour in this Land) did not onely lowed by
pursue that course which the Earle of Sussex began, in reduc- Sydney in
ing the Irish Countries into Shires, and placing therein the time of
Sheriffes, and other Ministers of the Law; (for first he made Elizabeth.
the Annaly a Territory in Leynster, possessed by the Sept of
Offerralles, one entire Shire by itselfe, and called it the County
of Longford; and after that he divided the whole Province of
Conaght into sixe Counties more; namely, Clare (which con-
taineth all Thomond) Gallaway, Sligo, Mayo, Roscomon, and
Leytrim :) But he also had caused divers good Lawes to be
made, and performed sundry other services, tending greatly
to the Reformation of this Kingdome. For first, to diminish
the greatnesse of the Irish Lordes, and to take from them the
dependancy of the Common people, in the Parliament which
he held 11 Elizabeth, he did abolish their pretended and
usurped Captain-ships, and all exactions, and extortions inci-
dent thereunto. Next, to settle their Seigniories and posses-
sions in a course of Inheritance, according to the course of the
Common Law, he caused an Act to passe, whereby the Lord
Deputy was authorised to accept their Surrenders, and to re-
grant estates unto them, to hold of the Crowne by English
tenures and services. Againe, because the Inferior sort were
loose and poor, and not amesnable to the Law; he provided
by another Act, that five of the best and eldest persons of
every Sept, should bring in all the idle persons of their sur-
name,
107
700
A Discoverie of the True Causes why
name, to be justified by the Law. Moreover, to give a civill
education to the Youth of this Land in the time to come,
provision was made by another Law, that there should be one
Free-schoole, at least, erected in every Diocesse of the King-
dome. And lastly, to inure and acquaint the people of
Mounster and Conaght, with the English Government againe
(which had not been in use among them, for the space of 200
yeares before:) he instituted two Presidency Courtes in those
two Provinces, placing Sir Edward Fitton in Conaght, and
Sir John Perrot in Mounster.
To augment the Kings Revenue in the same Parliament,
uppon the attainder of Shane O Neale, he resumed and vested
in the Crowne, more then halfe the Province of Ulster: He
raised the Customes uppon the principall commodities of the
Kingdome: He reformed the abuses of the Exchequer, by
many good orders and instructions sent out of England; and
lastly, he established the composition of the Pale, in liewe of
Purveyance and Sesse of Souldiers.
These were good proceedinges in the worke of Reformation,
but there were many defects and omissions withall; for though
he reduced all Conaght into Counties, he never sent any Jus-
tices of Assize to visit that Province, but placed Commissioners
there, who governed it onely in A course of discretion; part
Martiall, and part Civill. Againe, in the Law that dooth
abolish the Irish Captain-ships, he gave waie for the reviving
thereof againe, by excepting such, as should be granted by
Letters Patentes from the Crowne; which exception did in-
deede take away the force of that Law. For no Governour
during Queene Elizabeths raigne, did refuse to grant any of
those Captain-ships, to any pretended Irish Lord, who would
Desire, and with his thankefulnesse Deserve the same. And
againe, though the greatest part of Ulster were vested by Act
of Parliament, in the actuall and reall possession of the Crowne;
yet was there never any seisure made thereof, nor any part
thereof brought into charge, but the Irish were permitted to
take all the profits, without rendering any dutie or acknow-
ledgement for the same; and though the Name of O Neale
were damned by that Act, and the assuming thereof made
108
High
Ireland was never entirely Subdued, &c. 701
High treason; yet after that, was Tirlagh Leynagh suffered
to beare that Title, and to intrude uppon the possessions of
the Crowne, and yet was often entertained by the State with
favour. Neither were these lands resumed, by Act of 11 of
Elizabeth neglected onely (for the Abbaies and religious
Houses in Tirone, Tirconnell, and Fermannagh, though they
were dissolved in the 33 of Henry the Eight, were never
surveied nor reduced into charge, but were continually possest
by the religious persons) untill his Majestie that now is, came
to the Crowne; and that which is more strange, the Donations
of Bishopprickes, being a flower of the Crowne (which the
Kings of England did ever retaine in all their Dominions,
when the Popes usurped authority was at the highest.) There
were three Bishopprickes in Ulster; namely, Derry, Rapho,
and Clogher, which neither Queene Elizabeth, nor any of her
Progenitors did ever bestow; though they were the undoubted
Patrons thereof. Soe as King James was the first King of
England that did ever supply those Sees with Byshops, which
is an argument eyther of great negligence, or of great weak-
nesse in the State and Governours of those times. And thus
farre proceeded Sir Henry Sidney.
formation
Perrot
AFTER him, Sir John Perrot, who held the last Parliament The Re-
in this Kingdome, did advance the Reformation in three prin- advanced
cipall points. First, in establishing the great composition of by Sir John
Conaght; in which service the wisedome and industry of Sir
Richard Bingham did concurre with him: next, in reducing
the unreformed partes of Ulster into seaven shires; namely,
Ardmagh, Monahan, Tirone, Coleraine, Donegall, Ferman-
nagh, and Cavan; though in his time the Law was never
executed in these new Counties by any Sheriffes or Justices
of Assize, but the people left to be ruled still by their owne
barbarous Lordes and Lawes: And lastly, by vesting in the
Crowne, the Lands of Desmond and his Adherents in Mounster,
and planting the same with English though that plantation were
imperfect in many points.
AFTER Sir John Perrot, Sir William Fitz-Williams did The service
109
good
702
A Discoverie of the True Causes why
of William good service in two other points. First, in raising a composi-
liams tend- tion in Mounster; and then in setling the possessions both of the
Fitz-Wil-
ing to re-
formation.
How the
Defects and
errors in
ment of
Ireland
Lordes and Tenants in Monahan, which was one of the last
Acts of State tending to the reformation of the Civill Govern-
ment that was performed in the raigne of Queene ELIZABETH.
Thus we see, by what degrees and what policy and successe
the Governours of this Land from tyme to tyme, since the
beginning of the raigne of King Edward the Third, have en-
deavored to reforme and reduce this people to the perfect
obedience of the Crowne of England: And we finde that
before the Civil Warres of Yorke and Lancaster, they did
chiefely endeavour to bring backe the degenerate English
Colonies, to their Duty and Allegeaunce, not respecting the
meere Irish, whom they reputed as Aliens or Enemies of the
Crowne. But after King Henry the Seaventh had united the
Roses, they labored to reduce both English and Irish together,
which worke, to what passe and perfection it was brought in
the latter end of Queene Elizabeths raigne, hath bin before
declared.
Whereof sometimes when I doe consider, I doe in mine
owne Conceit compare the later Governours who went about
to reforme the Civil Affaires in Ireland, unto some of the
Kings of Israell, of whom it is said; That they were good
Kings, but they did not cutt downe the groves, and High
places, but suffered the people still to burne Incense, and
commit Idolatry in them: so Sir Anthony Saint-Leger, the
Earle of Sussex, Sir Henry Sidney, and Sir John Perrot, were
good Governours, but they did not abolish the Irish Customes,
nor execute the Law in the Irish Countries, but suffered the
people to worship their barbarous Lordes, and to remaine
utterly ignorant of their Duties to God and the King.
AND now am I come to the happy raigne of my most
Gracious Lord and Maister King James; in whose time, as
the govern- there hath been a concurrence of many great Felicities: so
this among others may be numbered in the first ranke; that
all the Defects in the Government of Ireland spoken of before,
and amend- have beene fully supplied in the first nine yeares of his raigne.
have bin
supplied
110
In
Ireland was never entirely Subdued, &c.
703
beginning
In which time, there hath bin more done in the worke and ed since the
reformation of this Kingdome; then, in the 440 yeares which of his Ma-
are past since the Conquest was first attempted.
Howbeit, I have no purpose in this Discourse, to set forth.
at large all the proceedings of the State heere in reforming of
this Kingdome, since his Majesty came to the Crowne, for the
parts and passages thereof are so many, as to express them
fully, would require a severall Treatise. Besides, I for my
part, since I have not flattered the former times, but have
plainely laid open the negligence and errors of every Age
that is past, would not willingly seeme to flatter the present,
by amplifying the diligence and true Judgement of those Ser-
vitours, that have laboured in this Vineyard since the begin-
ning of his Majesties happy raigne.
I shall therefore summarily, without any amplification at all,
shewe in what manner, and by what degrees, all the defects
which I have noted before in the Government of this King-
dome, have bin supplied since his Majesties happy raigne be-
ganne; and so conclude these observations concerning the
State of Ireland.
jesties
Raigne.
the carriage
of the mar-
amended.
FIRST then, touching the Martiall affayres, I shall neede Errors in
to say little, in regard that the Warre which finished the
Conquest of Ireland, was ended almost in the instant when tiall affaires
the crowne descended uppon his Majesty; and so there re-
mained no occasion to amend the former errors committed in
the prosecution of the warre. Howbeit, sithence his Majesty
hath still maintained an Army heere, aswell For a Seminary
of Martiall Men; as to Give strength and countenance to the
Civill Magistrate; I may justly observe, that this Army hath
not bin fed with Coigne and Livery, or Sesse (with which
Extortions the souldier hath bin norished in the times of
former Princes), but hath bin as justly and royally paid, as
ever Prince in the world did pay his Men of warre. Besides,
when there did arise an occasion of employment for this army
against the Rebell Odoghertie; neither did his Majesty delay
the re-inforcing thereof, but instantly sent supplies out of
England and Scotland; neither did the Martiall men dally or
111
prosecute
704 A Discoverie of the True Causes why
How the
Defects in
the civill
Govern-
ment, have
bin sup-
plied.
1.
prosecute the Service faintly, but Did foorthwith quench that
fire, whereby themselves would have bin the warmer the longer
it had continued, aswell by the encrease of their entertain-
ment, as by booties and spoile of the Countrey. And thus
much I thought fit to note, touching the amendment of the
Errors in the Martiall affaires.
SECONDLY, for the supply of the Defects in the civil Govern-
ment, these courses have beene pursued since his Majesties
prosperous raigne began.
First, albeit upon the end of the war, whereby Tyrones
universall Rebellion was supprest, the minds of the people
By estab- were broken and prepared to Obedience of the Law; yet the
lishing the
publicke
State upon good reason, did conceive, that the publicke peace
peace. could not be settled, till the hearts of the people were also
quieted, by securing them from the danger of the law, which
the most part of them had incurred one way or other, in that
great and general confusion.
2.
By estab-
lishing the
publicke
Justice in
Therefore, first by a generall Act of State, called the Act
of Oblivion published by Proclamation under the great Seale;
All offences against the Crown, and all perticuler Trespasses
between subject and subject, done at any time before hist
Majesties raigne, were (to all such as would come in to the
Justices of Assise by a certaine day, and claime the benefit
of this Act) pardoned, remitted, and utterly extinguished,
never to be revived or called in question. And by the same
proclamation, all the Irishry (who for the most part, in former
times, were left under the tiranny of their Lords and Chief-
taines, and had no defence or Justice from the Crowne) were
received into his Majesties immediate protection. This bred
such comfort and security in the hearts of all men, as there-
upon ensued, the calmest, and most universall peace, that
ever was seen in Ireland.
The publick peace being thus established, the State pro-
ceeded next to establish the publick Justice in every part of
the Realm: And to that end, Sir George Cary (who was a
every part prudent Governor, and a just, and made a fair entry into the
right way of reforming this Kingdome) did in the first yeare
of the
Kingdome.
112
of
Ireland was never entirely Subdued, Sc.
705
of his Majesties raigne, make the first Sheriffes that ever were
made in Tyrone and Tirconnell; and shortly after, sent Sir
Edmund Pelham Chiefe Baron, and myselfe thither, the first
Justices of Assise that ever sat in those Countries: and in
that Circuit, we visited all the shires of that Province: Besides
which visitation, though it were some-what distastfull to the
Irish lords, was sweet and most welcome to the Common
people; who, albeit they were rude and barbarous, yet did
they quickly apprehend the difference between the tiranny
and oppression under which they lived before, and the just
government and protection which we promised unto them for
the time to come.
The Lawe having made her Progresse into Ulster with so
good successe, Sir Arthur Chichester (who with singular
Industry, Wisedome, and Courage, hath now for the space
of 7 years and more, prosecuted the great worke of Refor-
mation, and brought it well-neere to an absolute perfection)
did in the first year of his government, establish two other
Newe Circuits for Justices of Assise; the one in Conaght, and
the other in Mounster. I call them Newe Circuits, for that,
although it be manifest by manie Recordes, that Justices
Itinerant have in former times beene sent into all the shires
of Mounster, and some part of Conaght; yet certaine it is,
that in 200 yeares before (I speake much within compasse)
no such Commission had bin executed in either of these 2
Provinces. But now, the whole Realme being divided into
Shires, and everie bordering Territory, whereof anie doubt
was made in what County the same should ly, being added
or reduced to a County certaine (among the rest, the Moun-
taines and Glynnes on the south side of Dublin, were lately
made a Shire by itself, and called the County of Wicklow;
whereby the Inhabitants which were wont to be Thorns in
the side of the Pale, are become civil and quiet Neighbors
thereof,) the streams of the publicke Justice were derived
into every part of the Kingdome; and the benefit and pro-
tection of the law of England communicated to all, aswell
Irish as English, without distinction or respect of persons;
By reason whereof, the worke of deriving the publick Justice,
113
grew
2 Y
706
A Discoverie of the True Causes why
The good
effects
which fol-
lowed the
execution
of the law
out the
grew so great, as that there was Magna messis, sed Operarii
pauci. And therefore, the number of the Judges in every
Bench was increased, which do now every halfe yeare (like
good Planets in their severall spheares or circles) carry the
light and influence of Justice, round about the Kingdom;
whereas the Circuits in former times, went but round about
the Pale, like the Circuit of the Cinosura about the Pole.
Quæ cursu interiore, brevi convertitur orbe.
UPON these Visitations of Justice, whereby the just and
honourable Law of England was imparted and communicated
to all the Irishry, there followed these excellent good effects.
First, the Common people were taught by the Justices of
thorough- Assise, that they were free subjects to the Kings of England,
Kingdome. and not slaves and vassals to their pretended Lords: That the
Cuttings, Cosheries, Sessings, and other Extortions of their
Lords, were unlawfull, and that they should not any more.
submit themselves thereunto, since they were now under the
protection of so just and mighty a Prince, as both would and
could protect them from all wrongs and oppressions: They
gave a willing eare unto these lessons; and thereupon, the
greatnesse and power of those Irish Lords over the people,
sodainly fell and vanished, when their Oppressions and Ex-
tortions were taken away which did maintain their greatnesse:
Insomuch, as divers of them, who formerly made themselves.
Owners of all (by Force;) were now by the law reduced to
this point; That wanting meanes to defray their ordinary
charges, they resorted ordinarily to the Lord Deputy, and
made petition, that by License and warrant of the State, they
might take some aid and contribution from their people;
aswell to discharge their former debts, as for competent main-
tenance in time to come: But some of them being impatient
of this diminution, fled out of the Realme to forraign Coun-
tries. Whereupon, we may well observe; That, as Extortion
did banish the old English Free-holder, who could not live but
under the Law; So the Law did banish the Irish Lord, who
could not live but by Extortion.
Againe, these Circuits of Justice, did (upon the end of the
warre)
114
Ireland was never entirely Subdued, &c. 707
warre) more terrifie the loose and idle personnes, then the
execution of the martial law, though it were more quicke and
sodaine: and in a short time after, did so cleare the Kingdome
of Theeves, and other Capital Offenders, as I dare affirme,
that for the space of five yeares last past, there have not bin
found so many Malefactors worthy of death in all the six
Circuits of this realm (which is now divided into 32 shires at
large) as in one Circuit of six Shires; namely, the Westerne
Circuit in England. For the troth is, that in time of peace,
the Irish are more fearefull to offend the Law, then the Eng-
lish, or any other Nation whatsoever.
Againe, whereas the greatest advantage that the Irish had
of us in all their Rebellions, was, Our Ignorance of their
Countries, their Persons, and their Actions: Since the Law
and her Ministers have had a passage among them, all their
places of Fastnesse have been discovered and laide open; all
their paces cleared; and notice taken of every person that
is able to do either good or hurt. It is knowne, not onely how
they live, and what they doe, but it is foreseen what they
purpose or intend to do: Insomuch, as Tirone hath been
heard to complaine, that he hade so many eyes watching over
him, as he coulde not drinke a full Carouse of Sacke, but the
State was advertised thereof, within few houres after. And
therefore, those allowances which I finde in the ancient Pipe-
Rolles, Pro guidagio, et spiagio, may be well spared at this
day. For the Under-Sheriffes and Bayliffes errant, are better
guides and Spies in the time of peace, then any were found
in the time of war.
Moreover, these civil assemblies at Assises and Sessions,
have reclaymed the Irish from their wildnesse, caused them
to cut off their Glibs and long Haire; to convert their Mantles
into Cloaks; to conform themselves to the manner of England
in all their behaviour and outward formes. And because
they find a great inconvenience in moving their suits by an
Interpreter; they do for the most part send their Children to
Schools, especially to learne the English language: so as
we may conceive an hope, that the next generation, will in
tongue and heart, and every way else, become English; so as
2 Y 2
115
there
708
A Discoverie of the True Causes why
3.
The set-
tling of the
States and
possessions
of the
Irishry,
aswell as of
there will be no difference or distinction, but the Irish Sea
betwixt us. And thus we see a good conversion, and the
Irish Game turned againe.
For heretofore, the neglect of the Lawe, made the English
degenerate and become Irish: and now, on the other side, the
execution of the Law, doth make the Irish grow civil, and
become English.
Lastly, these generall Sessions now, do teach the people
more obedience, and keep them more in awe then did the
general hostings in former times. These Progresses of the
Law, renew and confirme the Conquest of Ireland every halfe
yeare, and supply the Defect of the Kings absence in every
part of the Realme; In that every Judge sitting in the seat
of Justice, dooth represent the person of the King himselfe.
These effectes, hath the establishment of the publicke
Peace and Justice produced since his Majesties happie
Raigne began.
Howbeit, it was impossible to make a Common-weale in
Ireland, without performing another service; which was, the
settling of all the Estates and possessions, aswell of Irish, as
English, throughout the Kingdome.
For although that in the 12 year of Queen ELIZABETH, a
the English. special Law was made, which did enable the Lord Deputy to
take surrenders, and regrant Estates unto the Irishry (upon
signification of her Majesties pleasure in that behalfe;) yet
were there but few of the Irish Lords that made offer to sur-
render during her raigne: and they which made surrenders
of entire Countries, obtained Graunts of the whole againe to
themselves onely, and to no other, and all in demeasne. In
passing of which Graunts, there was no care taken of the
inferior Septes, of people, inhabiting and possessing these
Countries under them, but they held their severall portions
in course of Tanistry and Gavelkind, and yielded the same
Irish Duties or exactions, as they did before: So that upon
every such Surrender and Graunt, there was but one Free-
holder made in a whole Country, which was the Lord him-
selfe; all the rest were but tenants at Wil, or rather tenants
in villenage, and were neither fit to be sworne in Juries, nor
A
116
to
Ireland was never entirely Subdued, &c. 709
to performe any publicke service: And by reason of the un-
certainty of their Estates, did utterly neglect to build, or to
plant, or to improve the Land. And therefore, although the
Lorde were become the Kings Tenant, his Countrey was no
whit reformed thereby, but remained in the former Bar-
barisme and Desolation.
Againe, in the same Queens time, there were many Irish
Lordes which did not surrender, yet obtained Letters Patents
of the Captaine-ships of their Countries, and of all Lands and
Duties belonging to those Captaine-ships: For the Statute
which doth condemn and abolish these Captain-ries, usurped
by the Irish, doth give power to the Lorde Deputy to graunt
the same by Letters Patents. Howbeit, these Irish Captaines,
and likewise the English, which were made Seneschalles of
the Irish countries, did by colour of these Graunts, and under
pretence of Government, claime an Irish Seigniory, and exer-
cise plaine tiranny over the Common people. And this was
the fruite that did arise of the Letters Patents, granted of the
Irish Countries in the time of Queen Elizabeth, where before
they did extort and oppresse the people, only by colour of a
leud and barbarous Custom; they did afterwards use the
same Extortions and Oppressions by warrant, under the great
seal of the Realme.
Commis-
sions for
and defec-
put in
But now, since his Majesty came to the Crown, two How the
speciall Commissions have bin sent out of England, for the
settling and quieting of all the possessions in Ireland; The Surrenders,
one for accepting Surrenders of the Irish and degenerate tive Titles,
English, and for regranting Estates unto them, according to have bin
the course of the common Law; The other, for strengthening execution.
of defective Titles. In the execution of which Commissions,
there hath ever bin had a special care, to settle and secure
the Under-Tenants; to the end there might be a repose and
establishment of every subjects Estate; Lord and Tenant,
Free-holder and Farmer, thoroughout the Kingdome.
Uppon Surrenders, this course hath bin helde from the
beginning; when an Irish Lord doth offer to surrender his
Country, his surrender is not immediately accepted, but a
Commission is first awarded, to enquire of three special
117
points:
710
A Discoverie of the True Causes why
No Grant
of Irish
Captain-
Seneschal-
shippes,
since his
Majesties
raigne.
points: First, of the quantity and limits of the Land whereof
he is reputed owner. Next, how much himselfe doth hold in
demeasne, and how much is possest by his Tenants and
Followers. And thirdly, what Customes, Duties and Ser-
vices, he doth yearly receive out of those lands. This Inqui-
sition being made and returned, the Lands which are found
to be the Lords proper possessions in demeasne, are drawne
into a Particular; and his Irish Duties; as Cosherings,
Sessings, Rents of Butter and Oatmeale, and the like; are
reasonably valued and reduced into certaine Summes of
Money, to be paid yearly in lieu thereof. This being done,
the surrender is accepted; and thereupon a Grant passed,
not of the whole Country, as was used in former times, but
of those Lands onely, which are found in the Lords posses-
sion, and of those certaine summes of Money, as Rents
issuing out of the rest. But the Lands which are found to
be possest by the Tenants, are left unto them, respectively
charged with these certain Rents onely, in lieu of all uncer-
taine Irish exactions.
In like manner, upon all Graunts, which have past by
vertue of the commission, for defective Titles, the Commis-
sioners have taken speciall Caution, for preservation of the
Estates of all particular Tenants.
And as for Graunts of Captaine-shippes or Seneschal-shippes,
in the Irish Countries; albeit, this Deputy had as much power
shippes, or and authority to graunt the same, as any other Governors
had before him; and might have raised as much profit by
bestowing the same, if he had respected his private, more
then the publicke good; yet hath he bin so farre from passing
any such in all his time, as he hath endevoured to resume all
the Graunts of that kinde, that have bin made by his Prede-
cessors to the end, the inferiour subjects of the Realme,
should make their only and immediate dependancie uppon
the Crowne. And thus we see, how the greatest part of the
possessions, (aswell of the Irish as of the English) in Leinster,
Conaght, and Mounster, are settled and secured since his
Majestie came to the Crowne: whereby the hearts of the
people are also settled, not only to live in peace, but raised
118
and
Ireland was never entirely Subdued, &c. 711
and incouraged to builde, to plant, to give better education
to their children, and to improve the commodities of their
Landes; whereby the yearly value thereof, is already encreased
double of that it was within these few yeares, and is like
daily to rise higher, till it amount to the price of our Lande
in England.
tation of
LASTLY the possessions of the Irishry in the Province of The plan-
Ulster, though it were the most rude and unreformed part Ulster.
of Ireland, and the Seat and Nest of the last great rebellion,
are now better disposed and established, then any the lands
in the other Provinces, which have bin past and settled upon
Surrenders. For, as the occasion of the disposing of those
Lands, did not happen without the speciall providence and
finger of God, which did cast out those wicked and ungratefull
Traitors, who were the only enemies of the reformation of
Ireland: so the distribution and plantation thereof, hath bin
projected and prosecuted, by the speciall direction and care
of the King himselfe; wherein his Majesty hath corrected
the errors before spoken of, committed by King Henry the
Second, and King John, in distributing and planting the first
conquered Landes. For, although there were six whole
Shires to be disposed, his Majesty gave not an entire Country,
or County, to any particular person; much lesse did he
graunt Jura Regalia, or any extraordinary Liberties. For the
best British Undertaker, had but a proportion of 3000 Acres
for himself, with power to create a Mannor, and hold a Court
Baron: Albeit, many of these Undertakers, were of as great
birth and quality, as the best Adventurers in the first con-
quest. Again, his Majesty did not utterly exclude the
Natives out of this plantation with a purpose to root them
out, as the Irish were excluded out of the first English
Colonies; but made a mixt plantation of British and Irish,
that they might grow up together in one Nation: Onely, the
Irish were in some places transplanted from the Woods and
Mountaines, into the Plaines and open Countries, that being
removed (like wild fruit trees) they might grow the milder,
and beare the better and sweeter fruit. And this truly, is
119
the
+
7
}
712
A Discoverie of the True Causes why
the Maister-piece, and most excellent part of the worke of
Reformation, and is worthy indeed of his Majesties royall
paines. For when this plantation hath taken root, and bin
fixt and settled but a few yeares, with the favour and blessing
of God (for the son of God himselfe hath said in the Gospell,
Omnis Plantatio, quam non plantavit pater meus, erudi-
cabitur) it will secure the peace of Ireland, assure it to the
Crown of England for ever; and finally, make it a Civill, and
a Rich, a Mighty, and a Flourishing Kingdome.
I omit to speake of the increase of the Revenue of the
Crown, both certaine and casuall, which is raised to a double
proportion (at lest) above that it was, by deriving the publick
Justice into all parts of the Realm; by settling all the posses-
sions, both of the Irish and English, by re-establishing the
compositions; by restoring and resuming the Customes; by
reviving the Tenures in Capite, and Knights-Service; and
reducing many other thinges into charge, which by the con-
fusion and negligence of former times, became concealed and
subtracted from the Crowne. I forbeare likewise to speak
of the due and ready bringing in of the Revenue, which is
brought to passe by the well-ordering of the Court of Exche-
quer, and the authority and paines of the Commissioners for
Accompts.
I might also adde heereunto, the encouragement that hath
bin given to the Maritime Townes and Cities, as well to
increase their trade of Marchandize, as to cherrish Mecha-
nicall Arts and Sciences; in that all their Charters have bin
renued, and their Liberties more inlarged by his Majesty,
then by any of his Progenitors since the Conquest. As like-
wise, the care and course that hath been taken, to make Civil
Commerce and entercourse betweene the Subjects, newly
reformed and brought under Obedience, by granting Markets
and Faires to be holden in their Countries, and by erecting
of corporate Townes among them.
Briefly, the clock of the civil Government, is now well set,
and all the wheeles thereof doe move in Order; The strings
of this Irish Harpe, which the Civill Magistrate doth finger,
are all in tune (for I omit to speak of the State Ecclesiasticall)
120
and
Ireland was never entirely Subdued, &c. 713
and make a good Harmony in this Commonweale: So as we
may well conceive a hope, that Ireland (which heeretofore
might properly be called the Land of Ire, because the
Irascible power was predominant there, for the space of 400
yeares together) will from henceforth proove a Land of Peace
and Concorde. And though heeretofore it hath bin like the
leane Cow of Egypt in Pharaohs Dreame, devouring the fat
of England, and yet remaining as leane as it was before, it
will heereafter be as fruitfull as the land of Canaan; the
description whereof, in the 8 of Deutronomie, doth in every
part agree with Ireland; being, Terra Rivorum, aquarumque,
et Fontium; in cujus Campis, et Montibus, erumpunt Auvi-
orum abyssi; Terra frumenti, et hordei; Terra lactis, et
mellis; ubi absque ulla penuria comedes panem tuum, et rerum
abundantia perfrueris.
And thus I have discovered and expressed the Defects and
Errors, aswell in the mannaging of the Martiall Affaires, as
Of the Civil; which in former Ages gave impediment to the
reducing of all Ireland, to the Obedience and Subjection of
the Crowne of England. I have likewise observed, what
courses have bin taken, to Reforme the Defects and Errors
in Government, and to reduce the People of this Land to
Obedience, since the beginning of the raigne of King Edward
the Third, till the latter end of the raigne of Queen Elizabeth.
And lastly, I have declared and set forth, How all the said
Errors have bin corrected, and the Defects supplied under the
prosperous Government of his Majesty; So as I may posi-
tively conclude in the same words, which I have used in the
Title of this Discourse; That untill the beginning of his
Majesties Raigne, Ireland was never entirely subdued, and
brought under the Obedience of the Crown of England. But
since the Crown of this kingdom, with the undoubted right
and Title thereof, discended upon his Majesty; The whole
Island from Sea to Sea, hath bin brought into his Highnes
peaceable possession; and all the Inhabitants, in every corner
thereof, have bin absolutely reduced under his immediate
subjection. In which condition of subjects, they will gladly
continue, without defection or adhering to any other Lord or
121
King,
714 A Discoverie of the True Causes, &c.
King, as long as they may be Protected, and Justly Governed,
without Oppression on the one side, or Impunity on the other.
For, there is no Nation of people under the sunne, that doth
love equall and indifferent Justice, better then the Irish; or
will rest better satisfied with the execution thereof, although
it be against themselves; so as they may have the protection.
and benefit of the Law, when uppon just cause they do
desire it.
FINIS.
[INDEX.
INDEX.
A.
Abbeys (See Religious Houses.)
Absentees, statutes against Irish ab-
sentees, 613, 614, 688, 695; effect of
royal absence, 685, 686; effects of
the absence of the great landlords,
686-688.
Academy-(See Schools.)
Adventurers-(See Soldiers.)
Agriculture, importance of husbandry,
4, 579; the head-spring of all na-
tive commerce and trading, 4; na-
ture of the soil in Ireland, 74, 75;
her fine pasture land, 75-78, 555;
modes of manuring practised in Ire-
land, 78-85; manner of marling the
land, 86-89; tilling the ground more
akin to civilization than herding cat-
tle, 580.
Ague-(See Diseases.)
Air-(See Climate.)
Akill haven, description of, 24.
Alfred, conquest of Ireland by this
king, 465.
Aliens, the "mere Irish" reputed
aliens, 638, 702; charters of deniza-
tion purchased by them, from temp.
Hen. II. to temp. James I., 638, 639.
Anchorage grounds on the Irish coast,
34-37.
Antiquitates Hibernica, "Jacobi Warai
de Hibernia et Antiquitatibus ejus, Dis-
quisitiones," 151–405.
Antrim, religious houses formerly in
this county, 307.
Archbishops of Ireland, arms of, 225.
Arglass haven described, 32.
Arklow haven described, 34.
Armagh, bishoprics in the archdiocese
of, 221; arms of the archbishop of,
225; religious houses formerly in
this county, 303.
Arms of the Irish archiepiscopal sees,
225; arms and weapons of the Irish,
479, 493.
Army-(See Soldiers.)
Artizans (See Labourers.)
Assessment, proposed plan of assessing
the Irish towns rateably, for the sup-
port of the English garrisons in Ire-
land, 559, 560.
Aulus Gellius cited, 207.
Authors, ancient authors who refer to
Ireland cited, 161-165.
B.
Ballyshannon described, 33.
Band haven described, 32.
Band, this river described, 60.
Bantry bay described, 26.
Bards, ancient bards of Ireland, 185,
456, 485, 496, 497; their character,
456-459, 496, 497; their influence,
495-497; measures suggested for
their suppression,
582; statutes
against them, 684.
Baronets summoned to Parliament by
Edward III., 564.
Barrow, this river described, 58, 59.
Beard, mode of wearing the beard
among the ancient Irish, 483.
Bede cited, 169.
Beerhaven, description of, 26.
Belletree port described, 32.
Benefices, law against the presenta-
tion of the Irish to ecclesiastical be-
nefices, 684.
Billeting-(See Taxation.)
Bishoprics, arrangement of Irish, in
olden times, 220.
Black-book of Christ Church, Dublin,
quoted, 604.
Black-rent, nature of, 679, 682.
Blackwater described, 60.
Bloomeries-(See Iron.)
Boate, Arnold, his letter explaining
the origin of his brother's work,
9-12.
716
INDEX.
Boate, Gerard, "Ireland's Natural His-
tory," 1-148.
Bodin cited, 602.
Bogs in Ireland described, 89–98;
moory or boggy heaths, 89; dry
heaths, 90; wet bogs, 91; grassy
bogs, 91; watery and miry bogs, 92;
hassocky bogs, 93; origin of these
bogs, 94, 95; mode of draining them,
95-98; effect of drainage on the
climate, 135.
Boine, or Boyne, this river described,
59, 60.
Bonaght, nature of, 209, 451, 674,
697.
Brehon Law, nature and origin of this
law, 189, 421, 603, 665; punishment
by fine prevalent under this law,
421, 642, 645, 665; the use of by the
English condemned and abolished,
648, 684, 696; resemblance of the
old Welsh Law to the Brehon Law,
650.
Bribery, the suppression of recom-
mended, 591, 592.
Bricks, manufacture and use of, in Ire-
land, 128-130.
Bridges-(See Roads.)
Broadhaven, description of, 24.
Broadwater described, 58.
Brooke's "Reliques of Ancient Irish
Poetry” cited, 495.
Brooks, great number of in Ireland,
53-56; value of this water-power
for mills, 54; swelling and overflow
of, 54, 55.
Brotherhood of St. George-(See St.
George.)
Bruce, Edward, his doings in Ireland,
and creation as king, 432-434, 673,
674.
Buchanan's History of Scotland quoted,
76; cited, 455, 457, 460, 464, 476,
479.
Burial-See (Sepulture.)
C.
Cæsar, Julius, cited, 161, 182, 184, 457,
485.
Camden cited, 161, 234, 431, 456, 457,
464, 482, 488, 540, 650, 654, 657-
658, 674, 677-680.
Cantred, definition of the term, 575.
Capes or Promontories on Irish coast,
38-41.
Captainship, nature of the grants of, .
709, 710.
Carlingford, description of its haven,
20, 21.
Carlow, or Catherlagh, religious houses
in this county, 290.
Cashel, bishoprics in archdiocese of,
222; arms of archbishop of, 225.
Castlehaven described, 29.
Cataracts in Irish rivers, 61, 62.
Cathedrals, cathedral churches of Ire-
land, 359.
Cavan County, religious houses for-
merly in, 315.
Cemetery (See Sepulture.)
Cess (See Taxation.)
Chaucer cited, 576, 582.
Chiefs, mode of electing them in Ire-
land, 423-425; evils of chieftainship,
452.
Churches, old arrangement of the
bishoprics of Ireland, 220; descrip-
tion of the churches and cemetery of
Clonmacnoise, 369; necessity for
rebuilding the ruined churches in
Ireland, 586.
Clandore haven described, 29.
Clare, religious houses in this county,
329.
Clarence, Lionel, Duke of, account of
his expedition to, and government
of, Ireland, 431, 432, 609, 677, 678,
683, 688.
Clergy, character of the Irish, 510, 511.
Climate of Ireland, 130; cold weather
and frosts, 130-132; warm weather,
132; wet weather, 132, 135; effect of
the drainage of bogs on the climate,
135; dews, 135-137; mists and fogs,
137, 138; snow, hail, and frosts, 138,
139; thunder and lightning, 139,
140; prevalent winds, 140, 141;
good temperature of the air, 597.
Clonmacnoise, description of churches
and cemetery of, 369.
Clothing, dress and ornaments of the
ancient Irish, 204.
Coal imported into Ireland, 123, 124;
coal mines therein, 123, 124.
Coasts of Ireland described, 38-41.
Coins, ancient coins of Ireland, 267,
277; illustrations, 269, 270, 271,
274.
INDEX.
717
Cotgrave cited, 582.
Colonies, colonies sent into Ireland from
England and Wales, 343, 598, 606,
609, 655; degeneracy of the English
settlers in Ireland, 469, 486-489, 672,
673, 678, 679, 683, 684, 688, 689;
colonies of English proposed as a re-
medy for rebellion, 546, 551; wars
and dissensions among the English
settlers, 657-659; Irish laws adopted
by them, 665, 676–8.
Commerce-(See Trade.)
Compaternitie― (See Gossipred.)
Connaught, extent and divisions of, 16,
24; manner of marling land there-
in, 88; rental of, 551, 552; proposed
garrisons for, 553, 554; defection of,
678.
Conquest, definition of a perfect con-
quest, 599, 647, 659; impediments to
the conquest of Ireland, 634, 647,
650, 665.
Coot, Sir Charles, his iron mines, 111,
112.
Cork, Earl of, his iron mines, 112.
Cork, importance of the city, 19; Cork
haven, 29; religious houses in the
county of, 318.
Coshery, or Coshering, nature of, 209,
451, 670,682, 706.
Counties, division of Ireland into, 16,
170, 171, 551, 698, 699, 701, 705.
Counties Palatine in Ireland, nature of,
446; extent of, 654, 655.
Coyne and Livery, nature and evils of,
210, 450, 451, 570, 608, 609, 620,
621, 659. 668, 669, 670, 674, 677,
703; origin of, 674, 675, 681; statute
against, 675.
Creagh, Richard, his book, De Lingua
Hibernica, cited, 415, 538.
Cromwell, Oliver, dedication to him
and Fleetwood by Hartlib, of Boate's
Natural History of Ireland, 3-7.
Cropping, system of cropping marled
lands, 87, 88.
Crown Revenue-(See Revenue.)
Crypts (See Vaults.)
Cuddy, or Cuddies, nature of this exac-
tion, 209, 451.
Customs duties, amount of in Ireland,
temp. Edward III, 613; duties
raised, temp. Elizabeth, 700.
Customs, nature of gossipred, 191,671,
684; of fostering, 191, 670, 671, 684;
of gavelkind, 191, 192, 651, 666-
668, 670, 671, 708; of kincogishi,
451-453.
Cuttings, nature of this exaction, 670,
696, 706.
D.
Danes, the Ostmans, or Danes and
Norwegians, and their doings in Ire-
land, 246, 640.
Davis, Sir John, "A Discoverie of the
State of Ireland, with the true causes
why that kingdom was never sub-
dued," 593-714.
Dedication of Boate's Naturall History
of Ireland to Cromwell and Fleet-
wood, 3-7; dedication of Spenser's
View of the State of Ireland, to Vis-
count Wentworth (afterwards Earl
of Strafford), 411; dedication to the
King (James I.) of Sir J. Davis's
Discoverie of the State of Ireland,
595.
Denization (See Alien.)
Desmond, rebellion of, 625, 680; the
first Earl of Desmond the first Eng-
lish lord who imposed coigne and
livery, 681; the fortune of the house
of Desmond, 681-683.
Dew-(See Climate.)
Diodorus Siculus cited, 163, 184, 187,
465, 472.
Diseases, Ireland comparatively free
from, 141, 142; diseases prevalent
in, 142-148; agues, 143; flux, 144;
malignant fever, 145; rickets, 145;
leprosy, 146; leaguer sickness, 147.
Donegal, religious houses formerly in
this county, 309.
Down, religious houses formerly in this
county, 304.
Drainage, mode of draining the bogs in
Ireland, 95-98; profits thereof, 96;
effect of, on the climate, 135.
Dress of the ancient Irish, 204, 471-
473, 484.
Drogheda, haven of described, 31.
Druids, their superstitions, 182.
Dublin, importance of the city, 18;
Dublin haven described, 30, 31, 59;
bishoprics in the archdiocese of, 222;
arms of the archbishop of, 225; reli-
gious houses formerly in this county,
278-281; foundation of Trinity Col-
lege, 511.
718
INDEX.
Dundalk haven described, 32.
Dundrum haven described, 32.
Dungall haven, description of, 23.
Dungarvan, haven of, described, 34.
Dwelling-houses of the ancient Irish,
239; discomfort prevalent therein,
506.
E.
Earthquakes, Ireland exempt from, 140.
Easterlings-(See Ostmen.)
Edifices of the ancient Irish, 239.
Education, extension of, among the
Irish recommended, 581; evil effects
of sending their young men to fo-
reign universities, 585; establish-
ment of free schools, temp. Elizabeth,
700.
Edward I., his rule in Ireland, 606,
607, 630, 639, 640, 647.
Edward II., his rule in Ireland, 607,
632, 639, 679.
Edward III., his rule in Ireland, 607,
631, 632, 679, 680; pay of his sol-
diers there, 609, 610; crown revenue
in Ireland, temp. Edward III., 612.
Edward IV., born in Dublin, 621; his
rule in Ireland, 621, 622, 634, 640,
681.
Elizabeth, Queen, her government of
Ireland, 625, 635-637, 643, 699–702,
709.
Endrigo harbour described, 33.
England, definition and origin of the
English pale in Ireland, 17, 18, 434;
colonies sent into Ireland from Eng-
• land and Wales, 343, 466; English
laws how unsuitable for Ireland, 427;
degeneracy of the English settlers in
Ireland, 469, 486-489, 672, 673, 678,
679, 683, 684, 688, 689: their use of
the Irish language, 490, 672; their
intermarriage with the Irish, 490,
491, 684; their adoption of Irish
laws, 665, 676-678.
Ericke, or Eriach-(See Fine.)
Eudoxus-(See Spenser, Edmund.)
Exchequer (Ireland), Black-book of,
cited, 575.
Extortion practised by the soldiers in
Ireland, 503, 504, 511, 512,
F.
Fulls-(See Cataracts.)
Families, names of old Irish families,
166, 192, 465, 538, 578, 668; statute
as to adoption of surnames in Ire-
land, 577, 578; five Irish septs that
enjoyed English laws, temp. Edward
II., 639; English families that
adopted Irish names, 672.
Famine, suffering of the rebels from,
544-5; proposed erection of ma-
gazines to ward off famine, 561.
Feasts of the ancient Irish, 239.
Fermanagh County, religious houses for-
merly in, 310.
Fever (See Diseases.)
Fine, the chief punishment under the
Brehon Laws, 421, 642, 645, 665,
666.
Finglas, Baron, his Discourse of the
Decay of Ireland cited, 608, 609, 620,
634, 659, 660, 675, 677, 678, 686,
687, 694.
Fishings of Ireland, 595.
Fitzstephen and Fitzgerald, the first ad-
venturers for the conquest of Ire-
land, 600.
Fleetwood, Gen. Charles-(See Crom-
weli.)
Flint, abundance of in Ireland, 122.
Flux-(See Diseases.)
Fogs-(See Climate.)
Folkmotes, nature of, 500-503.
Food of the ancient Irish, 239.
Fords in Irish rivers, an impediment
to navigation, 62, 63.
Forests-(See Wood.)
Fostering, custom of, 191, 670, 671,
684.
Fountains and Springs plentiful and
pure in Ireland, 51, 52.
Fowl, wild, plentiful in Ireland, 595.
Freestone found in Ireland, 120; its in-
ferior quality, 121.
Froissart cited, 611, 616.
Frost-(See Climate.)
Funerals, mode of sepulture adopted by
the ancient Irish and Ostmans, 399;
Irish wailing at funerals, 404, 478.
G.
Gainsford's Glory of England quoted,
471; cited, 476.
Galway, or Galloway, importance of the
town, 18; description of the port, 24,
25; religious houses formerly in this
county, 330-335.
INDEX.
719
7
Garrisons proposed for Ireland, 519;
for Ulster, 549; for Connaught, 553,
554; for Leinster, 556, 557; for
Munster, 558, 559; tax proposed for
their support, 559, 560; proposed
plan of victualling them, 560, 561.
See also Soldiers.
Gauls, alleged descent of the Irish from
that nation, 463, 464.
Gavelkind, nature of this custom among
the Irish, 191, 192, 666-668, 670,
671, 678, 708; Welsh law of gavel-
kind abolished by Edward I., 651;
gavelkind must needs, in the end,
make a poor gentility, 667.
Geoffry of Monmouth cited, 465.
Geography, geographical position of
Ireland, 13; map of ancient Ireland,
195; geographical description of an-
cient Ireland, according to Ptolemy,
194.
Giraldus Cambrensis, error of, as to the
tides in the Irish Sea, 50; fabulous
fountains of, 53, 70; cited, 58, 59, 70,
164, 166, 170, 175, 189, 212, 226, 245,
595, 600, 604, 605, 652; quoted, 76,
207, 244, 575, 627.
Glass, manufacture of in Ireland, 130.
Glibbes (See Hair.)
Gossipred, nature of this custom among
the Irish, 191, 671, 684.
Government, form of, among the an-
cient Irish, 172; evils of the govern-
ment of Ireland, 419, 470-512, 637,
607-609, 664; ecclesiastical govern-
ment, 507; remedies for evils, 516,
563, 564,646, 663, 664; true marks of
sovereignty defined, 602, 603; Cus-
todes Hiberniæ, 607; lords justices,
607; king's lieutenant, 609; defects
of the civil policy and government of
Ireland, 637.
Granaries, or magazines, proposed to
be established in Ireland for victual-
ling the soldiers and warding off fa-
mine, 560, 561.
Grey of Wilton, Lord, eulogy on him
as Governor of Ireland, 436, 527.
H.
Hail (See Climate.)
Hair, mode of wearing it among the
ancient Irish, 208, 471, 483; glibbes,
471.
Hammer Works-(See Iron.)
Harbours-(See Havens.)
Harp, Irish harp compared with others,
242; musical instruments of the an-
cient Irish, 239.
Hartlib, Saml., his dedication to Crom-
well and Fleetwood of Boate's "Na-
turall History of Ireland," 3-7.
Havens, description of the principal ha-
vens of Ireland, 19-29; and of the
lesser and barred havens, 29-37,595.
Heaths (See Bogs.)
Henry of Huntingdon cited, 163.
Henry II., conquest of Ireland by, 246,
343, 466, 600-602, 628, 646; sove-
reign lord of Ireland, 602; his go-
vernment, 637.
Henry III., his rule in Ireland, 606,
630, 637, 638.
Henry IV., his rule in Ireland, 618,
632, 690, 691.
Henry V., his rule in Ireland, 618,633.
Henry VI., his rule in Ireland, 618,
633, 690.
Henry VII., his rule in Ireland, 622,
635, 691, 692.
Henry VIII., his rule in Ireland, 623.
635, 643, 693-698; the first monarch
styled King of Ireland, 697.
Herodotus cited, 476, 480, 481.
Hibernia, Jacobi Warai de Hibernia et
Antiquitatibus ejus, Disquisitiones,
149-405. See Ireland.
Hills, definition of the word hill, 71.
History (See also Natural History, and
Kings) Errors and fictions in an-
cient histories of Ireland, 243, 612,
613; the Ostmans, or Danes and
Norwegians, and their doings in Ire-
land, from anno 795 to the English
Invasion, 246.
Hollinshed, his fabulous account of the
revenue of the Earldom of Ulster,
612, 613; cited, 617, 620, 621.
Horace quoted, 169, 472.
Hoveden, Roger de, quoted, 467, 603.
Howth, the Book of, cited, 622, 623,
624, 628.
Husbandry (See Agriculture.)
I.
Illustrations, 174, 195, 208, 225, 242,
269, 270, 271, 274, 313, 369, 400, 402.
Ireland, "Ireland's Naturall History,"
by Gerard Boate, 1-148; geographi-
cal position of Ireland, 13, 194, 195;
its shape and size, 15, 171; division
720
INDEX.
of into provinces and counties, 16,
170, 647, 698, 699, 701, 705; divi-
sion into the English pale, and the
land of the mere Irish, 17; origin
and extent of the pale, 17, 18, 446,
691, 693, 694; eities and chief towns
of Ireland, 18, 19; principal havens,
19-29, 188, 595; lesser and barred
havens, 29-34; roads and anchor
places, 34-37; Irish coasts or shores,
38; principal promontories, 39-41;
sands and rocks, 42-47; Irish Sea
and its tides, 47-51; springs and
fountains of Ireland, 51; her brooks
and rivulets, 53; rivers, 57-64, 595;
cataracts therein, 61, 62; fords, 62,
63; wears, 63, 64; lakes or loughs of,
64-70, 595; St. Patrick's Purgatory,
67-69, 313; nature and condition of
the land in Ireland, 71, 595; cham-
pain lands, 71; hills, 71; mountains,
71-74 ; nature of her soil, 74.76, 595;
her fine pastures, 75-78; system of
manuring. the land, 78-85; marling,
86-89; description of the bogs and
mode of draining, 89-98; woods in
Ireland, 98-102, 188; mines, 102–
107, 188; iron works, 107-115;
mines of silver and lead, 115-120;
freestone, marble, flints, slate, and
sea coal, 120-124; manufacture of
turf, lime, brick, and glass, 124-130;
climate of Ireland, 130-141, 188,
595;
her comparative freedom from
disease, 141-143; population health-
ful and long-lived, 141, 142, 595;
diseases prevalent therein, 142–148;
"De Hibernia et Antiquitatibus ejus,
Disquisitiones, 149-405; various an-
cient names of Ireland, 161, 455,
456, 465; origin of the name Ire-
land, 162; origin of the Irish, 165,
454, 455, 463, 464, 470, 482; lan-
guage of the ancient Irish, 169, 463,
464; territorial divisions and extent
of Ireland, 170; form of government
among the ancient Irish, 172; cata-
logue of Irish kings from A.D. 428
to 1171, 172-182; the Druids and
their superstitions, 182; the ancient
bards of Ireland, 185, 456, 485, 496,
497, 582, 684; various names by
which the ancient Irish were known,
186, 455; natural advantages and
products of Ireland, 188, 595; fish-
ings, 189; tanistry, its nature and
origin, 190, 423-425, 601, 645, 666;
the Brehon Laws, 190, 191, 421, 603,
665; customs of gossipred. 191, 671;
fostering, 191, 670; gavelkind, 191,
606-668, 670, 671, 678, 708; origin
on
of old family names and surnames
of the Irish, 192; Ireland and its
people treated of by Ptolemy, 193;
dress and ornaments of the ancient
Irish, 204; their armed men
horseback and foot, 206; ancient
Irish taxes and tribute, 209; coign
and livery, 210, 450, 451, 570, 608,
609, 620, 621, 659, 668, 669,670,674-
677, 702; academies or schools of
Ireland, 214; ancient arrangement
of Irish bishoprics, 220; monks and
religious orders 226, 277; ships and
navigation of the ancient Irish,
230; ancient mode of creating Irish
knights, 232; the houses and edi-
fices of the ancient Irish, and their
feasts and musical instruments, 239,
470; ancient history of Ireland not
trustworthy, 243, 612, 613; the Ost-
manns, or Danes and Norwegians,
and their doings in Ireland from 795
to the English Conquest, 246; of
ancient Irish coins and money, 267;
Irish monasteries, 277; colonies from
England and Wales, 343; the smaller
islands in the Irish Sea, 353; catlie-
dral churches of Ireland, 359; ser-
vants and slaves of the ancient Irish,
395; their ancient funeral rites and
sepulchral vaults, 399; evils preva-
lent in Ireland, 419, 470-512, 598–
607, 609, 610, 637; English laws
how unsuitable for Ireland, 427,438-
442; warlike and unruly nature of
the Irish, 428, 494, 495, 606, 645,
664; common law of Ireland, 437,
447; jury trial how unsuited to the
Irish, 438-442; evasions of the law and
hindrances to its execution, 441-444,
598; inconveniences attending the
law of ward and marriage, 445; Irish
counties palatine, 446, 654, 655; sta-
tute law of Ireland, 447, 453; Irish
Scots and Albine Scots, 455; man-
ners and customs of the ancient Irish,
470,598, 665; jesters, carrowes, horse-
boyes,monashules,&c., 498,499; their
folkmotes, 500; relation of landlord
and tenant in Ireland, 504, 505; re-
ligion and ecclesiastical government,
507-509, 511, 584-684; chief causes
of her wretchedness, 514, 637, 641,
645, 646, 651, 652, 654, 669, 670,674,
675, 684, 685; remedies, 516, 563,
564, 646, 663, 664, 703-713; system
of garrisons proposed, 519, 549-561;
rental of Ireland, 553; plan of di-
viding the country into hundreds,
&c., 565; proposed encouragement
of trade and manufactures, 578, 579,
INDEX.
721
712; education, 581, 700; the plant-
ing of religion by gentleness and
not by terror, 584; rebuilding of
churches, 586; making roads and
bridges, 586, 587; establishment of
corporate towns, 588, 646; appoint-
ment of a lord lieutenant suggested,
590; enlarging the powers of the lord
deputy, 591; the suppression of bri-
bery and corruption, 591, 592; a
"Discoverie of the State of Ireland,
with the true causes why that king-
dom was never entirely subdued,'
593-714; bodily and mental power
of the people, 595; Irish fishings,
595; unchanged manners of the Irish,
598; imperfect conquest of Ireland,
599; and progress thereof, 624, 634-
637; forces sent into Ireland at differ-
ent times from the conquest of Henry
II., 600, 601, 606; the Irish kings
or lords merely tributary to Henry
II., 602, 603; recognition by the Pope
of English title to Ireland, 604, 605;
custodes Hiberniæ, 607; lords jus-
tices, 607; lords lieutenant, 611;
crown revenue in Ireland, 612, 613;
statutes against absentees, 613, 614,
688, 695; establishment of the Bro-
therhood of St. George, temp. Ed-
ward IV., 621, 622; benefit of Eng-
lish laws not given to the mere Irish,
637, 638, 643, 644, 656, 684; the
mere Irish reputed aliens, 638, 702;
not held to be free subjects, 641, 656,
657; reputed enemies to the crown,
641, 656, 702; the killing of an Irish-
man not punished as manslaughter,
but by fine, 642; English forbidden
to marry with the Irish, or have any
trade with them, 643; the Irish de-
sirous to be governed by English
laws, 643-645; enormous grants of
land in Ireland to Strongbow and
the first adventurers under Henry
II., 652, 653; enormous powers exer-
cised by these great land-holders,
653-655; evils arising therefrom,
655-657; war and dissensions among
the English lords, 657-659; Irish
laws adopted by them, 665, 675–678,
684; effect of absenteeism of the
kings, 685, 686; and of the great
lords, 686-688; renunciation of the
Pope's jurisdiction, 695; advantages
of circuits of judges, 704-706.
Irenæus (See Spenser, Edmund.)
Iron, Irish mines, 104-106; iron works,
107-115; fashion thereof,
bloomeries, 109; hammer works,
108:
109; casting works, 109; cost of
erecting and maintaining an iron
work, 110, 111; profits thereof, 111,
112; manner of melting the ore,
113-115.
Islands in the Irish louglis, 66, 67; in
the Irish Sea, 353.
J.
James I., government of Ireland in his
time, 628, 701, 702; remedial mea-
sures adopted by him, 703–713.
John, his rule in Ireland, 604, 629, 637,
646.
Johnson, Dr., cited, 547.
Jury, trial by, how unsuited to the
Irish, 438-442.
K.
Kerry, religious houses formerly in
this county, 328, 329.
Kilbeg, description of, 23.
Kildare, religious houses formerly in
this county, 281.
Kilkenny, marble quarry there, 121;
religious houses formerly in this
county, 288-290; statutes of, 642,
643, 683-685.
Kincogish, nature of this custom, 451-
453.
King's County, religious houses for-
merly in, 291; ancient name of, 698.
Kings, form of government among the
ancient Irish, from the year 428 to
1171, 172-182; list of Irish kings,
175; Edward Bruce, 434; subject so-
vereigns, 602; true marks of sove-
reignty defined, 602, 603; Irish kings
or lords merely tributary to Henry
II., 602, 603; influence of successive
English monarchs in Ireland, 602-
713; alleged evil effect of the ab-
sence of kings from Ireland, 685,
686; Henry VIII. the first English
monarch styled King of Ireland,
697.
Kinsale, description of the haven of, 29.
Knights, ancient mode of creating
knights among the Irish, 232; pay
and allowances for entertainment of
knights in the field, 609, 610.
I.
Labourers, number and variety of, em-
ployed in an iron mine, 110, 111.
Layan, this river described, 61.
2 Z
722
INDEX.
Lakes or Loughs of Ireland, 64-70, 595;
little loughs, 64, 65; middle sort, 65;
great loughs and salt water lakes, 65.
Land in Ireland, nature and condition
of, 71-78; champain lands, 71; na-
ture of the ground in Ireland, 74;
modes of enriching it, 78-89; bogs,
89-98; wood lands, 98-102; mode
of letting, 504, 505; rent of es-
cheated land in Ulster, 548, 549;
mode of holding land, 708; commis-
sions for surrenders and defective
titles, and mode of procedure, 709.
Landlord, relation of landlord and ten-
ant in Ireland, 504, 505.
Language of the ancient Irish, 165, 169,
463, 464.
Law, tanistry, the Brehon Laws, and
the customs of gossipred, fostering,
and gavelkind, 189, 603; nature of
the Brehon Law, 421-425; English
laws how unsuited to Ireland, 427;
common law of Ireland, 437-447
statute laws, 447; characteristics of
good laws, 448, 449; the benefit of
English laws not enjoyed by the mere
Irish, 638, 639; statutes of Kilkenny,
642,683; statute against coign and
livery, 675; Poyning's Act, 692,
693; English laws only upheld within
the pale, 693, 694; Act of Oblivion,
temp. James I., 704.
Lead mines in Ireland, 115-120.
Leaguer Sickness—(See Diseases.)
Leases, advantage of, in the improve-
ment of land, 505.
Leinster, extent and divisions of, 16,
647; rental of, 556; proposed mode
of garrisoning, 556, 557.
Leitrim, religious houses formerly in
the county of, 342.
Leprosy (See Diseases.)
Liffie, or Liffey, description of this
river, 59.
Lightning—(See Climate )
Lime, abundance of in Ireland, and
modes of making it, 126-128.
Limerick, description of the port and
approaches, 25, 26; religious houses
formerly in the county, 321.
Livy cited, 565.
Londonderry, importance of this town,
19, 22, 23; religious houses formerly
in this county, 308.
Longford, religious houses formerly in,
299.
Lord Deputy, an enlargement of his
powers recommended, 591.
Lord Lieutenant, appointment of sug-
gested, 590; doings of Lionel, Duke
of Clarence, 611; of Sir Wm. Win-
sore, 611; Duke of Ireland, 614.
Loughs (see also Lakes) description of
Lough Foyle, 22; Lough Swilly,
22: Lough Erne, 66; Lough Neagh,
66; Lough Corbes, Lough Ree, and
Lough Dirg, &c., 66; islands in the
loughs, 66, 69; St. Patrick's Pur-
gatory, 67-69, 313; property ascribed
to Lough Neagh of turning wood into
stone, 69.
Louth, religious houses formerly in,
300.
Lucan quoted, 183, 184, 185, 456.
Lucian cited, 480.
M.
Machiavel cited, 591.
Mackswin's bay described, 32.
Maire, description of this bay, 26.
Malahide haven described, 34.
Manners and Customs of the Irish (see
also Customs)-Wailing for the dead,
404, 478; wandering mode of life,
470; dress and mantles, 471,484,492,
707; glibbes, 471,707; war-cries,476;
weapons and order of battle, 479;
oatlıs, 480-482; superstitious rites,
480-482; mode of riding, 493; assi-
milation of the manners of the Eng-
lish colonists to those of the Irish,
469, 486-489, 672,679, 684-689.
Manufactures of Ireland, iron, 107–
115; peats, 124-126; lime, 126-128;
bricks, 128-130; glass, 130; handi-
crafts to be encouraged for the im-
provement of Ireland, 578, 579.
Manures, modes of manuring practised
in Ireland, 78-85; sheep's dung, 79 ;
cows' dung, 80; pigeons' dung, 80;
ashes and mud, 81; lime, 82-84; sea
sand, 84; brine or pickle, 85.
Maps and Plans, map of ancient Ireland,
195; plan of Clonmacnoise churches
and cemetery, 369.
Marble found in Ireland, 121.
Marl, manner of marling the land in
Ireland, 86-89; practice in county
Wexford, 87; in Connaught, 88, 89.
Marriage, inconvenience of the law of
ward and marriage in Ireland, 445.
Martial quoted, 175, 205.
INDEX.
723

Mury-(See Philip and Mary.)
Matthew of Paris cited, 174, 605, 637;
quoted, 646.
Matthew of Westminster cited, 465.
Mayo, religious houses formerly in,
335-337.
Meath, religious houses formerly in,
293-297.
Mela Pomponius quoted, 78; cited, 185,
457, 459.
Merchants' iron-(See Iron.)
Midia-(See Meath.)
Milites (See Knights.)
Mines of Ireland, 102-107; gold, 103;
iron mines of three sorts, 104; bog
mine, 104; rock mine, 104; pin mines,
105, 106; iron works erected by the
English, 107-115; mines of lead and
silver, 115-120; unhealthy nature
of, 117-120.
Minstrels (See Bards.)
Mint-(See Coins.)
Mists--(See Climate.)
Monaghan county, religious houses for-
merly in, 315.
Monarchy-(See Kings.)
Monasteries of Ireland, their founda-
tion, &c., 277; law against the ad-
mission of the Irish into, 684.
Money, ancient money of Ireland, 267.
Moors—(See Bogs.)
Mort, 209.
Moryson, Fynes, his Itinerary cited,
421.
Mountains, the term "mountain" de-
fined, 71, 72; of Ireland described,
72-74.
Moy haven described, 33.
Munster, extent and divisions of, 16,
647; rental of, 557, 558; proposed
garrison for, 558. disclation of, 5
Music, musical instruments of Ireland,
239.
N.
Names of Ireland and the Irish, 161,
166, 186, 192, 465, 557, 558, 672—
(See Ireland.)
Natural History, "Ireland's Naturall
History," by Gerard Boate, 1-148:
importance of the knowledge of, 4.
Navigation, impediments to, in Irish
rivers, 61-64.
News Carriers, or News Tellers, punish-
ment of, in Ireland, 670, 684.
Niffadoy described, 33.
Normans governed both English and
Normans by one law, 650.
Norwegians, the Ostmanns, or Danes
and Norwegians, and their doings in
Ireland, 246.
Nure-(See Oure River.)
Nurie Water described, 61.
Nurture of Infants- (See Fostering.)
0.
O, origin of this prefix to the Irish fa-
mily names, 578.
Ouths of the ancient Irish, 480-482.
Oblivion act of temp. James I., 704.
Olaus Magnus cited, 470, 479.
Old-fleet described, 32.
O'Neale, Shane, rebellion of, 535, 625.
Oneales, Kings of Ulster, 603, 604.
Ore, manner of melting the iron ore,
113-115. (See Iron.)
Ornaments of the ancient Irish, 204.
Orosius quoted, 76.
Ostmannes, Ostmen, or Easterlings,
246, 640.
Oure, this river described, 58.
Ovid quoted, 183, 236.
P.
Palatine Counties-(See Counties.)
Pale, definition and origin of the Eng-
lish pale, 17, 18, 446, 691.
Pastures, fine pasturage in Ireland, 76-
78, 555.
Patent, evils arising from letters patent,
granted by Elizabeth, of captain-
ships of Irish counties, 709.
Pay and allowances to officers. &c., in
the English armies sent into Ireland,
609, 610, 614, 622, 624.
Peats (See Turf.)
Philip and Mary, their rule in Ireland,
698.
Picts, their origin, 457.
Plans-(See Maps.)
Pliny cited, 81, 86, 161, 163, 183, 187,
457, 458; quoted, 135, 153, 183.
Poets-(Sce Burds.)
724
INDEX.
Popes, recognition by them of English
title to Ireland, 601, 604, 605; act
abolishing usurped authority of, in
Ireland, 695; the Pope's jurisdiction
renounced by the Irish and degene-
rate English in Ireland, temp. Henry
VIII., 695.
Population of Ireland healthful and
long-lived, 141; diseases prevalent
among them, 142-148.
Poyning's Act, nature of, 692, 693.
Preface to Ware's Ireland, 153; to
Spenser's Ireland, 413.
Profit derived from Irish iron mines,
111; lead mines, 116.
Properties cited, 163.
Provinces, Ireland divided into Ulster,
Leinster, Connaught, and Munster,
16; ancient division into Legh Cui-
nam, or Leghcon, and Leghmoam,
170; ancient division into five pro-
vinces-Momonia, Lagenia, Conatia,
Ultonia, and Midia, 170.
Ptolemy cited, 163, 194, 457.
Purgatory-(See St. Patrick.)
Q.
Quarries, freestone in Ireland, 120, 121;
of marble, 121, 122; of slate, 122,
123.
Queen's County, religious houses for-
merly in, 292; ancient name of, 698.
Ꭱ.
Rain, great fall of, in Ireland, 132–135.
Raleigh, Sir Walter, eulogy on, 516.
Rebellion, suggestions for putting down
rebellion in Ireland, 519-525, 565.
Rebellions in Ireland, of Murrogh
O'Brien, 432; Edward Bruce, 433;
Thos.Fitzgarret,435; Earl of Tyrone,
517, 534, 625, 644, 645; Shane
O'Neale, 535, 625, 645; Feagh Mac-
Hugh, 537; the Geraldines, 624;
Desmond, 625, 677; the Moores and
Connors, 625, 674, 675, 681, 682;
causes of rebellion, 645, 646; Mac-
Murrogh, 676; falling away of Mun-
ster, 676; the defection of part of
Leinster, 677; the defection of
Connaught, 678.
Religion, Erenachs or Herenachs,
Scribes, Culdees, Anchorites, &c., of
Ireland, 226-230; monasteries of Ire-
land, 277; cathedral churches of Ire-
land, 359; religion and ecclesiastical
government, 507; religion to be
planted among the Irish by mildness
and not by terror, 584; great zeal of
the Romish priests, 584; remissness
of the ministers of the reformed re-
ligion, 584.
Religious Houses in the various counties
of Ireland, 277; suppression of, temp.
Henry VIII., 695.
Rent of escheated lands in Ulster,
548, 549; in Connaught, 551, 552;
in Leinster, 556; in Munster, 558.
Revenue of the crown in Ireland, temp.
Edward III., 612; customs' duties
at that period, 613.
Richard II., forces sent to Ireland in his
time, 613-617,632,646,688-690; pay
of his soldiers, 614.
Rickets (See Diseases.)
Riding, Irish style of riding in olden
times, 493.
Rivers of Ireland, description of the
chief, 57.
S.
St. George, establishment of the
Brotherhood of St. George in Ireland,
temp. Edward IV., 621, 622.
St. Patrick's Purgatory, 67-69, 313.
Sands and Rocks in the Irish Sea, 42 -
47.
Schools, celebrated schools of Ireland,
214; establishment of schools recom-
mended, 581, 586; free schools erect-
ed, temp. Elizabeth, 700.
Scotland, Irish Scots and Albine Scots,
455.
Scythians, alleged Scythian derivation
of the Irish, 454.
Sea, sands and rocks in the Irish Sea,
42-47; nature of the Irish Sea and
its tides, 47-51.
Seal, fac-simile of ancient seal of a King
of Connaught, 174.
Selden, Mr., cited, 456, 477, 479.
Seneschalships, evils
evils attending the
granting of these by patent, temp.
Elizabeth, 710.
Sepulture, description of the cemetery
of Clonmacnoise, 369; mode of,
adopted by the ancient Irish and
Ostmanns, 399.
Servants and slaves of the ancient Irish,
395.
Scssings (See Taxation.)
Shakspeare quoted, 526, 527
INDEX.
725
Shannon, description of this river, 25,
26, 57, 58; proposed improvement of,
by Lord Strafford, 57, 58.
Sheeps-haven, description of, 22.
Shipping of the ancient Irish, 230.
Shragh, 209, 451-(See Taxation.)
Shure, description of this river, 58.
Sickness (See Diseases.)
Silver, mines of, in Ireland, 115–120.
Slane, this river described, 58.
Slate-quarries of Ireland, 122-3.
Sligo, harbour of, described, 33; reli-
gious houses formerly in the county
of, 341.
Smerwick, description of the haven, 26.
Snow-(See Climate.)
Soil, nature of the Irish, 74-78, 595.
Soldiers, horsemen and foot soldiers of
the ancient Irish, 206, 524; mode of
creating knights among them, 232;
extortion practised by the soldiery in
Ireland, 503, 504, 511, 512, 607, 608,
618, 619, 620, 621,700, 703; plan for
garrisoning Ireland, 519-541, 549–
556, 558; irregularities and frauds
in paying the troops, 532, 607, 608;
inadequacy of the army sent thither
to subdue Ireland, 599, 606, 624,
627; English forces sent to Ireland
at different times, 600, 609, 614, 615,
625, 626; an army ill paid is ever
unruly and ill governed, 607, 627;
pay and allowances of English sent
to Ireland, 609, 610, 614; mannerof
levying soldiers in former ages, 610,
611; enormous grants of land to first
adventurers in Ireland, 652, 661;
Roman mode of rewarding their
soldiers, 661, 662.
Solinus quoted, 78.
Sorohen, 209,451,570-(See Taxation.)
Sovereigns-(See Kings.)
Sow-iron-(See Iron.)
Spain, arguments for and against the
Spanish origin of the Irish, 454-
466; origin of the Spanish people,
462, 463.
Spelman, H., his Glossary cited, 575.
Spendings, nature of these exactions,
670.
Spenser, Edmund, cited, 187; his "View
of the State of Ireland," 407-592;
short account of him, 413-415;
Todd's life of, cited, 421–592.
Statute Law (See Laws.)
Strabo cited, 185, 457, 459, 465.
Stranyford haven, description of, 21, 22.
Strongbow, Earl, his expedition into
Ireland, 600; enormous grants of
land in Ireland to him and the other
first adventurers, 652, 653.
Suck, description of this river, 58.
Suetonius quoted, 205.
Superstitions of the Druids, 182; super-
stitious rites of the ancient Irish,
480, 481.
Surnames, law as to the adoption of, in
Ireland, 577, 578.
T.
Tacitus cited, 161, 175, 457, 460, 601,
649.
Tallages, 670-(See Taxation).
Tanistry, nature and origin of this hold-
ing, 189, 423-425, 601, 645, 666, 678,
708; ceremony of electing a chief
and his tanist, or successor presump-
tive, 423.
Taxation, ancient exactions among the
Irish, 209; bonaght, 209, 451;
sorohen, 209, 451, 570; coshery,
209, 451; cuddy, 209, 451; shragh,
209, 451; mort, 209, 451, 570, 670;
nature of coigny and livery, 210,
450, 451, 570, 608, 609, 619, 620,
621, 659, 668, 669, 670, 674; origin
of, 674, 675; cess, 503; different
kinds of cess, 503; tax proposed for
the maintenance of the garrisons in
Ireland, 559, 560; tribute paid by
the Irish kings or lords to Henry II.,
&c., 603, 604; Irish customs' duties,
613, 700; cosherings, sessings, and
cuttings, tallages, or spendings, 670,
696, 706; black-rent, 679, 682; land
subsidies and poundage on merchan-
dise, temp. Henry VII., 693; com-
position of the pale, 700.
Tellinhaven described, 32, 33.
Temperature—(See Climate.)
Tenant, relation of landlord and tenant
in Ireland, 504, 505; disadvantage
of tenancy at will, 505.
Thunder--(See Climate.)
Tides, nature of the Irish sea and its
tides, 47-51.
Tipperary, mine of lead and silver in,
115, 116; religious houses formerly
in this county, 324–328.
Todd, Life of Spenser cited, 421-592.
726
INDEX.
Trade, husbandry the head-spring of,
4; civilizing effect of foreign com-
merce, 483; trades of three kinds--
manual, intellectual, and mixed,
578; encouragement of, necessary for
the improvement of Ireland, 578.
Tralee haven described, 34.
Tribute--(See Taxation.)
Trinity College, foundation of, 511.
Turf, use of, for firing, 90, 101; two
sorts of Irish turf, 124; manner and
cost of making the turf, 124–126.
Tyrconnel, country of, described, 23.
Tyrone, Earl of, rebellion of, 517, 626.
Tyrone or Tir-oen, religious houses for-
merly in, 310.
U.
Ulster, extent and divisions of, 16;
rent of escheated lands therein, 548,
549; garrisons for this province, 549;
Lord President and Council recom-
mended for its government, 551; con-
quest of, by Sir John de Courcy,
605; Oneales, Kings of, 603, 604;
fabulous account of the revenue of
the Earldom of, 612, 613; murder of
Lord William Bourke, Earl of Ul-
ster, 677; plantation of, temp. James
I., 711.
Undertakers, influence of, in plantation
of Ulster, 711.
Universities, education of the young
Irish in foreign Universities objected
to, 585.
V.
Vaults, sepulchral vaults of the ancient
Irish and Ostmanns, 399.
Ventry, description of the haven, 26.
Victuals, proposed plan of victualling
the garrisons in Ireland, 560, 561.
Virgil quoted, 204, 236, 472, 646.
W.
Wales, colonies sent from Wales into
Ireland, temp. Henry II., 343; re-
semblance of the old Welsh, to the
Brehon Law, 650; distribution of
Wales to the Lords Marchers, 662.
Walker's Memoirs cited, 474, 477, 479,
495.
War, war-cries of the Irish, 476; wea-
pons of the ancient Irish, and their
order of battle, 479, 493–495; great
cost of suppressing rebellions in Ire-
land, 518-520; perfect conquest de-
STI
fined, 599; how the war has been
prosecuted in Ireland since temp.
Henry II., 600-604; an army ill
paid is ever ill governed, 607; war
and dissension among the English
settlers in Ireland, 657-660.
Ward, inconvenience of law as to ward
and marriage in Ireland, 445.
Ware, Sir James, De Hibernia et Anti-
quitatibus ejus, Disquisitiones, 149-
405; his dedication of Spenser's
View of Ireland to Viscount Went-
worth (afterwards Earl Strafford),
411; cited, 425, 431, 453, 454, 456-
458, 460, 461, 465, 472, 476, 479,
480, 481, 488, 500, 501, 511, 536,
538, 539, 540, 546, 551, 568, 570,
575, 577, 578, 579, 581.
Warton, Mr., cited, 477.
Water, abundance and fine quality of
Irish spring water, 51, 52; her mine
ral waters, 52; waterpower for mills
abundant, 54.
Waterford, importance and description
of, 19, 20; religious houses formerly
in this county, 316–318.
Weapons (See Arms.)
Wears considered as impediments to
Irish river navigation, 63, 64.
Weather (See Climate.)
Wentworth, Viscount (afterwards Earl
of Strafford), dedication to him by
Sir James Ware of Edmund Spen-
ser's" View of the State of Ireland,"
411.
Westmeath, religious houses formerly
in, 297, 298.
Wexford, its haven described, 29. 30;
system of marling land in this
county, 87; religious houses for-
merly in this county, 285-287.
Whiddie haven, description of, 27.
Wicklow, Wicklow haven described,
34; religious houses formerly in this
county, 284.
Winds prevalent in Ireland, 140, 141.
Woods in Ireland, 98-102; diminution
of, since the coming in of the English,
99, 100; use of, for building, firing,
and for charcoal in iron works, 100;
wood scarce in some quarters, and
plentiful in others, 101, 102.
Y.
Youghal haven described, 34.
1017
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